: jr& Cjy fs eyjS * /y 
 
 . /> ^? -x> e 6^-x <^ ^ ^ 4^ ^ ^ ^ /^ ^ 
 
 / . *r- 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR 
 
 OF 
 
 THE WAR 
 
 IN 
 
 WEST FLORIDA AND LOUISIANA 
 
 IN 1814-15. 
 
 WITH AN ATLAS. 
 
 BY MAJOR A. LACARRIERE LATOUR, 
 
 Principal Engineer in the late Seventh Military District United States Army. 
 
 WJUTTEST OJlIGINAttT IN FRENCH, AND TRANSLATED FOR THE AtfTBOR, 
 
 BY H. P. NUGENT, ESQ. 
 
 Bis Tusci Hutulos egere ad casfra revei sos, 
 Bis rejecti armis respectant terga tegentes. 
 
 Turbati fugiunt Rutuli 
 
 Disjectique duces, desolatique manipli, 
 
 Tuta petunt. Virg. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 PUBLISHED BY JOHN CONRAD AND CO. 
 
 J. Maxwell, printer. 
 
 OF THE 1816. 
 
 Of 
 
L> 
 
 
 
 DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit: 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the sixth day of March, in the fortieth year 
 of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1816, ARSENJ: 
 LACARHIERE LATOIJU, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title 
 of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Author, in the words following, towit: 
 
 Historical Memoir of the war in West Florida and Louisiana in 1814-15. 
 with an Atlas. By major A. Lacarriere Latour, principal engineer in the late 
 seventh military district United States army. Written originally in French, 
 and translated for the author, hy H. P. Nugent, esqr. 
 
 Eis Tusci Rutulos egere ad caatra reverses, 
 
 Bis reject! armis respectant terga tegentes. 
 
 Turbati fugiunt Rutuli 
 
 Disjectique duces, desolatique manipli, 
 
 Tula petunt. Virg. 
 
 In conformity to the act of congress of the United States, entitled, "An act 
 for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and 
 books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times there 
 in mentioned." And also to the act, entitled, " An act supplementary to 
 an act, entitled, " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the 
 copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such 
 copies during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits there 
 of to the arts of designing, engravings and etching historical and other prints." 
 
 DAVID CALDWELL, 
 Clerk of~ the District of Pennsylvania, 
 
TO 
 MAJ. GEN. ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Allow me to offer you the following pages, in which I have 
 endeavoured to record the events of that memorable cam 
 paign which preserved our country from conquest and 
 desolation. The voice of the whole nation has spared 
 me the task of showing bow much of these important re 
 sults are due to the energy, ability and courage of a 
 single man. 
 
 O 
 
 Receive, sir, with this inadequate tribute to your high merits, 
 the assurance of respect and devotion with which I have 
 the honour to be, 
 
 Sir, 
 Your most obedient 
 
 and humble servant, 
 
 A. LACARRIERE LATOUR. 
 Orleans, August 16, 1315. 
 
^ o* 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THE immense debt of Great Britain, and the ex 
 penses of a war carried on for nearly twenty years 
 with hardly any intermission, having exhausted the or 
 dinary sources of her riches, while the war continued to 
 rage with greater fury than ever, she found herself com 
 pelled to create new resources to enable her to perse 
 vere in the arduous struggle in which she was engaged. 
 For this purpose the rights of neutral nations, founded 
 on the principles of natural equity, established for many 
 ages by the unanimous consent of civilized nations, and 
 secured by the faith of a long succession of treaties, 
 were openly violated by the English government, which, 
 prompted by its inordinate ambition, wished to appro 
 priate to itself the lives and fortunes of their peaceabk 
 citizens. To accomplish this purpose, it became ne 
 cessary to set aside those principles which, until ther^ 
 had been universally acknowledged, and to substitute 
 new political axioms in their stead. By the mere ar 
 bitrary declaration of the British cabinet, the right of 
 blockade was extended over the most extensive coasts, 
 which all the maritime power of the world combined 
 
Viii PREFACE. 
 
 could not have blockaded with effect.* The obsolete 
 right of searching neutral ships for enemy s property, 
 this absurd remnant of the barbarous jurisprudence of 
 the dark ages, justly rejected by the more enlightened 
 policy of later times, was revived and enforced with in- 
 
 * The pretended right of blockade never appeared in so ridi 
 culous a light as immediately after the departure of the emperor 
 Napoleon from the island of Elba. It was then strongly surmised, 
 and not without some probability, that the British government had 
 connived at his escape, and to refute this charge, lord Liverpool 
 was compelled to declare in the house of lords, on the 7th of April, 
 1815, (seethe newspapers of the times) that the whole British na 
 vy would be insufficient to blockade the island of Elba; it is true, 
 he added the qualifying sentence: so as to fire-vent the escape of 
 an individual who chose to leave it. But when we consider the 
 manner in which Napoleon sailed from that island, with several 
 armed vessels, and a considerable body of troops, who will not 
 laugh at the blockading pretensions of Great Britain, if it is true, 
 as lord Liverpool clearly meant to intimate, that the whole British 
 navy was insufficient to prevent such an escafie from a small 
 island? 
 
 Mathematical truth is not to be looked for in the speeches of 
 British ministers; the blockade of the port of Rochefort by a sin 
 gle squadron, which afterwards so effectually prevented the same 
 individual from escaping, even in an open boat, is an incontestible 
 proof of lord Liverpool s exaggeration; but it is not the less true, 
 that his assertion, exaggerated as it is, will ever remain the most 
 cutting satire against the absurd claims of his government on the 
 subject of blockade. 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 creased severity, and the right of pressing seamen on 
 board of neutral vessels was claimed as a consequence 
 of the same principle, while, by a further extension of 
 the rights of belligerents, the trade of neutrals with the 
 colonial possession of enemies, was at times entirely 
 prohibited, and at others partially tolerated, by decrees 
 which the belligerent government could construe at plea 
 sure, and which only served to allure the unwary, and 
 secure a certain prey to the hungry swarm of British 
 cruisers. Thus the plunder of neutrals, and the im 
 pressment of their seamen, were erected into a system, 
 ^he true principles of which could only be discovered 
 from its effects. 
 
 The United States of America, whose industrious 
 citizens carried on a regular and immense commerce 
 with all the nations of the globe, which had long ex 
 cited the jealousy of their powerful rival, experienced 
 more than any other nation the pernicious effects of the 
 new system, conceived and executed by this over 
 bearing state; and indeed it appeared to have been es 
 tablished principally with a view to check their com 
 mercial pursuits. The American vessels were plun 
 dered, detained, or confiscated. The mariners were im 
 pressed upon the most frivolous pretences, put on board 
 the ships of war of His Britannic majesty, and subject 
 ed to the most rigorous treatment, in order to compel 
 them to shed their blood in a cause in which they were 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 not interested. On the high seas, in neutral har 
 bours, upon the coasts, and even in the waters exclu 
 sively subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, 
 the American seamen were seized by the petty offi 
 cers of the British navy, who constituted themselves 
 judges, de facto, of the most sacred prerogatives of 
 man, and from the mere similarity of names, or, as 
 their caprice dictated, transformed a free citizen into a 
 slave, without regard to the place of his birth, or to the 
 natural and unalienable right, that all men have to 
 choose their country. The sacred flag of the govern 
 ment itself was no longer a sufficient protection; the 
 sanctuary of a ship of war was violated freemen were 
 dragged by force and carried away, in savage triumph, 
 from an American frigate sailing quietly, in the midst 
 of a profound peace; the most ignominious punish 
 ment But I forbear. This unheard of outrage, 
 
 which then, for the first time, astonished the world, has 
 been since sufficiently avenged. 
 
 The American government at first only opposed 
 co these enormous violations of the law of nations mild 
 and conciliating representations, and pacific measures, 
 which produced only some partial and momentary dis 
 avowals and reparations. With the humane view of 
 saving the country from the horrors of war, and in 
 hopes of inducing England to adopt principles of equity 
 and moderation, by making her government perceive 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 that the people of America would never submit to mea 
 sures so tyrannical and degrading, the national legis 
 lature resolved to interdict every sort of foreign com 
 merce, and laid an embargo on all the ports of the 
 United States. 
 
 This measure received the approbation of the 
 whole nation. The citizens no longer deceived them 
 selves with respect to the views and motives of the Bri 
 tish government. They preferred submitting for a time 
 to the inconveniences which the stagnation of commerce 
 would naturally produce, to seeing their country ex 
 posed to endless humiliations, or compelled to engage 
 in a war, the effects of which could not be calculated. 
 For it was believed by many, that the constitution of 
 the United States was only suited for a state of peace, 
 and that war would infallibly produce a dissolution of 
 the union. These considerations were weighty, and 
 might well induce a nation to pause before it involved 
 itself in a contest which seemed to threaten such a 
 fatal issue. The embargo was then a wise measure, 
 as there appeared no alternative between it and war. 
 Indeed it is probable that if it had been continued, we 
 mi^ht have avoided a recourse to arms, and compelled 
 Great Britain to return to the practice, if not to the prin 
 ciples of justice. 
 
 But it was not so ordered, and after little more than 
 one year the embargo was removed. Let us throw a 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 patriotic veil over the causes which produced this un 
 expected step. It does not belong to me to inquire 
 into its expediency or its motives. Such an inquiry 
 is entirely foreign to the purposes of this work. As it 
 was to be expected, the resumption of maritime com 
 merce was followed by a renewal of spoliations on the 
 part of Great Britain, who mistook our patience for 
 weakness, and ascribed to timidity and other unworthy 
 motives, a conduct which merely arose from an earnest 
 and laudable desire to preserve peace, and avoid the 
 effusion of human blood. Far from foreseeing the pri 
 vations and hardships to which the people of America 
 would submit, and the exertions which they were ca 
 pable of making, if driven to extremity, Britain, blind 
 ed by her pride, saw in the removal of the embargo 
 nothing else than the result of an inordinate thirst for 
 maritime commerce, and an effeminate attachment to 
 the luxuries with which she had been in the habit of 
 supplying us. As little she foresaw how much she 
 would have to suffer before she discovered her mis 
 take how much of her treasure was to be spent, and 
 of her blood was to be spilt, before she should be taught 
 to know the spirit and perseverance of a nation which 
 she affected to view with contempt. At last the repe 
 tition of injuries filled the measure of American long 
 animity, and WAR was solemnly declared by the United 
 States, on the 18th of June, 1812. So little premedi- 
 
PREFACE. X1U 
 
 tated was this measure so much was it produced by a 
 sudden burst of the national indignation, that no prepa 
 rations had been made to support the dreadful contest 
 that was now about to take place. Our military es 
 tablishment was hardly sufficient to afford garrisons for 
 the most exposed points of our widely -extended fron 
 tier the numerous ports upon our sea-board were 
 kft exposed, unguarded and unfortified, and our ma 
 rine consisted only of a few ships of war. But the 
 bravery and energy of our citizens promised abundant 
 resources for our military operations on the land side, 
 and the skill and martial ardour of our seamen, and 
 particularly their excellent commanders, presaged cer 
 tain and glorious triumphs on the ocean. The riches 
 of an immense soil, and the activity and patriotism of 
 its inhabitants, gave a sufficient pledge to the govern 
 ment to justify the reliance which they had placed on 
 the aid and co-operation of the nation, which, on another 
 and ever- memorable occasion, had proved to the world 
 that there are no sacrifices that it is not ready to make 
 in support of its independence, and in the defence of its 
 just rights. 
 
 Thus the United States were forced into a war 
 which they had not provoked; America took up arms 
 in support of her rights, and for the preservation of her 
 national honour, with a firm determination not lay them 
 down until the object should be attained. Provi* 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 dence blessed our efforts, and our arms were crowned 
 with the most brilliant triumphs over those of our ene 
 my. The army and navy exhibited a noble rivalship 
 of zeal, devotion, and glory. In the one Lawrence, 
 Bainbridge, Decatur, Perry, M Donough, Porter; 
 in the other Pike, Scott, Brown, Jackson, and many 
 more, proved to the enemy, and to the world, that we 
 possessed resolution to defend our rights, and power to 
 avenge our injuries. 
 
 The relation of these various exploits is the proper 
 province of history. An abler pen than mine will one 
 day consecrate to posterity this monument of American 
 fame. My humble task has been to collect a part of 
 the materials that may serve to erect it, and which I 
 offer in the present work. 
 
 The volume which I present to the public is de 
 voted to the relation of the campaign of the end of 1814 
 and beginning of 1815: that is to say, from the first ar 
 rival of the British forces on the coast of Louisiana, in 
 September, until the total evacuation, in consequence of 
 the treaty of peace, including a period of about seven 
 months. During that space of time, particularly from 
 the 14th of December to the 19th of January, events of 
 the highest importance succeeded each other with ra 
 pidity; but it was in the short period, from the 23d of 
 December, the day of the landing of the British troops. 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 to the memorable 8th of January, that the American 
 arms acquired that lustre which no time can efface. 
 
 Nee fioterit temfms^ nee edax abolere -uetustas. 
 
 The preparations which the British government 
 had made for the conquest of Louisiana were immense. 
 So certain were they of complete success, that a full set 
 of officers, for the administration of civil government, 
 from the judge down to the tide-waiter, had embarked 
 on board of the squadron with the military force. The 
 British speculators, who are always found in the train of 
 military expeditions, had freighted a part of the trans 
 ports for conveying the expected booty, which they es 
 timated beforehand at more than fourteen millions of 
 dollars. The British government well knew that they 
 could not keep Louisiana, even if they should obtain 
 the possession of it. They were not ignorant that the 
 western states could pour down, if necessary, one hun 
 dred thousand men to repel the invaders; they therefore 
 could only rely on a momentary occupation, which they 
 hoped, nevertheless, to prolong sufficiently to give them 
 time to pillage and lay waste the country. Therefore 
 they had neglected no means of securing the plunder 
 which they expected to make. Such, indeed, was their 
 certainty of success that it was not thought necessary 
 in Europe to conceal the object of the expedition. At 
 Bordeaux, at the time of the embarkation of the troops, 
 the conquest of Louisiana was publicly spoken of as an 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 enterprize that could not fail of succeeding, and the 
 British officers spoke of that campaign as of a party of 
 pleasure, in which there was to be neither difficulty nor 
 danger. It is even asserted, (though I will not vouch 
 for the truth of the assertion) that the prime minister of 
 Great Britain, lord Castlereagh, being at Paris when 
 the news of the capture of Washington arrived there, 
 boasted publicly that New Orleans and Louisiana would 
 soon be in the power of his countrymen.* Yet this 
 formidable expedition had already sailed from Europe 
 when its precise object and destination were not known 
 in America. It will be seen, in the course of this me 
 moir, that about the beginning of December, the great 
 est part of the British force had arrived on our coast, 
 when general Jackson had hardly sufficient time to 
 make the first preparations for defence. Without fear 
 ing to be accused of flattery, we may justly call him 
 (under God) the saviour of Louisiana: for, in the space 
 of a few clays, with discordant and heterogeneous ele 
 ments, he created and organized the little army which 
 succeeded so well in humbling the British pride. It is 
 true, that the love of country, the hatred of England, 
 the desire of avenging the outrages which we had suf 
 fered from that haughty power, fired every heart; but 
 all this would have availed nothing without the energy 
 of the commander-in-chief: which will appear so much 
 
 * Niles s Historical Register, vol. vii. p. 389. 
 
PREFACE. XV11 
 
 the more extraordinary, when it is considered that he 
 was constantly sick during this memorable campaign, 
 so much so that he was on the point of being obliged 
 to resign his command. Although his body was ready 
 to sink under the weight of sickness, fatigue, and con 
 tinual watching, his mind, nevertheless, never lost for a 
 moment that energy which he knew so well how to 
 communicate to all that surrounded him. To obstacles, 
 which to others would have appeared insurmountable 
 to the want of the most indispensable supplies for the 
 army, he opposed the most constant perseverance, until 
 he succeeded either in obtaining what was required, or 
 in creating supplementary resources. 
 
 I have already said, that the energy manifested by 
 general Jackson spread, as it were, by contagion, and 
 communicated itself to the whole army. I shall add, 
 that there was nothing which those who composed it 
 did not feel themselves capable of performing, if he or 
 dered it to be done; it was enough that he expressed a 
 wish, or threw out the slightest intimation, and imme 
 diately a crowd of volunteers offered themselves to carry 
 his views into execution. Such perfect harmony so 
 entire and reciprocal a confidence between the troops 
 and their commander, could not fail to produce the hap 
 piest effects. Therefore, although our army was, as I 
 have already observed, composed of heterogeneous ele 
 ments, of men speaking different languages, and brought 
 
XV111 PREFACE. 
 
 up in different habits, the most perfect union and har 
 mony never ceased for a moment to prevail in our camp. 
 No one can better than myself bear testimony to the 
 good understanding that reigned among our troops. In 
 the course of the labours at the fortifications, which 
 were erected under my direction, I had occasion to em 
 ploy soldiers in fatigue duty, who were drafted by de 
 tachments from each of the several corps. These men 
 were kept hard at work even to the middle of the night, 
 and by that means lost the little portion of sleep which 
 they could have snatched in the interval of their mili 
 tary duties. I was almost constantly with them, su 
 perintending their labours; but I may truly say, that I 
 never heard among them the least murmur of discon 
 tent, nor saw the least sign of impatience. Nay, more, 
 four-fifths of our army were composed of militia-men 
 or volunteers, who, it might be supposed, would with 
 difficulty have submitted to the severe discipline of a 
 camp, and of course would often have incurred punish 
 ment; yet nothing of the kind took place; and I solemn 
 ly declare, that not the smallest military punishment 
 was inflicted. This is a fact respecting which I defy con 
 tradiction in the most formal manner. What, then, was 
 the cause of this miracle? The love of country, the 
 love of liberty. It was the consciousness of the dignity 
 of man it was the noblest of feelings, which pervaded 
 and fired the souls of our defenders which made them 
 
PREFACE. *xix 
 
 bear patiently with their sufferings, because the country 
 required it of them. They felt that they ought to resist 
 an enemy who had come to invade and to subdue their 
 country; they knew that their wives, their children, 
 their nearest and dearest friends were but a few miles 
 behind their encampment, who, but for their exertions, 
 would inevitably become the victims and the prey of 
 a licentious soldiery. A noble city and a rich territory 
 looked up to them for protection; those whom their con 
 duct was to save or devote to perdition, were in sight, 
 extending to them their supplicating hands. Here was a 
 scene to elicit the most latent sparks of courage. What 
 wonder, then, that it had so powerful an effect on the 
 minds of American soldiers of Louisianian patriots! 
 Every one of those brave men felt the honour and im 
 portance of his station, and exulted in the thought of 
 being the defender of his fellow citizens, and the 
 avenger of his country s wrongs. Such are the men 
 who will always be found, by those who may again pre 
 sume to insult a free nation, determined to maintain and 
 preserve her rights. 
 
 I have in this work endeavoured to relate in de 
 tail, with the utmost exactness and precision, the prin 
 cipal events which took place in the course of this cam 
 paign. 1 have related facts as I myself saw them, or as 
 they were told me by credible eye-witnesses. I do not 
 believe, that through the whole of this narrative I have 
 
XX PREFACE. 
 
 swerved from the truth in a single instance; if, how 
 ever, by one of those unavoidable mistakes to which 
 every man is subject, I have involuntarily mis-stated, or 
 omitted to state, any material circumstance, I shall be 
 ready to acknowledge my error whenever it shall be 
 pointed out to me. I therefore invite those of my rea 
 ders, who may observe any error in my narrative, to 
 be so good as to inform me of it, that I may correct it 
 in a subsequent edition. 
 
 Although several documents contained in the Ap 
 pendix have been already published, I have nevertheless 
 thought proper to insert them as necessary parts of the 
 whole, and as the vouchers of the facts which I have 
 related. I might, indeed, have reduced some of them 
 to the form of an extract, but they would thereby have 
 lost something of their original character. Some might, 
 perhaps, have doubted their authenticity. I therefore 
 preferred giving them entire. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR 
 
 OF THE 
 
 WAR IN WEST FLORIDA AND LOUISIANA, 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE abdication of the emperor of the French, 
 and the temporary pacification of Europe, consequent 
 on that event, enabled Great Britain to dispose of the 
 numerous forces which she had till then employed 
 against France. The British cabinet resolved that 
 the war against the United States should be vigor 
 ously prosecuted. The British presses were set to 
 work, in order to prepare the mind of the nation, and 
 give it a bias favourable to the views of the govern 
 ment. The same journals which for several years 
 had been filled with invectives against the emperor 
 Napoleon, now began to vilify the chief magistrate of 
 the United States. The artifices so long employed 
 to alienate the French nation from her chief, were 
 now resorted to against Mr. Madison. The friends 3 
 or rather the agents of Britain, in the United States, 
 repeated the same calumnies, invented the same fic 
 tions, advanced the same specious falsehoods, to de 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 stroy the President s popularity, and incite the nation 
 to an insurrection against the government, which, ac 
 cording to British writers and emissaries, had drawn 
 her into an impolitic, unjust, parricidal and sacrilegi 
 ous war. It was, they maintained, become necessary to 
 punish the inhabitants of the United States, for having 
 preferred a free government, of their own choice, to 
 that of a British king: nay, the United States must be 
 reduced to their original colonial subjection, as a chas 
 tisement for their having dared to declare war against 
 Great Britain, rather than suffer the lives and fortunes 
 of their citizens to be forcibly employed in support of 
 the British flag; and for their having presumed to op 
 pose those pretended maritime rights, to which all the 
 governments of Europe had thought proper to submit. 
 The ministerial papers denounced the Americansas 
 rebels, the devoted objects of vengeance. British pub 
 lications now breathed the same rage as at the period 
 of the declaration of our independence; and the minis 
 terial writers had recourse to the grossest scurrilities 
 in their endeavours to vilify our government. As they 
 pretended that it was not against France that they had 
 waged so long a war, but against the chief who pre 
 sided over her councils; so now they affected to pro 
 claim that their hostilities were not directed against 
 the people of the United States, nor against the 
 American nation, but merely against the leader of a 
 dominant faction. It was to restore to our nation the 
 enjoyment of prosperity, that they were determined 
 to overturn our government! It was obvious that 
 the cessation of hostilities in Europe, would afford 
 Britain the means of executing a part of her threats; 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 and reflecting men considered the fall of the emperor 
 of the French (so long wished for by the friends of 
 Britain) as a sure presage that we should soon have to 
 contend with a formidable British force by sea and 
 land; nor was it long before these apprehensions were 
 realized. 
 
 On the frontiers of Canada, the British had hither 
 to conducted the war with much dexterity and in 
 trigue, but without any considerable number of troops. 
 The courage of our soldiers could not remedy the 
 faults of our generals, and the two first campaigns 
 produced nothing more than some brilliant exploits, 
 some particular instances of bravery, that could have 
 no influence on great military operations. Courage 
 without military tactics, an ill-disciplined army con 
 ducted without any fixed plan, with a defective sys 
 tem of organization, were the means with which we 
 long opposed the British troops; and it may be truly 
 said that the two first campaigns in Canada were con 
 sumed in a war of observation, and in the taking and 
 retaking of a few posts. The British, by all possible 
 means of seduction, had stirred up against us a great 
 number of Indians on the north-western confines of 
 the United States, and excited them to commit depre 
 dations on our frontiers, and massacre our citizens. 
 History cannot record all the atrocities committed 
 by those allies of Great Britain, some of which are 
 of such a description that the most credulous would 
 disbelieve them, were not the facts supported by the 
 most creditable witnesses and the most authentic 
 proofs. 
 
 \ 
 
* HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Experience at last opened the eyes of our go 
 vernment, and more numerous armies, under able 
 and faithful officers, were sent into Canada, to carry on 
 the war more effectually. It is foreign from the de 
 sign of this work, to enter into any discussion on that 
 subject; and I will merely observe that it was in some 
 measure owing to a defect in the law then in force 
 for calling out the militia, that our military operations 
 in Canada, during the two first campaigns, were at 
 tended with so little success. I allude to the law 
 which called out certain portions of the militia for six 
 months only, at the expiration of which term the 
 men were allowed to return home. Independent 
 ly of the time necessary to repair from the middle 
 states to the frontiers of Canada, or to Louisiana, 
 six months are hardly sufficient to train a soldier 
 to military discipline and evolutions, so as to ren 
 der him fit to contend in the field against veteran 
 troops. A subsequent law has, indeed, partly re 
 medied this evil, by prolonging the time of ser 
 vice to twelve months; but even this term would pro 
 bably be insufficient, had we to carry on a war with 
 vigour. 
 
 The arrival of reinforcements to the British army 
 in Canada, was the prelude to more extensive opera 
 tions. The taking of Washington, and the several 
 attacks made on different points of the Chesapeake, 
 sufficiently evinced the intention of the British go 
 vernment, to endeavour to execute the threats de 
 nounced against us through their newspapers. The 
 burning of Havre-de-Grace, the excesses committed 
 at Hampton, and at Frenchtown, enabled us to form :* 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 5 
 
 just idea of the men who professed the intention of 
 delivering us from a " government ridiculously despo 
 tic," and who in the meantime insulted our wives and 
 daughters, destroyed or plundered our property, and 
 indiscriminately set fire to humble cottages and state 
 ly palaces. The capitol itself, that noble monument 
 that might have commanded respect even from bar 
 barians, became a prey to the flames; and that we 
 should not remain in doubt as to the fate we were 
 to expect, the commander of the British naval forces, 
 in an official communication to the secretary of 
 state, explicitly avowed his determination to continue 
 the same system of inhuman warfare, and to lay waste 
 and destroy the American coast, wherever assaila 
 ble.* From that moment all eyes were opened; the 
 cry of indignation was heard from one extremity of 
 the union to the other, and all minds were now bent 
 on an obstinate and determined resistance. It was 
 evident to all that we had no longer to contend for 
 the precarious possession of an inconsiderable extent 
 of country, but that we were called on to defend our 
 wives and children from British insult and brutality; 
 eur fortunes from the rapacity of British invaders, and 
 our homes from pillage, fire and devastation. Those 
 who had hitherto considered the war only as an ho 
 nourable contest between two nations, mutually es 
 teeming each other, but set at variance by conflicting 
 interests, were now convinced that our enemies were 
 determined to wage against us a war of extermina 
 tion, and that we had to repel a savage foe, who came 
 
 * See admiral Cochrane s letter in the Appendix, No. 1. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 to cover our country with mourning and desolation, 
 The Halifax papers announced the embarkation of 
 troops that had composed part of lord Wellington s 
 army. In the list of the regiments and of the general 
 officers, appear several of the former and of the latter 
 who since came to the banks of the Mississippi. The 
 expedition against New Orleans was to consist of 
 eighteen thousand men. The same papers predicted 
 that the calamities of war would be severely and 
 extensively felt by the inhabitants of the United 
 States. 
 
 From that time it was generally believed that the 
 British would attack the southern states in the ensu 
 ing autumn or winter, and Louisiana was particularly 
 pointed out as their most probable object of invasion: 
 yet so ill does the general government appear to have 
 been served by its agents in that remote part of the 
 union, that as late as in the month of September, 
 nothing had been done in the way of effectual prepa 
 rations, to put that country in a state of defence. 
 
 Louisiana, which was particularly marked out as 
 the principal point against which was to be directed 
 a formidable British force, with a considerable extent 
 of coast, numerous communications by water, and 
 with hardly any fortified points, open on all sides, 
 having in its neighbourhood a Spanish settlement 
 freely admitting the enemy s ships, and a great pro 
 portion of whose population was disposed to aid him, 
 had no force on which to rely for the defence of her 
 shores, except six gun- boats and a sloop of war. 
 From the gallant defence made by the brave crews of 
 these vessels, we may judge what would have been 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 7 
 
 effected by a number proportionate to the extent of 
 coast to be defended. Fort Plaquemmes, that of 
 Petites Coquilles, and fort Bowyer at Mobile point, 
 were the only advanced points fortified; and none 
 of them capable of standing a regular siege. 
 
 It may now be made known, without any other 
 danger than that of its appearing incredible, that Lou 
 isiana, whose coasts are accessible to such flat-bot 
 tomed vessels as are used in conveying mortars, had 
 but two of these engines which belonged to the 
 navy, and which were landed from bomb-ketches 
 that had been condemned. Nor is this all: there 
 were not a hundred bombs of the calibre of those 
 mortars; nor, indeed, could much advantage be deri 
 ved from them, however well served or supplied. 
 Professional men will understand, that from the con 
 struction of their carriages, they were only fit to be 
 mounted on board of vessels, and by no means calcu 
 lated for land batteries. 
 
 i 
 
 The fort of Petites Coquilles was not finished at 
 the time of the invasion, nor was it in a condition to 
 make an ordinary resistance. As to fort Bowyer, at 
 Mobile point, it will appear from the particular ac 
 count given in this work of the two attacks it sustain 
 ed, that the brave garrison defending it did all that 
 could be reasonably expected from its local situation 
 and means of resistance. Such was the inconsidera 
 ble defence that protected the shores of Louisiana, 
 and covered a country that has an extent of coast of 
 upwards of six hundred miles, and of which even a 
 temporary possession by an enemy might be attend 
 
8 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 ed with conseauences baneful to the future prosperity 
 of the western states. The general government 
 might and ought to have been well informed of 
 the vulnerable points of Louisiana. Accurate maps 
 of the country on a large scale had been made, by 
 the engineer B. Lafon and myself, and delivered to 
 brigadier- general Wilkinson, who, it is presumable, 
 did not fail to forward them to the secretary of war. 
 That part of the state, in particular, by which the 
 enemy penetrated, was there laid down, and in 1813 
 brigadier-general Flournoy ordered major Lafon, then 
 chief engineer of the district, to draw up an exact 
 account of all the points to be fortified for the general 
 defence of Louisiana. The draughts, which were 
 numerous, and formed an atlas, were accompanied 
 with very particular explanatory notes. That work, 
 which reflects great credit on its author, pointed out 
 in the most precise and clear manner what was expe 
 dient to be done, in order to put the country in a 
 state of security against all surprise. I have always 
 understood that those draughts were ordered and ex 
 ecuted for the purpose of being sent to the then se 
 cretary of war, to enable the gov ernment to determine 
 in their wisdom the points proper to be fortified. To 
 what fatality then was it owing, that Louisiana, 
 whose means of defence were so inadequate; which 
 had but a scanty white population, composed, in a 
 great proportion, of foreigners speaking various lan 
 guages; so remote from any succours, though one of 
 the keys of the union was so long left without the 
 means of resisting the enemy? I shall be told that to 
 fortify the coast in time of peace, were to incur an 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 9 
 
 unnecessary expense. This position I by no means 
 admit; but I further observe that the war had already 
 existed two years; and we ought to have presumed, 
 had positive proof been wanting, that the British, 
 having numerous fleets, and every means of trans 
 porting troops to all points of the coast of the United 
 States, would not fail to make an attempt against 
 Louisiana; a country which already by its prodigi 
 ous and unexampled progress in the culture of sugar, 
 was become a dangerous rival to the British colonies. 
 The city of New Orleans contained produce to a 
 vast amount. The cotton crops of the state of Lou 
 isiana and the Mississippi territory, accumulated du 
 ring several years, were stored in that city, surround 
 ed with considerable plantations, having numerous 
 gangs of slaves. It was, in a word, the emporium 
 of the produce of a great portion of the western 
 states. The Mississippi on which it lies, receives 
 the streams that water upwards of a million of square 
 miles, and wafts to New Orleans the annually in 
 creasing productions of their fertile banks. It is by 
 the Mississippi and the rivers emptying into it, that 
 the communication is kept up between the western 
 and northern states. -And by the Mississippi and 
 the Missouri, there will, at no distant period, be car 
 ried on, without difficulty, or with very little obstruc 
 tion, the most extensive inland navigation on the 
 globe. 
 
 All these advantages were calculated to excite 
 the cupidity of the British, and inspire them with the 
 desire of getting possession of a country which, be 
 sides its territorial wealth, insured to whoever might 
 
10 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 hold it, an immediate control over the western states. 
 In possessing themselves of Louisiana, the least fa 
 vourable prospect of the enemy was the plunder of a 
 very considerable quantity of produce, the destruction 
 of a city destined to become commercial, and opu 
 lent in the highest degree, and the ruin of numerous 
 plantations which must one day rival in their pro 
 ductions, those of the finest colonies of European 
 nations. Their other prospects, less certain indeed, 
 but in which they were not a little sanguine, were 
 the separation of the western states from the rest of 
 the union; the possibility of transferring the theatre 
 of war to the westward, by the possession of the 
 Mississippi, and effecting a junction with their army 
 in Canada; and lastly, being masters of Louisiana, to 
 import by the river their various manufactures, and 
 secure to themselves the monopoly of the fur trade. 
 Let us now see in what manner the British began 
 to execute their hostile designs against Louisiana: In 
 the course of the summer of 1814, the brig Orpheus 
 had landed arms and officers in the bay of Apalachi- 
 cola, and entered into arrangements with the Creeks, 
 to act against fort Bowyer at Mobile point, justly 
 looked upon as a place the possession of which was 
 of the greatest importance towards the execution of 
 the grand operations projected against Louisiana. 
 The British officers diligently executed the object of 
 their instructions, and had completely succeeded in 
 rallying under their standard all the tribes of Indians 
 living to the east of the Chactaws, when an expedi 
 tion of some troops, on board the sloops of war 
 Hermes and Caron, sailed from Bermuda under the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 11 
 
 command of colonel Nicholls, of the artillery, an en 
 terprising, active, and brave officer, and on the 4th of 
 August touched at the Havanna, in hopes of obtain 
 ing the co-operation of the Spanish governor, the as 
 sistance of some gun-boats and small vessels, with 
 permission to land their troops and artillery at Pen- 
 sacola. On the refusal of the captain-general, they 
 sailed for Pensacola, determined to land there; al 
 though the captain-general had positively refused to 
 grant them permission. (See Appendix, No. 2.) 
 
 Colonel Nicholls accordingly landed at Pensacola, 
 where he established his head-quarters, and enlisted 
 and publicly drilled Indians, who wore the British 
 uniform in the streets. 
 
 The object of that inconsiderable expedition ap 
 pears to have been to sound the disposition of the in- 
 habitants of die Floridas and Louisiana; to procure 
 the information necessary for more important opera 
 tions, and to secure pilots to conduct the expedition 
 on our coast and in our waters, rather than to attempt 
 any thing of importance. 
 
 Colonel Nicholls directed captain Lockyer of the 
 brig Sophia, to convey an officer to Barataria with a 
 packet for Mr. Lafitte, or whoever else might be at 
 the head of the privateers on Grande Terre. 
 
 To give a correct idea of that establishment at 
 Barataria, of which so much has been said, it is ne 
 cessary to enter into some details, by a digression 
 which will naturally bring us back to our subject. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 BARATARIA. 
 
 AT the period of the taking of Guadaloupe by the 
 British, most of the privateers commissioned by the 
 government of that island, and which were then on 
 4 cruise, not being able to return to any of the West- 
 India islands, made for Barataria, there to take in a 
 supply of water and provisions, recruit the health of 
 their crews, and dispose of their prizes, which could 
 not be admitted into any of the ports of the United 
 States; we being at that time in peace with Great Bri 
 tain. Most of the commissions granted to privateers 
 by the French government at Guadaloupe, having ex 
 pired some time after the declaration of the inde 
 pendence of Carthagena, many of the privateers re 
 paired to that port, for the purpose of obtaining from 
 the new government, commissions for cruising against 
 Spanish vessels. They were all received by the 
 people of Carthagena with the enthusiasm which is 
 ever observed in a country that for the iirst time 
 shakes off the yoke of subjection; and indeed a con 
 siderable number of men, accustomed to great politi 
 cal convulsions, inured to the fatigues of war, and 
 who by their numerous cruises in the gulf of Mexi 
 co and about the West- India islands, had become 
 well acquainted with all those coasts, and possessed 
 the most effectual means of annoying the royalists, 
 could not fail to be considered as an acquisition to 
 the new republic. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 13 
 
 Having duly obtained their commissions, they in 
 a manner blockaded for a long time all the ports be 
 longing to the royalists, and made numerous cap 
 tures, which they carried into Barataria. Under this 
 denomination is comprised part of the coast of Loui 
 siana to the west of the mouths of the Mississippi, 
 comprehended between Bastien bay on the east, and 
 the mouths of the river or bayou la Fourche on 
 the west. Not far from the sea are lakes called the 
 great, the small, and the larger lake of Barataria, com 
 municating with one another by several large bayous 
 with a great number of branches. There is also the 
 island of Barataria, at the extremity of which is a place 
 called the Temple, which denomination it owes to 
 several mounds of shells thrown up there by the Indi 
 ans, long before the settlement of Louisiana, and which 
 from the great quantity of human bones, are evident 
 ly funereal and religious monuments. 
 
 The island is formed by the great and the small 
 lakes of Barataria, the bayou Pierrot, and the bayou 
 or river of Ouatchas, more generally known by the 
 name of bayou of Barataria; and finally the same de 
 nomination is given to a large basin which extends 
 the whole length of the Cypress swamps, lakes, prai 
 ries and bayous behind the plantations on the right 
 bank of the river, three miles above New Orleans, as 
 far as the gulf of Mexico, being about sixty miles in 
 length and thirty in breadth, bounded on the west by 
 the highlands of la Fourche, and on the east by those 
 of the right bank of the Mississippi. These waters 
 disembogue into the gulf by two entrances of the 
 lake or rather the bayou Barataria, between which 
 
14 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 lies an island called Grande Terre, six miles in length 
 and from two to three miles in breadth, running pa 
 rallel with the coast. In the western entrance is the 
 great pass of Barataria, which has from nine to ten 
 feet of water. Within this pass, about two leagues 
 from the open sea, lies the only secure harbour on all 
 that coast, and accordingly this is the harbour fre 
 quented by the privateers, so well known by the 
 name of Baratarians.* Social order has indeed to re 
 gret that those men, mostly aliens, and cruising un 
 der a foreign flag, so audaciously infringed our laws 
 as openly to make sale of their goods on our soil; 
 but what is much more deplorable and equally as 
 tonishing is, that the agents of government in this 
 country so long tolerated such violation of our laws, 
 or at least delayed for four years to take effectual 
 measures to put a stop to these lawless practices. 
 It cannot be pretended that the country was desti 
 tute of the means necessary to repress these outrages. 
 The troops stationed at New Orleans were sufficient 
 for that purpose, and it cannot be doubted but that 
 a well conducted expedition would have cleared our 
 waters of the privateers, and a proper garrison sta 
 tioned at the place they made their harbour, would have 
 prevented their return. The species of impunity with 
 which they were apparently indulged, inasmuch as no 
 rigorous measures were resorted to against them, made 
 the contraband trade carried on at Barataria, be con 
 sidered as tacitly tolerated. In a word, it is a fact 
 no less true than painful for me to assert, that at 
 Grande Terre, the privateers publicly made sale, by 
 
 * See plate No. 1, In the Atlas, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 15 
 
 auction, of the cargoes of their prizes. From all 
 parts of Lower Louisiana people resorted to Barataria, 
 without being at all solicitous to conceal the object 
 of their journey. In the streets of New Orleans it 
 was usual for traders to give and receive orders for 
 purchasing goods at Barataria, with as little secrecy 
 as similar orders are given for Philadelphia or New- 
 York. The most respectable inhabitants of the state, 
 especially those living in the country, were in the 
 habit of purchasing smuggled goods coming from 
 Barataria. The frequent seizures made of those 
 goods, were but an ineffectual remedy of the evil, as 
 the great profit yielded by such parcels as escaped 
 the vigilance of the custom-house officers, indemni 
 fied the traders for the loss of what they had paid for 
 the goods seized; their price being always very mode 
 rate, by reason of the quantity of prizes brought in, 
 and of the impatience of the captors to turn them 
 into money, and sail on a new cruise. This traffic 
 was at length carried on with such scandalous noto 
 riety, that the agents of government incurred very 
 general and open reprehension, many persons con 
 tending that they had interested motives for conniv 
 ing at such abuses, as smuggling was a source of 
 confiscation, from which they derived considerable 
 benefit. 
 
 It has been repeatedly asserted in the public prints 
 throughout the union, that most of those privateers 
 had no commissions, and were really pirates. This 
 I believe to be a calumny, as I am persuaded they 
 all had commissions either from Carthagena or from 
 France, of the validity of which it would seem the 
 
16 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 government of those respective countries were alone 
 competent judges. 
 
 The privateers of Barataria committed indeed a 
 great offence against the laws of the United States 
 in smuggling into their territory goods captured from 
 nations with which we were at peace; and for this 
 offence they justly deserved to be punished. But 
 in addition to this acknowledged guilt, to charge them 
 with the crime of piracy, when on the strictest inquiry 
 no proof whatsoever of any act amounting to this 
 species of criminality has been discovered, and though 
 since the pardon granted to them by the president of 
 the United States, they have shown their papers and 
 the exact list of the vessels captured by them, to eve 
 ry one who chose to see them, seems evidently un 
 just. Without wishing to extenuate their real crime, 
 that of having for four years carried on an illicit trade, 
 I again assert that the agents of government justly 
 merit the reproach of having neglected their duty. 
 The government must surely have been aware of the 
 pernicious consequences of this contraband trade; and 
 they had the means of putting a stop to it. It is true 
 that partial expeditions had been fitted out for that 
 purpose; but whether through want of judgment in the 
 plan, or through the fault of the persons command 
 ing those expeditions, they answered no other purpose 
 than to suspend this contraband trade in one part, by 
 making it take a more western direction. Cat island, 
 at the mouth of the bayou or river la Fourche, 
 became the temporary harbour of the privateers, 
 whose vessels were too well armed to apprehend an 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. If 
 
 attack from land troops in ordinary transports. Hence 
 the troops stationed at Grande Terre, la Fourche, &c. 
 could do no more than prevent the continuance of 
 the illegal trade, while they were on the spot; but on 
 their departure, the Baratarians immediately return 
 ed to their former station. 
 
 There have been those who pretended that the pri 
 vateers of Barataria were secretly encouraged by the 
 English, who were glad to see a commerce carried on 
 that must prove so injurious to the revenue of the Uni 
 ted States. But this charge is fully refuted by this fact, 
 that at different times the English sought to attack 
 the privateers at Barataria, in hopes of taking their 
 prizes, and even their armed vessels. Of these at 
 tempts of the British, suffice it to instance that of the 
 23d of June, 1813, when two privateers being at an 
 chor oft Cat island, a British sloop of war anchored at 
 the entrance of the pass, and sent her boats to en 
 deavour to take the privateers; but they were repuls 
 ed after having sustained considerable loss. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when on the 2d of 
 September 1814, there appeared an armed brig on the 
 coast opposite the pass. She fired a gun at a vessel 
 about to enter and forced her to run aground; she 
 then tacked and shortly after came to an anchor at 
 the entrance of the pass. It was not easy to un 
 derstand the intentions of this vessel, who having 
 commenced with hostilities on her first appearance, 
 now seemed to announce an amicable disposition. 
 Mr. Lafitte, the younger, went off in a boat to ex 
 amine her, venturing so far that he could not es- 
 
18 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 cape from the pinnace sent from the brig and making 
 towards the shore, bearing British colours and a flag 
 of truce. In this pinnace were two British naval 
 officers, captain Lockyer, commander of the brig, 
 and an officer who interpreted for him, with captain 
 Williams of the infantry. The first question they 
 asked was, where was Mr. Lafitte? He, not choos 
 ing to make himself known to them, replied that the 
 person they inquired for was on shore. They then 
 delivered him a packet directed "To Mr. Lafitte Ba~ 
 rataria;" requesting him to take particular care of it, 
 and to deliver it into Mr. Lafitte s own hands. He pre 
 vailed on them to make for the shore, and as soon 
 as they got near enough to be in his power, he made, 
 himself known, recommending to them at the same 
 time to conceal the business on which they had 
 come. Upwards of two hundred persons lined the 
 shore, and it was a general cry amongst the crews of 
 the privateers at Grande Terre, that those British 
 officers should be made prisoners and sent to New- 
 Orleans, as being spies who had come under feigned 
 pretences to examine the coast and the passages, 
 with intent to invade and ravage the country. It 
 was with much difficulty that Mr. Lafitte succeeded 
 in dissuading the multitude from this intent, and led 
 the officers in safety to his dwelling. He thought, 
 very prudently, that the papers contained in the pack 
 et might be of importance towards the safety of the 
 country, and that the officers, being closely watched, 
 could obtain no intelligence that might turn to the 
 detriment of Louisiana. He took the earliest oppor 
 tunity, after the agitation among the crews had sub- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 sided, to examine the contents of the packet; in 
 which he found a proclamation addressed by colonel 
 Edward Nicholls, in the service of his Britannic Ma 
 jesty and commander of the land forces on the coast 
 of Florida, to the inhabitants of Louisiana, dated Head" 
 quarter s, Pensacola, 29th August, 1814; a letter from 
 the same, directed to Mr. Lafitte, or to the com 
 mandant at Barataria; an official letter from the ho 
 nourable W. H. Percy, captain of the sloop of war 
 Hermes, and commander of the naval forces in the 
 gulf of Mexico, dated September 1st, 1814, directed 
 to himself; and finally, a letter containing orders from 
 the same captain Percy, written on the 30th of Au 
 gust on board the Hermes, in the road of Pensacola, 
 to the same captain Lockyer commanding the sloop 
 of war Sophia. (For these different papers see Ap 
 pendix, No. 3.) 
 
 When Mr. Lafitte had perused these papers, cap 
 tain Lockyer enlarged on the subject of them, and 
 proposed to him to enter into the service of his Bri 
 tannic majesty with all those who were under his 
 command, or over whom he had sufficient influence; 
 and likewise to lay at the disposal of the officers of 
 his Britannic majesty the armed vessels he had at 
 Barataria, to aid in the intended attack of the fort of 
 Mobile. He insisted much on the great advantages 
 that would thence result to himself and his crews; 
 offered him the rank of captain in the British service, 
 and the sum of thirty thousand dollars, payable, at his 
 option, in Pensacola or New Orleans, and urged him 
 not to let slip this opportunity of acquiring fortune and 
 consideration. On Mr. Lafitte s requiring a few days 
 
20 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 to reflect upon these proposals, captain Lockyer ob 
 served to him that no reflection could be necessary, re 
 specting proposals that obviously precluded hesitation, 
 as he was a Frenchman, and of course now a friend 
 to Great Britain, proscribed by the American govern 
 ment, exposed to infamy, and had a brother at that 
 very time loaded with irons in the jail of New-Or 
 leans. He added, that in the British service he would 
 have a fair prospect of promotion; that having such 
 a knowledge of the country, his services would be 
 of the greatest importance in carrying on the opera- 
 tions which the British government had planned 
 against Lower Louisiana; that, as soon as posses 
 sion was obtained, the army would penetrate into 
 the upper country, and act in concert with the forces 
 in Canada; that every thing was already prepared for 
 carrying on the war against the American govern 
 ment in that quarter with unusual vigour; that they 
 were nearly sure of success, expecting to find little 
 or no opposition from the French and Spanish popu 
 lation of Louisiana, whose interests, manners and 
 customs were more congenial with theirs than with 
 those of the Americans; that finally, the insurrection 
 of the negroes, to whom they would offer freedom, 
 was one of the chief means they intended to employ, 
 being confident of its success. 
 
 To all these splendid promises, all these ensnaring 
 insinuations, Mr. Lafitte replied, that in a few days he 
 would give a final answer; his object in this procras 
 tination being to gain time to inform the officers of 
 the state government of this nefarious project. Hav 
 ing occasion to go to some distance for a short time, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 21 
 
 the persons who had proposed to send the British offi 
 cers prisoners to New-Orleans, went and seized them 
 in his absence, and confined both them and the crew 
 of the pinnae-., in a secure place, leaving a guard at 
 the door. The British officers sent for Mr. Lafitte; 
 but he, fearing an insurrection of the crews of the pri 
 vateers, thought it advisable not to see them, until he 
 had first persuaded their captains and officers to desist 
 from the measures on which they seemed bent. With 
 this view he represented to the latter that, besides 
 the infamy that would attach to them, if they treated 
 as prisoners, persons who had come with a flag of 
 truce, they would lose the opportunity of discovering 
 the extent of the projects of the British against Lou 
 isiana, and learning the names of their agents in the 
 country. While Mr. Lafitte was thus endeavour 
 ing to bring over his people to his sentiments, the 
 British remained prisoners the whole night, the sloop 
 of war continuing at anchor before the pass, waiting 
 for the return of the officers. Early the next morn 
 ing, Mr. Lafitte caused them to be released from 
 their confinement, and saw them safe aboard their 
 pinnace, apologizing for the disagreeable treatment 
 they had received, and which it had not been in his 
 power to prevent. Shortly after their departure, he 
 wrote to captain Lockyer the letter that may be seen 
 in the Appendix, No. 4. 
 
 His object in writing that letter was, by appearing 
 disposed to accede to their proposal, to give time to 
 communicate the affair to the officers of the state go 
 vernment, and to receive from them instructions how 
 
22 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 to act, under circumstances so critical and important 
 for the country. He accordingly wrote on the 4th 
 of September to Mr. Blanque, one of the representa. 
 tives of the state, sending him all the papers deliver 
 ed to him by the British officers, with a letter ad 
 dressed to his excellency W. C. C. Claiborne, gover- 
 norof the state of Louisiana. (See Appendix, No. 5.) 
 The contents of these letters do honour to Mr. La- 
 fitte s judgment, and evince his sincere attachment to 
 the American cause. 
 
 Persuaded that the country was about to be vi 
 gorously attacked, and knowing that at that time it 
 was little prepared for resistance, he did what his duty 
 prescribed; apprising government of the impending 
 danger; tendering his services, should it be thought 
 expedient to employ the assistance of his crews, 
 and desiring instructions how to act; and in case of his 
 offers being rejected, he declared his intention to quit 
 the country, lest he should be charged with having co 
 operated with the invading enemy. On the receipt of 
 this packet from Mr. Lafitte, Mr. Blanque immediate 
 ly laid its contents before the governor, who convened 
 the committee of defence lately formed, of which he 
 was president; and Mr. Rancher, the bearer of Mr. 
 Lafitte s packet, was sent back with a verbal answer, 
 of which it is understood that the purport was to de 
 sire him to take no steps until it should be determin 
 ed what was expedient to be done; it is added, that 
 the message contained an assurance that, in the mean 
 time, no steps should be taken against him for his 
 past offences against the laws of the United States, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 23 
 
 At the expiration of the time agreed on with cap 
 tain Lockyer, his ship appeared again on the coast 
 with two others, and continued standing off and on 
 before the pass for several days. 
 
 Mr. Lafitte now wrote a second letter to Mr, 
 Blanque, urging him to send him an answer and 
 instructions. (See Appendix No. 6.) In the mean 
 time he appeared not to perceive the return of the 
 sloop of war, who, tired of waiting to no purpose, 
 and mistrusting Mr. Lafitte s intentions, put out to 
 sea and disappeared. 
 
 About this time, Mr. Lafitte received informa 
 tion that instead of accepting his services, and en 
 deavouring to take advantage of the confidence the 
 British had in him, to secure the country against an 
 invasion, and defeat all their projects, the constituted 
 authorities were fitting out at New- Orleans a formi 
 dable expedition against Barataria. He then retired to 
 the German coast, where, strictly adhering to the 
 principles he had professed, he warned the inhabit 
 ants of the danger with which they were threatened 
 from the means intended to be employed by the 
 enemy. 
 
 About this time, there fell into Mr. Lafitte s hands 
 an anonymous letter directed to a person in New- Or 
 leans, the contents of which left no doubt as to the 
 intentions of the British, and which is the more in 
 teresting, as all that it announced has since been fully- 
 verified. (See Appendix, No. 2.) 
 
 Such are the particulars of the first attempt made 
 by the British against Louisiana- an attempt in which 
 
24 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 they employed such unjustifiable arts, that it may 
 fairly be inferred that the British government scru 
 ples not to descend to the basest means, when such 
 appear likely to contribute to the attainment of its 
 ends. Notwithstanding the solemn professions of 
 respect for the persons and property of the inhabit 
 ants, so emphatically made in the proclamation of 
 colonel Nicholls, we see that one of their chief 
 reliance for the success of operations in Louisiana, 
 was on the insurrection of the negroes. Is it not 
 then evident from this, that the British were bent on 
 the destruction of a country whose rivalship they 
 feared in their colonial productions, and that the ca 
 binet of St. James had determined to carry on a 
 war of plunder and devastation against Louisiana? 
 
 In coming to Barataria, to endeavour to gain over 
 the privateers to their interests, they acted consist 
 ently with their known principles, and on a calcula 
 tion of probabilities; for it was an obvious presump 
 tion that a body of men proscribed in a country whose 
 laws they had violated, reflecting on their precarious 
 existence, would embrace so favourable an opportu 
 nity of recovering an erect attitude in society, by 
 ranging themselves under the banners of a powerful 
 nation. But this calculation of the British proved 
 fallacious; and in this instance, as in every other, they 
 found in every individual in Louisiana, an enemy 
 to Britain, ever ready to take up arms against her; 
 and those very men, whose aid they so confidently 
 expected to obtain, signally prove ! . throu ghoul the 
 campaign, particularly in the service of the bat- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 25 
 
 teries at Jackson s lines, that the agents of the Bri 
 tish government had formed a very erroneous opinion 
 f them. (See Note No. 1, at the end of the volume.) 
 
 The British finding themselves disappointed in 
 their expectation of drawing over to their interests 
 the privateersmen of Barataria, concentrated their 
 preparations at Pensacola and Apalachicola. In this 
 latter place, they had landed not only troops, but also 
 twenty-two thousand stand of arms, with ammuni 
 tion, blankets, and clothing, to be distributed among 
 the Indians; and it was generally reported at that time, 
 that several of their vessels had already sailed for 
 Jamaica, to take in black troops. 
 
 General Armstrong, the then secretary of war, by 
 a circular letter of the 4th of July, had informed the 
 different state governments of the quota of militia 
 they were respectively to furnish, pursuant to the 
 president s requisition of the same date. (See Ap 
 pendix, No. 7.) On the 6th of August, the go 
 vernor of the state of Louisiana published, conform 
 ably to that requisition, militia general orders, in 
 which, after having laid before his constituents the 
 views and intentions of the general government, to 
 employ an adequate force to maintain with honour 
 the contest in which our country was engaged, he 
 exhorted the citizens of the state zealously to stand 
 the necessary draught for completing the thousand 
 men demanded by the above mentioned requisition-. 
 See Appendix, No. 8.) 
 
 E 
 
26 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 All the western and southern newspapers were at 
 that time loudly inveighing against the shameful as 
 sistance afforded by the governor of Pensacola to the 
 British, at least inasmuch as he suffered the charac 
 ter of his nation to be sullied, by permitting them 
 publicly to make hostile preparations in that town, 
 where they had established their head-quarters, and 
 where they were, if not the nominal, at least the vir 
 tual masters. Such repeated violations, and the suc 
 cours constantly furnished to the Indians, who were 
 evidently the allies of our enemy, contributed not a 
 little to rouse the national spirit in that part of the 
 union. I cannot refrain from giving here an extract 
 from one of the papers that appeared about that time, 
 in which the writer, after having enumerated all the 
 grievances that the United States had to complain of 
 against the Spanish governor of Florida, says: " who 
 of us would not prefer to take his fortune as a com 
 mon soldier, to remaining at home in affluence, while 
 the community of which he is a member, submits 
 tamely, silently and unresistingly to such indignities. 37 
 
 The commander-in-chief of the 7th district, wrote 
 to the governor of the state, from fort Jackson, on 
 the 15th of August, announcing to him the necessity 
 of holding all the forces of Louisiana militia in readi 
 ness to march at the first signal, in consequence of 
 the preparations making at Pensacola, of which he 
 had received certain information. (See Appendix, 
 No. 9.) Conformably to this order, the governor 
 published in militia general orders, an extract from 
 his letter to the commanders of the two divisions of 
 state militia, in which he gave them instructions and 
 regulations for their respective divisions. Commo- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 27 
 
 dore Patterson, commanding the station of New Or 
 leans and its dependencies, received intelligence of 
 the appearance of five British ships of war, which had 
 landed a small number of men on the point at Dau- 
 phine island. 
 
 General Jackson had at this time removed his 
 head- quarters to Mobile, from which place he wrote 
 to the governor, on the 22d of August, a letter of 
 which the following is an extract: 
 
 " I have no power to stipulate with any particu 
 lar corps, as to particular or local service; but it is 
 not to be presumed at present, that the troops of Lou 
 isiana will have to extend their services beyond the 
 limits of their own state. Yet circumstances might 
 arise, which would make it necessary they should be 
 called to face an invading enemy beyond the bounda 
 ry of the state, to stop his entry into their territory." 
 
 In consequence of this letter, the governor pub 
 lished, on the 5th of September, militia general or 
 ders, and afterwards general orders, directing the mi 
 litia of the two divisions of the state, to hold them 
 selves in readiness to march, the first division under 
 major-general Villere, being to be reviewed on the 
 10th of the same month, by major Hughes, assistant 
 inspector- general of the district, in the city of New 
 Orleans; and the second, under the command of ma 
 jor-general Thomas, to be reviewed at Baton Rouge 
 on the first of October. (See Appendix, No. 10.) 
 
 By another general order, dated New Orleans, 
 8th September, governor Claiborne ordered the dif 
 ferent militia companies in the city and suburbs of 
 New Orleans, to exercise twice, and those of the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 other parts of the state, once a week. He also re 
 commended to fathers of families, and men whose 
 advanced age exempted them from active service in 
 the field, to form themselves into corps of veterans, 
 choose their own officers, procure arms, and to exer 
 cise occasionally. The governor announces to his 
 fellow citizens the dangers with which the country is 
 threatened, urging to them that the preservation of 
 their property, the repose and tranquillity of their 
 families, call on every individual to exert all his ef 
 forts and vigilance; his order enters into minute de 
 tails as to the precautions and police to be observed in 
 the existing circumstances; it recommends the great 
 est diligence to be exerted in procuring arms, and 
 the greatest care to be taken of them; and finally pre 
 scribes the conduct to be observed by all the militia 
 officers, in case of the enemy s penetrating into the 
 state. (See Appendix, No. 11.) 
 
 About that time, there appeared a Spanish trans 
 lation of an order of the day published at Pensacola, 
 addressed to a detachment of the royal marines at the 
 moment of their landing. This piece, written in a 
 style of importance that might be used in addressing 
 a numerous army, from which might be expected 
 the most brilliant military achievements, breathes in 
 veterate hatred against the Americans, loudly an 
 nouncing that the object of the expedition is to 
 avenge the Spaniards for the pretended insults offered 
 them by the United States. 
 
 That document, replete with invectives against 
 the American character, contains moreover a strong 
 recommendation to sobrietv; and from the earnest 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 29 
 
 manner in which the author insists on that subject, 
 one would be led to believe that the soldiers whom 
 he addresses, stood in great need of his exhortations. 
 This piece requires no further comment, as it speaks 
 for itself; the tone of falsehood and duplicity that per 
 vades it, has induced me to publish it, especially as it 
 may furnish some features in the portrait of our ene 
 my. (See Appendix, No. 12.) 
 
 On the 16th of September, a meeting of a great 
 number of the citizens of New Orleans was held at 
 the Exchange Coffee-house, in that city, and by them 
 was appointed a committee of defence to co-operate 
 with the constituted authorities of the state, and with 
 the general government, towards the defence of the 
 country. The president of that committee, Mr. Ed 
 ward Livingston, after an eloquent speech, in which 
 he showed the expediency of making a solemn decla 
 ration of the patriotic sentiments which prevailed 
 among the inhabitants of Louisiana, who had, on 
 several occasions, been calumniated, and represented 
 as disaffected to the American government, and dis 
 posed to transfer their allegiance to a foreign power, 
 proposed a spirited resolution which was unanimous 
 ly adopted. (See Appendix, No. 13.) 
 
 This resolution was, within a few days, followed 
 by an address from the committee ot defence to 
 their fellow citizens. The patriotic sentiments ex 
 pressed in this address, were such as need no 
 comment, as the mere perusal of it will suffice to 
 evince the spirit which animated the people, of whom 
 the committee of defence w r ere on that occasion the 
 organ. (See Appendix, No. 14.) 
 
39 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 FIRST ATTACK ON FORT BOWYER. 
 
 THE preparations which the British had been 
 long making at Pensacola, where, regardless of the 
 rights of neutrality, the Spanish governor permitted 
 the enemy of a nation with which his government 
 was at peace, publicly to recruit, nay, even exercise 
 his troops and the savage Indians whom he had en 
 listed, and whom he excited by every means of se 
 duction, to renew the horrid scenes exhibited at fort 
 Minis; the little care they took in their proud and 
 frantic spirit to conceal their projects; the advanta 
 geous situation of the point of Mobile, as a military 
 post, were among the circumstances which made it 
 probable that fort Bowyer was the object of the expe 
 dition the British were fitting out at Pensacola. 
 
 Major Lawrence, who commanded that fort, was 
 well aware of the means which the enemy intended 
 to employ against him; and accordingly he made the 
 utmost exertions to put the post confided to him, in 
 a condition to make a vigorous resistance; while the 
 brave garrison under his command ardently longed 
 for an opportunity of evincing their zeal and devoted- 
 ness for the honour and interest of their beloved coun- 
 try. 
 
 Before I enter on the glorious defence made by 
 that garrison, it seems proper that I describe the 
 situation of fort Bowyer, and that of Mobile point. 
 It is indeed unnecessary to show how important 
 the occupation of that spot must necessarily have 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 31 
 
 been towards the success of military operations in 
 tended against Louisiana, as that will sufficiently 
 appear from the bare inspection of the map. I will, 
 therefore, merely observe that the point of the Mo 
 bile commands the passes at the entrance of the bay, 
 and consequently the navigation of the rivers which 
 empty into it; that on the eastern side it commands 
 the species of archipelago which extends in a paral 
 lel direction as far as the passes Mariana and Christi 
 ana; that from its situation advancing into the gulf, it 
 must ever afford to those who hold it, the means of 
 exercising an almost exclusive control over the navi 
 gation of the coast of West Florida; and that its prox 
 imity to Pensacola secures to it a prompt and easy 
 communication with that town. 
 
 This point, forming the extremity of a peninsula, 
 joined to the continent by an isthmus four miles wide, 
 between the river and bay of Bonsecours and the bay 
 Perdido, extends in an east and west direction, in 
 clining a little towards the south, for the space of 
 twenty-nine miles in length, from the mouth of the 
 Perdido. A large oblong lake, called Borgne, occu 
 pies the greater portion of its interior towards the 
 east, which, independently of the narrow neck of 
 land formed by the two bays, affords in several points 
 the facility of cutting oft all communication with the 
 continent. The breadth of the peninsula decreases 
 as it extends towards the west, so that three miles 
 from the point it is only half a mile wide. This part 
 affords another means of defence, of which the Brit 
 ish availed themselves when they encamped on the 
 peninsula during their last attack; I mean a ditch or 
 
 
32 HISTORI CAL MEMOIR. 
 
 coulee, communicating with a lagoon, the whole oc 
 cupying upwards of half the breadth of the peninsula. 
 Some briars and stunted fir trees and live oaks 
 grow here and there on a soil almost entirely formed 
 of sand and shells, which mixture gives it a very firm 
 consistency. Within two miles of the point vege 
 tation ceases almost entirely, and the soil becomes a 
 succession of downs, ditches, ravines, and hillocks of 
 sand, arid and moving in some places, and in others 
 as hard as beaten ground. These ditches are from 
 four to eight feet deep, forming several sinuosities, 
 where one sees here and there a few tufts of grass. 
 It is nearly at the extremity of this tongue of land, 
 on the point rounding towards the northeast, that 
 fort Bowyer is situated. The part that is nearest the 
 shore is the angle of the north curtain and the semi 
 circular battery facing the pass, and opening a little 
 at the distance of fifty yards, contiguous to a bluff 
 which skirts the peninsula on both sides, nearly in its 
 whole length. 
 
 Fort Bowyer is a redoubt formed on the sea 
 side, by a semi-circular battery of four hundred feet 
 in development, flanked with two curtains sixty feet in 
 length, and joined to a bastion whose capital line pass 
 es through the centre of the c ire ular battery. This 
 bastion has but thirty -five feet in its gorge, with two 
 flanks, each capable of receiving but one piece of ar 
 tillery, and fifty feet in length on its front and rear 
 aspects. 
 
 Its interior dimensions are one hundred and 
 eighty feet in length from the summit of the bastion 
 to the parapet of the circular battery, and two him - 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 33 
 
 dred feet for the length of the cord of the arc descri 
 bed by the battery. The receding angles formed by 
 the curtains with the flanks of the bastion and those 
 of the battery, considerably diminish the dimensions 
 of this fort, the superficies of which may be estimated 
 at twenty -two thousand feet. 
 
 The circular parts and the flanks which join it 
 to the curtains, have a parapet fifteen feet thick at 
 the summit, and in all the rest of the perimeter of 
 the fort, the parapet does not exceed the thickness of 
 three feet above the platforms; a fosse twenty feet 
 wide surrounds the fort, and a very insufficient glacis 
 without a covered way completes the fortification. 
 The interior front of the parapet is formed of pine, a 
 resinous wood which a single shell would be sufficient 
 to set on fire. The fort is destitute of casemates (the 
 only shelter from bombs) even for the sick, the am* 
 munition or provisions. To these inconveniencies 
 may be added the bad situation of the fort, command- 
 fid by several mounds of sand, as above described, at 
 the distance of from two to three hundred yards. 
 On the summit of those mounds it would be very 
 easy to mount pieces of artillery, whose slanting fire 
 would command the inside of the fort. 
 
 From the first information of the preparations 
 making by the British at Pensacola, until the 12th of 
 September, on which day four large vessels were 
 discovered in the offing, the garrison of the fort had 
 been constantly employed in putting the fortifications 
 in a condition to resist the enemy. Major Lawrence 
 aow ordered all the men of the garrison to enter 
 within the fort, and to ke,ep themselves in readiness 
 
 F 
 
34 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 for action. From that moment the garrison passed 
 each night under arms, every man at his post. 
 
 Before I enter on the particulars of the eventb 
 posterior to the 12th, it may be proper to give a state 
 ment of the strength of the garrison, and of the 
 means of defence. 
 
 The garrison consisted of one hundred and thirty 
 men including officers, and the whole artillery of 
 the fort was twenty pieces of cannon, distributed 
 in the following manner: two twenty- fours, six 
 twelves, eight nines, and four fours; the twen 
 ty-fours and twelves being alone mounted on 
 coast carriages, and all the others on Spanish carri 
 ages little fit for service. One nine-pounder and 
 three fours were mounted on the bastion, all the rest 
 on the circular battery and its flanks. Those guns 
 in the rear bastion and on the flanks, were on tem 
 porary platforms, and the men exposed from their 
 knees upwards. 
 
 On the 12th of September, the sentinel stationed 
 towards lake Borgne, reported that on the morning 
 of that day the enemy had landed six hundred 
 Indians or Spaniards, and one hundred and thirty 
 marines, and on the evening of the same day, two 
 English sloops of war, with two brigs, came to an 
 chor on the coast, within six miles east of the fort. 
 
 On the 13th, the enemy sent reconnoitring par 
 lies towards the back of the fort, who approached 
 to within three quarters of a mile of it. At half after 
 twelve, the enemy approached within the distance 
 of seven hundred yards, whence they threw against 
 the fort three shells and one cannon ball. The shells 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 35 
 
 did no injury, having exploded in the air; but the 
 ball, which was a twelve pound shot, struck a piece 
 of timber that crowned the rampart of the curtain, 
 part of which it carried away and then rebounded. 
 The fort returned a few shots in the direction of the 
 smoke of the enemy s guns, they being covered by 
 the mounds of sand. 
 
 Meanwhile, the enemy, under cover of those 
 mounds, retired a mile and a half behind the fort, and 
 appeared to be employed in raising intrenchments. 
 Three discharges of cannon were once more sufficient 
 to disperse them. In the afternoon, several light boats 
 having attempted to sound the channel nearest the 
 point, were forced, by the balls and grape-shot fired 
 against them, to return to their ships. 
 
 On the 14th, at six in the morning, the enemy 
 still continued at the same distance, apparently em 
 ployed in some works of fortification; the ships like 
 wise remained at the same anchorage. 
 
 On the 15th of September, a day ever memora 
 ble for the garrison of fort Bowyer, the enemy by 
 his movements gave early indications of his intention 
 to attack; for by break of day, a very active com 
 munication was perceived between the ships and the 
 troops on shore. 
 
 Towards noon, the wind having slackened to a 
 light breeze from the southeast, the ships weighed 
 anchor and stood out to sea: at two o clock they 
 tacked and bore down against the fort before the 
 wind in line of battle, in the channel, the foremost 
 ship being the Hermes, on board of which was the 
 commodore, captain Percy. 
 
36 HISTORICAL MEMOIK. 
 
 Major Lawrence seeing the enemy determined 
 on making a regular attack, called a council of all his 
 officers. They unanimously agreed to make the 
 most obstinate resistance, vigorously exerting every 
 means of defence, and came to the following resolu 
 tion: 
 
 " That in case of being, by imperious necessity, 
 compelled to surrender (which could only happen in 
 the last extremity, on the ramparts being entirely 
 battered down, and the garrison almost wholly de 
 stroyed, so that any further resistance would be evi 
 dently useless,) no capitulation should be agreed on, 
 unless it had for its fundamental article that the offi 
 cers and privates should retain their arms and their 
 private property, and that on no pretext should the 
 Indians be suffered to commit any outrage on their 
 persons or property; and unless full assurance were 
 given them that they would be treated as prisoners 
 of war, according to the custom established among 
 civilized nations." 
 
 AH the officers of the garrison unanimously swore, 
 in no case, nor on any pretext, to recede from the 
 above conditions; and they pledged themselves to 
 each other, that in case of the death of any of them, 
 the survivors would still consider themselves bound 
 to adhere to what had been resolved on. 
 
 By 4 o clock in the afternoon, the commodore s 
 ship being within the reach of our great guns, a fire 
 was opened on her from two twcnty-four-pounders. 
 but with little effect. The ship then fired one of her 
 fore guns, but her shot did not reach the fort. As 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 37 
 
 the ships appeared, all the guns that could be brought 
 to bear opened on them a brisk fire. 
 
 At half past four, the Hermes came to anchor 
 under our battery, within musket shot of the fort; 
 and the other three took their station behind that 
 ship, forming a line of battle in the channel. The 
 engagement now became general, and the circular, 
 battery kept up a dreadful firj against the most ad 
 vanced ships, whilst, on the other hand, the four 
 ships discharged against the fort whole broadsides, 
 besides frequent single shots. Meanwhile captain 
 Woodbine, the person who had enlit ed and trained 
 the Indians in Pensacola, opened the fire of a battery 
 that he had established behind the bluff on the south 
 east shore, at the distance of seven hundred yards 
 from the fort. That battery had one twelve-pounder 
 and a six -inch howitzer, firing balls and shells: these 
 the south battery of the fort soon silenced. It was 
 now that the fire on both sides raged with the great 
 est fury; the fort and the ships being enveloped in a 
 blaze of fire and smoke, until half past five, when the 
 haliards of the commodore s flag were carried away 
 by a ball, and the flag fell. 
 
 On this major Lawrence, with his characteristic 
 humanity, instantly caused the firing to cease, with a 
 view to ascertain the real intention of the enemy, 
 who discontinued firing for five minutes; at the ex 
 piration of which, the brig next to the Hermes, dis 
 charged a whole broadside against the fort, and at the 
 same time the commodore hoisted a new flag. All 
 the guns of the battery being at that moment loaded, 
 they were all fired at once, and produced such a com- 
 
38 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 motion that it shook the ground. A few moments 
 of silence succeeded. The enemy began to perceive 
 the effect his conduct had on the minds of the garri 
 son, who indignant at the manner in which the British 
 made war, resolved, from the moment of the flag s 
 being replaced, to bury themselves under the ruins 
 of the fort, rather than surrender. The fire being 
 renewed, continued for some time on both sides with 
 the same violence. The Hermes having had her^ca- 
 ble.cut, was carried away by the current, and pre 
 sented her head to the fort, and in that position she 
 remained from fifteen to twenty minutes, whilst the 
 raking fire of the fort swept fore and aft almost every 
 thing on deck. At the moment when the fire was 
 most intense, the flagstaff was carried away. This 
 the British plainly perceived; bilt instead of following 
 the example of major Lawrence, in suspending their 
 fire, they redoubled it, and each of the ships discharg 
 ed her whole broadside against the fort. 
 
 Major Lawrence immediately hoisted another flag 
 on the edge of the parapet, having fastened it to a 
 sponge- staff. 
 
 No sooner had the flag of the fort fallen, than the 
 enemy s troops on shore advanced towards the fort, 
 believing it had surrendered; but a few discharges 
 of grape-shot soon convinced them of their error, 
 and forced them to retire again behind the mounds 
 of sand. The Hermes no longer holding by her ca- 
 ble, drifted with the current about half a mile, and 
 having run aground on the bank, the commodore set 
 her on fire. The brig that was next in the line to 
 the Hermes, had suffered so much, that it was with 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 39 
 
 difficulty she could retire beyond the reach of the 
 guns of the fort; but at last the three remaining ships 
 got out to sea. The fort continued firing on the 
 Hermes until night, by which time she appeared in 
 flames, and burned until eleven, when the fire having 
 reached the powder, she blew up with a tremendous 
 explosion. 
 
 During the action, two of the guns of the fort 
 were dismounted, and one broken off by a thirty -two 
 pound ball, and another burst. I must observe, that 
 of the whole number of guns that were in the fort, 
 eight could not be brought to bear on the ships, and 
 that the greater part of the men who served at the guns, 
 belonged to the infantry, and had never seen artillery 
 service before they were stationed at fort Bowyer: 
 several of their officers also were little acquainted with 
 artillery. (See Atlas, plate No. 3.) 
 
 To form a just estimate of the m^rit of the brave 
 garrison of fort Bowyer, it is necessary to know the 
 force they had to contend against; I therefore give 
 here the statement of that force, as follows: 
 
 The ship Hermes of 28 32-pound carronades. 
 
 The ship Caron 28 do. 
 
 The brig Sophia 18 do. 
 
 The Anaconda 16 do. 
 
 90 guns. 
 
 A land battery, one 12 pound- ? o 
 er and a 6 inch howitzer. 3 
 
 Total pieces of artillery 92 
 
40 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 The enemy s force in men was as follows: 
 The Hermes had 
 The Caron 
 The Sophia 
 The Anaconda 
 
 Marines 
 Indians 
 
 The whole effective force 1330 men. 
 
 From the above statement, the proportion appears 
 :o have been above ten to one; and five to one pieces 
 of artillery. 
 
 The loss sustained by the garrison was four kil 
 
 led and four wounded. That of the enemy was: 
 
 On board the four ships killed 160 
 
 Wounded 70 
 
 On land killed 2 
 
 Total 232 
 
 The proportion appears thus to be twenty-nine 
 killed on the side of the British to one on the side of 
 the garrison. 
 
 Such was the result of the expedition fitted out 
 at Pensacola with the greatest care, and with all man 
 ner of assistance on the part of the Spaniards. 
 
 This victory of the American arms over the Bri^ 
 tish troops under such circumstances, with so extra 
 ordinary a disproportion of force and of loss, was but 
 the harbinger of the brilliant successes which the sons 
 of liberty were very soon to obtain on the banks of the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 41 
 
 > 
 
 Mississippi, and of the humiliation that awaited Bri 
 tish pride. 
 
 Commodore Percy relied so much on the superi 
 ority of the number of troops with which he was 
 about to attack fort Bowyer, that he made no secret 
 of his intention to allow the garrison but twenty mi 
 nutes to capitulate. But how wofully he was disap 
 pointed in his expectations! 
 
 Instead of the laurels he was so confident of gather 
 ing, he carried off the shame of having been repuls 
 ed by a handful of men, inferior by nine-tenths to the 
 forces he commanded. Instead of possessing him 
 self of an important point, very advantageous for the 
 military operations contemplated by his government, 
 he left under the guns of fort Bowyer the wrecks of 
 his own vessel, and the dead bodies of one hundred 
 and sixty-two of his men. Instead of returning to 
 Pensacola in triumph, offering the Spaniards, as a re 
 ward of their good wishes and assistance, a portion of 
 the laurels obtained, and the pleasure of seeing the 
 American prisoners he was confident of taking, he 
 brought back to that port, which had witnessed his 
 extravagant boasting, nothing but three shattered 
 vessels full of wounded men. 
 
 The Spaniards, too timid and too weak to dare to 
 attempt any thing by themselves, saw in the British 
 avengers sent to realize the chimerical dreams with 
 which they had fondly suffered themselves to be de 
 luded. At the Havanna, in Pensacola, and even in 
 New Orleans, six months before the attack on fort 
 Bowyer, it had been currently reported that the time 
 was not far off when the Spanish government was to 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 recover possession of that part of Florida annexed to 
 the state of Louisiana and to the Mississippi territory. 
 
 Too prudent to attempt any thing without being 
 sure of success, too weak for any undertaking by 
 themselves, the Spaniards relied on the English for 
 the recovery, without danger to them, of that which, 
 with so little foundation, they claimed as a portion 
 of their territory. 
 
 This guile and duplicity of the Spaniards, was 
 seen through by the Americans, and it will hereafter 
 appear that the commander of the seventh military 
 district of the United States, thought it his duty to 
 put a stop to their infamous proceedings. 
 
 The important service rendered by the garrison 
 effort Bowyer could not fail to be justly estimated. 
 On the 17th general Jackson, then at Mobile, wrote 
 a complimentary letter to major Lawrence, expres 
 sive of the joy he felt on hearing of the glorious de 
 fence made by the garrison under his command, and 
 acquainting him that he had despatched information 
 of it to the general government, who would not fail 
 duly to reward the brave defenders of the rights and 
 honour of the American people. 
 
 The New Orleans committee of defence resolved 
 that their president, Edward Livingston, esqr. should 
 be diiccted to write in their name to major Lawrence, 
 to assure him of the sentiments of gratitude and joy 
 with which the inhabitants of that city had learned 
 the gallant defence of fort BoiVyer, and the impor 
 tant service rendered by the garrison, not only to 
 Louisiana, but to the whole union, in preserving to 
 them so important a point. At the same time it was 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR* 43 
 
 resolved that, in testimony of these sentiments, there 
 should be presented to major Lawrence a sword 
 adorned with suitable emblems. (See Appendix, 
 No. 15.) 
 
 On the 21st of September, major-general Jack 
 son, whose head-quarters were at that t.me at Mobile, 
 issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Louisiana, 
 in which he sets forth the perfidious conduct of the 
 British on our coasts, and the proposal made to the 
 privateers of Barataria, to join them, and rally round 
 their standard. That proclamation announces to the 
 Louisianians that the government and the general 
 rely on their zealous assistance in repelling the enemy, 
 should he dare to set foot on our soil. (See Appendix 
 No. 16.) On the same day, general Jackson issued a 
 proclamation addressed to the free men of colour of 
 Louisiana, inviting them to unite under the banners 
 of their country for the purpose of contributing to its 
 defence. That proclamation refers them to governor 
 Ciaiborne for instructions as to the mode of forming 
 eorps. (See Appendix, No. 17.) 
 
 The spirit of patriotism and zeal which had been 
 evinced with so much ardour for the defence of the 
 country, in Tennessee, by the levying of the troops 
 that had already joined general Jackson, and were 
 encamped on the Alabama, under the command of 
 general Coffee, was again manifested in the further 
 levy of five thousand men, which took place in that 
 state about the middle of October. The general 
 government had received information that the enemy 
 was preparing an expedition against the state of Lou 
 isiana, by the way of Mobile, and that his intention 
 
44 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 was to obtain possession of all the coast, from cape 
 Florida, as far as the Spanish provinces to the west of 
 the Mississippi. 
 
 EXPEDITION AGAINST PENSACOLA. 
 
 THE Creek Indians in the year 1813 had been de 
 feated and routed by a body of the Tennessee militia 
 commanded by major general Andrew Jackson, and 
 deputies of the Creek nation having sued for peace, 
 had agreed to meet him or some American commis 
 sioners on the 10th of August 1814, to determine 
 the boundaries of their nation with the United States. 
 The treaty, as now in force, was settled; but a cer 
 tain proportion of the Creeks having refused to par 
 ticipate in it, remained still at war with the United 
 States, committing depredations on our settlements 
 on the Alabama, the Tombigbee, and Mobile bay, and 
 they were aided and abetted by the Spaniards, who 
 supplied them with arms and ammunition, and receiv 
 ed in Pensacola the property plundered from our citi 
 zens. General Jackson demanded satisfaction from 
 the Spanish governor of Pensacola, who in a haughty 
 answer said, that he would protect, clothe and arm, his 
 Indians (as he termed them) that in the ensuing fall 
 he would expatiate more largely on the subject, evi 
 dently alluding to the intended attack of the south 
 ern states by the British. The messenger who 
 brought this answer had hardly arrived, when a Bri 
 tish force, allied with the Creek Indians, came from 
 Pensacola and attacked, on the 15th September 1814. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 45 
 
 fort Eowytr on Mobile Point; and after having been 
 repulsed, as has been above related, with the loss 
 of a ship and a great number of men, they returned 
 to Pensacola, and there were received, as the friends 
 and allies of the Spaniards, who suffered them to gar 
 rison their forts, and even arrested and confined some 
 American citizens, who were suspected of being un 
 friendly to the British government. 
 
 Major- general Jackson, to put an end to this 
 breach of the law of nations, determined to take 
 possession of Pensacola, thereby to deprive the Indi 
 ans and their British allies of a place of shelter and 
 refuge, after their aggressions on our territory. He 
 accordingly assembled, near fort Montgomery on the 
 Alabama, an army of about four thousand men, com 
 posed of detachments of the 3d, 39th, and 44th re 
 giments of infantry, the militia of Tennessee, and a 
 battalion of volunteer dragoons of the Mississippi ter 
 ritory. 
 
 A detachment of cavalry under lieutenant Mur 
 ray of the Mississippi dragoons were sent to recon 
 noitre. They made prisoners a Spanish advanced 
 picket, but could perceive nothing; and lieutenant 
 Murray having imprudently followed alone an Indian 
 whom he saw at some distance, was shot by him. He 
 was regretted as a brave and excellent officer. The 
 army arrived on the 6th of November 1814, within 
 two miles of Pensacola. (See Atlas, plate No. 2.) 
 
 Major-general Jackson despatched major Peire to 
 the governor with a summons; but when that officer 
 was at about two or three hundred yards distance of 
 fort St. Michael, in defiance of the sacred laws of na- 
 
46 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 tions, he was fired upon from a twelve-pounder, al 
 though his character, as a flag of truce, could not be 
 mistaken, he having a large white flag and approach- 
 ing alone; major Peire, after having reconnoitred the 
 fort and seen it occupied by British troops, reported 
 to the commanding general, who had been previously 
 informed that two flags (one Spanish the other British) 
 had been displayed on the wails of the fort, and that 
 the latter had only been withdrawn the day before 
 the arrival of the American army; and making no 
 doubt that this wanton behaviour towards the sacred 
 character of a flag of truce, was only to be attributed 
 to the British, who, doubtless, did not wish to be seen 
 in the act of violating the neutrality of the Spanish 
 territory, the major-general impelled by a sense of hu 
 manity towards the oppressed Spaniards sent a letter 
 by a prisoner, to the governor, demanding an expla 
 nation and satisfaction of the affront offered to his flag. 
 The army was at the same time encamped one 
 mile and a half from the town. The Spanish governor 
 immediately despatched an officer with assurances of 
 his not having had any participation in the transac 
 tion of the morning, and added that if the major-ge 
 neral was pleased to renew the communication, he 
 pledged himself that his messenger should be receiv 
 ed with due respect. Major Peire went again at 
 midnight, with instructions. The governor having 
 assembled his principal officers, was informed of the 
 conditions proposed by general Jackson, viz: to re 
 ceive an American garrison in the forts St. Michael 
 and Barrancas, until the Spanish government could 
 procure a sufficient force to enable them to maintain 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 47 
 
 their neutrality against its violation by the British who 
 had possessed themselves of the fortresses, notwith 
 standing the remonstrances and protest of the Spa 
 nish governor. That the- Amenean forces should be 
 withdrawn as soon as such a respectable force should 
 arrive. These conditions having been refused, ma 
 jor Peire declared, agreeably to his instructions, that 
 however reluctant to the feelings of the general, re 
 course would be had to arms. 
 
 On his return, the 7th November, 1814, three 
 thousand men were marched from the encampment 
 in three columns: the centre, composed of detachments 
 of the 39th and 44th regiments of infantry, command 
 ed by major Woodruff, and two pieces of artillery. 
 The right column, composed of general Coffee s vo 
 lunteers of Tennessee, and the left of the drafted mi 
 litia of Tennessee and the Chactaw Indians, command 
 ed by major Blue, marched in the rear, with a batta 
 lion of volunteer dragoons of the Mississippi territo 
 ry, under major Hinds. 
 
 The column was directed to proceed along the sea 
 beach towards the eastward of the town, to avoid pass 
 ing under the fire of fort St. Michael; when in sight of 
 the town, the sand proving too heavy for the artillery 
 to make any progress, the centre column was ordered 
 to charge, which was done in the most gallant manner. 
 As soon as the head of the column appeared in the 
 principal street, a Spanish battery of two pieces was 
 opened against them, but was immediately carried at 
 the point of the bayonet, with the loss of eleven men 
 killed and wounded; amongst the latter were the gal 
 lant captain Lavafbf the 3d, and lieutenant Flournov 
 
48 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of the 44th regiment. The Spaniards lost only a 
 few men, four killed and six wounded; the American 
 soldiers, with that mild disposition which character 
 izes the brave, having spared the vanquished. 
 
 The governor of Pensacola, don Gonzales Man- 
 riques, having sent a flag of truce to the American 
 general, hostilities immediately ceased, and it was 
 agreed that the block houses in town, fort St. Michael, 
 and Barrancas, should receive an American garrison. 
 But the commandant of fort St. Michael refused to 
 obey the order of the governor. The general sent 
 him a summons offering him the same advantageous 
 propositions which had been made the night before, 
 and giving him half an hour to determine; and having 
 given the command of the town to major Peire and 
 left him eight hundred men, with instructions to get 
 possession of the fort before night, either by negoci- 
 ating or by force, retired to his camp with the remain 
 der of the troops. As he left the town, the British 
 shipping attempted to annoy him with long guns, but 
 without effect. 
 
 It was of the utmost importance that the forts 
 should be taken possession of before morning, as 
 the British frigate the Seahorse, the Sophia sloop 
 of war, and^.he had springs to their ca 
 bles and were ready either t > set fire to the town 
 or effect a landing. The following measures were 
 taken. Two companies, with three pieces of can 
 non, under the command of captain Denkins, were 
 placed on mount St. Bernard, a position which com 
 mands fort St. Michael, ami five hundred men were 
 placed on the beach to oppose a landing if attempted. 
 At six o clock P. M. colonel Sotto, commandant of 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 49 
 
 f&rt St. Michael, after having sent by two captains a 
 verbal acceptance of the conditions offered him, refu 
 sed to receive captain Denkins with his command, 
 whom major Peire had sent to take possession of 
 the fort, saying they could not evacuate it before 
 morning. These delays and the bad faith of the 
 Spanish commandant were evidently designed to give 
 the British time to prepare to come to their assistance. 
 This did not escape the American commandant, who 
 ordered captain Denkins to commence an aft ack up 
 on the fort immediately, and was about to march his 
 forces to storm the place, when colonel Sotto, aware 
 of the consequences, surrendered, under the same 
 conditions proposed at first by the general in chief 
 and possession was taken of the fort at eleven o clock 
 P. M. On the same afternoon a battery called St. 
 Rose, situated opposite fort Barrancas at the entrance 
 of the bay, was blown up by the Spaniards. 
 
 It is here worthy of remark that property was 
 respected and good order and decorum as much ob 
 served as if the American troops had entered a friend- 
 ly town; and although it had been taken by storm, 
 not a single act of insubordination was complained 
 of. The Spaniards were so much pleased with this 
 behaviour, that they expressed their admiration and 
 astonishment, at being better treated by the Ameri 
 cans, who seemingly had entered their town as foes, 
 than by their British allies and friends, who used 
 them very cavalierly and secreted on board their ships 
 nearly four hundred slaves, who had ran away from 
 their masters., and vvho, notwithstanding severe remofi- 
 
50 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 strances and repeated applications from the Spanish 
 authorities, refused to restore them. 
 
 Next morning, the 8th, the governor having been 
 applied to, for his order to the commandant of the 
 Barrancas to receive an American garrison, refused 
 to give it, alleging that it would not be obeyed. 
 General Jackson then resolved to go down and take 
 that fortress. The Barrancas is a strong battery, of 
 
 twenty-four pounders, and together with 
 
 fort St. Rose, on a small island situated opposite, com* 
 mands effectually the entrance of Pensacola bay; but 
 on the land side it is not so well defended. Prepara 
 tions were making to march the army down to take that 
 fort; when in the evening, an explosion was heard and 
 flames were seen proceeding from the same direction. 
 General Jackson soon heard by a prisoner, (which af 
 terwards proved to be the fact, the general having 
 sent to the spot fo reconnoitre) that the British had 
 persuaded the Spanish commandant to blow up the 
 fortifications, and to retreat to the Havanna, with all 
 his force, amounting to three or four hundred men. 
 
 The British shipping by this occurrence dropped 
 down unmolested, and put to sea. The following 
 was the situation of affairs. The British expelled 
 from Pensacola bay; the Indians wandering in those 
 low islands, perishing for want of food; the Spaniards 
 punished for their want of good faith, and taught by 
 sad experience, that they could not expect to injure 
 their peaceable neighbours with impunity. On the 
 other hand, the American army, composed of about 
 four thousand men, of whom one thousand were 
 mounted, could be supplied only by land conveyance 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 51 
 
 (the British commanding the sea) from a country 
 which was itself in want of provisions: the winter 
 was setting in. The object of the expedition being 
 accomplished, the major-general seeing that the pre 
 sence of most of the troops would be wanted for the 
 defence of New Orleans, determined to withdraw 
 them from the Spanish territory, and march the army 
 back to Mobile and New Orleans. The army set 
 out on the 9th of November, for fort Montgomery on 
 the Alabama, whence the troops were marched to 
 their respective destinations, and the general, after 
 jiaving made some dispositions at Mobile for the 
 protection of that place, set out the 21st November, 
 by land, and arrived at New Orleans the 2d of De 
 cember, 1814. 
 
 The legislature of the state of Louisiana, which 
 had convened by the governor s proclamation of the 
 5th of October, met on the 10th of November. The 
 following day, the governor delivered to both houses, 
 a speech, on which the limits of this work do not 
 permit us to enlarge; we shall, therefore, merely ob 
 serve, that after taking a cursory view of the military 
 events that had taken place from the commencement 
 of the war, and particularly during the last campaign, 
 the governor informed the legislature of the well- 
 founded apprehensions entertained of an attack on 
 Louisiana by the British, with a force, as was pre 
 sumed, of from twelve to fifteen thousand men. The 
 governor next entered into minute details as to the 
 
52 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 forces we had to oppose to those of the enemy. He 
 informed the legislature, that the troops which had 
 already taken the field, were shortly to be joined by 
 considerable reinforcements of Tennessee and Ken 
 tucky militia. He expressed his satisfaction at the 
 zeal, patriotism, and military ardour, displayed by the 
 inhabitants of the country, in this critical conjuncture; 
 commended the alacrity with which the several militia 
 officers had effected the levy of the quota of militia 
 called out; and bestowed particular expressions of 
 commendation, on the zeal of the inhabitants of Attak- 
 apas and Feliciana, who had already formed two 
 companies of cavalry. 
 
 The governor finally recommended to the legisla 
 ture to order the expenses to be incurred by the move 
 ments of the militia, in the event of the enemy s effect 
 ing a landing in any part of the state, to be advanced 
 out of the state treasury, saving a claim on the general 
 government for the reimbursement of the sums ad 
 vanced. 
 
 On the 2d of December, general Jackson arrived 
 at New Orleans, where he established his head-quar 
 ters. On the same day he reviewed the battalion of 
 the uniform companies of New Orleans militia, com 
 manded by major Daquin. The military appearance 
 of those companies, completely equipped, and the 
 precision of their manoeuvres, gave the general great 
 pleasure, and he testified his satisfaction to the offi- 
 cers. From that day the general foresaw what he 
 might expect from that gallant battalion; and we shall 
 see in the course of the campaign that it realized bh 
 expectations. 
 
UNP 
 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 53 
 
 The situation of our country at that period, owing 
 to the proximity of the enemy the number of whose 
 ships of war on our coast was daily increasing was 
 critical in the extreme: but the unbounded confidence 
 which the nation in general had in the talents of gene 
 ral Jackson, made us all look up to that officer, as a 
 commander destined to lead our troops to victory, 
 and to save our country. It is hardly possible to form 
 an idea of the change which his arrival produced on 
 the minds of the people. Hitherto partial attempts 
 had been made to adopt measures of defence; the 
 legislature had appointed a joint committee of both 
 houses, to concert with the governor, commodore 
 Patterson, and the military cqmmandant, such mea 
 sures as they should deem most expedient; but nothing 
 had been done. There was wanting that concen 
 tration of power, so necessary for the success of mili-. 
 tary operations. The citizens, having very little con 
 fidence in their civil or military authorities, for the 
 defence of the country, were filled with distrust and 
 gloomy apprehension. Miserable disputes on account 
 of two different committees of defence; disputes, un 
 fortunately countenanced by the presence and influ 
 ence of several public officers, had driven the peo 
 ple to despondency; they complained, and not with 
 out cause, that the legislature wasted time, and con 
 sumed the money of the state, in idle discussions on 
 empty formalities of election, while all their time, and 
 all the wealth they squandered, might be profitably 
 employed in the defence of the country. Credit 
 w annihilated already for several months had the 
 banks suspended the payment of their notes; to sup- 
 
54 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 ply the want of specie, one and three dollar notes had 
 been issued, and dollars had been cut as a substitute 
 for small change. On the banks refusing specie, 
 the monied men had drawn in their funds, which 
 they no longer lent out, without an usurious interest 
 of three or four per cent, per month. Every one was 
 distressed; confidence had ceased; and with it, almost 
 every species of business. 
 
 Our situation seemed desperate. In case of an 
 attack, we could hope to be saved only by a miracle, 
 or by the wisdom and genius of a commander-m- 
 chief. Accordingly, on his arrival, he was immedi 
 ately invested with the confidence of the public, and 
 all hope centered in him. We shall, hereafter, see how 
 amply he merited the confidence which he inspired. 
 
 With his usual activity, adhering to his constant 
 practice of seeing every thing himself, as far as prac 
 ticable, general Jackson, the second clay after his ar 
 rival, set out to visit fort St. Philip, at Plaquemines, 
 and to examine what parts of the river below New 
 Orleans, it might be expedient to fortify. Previous 
 ly to his departure, he had sent orders to governor 
 Claiborne to cause all the bayous leading from the 
 ocean into the interior of the country, to be obstruct 
 ed. This measure had been ordered to be executed 
 along the whole coast, from Attakapas to Chef-Men- 
 teur and Manchac. 
 
 On visiting fort St. Philip, the general ordered 
 the demolition of the wooden barracks within the fort, 
 several additional pieces of artillery to be mounted on 
 the rampart, and a thirty-two pounder and a mortar 
 in the covered wav. He also ordered two batteries 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 55 
 
 to be constructed, the one opposite the fort on the 
 right bank, on the site of tire former fort Bourbon, 
 and the other half a mile above the fort, and on the 
 same bank. These batteries were to be mounted 
 with twenty-four pounders. The latter, in particu 
 lar, was in a situation extremely advantageous for 
 commanding the river, and could join its fire with 
 that of fort St. Philip. 
 
 On his return to New Orleans, the general ordered 
 me to draw out the necessary plans for those two 
 batteries, which plans being drawn out and approved 
 of by him, the necessary measures were taken for 
 putting them into immediate execution. General 
 Jackson proceeded to visit Chef-Menteur, and having 
 gone as far as the confluence of the bayou Sauvage 
 and the river of Chef-Menteur, he ordered the erec 
 tion of a battery at that point. 
 
 In the evening of the 13th of December, commo 
 dore Patterson received information that the naval 
 forces of the enemy at anchor at Ship island, were 
 increased to thirty sail, of which six were ships of 
 the line; that others were every moment arriving, es 
 pecially a number of light vessels, calculated for 
 navigating on our coast where there is but little water, 
 and that the enemy appeared to be sounding the 
 passes. 
 
 The general wrote on the 10th to the governor of 
 the state, and informed him of his return from visiting 
 the posts down the river as far as fort St. Philip. In that 
 letter he observes that the river is capable of being 
 well defended, provided suitable batteries be raised 
 on its banks; and that he has fixed on the points on 
 
56 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 nvhich they ought to be erected. The general prei- 
 poses to the governor to call on the patriotism of the 
 members of the legislature, to assist him in the pre 
 sent conjuncture, with all the means in their power. 
 As the works to be raised chiefly consist of earth 
 thrown up, he is of opinion that it would be expe 
 dient to suggest to the planters the propriety of fur 
 nishing their gangs of negroes, to be employed for a 
 certain time in those works. He thinks the impor 
 tance of the subject worthy the immediate attention 
 of the legislature, who, he hopes, will not delay a mo 
 ment to furnish means for putting the country in a 
 state of defence, by the erection of the fortifications 
 contemplated. These, when completed, the general 
 thinks, will secure the river against the attacks of the 
 enemy; but not a moment, says he, is to be lost in 
 perfecting the defence of the Mississippi. With 
 vigour, energy, and expedition, all is safe; delay may 
 lose all. 
 
 The general concludes by requesting the governor 
 to let him know, as soon as possible, what the legisla 
 ture is disposed to do, to assist him in erecting the for 
 tifications; he instances to him as a bright example, 
 what had been done in New York. In case the legisla 
 ture should not be able to realize the expectations he 
 had conceived from their patriotism, the general wishes 
 to know it, that he may make arrangements according 
 to the means he possesses, for the defence of the 
 country. 
 
 On the 14th of December, governor Claiborne 
 addressed a circular letter to the inhabitants of the 
 parishes of Plaquemines, St. Bernard, St. Charles, and 
 St. John the Baptist, informing them of a resolution 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 57 
 
 passed by the legislature, requiring the governor to 
 call upon the inhabitants of such parishes as he might 
 think proper, to send all such male negroes as they 
 could dispose of to fort St. Charles or to the En 
 glish Turn, to be thence sent to the different points 
 that might be judged proper to be fortified, there to 
 work on the fortifications. The governor in his cir 
 cular letter, makes known to the inhabitants, that the 
 state is in danger, that the enemy is in considerable 
 force on our coast, and that his movements indi 
 cate a disposition to land. He concludes by ex 
 pressing his reliance on the patriotism of the in 
 habitants, and his hopes that in the hour of peril, the 
 voice of government will be listened to and respect 
 ed by every good citizen. 
 
 CAPTURE OF THE GUN-BOATS. 
 
 THE arrival of a great number of the enemy s 
 ships of various force on our eastern coast, sufficiently 
 announced the intention of the British, soon to make 
 an attack in this quarter. Commodore Daniel T* 
 Patterson, commanding the New Orleans station, 
 had received from Pensacola, a letter, dated the 5th 
 of December, informing him of the arrival of sixty 
 sail of British vessels, and of a still greater num 
 ber being expected; that those vessels had on board 
 a considerable number of troops destined to act 
 against New Orleans. (See Appendix, No. 18.) 
 On this information, the commodore had sent five 
 gun-boats, one tender, and a despatch boat, towards 
 the passes Mariana and Christiana, to watch the ene- 
 
 1 
 
58 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 my s movements in that quarter. The command of 
 this flotilla was given to Thomas Asp. Catesby Jones, 
 who hoisted his flag on board gun-boat No. 156. 
 Commodore Patterson s instructions directed that, 
 if possible, it would be well to wait for the enemy s 
 barges, lanches, and pinnaces on the outside of the 
 Rigolets; that perhaps the enemy would endeavour 
 to cut off the gun-boats with his small craft, and that 
 if his forces were too considerable, it was not advisa 
 ble to remain too long at the same anchoring ground, 
 at that time between Ship and Cat islands, and 
 that it was important to secure a retreat at the Rigo 
 lets, where they must wait for the enemy, and sink 
 him or be sunk. The commodore particularly re 
 commended the most vigilant attention in watching 
 the enemy s movements, directing information there 
 of to be sent to him as frequently as possible. 
 
 Pursuant to his instructions, lieutenant Jones had 
 detached gun-boats No. 23, lieutenant M Keever, 
 and No. 163, sailing-master Ulrick, to Dauphine 
 island. On the 9th of December, these two vessels 
 being at anchor within the island, espied two ships 
 of war out at sea, steering westward. The two gun 
 boats immediately set sail, and accompanied them, 
 keeping within the island till night; when the ships 
 appeared to come to an anchor, the gun-boats continu 
 ed on their course, and joined company, opposite Bi- 
 loxi, with the three other gun-boats Nos. 5, 156 and 
 1 62, which composed the whole flotilla. They made 
 sail the whole night, apprehending that if they remain 
 ed at anchor, the enemy might send barges in the 
 night to take them. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. , 59 
 
 On the 10th, by break of day, they discovered an 
 entire fleet of the enemy s vessels at anchor in the 
 channel between Cat-island and Ship-island; on which 
 the gun- boats made for pass Mariana, within which 
 they anchored, and received provisions from the bay 
 St. Louis. 
 
 On the llth they remained at anchor the whole 
 day, and put the gun- boats in the best condition to 
 sustain an attack; and on the 12th they made sail 
 towards the eastern point of Cat-island, whence they 
 discovered the enemy s fleet so considerably increas 
 ed, that it would have been imprudent to continue any 
 longer where they then were. 
 
 On the 13th the gun- boats sailed for the bay St. 
 Louis. At 4 o clock in the afternoon were disco- 
 vered a considerable number of the enemy s barges 
 making for pass Christiana; upon which, agreeably to 
 instructions, the gun-boats endeavoured to make for 
 the Rigolets; but the wind having died away, and the 
 current making strong towards the east, they could 
 get no farther than the channel between the main 
 land and Isle aux Malheureux, where they were 
 obliged to come to an anchor about 2 after midnight. 
 
 Sailing-master Johnson, commanding the Sea 
 horse tender, was then in the bay St. Louis for the 
 purpose of protecting the public stores established on 
 its western shore, when he was attacked that same day 
 by several of the enemy s barges. He was supported 
 in his defence by a battery of two six -pounders, and 
 some of the enemy s barges were destroyed; but 
 at last captain Johnson was forced to yield to num 
 bers, and set fire to his vessel, as likewise to the public 
 
60 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 stores, to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 On the 14th, by break of day, were discovered, 
 five miles to the eastward, a great number of barges 
 formed in a line, which came to and laid on their 
 graplings for about fifteen minutes, after which they 
 sdvanced in a line of about forty-five barges and other 
 craft in front, to attack the gun-boats. Lieutenant 
 M Keever s, No. 23, carrying a thirty-two pounder, 
 tried immediately to fire on the barges, but the ball 
 could not reach them. " A small division of them 
 made for the tender Alligator, which had been pre 
 vented by the calm from joining the gun-boats, and 
 was at anchor two miles from them, to the southeast of 
 Malheureux island. Having taken the Alligator, the 
 division rejoined the flotilla, which continued to ad 
 vance in line of battle, until they got so near that the 
 fire from the gun-boats began to produce some confu 
 sion; on which they separated into three divisions. One 
 of these consisting of fifteen barges, attacked commo 
 dore Jones s gun-boat, No. 156, at anchor half a ca 
 ble s length from the others, in the centre towards 
 the enemy. The others divided so as to attack all 
 the gun-boats at once. By half after eleven in the 
 forenoon, the attack became general, and after three 
 quarters of an hour of a most vigorous resistance, 
 made by one hundred and eighty -two men, including 
 officers distributed in the different gun-boats, against 
 about twelve hundred of the enemy in very large 
 barges and other craft, carrying nine and tweive- 
 pounders and twenty-four pound carroriades, the gun 
 boats were forced to strike, after having lost six men, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 61 
 
 and thirty-five being wounded, many of them se 
 verely. (See Atlas, plate No. 4.) 
 
 Lieutenant Jones who commanded the flotilla, 
 was wounded in the left shoulder. Lieutenant R. 
 Spidden was wounded in both his arms, one of which 
 it was necessary to amputate; and lieutenant M Kee- 
 ver was also wounded, but slightly. The ene 
 my having got possession of one of the gun-boats, 
 fired several shot from her upon the others, without 
 striking the American flag. The enemy s loss was 
 very considerable, amounting, it is supposed, to up 
 wards of three hundred men. Nor will this estimate 
 appear exaggerated when it is considered that a great 
 number of barges and lanches were sunk. One of 
 the latter, with a crew of one hundred and eighty men, 
 went down astern of No. 156. 
 
 In the report made by lieutenant Jones to commo 
 dore Patterson, (see Appendix No.! 9) and transmit 
 ted by the latter to the secretary of war, may be seen 
 all the particulars of the obstinate resistance made by 
 the officers and crews of the gun- boats, notwithstand 
 ing the disadvantageous circumstances under which 
 they were attacked. Amongst these was a very strong 
 current running against them, while several of them 
 were sunk eighteen inches in the mud, so that it was 
 impossible to manoeuvre against barges almost as large 
 as the gun-boats themselves. It is presumable that 
 had not the wind died away, the gun- boats under sai! 5 
 would have destroyed the flotilla, though numerous 
 and well armed. The British during the fight ma 
 noeuvred verv skilfully, and as soon as they became 
 
62 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 masters of any gun-boat, they directed her fire against 
 such of the others as had not struck. 
 
 The observation, which a due regard to truth com 
 pelled me to make at the beginning of this work, re 
 specting the defenceless state in which Louisiana was 
 found at the time of its invasion, here forces itself 
 again upon me. But it is far from my intention to im 
 pute any fault to those whose conduct exempted them 
 from censure. Probably a concurrence of untoward 
 circumstances, unknown to me, may have occasioned 
 the apparent neglect of Louisiana. No one is more 
 disposed than I am to render justice to the patriotism, 
 activity and zeal displayed by the heads of the differ 
 ent departments of our administration during the 
 whole course of the war, which is now so happily ter 
 minated: nor is any one more ready to acknowledge 
 the firmness and wisdom that so strongly marked the 
 line of conduct pursued by our worthy president. 
 Twenty-five gun- boats, however, might at that time 
 have saved Louisiana, by rendering it impossible for 
 the British to land, and obliging them to abandon the 
 project of attacking New Orleans by the lakes. In 
 that case, the enemy would have been forced to take 
 post at Mobile, in order to carry on the war by 
 land in the Floridas. And fortunate it would have 
 been for us, had he pursued this course, and much it 
 is to be wished he may attempt it, should our country 
 ever hereafter be at war with Great Britain. I pre 
 dict that all the British troops that may attempt to 
 march through the pine-barrens of Florida, will find 
 their graves there; and for the accomplishment of my 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 63 
 
 prediction, I would rely entirely on Tennessee rifle 
 men. 
 
 Commodore Patterson, who had served several 
 years on the New Orleans station, which he had com 
 manded from nearly the commencement of the war, 
 was perfectly acquainted with our coast, and conse 
 quently knew what means were necessary to defend 
 it. On this subject he had written, at an early peri 
 od, and several times since, to the secretary of the 
 navy. At Tchifonte, on the eastern shore of lake 
 Pontchartrain, a flat- bottomed frigate had been begun 
 to be built, two years before, calculated for the navi 
 gation of the lakes and of our coasts. She was to car 
 ry forty-two pieces of cannon, twenty-six of which 
 were to be thirty. two pounders. The building of 
 this frigate was suspended in consequence, I believe, 
 of the representations of brigadier-general Flournoy ? 
 then commanding this district. From his first tak 
 ing the command of the station, commodore Patter- 
 son had not ceased to solicit government to author 
 ize him to have that frigate finished. Governor 
 Claiborne s correspondence with the heads of the dif 
 ferent departments was also to the same effect; but 
 though much was promised, nothing was performed. 
 It might have been thought, from the little regard that 
 was paid to the representations of the superior offi 
 cers of the district, and of our representatives in con 
 gress, that Louisiana was considered as a bastard child 
 of the American family; or that to attack her was 
 looked upon as an impossibility. Yet the attack 
 made on us was within a hair s breadth of succeeding; 
 for had the enemy appeared a few weeks sooner, be- 
 
64 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 fore general Jackson arrived in New Orleans, he 
 might have entered the city with little or no opposi 
 tion, there being no means of resisting him; and how 
 ever well inclined the citizens were to defend them 
 selves, it would have been impossible to prevent the 
 taking of the city. The capture of our gun-boats 
 having left our coast defenceless, and permitted the 
 enemy to choose whatever point he thought most 
 convenient to land on, it became necessary to redou 
 ble our efforts in making preparations for defence. 
 
 General Jackson was returning from a tour of 
 observation to the river of Chef-Menteur, when the 
 intelligence of the loss of the gun-boats reached him. 
 He immediately ordered the militia-battalion of men 
 of colour, commanded by major Lacoste, and the 
 dragoons of Feliciana, to proceed with two pieces of 
 cannon and take post at the confluence of bayou Sau- 
 vage and the river of Chef-Menteur, in order to co 
 ver the road to the city on that side, and watch the 
 enemy s movements. Major Lacoste was also or 
 dered to erect a close redoubt surrounded with a 
 fosse, according to a plan which I drew agreeably to 
 general Jackson s orders. 
 
 On his arrival in town, the general bent his at 
 tention to the fortifying of all assailable points, it 
 being impossible to ascertain which the enemy would 
 make choice of, the want of vessels on the lake depriv 
 ing us of all means of obtaining any certain intelli 
 gence of his movements, before he could effect his 
 landing. 
 
 Captain Newman of the artillery, who commanded 
 the fort of Petites Coquilles, which stands at the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 65 
 
 irtner entry of the pass of the Rigolets, towards lake 
 Pontchartrain, was positively ordered to defend his 
 post to the last extremity, and in case of his not be 
 ing able to hold out, to spike the guns, blow up the 
 fort, and evacuate on the post of Chef-Menteur. 
 
 Capiain P. Jugeant was authorized to levy and 
 form into companies all the Chactaw Indians he could 
 collect. 
 
 On the 15th the commander- in-chief informed 
 generals Coffee, Carrol and Thomas of the taking of 
 the gun-boats, by letters sent~"5y* express, urging 
 them to use all possible speed in marching to New 
 Orleans with the troops under their command. 
 
 General Winchester commanding at Mobile, was 
 also informed of the loss of our naval force, and it 
 was earnestly recommended to him to use the great 
 est vigilance in protecting the vicinity of that town, 
 as the enemy might endeavour to make an attack in 
 that quarter. 
 
 On the 16th general Jackson wrote to the secre 
 tary of war, apprizing him of the capture of the gun 
 boats; he expressed to him his concern for the conse 
 quences that might attend that event, which he appre 
 hended might happen, when he wrote to government 
 suggesting the propriety of giving the necessary or 
 ders for finishing the block-shipbuilding at Tchifonte, 
 and when he gave orders for supplying forts Strother, 
 Williams, and Jackson, with six months provisions. 
 The general apprehended lest the interruption of our 
 communications by water with Mobile, might be at 
 tended with consequences fatal to the safety of the 
 
 K 
 
00 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 country. He however assured the secretary of war 
 that, should the enemy effect a landing, he would, 
 with the help of God, do all he could to repel him, 
 He also informed the secretary that neither the Ten 
 nessee troops nor those of Kentucky had yet arriv 
 ed, but that they were daily expected, and that in 
 the meanwhile he was putting the river below the 
 city in the best possible state of deience. He ac~ 
 quainted him with the taking of the post of the Balise, 
 with all the pilots, and a detachment of troops that was 
 there stationed, but he informed him at the same time 
 of the establishment of martial law, and of the rising of 
 the militia in mass. " The country," said the general, 
 "shall be defended, if in the power of the physical force 
 it contains, with the auxiliary force ordered. We have 
 no arms herewill the government order a supply? 
 If it will, let it be speedily. Without arms, a de 
 ience cannot be made." 
 
 During the summer, while yet among the Creeks, 
 generalJackson had made a requisition of a quantity of 
 arms, ammunition, heavy cannon, balls, bombs, &c. 
 to be sent to New Orleans; but such was the fatality 
 that appeared to be attached to all the measures adopt 
 ed for our defence, that it was riot till the middle of 
 January, 1815, that a very small proportion of what 
 had been ordered, arrived at New Orleans. 
 
 A special law of the state had, some time before, 
 authorized the formation of a battalion of free men 
 of colour; arid we have seen that it had already ta 
 ken the field under the command of major Lacoste, 
 and had been stationed at Chef-Menteur. Colonel Mi- 
 
 Ichael Fortier, senior, a respectable and worthy citizen 
 of New Orleans, having the superior command of all 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 67 
 
 the corps of men of colour, presided over the levy ing of 
 a new battalion of the same description, formed by the 
 exertions and under the direction of the gallant captain 
 Savary, who had acquired an honourable and distin 
 guished reputation in the wars of St. Domingo. It was 
 chiefly with refugees from that island, that colonel Sa 
 vary formed that battalion, whose officers were im 
 mediately commissioned by the governor of the state; 
 and its command was confided to major Daquin 
 of the 2d regiment of militia. We shall hereafter 
 see in the relation of the different engagements, 
 that that brave corps realized, by a briiihnt dis 
 play of valour, the hopes that had been conceived 
 of it. 
 
 The capture of the gun-boats was announced to 
 the senate and house of representatives of the state, 
 by a message from the governor: " I lay before you," 
 said he, " a letter addressed to me by commodore 
 Patterson, announcing the capture of five of the Unit- 
 ed States gun- boats of the New Orleans station, by 
 a vastly superior force of the enemy. The length of 
 the combat is a proof of the valour and firmness with 
 which our gallant tars maintained the unequal con 
 test, and leaves no doubt that, although compelled 
 ultimately to strike, their conduct has been such as to 
 reflect honour upon the American name and navy. 
 The ascendancy which the enemy has now acquired 
 on the coast of the lake, increases the necessity of 
 enlarging our measures of defence." 
 
 Commodore Patterson addressed a second letter 
 to the governor, in which he complained of the want 
 
68 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of seamen to man the armed vessels then at New Or- 
 leans, and requested the support and assistance of the 
 state authorities. This letter was laid by the gover 
 nor before the legislature, who, on the day of 
 
 December, passed a resolution giving a bounty of 
 twenty -lour dollars to each seaman who would enter 
 the service of the United States for three months, 
 and to this end placed at the disposition of the go 
 vernor six thousand dollars. The governor forth 
 with issued his proclamation i (see Appendix No. 19.) 
 Between seventy and eighty sailors received the 
 bounty of the state, and were of the number of those 
 brave tars who, by their incessant lire from the ship 
 Louisiana and the schooner Carolina, so annoyed the 
 enemy in all his movements, and so particularly ha 
 rassed him on the night of the 23d of December, as 
 will be seen hereafter.* 
 
 On the 18th of December, general Jackson re 
 viewed the New Orleans militia, the first and second 
 regiments, the battalion of uniform companies under 
 the command of major Piatiche, and part of the free 
 men of colour. Addresses were read to them, and an 
 swered with acclamations of applause. My voice is 
 too weak to speak of these addresses in adequate 
 terms; I leave the reader to form an idea of the effect 
 they must have produced on the minds of the militia, 
 from the impression that the mere perusal of them 
 will make on himself. (See Appendix, No. 20.) 
 
 * On a representation made by the governor on the 16th of 
 December, the state legislature passed a law laying an embargo 
 for three days, to facilitate to commodore Patterson the mean,* 
 of enlisting sailors. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 69 
 
 These corps had two days before entered upon ac 
 tual service, and did regular duty like troops of the 
 line. On the 18th, Plauche s battalion was sent to 
 bayou St. John, and the major took the command 
 of that post. 
 
 A general order of this day enjoined all officers 
 commanding detachments, out -posts, and pickets, on 
 the approach of the enemy, to remove out of his reach 
 every kind of stock, horses, &c. and provisions; and 
 directed them upon their responsibility to oppose the 
 invaders at every point, and harass them by all pos 
 sible means. Jt concluded with this animating sen 
 tence: 
 
 " The major-general anticipating that the enemy 
 will penetrate into this district in a few days, requests 
 of the people of Louisiana to do their duty cheerfully, 
 and bear the fatigues incident to a state of war, as be 
 comes a great people, anticipating from the ardour per 
 vading, and the present help at hand, to make an easy 
 conquest of them, and teach them in future to respect 
 the rights of liberty and the property of freemen." 
 
 The garrison of fort St. John, on lake Pontchar- 
 train, had been reinforced by the volunteer company 
 of light artillery, under the command of lieutenant 
 Wagner. 
 
 By an order of the day of the 19th, the command 
 er- in- chief ordered several persons confined in the 
 different military prisons, for having violated the laws 
 of the country, to be set at liberty, on their offering 
 to take up arms in defence of the country. 
 
 But that favour was restricted to such persons as 
 were within two months of completing the term of 
 
70 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 imprisonment to which they had been condemned. 
 These and all others not under sentence were, in pur 
 suance of that order, set at liberty by the command 
 ing officers at fort St. Charles, the barracks, and the 
 powder magazine. 
 
 The country being now in imminent danger, it 
 became necessary to adopt the most vigorous mea 
 sures to prevent all communication with the enemy; 
 and in order that such persons as might be apprehend 
 ed for having given the British information as to the 
 situation of the country, its means of defence in 
 troops, artillery, fortifications, &c. might not es 
 cape punishment, general Jackson wrote to the 
 governor, suggesting to him the propriety of his 
 recommending to the legislature to suspend the 
 writ of habeas corpus. As the danger was daily 
 increasing, the general could not, without expo 
 sing the safety of the country, whose defence was 
 committed to him, wait till the dilatory forms of de 
 liberation should empower him to take the steps ne 
 cessary for saving it. Nor did it escape his penetra 
 tion that the legislature was not disposed to second 
 his views, by that energetic measure. The hour of 
 combat grew near, that of discussing, deliberating, 
 and referring to committees, had gone by. The time 
 called for action and promptitude; and accordingly 
 general Jackson proclaimed martial law, (see Appen 
 dix, No. 21.) and from that moment his means be 
 came more commensurate with the weight of responsi 
 bility he had to sustain. The object of his commis 
 sion was to save the country; and this, he was sensi 
 ble, could never be effected by half- measures. It was 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 71 
 
 necessary that all the forces, all orders, all means of 
 opposition to be directed against the enemy, should 
 receive their impulse from the centre of the circum 
 ference they occupied. They ought to be radii, di 
 verging from one and the same point, and not entang 
 ling chords intersecting that circumference and each 
 other. From the moment martial law was proclaimed, 
 every thing proceeded with order and regularity, nor 
 did any of our means prove abortive. Every individu 
 al was stationed at his proper post. The guard of the 
 city was committed to the corps of veterans and fire- 
 engine men, who were to occupy the barracks, hospi 
 tals, and other posts, as soon as the troops of the line 
 and the militia should be commanded on service out 
 of town. 
 
 The privateers of Barataria, and all persons arrest 
 ed for, or accused of, any infraction of the revenue 
 laws, sent to tender their services to general Jackson. 
 Mr. J. Lafitte, adhering to the line of conduct he had 
 marked out for himself, and from which he had never 
 deviated from the beginning of September, when the 
 British officers made him proposals, waited on the 
 commander-in-chief, who, in consideration of the 
 eventful crisis, had obtained for him a safe conduct 
 from judge Hall, and from the marshal of the dis 
 trict. 
 
 Mr. Lafitte solicited for himself and for all the Ba- 
 ratarians, the honour of serving under our banners, 
 that they might have an opportunity of proving that 
 if they had infringed the revenue laws, yet none were 
 more ready than they to defend the country and 
 combat its enemies. 
 
72 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Persuaded that the assistance of these men could 
 not fail of being very useful, the general accepted their 
 offers. Some days after, a certain number of them 
 formed a corps under the command of captains Do 
 minique and Beluche, and were employed during the 
 whole campaign at the lines, where, with distinguish- 
 ed skill, they served two twenty-four pounders, bat 
 teries Nos. 3 and 4. Others enlisted in one or other 
 of the three companies of mariners, raiser] by captains 
 Songis, Lagaud, and Colson. The first of these com 
 panies was sent to the fort of Petites Coquilles, the 
 second to that of St. Philip, and the third to bayou 
 St. John. 
 
 All classes of society were now animated with 
 the most ardent zeal. The young, the old, women, 
 children, all breathed defiance to the enemy, firmly 
 resolved to oppose to the utmost the threatened in 
 vasion. General Jackson had electrified all hearts; all 
 were sensible of the approaching danger; but they 
 waited its presence undismayed. They knew that, in 
 a few days, they must come to action with the enemy; 
 yet, calm and unalarmed, they pursued their usual 
 occupations, interrupted only when they tranquilly 
 left their homes to perform military duty at the posts 
 assigned them. It was known that the enemy was 
 on our coast, within a few hours sail of the city, with 
 a presumed force of between nine and ten thousand 
 men; whilst all the forces we had yet to oppose him 
 amounted to no more than one thousand regulars, and 
 from four to five thousand militia. 
 
 These circumstances were publicly known, nor 
 could any one disguise to himself, or to others, the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 73 
 
 dangers with which we were threatened. Yet, such 
 was the universal confidence, inspired by the activity 
 and decision of the commander-in-chief, added to 
 the detestation in which the enemy was held, and the 
 desire to punish his audacity, should he presume to 
 land, that not a single warehouse or shop was shut, 
 nor were any goods or valuable effects removed from 
 the city. At that period, New Orleans presented a 
 very affecting picture to the eyes of the patrioty and 
 of all those whose bosoms glow with the feelings of 
 national honour, which raise the mind far above the 
 vulgar apprehension of personal danger. The citizens 
 were preparing for battle as cheerfully as if it had been 
 a party of pleasure, each in his vernacular tongue 
 singing songs of victory. The streets resounded 
 with Yankee Doodle, the Marseilles Hymn, the Chant 
 du Depart, and other martial airs, while those who 
 had been long unaccustomed to military duty, were 
 furbishing their arms and accoutrements. Beauty 
 applauded valour, and promised with her smiles to 
 reward the toils of the brave. Though inhabiting an 
 open town, not above ten leagues from the enemy, 
 and never till now exposed to war s alarms, the fair 
 sex of New Orleans were animated with the ardour of 
 their defenders, and with cheerful serenity at the sound 
 of the drum, presented themselves at the windows 
 and balconies, to applaud the troops going through 
 their evolutions, and to encourage their husbands, 
 sons, fathers, and brothers, to protect them from the 
 insults of our ferocious enemies, and prevent a repe*- 
 tition of the horrors of Hampton. 
 
74 
 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 The several corps of militia were constantly ex 
 ercising from morning till evening, and at all hours 
 was heard the sound of drums, and of military bands 
 of music. New Orleans wore the appearance of a 
 camp; and the greatest cheerfulness and concord pre 
 vailed amongst all ranks and conditions of people. 
 All countenances expressed a wish to come to an en 
 gagement with the enemy, and announced a foretaste 
 of victory. 
 
 Commodore Patterson sent gun-boat No. 65 to 
 fort St. Philip. Lieutenant Cunningham who com 
 manded it, had orders to send an armed boat to the 
 Balise, for the purpose of bringing up the custom 
 house officer, and of ascertaining, if possible, the ene 
 my s force. He was further directed to give to the 
 commanding officer at Plaquemine all the assistance in 
 his power. The commodore ordered captain W. B. 
 Carrol, the officer who had the command of the navy- 
 yard at Tchifonte, to cause the brig ^Etna to ascend 
 the bayou, and take a station opposite the unfinished 
 block-ship, for the defence of the latter, in case of the 
 approach of the enemy. Captain Carrol was further 
 ordered not to suffer any boat to leave Tchifonte 
 for the bayou St. John, without a passport, and in the 
 event of the enemy s entering lake Pontchartrain, not 
 to let the mail-boat pass. 
 
 Mr. J. Shields, purser, and doctor R. Morrell, 
 surgeon of the navy, were sent, on the 15th Decem 
 ber, at night, by commodore Patterson, with a flag of 
 truce, to the British fleet, for the purpose of obtaining, 
 correct information as to the situation of the officers 
 and crews made prisoners on board the gun-boats, 
 and of endeavouring to obtain their being suffered to 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 75 
 
 return to town on parole. Doctor Morrell was like 
 wise sent to administer his professional assistance to 
 the wounded. On the following day, near the eastern 
 branch of Pearl river, they fell in with gun-boat No. 5, 
 one of those taken. Shortly after they went on board 
 the frigate Seahorse, captain Gordon, to whom they 
 stated the object of their mission, and by whom they 
 were sent in a tender to admiral Cochrane, who com 
 manded the squadron. They met the admiral in his 
 barge, who having read commodore Patterson s let 
 ter and the credentials he had given to those gentle 
 men, returned the letter without any observation, and 
 ordered the tender to anchor at the mouth of Pearl 
 river. 
 
 On the 18th y in the morning, the admiral sent for 
 the gentlemen, who accordingly waited on him on 
 shore on Isle-aux-Pois. He first inquired what rank 
 they held in the American navy: and next observed 
 that their visit was unseasonable under the existing 
 circumstances; that he could not permit them to re 
 turn, until the intended attack was made, and the fate 
 of New Orleans decided. In support of his opinion, 
 he instanced a similar case that had occurred at Bal 
 timore, and concluded by observing, that prudence 
 and policy obliged him to send them on board some 
 vessel belonging to the fleet. On the gentlemen s 
 expressing a wish to know in what light he thought 
 proper to consider them, the admiral replied that it 
 was his intention to respect the flag of truce, though 
 he thought he should not be reprehensible, were he 
 to treat them as prisoners of war. 
 
/P HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 The motive which induced these gentlemen to in 
 quire of the British admiral in what light they were to 
 be considered, was the just suspicion which they en 
 tertained from the previous conduct of the enemy 
 towards them. Their boat had been moored astern 
 of the tender, and plundered of all its rigging, 
 and a guard had been stationed in her. It was 
 with the greatest difficulty that a sail was ob 
 tained to shelter the men from the rain and intense 
 cold during the night. Next morning, the tender 
 was ordered to convey them on board the Gorgon, 
 hospital ship, where were most of the wounded men 
 of the crews of the gun-boats. Through the negli 
 gence of the officer commanding the tender, the boat 
 which he had in tow, was sunk, and every thing on 
 board of her was lost. But what particularly evinced 
 the outrageous spirit of the British, was that the officer 
 commanding the tender, forced the crew of the boat 
 under a flag of truce, to work like his own sailors. 
 To put a stop to this violation of the law of nations, 
 it was necessary to come to an explanation with that 
 officer, lieutenant Johnston; who, being irritated at the 
 circumstance, refused to give the least assistance to 
 some of our wounded men, who had been already 
 twenty-eight hours on board the tender, whither they 
 had been removed from on board the brig Anaconda, 
 without having yet received any nourishment what 
 ever. On board the Gorgon, the gentlemen found 
 our wounded perfectly well treated by the British. 
 As it is with reluctance that I have been under the 
 necessity of reproaching them with their cruelty 
 in a variety of instances, it is here particularly 
 grateful to me, to have occasion to do justice to their 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 77 
 
 humanity; for in describing the horrors of war, the 
 feeling heart finds a most pleasing relief from his 
 painful task, in dwelling upon instances of humane 
 conduct. 
 
 Admiral Coehrane had promised Messrs. Shield 
 and Morrell that they, should be permitted to visit 
 their countrymen, and yet, with duplicity unworthy 
 his high rank, he gave a written order, " that on no 
 pretence whatever were they to be permitted to leave 
 the Gorgon, until further orders." 
 
 The loss of their boat having left these officers en 
 tirely without linen or any other clothes than those on 
 their persons, and there appearing no rational ground 
 to detain them as prisoners who had come under the 
 sanction of a flag of truce, they several times, through 
 the channel of different officers, applied to the admi- 
 ral, claiming to be set at liberty, with their boat s 
 crew. But all their applications were to no purpose, 
 until the 12th of January, on which day they were re 
 leased, and on the 18th they arrived in town. 
 
 The defence of the country requiring the absence 
 of a number of citizens from their homes, an inter 
 ruption of business became unavoidable; and the 
 obligation of performing military duty, precluded 
 the possibility of fulfilling commercial engagements. 
 This state of things induced the legislature to pass a 
 law prolonging the term of payment on ail contracts, 
 till the 1st of May next ensuing, and providing va 
 rious regulations on that subject. (See Appendix, 
 No. 22.) 
 
 On the 21st of December, when the orders that 
 had been given for obstructing the different canals of 
 the bayous below Manchac were presumed to have 
 
78 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 been executed, a detachment of the 3d regiment of 
 militia, consisting of eight white men and a serjeant, 
 two mulattoes and one negro, with a single boat, 
 was sent by major Villere (the son) to the village of 
 the Spanish fishermen, on the left bank of the bayou 
 Bienvenu, a mile and a half from its entrance into 
 lake Borgne, for the purpose of discovering whether 
 the enemy might try to penetrate that way, and to 
 give notice of such attempt. 
 
 The bayou Bienvenu is unfortunately become 
 so remarkable from the British forces having pene 
 trated through it, into Louisiana, that it deserves a 
 particular description. 
 
 This bayou, formerly called the river St. Francis, 
 under which designation it is laid down in some old 
 maps, is the creek through which run all the waters of 
 a large basin, of a triangular form, about eighty square 
 miles in surface, bounded on the south by the Mis 
 sissippi, on the west by New Orleans, by bayou 
 Sauvage or Chef-Menteur on the northwest, and 
 on the east by lake Borgne, into which it empties. 
 It receives the waters of several other bayous, form 
 ed by those of the surrounding cypress swamps 
 and prairies, and of innumerable little streams from 
 the low grounds along the river. It commences be 
 hind the suburb Marigny, at New Orleans, divides 
 the triangle nearly into two equal parts from the sum 
 mit to the lake which forms its basis, and runs in a 
 south-easterly direction. It is navigable for vessels of 
 one hundred tons as far as the forks of the canal of 
 Piernas plantation, twelve miles from its mouth. Its 
 breadth is from one hundred and ten to one hundred 
 and fifty yards, and it has six feet water on the bar, at 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 79 
 
 common tides, and nine feet at spring tides. With 
 in the bar, there is for a considerable extent, suffi 
 cient water for vessels of from two to three hundred 
 tons. Its principal branch is that which is called 
 bayou Mazant, which runs towards the southwest, 
 and receives the waters of the canals of the planta 
 tions of Villere, Lacoste, and Laronde, on which the 
 enemy established his principal encampment. It 
 was at the forks of the canal Villere and bayou Ma 
 zant that the British ascended in their pinnaces, and 
 effected a landing. 
 
 Of the other branches of the bayou Bienvenu 
 we shall take no particular notice; that called bayou 
 Mazant being the only one connected with the Bri 
 tish military movements. (See Atlas, plate No. 5.) 
 
 The level of the great basin, or the bank of the 
 principal bayou, is usually twelve feet below the level 
 of the banks of the Mississippi. The slope is usually 
 one half of that height, or six feet, for the descent of 
 the lands under culture, of from about one half to 
 two-thirds of a mile in depth from the river, and the 
 remaining six feet is the slope of cypress swamps and 
 prairies, which are usually three or four times the 
 depth, or extent of the high- lands susceptible of cul 
 tivation; so that one thousand yards, the usual depth 
 of the lands under culture, have a slope of six feet, 
 which gives less than 0,005 of a foot to each yard, 
 whilst the prairies and cypress swamps together, com 
 monly six thousand yards in depth, have but 0,001 
 of a foot to the yard in slope. The overflowing of 
 the waters of all those bayous and canals, occasioned 
 by the tide of the sea, or by the winds raising the 
 
80 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 waters in the lake, forms On all their banks deposits 
 of slime, which are continually raising them above- 
 the rest of the soil, so that the interval between two 
 bayous is, of course, below the leve) of their banks, 
 and the soil is generally covered with water and mud, 
 aquatic plants, or large reeds, growing there in abun 
 dance to the height of from six to eight feet: it some 
 times happens that the rains, or the filtrated waters, 
 collected hi these intervals or basins, not finding any 
 issue to flow off, form what are called trembling prai- 
 ries, which are at all seasons impassable for men and 
 domestic animals. 
 
 In times of great drought, and in low tides, the 
 ordinary prairies are passable, and some of them are 
 frequented by the cattle of the neighbouring planta 
 tions, which prefer the grass they find there to that 
 which grows on the banks of the river, on account 
 of the saline particles deposited among the former by 
 the waters of the lakes overflowing into the bayous. 
 Such is nearly the structure of those basins or prairies, 
 which are very extensive in Louisiana, and what we 
 have observed of those which are immediately con 
 nected with our subject, is applicable, more or less, 
 to all the others in the country. From the high-lands 
 of the Floridas, where the first hills begin, all the rest, 
 as far as the sea, is alluvion land, gained from the 
 water by the deposits from streams, particularly the 
 Mississippi. This space is crossed in different direc 
 tions by strips of high- land, between which there is 
 invariably a river or bayou, more or less subject to 
 periodical swells or tides; the surface of these waters 
 is usually but little below the soil contiguous to their 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR 81 
 
 banks, and always higher than that which is at a cer~ 
 tain distance. In a word, the land in Lower Louisiana 
 slopes in the inverse direction of the soil of other coun 
 tries, being most elevated on the sides of the rivers 5 
 and sinking as it recedes from them. The Missis 
 sippi swells annually and periodically at New Orleans 
 fourteen or fifteen feet, and is then from three to 
 four feet above the level of its banks. To contain 
 its waters within its bed, dikes or ramparts^ called in 
 Louisiana levees, have been raised on its banks, from 
 the high-lands towards its mouth, a little above the 
 level of the highest swells; without which precaution 
 the lands would be entirely overflowed from four to 
 five months in the year. When, from accident, or 
 negligence in keeping up these dikes, the river breaks 
 through them, the rupture, called in this country a 
 crevasse, occasions an extensive inundation, which 
 lays the adjacent cypress swamps under ten and the 
 prairies under twelve feet water. Such accidents, 
 unfortunately too common, usually destroy at once 
 the crops of ten and sometimes of twenty plantations* 
 It is hoped that the frequent recurrence of the evil, 
 owing to a defective system of police for the le 
 vees, will determine the legislature to take effectual 
 measures to prevent such disasters, by ceasing to 
 Confide to the respective landholders a care so im 
 portant to the whole country as that of the levees, 
 and imposing a tax on the lands where they run, for 
 the purpose of keeping them always in repair. 
 
 This digression appeared to me necessary, to 
 give a precise idea of the ground which was the the- 
 
 M 
 
2 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 atre of the military operations I am about to relate, 
 and which could not be perfectly understood without 
 these preliminary observations. 
 
 The detachment, composed as I have observed, 
 repaired in the night of the 21st December to the 
 post assigned, the fishermen s village, consisting oi 
 twelve very large cabins, capable of containing from 
 two hundred to three hundred men, and constructed 
 with stakes, thatched and inclosed with palmetto 
 leaves, on a tongue of land on the left bank of bayou 
 Bicnvenu. In these cabins lived about thirty or forty 
 fishermen, almost all Spaniards or Portuguese. From 
 lake Borgne, which being shallow and in their vicinity, 
 afforded them an advantageous fishing ground, the} 
 used to convey their fish in pirogues (periaguas) 
 to the extremity of the canal of La Ronde s and Vil- 
 lere s plantations, from which place it was transport 
 ed in wagons to town. The owners of those plan 
 tations Messrs. Villere, Lacoste and La Ronde, per 
 mitted those fishermen to enjoy the gratuitous use of 
 their canals, and constantly afforded relief to such of 
 those wretches as happened ta fall sick; and it will 
 soon appear that in return for the beneficence of those 
 gentlemen, the wretches sold the lives and fortunes 
 of their benefactors. 
 
 I have not been able to discover the names of all 
 those fishermen, to consign them to execration and 
 infamy, as I here do the following few who have 
 come to my knowledge. 
 
 Master Fishermen. 
 
 Maringuier Francisco 
 
 Old Luiz Gravielia 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 83 
 
 Hireling Fishermen. 
 Antonio el Italiano Manuelillo 
 
 El Campechano Antonio El Mayorquin 
 
 Antonio El Portuguez Garcia. 
 
 These are well known to have aided the British 
 in disembarking their troops, serving as pilots on 
 board their vessels and boats, and acting as spies for 
 them from the period of their arrival on our coast, 
 It was their practice, when they came to town to sell 
 their fish, to get all the information they could, for 
 the purpose of carrying it to the English, when they 
 went out to fish in lake Borgne. On the 20th of 
 December, the day preceding the arrival of the de 
 tachment at the village, the British captain Peddie 
 had come disguised, accompanied by the three first 
 named of these fishermen, as far as the bank of the 
 Mississippi, and had even tasted its water. It was 
 from his report, after having thus examined the coun 
 try, that the enemy determined to penetrate by Vil- 
 lere s canal, whose banks at the time afforded firm 
 footing from the landing place in the prairie to the 
 river. 
 
 When the detachment arrived at the village, they 
 found only one fisherman, and him sick, all the others, 
 having gone the day before, under the pretence of 
 fishing, to serve as pilots to the British barges. A 
 few men were immediately sent into the lake to dis 
 cover whether the enemy were already arrived, and 
 on their return, a sentinel was posted at some dis 
 tance in advance of the last cabin, for the rest of the 
 night. 
 
84 HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 On the 22d by break of day a reconnoitring party 
 of three men was again sent two miles into the lake, 
 and during that whole day, fresh parties were sent out 
 every two hours, to discover whether the enemy were 
 approaching. Towards evening, three men in a pi 
 rogue arrived from Chef-Menteur, who had travers 
 ed part of the lake without seeing any enemy. That 
 night a sentinel was again posted in advance of the 
 Cabins. 
 
 AFFAIR OF THE 23d DECEMBER. 
 
 SOME time after midnight, the sentinel having 
 heard a noise, called his comrades, who all instantly 
 seised their arms. By the last gleams of the setting 
 moori, they perceived five barges full of men, with 
 some pieces of artillery, ascending the bayou; on 
 which, thinking it would be imprudent to fire, con 
 sidering the great disproportion of numbers, they re 
 tired for concealment behind a cabin. As soon as 
 the five barges had passed this cabin, a party deter 
 mined to attempt to escape by the lake, and give in 
 formation of the arrival of the enemy. With this 
 view, seven men of the detachment had already got 
 into the boat, when one of the barges having perceiv 
 ed them, gave the alarm to the four others, who all 
 made for the boat and became masters of it, before it 
 could be got ready to push off. Only four of those in 
 the boat had time to land, and the remaining three 
 were taken, as were two others on shore; so that of the 
 whole detachment, only four escaped, who ran in differ 
 ent directions into the prairies; and of these four, thrc? 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 85 
 
 individuals, after having wandered a whole day in the 
 prairies, where the height of the grass hindered them 
 from seeing any way to get out of them, happened to 
 fall into the hands of the enemy, at the very village from 
 which they had fled. One alone, Mr. A. Key, more 
 persevering, or perhaps more fortunate, after three 
 days of uncommon fatigue, hardships and perils, 
 over trembling prairies, bayous, lagoons, and through 
 cane brakes, arrived at the post of Bertoniere on the 
 road leading from Gentilly to Chef-Menteur. 
 
 The enemy having made prisoners of all these 
 men, shut them up in the cabin which they used as 
 their quarters, and placed a guard at the door. What 
 further corroborates the evidence of the communication 
 of the fishermen with the British, is the precaution 
 that had been taken by the only one of them that was 
 at the village with the detachment on the arrival of 
 the enemy, to shut up in a cabin, that same evening, 
 all the dogs in the village, who had kept up an in 
 cessant barking, during all the preceding night. But 
 this is not all: the British, through a mistake, shut 
 up one of the fishermen with the detachment, on the 
 morning of the 23d. This man seeing a British offi 
 cer passing by the cabin, called to him, and on dis 
 covering himself to him as one of those whom he 
 had frequently seen aboard British vessels, he was 
 mimediately set at liberty. 
 
 About an hour afterwards, Mr. Ducros, a native 
 of Louisiana, was taken from among the prisoners 
 ;n the cabin, and put on board a boat in which was 
 captain Spencer of the navy, with a colonel of infan 
 
86 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 try. The boat proceeded to the lake, in which, when 
 they had advanced about a mile, they met the rest of 
 the first division, consisting of about three thousand 
 men in eighty boats. That division was composed of 
 the light brigade formed of the 85th and 95th regi- 
 ments, captain Lane s rocketeers, one hundred men 
 of the engineer corps, and the 4th regiment, all un 
 der the command of colonel Thornton. 
 
 Captain Spencer announced his prisoner to gene- 
 ral Keane and admiral Cochrane, as one of those ta 
 ken at the viHage. The admiral then inquired of Mr. 
 Ducros, what might be the number of the American 
 forces in the city and environs. The answer he re 
 ceived was, that there were from twelve to fifteen thou 
 sand men in the city, and from three to four at the En 
 glish Turn. The admiral then ordered captain Spen 
 cer to proceed with all speed with the advanced guard, 
 and to effect a landing at the point agreed on. The di 
 vision proceeded accordingly, and when it arrived at 
 the village, admiral Cochrane with several other offi 
 cers, went on shore, and the division, under the com 
 mand of general Keane, proceeded up the bayou. 
 The admiral and the other officers put again to all the 
 prisoners, the questions they had asked Mr. Ducros, 
 and received from all nearly the same answer in con 
 sequence of a conversation the evening before, in 
 which they had made the number of troops already 
 arrived, or hourly expected at New Orleans, to 
 amount to eighteen thousand men. 
 
 The division arrived at the extremity of Villere s 
 canal by four in the morning, and soon effected a 
 landing, being almost wholly composed of light 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 6i 
 
 troops. After the troops had rested some hours, the 
 British colours were displayed at the top of a tree, 
 while the band played God save the King; and at 
 about ten o clock thty commenced their march to 
 wards the banks of the Mississippi, cutting cane, as 
 they went along, to facilitate their passage over the 
 prairie and small bayous or coulees. From the 
 mouth of the canal to the skirts of the wood, the dis 
 tance is about a mile, and from thence to the bank of 
 the river nearly two miles. At about half after ele 
 ven, the advance arrived at the side of the wood next 
 the river, and immediately extended along Villere s 
 canal. They now surrounded the house of general 
 Villere, in which was stationed a company of the 
 third regiment of militia, whom they made prisoners, 
 and where they surprised major Villere 5 his son, who, 
 notwithstanding several pistols fired at him, made 
 his escape through a window, and got to the river, 
 where finding a pirogue, he crossed over to the right 
 bank. Colonel Denis de la Ronde, who on that very 
 night, the 23d> as indeed throughout the whole cam 
 paign, rendered essential services to his country, 
 had also escaped from the enemy, and arrived in town 
 by the opposite bank. 
 
 The rest of the troops of the division continued 
 to arrive at general Villere s house, and were on their 
 march towards the higher boundary of the plantation, 
 with intent to encamp there, when they were first 
 discovered. Colonel Denis de la Ronde, who had 
 stationed detachments of his regiment, the third of 
 Louisiana militia, on general Villere s and Jumon- 
 ville s plantations, had, in the evening of the 22d, sent 
 
. 88 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 to inform general Jackson that several sails of vessels 
 had been seen off the point of the three bayous, be- 
 hind Terre aux Bceufs. The general ordered me to 
 go, in company with major Tatum, topographical 
 engineer, to ascertain whether this report were true; 
 directing us to examine very particularly all the com 
 munications from Terre aux Boeufs to lake Borgne. 
 We left town at eleven o clock in the forenoon of the 
 23d, and when we arrived at the boundary of Bien- 
 venu s and la Ronde s plantations, we met several 
 persons flying towards town, who told us that the Bri 
 tish had got to general Villere s house by the canal, 
 and had taken prisoner major Villere, the general s 
 son. It being of the utmost importance to inform 
 general Jackson of an event no longer doubtful, ma 
 jor Tatum immediately returned to town, and I pro 
 ceeded forward as far as over the boundary of La- 
 coste s and Villere s plantations, whence 1 discover 
 ed British troops occupying the ground from the. 
 commencement of the angle made by the road in thai 
 place to the head of the canal. (See the plan of the 
 affair of the 23d, Plate 6, in which that position is laid 
 down.) I approached within rifle-shot of those troops, 
 ar^ judged that their number must amount to six 
 teen or eighteen hundred men. It was then half past 
 one P. M., and within twenty- five minutes after, ge 
 neral Jackson was informed of the enemy s position,, 
 On this the general, with that heroism and prompt 
 decision which is characteristic of him, and of which 
 he had exhibited such signal instances during the 
 campaign, instantly said he would go to meet the Bri 
 tish; and immediately issued orders to that effect 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 89 
 
 The alarm-gun was fired; the batta! on of uniform 
 Volunteer companies, commanded by major Platiche, 
 then stationed at the bayou St. John, was ordered to 
 return and join the other corps with all possible 
 speed, which order the battalion executed, running 
 all the way. 
 
 By half after two in the afternoon, a detach 
 ment of artillery, two field pieces, commanded by 
 lieutenant Spotts, and lieutenant-colonel iVrRae, ihe 
 seventh of the line, the command of which regi 
 ment was given, for the present, to major Peire, on 
 account of an accidental wound disabling major 
 Nicks from active service, and a detachment of ma 
 rines, commanded by lieutenant Bellevue, were all 
 formed on the road, near Montreuil s plantation. Or 
 ders had likewise been sent to generals Coffee and 
 Carroll, who were encamped four miles above the 
 city, to march down with their commands, and these 
 orders were executed in one hour s time. 
 
 General Coffee s command of mounted riflemen, 
 and the volunteer dragoons of the Mississippi terri 
 tory, formed the advance; the Orleans rifle company, 
 commanded by captain Beale, followed on closely, 
 and by four o clock had taken a position on Rodri 
 guez s canal; the battalion of men of colour, under 
 major Daquin, the forty-fourth regiment, under cap 
 tain Baker, and Plauche s battalion, which arrived 
 about five o clock from the bayou, marched with all 
 expedition against the enemy. Commodore Patter-, 
 son was requested to order such armed vessels as 
 were ready, to drop down and take a station opposite 
 the enemy. The schooner Carolina, captain Henley, 
 
90 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 was the only one in a condition to perform this ser 
 vice, as, there being no wind, the sloop of war Lou 
 isiana could not steer in the stream. Commodore 
 Patterson went on board the Carolina, and there con 
 tinued during the engagement. (See the commo 
 dore s letters to the secretary of the navy, Appendix 5 
 No. 23 ) 
 
 Governor Claiborne was ordered, with the first, 
 second, and fourth regiments of the Louisiana militia, 
 and the volunteer company of horse, under captain 
 Chauveau, to take a position between the Colson and 
 Darcantel plantations, in the plain of Gentilly, in or 
 der to cover the city on the side of Chef-Menteur. 
 About four o clock, a piquet of five mounted rifle 
 men, who had been sent to reconnoitre the road, was 
 assailed by a discharge of musketry from a British 
 out-post concealed behind the fence on the boundary 
 of Laronde s and Lacoste s plantations, by which the 
 reconnoitring party, too weak and too rash, lost a 
 horse killed, and had two men wounded. Colonel 
 Haines, inspector- general of the division, went for 
 ward, shortly after, with one hundred men, to recon 
 noitre the enemy; but he had no opportunity to form 
 a correct estimate of their number, which he made 
 to amount to no more than two hundred men; an er 
 ror probably proceeding from his having taken the 
 advance on the road for the troops drawn up in co 
 lumn some hours before, as reported by the officer 
 who had first seen them. 
 
 A negro was apprehended, who had been sent by 
 the British with printed copies of a proclamation, in 
 French and Spanish, nearly in the following terms: 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 91 
 
 " Louisianians! remain quiet in your houses; your 
 slaves shall be preserved to you, and your property 
 respected. We make war only against Americans." 
 Signed by admiral Cochrane and major-general 
 Keane. 
 
 We have seen, in the account of the offers made 
 to Mr. Lafitte, what reliance was to be had on their 
 promise to preserve slaves to their masters. 
 
 An hour before these papers were seized, the 
 British had stuck up the same proclamation on the 
 fences, all along the road below Laronde s plantation. 
 
 The troops now moved forward; general Coffee 
 took the command of the left, composed of a part of 
 his brigade, the Tennessee mounted riflemen, the 
 Orleans company of riflemen, under captain Beale, 
 forming the extremity of the left, a part of the Mis 
 sissippi dragoons and mounted riflemen, amounting 
 in all to seven hundred and thirty- two fighting men. 
 
 Colonel de la Ronde, the owner of the plantation 
 on which the troops were formed, after having, about 
 noon, escaped from the British at Villere s, and 
 crossed the river, had come to town and joined 
 captain Beale s company as a volunteer; from his 
 knowledge of the ground, he was now ordered by 
 general Jackson to accompany general Coffee as a 
 guide. 
 
 About nightfall, the left entered on La Ronde s 
 plantation, and took a position in the back of it, on 
 its boundary with Lacoste s. 
 
 The right formed on a line almost perpendicular 
 to the river, stretching from the levee to the garden 
 of La Ronde s plantation, and on its principal ave- 
 
2 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 nue. The artillery occupied the high road, support 
 ed by the detachment of marines. On the left of the 
 artillery were stationed the seventh and forty-fourth 
 of the line, Plauche s and Daqiun s battalions, and 
 eighteen Chactaw Indians, commanded by captains 
 Jugeant and Allard, forming the extremity of the 
 right wing towards the woods. The superior com 
 mand of the battalions of militia was given to colonel 
 Ross. 
 
 The boats that had landed the first division of 
 the British troops returned down the bayou, and at 
 eight o clock passed the village on their way to take 
 in the second division, which had been embarked in 
 small vessels, and was already in the lake. By four 
 in the afternoon, that division, consisting of the twen 
 ty-first, forty-fourth, and ninety-third regiments, with 
 a division of artillery, in all two thousand five hun 
 dred men, arrived at the village. At half after seven 
 in the evening, they were disembarking, when the 
 firing \vas first heard from the schooner Carolina, 
 which now opened on the division encamped on the 
 river bank. 
 
 Admirals Cochrane and Malcolm, with several 
 officers of the army and navy, had remained at the 
 village to hasten the landing of the troops, and had 
 there passed the whole day, during which time they 
 frequently conversed with the prisoners, endeavour 
 ing to persuade them that the British army came with 
 no hostile intent against the inhabitants of the country, 
 who being mostly Frenchmen or Spaniards by birth 
 or descent, must naturally (as these English gentle- 
 men naturaUy supposed) prefer the British govern 
 ment to that of the United States. They told them 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 93 
 
 that their intentions were to obtain and keep posses 
 sion of the country, and to penetrate far up the Mis- 
 sissippi, to make the upper country the theatre of 
 war; that to convince the inhabitants of their friendly 
 intentions, they had brought with them three natives 
 of Louisiana, serving in the troops of his catholic ma 
 jesty in Pensacola; and accordingly those three per 
 sons alluded to, Messrs. Guillemard, <Regio, and 
 Grand Pre, were seen shortly after in company with 
 the British officers; but fortunately were not able to 
 give them any great assistance. 
 
 On the arrival of the second division at the vil 
 lage, the prisoners were embarked on board one of 
 the boats, to be conveyed to their own homes. They 
 landed at half past seven, with the second division, 
 who, on hearing the report of the cannon, made all 
 haste to repair to the scene of action, where they ar 
 rived in less than an hour, long before the action was 
 over, so that several corps of that division were en 
 gaged in it. 
 
 The first division of British troops, having en 
 camped, or rather bivouacked, as I have already ob 
 served, at the angle formed by the road, on the high 
 est part of Villere s plantation, in irregular order, 
 some on the side of the levee, and others in the plain, 
 out-posts had been stationed at different places, in 
 an oblique line, extending from the boundary be 
 tween La Ronde s and Lacoste s plantations, running 
 along the negro huts of the latter, on the back of 
 the dwelling house, as far as a cluster of live oaks, 
 on Villere s canal, near the wood. There was sta 
 tioned a strong detachment to cover the communica- 
 
94 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 tion with the rest of the army, by the road on the 
 right bank of the canal. Through the plain ran a 
 chain of out- sentries, very closely posted. A de 
 tachment of fifty men was stationed at J union ville s 
 bridge, on the border of the canal, on the road, 
 One company had advanced as far as the bank of the 
 river, behind the levee, and to the angle forming Mr. 
 Villere s inclosed batture, probably in order to pre 
 vent all surprise by the river. The detachment of 
 the rocket brigade was stationed behind the levee, to 
 use that diabolical invention against such vessels as 
 might endeavour to annoy the camp. A few pieces 
 of cannon had already arrived, and were mounted in 
 the court near Villere s sugar- works. A strong de 
 tachment of about five hundred men was stationed 
 on the left bank of Villere s canal, near the negro 
 huts. General Keane and his officers, among whom 
 was colonel Thornton, had established their head 
 quarters in Mr. Villere s house. 
 
 The British general having thus, with little diffi 
 culty, succeeded in bringing his troops to the banks 
 of the Mississippi, and there establishing his camp, 
 in the belief that his arrival and position could not 
 be known at New Orleans till late in the night, ex 
 pected to meet with little or no resistance. Such was 
 the security and confidence of the British army, that 
 part of the troops had lain down in their bivouacs, 
 and some picquets of the out-posts had lighted up 
 large fires, at which the men were cooking their 
 suppers, when they were surprised. It appears, indeed, 
 not unlikely that the opinion they had of their supe 
 rior military skill, the expectation with which they 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 95 
 
 had been deluded, that the old population of the coun 
 try would hail their arrival with joy, the cheering 
 thoughts of their having arrived on the banks of the 
 Mississippi, within nine miles of New Orleans, with 
 out having had occasion to fire a musket, contributed 
 to make the British believe themselves in perfect secu 
 rity from any attack. (See the plan, Plate No. 6.) 
 About seven o clock the Carolina came to anchor 
 on the brink of Villere s batture, opposite the centre 
 of theBritish encampment, within musket-shot. Such 
 was the security of the British, that taking that ves 
 sel for a common boat plying on the Mississippi, 
 numbers of them went on the levee to examine her 
 more closely. At half after seven the Carolina open 
 ed on them a dreadful fire, which continued for ten 
 minutes before they could recover from the conster 
 nation with which they were struck by that sudden 
 attack; so that they had not yet run to their arms, 
 when the guns of the schooner had already killed or 
 wounded upwards of a hundred of their men. The 
 British at last extinguished the fires in their camp, 
 and attempted to answer the schooner with a fire of 
 musketry, from which the crew sustained no injury. 
 Some Congreve rockets were tried with as little ef 
 fect, and those who discharged them were forced to 
 conceal themselves behind the levee. In less than 
 half an hour the schooner drove the enemy from his 
 camp. (See commodore Patterson s letter to the se 
 cretary of the navy, Appendix No. ^4.) 
 
 At this moment a company of the seventh, com 
 manded by lieutenant M Kleiiand, under colonel 
 Fia:^ quartermaster-general, advanced from the gate 
 
96 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of La Ronde s plantation, on the road, to the boun 
 dary of Lacoste s, at the distance of fifteen paces, 
 where the detachment was received with a discharge 
 of musketry, from one of the enemy s out posts sta 
 tioned on the road. Though this out-post consisted 
 of a considerable number of men, that gallant compa 
 ny attacked them vigorously, and forced them to re 
 tire; and colonel Piatt, with a few men of the detach- 
 ment, advanced to the ground from which they had 
 just driven the enemy. The latter j having received 
 a reinforcement of two hundred men, and being now 
 about three hundred strong, returned to resume their 
 former position, and kept up a brisk fire of muske 
 try against the detachment, who as briskly returned 
 it. In this affair colonel Piatt received a wound in 
 the leg, lieutenant M Klelland and a serjeant were 
 killed, and a few men wounded. 
 
 Meantime the 7th regiment advanced by heads 
 of companies parallel to the right, appuye on the 
 high road, to the distance of 150 yards, where it 
 formed in battalion before the enemy, with whom it 
 instantly engaged with a very brisk and close fire. 
 The 44th came up at the same time, formed on the 
 left of the 7th, and commenced firing. The artillery 
 having now arrived, the two pieces were put in bat 
 tery on the road, the marines being drawn up on the 
 right of the artillery on the river bank. The engage 
 ment now became general on both sides; the front of 
 the British line greatly outflanked our line on the left, 
 and the enemy seeing that he could not make our 
 troops give way, caused some of his to file off on the 
 old levee by a gate, three hundred yards from the river, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 97 
 
 with intent to turn our flank. The 44th had already 
 been obliged to oblique cm the left, to avoid being 
 turned, when major Plauche s battalion, with that of 
 major Daquin, with a very small number of Indians, 
 advanced at the moment when their left was appuye 
 on the angle of Laronde s garden, and the right a little 
 in the rear of the 44th. The enemy s column advan 
 cing silently in the dark, to endeavour to turn the 
 troops of the line, fell suddenly almost within pistol- 
 shot of the extremity of Daquin s battalion, and in 
 stantly commenced a brisk firing. Plauche s batta 
 lion, now forming the centre, advanced in close co 
 lumn, and displayed under the enemy s fire, which 
 was then kept up by his whole front, from the bank 
 of the river to Laronde s garden, forming an angle, 
 or curve, in the centre. Already had our troops, ani 
 mated with martial ardour, forced the enemy to give 
 way; and they continued to advance, keeping up an 
 incessant fire; the cry of charge! charge! push o?v 
 with the bayonet! ran from rank to tank on the left> 
 when the enemy thought proper to retire, favoured 
 by the darkness which was increased by the fog, and 
 by the smoke which a light breeze from the south 
 blew full in the faces of our men. The artillery had 
 all this time been playing upon the enemy, who made 
 an attempt to seize it; but the fire from the right of 
 the 7th regiment, and from the marines, frustrated 
 his intent. At last when the smoke dispersed, the 
 enemy had already retired within the limits of La- 
 coste s plantation. 
 
 In the meantime, general Coffee s division had 
 advanced towards the back of Laronde s plantation. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMO111. 
 
 in order to fall on the enemy s rear, according to the 
 advice of colonel Laronde, the owner of the pre 
 mises. General Coffee ordered his riflemen to dis 
 mount on the edge of the ditch separating the two 
 plantations, where he left about one hundred men to 
 take care of the horses, and have them ready when 
 wanted. The division crossed the boundary line, 
 and pushed forward in a direction perpendicular to 
 that line. Captain Beak s company, which had advan 
 ced near the wood, within a short distance of one of 
 the enemy s advanced guards, followed the movements 
 of general Coffee, who drew up his division almost 
 on the limits between the grounds of Lacoste and 
 Villcre. The detachment of cavalry under the com- 
 mand of major Hinds, not being able to manoeuvre 
 in fields cut up with ditches at very close intervals, 
 remained drawn up on the edge of a ditch in the mid 
 dle of the plantation. Colonel Coffee s division ex 
 tended its front as much as possible, and the general 
 ordered it to advance in silence, and fire without or 
 der, taking aim with their utmost skill. Long prac 
 tice had enabled these riflemen to keep up a very 
 brisk fire, the more destructive, as not a man dis 
 charged his piece without doing execution. The di 
 vision continued to advance, driving the enemy be 
 fore it, and took its second position in front of La- 
 coste s plantation, where was posted the 85th, which, 
 on receiving the first discharge, fell back behind the 
 old levee, towards the camp. Captain Beale s com 
 pany advanced on the left within Villere s plantation, 
 almost in the midst of detachments of the enemv, in- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 9 
 
 cessantly coming up on that side. It was principally 
 engaged with a corps of the enemy near the old 
 levee, which it forced to fall back. About the same 
 time Coffee s division discovered that several parties 
 of the enemy were posted among Lacoste s negro 
 huts. On this the general ordered his men to move 
 forward to the right, to drive the enemy from that 
 position, which was soon effected. 
 
 The negro huts of Mr. Lacoste s plantation still 
 exhibit evident proofs of the unerring aim of the gal 
 lant Tennesseans of Coffee s division: in one spot par 
 ticularly are seen half a dozen marks of their balls in 
 a diameter of four inches, which were probably all 
 fired at the same object. 
 
 Some British soldiers were killed or taken prison 
 ers in endeavouring to escape towards the woods 
 near the huts, in a direction opposite to that of their 
 camp; so true it is that the British troops were struck 
 with consternation on being attacked that night in so 
 vigorous, judicious and unexpected a manner. 
 
 Captain Beale s company, after having penetrated 
 into the very camp of the enemy, and made several 
 prisoners, pushed forward to the right, following the 
 movement of general Coffee; but unfortunately a par 
 ty of those brave and most estimable men, through 
 a mistake owing to the darkness, fell among a corps 
 of one hundred and fifty of the British, who were 
 moving on rapidly towards the camp, taking them for 
 part of Coffee s division, and were made prisoners. 
 The others followed the road to the right, and took 
 several prisoners. 
 
100 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Coffee s division at last took a position in front of 
 the old levee, near Laronde s boundary, where it 
 continued to keep up a destructive fire on the troops 
 that had been repulsed tc>^ ards the right, as they 
 were endeavouring to escape. 
 
 It was now about half after nine, when the enemy 
 having learned by experience that he could not hope 
 to obtain any advantage over our troops, and per 
 suaded that he would greatly endanger his own safe 
 ty by continuing the combat in which he had already 
 suffered so much, fell back to his camp, where all 
 the troops passed the night under arms and without 
 lire. 
 
 During the engagement the second division ar 
 rived, and a considerable part of it was in the thickest 
 of the fire. The fear of being cut oft from the sole 
 communication he had with the fleet, made the ene 
 my take every precaution to prevent such a disaster. 
 His posts were in continual alarm the whole night, 
 and such were his apprehensions that he posted dou 
 ble lines of sentinels, so that as the one turned it was 
 crossed by the other walking in a contrary direction. 
 
 General Jackson seeing that the darkness render 
 ed it impossible for him to follow up victory any 
 farther, was forced to content himself for the present 
 with having convinced the British that Americans 
 were not to be intimidated by the martial renown of 
 the heroes of Wellington. He therefore led back 
 his troops to their former position, from the principal 
 entrance to the buildings of Laronde s plantation, 
 where they remained until four in the morning. Ge 
 neral Coffee took his position for the night in front 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 10J 
 
 of Laronde s garden, on the left of the other troops. 
 About half after eleven a firing of musketry was heard 
 in the .rection of Jumonville s plantation. 
 
 The detachment of the Louisiana drafted militia, in 
 cantonments at the L nglish Turn, under the command 
 of brigadier- general David Morgan, three hundred and 
 fifty men strong, having learned, at about one o clock 
 in the afternoon, that the enemy was on Villere s 
 plantation, ran to their arms, and all the officers and 
 privates desired to be led against him. General 
 Morgan, not having received orders to that effect, 
 did not think proper to yield to the earnest solicita 
 tions of the troops, whose impatience of inactivity 
 increased every moment. At half after seven, when 
 the report of the Carolina s guns struck their ears, it 
 became almost impossible to hinder the men from 
 marching against the enemy; and at last general Mor 
 gan, at the pressing request of the officers, gave or 
 ders to march, which diffused joy through the whole 
 detachment. 
 
 Having instantly set out, it arrived at the entrance 
 of the road to Terre-aux-Boeufs, during the hottest 
 of the action, and continued to advance, preceded by 
 two piquets, the one on the high road, the other in 
 the fields near the woods. The picquet that follow 
 ed the high road, being arrived within a short distance 
 of the bridge over Jumonville s plantation, perceiving 
 some of the enemy s troops, but not being able to as 
 certain their number, hailed them; but receiving no 
 answer, the picquet fired on the enemy, who return 
 ed their fire, and instantlv fell back behind the canal 
 
102 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Some men were sent on reconnoitring, to en 
 deavour to discover their strength, but without ef 
 fect. Suspecting an ambush, the battalion took a 
 position in a neighbouring field, where it remained 
 until about three next morning, when it was thought 
 advisable to return to the camp. 
 
 General Morgan, not thinking it expedient to quit 
 his position before day-break, held a council of all his 
 officers, in which it was resolved that, as they were 
 ignorant of the position of the American army, it was 
 advisable to march back to their station at the Turn, 
 as soon as day appeared, which was executed accord 
 ingly. 
 
 The battalion arrived in its cantonments early in 
 the morning, after much fatigue, having, from eight 
 in the evening, marched fifteen miles in very muddy 
 roads. Several soldiers belonging to the battalion, who 
 had just left the hospital to march against the enemy, 
 were obliged to remain behind, being exhausted 
 with fatigue. These on their return, reported that in 
 the same field in which the battalion had formed in 
 the night, there was within a short distance a British 
 corps of six hundred men, who, probably thinking 
 the battalion stronger than it was, had not dared to 
 attack it. 
 
 From the most accurate information that could 
 be obtained, the enemy lost in this affair four hun 
 dred men. Their official report acknowledges three 
 hundred and five killed, wounded or prisoners: the 
 number of the latter was eighty-five, including officers. 
 
 The loss on our side was twenty-four killed, one 
 hundred and fifteen wounded, officers included, and 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 103 
 
 seventy-four prisoners, in all two hundred and thir 
 teen men. 
 
 The loss of colonel Lauderdale, of general Cof 
 fee s brigade of mounted riflemen, was, particularly 
 regretted; he was a brave and accomplished officer; 
 his death is lamented by all who knew him; and their 
 only consolation is that he died at the post of honour, 
 fighting in defence of his country. 
 
 Though the precise amount of the enemy s forces 
 in this action cannot be exactly ascertained, it is well 
 known that half of general Keane s division was en 
 camped on the banks of the Mississippi, at the begin 
 ning of the attack; and that the remaining half of the 
 division, which had embarked at the encampment on 
 Isle-aux-Pois, in light vessels, several of which had 
 run aground in the lake, had got on board of the barges 
 that returned, after having landed the first half, and 
 were disembarking when the cannon began to fire; that 
 the greater part of these troops set out immediately 
 from the landing place, two miles and a half from the 
 Mississippi, and ran towards the field of battle, where 
 their first platoons had already arrived, before Coffee s 
 division began to. fire, and where they all successively 
 arrived long before the action was over, as it lasted till 
 ten o clock at night. 
 
 That division, composed of the, regiments we 
 have already mentioned, could not amount to less 
 than four thousand five hundred men, as we know 
 the strength of each regiment. 
 
 The first disembarkation consisted of the light 
 brigade commanded by colonel Thornton, composed 
 
104 
 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR* 
 
 of part of the 85th regiment, of 650 men 
 
 95th do. (rifle corps) 500 
 
 A detachment of sappers and miners 100 
 A detachment of the rocket brigade. 
 
 commanded by captain Lane 80 
 
 4th regiment 750 
 
 Total 2030 meiv 
 The 2d disembarkation consisted of 
 the 21st regiment (royal North 
 Britain) Fusileers 900 
 
 44th do 750 
 
 93rd do 1100 
 
 A number of artillerists amounting, 
 
 according to the best information, to 150 
 
 In all 4980 men. 
 
 On the supposition that each regiment left a party 
 on board the vessels, to take care of the baggage, as 
 is sometimes the case, there would still remain four 
 thousand five hundred effective men landed on the 
 23d before nine o clock in the evening; and indeed 
 several accounts from Jamaica, Providence and Ber 
 muda, make the number amount to five thousand. 
 
 Let us now see with what number, and what kind 
 of troops, the commander-in-chief, general Jackson, 
 attacked this enemy, so powerful, so enured to \var- 
 fare, preceded by a great reputation, and enjoying 
 every possible advantage. 
 
 The right, commanded by general Jackson in 
 person, was composed of a detachment of marines, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIEo 105 
 
 under the command oflieut. Bellevue 66 men strong 
 
 A detachment of artillery with two 
 six pounders, under the immedi 
 ate command of colonel M Rea 
 and lieutenant Spot 22 
 
 7th regiment, major Peire 465 
 
 44th, commanded by captain Baker, 331 
 
 884 
 
 Major Planches battalion. 
 Carabiniers, captain Roche 86 
 
 Dismounted dragoons, major 
 
 St. Geme 78 
 
 Louisiana blues, captain White 31 
 
 Francs, captain Hudry 33 
 
 Chasseurs, captain Guibert 59 
 
 287 
 
 The battalion of St. Domingo men 
 
 of colour, major Daquin 210 
 
 Chactaws, capt. Pierre Jugeant 18 
 
 228 
 
 The left, commanded by general Cof 
 fee, was composed as follows: 
 
 Tennessee volunteer mounted rifle 
 men, forming general Coffee s 
 brigade 563 
 
 Orleans rifle company, capt. Beale 62 
 
 Mississippi dragoons, major Hinds 107- 
 
 732 
 
 In all 2131. 
 
 Of this number it is to be observed that the Mis 
 sissippi dragoons were not in the action, but were, all 
 the time it lasted, in the back ground of Lacoste s plan- 
 
106 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 tation. Two companies of Coffee s brigade had been 
 left on the border of Laronde s plantation, to hold 
 the horses whose riders had all dismounted; which 
 reduces the number of fighting men to about one 
 thousand eight hundred effective men. Plauche s 
 battalion being composed of companies wearing each 
 a distinct uniform, the enemy took those several com 
 panies for so many battalions, and represented them as 
 such. I have thought proper to rectify this misrepre 
 sentation, by stating the number of each particular 
 company. 
 
 This inconsiderable number of men, strangers 
 to the art of war, and of whom few had ever seen an 
 engagement; but animated with that martial ardour 
 which is soon excited in the breasts of men enjoying 
 freedom, and indignant at seeing the soil of their 
 country, the land of liberty, invaded by a mercenary 
 soldiery, who came to renew in Louisiana the scenes 
 of devastation and pillage recently exhibited on the 
 banks of the Potomac and the shores of the Chesa 
 peake, advanced against the enemy with eager ala 
 crity. Several of the corps, particularly Plauche s 
 battalion, continued running as they advanced, till 
 they arrived on the field of battle. All impatiently 
 longed to be engaged and all were inspired with an 
 auspicious presentiment of victory. In the heat of 
 the action, the enemy was making towards the cen 
 tre a movement which seemed to indicate that he 
 designed to charge with bayonets. Instantly, the 
 desire of anticipating him electrified our ranks, and 
 they all expressed a wish to be ordered to charge. 
 This impetuosity, however, the officers thought pro- 
 per to restrain. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 107 
 
 On the left of general Coffee s division, captain 
 Beale s whole company of riflemen penetrated into 
 the midst of the enemy, without bayonets or any 
 other weapon of defence, except their rifles; support 
 ed by their courage, excited by their love for their 
 country, and breathing rage and vengeance against 
 its invaders, these brave men, almost all fathers of fa 
 milies, holding offices of honour and trust, or at the 
 head of considerable commercial houses, regardless 
 of all selfish or private considerations, advanced rash 
 ly into the centre of the hostile battalions, where they 
 made a number of prisoners, and carried them almost 
 all off; but, unfortunately, not without leaving seve 
 ral of their own companions prisoners to the foe. 
 
 General Coffee s Tennesseans, those modest and 
 simple sons of nature, displayed that firm composure 
 which accompanies and indicates true courage. In 
 their expedition against Pensacola, and on their march 
 to New Orleans, they had given abundant proofs of 
 their bravery, good conduct and patience, in endur 
 ing hardships and privations. Instinctively valiant, 
 disciplined without having passed through the formal 
 training of reviews and garrison manoeuvres, they 
 evinced on this memorable night, that enthusiasm, 
 patriotism, and a sense of a just cause, which were 
 of far more avail than scientific tactics. The heroes 
 of Wellington, who boasted of their military talents 
 and disciplined valour, were often doomed, by woful 
 experience, to appreciate the prowess of those warlike 
 sons of the western country. 
 
 The gallant officer who commanded them, eve* 
 calm ? ever active, without precipitation, tranquilly 
 
108 HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 giving orders, which he well knew how to cause to 
 be promptly obeyed; vigilant and provident to avoid 
 unnecessarily exposing his men, for whose safety he 
 \vas as anxious as a father for his son s, acquired by 
 his conduct that night the strongest claim to the -es 
 teem and gratitude of his country. Sensible that in 
 an incessant fire most of the discharges are ineffec 
 tual, general Coffee led on his men within a sure dis 
 tance, and continually passing along the line, recom 
 mended to them to take deliberate aim, and never to 
 fire at random. 
 
 Notwithstanding the darkness of the night, and 
 the difficulty of manoeuvring with two pieces of can 
 non in a road forty feet wide, bordered with ditches, 
 the artillery took a position, and was served with the 
 utmost promptitude. It several times forced the ene 
 my to abandon the road, and to retire to the levee, 
 and behind gates and the ridges beside the ditches; 
 in short, it contributed not a little to convince the 
 enemy of our superiority. 
 
 The 7th regiment, commanded by major Peire, 
 withstood and kept up a very brisk fire; having first 
 come into action, and having been the longest en 
 gaged of all the corps that took part in it, that gallant 
 regiment evinced that steadiness, precision in move 
 ments, regularity and promptitude in firing, implicit 
 obedience to the orders of its commander, and, in 
 short, proved that the discipline that constitutes troops 
 of the line, do not exclusively belong to Europeans. 
 The brave officers of that regiment, sacrificing to the 
 exigency of the moment, and to the safety of the 
 country, all particular attachment to their own corps. 
 
HISTORICAL MEM0IR. 109 
 
 which is indeed natural and highly conducive to the 
 united strength of an army, obeyed, without a mur 
 mur, the orders of major Peire, an officer drawn from 
 another corps, whom general Jackson, in his discre 
 tion, had thought worthy to supply the place of their 
 chief, major Nicks, who was prevented, by an acci 
 dental wound, from leading his men to victory. 
 
 The 44th regiment, which came into action soon 
 after the seventh, though younger, and formed of 
 more heterogeneous elements, fought with the stea 
 diness and valour of veteran troops. Forced conti 
 nually to oblique to the left, to avoid being turned by 
 the enemy, this regiment showed that it was not in 
 timidated by the enemy s manoeuvre, and vigorously 
 returned his fire. Captain Baker, who commanded 
 it, and all the officers under him, though young in 
 the art of war, and little acquainted with military 
 evolutions, displayed great bravery, and were not de 
 ficient in the skill and judgment that the occasion 
 called for. 
 
 Major Plauche s battalion of volunteers, coming 
 into the line at the moment when the enemy was 
 pressing hard upon the left of the 44th, and endea 
 vouring to turn it, proved, by two or three brisk 
 and well-directed fires, that it was worthy to be sta 
 tioned by the side of veteran troops. This corps, 
 though composed of several independent companies , 
 has ever been exemplary for perfect union, harmony 
 and subordination. Several of its officers, who had 
 formerly followed the military profession, enjoyed 
 the unlimited and well-deserved confidence of their 
 men. These were ready to follow, wherever those 
 
110 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 might lead the way; and to speak to the former (all 
 of whom were citizens of New Orleans) of marching 
 against the enemy, was sufficient to exhilarate their 
 spirits, and fill their hearts with exultation. Almost 
 the whole of them were Frenchmen by birth or de 
 scent, and bore an inveterate hatred to Great Britain, 
 from whose government most of them had suffered 
 wrongs, which they wished to avenge. On this try 
 ing occasion they flew to the defence of the country 
 which had kindly received them, and of which they 
 were become citizens, with the ardour and enthu 
 siasm so characteristic of the French nation. Per 
 suaded that musketry is often destructive, without 
 producing any decided effect, the men of this batta 
 lion longed to charge with bayonets, and they ex 
 pressed their wishes by loud acclamations. Already 
 had the drums of the battalion began to beat in com 
 pliance with their desire, and the men waited only 
 for the word of command to fall on the enemy with 
 their national weapon, when colonel Ross, who had the 
 superior command of the two battalions of volunteers, 
 came up to restrain their ardour. Yet, had that ma 
 noeuvre been made, had Plauche s battalion advanced 
 to the charge, the enemy s retreat would have been 
 cut off on his right, and he would have been com 
 pletely surrounded by general CoiFee s brigade, which 
 was advancing in his rear, Plauche s battalion on his 
 left, Daquin s in front, and Laronde s great hedge 
 of orange trees on the right; so that most of that co 
 lumn would have been forced to lay down their arms. 
 The above observations, as to Plauche s battalion, 
 are almost wholly applicable to that commanded by 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. Ill 
 
 major Daquin. The men composing it had the 
 same motives of hatred towards the enemy, and of 
 gratitude to this country; for they were almost all 
 men who had long and bravely defended their native 
 country, St. Domingo, against the British, and against 
 the rebels, who at length subdued it, and who, choos 
 ing rather to go into exile than to become accom 
 plices of the monsters who are desolating their na 
 tive shores, came to this hospitable land to find re 
 pose in the peaceful exercise of their industry. At 
 the call of general Jackson at the cry of honour and 
 of war against Britain, those brave men instantly 
 united and joined our forces. In that memorable 
 night they showed that they had not forgotten the 
 exercise of arms; and almost in contact with the ene 
 my on the left, they convinced him that in Louisiana, as 
 formerly in St. Domingo, they should always expe 
 rience from them a vigorous opposition. 
 
 It would not be proper for one whose name has 
 appeared in general orders, to make particular men 
 tion of the several individuals who distinguished 
 themselves on this occasion: he might expose him 
 self to be taxed with partiality, or even to be re 
 proached with injustice. I therefore refer the rea 
 der, for such details, to the general orders, and to 
 the major- general s letters to the secretary of war. 
 (See Appendix, No. 2,5.) 
 
 But I cannot decline paying the tribute of jus 
 tice to general Jackson, to say that no man could 
 possibly have shown more personal valour, more 
 firmness and composure, than was exhibited by him 
 through the whole of this engagement, on which de- 
 
112 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 pended, perhaps, the fate of Louisiana. I may say, 
 without fearing to be taxed with adulation, that on 
 the night of the 23d, general Jackson exposed him 
 self rather too much. I saw him in advance of all 
 who were near him, at a time when the enemy was 
 making a charge on the artillery, within pistol shot, 
 in the midst of a shower of bullets, and in that situa 
 tion I observed him spiriting and urging on the ma 
 rines, and the right of the seventh regiment, who, 
 animated by the presence and voice of their gallant 
 commander- in -chief, attacked the enemy so briskly, 
 that they soon forced him to retire. 
 
 THE result of the affair of the 23d was the saving 
 of Louisiana; for it cannot be doubted but that the 
 enemy, had he not been attacked with such impe 
 tuosity, when he had hardly eifected his disembarka 
 tion, would, that very night, or early next morning, 
 have marched against the city, which was not then 
 covered by any fortification, and was defended by 
 hardly five thousand men, mostly militia, who could 
 not, in the open field, have withstood disciplined 
 troops, accustomed to the use of the bayonet, a wea 
 pon with which most of the militia were unprovided, 
 
 Aware of this, the commander-in-chief was sensi 
 ble of the necessity of immediately taking a position 
 where he might throw up intrenchments; and accord 
 ingly, at four in the morning of the 24th, he order 
 ed his little army to go and encamp on the left bank 
 of Rodriguez s canal, about two miles behind the 
 field of battle, The Mississippi mounted riflemen, 
 
.HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 113 
 
 and the Feliciana dragoons, with the 7th regiment, 
 were left at Laronde s, in order to observe the ene 
 my s movements. 
 
 Early next morning the enemy was seen drawn 
 up at the distance of about three hundred yards from 
 Laronde s boundary, occupying the space between 
 the two levees. (See the plan of the affair of the 
 23d.) On the front boundary line was stationed a 
 strong detachment. Towards eight o clock, the Bri 
 tish line broke, and the troops returned to their en 
 campment. They occupied the whole of the front, 
 and the greater part of the back of Lacoste s planta 
 tion. The whole extent of its principal ditch was 
 lined with British troops, and there ran an oblique 
 line of sentries from their advanced-posts on the 
 road to the wood. 
 
 All this day our troops were employed in work 
 ing on the intrenchments on Rodriguez s canal; the 
 two six-pounders that had served on the preceding 
 night were now mounted behind the line, on the 
 bank of the river, to command the road. I received 
 orders from the commander-m-chief, to cause the 
 levee to be cut, on the fore-ground of Chalmette s 
 plantation, for the purpose of overflowing the ground 
 in front of our line; which was effected by several 
 trenches, which let in a sufficient quantity of water 
 to render the road impracticable for troops. But the 
 temporary swell of the river having subsided, that 
 measure proved at last ineffectual, for on the 28th 
 the river was nearly on a level with the road. 
 
 Nothing of importance took place in the course 
 of the threo following days. Parties of our troops 
 
114 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 frequently went out to reconnoitre. Major Hinds, 
 with his cavalry, several time sdisplayed in sight of 
 the enemy, who never ventured out of his position. 
 In this interval he landed the rest of his troops, with 
 his artillery, stores, and provision s. 
 
 The enemy, on this and the following day, cut up 
 ;he road by an epaulment with a ditch, on the boun 
 dary line between Lacoste s and Laronde s, at the 
 distance of one hundred yards towards his encamp 
 ment, and at the back of the levee, opposite the sloop 
 of war, the Louisiana, which w r as at anchor near the 
 right bank. On the 26th, the enemy was employed 
 day and night in preparing a battery on the most ad 
 vanced angle of the levee, towards the west side of 
 Villere s plantation, for the purpose of firing on 
 the schooner Carolina, which was at anchor near 
 the right bank, opposite to it. 
 
 Major Nicks, who, by reason of an accidental 
 wound, being incapable of active service, had been 
 placed at the head of the arsenal and ordnance de 
 partment, the duties of which station he performed 
 with a zeal worthy of the highest praise, had been 
 ordered the preceding day to remove the powder 
 which was stored in great quantities in the magazine 
 opposite the city, on board a vessel prepared to de 
 ceive and convey it to Baton Rouge, reserving only 
 such quantity as captain Humphreys should judge 
 necessary for the daily service. 
 
 On the same day it was reported verbally to ge 
 neral Jackson, that the enemy had landed at Chef- 
 Menteur, and that, in consequence of that event, ma 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 115 
 
 jor Lacoste, who*commanded the post at the conflu 
 ence of bayou Sauvage and Chef-Menteur river, had 
 found himself under the necessity of abandoning it, 
 and of removing his camp three miles back, on the 
 principal plantation of Lafon. This report had 
 alarmed all the troops stationed in the plain of Gen^ 
 tilly, insomuch that every officer and private appre 
 hended an attack, though in that quarter the enemy 
 could make no movement, from which danger could 
 be apprehended, without undergoing the greatest fa 
 tigues and surmounting unheard-of difficulties. Ma 
 jor Lacoste informed the general-in-chief, by letter, 
 of the movement he had concluded to make, to avoid 
 being intercepted in his rear. The prairies of Chef- 
 Menteur were at that time very dry, and several ba 
 yous admitted of the enemy s approaching within a 
 very short distance of Lafon s principal plantation. 
 Some soldiers had even seen and pursued in a prairie 
 some British sailors, who had landed to set fire to the 
 dry grass. Such circumstances indicated an intention 
 in the enemy to penetrate on that side; and hence the 
 retrograde movement, made by major Lacoste, was 
 proper and judicious. When he determined on re 
 treating, he had the precaution to leave a piquet at the 
 encampment he quitted, to give information of any 
 movement the enemy might make by the river of 
 Chef-Menteur. 
 
 General Jackson ordered me to repair with all 
 speed to Chef-Meriteur, with a re-enforcement of two 
 hundred men from general Coffee s brigade, com 
 manded by colpnel N * * * *, who was to take 
 
116 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 command of the post of Chef-Mcnteur, reoccupy the 
 point of the confluence, finish the closed battery that 
 had been begun by major Lacoste s battalion, and to 
 leave on the main plantation a detachment sufficient 
 to cover the retreat, in the event of its becoming ne 
 cessary, and keep open the communication with the 
 city. As to the manner of executing these orders, 
 that was left to the discretion of colonel N * * * *, 
 major Lacoste, and myself. 
 
 I must be allowed here to express the pleasure 1 
 felt on being ordered on such service. The perfect 
 knowledge I had of the situation, which left on my 
 mind no doubt of our being able, with three hundred 
 riflemen, to rout ten times that number of the enemy, 
 animated me with joyful assurance of success; and 
 had the enemy, dared to penetrate into the wood of 
 Chef-Menteur, the opinion I had of the Louisianians 
 composing major Lacoste s battalion, and of the gal 
 lant Tenriesseans, whom I was ordered to accompany, 
 made me fully confident of his complete discomfiture. 
 
 On arriving at the advanced post on Bertoniere s 
 estate, we discovered that the report of the land 
 ing of the enemy was false. It was decided that the 
 detachment should encamp on Dreux s plantation 
 until further orders. The same day I repaired to 
 major Lacoste s camp, which he had judiciously 
 established, with the bivouacs close to the skirt of the 
 wood, so that, in, case of surprise, the men could in 
 stantly get among the trees, from behind which the} 7 
 might fire with the more advantage, as they were co 
 vered by very thick under wood. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 117 
 
 On the same day general Morgan received orders 
 to evacuate the post at the Turn, transporting the ar 
 tillery to fort St. Leon, and leaving there a garrison 
 of one hundred men, and to take a position on the right 
 bank, opposite Camp Jackson; which was according 
 ly executed, and the troops encamped on Flood s 
 plantation. The two six-pounders placed opposite 
 the road, under the command of lieutenant Spotts, 
 were replaced by the twelves commanded by captain 
 Humphreys, and were established in the centre of the 
 line. 
 
 Next day, the 26th, major Lacoste returned with 
 me to head-quarters, where he requested and obtain 
 ed permission for his battalion to take a station on the 
 lines at Camp Jackson. Orders were given for his 
 being relieved by the 4th regiment of Louisiana mi 
 litia, colonel G. W. Morgan, one hundred and thirty 
 strong, with two mounted companies of Tennesseans, 
 a detachment of artillery of the line, commanded by 
 lieutenant Bosque, with two field pieces, and about 
 thirty Chactaw Indians. This force, commanded by 
 colonel G. W. Morgan, occupied the former position 
 on the river of Chef-Menteur until the 6th of Janua 
 ry, when it returned to the camp of the main planta 
 tion. 
 
 The general-in-chief sent orders to general Mor 
 gan to cause the levee to be cut below the ene 
 my, at Jumonville s, as near his posts as possible, 
 in order to prevent his extending them. This ope 
 ration was promptly and successfully executed, un 
 der the direction of major Lafon, the engineer attached 
 to the division of the right bank, within musket-shot 
 
118 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of the enemy s advanced sentries; but here, as before 
 Jackson s lines, the river frustrated our views; and a 
 measure which, had the river continued to rise, 
 would have made an island of the enemy s en 
 campment, and secured us from any attack, by 
 forcing him to evacuate, produced a very different 
 effect, as it introduced sufficient water into the canals, 
 and bayous, which till then were nearly dry, to ena 
 ble the British to bring up their heavy artillery. 
 
 On the 27th, at 7 o clock in the morning, the 
 enemy opened on the Carolina the fire of a battery of 
 several twelve and eighteen-pounders, and a howitzer, 
 which he had been forty-eight hours erecting. In 
 about fifteen minutes, the schooner was set on fire by 
 the red-hot shot thrown into her, and in that condi 
 tion the crew abandoned her. About an hour after, 
 she blew up; and now the fire of the battery was di 
 rected against the Louisiana, whose preservation was 
 the more important, as she was the only remaining 
 armed vessel in the river, and as her powder maga 
 zine was above water. Lieutenant Thompson, who 
 commanded her, endeavoured to take advantage of a 
 light breeze from the east, to sail up the river; but 
 the wind having died away whilst the sails ivere un 
 furling, there remained no other expedient than that 
 of towing her up. Accordingly, one hundred men 
 of his crew soon towed her without the range of the 
 enemy s guns, and she was moored opposite to Flood s, 
 canal. In the evening, the 1st regiment of Louisiana 
 militia, under colonel Dejan, was ordered from its 
 position at Gent illy, and went, to re -enforce the lines 
 on the left. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 119 
 
 AFFAIR OF THE 28th DECEMBER, 1814. 
 
 IN the evening of the 27th the enemy moved for- 
 ward, and by the superiority of his force, obliged our 
 advanced-guards to fall back. He occupied Bienve- 
 nu s and Chalmette s plantations; and during the night 
 began to establish several batteries on the river. By 
 break of day, he displayed in several columns, and 
 drove in all our advanced-guards. Our posts had till 
 this day occupied Laronde s plantation, and our re 
 connoitring parties were extended daily as far as his 
 lines. Major Hinds, with the cavalry and the 7th re 
 giment, had neglected no opportunity of harassing the 
 enemy; and the advanced sentries and piquets had of 
 ten exchanged with him a few shots. The 2d regi 
 ment of Louisiana militia now took a position on the 
 left of the line. 
 
 At length the British, having begun to push for 
 wards against our lines, all our out-posts fell back. 
 The general- in- chief had ordered colonel Mackrea, 
 the commander of the artillery, to fire and blow up 
 all the buildings on Chalmette s plantation, which lay 
 within five or six hundred yards of our lines, as they 
 protected the enemy from our artillery. This order 
 was accordingly executed, but its execution could 
 not be extended to Bienvenu s plantation, as expedi 
 ence required, and as the positive orders of the gene- 
 ral-in-chief had directed. 
 
 The enemy advanced in columns on the road, 
 preceded by several pieces of artillery, some of which 
 played on the ship Louisiana, and the others, on our 
 
120 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 lines. The British, in this instance, gave a signal 
 proof of their presumption; and while we do justice 
 to the bravery of their troops, we cannot but pity the 
 infatuation of their commanders, who thus brought 
 up their army to lines which, though not completed, 
 were yet proof against musket- shot, and had already 
 five pieces of cannon in battery. They thought, no 
 doubt, to intimidate us by their boldness, hoping that 
 the sight of a deep column marching against our 
 lines, would strike such terror as to make us abandon 
 them, and retreat to the city; but they were greatly 
 deceived. They did not yet know with what adversa 
 ries they had to contend, nor that they were destined 
 to atone for their arrogance with streams of their blood. 
 The Louisiana suffered the enemy s columns to ad 
 vance a considerable space; and as soon as they had 
 got as near to her. as her commander wished, she 
 opened on them a tremendous and well-directed fire. 
 This was at first briskly answered by the enemy s ar 
 tillery, which was soon silenced by the guns of the 
 ship, and those of our lines. That very morning the 
 engineer, H. S. Bonneval Latrobe, had established, 
 under the fire of the enemy s artillery and a cloud of 
 rockets, a twenty-four pounder on the left of the bat 
 tery No. 1, on the line. This gun dismounted one 
 of the field pieces which the enemy had placed in 
 battery on the road. Captain Humphrey s s battery 
 had incessantly played upon and severely galled him 
 from an early hour in the morning; but the guns 
 of the Louisiana, from her position, were better 
 calculated than any other to annoy him, as her broad 
 side was in an oblique direction to his line of march.. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 121 
 
 One single ball from her killed fifteen of his men. 
 Her fire at last broke his columns, and forced them 
 to disperse and fall back into the fields, where they 
 took a position on Bienvenu s plantation, under cover 
 of some buildings. 
 
 It is but justice to say, that the services rendered 
 on this day by the Louisiana, were of the greatest 
 importance. The cannonading lasted seven hours, 
 during which she fired upwards of eight hundred shot. 
 The spirited exertions of her commander, lieutenant 
 Thompson, on that occasion, cannot be too highly 
 commended. (See Appendix, No. 26.) 
 
 During this engagement the enemy abandoned 
 several batteries he had established on the river the 
 preceding night; and his loss, in other respects, was 
 considerable. 
 
 Two days previous to this engagement, general 
 Carroll s troops had taken post on the prolongation of 
 Rodriguez s canal, and had worked without intermis 
 sion at the breastwork of the lines, which, until the 
 1st of January, had towards the left hardly more than 
 sufficient thickness to protect the men from musket 
 ry. During the whole day, the enemy incessantly 
 threw Congreve rockets, which wounded some of our 
 men. By one of these, major Carmick, of the ma 
 rines, had his horse killed, and was himself wounded 
 in the hand. The British had great expectation from 
 the effect of this weapon, against an enemy who had 
 never seen it before. They hoped that its very noise 
 would strike terror into us; but we soon grew accus 
 tomed to it, and thought it little formidable; for in 
 the whole course of the campaign, the rockets only 
 
122 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 wounded ten men, and blew up two caissons. That 
 weapon must doubtless be effectual to throw amongst 1 
 squadrons of cavalry, and frighten the horses, or to 
 set fire to houses; but from the impossibility of di 
 recting it with any certainty, it will ever be a very 
 precarious weapon to use against troops drawn up in 
 line of battle, or behind ramparts. 
 
 The twenty-four-pounder just mentioned, was 
 served in the beginning of the action by a detachment 
 of captain St. Gemes s dismounted dragoons, and af 
 terwards by a part of the crew of the late Carolina, 
 commanded by lieutenant Norris. About eight in 
 the morning captain Dominique s artillery company, 
 then about twenty men strong, returned from fort St. 
 John, whither it had been sent on the 23d, and was 
 stationed on the lines; to it was committed the 
 service of a twenty-four-pounder, battery No. 3, 
 which had been mounted the preceding evening. 
 These mariners, all veteran gunners, served their 
 piece with the steadiness and precision of men prac 
 tised in the management of cannon, and inured to 
 warfare; and the battery No. 3 was not the least de 
 structive to the enemy during the campaign. 
 
 Lieutenant Crawley, with another part of the crew 
 of the Carolina, repaired to the lines on the morning 
 of the 28th, and during the whole of the action serv 
 ed a howitzer at the battery No. 1. In the evening, 
 general Jackson having ordered a thirty-two-pounder 
 to be mounted in the centre of the line, lieutenant 
 Crawley caused the platform to be established, and 
 had the piece mounted in the night. 
 
 The first regiment of Louisiana militia had taken 
 a- position on the right, the preceding evening, and 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 123 
 
 remained on the line during the whole of the. action 
 of the 28th. On the morning of the same day, the 
 2d regiment received orders to re-enforce the ex 
 tremity of the left, which was under the command of 
 general Coffee. 
 
 We lost on that day seven men, and had ten 
 wounded: amongst the former was colonel Hender 
 son, of the Tennessee division, under general Carroll. 
 The enemy s light troops having advanced along 
 a ditch to a fence which ran in an oblique direction to 
 our lines, its extremity being only at the distance of 
 one hundred yards, opened an irregular fire on our out 
 posts: general Carroll ordered colonel Henderson to 
 advance with a detachment of two hundred men along 
 the wood, and then to make an oblique movement on 
 the right, towards the river, arid endeavour to turn the 
 enemy, who, by this manoeuvre, would have been cut 
 off. Instead of executing this order, colonel Hen 
 derson advanced towards the right, leaving the fence 
 between him and the wood: the enemy being thus 
 covered by the fence, opened on our detachment a 
 galling fire, which killed the colonel and five men, 
 and forced the others to fall back. The enemy re- oc 
 cupied the fence, where he maintained his position 
 until our artillery once more dislodged him. 
 
 From the destruction that our artillery dealt in 
 the enemy s ranks, and from the report of a prisoner 
 and some deserters, the British must have lost from 
 two to three hundred men on that day. 
 
 The Louisiana had but one man slightly wounded 
 by the bursting of a shell, and the vessel was struck 
 under her bowsprit by a red-hot shot, but without 
 receiving any damage. (See Appendix, No. 27.) 
 
124 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 It appears that this attack was but a feint, to try 
 what effect would he produced on raw troops by the 
 sight of columns marching, displaying, and forming 
 in order of battle. But if after the night of the 23d 
 the enemy could still have any doubt of our being 
 firmly disposed to withstand him, the affair of the 
 28th must have convinced him that his manoeuvres 
 could no more intimidate us than his rockets, and that 
 in whatever manner he might attack us, he would 
 find men defending themselves with valour and intre 
 pidity, and determined to sell their lives dearly. That 
 attack served at least to convince the enemy that he 
 must expect a most obstinate resistance, if he at 
 tempted to force our lines; and that perhaps, after ha 
 ving sacrificed numbers of his men, he might be once 
 more obliged to retire within his camp, with the 
 shame of having made a useless and disgraceful at 
 tempt. He had now witnessed the effect of our ar 
 tillery, which was soon to prove to him, beyond all 
 doubt, our superiority in skill, promptitude, and pre 
 cision in firing. 
 
 It was ordered by general Jackson that fortified 
 lines should be established on the right bank from the 
 river to the Cypress swamp, behind general Morgan s 
 encampment. For that purpose I made choice of Bois- 
 gervais canal, three miles from the city. One hundred 
 and fifty negroes, under the direction of Mr.Lefevre, 
 in six days completed the parapet, the wh )le length 
 of the canal, and levelled the earth to form a glacis 
 on the opposite side. It will be seen in the sequel, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 125 
 
 that it was behind those lines, which we had not time 
 to complete and secure with bastions and redoubts, 
 that general Morgan s troops rallied after their flight, 
 on the memorable 8th of January. 
 
 Captain Henley, of the late Carolina, came also 
 next day to take command of a square redoubt, form 
 ed by a brick-kiln, opposite the city, on the very bank 
 of the river. A fosse twenty -five feet wide was 
 dug all round it, and the earth from it served to 
 form a very steep glacis from the summit of the 
 wall, serving as a parapet, to the brink of the fosse. 
 A palisade extended along its whole length on the 
 inside. The redoubt was furnished with a small pow 
 der magazine, and was mounted with two twenty-four- 
 pounders. Its battery commanded at once the road 
 and the river. 
 
 From all accounts it appears that at that time the 
 British troops of the line amounted to between nine 
 and ten thousand men. General Gibbs division 
 had landed, and sir Edward Packenham had taken the 
 command of the army. The British head -quarters 
 were at the house of general Villere; their hospitals 
 were established in the buildings of Jumonville s plan 
 tation, where their black troops were stationed. The 
 British had taken all the horses belonging to the plan 
 tations, from Bienvenu s to Jumonville s inclusively; 
 the finest were picked out for the officers of the staff, 
 the others served to mount a squadron of dragoons, 
 or to draw the artillery. Their reconnoitring par 
 ties advanced as far as Philipon s plantation, where 
 they established a post of black troops, which conti 
 nued there until their final evacuation. The meat 
 
126 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 served out to the troops was at first supplied by the 
 cattle of the several plantations they occupied; and 
 when this supply was exhausted, they had recourse 
 to the cattle of the nearest plantations successively, 
 as far as the end of Terre-aux-Boeufs, and even to 
 Morgan s plantation at the Turn; the cattle of which 
 they had almost entirely consumed at the period of 
 their evacuation. 
 
 On the 29th lieutenant Spotts transported his two 
 six-pounders to the extremity of the line, not far from 
 the wood, and the detachment of the company of 
 Francs, under the immediate command of lieutenant 
 Bertel, established a platform for a twelve-pounder 
 towards the left, between that of colonel Perry and 
 that of lieutenant Spotts. 
 
 Commodore Patterson, on that day, caused to be 
 landed from the Louisiana two twelve-pounders, 
 which he placed in battery behind the levee, in front 
 of Jourdan s plantation, on the right bank; and the 
 following night he established a twenty-four-pounder 
 beside the former. These pieces, with several others 
 afterwards mounted, formed the marine battery, which 
 rendered such important services during the remain 
 der of the campaign. They were served entire 
 ly by sailors, mostly landed from the Louisiana, 
 who had been enlisted or pressed in the streets of 
 New Orleans, after the capture of the gun-boats. 
 Those sailors were almost all of different nations, 
 hardly one-third of them speaking English: but the 
 care of lieutenant Thompson, in establishing excel 
 lent discipline among them, rendered eminent service; 
 for it may justly be said that never were guns better 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 127 
 
 served. The position commanded the left flank of 
 the enemy, who was compelled to remove his camp 
 to the back grounds of Laronde s and Bienvenu s 
 plantations, and to abandon Chalmette s and Bienve 
 nu s houses, where several corps and officers had al 
 ready taken up their cantonments, in which the ma 
 rine battery never suffered them to enjoy one mo 
 ment s repose. All the buildings and fences of those 
 plantations bear marks which attest how well the fire 
 of that battery was directed. The enemy was even 
 obliged to make several small epaulments, advanced 
 one before the other, to cover the left of his camp, on 
 the lower boundary of Bienvenu s plantation. The 
 smallest group of British soldiers that was any where 
 perceived, was instantly saluted with a discharge of 
 cannon; so that this battery rendered it impossible for 
 the enemy to attempt any reconnoissance on the 
 river. 
 
 From the 28th of December to the 1st of Janua 
 ry, the sloop of war every morning dropped down to 
 the station which she occupied on the 28th, and re 
 turned every night opposite Cazelar s plantation. 
 
 In the evening, colonel Haines, inspector- general, 
 accompanied by colonel Reuben Kemper, a volunteer 
 in the Feliciana troop, went, by order of general Jack 
 son, to reconnoitre in the Cypress swamp on the 
 left, and ascertained that it was impossible for the 
 enemy to penetrate by that way. It even appears 
 that he was himself under great apprehension from 
 that quarter; for, during the whole campaign, there 
 was no instance of the enemy s having posted a sin 
 gle picket immediately on the skirt of the wood, so 
 
128 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 much did he fear lest our riflemen should come on 
 him unawares, and shoot down the men; to avoid 
 which he kept his out-posts beyond musket-shot 
 of the wood. The Tennesseans, on account of 
 their well-known skill at the rifle, were the terror of 
 the British sentinels and advanced -posts. Their uni 
 form, consisting of a brown hunting dress, rendered 
 it difficult to perceive them among the underwood 
 and dry grass through which they approached, to 
 shoot down the British sentinels, whom they never 
 missed. One single incident, which occurred about 
 that time, will suffice to give an idea of the dread in 
 which the British were of the Tennesseans, whom 
 they denominated dirty shirts. An old inhabitant of 
 Tennessee obtained from his officers leave to go on 
 what they called a hunting party. He stole along 
 through ditches and underwood, till he got near a 
 British sentinel, whom he immediately killed; and 
 having seized his arms and accoutrements, he laid 
 them at some distance from that place, and went to 
 post himself in a different direction. When it was 
 time to relieve the sentinel, the corporal of the guard 
 finding him dead, posted another in the same place, 
 where the guard had hardly left him, when the Ten- 
 nessean shot him down; and having conveyed his arms 
 and accoutrements to the spot where he had left those 
 of the man he had killed before, he again went to lie in 
 wait in another place. The corporal, in his next 
 round, had again to relieve a dead sentinel, and the 
 man who took his place soon shared the fate of the 
 two others; the Tennessean taking the same care to 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 129 
 
 secure his arms and accoutrements, and then posting 
 himself in another place. At last the corporal, ama 
 zed to see that in one night three sentinels had been 
 killed at one post, determined to expose no more 
 men in so dangerous a spot. Our Tennessean seeing 
 this, returned to camp with the spoils of the slain, 
 and received the felicitations of his comrades. 
 
 The company of marines, commanded by lieute 
 nant Belle vue, which, from the lines being first occu 
 pied, had been stationed in the centre, was removed 
 to the left, near lieutenant Spott s battery, where it 
 continued until the evacuation. 
 
 The 1st regiment of Louisiana militia, under 
 colonel Dejan, was ordered to take a position in the 
 wood on the bank of the canal of Piernas s planta 
 tion. An advanced-post had been stationed at the 
 mouth of the canal, in the bayou Bienvenu, for the 
 purpose of watching the manoeuvres which the ene 
 my might attempt by that canal, at tjie mouth of 
 which it was possible he might ascend with schoon 
 ers. The first regiment was ordered to furnish in 
 termediate posts, and to support them all in case of 
 an attack. 
 
 It was the mor.e important to guard the Piernas 
 canal, as it was the only point by which the enemy 
 could have penetrated, on ascending the bayou Bien 
 venu. 
 
 General Jackson sent orders to the mayor of New 
 Orleans, directing him to make domiciliary visits in 
 town, for the purpose of ascertaining what .arms were 
 ifi the possession of private persons, 
 
130 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 On the morning of the 30th, major-general 
 lere, commanding the first division of Louisiana mili 
 tia, arrived from the Acadian coast, whither he had 
 gone to forward the arrival of the militia, of whom 
 three hundred next day encamped behind the line 
 Dupre. 
 
 General Villere took also the command of the 
 troops stationed on the Piernas canal. Major Hinds, 
 at the head of the cavalry, went out on reconnoi 
 tring towards the enemy s advanced-posts on the 
 right. His troop sustained the fire of all the out 
 posts, and three dragoons were wounded. Our ar 
 tillery, especially that of the centre batteries which 
 was of heavy metal, galled the enemy without discon 
 tinuance. The thirty-two-pounder, commanded by 
 lieutenant Crawley, and captain Dominique s twenty- 
 four-pounder, were principally directed against the 
 redoubt which the enemy was throwing up towards 
 the wood. Notwithstanding its great distance, most 
 of the balls struck the parapet, demolishing the vvork 5 
 and killing many men. Neither did the marine bat 
 tery on the right bank neglect any opportunity of 
 annoying the enemy in his camp, or in his posts. On 
 that day the enemy began to establish in front of 
 Bienvenu s house, a battery of hogsheads of sugar, 
 ranged on the levee. In our camp, great efforts were 
 making to complete the platforms of the batteries, 
 strengthen the parapet, arrange the tents in proper 
 order, and prolong the lines into the wood. The re 
 ports of deserters stated, that the enemy expected 
 shortly to receive considerable re -enforcements, and 
 was bringing up heavy artillery to batter our breast 
 works. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 131 
 
 On the 31st, the enemy, who had already mount 
 ed a few guns on the redoubt erecting in front of 
 our left, fired on our advanced-posts, which had some 
 skirmishes with those of the enemy. The cannona 
 ding continued on both sides until two in the after- 
 noon. The Louisiana supported our batteries with 
 her fire, and contributed not a little to make the ene 
 my take refuge behind some buildings. One of his 
 officers of engineers, having advanced to reconnoitre 
 our forces and our lines, was killed by the advanced- 
 posts. 
 
 All these movements and reconnoitrings on the 
 part of the enemy indicated an approaching attack, 
 Meanwhile we learned the capture of a schooner with 
 an officer and five men, made by our troops in the 
 lake, near Chef-Menteur. That schooner served to 
 transport provisions from the enemy s encampment 
 on Pearl river, to his troops encamped on the bank 
 of the Mississippi. In the night from the 31st De 
 cember to the 1st of January, the enemy erected two 
 batteries at the distance of about six hundred yards 
 from our lines, on a ditch running along the side of 
 Chalmette s plantation, the first being placed in advance 
 of the buildings of the plantation, and at the distance 
 of three hundred and fifty yards from the bank of the 
 river; and the second about three hundred yards far 
 ther. During the whole night was heard the noise 
 of the men working at the platforms and mounting 
 the pieces of cannon. 
 
132 yiSTOKlCAL MEMOIR. 
 
 FIRST OF JANUARY, 1815. 
 
 The 1st of January was ushered in with a very 
 thick fog, which did not begin to disperse until to 
 wards 8 o clock. As soon as the horizon began to 
 clear up, the enemy opened a very brisk fire from his 
 three batteries, of which the left, established 1 on the 
 road, mounted two twelve-pounders; the centre, eight 
 eighteen-pounders, and twenty-four-pound carron- 
 ades, and that on the right towards the wood opposite 
 our lines, mounted eight pieces of cannon and carron- 
 ades. A cloud of Congreve rockets accompanied 
 the balls, and for fifteen minutes the fire was kept up 
 with unexampled celerity. The first discharges of 
 the two batteries nearest the river, w r ere principally 
 directed against Macarty s house, where the head 
 quarters were established. In less than ten minutes, 
 upwards of one hundred balls, rockets and shells 
 struck the house, and rendered it impossible to re 
 main there. The general- in- chief and all his staff 
 were in the apartments when the firing began; but 
 though bricks, splinters of wood and furniture, rockets 
 and balls, were flying in all directions, not a single 
 person was wounded. This fierce attack of the ene 
 my s artillery, was answered by ours with a brisk, 
 steady and well-directed fire, which in less than an 
 hour made his slacken in a very perceptible degree. 
 The cannonading however still continued to be kept 
 up, vigorously on the part of the enemy, but with 
 more precision and more effect on ours. 
 
 The enemy s object was to silence our artillery 
 and make a breach in the breastwork of our lines, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 135 
 
 with a view to push on to the assault. For this pur 
 pose the troops were in readiness, drawn up in seve 
 ral parallel lines; but prudently waiting in the back 
 ditches, and in the intervals between the batteries, 
 for the favourable moment to advance to the attack of 
 our lines. But on this occasion, as on the 28th of 
 December, his expectations were frustrated; and in 
 stead of intimidating us by his artillery, he soon 
 perceived the superiority of ours. 
 
 Yet every advantage was on the side of the ene 
 my; his batteries presented but a narrow front, and 
 very little elevation, on a spacious plain, the soil of 
 which was from four to six feet below the level of our 
 platforms; his gunners had for a target a line about 
 one thousand yards long, the top of whose parapet 
 was eight or nine feet higher than his platforms 
 whilst our batteries might be said to have only points 
 to aim at, and our balls could not rebound on so soft 
 a soil. Our batteries were the principal object 
 against which the enemy s fire was directed; but we 
 were not less intent on demolishing his; for in about 
 an hour s time, our balls dismounted several of his 
 guns; and when the firing ceased the greater part oi 
 his artillery was unfit for service. Justice obliges us 
 to acknowledge that the fire of the British was for a 
 long time vigorously kept up and well directed. We 
 liad the carriage of a twenty-four-pounder broken by 
 one of their balls, at captain Dominique s battery, 
 and that of the thirty- two-pounder, commanded by 
 lieutenant Crawley of the navy, was also damaged by 
 a ball; the fore-train of the twelve-pounder of general 
 Garrigues was likewise broken by the balls of the 
 
134 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 enemy. The cheeks of the embrasures of our batte 
 ries were formed of bales of cotton, which the ene 
 my s balls struck and made fly in all directions; the 
 rockets blew up two artillery caissons, in one of 
 which were a hundred rounds. When the enemy 
 perceived this accident, he suspended his fire for 
 some seconds, and the troops ranged in the ditches, 
 with those at the batteries, gave three sheers, which 
 were instantly answered by a general discharge of all 
 the artillery of our lines. From that moment the 
 enemy s fire began to slacken in a very perceptible 
 degree, owing probably to his being convinced of the 
 inutility of his attempt, and to the great number of 
 his guns which our artillery had dismounted. 
 About ten o clock the enemy ordered some platoons 
 of sharp-shooters to penetrate into the woods on the 
 left of our line, with a view to ascertain whether it 
 could be turned; but he soon perceived, from the 
 brisk fire of our musketry, that on the left we were 
 as well prepared to receive him as on the right. Part 
 of general Coffee s brigade stationed in the fosse, two 
 hundred yards behind the line, received orders to 
 move forward towards the wood, in order to support, 
 if necessary, the troops stationed immediately on the 
 line; but Wellington s heroes discovered that they 
 were ill qualified to contend with us in woods, where 
 they must fight knee deep in water and mud, and 
 that the various kinds of laurel which abound in 
 Louisiana, in the cypress swamps and prairies, were 
 not intended to grace their brows. Yet of these lau 
 rels there never was a fairer opportunity of making 
 an ample provision; and the species called by bota- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 135 
 
 nists the laurel of conquerors, is found at every step 
 in the woods and prairies of Louisiana. But on the 
 other hand, cypress trees are still more common; the 
 country presenting one continued forest of them on 
 each bank of the river, for upwards of one hundred 
 leagues in length; and such of the British troops as 
 lived to return home, must have made known in En 
 gland how provident nature has been in accumula 
 ting, as it were, on the banks of the Mississippi, the 
 emblem of the disasters which will ever attend the 
 invaders of that country. 
 
 The fire continued to slacken until noon, and at 
 one o clock the enemy s two batteries towards the 
 fight Were abandoned. That on the road still conti 
 nued to throw a few balls and rockets until three in 
 the afternoon, by which time they were all silenced, 
 His troops at last retired to their camp, persuaded 
 that it was not practicable to make the assault, after 
 having continued in the ditches from early in the 
 morning. Our loss of men that day was very incon 
 siderable, in comparison with that of the enemy, and 
 considering the long continuance of an intense fire; 
 for it amounted to no more than thirty-four wounded 
 or killed, eleven of the latter being persons going to 
 or returning from camp, who were killed on the road 
 behind the lines, by the enemy s shells or balls which 
 were shot over the breastwork. About two hun 
 dred yards behind the line, on the river, near the 
 bank, lay a boat laden with military stores, which was 
 struck by several of the enemy s balls, and was on 
 the point of sinking, when we succeeded in saving 
 the greater part of the stores. 
 
136 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 The batteries that the enemy had on the river in 
 front of Chalrnette s and Bienvenu s houses, continu 
 ed likewise the whole day to exchange shots with 
 those of commodore Patterson; and although the balls 
 went through the breastwork, and the shells fell in 
 great numbers in the batteries and on the road, the 
 commodore lost not a single man, nor was his fire for 
 a moment less intense than that of the enemy. It is 
 presumable that in establishing batteries on the river, 
 the enemy s object was not to command the passage 
 of it, or to do any mischief on the other bank; but 
 merely to destroy the Louisiana: and indeed several 
 deserters reported that for that purpose he constantly 
 kept red-hot balls ready to fire on her the moment 
 she came within the range of his guns. (See com 
 modore Patterson s letter to the Secretary of the Na 
 vy, Appendix No. 28.) 
 
 Major-general Thomas, commanding the second 
 division of Louisiana militia, arrived the same day 
 with five hundred men from Baton Rouge, and en 
 camped on Ekipre s plantation. During the remain 
 der of the day, the enemy was busily employed in 
 working on the square redoubt he had begun, facing 
 our left, nor did our heavy pieces of artillery one mo 
 ment cease firing on his working parties, and they al 
 ways fired with success. The officer commanding 
 those parties stood upon the parapet, and as soon as 
 he perceived the fire of our guns, he gave a signal to 
 his men-, who instantly stooped down behind the pa 
 rapet. 
 
 The redoubt which stood on Bienvenu s planta 
 tion towards the wood, was of a quadrilateral form, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 137 
 
 Ats interior dimensions being eighty, sixty-two, one 
 hundred and eight, and seventy feet. Two embra 
 sures were made on the small front opposite our lines, 
 but forming an angle with them. Each of the late 
 ral fronts had likewise an embrasure in the middle, 
 and that on the back had an opening twelve feet wide, 
 serving as an entrance^ and covered by a traverse 
 within the fort. Along the intervals between the em 
 brasures above the ground, ran banquettes raised 
 three feet, for the musketry. 
 
 The parapet, which was fourteen feet thick at the 
 base, and nine at the summit, had battlements for the 
 musketry on three aspects; a fosse from twelve to 
 fifteen feet wide and three deep surrounded the re 
 doubt. That work had probably been made by the 
 enemy in apprehension of an attack by the wood, 
 with a view to protect the pickets posted on that side. 
 Some days after, the enemy established another re 
 doubt in advance of this, towards our lines, on the 
 ditch separating the plantations of Bienvenu and 
 Chalmette. This latter redoubt was smaller in its di 
 mansions, and had an embrasure in each of the angles 
 towards our lines. In erecting this redoubt, the ene 
 my experienced the greatest difficulty, being con 
 stantly galled by our artillery, which mowed down 
 the working parties. He again called in his out 
 posts on the 1st of January, as he had done after 
 the affair of the 28th of December. On all that space 
 from Chalmette s old plantation in the direction of the 
 furthest redoubt, there were no troops to be seen ex 
 cept near the river. The batteries had been dis^ 
 mantled during the night, and with mueh difficulty 
 
138 HISTORICAL.MEMOIR. 
 
 their guns were removed, by being dragged through 
 the mud. 
 
 On the 2d, early in the morning, several parties 
 went out to view the enemy s batteries, where they 
 found some barrels of powder, a large quantity of 
 cannon balls and implements of artillery, with broken 
 gun-carriages belonging to the navy, and carronades 
 which our balls had shattered. 
 
 General John Adair arrived at head-quarters, and 
 announced the speedy arrival of the Kentucky militia, 
 whom he had left the day before at Lafourche. 
 
 General Jackson, being desirous of ascertaining 
 whether the enemy, by ascending the bayou Bien- 
 venu, above the Piernas canal, could possibly pene 
 trate either towards Chef-Menteur or towards the 
 bank of the river, ordered colonel Reuben Kemper, 
 a volunteer in the Feliciana troops, to go down with 
 a detachment along Dupre s canal, cross the cypress 
 swamps and prairies of the basin of Gentilly, and 
 penetrate to the post of Bertonniere, on the Chef- 
 Menteur road; which orders colonel Kemper exe 
 cuted, not without encountering numerous difficul 
 ties. The impossibility of the enemy s penetrating 
 by that way, was thus fully ascertained, and all unea 
 siness on that score removed. 
 
 During the night of the 3d of January, word was 
 brought to general Jackson that the enemy had as 
 cended bayou Bienvenu as far as the forks of the 
 Piernas canal, where he had landed in considerable 
 force. This movement indicated a design to inter- 
 cept us in the rear. The general instantly ordered 
 major Davis, assistant inspector- general, to take with 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 139 
 
 him two hundred men of general Coffee s brigade, 
 and proceed to ascertain whether the report were true; 
 and in case of the enemy s having really landed, to 
 push on, and drive him into the bayou. Major Davis 
 lost no time in executing these orders, and notwith 
 standing a heavy rain, and the badness of the road, in 
 which the men sunk up to the knee in mud, the de 
 tachment reached the point indicated, where they 
 did not find a single British soldier. 
 
 General Jackson, anxious to know whether there 
 existed any possibility of the enemy s penetrating on 
 that side, ordered colonel Kemper to choose out 
 twenty volunteers from the different corps on the lines, 
 and with them to descend the Piernas canal, as far as 
 its junction with bayou Bienvenu, and this latter as 
 far as its junction with bayou Mazant, if possible, 
 and there reconnoitre the enemy s position. Owing 
 to the difficulty of procuring boats, colonel Kemper 
 was forced to undertake this service with only eleven 
 men, whom he led that evening to the prairie, where 
 they passed the night. Early next morning they 
 proceeded on their way down the bayou, occasionally 
 climbing up the trees on the bank, to see whether 
 they could thence discover the enemy. At last they 
 arrived sufficiently near the junction of the two ba 
 yous to perceive the fortified enclosure the enemy had 
 there formed. Colonel Kemper, leaving the boats 
 with some men to guard them, endeavoured to ap 
 proach and reconnoitre the enemy from the prairie; 
 but soon met with the obstruction of a bayou, 
 which obliged him to return; when he was about, half 
 a mile from the point where he had left his boats he 
 
140 HISTORICAL MEMOfJl. 
 
 perceived the enemy ascending the bayou in five 
 small vessels, and distinctly saw sailors looking out 
 from the mast head. When those vessels got near 
 our boats, they fired two musket-shots on those who 
 were left to guard them; on which four of them ran 
 and escaped, and one was taken prisoner. The ene 
 my proceeded up the bayou, setting fire to the prairie 
 as he advanced, so that whoever happened to be in it, 
 had to run from the flames rapidly gaining on the grass, 
 which, as we have already seen, is of considerable 
 height, and as thick as wheat in a field. At length, af 
 ter great fatigues, the colonel, and part of his detach 
 ment, arrived in camp next day by nine o clock; the 
 others, who, having escaped from the boats, took an 
 other road, had reached camp th* preceding day to 
 wards evening. 
 
 This, reconnoitring discovered to us the enemy s 
 position in the bayous, and on their banks. It was 
 ascertained that at the forks of Villere s canal, and 
 bayou Mazant, where he effected his landing, he had 
 thrown up a breastwork, within which he had built 
 magazines for stores, which were guarded by a strong 
 detachment; he had also an advanced sentinel con 
 stantly posted in a tree, which commanded a view of 
 the whole prairie and of the bayous. 
 
 The precaution the enemy had taken to set fire 
 to the prairie on the banks of bayou Bienvenu, leaves 
 no room to doubt of his having apprehended an at 
 tack on that side. Had we indeed been stronger in 
 troops, and better supplied with boats, we might, du 
 ring the night, have descended bayou Bienvenu, as 
 far as its junction with bayou Mazant, and thence 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 141 
 
 reascending the latter, have surprised, or at least at 
 tacked their post at the mouth of Villere s canal. 
 
 On the 4th of January the drafted militia from 
 Kentucky, to the number of two thousand two hun 
 dred and fifty, arrived in town, and went to encamp 
 on Prevost s plantation. On the following day seven 
 hundred and fifty of them, but only five hundred and 
 fifty being armed, repaired to the lines, and encamp 
 ed at some distance in the rear. All these troops were 
 under the command of major-general John Thomas, 
 and brigadier- general John Adair, acting adjutant- 
 general, took the command of the troops detached to 
 the lines.* 
 
 * The deplorable condition of a great number of militia 
 men of this and the adjacent states, who were in want of cloth 
 ing, in an inclement season, and obliged by the nature of the 
 service to be constantly exposed in the open air, excited the sen 
 sibility of the citizens. Mr. Louaillier, the elder, a member of 
 the house of representatives, obtained from the legislature the 
 sum of six thousand dollars, which was put at the disposition of 
 a committee formed for their relief. Subscriptions were alse 
 opened at New Orleans, for the same purpose, and ano 
 ther sum of six thousand dollars was soori subscribed; and 
 it is to be observed that the Orleans volunteers and militia, 
 not satisfied with discharging their duty to their country, by 
 their presence in the camp, sent for a subscription list, and 
 filled it with their signatures. The county of the German 
 coast subscribed about three thousand six hundred and that 
 of Attakapas remitted to the committee five hundred dol 
 lars. The whole sum thus obtained, including what was voted 
 by the legislature, amounted to sixteen thousand one hundred 
 dollars, and was laid out in purchasing blankets and woollens, 
 which were distributed among the ladies of New Orleans, to be 
 made into clothes. Within one week twelve hundred blanket 
 cloaks, two hundred and seventy-five waistcoats, eleven hundred 
 
142 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 In a letter of the 3d of January to the secretary 
 of war, the general complains that the arms sent from 
 Pittsburgh are not yet arrived, expressing his appre 
 hensions as to the consequences with which this de 
 lay may be attended, and the effect these may have 
 with regard to the issue of the war in this country. 
 " Hardly," says he, " one third of the Kentucky 
 troops, so long expected, are armed, and the arms 
 they have are not fit for use." Justly does the general 
 
 and twenty-seven pairs of pantaloons, eight hundred shirts, four 
 hundred and ten pairs of shoes, and a great number of mattresses, 
 were made up, or purchased ready made, and distributed among 
 our brethren in arms, who stood in the greatest need of them. 
 Though the gratitude of their fellow citizens, and the conscious 
 ness of their patriotic service, be, to Mr. Louaillier, and to 
 Messrs. Dubuys and Soulie, who co-operated with him in his 
 honourable exertions, a sufficient reward, yet I must be allowed 
 to pay those gentlemen the tribute of applause so justly due to 
 them. 
 
 In the course of the campaign several fathers, or men who 
 were the support of families, among the volunteers and militia 
 of the state, having been killed or wounded, those who depend 
 ed on them for support were left in the greatest distress; where 
 fore the legislature, on the 6th of February, enacted that the 
 pay of wounded men should be continued till the end of next ses 
 sion, and that the families of those slain in the service of the 
 country, should receive pay for the deceased, until the same pe 
 riod. With pleasure I take this opportunity to do justice to 
 the patriotic and highly praiseworthy conduct of the legislature, 
 not only on this occasion, but during the whole session. The 
 sole reproach that attaches to them, is their having, early in the 
 session, spent, in unimportant discussions relative to elections, 
 much more time than was consistent with a due regard to the 
 exigencies of the critical circumstances in which we then were. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 143 
 
 complain of the conduct of the agents of government, 
 and presages that the defeat of our armies, and the 
 dishonour not only of the officers commanding them, 
 but of the nation, must inevitably be the consequence 
 of so defective an administration. The general con 
 cludes by informing the secretary of war, that the 
 enemy appears intent on fortifying his position; that 
 it is doubtful whether he will renew his attacks, or 
 change the seat of war; that in either case he has 
 made the best disposition of the troops he commands 
 (much inferior in number to those of the enemy) to 
 act as cir cum stances may require. 
 
 Our artillery continued, in the meantime, to fire 
 on the enemy, and whenever a group of four or five 
 men showed themselves, they were instantly dispers 
 ed by our balls or shells. The advantage we derived 
 from that almost incessant cannonading on both banks 
 of the Mississippi, was that we exercised our gun 
 ners, annoyed the enemy to such a degree that he 
 could not work at any fortification, nor, indeed, come 
 within the reach of our cannon by day, and was de 
 prived of all repose during the night. 
 
 From the report of some deserters, we learned 
 that a re- enforcement of troops, under the command 
 of major-general Lambert, had lately arrived in the 
 British camp, and that the enemy intended shortly to 
 make a general attack. For some days past, the com 
 munication between the fleet and bayou Bienvenu 
 had been unusually active. 
 
 The 2d regiment of Louisiana militia was order 
 ed to cross the river, to re-enforce general Morgan s 
 
144 HJSTORieAL MEMOIR, 
 
 camp. At the confluence of the Piernas canal and 
 bayou Bienvenu, was established a post of cavalry, 
 consisting of a detachment of captain Ogden s com 
 pany of dragoons. 
 
 On the 6th of January, sailing-master Johnson 
 left Chef-Menteur with three boats under his com 
 mand, and succeeded in burning a British brig load 
 ed with rum and biscuit, on her way to the fleet at 
 bayou Bienvenu. On this occasion we took ten 
 prisoners, atnd from them we learned that the enemy 
 was digging out Villere s canal, and extending it, in 
 order to get his boats into the river. 
 
 On the 6th and 7th an unusual stir and bus 
 tle appeared to prevail amongst the enemy. Both 
 banks of Villere s canal were covered with soldiers 
 and sailors, who seemed to be employed in dragging 
 boats; troops were frequently observed exercising or 
 reviewing, and every thing announced an approach 
 ing attack. Commodore Patterson had gone down 
 on the right bank, to the point opposite the mouth of 
 the canal, where he ascertained the movements of die 
 enemy. 
 
 In the morning of the 6th we began to establish a 
 small redoubt for two six -pounders, on that part of 
 the bank of the river which joined the extremity of 
 the right of our line, from which it was separated by 
 the ditch, which in that part was very shallow, and 
 without any water. This redoubt had two embra 
 sures, which commanded the road and the river bank, 
 and another which flanked the front of the line. A 
 shallow fosse, which was also without water, in con 
 sequence of the river s having fallen, surrounded the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 145 
 
 redoubt, which was not yet completed on the morn 
 ing of the 8th. 
 
 Before I proceed to relate the events of the 8th of 
 January, a day of ever- glorious memory in the annals 
 of America, and especially in those of Louisiana, I 
 think it not unseasonable here to describe those lines, 
 before which was performed the most important mi 
 litary exploit of the whole war, and, considering local 
 circumstances and the respective forces contending, 
 that which reflects on America the highest glory. 
 
 Jackson s lines, within five miles of the city of 
 New Orleans, and running along the limits of Rod 
 riguez s andChalmette s plantations, formerly the pro 
 perty of the United States, were but one of those an 
 cient mill-races, so common in Louisiana, extending 
 from the bank ot the river to the Cypress swamp. It 
 has been already seen, from my description of the 
 form of the soil in Lower Louisiana, and from its 
 shelving from the river towards the swamps, that 
 when the Mississippi is swelled to its greatest height^ 
 the level of the surface of its waters is some feet above 
 that of the contiguous soil, and from twelve to fifteen 
 above that of the prairies and bayous, which at those 
 periods receive the waters flowing from the Missis 
 sippi. To add to the mass and the force of the wa 
 ter, the planters dig canals a few feet deep, throwing 
 the earth on both sides, so as to afford a mass of wa 
 ter from eight to eleven feet deep; and a,t the head of 
 these canals, which are commonly twenty-five feet 
 wide, are constructed saw- mills. The canal on which 
 Jackson s lines were formed, had long been aban- 
 dpned, having no longer any mill to. turn, so that its 
 
 . 
 **^ f\f ~~ 
 
146 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 banks had fallen in and raised its bottom, which was 
 covered with grass, presenting rather the appearance 
 of an old draining ditch than of a canal. On the 24th 
 of December, general Jackson had taken this posi 
 tion; and that it was well chosen, will sufficiently ap 
 pear on an inspection of the map (Plate No. 5.) I 
 will only observe, that thojie lines leave the least pos 
 sible space between the river and the w.ood, and that 
 from the lines to Villere s canal, the depth of the 
 high-land continually increases, and is at Laronde s 
 plantation nearly three times as great as -at the lines. 
 As^ soon as this position was choseiv*the troops be 
 gan to raise a parapet, leaving the ditch as it was, 
 except that by cutting the road it was laid under 
 water, as there was then a^ temporary rise of the river. 
 Earth was fetched from the rear of the line and 
 thrown carelessly on the left bank, where the earth 
 had been thrown when the canal was originally dug. 
 The bank on the right side being but little elevated 
 above the soil, formed a kind of glacis. All the pales 
 of the fences in the vicinity were taken to line the 
 parapet, and prevent the earth from falling into the ca 
 nal. All this was done at various intervals, and by 
 different corps, owing to the frequent mutations in 
 the disposition of the troops. This circumstance, 
 added to the cold and to incessant rain, rendered it 
 impossible to observe any regularity as to the thick 
 ness and height of the parapet, which in some places 
 was as much as twenty feet thick at the top, though 
 hardly five feet high; whilst in other places the ene 
 my s balls went through it at the base. On the 1st 
 of January there was but a very small proportion of 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIlt. x 147 
 
 thejine"able to withstand the b^Us; but on the 8th of 
 January the whole extent, as. far as the wood* was 
 proof against the enemy s cannon. The length of the 
 lines was eight hundred and fifteen toises, or about a 
 mile, somewhat more than half of which ran from the 
 river to the wood, the remainder extending into the 
 depth, where the line took a direction towards the 
 left, which rested on a cypress swamp almost impass 
 able. On that part of the line which was in the 
 wood, the breastwork was not thicker than was ne 
 cessary to resist musketry; it was formed of a double 
 row of logs, laid one over the other, leaving a space 
 of two feet, which was filled up with earth. Along 
 one part of the line ran a banquette; in some parts, 
 the height of the breastwork above the soil was 
 hardly sufficient to cover the men. The earth thrown 
 up to form the breastwork, had been dug out at va 
 rious intervals, and without any order, the rainy 
 weather not admitting of the work s being carried on 
 with regularity, as observed before. 
 
 The artillery was distributed on the lines in the 
 following manner. On the soil of the road within 
 the levee was battery No. 1, commanded by captain 
 Humphreys, of the U. S. artillery. It consisted of 
 two brass twelve-pounders, and a six-inch howitzer, 
 on field carriages; these pieces enfiladed the road to 
 wards that side where the enemy was posted, and their 
 fire grazed the parapet of the flank of the redoubt, 
 towards the right. Battery No. 1, was seventy feet 
 from the bank of the river. The two twelve-pound 
 ers were served by soldiers belonging to the regular 
 artillery, and the howitzer by dragoons of major St, 
 Geme s company . 
 
148 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Battery No. 2, which had a twenty-four-pounde/ , 
 was commanded by lieutenant Norris, of the navy, 
 and served by part of the crew of the late schooner 
 Carolina; its distance from No. 1 was ninety yards. 
 This battery was the most elevated above the soil. 
 
 Battery No. 3, commanded by captains Domi 
 nique and Bluche, commanders of privateers, had two 
 twenty-four-pounders, which were served by French 
 mariners; its distance from No. 2 was fifty yards. 
 
 Battery No. 4, commanded by lieutenant Craw- 
 ley, of the navy, and served by part of the crew of the 
 Carolina, had a thirty-two-pounder; its distance from 
 No. 3 was twenty yards. 
 
 Battery No. 5, commanded by colonel Perry and 
 lieutenant Kerr, of the artillery, had two six-pound 
 ers; its distance from No. 4 was one hundred and 
 ninety yards. 
 
 Battery No. 6, commanded by general Garrigues 
 Flaujeac, and served by a detachment of the compa 
 ny of Francs, under the immediate command of lieu 
 tenant Bertel, had a brass twelve-pounder; its distance 
 from No. 5 was thirty-six yards. 
 
 Battery No. 7 had a long brass eighteen-pound 
 culverine, and a six-pounder, commanded by lieu 
 tenants Spotts and Chauveau, and served by gunners 
 of the U. S. artillery; its distance from No. 6 was 
 one hundred and ninety yards. 
 
 The 8th battery had a small brass carronade, 
 which rendered very little service, on account of the 
 ill condition of its carriage; it was commanded by a 
 corporal of artillery, and served by militia men of ge 
 neral Carroll s command; its distance from No. 7 was 
 sixty yards. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 149 
 
 Next to this piece the line formed a, receding 
 elbow, as laid down in the draught of the affair of the 
 8th (See Atlas, Plate No. 7.) enormous holes in 
 the soil made impassable by their being full of wa* 
 ter from the canal, rendered this bend in the line 
 unavoidable. 
 
 From this bend, where the wood began, to the 
 extremity of the line, the ground was so low, and so 
 difficult to be drained, that the troops were literally 
 encamped in the water, walking knee deep in mud; 
 and the*several tents were pitched on small isles or 
 hillocks, surrounded with water or mud,/ 
 
 It was here that the brave troops of generals Car 
 roll and Coffee, from the 24th of December, 1814, 
 and part of those of Kentucky, from the 6th, until the 
 20th of January, 1815, gave an example of all the 
 military virtues. Though constantly living, and even 
 sleeping, in the mud, those worthy sons of Columbia 
 never uttered a complaint, uor showed the lest symp 
 tom of discontent or impatience. Those who have 
 not seen the ground, cannot form an idea of the de 
 plorable condition of the troops encamped on the left 
 of the line. But it was necessary to guard that quar 
 ter against the attacks of the enemy; it was neces- 
 sary that troops should be stationed there, to re 
 pulse him on the edge of the breastwork, if, under 
 cover of the bushes, he advanced to our intrench- 
 in ents, Those brave men supported all their hardships 
 with resignation, and even with alacrity. The safe 
 ty of the country was at stake, and their desire to 
 chastise insolent invaders, operated too strongly on 
 hearts inflamed with patriotic ardour, to suffer them 
 to perceive the imcomfortableness of their situation. 
 
150 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Such conduct is so much superior to any eulogy I 
 could bestow on it, that I must be content to admke 
 it in silence. 
 
 In order to give a correct narrative of the affair of 
 the 8th, I must previously make the reader acquaint 
 ed with the respective position of the different corps 
 stationed at the lines; that he may perceive, that if a 
 considerable part of the troops exhibited no active va 
 lour, it was owing to the attack s not being made on 
 their position; for had it been general, there can be 
 no doubt but all would have equally vied in ardour 
 and bravery. 
 
 The redoubt on the river, in front of the extre 
 mity of the line on the right, was guarded by a com 
 pany of the 7th regiment, commanded by lieutenant 
 Ross. The artillery was served by a detachment of 
 the 44th, under the command of lieutenant Marant. 
 Within the line, at the extremity of the right, be 
 tween battery No. 1 and the river, was stationed the 
 New Orleans volunteer company of riflemen, about 
 thirty men strong. 
 
 The 7th regiment covered from that battery to 
 battery No. 3, taking in the powder-magazine, built 
 since the 1st of January, as also battery No. 2, com 
 manded by lieutenant Norris. This regiment, four 
 hundred and thirty men strong, was commanded by 
 major Peire. 
 
 The interval between that battery and No. 4, com 
 manded by lieutenant Crawley, was occupied by ma 
 jor Plauche s battalion of volunteer uniform compa 
 nies, and by major Lacoste s battalion of Louisiana 
 men of colour. The former was two hundred and 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 151 
 
 eighty-nine men strong, and the latter two hundred 
 and eighty. 
 
 From battery No. 4, to colonel Perry s, No. 5, 
 the line was defended by major Daquin s battalion of 
 St. Domingo men of colour, one hundred and fifty 
 men strong, and from that out by the 44th, two hun 
 dred and forty men strong, commanded by captain 
 Baker. All the corps, from the 7th regiment to 
 the 44th inclusively, were under the command of 
 colonel Ross. 
 
 Two-thirds of the remaining length of the line, 
 were guarded by the troops commanded by major- 
 general Carroll. On the right of battery No. 7, com 
 manded by lieutenants Spotts and Chauveau,were sta 
 tioned fifty marines, under the command of lieutenant 
 Bellevue. 
 
 On the preceding day, part of the Kentucky 
 troops, under the command of general Adair, had 
 gone to re-enforce that part of the line. The order 
 in which they were ranged may be seen on the plan. 
 All those troops formed a force of about sixteen 
 hundred men. 
 
 The troops under the command of general Coffee 
 occupied the rest of the length of the line, as also that 
 part which turned off towards the left into the wood; 
 their number was about five hundred men. 
 
 Captain Ogden s company of cavalry was station 
 ed behind head -quarters, and a detachment of the 
 Attakapas dragoons was posted within the court-yard? 
 together about fifty men strong. 
 
 During the attack, captain Chauveau s compauy 
 of horse volunteers, about thirty men strong, hasted 
 
152 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 from town and drew up in the same court-yard, to be 
 ready for a sortie, should it be thought expedient. 
 
 The Mississippi cavalry, commanded by major 
 Hinds, one hundred and fifty men strong, was en 
 camped in the rear, on Delery s plantation. Our out 
 posts extended about five hundred yards in front of 
 the line. 
 
 Different detachments, making an aggregate of 
 two hundred and fifty men of colonel Young s regi 
 ment of Louisiana militia, were stationed at conve 
 nient intervals, on the skirts of the wood, behind the 
 line, as far as the Piernas canal. 
 
 Four hundred yards behind the line, a guard was 
 posted on the road, to prevent any one s going out of 
 camp; and a line of sentinels extended from that post 
 to the wood for the same purpose. 
 
 Although the above details show the number of 
 our troops to have amounted to about four thousand 
 men, including one hundred artillerists who did not 
 belong to any corps, it is nevertheless true, that ge 
 neral Jackson s line was defended by only three thou 
 sand two hundred men, the remaining eight hundred 
 having been distributed into various detachments, 
 and posted behind to guard the camp, for the defence 
 of the Piernas canal, and on the outskirts of the 
 wood. (See Atlas, plates Nos. 5 and 7.) 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 153 
 
 BATTLE OF THE EIGHTH OF JANUARY, 
 
 I HAVE mentioned above, that on the 6th we were 
 informed that the enemy intended shortly to attack 
 our lines; every thing, indeed, announced such a de 
 termination; but we were in doubt whether the attack 
 on the left bank would be feigned or real, or whether 
 the enemy would not direct his principal force against 
 general Morgan on the right bank. But in the after 
 noon of the 7th it became evident that the enemy s 
 design was to attack Jackson s lines and attempt to 
 storm them. 
 
 Though at so great a distance we could not dis 
 tinctly see what was passing in the enemy s camp, 
 we perceived that a great number of soldiers and 
 sailors were at work, endeavouring to move some 
 thing very unwieldy, which we concluded to be artil 
 lery. With the assistance of a telescope in the up 
 per apartment of head- quarters, we perceived soldiers 
 on Laronde s plantation, busy in making fascines, 
 while others were working on pieces of wood, which 
 we concluded must be scaling ladders. The picket- 
 guards near the wood had moreover been increased 
 and stationed nearer each other. Officers of the staff 
 were seen riding about the fields of Laronde s, Bien- 
 venu s and Chaimette s plantations, and stopping at 
 the different posts to give orders. Finally, on the 
 7th, shortly after night-fall, we distinctly heard men 
 at work in the enemy s different batteries; the strokes 
 of hammers gave " note of preparation," and re 
 sounded even within our lines; and our out-posts in- 
 
 x 
 
154 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 formed us that the enemy was re-establishing his 
 batteries: his guards were re-enforced about sunset, 
 probably with a view to cover the movements of the 
 troops. In our camp all was composure; the officers 
 were ordered to direct their subalterns to be ready 
 on the first signal. Half the troops passed the night 
 behind the breastwork, relieving each other occasion 
 ally. Every one waited for day with anxiety and 
 impatience, but with calm intrepidity, expecting to 
 be vigorously attacked, and knowing that the enemy 
 had then from twelve to fifteen thousand bayonets to 
 bring into action, besides two thousand sailors and 
 some marines. 
 
 A little before daybreak, our out-post came in 
 without noise, having perceived the enemy moving 
 forward in great force. 
 
 At last the dawn of day discovered to us the ene 
 my occupying two-thirds of the space between the 
 wood and the Mississippi. Immediately a Congreve 
 rocket went off from the skirt of the wood, in the di 
 rection of the river. This was the signal for the at 
 tack. At the same instant, the twelve-pounder of bat 
 tery No. 6, whose gunners had perceived the enemy s 
 movement, discharged a shot. On this all his troops 
 gave three cheers, formed in close column of about 
 sixty men in front, in very good order, and advanced 
 nearly in the direction of battery No. 7, the men 
 shouldering their muskets, and all carrying fascines, 
 and some with ladders. A cloud of rockets preceded 
 them, and continued to fall in showers during the 
 whole attack. Batteries Nos. 6, 7 and 8, now open 
 ed an incessant fire on the column, which continued 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 155 
 
 to advance in pretty good order, until, in a few mi- 
 mutes, the musketry of the troops of Tennessee and 
 Kentucky, joining their fire with that of the artillery, 
 began to make an impression on it, which soon threw 
 it into confusion. It was at that moment that was 
 heard that constant rolling fire, whose tremendous 
 noise resembled rattling peals of thunder. For some 
 time the British officers succeeded in animating the 
 courage of their troops, and making them advance, 
 obliqueing to the left, to avoid the fire of battery No. 
 7, from which every discharge opened the column, 
 and mowed down whole files, which were almost in- 
 stantaneously replaced by new troops coming up 
 close after the first: but these also shared the same 
 fate, until at last, after twejity-five minutcgjcontiuual 
 firing, through which a few platoons advanced to the 
 edge of the ditch, the column entirely broke, and 
 part of the troops dispersed, and ran to take shelter 
 among the bushes on the right. The rest retired to 
 the ditch where they had been when first perceived, 
 four hundred yards from our lines. 
 
 There the officers with some difficulty rallied 
 their troops, and again drew them up for a second at 
 tack, the soldiers having laid down their knapsacks at 
 the edge of the ditch, that they might be less incum- 
 bered. 
 
 And now, for the second time, the column, re 
 cruited with the troops that formed the rear, advan 
 ced. Again it was received with the same rolling 
 fire of musketry and artillery, till, having advanced 
 without much order very near our lines, it at last 
 broke again, and retired in the utmost confusion. In 
 
156 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 vain did the officers now endeavour, as before, to re 
 vive the courage of their men; to no purpose did they 
 strike them with the flat of their swords, to force 
 them to advance: they were insensible to every thing 
 but danger, and saw nothing but death which had 
 struck so many of their comrades. 
 
 The attack on our lines had hardly begun, when 
 the British Commander-in-chief, the honourable sir 
 Edward Packenham, fell a victim to his own intrepi 
 dity, while endeavouring to animate his troops with 
 ardour for the assault. Soon after his fall, two other 
 generals, Keane and Gibbs, were carried off the field 
 of battle, dangerously wounded. A great number of 
 officers of rank had fallen: the ground over which the 
 column had marched, was strewed with the dead and 
 the wounded. Such slaughter on their side, with no 
 loss on ours, spread consternation through their ranks, 
 as they were now convinced of the impossibility of car 
 rying our lines, and saw that even to advance was cer 
 tain death. In a word, notwithstanding the repeated 
 efforts of some officers to make the troops form a 
 third time, they would not advance, and all that could 
 be obtained from them, was to draw them up in the 
 ditch, where they passed the rest of the day. 
 
 Some of the enemy s troops had advanced into 
 the wood towards the extremity of our line, to make 
 a false attack, or to ascertain whether a real one were 
 practicable. These the troops under general Coffee 
 no sooner perceived, than they opened on them a 
 brisk fire with their rifles, which quickly made them 
 retire. The greater part of those who, on the co 
 lumn s being repulsed^, had taken shelter in the thick- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 157 
 
 ets, only escaped our batteries to be killed by our 
 musketry. During the whole hour that the attack 
 lasted, our fire did not slacken for a single moment; 
 and it seemed as though the artillery and musketry 
 Tied with each other in vivacity. 
 
 When the column first advanced to the attack, 
 the troops partly moved forward along the skirt of 
 the wood, which in that part forms a curve, and were 
 by that means covered till they came within two hun 
 dred yards of our lines. After the attack on our left 
 had commenced, the enemy made a column advance 
 on the right by the road, and between the river and 
 the levee. This column precipitately pushing for 
 ward, drove in our out-posts, following them so close 
 ly that it came up to the unfinished redoubt before 
 we could fire on it more than two discharges of our 
 cannon. A part of the column leaped into the ditch, 
 and got into the redoubt through the embrasures, and 
 over the parapet, overpowering with their numbers 
 the few men they found there: others advancing along 
 the brink of the river, killed the soldiers of the 7th, 
 who bravely defended their post at the point of the 
 bayonet, against a number much superior, and conti 
 nually increasing. 
 
 To get into the redoubt was not a very arduous 
 achievement: the difficulty was to maintain possession 
 of it, and clear the breastwork of the entrenchment in 
 the rear of the redoubt, which still remained to be 
 attacked. Already several British officers, though 
 wounded, were bravely advancing to encourage their 
 inen by their example. 
 
158 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Colonel Uence, followed by two other officers of 
 high rank, had begun to mount the breastwork, when 
 the gallant volunteer riflemen under captain Beale, 
 who defended the head of the line, made them all find 
 their graves in that redoubt which they had mastered 
 with so much gallantry. Meanwhile, captain Hum 
 phreys battery No. 1, lieutenaut Norris s No. 2, 
 and the 7th regiment, which was the only one within 
 musket- shot, kept up a tremendous fire on that co 
 lumn, which, like that on the left, was obliged to fall 
 back in disorder, leaving the road, the levee, and the 
 brink of the river, strewed with its dead and wounded. 
 The enemy had opened the fire of the battery 
 which he erected on the road on the 28th of Decem 
 ber, as also of that erected on the 1st of January, be 
 hind the demolished buildings of Chalmette s planta 
 tion. The fire was at first very^bfisk, and was prin 
 cipally directed against Macarty s house, in hopes 
 that the general and his staff might still be there: but 
 to the enemy s disappointment, the general and all the 
 officers had repaired to their post on the lines, long 
 before daybreak. The only mischief done by that 
 prodigious expense of balls and shells, was that ma 
 jor Chotard, assistant adjutant- general, received a 
 contusion in his shoulder, and four or five pillars of 
 the house were knocked down. Our batteries, Nos. 
 2, 3, and 4, principally directed their fire against 
 those of the enemy, and dismounted several of the 
 guns erected near Chalmette s buildings. Battery 
 No. 1, after having poured a shower of grape-shot 
 on the enemy s troops as they retreated, turned its 
 fire against his battery which was opposite to it, and 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 159 
 
 in less than two hours, forced the men to evacuate 
 it. The marine battery on the right bank also fired 
 on the enemy s column as it advanced along the brink 
 of the river, until the troops which landed on the right 
 bank, pushed forward, and obliged the seamen who 
 served it to attend to their own defence. 
 
 By half after eight in the morning, the fire of the 
 musketry had ceased. The whole plain on the left, 
 as also the side of the river, from the road to the edge 
 of the water, was covered with the British soldiers who 
 had fallen. About four hundred wounded prisoners 
 were taken, and at least double that number of wound 
 ed men escaped into the British camp; and, what 
 might perhaps appear incredible, were there not ma 
 ny thousands ready to attest the fact, is that a space of 
 ground, extending from the ditch of our lines to that 
 on which the enemy drew up his troops, two hundred 
 and fifty yards in length, by about two hundred in 
 breadth, was literally covered with men, either dead 
 or severely wounded. About forty men were killed 
 in the ditch, up to which they had advanced, and about 
 the same number were there made prisoners. .The 
 artillery of our lines kept up a fire against the ene 
 my s batteries and troops until two o clock in the 
 afternoon. By the disposition of his troops, the ene 
 my appeared to apprehend lest we should make a sor 
 tie, and attack him in his camp. The soldiers were 
 drawn up in the ditches, in several parallel lines, and 
 all those who had been slightly wounded, as soon as 
 their wounds were dressed, were sent to join their 
 corps, to make their number of effective men appear 
 the greater, and show a firm countenance. The ene- 
 
160 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 my s loss on the left bank, in the affair of the 8th of 
 January, was immense, considering the short duration 
 of the contest, the ground, and the respective num 
 ber of the contending forces. According to the most 
 probable accounts, it cannot have amounted to less 
 than three thousand men in killed, wounded, and pri 
 soners. The number of officers who fell that day is 
 a much greater loss in proportion, owing to the ne 
 cessity they were under of exposing themselves in 
 the brunt of the battle, to encourage the men, and 
 lead them on to the desperate assault. Our loss was 
 comparatively inconsiderable, amounting to no more 
 than thirteen in killed and wounded, on the left bank 
 of the Mississippi.) 
 
 I deem it my indispensable duty to do justice to 
 the intrepid bravery displayed in that attack by the 
 British troops, especially by the officers. If any thing 
 was wanting towards the attack s being conducted 
 with judgment (speaking in a general and military 
 point of view) it was, in my opinion, that they did 
 not in the onset sacrifice the regularity of their move 
 ments to promptitude and celerity. The column 
 marched on with the ordinary step, animating their 
 courage with huzzas, instead of pushing on with fix 
 ed bayonets, au pas de charge. But it is well known 
 that agility is not the distinctive quality of British 
 troops. Their movement is in general sluggish and 
 difficult, steady, but too precise, or at least more 
 suitable for a pitched battle, or behind intrenchments, 
 than for an assault. The British soldiers showed, on 
 this occasion, that it is not without reason they are 
 said to be deficient in agility. The enormous load 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 161 
 
 they had to carry contributed indeed not a little to 
 the difficulty of their movement. Besides their knap 
 sacks, usually weighing nearly thirty pounds, and 
 their musket, too heavy by at least one third, almost 
 all of them had to carry a fascine from nine to ten 
 inches in diameter, and four feet long, made of sugar- 
 canes perfectly ripe, and consequently very heavy, or 
 a ladder from ten to twelve fecfc long. 
 
 The duty of impartiality, incumbent on him who 
 relates military events, obliges me to observe that the 
 attack made on Jackson s lines, by the British, on the 
 8th of January, must have been determined on by 
 their generals, without any consideration of the 
 ground, the weather, or the difficulties to be sur 
 mounted, before they could storm lines, defended by 
 militia indeed, but by militia whose valour they had 
 already witnessed, with soldiers bending under the 
 weight of their load, when a man, luiincumbered and 
 unopposed, would that day have found it difficult to 
 mouut our breastwork at leisure and with circumspec 
 tion, so extremely slippery was the soil. Yet those 
 officers had had time and abundant opportunity to 
 observe the ground on which the troops were to act. 
 Since their arrival on the banks of the Mississippi, 
 they had sufficiently seen the effects of rainy weather 
 to form a just idea of the difficulty their troops must 
 have experienced, in climbing up our intrenchments, 
 even had the column been suffered to advance, with 
 out opposition, as far as the ditch. But they were 
 blinded by their pride. The vain presumption of 
 their superiority, and their belief that the raw militia 
 of Kentucky and Tennessee, who now for the first 
 
162 HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 time had issued from their fields, could not stand be 
 fore the very sight of so numerous a body of regular 
 troops advancing to attack them, made them disre 
 gard the admonition of sober reason. Had they at all 
 calculated on the possibility of resistance, they would 
 have adopted a different plan of attack, which, how 
 ever, I am far from thinking would have been ulti 
 mately successful. 
 
 It has been repeated that division prevailed in a 
 council of war, and that admiral Cochrane, combat- 
 ing the opinion of general Packenham, who, with 
 more judgment, was for making the main attack on 
 the right bank, boasted that he would undertake to 
 storm our lines with two thousand sailors, armed on 
 ly with swords and pistols. -I know not how far this 
 report may deserve credit, but if the British com- 
 mander-in-chief was so unmindful of what he owed 
 his country, who had committed to his prudence the 
 lives and honours of several thousands of her soldiers, 
 as to yield to the ill-judged and rash advice of the 
 admiral, his memory will be loaded with the heavy 
 charge of having sacrificed reason in a moment of ir 
 ritation, though he atoned with his life for having 
 acted contrary to his own judgment. 
 
 /But to return to the attack on our lines. I can 
 not forbear to mention a fact which fully proves the 
 truth of my assertion in the beginning of this narra- 
 tive, that the British had come to America to carry 
 o$ war in the spirit of atrocity, determined to employ 
 all means whatever to shed American blood, and glut 
 th^ir rage against us. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 163 
 
 As soon as the wrecks of the British column had 
 disappeared, the fire of our musketry ceased, and our 
 artillery only fired at intervals at the enemy s batte 
 ries, or at scattered platoons that were perceived in 
 the wood. At this time, men from all our different 
 corps, prompted merely by sentiments of humanity, 
 went, of their own accord, to assist the wounded 
 British, to give them drink, and carry them (as they 
 did several on their backs) within our lines. All 
 our troops unanimously applauded the humane senti 
 ments of those brave men, whose dauntless hearts 
 were grieved to behold the slaughter of the day, and 
 in their wounded enemy saw but their suffering fel 
 low creature. 
 
 But, with horror I record the atrocity! while they 
 were in the very act of administering consolation - 
 while they were carrying the wounded British the 
 troops that were in the ditch (in front of our lines) 
 fired on them, and killed and wounded some men. 
 Yet the others, regardless of the danger to which they 
 exposed themselves, persevered in their laudable 
 purpose. This instance of baseness may have pro- 
 ceeded from individuals; nor can it be presumed that 
 the men were ordered to fire by any officer of rank. 
 The known tenor of general Lambert s honourable 
 and soldierly conduct, sets the commander- in- chief 
 far above the suspicion of his being capable of such 
 atrocity. But the officers who commanded the troops 
 in the ditch, within musket- shot of the men fired on, 
 cannot allege that they misconceived the intention of 
 our men, most of them being unarmed, and assisting 
 the wounded. They were near enough to see their 
 
164 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 actions, and seeing these, they could not possibly mis 
 conceive their motives. Upon a full view of this 
 fact then, whatever reluctance we may feel, in brand 
 ing with infamy military men whose actions should 
 ever be directed by honour men, amongst whom 
 there were perhaps several who wore the honourable 
 decorations of valour and good conduct, we cannot 
 forbear to give them the appellation of barbarians. 
 The private soldiers cannot be reproached with this 
 atrocious act; the guilt of it rests solely with those 
 who commanded them. (See note No. 2, at the end 
 of the volume,) _ 1 
 
 After having per used, with pleasing sensations, the 
 recital of the brilliant defence made by our troops on 
 the left bank, every American, whose bosom glows 
 with the love of his country, must learn with pain the 
 contrast exhibited in what took place on the right, the 
 consequences of which were likely to have been so 
 disastrous, that even now my mind shudders at the 
 recollection of that moment, when, seeing our troops 
 on the right bank fall back in disorder, while the ene 
 my was rapidly advancing towards the city, all of us 
 who were, at Jackson s lines, were suddenly hurried 
 from the transporting joy of victory to the fear of 
 shortly seeing all its advantages wrested from our 
 grasp. 
 
 As the affair to which the course of my narrative 
 has now brought me, is the only disaster we expe 
 rienced during the campaign, the only fault commit 
 ted on our defensive operations, I must request the 
 indulgent attention of the reader, while I lay before 
 him a minute, and perhaps irksome, detail of circum- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 165 
 
 stances necessary to be known, in order that he may 
 become perfectly acquainted with the causes of that 
 unfortunate event. 
 
 At the period when the quota of Louisiana was 
 levied, brigadier-general David Morgan, of the mi 
 litia, was appointed to command it. We have seen 
 that after the affair of the 23d of December, he was 
 ordered to leave the cantonment at the English Turn, 
 on the left bank, and cross the river to encamp on 
 the right bank opposite Jackson s lines. (See plate 
 No. 5.) Agreeably to those orders, he made his 
 troops take post near the saw-mill, on Flood s plan 
 tation. A few days after, those troops moved for 
 ward to Jourdan s plantation, next to that of Flood s, 
 where they remained till the 7th of January, on which 
 day they took a position along Raguet s old canal, 
 near the lower boundary of the plantation. At this 
 time the contingent amounted to no more than two 
 hundred and sixty effective men. 
 
 We have already seen that in the morning of the 
 4th the second regiment of Louisiana militia, colonel 
 Zenon Cavelier had crossed over to the right bank, 
 and encamped on Cazelard s plantation. On the 7th, 
 that regiment also took a position on Raguet s canal, 
 on the left of the quota; its effective force being then 
 only one hundred and seventy-six men armed. 
 
 The first regiment of militia, under colonel De- 
 jean, quitted, in the evening of the 6th, the position 
 it occupied on the Piernas canal, and that same day 
 took a station on the left of the 2d regiment, and 
 formed the extremity of the line on the bank of the 
 river. To this regiment was annexed a detachment, 
 
166 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of the 6th Louisiana militia, forming together a force 
 af one hundred and ten men, some ill armed v the rest 
 without any arms. 
 
 General Morgan took the command of those 
 troops, which, as I have already observed, he station 
 ed along Raguet s old canal, where he had com 
 menced lines of defence two hundred yards in length, 
 which was but a very small portion of the whole 
 length of the canal, this extending about two thou 
 sand yards to the wood. Thus all that part on the 
 right of the space of two hundred yards, where a 
 breastwork had been begun, was without any other 
 defence than a ditch, and exposed to be turned; this, 
 we shall see, is what actually happened. 
 
 Towards the beginning of January, while I was 
 carrying on works at the line on Boisgervais canal, 
 general Jackson ordered me to assist general Mor 
 gan in choosing an advanced position, opposite Jack- 
 Son s lines, for the purpose of establishing lines of 
 defence, suitable to the number of troops on the right 
 bank, and to the nature of the situation; and, on the 
 choice being made, to draw a plan of the works, and 
 immediately employ in their execution all the negroes 
 that had till then been working at the battery, near 
 the powder-magazine, and at Boisgervais line, which 
 then became a second line. 
 
 Agreeably to these orders I waited on general 
 Morgan, whom I met accompanied by his staff, and by 
 commodore Patterson, inspecting all the canals in the 
 vicinity. I communicated to him my, orders, observ 
 ing that I was at his disposal. The general continued 
 his inspection, and returned to his quarters, without 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 167 
 
 having come to any determination, only that he appear 
 ed inclined to make choice of the position of the canal 
 of Raguet; he then desired I would inspect the differ 
 ent situations myself, and make my report to him. My 
 orders directed me to assist general Morgan, and my 
 opinion was of course entirely subordinate to his de 
 cision. I beg the reader to excuse my appearing 
 here in a conspicuous light, and to believe that it is 
 with much reluctance I am forced to speak of myself, 
 in investigating the cause of a disastrous event; my 
 purpose being to show, by the simple recital of facts, 
 that the disaster might perhaps have been avoided, 
 had another point for defence been adopted. 
 
 I chose for the intended lines of defence, an inter 
 mediate position, nearly at equal distance from Ra- 
 guet s and Jourdan s canals, in a place where the 
 wood inclines towards the river, leaving only a space 
 of about nine hundred yards of open ground. The 
 adjoining wood being impassable, works occupying 
 this whole space could not be turned. A rough 
 draught, conformable to the plan in plate No. 5, un 
 der the title of intended line, was made, and immedi 
 ately the overseer of the works set his men to execute 
 this line. Having gone over to the left bank, I made 
 my report to the commander-in-chief, who approved 
 of the dispositions made, and was sensible of the ad 
 vantage of the position that had been chosen. That it 
 was a good position, may be seen on a view of the 
 map. The small distance between the wood and the 
 river, required but from a thousand to twelve hun 
 dred men to guard it, and half that number would 
 have been sufficient, had pieces of cannon been 
 
168 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 mounted in the intended outworks. To attack that 
 line, the enemy must have advanced in the open 
 plain, which was commanded in every direction by 
 the salient parts of the intrenchments. The wood, as 
 I have before observed, was impassable towards the 
 extremity of that line; the enemy s batteries on the 
 left bank could not have infiladed its rear, as was the 
 case with that established on Raguet s canal. The 
 former, in short, united all advantages, and I dare 
 affirm that, had the works been completed, the Bri 
 tish would not have ventured to advance within can 
 non-shot. That line, defended only by the troops 
 that were on the right bank, on the 8th amounting to 
 about eight hundred men, might have defied the at 
 tempts of the British, had they come with three or 
 four times the number that crossed the river, and 
 might have given them a reception similar to that 
 which they experienced on the left bank. But these 
 dispositions had been changed, and the negroes or 
 dered to be set to work on Raguet s canal. 
 
 This line, also marked in the Map, plate No. 5, 
 had a kind of bastion on the bank of the river, and a 
 small redan at some distance on the right. In the 
 afternoon of the 7th, general Morgan caused one 
 twelve-pounder and two six-pounders to be mounted 
 on the line. 
 
 I have already observed, that on the 6th it was 
 suspected that the enemy intended to cross over to 
 the right bank; in the afternoon of the 7th, there no 
 longer remained any doubt of this intention. A lit 
 tle after sunset general Morgan was informed that 
 the enemy was ready to cross the river, and that he 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 169 
 
 might hourly expect to be attacked. On the 8th, 
 before break of day, he received information of the 
 landing of the enemy on the strand of Andry s plan 
 tation. Three miles in advance of the line, on Mo- 
 rin s estate, half a mile above the spot where the 
 enemy landed, a detachment of one hundred men of 
 the 6th of militia, under the command of major Ar- 
 naud,had been stationed, to oppose his landing. These 
 men were very ill armed, most of them having only 
 fowling-pieces, and musket-cartridges too large for 
 them; several of them were even without any arms, 
 and not one of them, I believe, excepting their com 
 mander, had ever been opposed to an enemy before. 
 It is little strange, then, that they retreated. The 
 enemy landed much lower than was his intention, ha 
 ving been carried down by the strength of the current. 
 It was owing to this circumstance, that the attack on 
 the right bank, which was to have been simultaneous 
 with that on the left, did not commence until the lat 
 ter had completely failed, and our musketry, having 
 routed the enemy, had ceased firing. Having landed 
 his troops, the enemy ascended the river in his boats, 
 carrying carronades and cannon, and keeping close to 
 the bank, covered the flank of his troops, and dis 
 charged grape-shot against ours, who retired as he 
 advanced. 
 
 In the evening of the 7th, general Jackson load 
 ordered general Aclair, on whom, in consequence of 
 the sickness of general Thomas, had devolved the 
 qhief command of the Kentucky militia, to send a 
 detachment of five hundred men, to re-enforce gene 
 ral Morgan s camp. The command of this re-en- 
 
170 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 forccment was given to colonel Davis, and after much 
 fatigue and difficulty in crossing the river, the detach 
 ment arrived, harassed and exhausted, at four o clock 
 in the morning, on Morgan s line, and there received 
 orders to advance, to meet and repulse the enemy. 
 What was the exact number of men under colonel 
 Davis, has been a question of much contest. It ap 
 pears pretty certain that, on leaving the camp of Pre- 
 vest s plantation, he had five hundred men; that only 
 one-fourth part of these had arms, mostly in an ill 
 condition, and that about seventy of them received 
 arms at the naval arsenal; that colonel Davis had not 
 above two hundred and fifty armed men with him, 
 when he arrived at Morgan s line, the rest having re 
 mained behind, spent with fatigue, and faint for want 
 of food, having taken hardly any nourishment since 
 the morning of the 7th. They had marched five 
 miles, from the ferry near the powder magazine to 
 the line, in bad roads, sometimes knee-deep in mud. 
 It appears also that their arms were in an ill condition, 
 their ammunition bad, and several of their muskets 
 without flints, some having nothing but pebbles in 
 their stead. What could be expected from men thus 
 dispirited, ill armed and exhausted with inanition and 
 fatigue? 
 
 Colonel Davis took his station on Mayhew s 
 canal, about a mile in advance of Morgan s 
 line, his left resting on the river bank. On the 
 right of his detachment was stationed that of major 
 Arnaud, consisting, as I have already observed, of 
 one hundred men, of whom fifteen were without 
 arms, and the others were armed with fowling-pieces. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIK. , 171 
 
 The enemy arrived in considerable force, and attack 
 ed that * position with the troops that had landed, 
 while his boats fired grape-shot at our flank. Colonel 
 Davis made his troops fire two or three volleys, not 
 without effect; but finding it impossible to maintain 
 his ground any longer, as the enemy had already out 
 flanked him on the right, seeing himself abandoned 
 by the detachment of major Arnaud, which, in spite 
 of all the major s efforts to rally it, had taken to the 
 wood, he determined to make his retreat on Morgan s 
 lines, where he took a position on the right, along the 
 canal, beyond the part that was fortified. It is to be 
 observed, that owing to some cause to me unknown, 
 there was a space unoccupied between the right of 
 colonel Declouet, commanding the detachment of 
 drafted militia, and colonel Davis s left. The troops 
 under the latter s command, occupied a considerable 
 front, the men were placed several feet from each 
 other; and finally, on the same canal, but two hun 
 dred yards further to the right, was stationed lieute 
 nant-colonel Caldwell, also of the drafted militia, with 
 
 ? " 
 
 a detachment of sixteen men. The disposition of 
 the troops on these lines, when colonel Davis took 
 his station there, was therefore as follows: The first; 
 regiment of militia, on the river; on its right the se 
 cond regiment; on the right of this last, the drafted 
 militia of Louisiana. These corps occupied the 
 whole length of the fortified line. Next to this was 
 a space unguarded, extending to the left of colonel 
 Davis, whose command occupied on the canal three 
 hundred yards in front; and finally two hundred yards 
 from his right was stationed colonel Caldwell with 
 
172 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 sixteen men; the whole forming a total of about six 
 hundred men, one-third of whom, as before observed, 
 were ill armed. There were mounted on those lines 
 three pieces of cannon, one a twelve -pounder, com 
 manded by midshipman Philibert, and two six- 
 pounders, the one commanded by Mr. Batique, for 
 merly a captain of a vessel, the other by Mr. Hos- 
 mer, both these gentlemen belonging to the first re 
 giment of militk. 
 
 The enemy advancing rapidly by the road oppo 
 site the left of the line, the artillery played on him 
 with effect, and as soon as he approached near 
 enough, the musketry also began to fire; which ha 
 ving obliged him to fall back, he next directed his 
 attack against our right, one column moving towards 
 the wood, and the other towards the centre of the line. 
 It was now that was felt the effect of the bad posi 
 tion that we occupied. One of the enemy s columns 
 turned our troops, t the extremity of colonel Davis s 
 detachment, while the other penetrated into the un 
 guarded space between that detachment and the 
 drafted militia. On this, the Kentucky militia gave 
 way, nor was it possible from that moment to rally 
 then 5 !, though their officers ami general Morgan made 
 every exertion for that purpose. Confidence had 
 vanished, and with it all spirit of resistance. If, in 
 stead of extending over so considerable a space, those 
 troops had been formed in close column, the confu 
 sion that took place might easily have been avoided; 
 and in case of a retreat s becoming necessary, it 
 might have been made in good order, our troops 
 still keeping up their fire. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 173 
 
 The enemy having turned our right, pushed on 
 towards our left, which continued firing as long as 
 possible; and at last the cannon was spiked, just as 
 the enemy arrived on the bank of the canal. 
 
 Commodore Patterson, who, from break of day 
 had, without intermission, kept up a fire from the 
 guns of the marine battery, on the enemy s troops 
 advancing up the road, wished now to turn his can 
 non, in order to fire on those who had forced the 
 right of the line; but the Kentucky troops and the 
 drafted militia, masked the guns, and it was im 
 possible to fire without killing our own men. Seeing 
 this, the commodore, enraged, I dare say, determined 
 to spike his cannon, throw the ammunition into the 
 river, and go on board the Louisiana. 
 
 The first and second regiments retreated by the 
 road, and went to take a position on Boisgervais line, 
 where a considerable number of the flying troops ral 
 lied. Jourdan s mill and bridge, and successively 
 those of Flood and Cazelard were set on fire, 
 
 A small detachment of the enemy advanced as far 
 as the bridge of Cazelard s canal, and retired before 
 evening; and in the course of the night all the ene 
 my s troops recrqssed to the left bank. 
 
 Let us now take a retrospective view of this affair, 
 and let us examine the respective conduct of the corps 
 of troops which defended the right bank. The task 
 is painful indeed, but indispensable; for justice re 
 quires that it should be ascertained on which side lies 
 the misconduct, that it may not be wrongfully im 
 puted. 
 
174 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 The principal charges brought against the Ken- 
 tuckians are, that they fled before the enemy, when 
 they ought to have waited for him at the point of the 
 bayonet; that they retreated in disorder, instead of 
 keeping* up their fire as they retired. To thece 
 charges they answer, " We were very ill armed; we 
 had been on our feet for twenty -four hours, during 
 which time we had hardly tasted food; the cartridges 
 we had were too large for our pieces; on our arrival 
 before day, after a hard march of several leagues partly 
 through the mud, without being allowed a moment s 
 rest, we were ordered to advance a mile further; 
 having obeyed without a murmur, we found our- 
 selves within view of the enemy, on whom we fired 
 several volleys, maintaining that position, which was 
 none of the best, until being outflanked on our right, 
 and cannonaded with grape-shot from the barges 
 on our left, we were forced to retreat on Morgan s 
 line, where we were ordered to take a position 
 along a canal, uncovered and extended on a front of 
 three hundred yards, our left separated from the other 
 troops by an unguarded space of ground, and our 
 right covered by a paltry detachment of sixteen men, 
 stationed two hundred yards from us; a vast plain, 
 affording no manner of shelter, lying in our rear. We 
 were turned on the right, and cut off on the left. In 
 so precarious a situation, how could we avoid giving 
 way?" To this it may be answered, that the Ken- 
 tuckians might have retreated without flying in dis 
 order. While I acknowledge that observation to be 
 just, I believe that veteran troops of the line, in a less 
 perilous situation, have not unfrequently been seized 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 175 
 
 with a panic, and given way; nor do I think that any 
 military man of much experience will be surprised 
 that militia troops, ill armed, drawn up, like Indians, 
 on an immense front, seeing themselves turned and 
 cut off by troops of the line, quitted their post, and 
 retired in disorder. 
 
 What took place on the right bank, had made so 
 much sensation in the immediate seat of war, and had 
 been so variously reported abroad, to the disparage- 
 ment of many brave men, that I thought it a duty 
 mcumbcnt on me to inquire into particulars, and trace 
 the effect to its cause. I have stated facts from the 
 best information. I have made observations and 
 drawn inferences. The decision is left to the judg 
 ment of the reader. 
 
 The result of the attack made by the enemy on 
 the right bank, was, on his part, the loss of one hun 
 dred and twenty men killed or wounded, and on ours 
 that of one man killed and five wounded. (See in 
 Appendix general Jackson s and commodore Patter 
 son s letters, No. 29.) 
 
 The Commander-in-chief having received intelli 
 gence of the retreat of the troops on the right bank, 
 ordered general Humbert, who had tendered his ser 
 vices as a volunteer, to cross over with a re-enforce 
 ment of four hundred men, take the comjnand of the 
 troops, and repulse the enemy, cost what it might. 
 This general arriving on the ground, communicated 
 to general Morgan the order he had received, which 
 was only verbal, owing to the urgency of the occasion 
 The latter appeared inclined to furnish general Hum 
 bert with the means of justifying the confidence with 
 
176 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 which general Jack son had honoured him; but there 
 arose disputes concerning military precedence. Other 
 militia officers did not think it right that a French 
 general, enjoying the confidence of a large proportion 
 of the troops; known by a reputation which he had 
 acquired, not on parade, or at reviews, but by his 
 sword; holding a rank which he owed, not to the 
 commission of a state governor and legislative as 
 sembly, but to which he had been raised, step by 
 step, through all the inferior grades, and after having 
 fought in a number of battles those officers, I say, 
 did not think it becoming, that the general to whom, 
 the French government had formerly confided the 
 command of that expedition to Ireland, which will 
 ever be recorded in the glorious pages of history, 
 should be sent to remedy the faults of others, and 
 repulse invaders, who, perhaps, \vould not, with im 
 punity, have landed on that bank, had he there com 
 manded. Happily, during this discussion, the ene 
 my, as I have observed, thought it prudent to retreat, 
 which they did that night and next morning. General 
 Jackson made an address to the troops on the right 
 bank, on the subject of the retreat they had made be 
 fore the enemy. That document, breathing the most 
 noble sentiments of patriotism and military ardor, 
 cannot fail to be read with pleasure. (See Appendix? 
 No. 30.) 
 
 In the course of the afternoon, the enemy sent a 
 flag of truce, proposing a suspension of arms, for the 
 purpose of burying the dead. General Jackson would 
 grant a suspension for no longer than two hours, and 
 only for the left bank; military operations being to 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 177 
 
 continue on the right bank as usual, flags of truce 
 were reciprocally passing until near four in the after 
 noon. At that hour, our batteries again began to 
 cannonade those of the enemy, and our heavy artille 
 ry fired on the buildings of Laronde s and Bienvenu s 
 plantations, where some groups of soldiers were 
 seen. From one of the deserters who came over in 
 the evening of the 6th we learned, that the enemy s 
 loss amounted to three thousand men, and that the 
 commander-in-chief was killed, and generals Gibbs 
 and Keane wounded. General Lambert, on whom 
 the command had devolved, was lately arrived, and 
 was unknown to this deserter, who could not tell who 
 commanded the British army. * 
 
 * In the evening of the 8th of January, the wounded pri 
 soners were conveyed to New Orleans, and lodged in the bar 
 racks. The hospitals of the city being occupied by our sick 
 and the few wounded amongst us, accommodations had not been 
 prepared for 50 great a number of those of the enemy. Captain 
 Dubuys, commander of all the veteran corps and of the city at 
 that period, represented to the citizens the wants of those unfor 
 tunate victims of British ambition, and immediately one hundred 
 and forty matresseS, a great number of pillows, with a large 
 quantity of lint ajid old linen for dressing their wounds, were 
 procured by contributions from all quarters, at a moment when 
 such articles were extremely scarce in New Orleans, where not 
 a truss of straw could be purchased. 
 
 Until the hospital dire.ctors could establish an hospital for 
 those wounded men, whose number amounted to nearly four 
 hundred, all kinds of refreshments and every attendance that 
 their situation required, were liberally provided for them by a 
 number of citizens. Several women of colour offered their 
 services, and were employed in tending them, without any com 
 pensation Ini* the pleasure of relieving ^uffVrim* humanity. 
 
 .A a 
 
178 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 On the 9tb, by break of day, the artillery again 
 began to fire at intervals, which greatly annoyed the 
 enemy, who about ten o clock sent out another flag 
 of truce. The letter addressed to general Jackson, 
 signed " Lambert" but without mentioning that he 
 who bore that name was now commander- in-chief of 
 the British forces; an avowal which he wished to 
 avoid, to conceal from us, as long as possible, the 
 death of general Packenham, of which we were in 
 formed on the evening of the 8th. General Jackson 
 replied, that he was ready to treat with the comman 
 der- in -chief of the British army, and that it was to 
 him matter of surprise that the letter he had received 
 was not directly from him. On this, general Lam 
 bert could not decline answering that he was com- 
 mander-in- chief; and then general Jackson granted 
 the suspension of arms required. The bodies of all 
 the British who had died on our side, were delivered 
 to the enemy, on the advanced line of our posts and 
 his; they were received by British officers and buried. 
 On beholding the remains of the three officers killed 
 on the redoubt, and particularly those of colonel Re- 
 nee, the British soldiers could not forbear to manifest 
 strong emotions of admiration and grief, paying the 
 tribute of their tears to the brave man whom they 
 perhaps had often followed in the road to glory, to a 
 father (for so they called him) who probably had of 
 ten relieved their wants. He must have been an offi 
 cer of no common merit, whose death excited such 
 regretl If he did not live long enough to acquire 
 great renown in arms, if the thread of his life was se 
 vered before he had time to run a glorious career, at 
 
\ 
 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 179 
 
 least all of him is not inclosed in the tomb; his me 
 mory survives in the grateful hearts of those who ex 
 perienced his benevolence. 
 
 On the 10th and 1 1th nothing occurred worthy 
 of remark. Our troops on the right bank re-occu 
 pied their former position on Jourdan s plantation, 
 where the engineer Lafon commenced a line of de 
 fence, which may be seen on the map, plate No. 5. 
 In the night of the llth there was heard the report 
 of a very brisk cannonade, which was thought to 
 come from fort St. Philip at Plaquemine, and the 
 next evening we learned that the enemy was bom 
 barding that fort. Our artillery continued to annoy 
 the enemy to such a degree, that the deserters report 
 ed that the troops had no rest, and that all the out-posts 
 had been doubled, as an attack was apprehended. 
 On the 12th, fifty prisoners were brought in from 
 Chef-Menteur. We every day continued to cannon 
 ade the enemy; the balls of our heavy pieces, as also 
 of our shells, fell in his very camp, and greatly an 
 noyed the men. 
 
 Several officers on our lines, who had long fol 
 lowed the military profession, perceived on the 15th 
 some movements in the enemy s camp, which they 
 thought indicated a retreat, and about the same time 
 a deserter assured us that a retreat would shortly take 
 place. 
 
 On the 17th of January, in consequence of pro 
 posals made by general Lambert to general Jackson, 
 the latter appointed his aid-de-camp, colonel Edward 
 Livingston, to corffer with major Smith, military se 
 cretary to general Lambert, between the lines of the 
 
18,0 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 out-posts, for the purpose of drawing up a cartel of 
 prisoners; and these officers concluded upon one 
 which was mutually approved of by the commander- 
 in-chief of each army. (See that document, Appen 
 dix, No. 31.) 
 
 Next day, towards noon, conformably to the arti 
 cles of the cartel, the enemy delivered to us, on the line, 
 sixty -three of our prisoners; the greater part of whom 
 had been taken in the affair of the 23d of December. 
 A guard of honour, composed of a detachment of the 
 company of carabineers, of Plauche s battalion, com 
 manded by captain Roche, with a detachment of cap 
 tain Beale s riflemen, preceded by the music of the 
 battalion, went to receive and escort them into camp. 
 Several of them were not yet out of danger from 
 their wounds. Their return to their friends and ac 
 quaintances was the more grateful to all, as, until that 
 moment, it was feared that many of them were among 
 the dead. 
 
 IT recurred to Dr. R. Morrell and Mr. S. Shields, 
 on their return from the British fleet, that a few well- 
 armed boats could annoy the enemy on Lake Borgnc. 
 This suggestion was made to commodore Patterson 
 on the morning of the 15th January, the period of 
 their arrival in town. The commodore, after various 
 inquiries concerning the description and force of the 
 boats employed by the enemy on the lake, authorized 
 those gentlemen, to obtain volunteers for the expedi 
 tion.* On the 19th they proceeded from the bayou 
 
 * I preserve in this narrative the form- and nearly the words 
 of the journal communicated to me by Dr. Morrell. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 181 
 
 St. John in four boats (one of which carried a twelve 
 pound carronade, the others being small) and thirty- 
 four men, officers included. Next morning they 
 were joined at fort Petites Coquilles by two small 
 boats and nineteen men from captain Newman s 
 command. This day they remained at the fort 
 to fit masts and sails to the boats, and to dis 
 tribute the men among the boats so as to give 
 to each a few sailors; for it must be recollected 
 the greater part of their number were soldiers 
 and along-shore men. On the morning of the 
 20th they proceeded to pass Chef-Menteur, and ar 
 rived at the militia camp, situate about three miles 
 from lake Borgne, at 2 P. M. Here they recon 
 noitred the enemy s boats, passing and re-passing 
 from their army to their fleet. At 9 P. M. they got 
 under weigh with muffled oars: at 10 were in the 
 lake, and took a course along the land towards the 
 Rigolets. At about 11 P. M. a large boat was dis 
 covered at anchor; immediately all hands pulled up 
 to her as fast as possible. She was boarded on the 
 bow, stern and centre nearly at the same moment. 
 She surrendered after very little resistance; and had 
 on board thirty-eight dragoons, a lieutenant and cor 
 net, and a master s mate and thirteen seamen. All 
 returned to the encampment, where the prisoners 
 were delivered to captain Collins, commanding offi 
 cer. At 1 A. M. another sortie was made, and row 
 ed about the lake till nearly day-light, but nothing 
 could be found 21st, laid by. 22d, at 4 A. M. 
 went out again, and steered towards the Rigolets: at 
 7 A. M. they captured a transport boat; at half past 
 
182 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 8 captured a transport schooner of one hundred and 
 ten tons, bound to the army, having only a few casks 
 of rum on board, shaping her course for the Rigo- 
 lets; soon after captured two lanches. Before 10 
 A. M. captured three more boats; and at 11 reach- 
 ed the mouth of the Rigolets with some of the 
 small boats. When unfortunately Mr. Shields was 
 obliged to set fire to the schooner, then about two 
 miles off the Rigolets, the bar of which would not 
 permit her to pass. The wind came out strong 
 against us, the tide was also running out rapidly 
 and in truth boats from the schooner had hardly 
 reached the shore, when we perceived boats stand 
 ing towards her from all directions. The smoke and 
 blaze was very great. Our situation was now very 
 alarming, having sixty-three prisoners and six prize- 
 boats to guard, with a small force consisting of fifty - 
 three men, inclusive, and this unhappily divided; 
 for the wind and tide were so strong, that the largest 
 boat, carrying the only piece of ordnance, was barely 
 able to make the eastern shore of the Rigolets, where 
 as the others, as well as all the prizes except one, 
 were on the western shore. The British boats, after 
 vainly attempting to board the burning schooner, ap 
 proached the shore, to ascertain the character of our 
 men. When they discovered them to be Americans, 
 they sent three boats laden with troops, on their way 
 from the army to the fleet, to land about a mile and 
 a half above them. A party of twenty men, led by 
 Dr. Morrell, marched to fiieet them, and concealed 
 themselves in the high grass, near where the first boat 
 landed,. As soon as the enemy began to land, a fire 
 vas com f i enred on them: the men being stationed a 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 183 
 
 few yards apart, presented the appearance of a long 
 line. The enemy continued to land, but not so ra 
 pidly; a second fire was given which they instantly 
 returned the other boats came up, but did not land. 
 Our men lired a third round, and they embarked in 
 great confusion, and rowed oft*. Our detachment 
 returned to the body of our party, where they arrived 
 just in time to beat off three other boats that came in, 
 apparently to cut out two of the prizes. Soon after 
 they saw two boats standing for the lanch on the 
 opposite side, and apprehended she must be taken 
 from the appearance of the enemy s boats; but hap 
 pily these fears were soon dispelled sailing-master 
 Daily throwing three shot so near them, that they 
 hauled off without effecting a landing. 
 
 It was now nearly 4 P. M. our men much fa 
 tigued, the prisoners troublesome, the wind and cur 
 rent so strong as to make it impossible to get through 
 the Rigolets, and a gun-boat could be seen beating up 
 for the expedition. It was determined that Dr. Mor- 
 reil should go to fort Petites Coquilles (nine miles off) 
 for a re-enforcement. Accordingly, he proceeded in 
 a well-manned gig, and at 9 P. M. he reached the 
 fort. Captain Newman promptly granted his request, 
 and immediately embarked forty of his men; but be 
 fore they could arrive, Mr. Shields thought proper to 
 discharge, on parole,* all the prisoners on the west 
 ern side. With the greatest exertion he was able to 
 join the lanch on the other side and reach the fort 
 next day at 2 o clock, where twenty-one prisoners 
 were delivered to captain Newman. 
 
 * The enemy refused to consider this parole as valid. 
 
184 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 ON the morning of the 19th, it was perceived that 
 the enemy had evacuated, not a single man appearing. 
 The commander- in- chief had already given orders to 
 an officer to go out with a reconnoitring party, in or 
 der to ascertain whether the apparent evacuation were 
 not a stratagem, when a doctor belonging to the Bri 
 tish army arrived at our lines, with a letter from ge 
 neral Lambert, informing general Jackson that the 
 army under his command had evacuated its position 
 on the Mississippi, and had, for the present, relin 
 quished every undertaking against New Orleans and 
 its vicinity. General Lambert recommended to the 
 humanity and generosity of general Jackson, eighty 
 wounded men, of whom three were officers, whom he 
 was obliged to leave behind, as their wounds did not 
 admit of their being removed. One of these officers, 
 lieutenant Darcy, had had his two legs carried off by 
 a shell, at the moment when, after having been on 
 guard for several days successively, while, as we have 
 observed, the enemy hourly apprehended an attack, 
 he was taking some repose, stretched on the ground, 
 at the entrance of his bivouac. 
 
 Doctor Kerr, surgeon -general of our army, was 
 immediately sent with the British doctor to Jumon- 
 ville s plantation, where was the principal hospital of 
 the British army, to visit the wounded, and make 
 suitable arrangements for their accommodation. 
 
 Shortly after, general Jackson ordered colonel 
 Hinds, commanding the cavalry, to repair with all 
 speed to Villere s canal, and proceed along it as far 
 as possible, harassing the enemy on his retreat. Ma 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 185 
 
 jtor Lacoste was ordered to form a detachment of such 
 of the native Louisianians in his battalion as were ex- 
 pert hunters, to scour the woods in the vicinity of 
 Villere s canal, and pick up the stragglers of the 
 enemy s army, as also such negroes as might have 
 escaped from them; for, as might be expected, 
 the British had carried off all the negroes of the 
 plantations occupied by their troops. 
 
 General Jackson, accompanied by the officers of 
 his staff, went to view the British camp. They had 
 left in their different batteries fourteen pieces of can 
 non and carronades, the former spiked, or with a 
 trunnion broken off, and the latter with their pom- 
 millions also broken off, so as to be no longer service 
 able, and also a quantity of cannon balls. The general 
 next proceeded to visit the wounded officers, whom 
 he assured that they should receive every kind of 
 assistance and attention that could tend to promote 
 their cure. A few days after, all the wounded were 
 conveyed in the steam -boat to New Orleans, where 
 they were attended by the three surgeons who had 
 been left by general Lambert for that purpose. All 
 the buildings, as also the ground, of Chalmette s, 
 Bienvenu s, and Laronde s plantations, attested that 
 our artillery must have been very destructive to the 
 enemy. Chalmette s sugar-house, and the dwelling? 
 house of Bienvenu, were perforated in numerous 
 places, by the balls of the marine battery on the right 
 bank. 
 
 Colonel Laronde, accompanied by colonel Kem- 
 per, and a detachment of major Hinds s cavalry, went 
 in pursuit of the enemy through the prairie. They 
 
 * B b 
 
186 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 took four prisoners beyond the redoubt erected at the 
 forks of bayou Mazant and Villere s canal, and ad 
 vanced within a mile of the forks of bayou Bienvenu, 
 where, concluding from the confused sound of voices 
 they heard, that the enemy must be very numerous, 
 and that it would be imprudent to advance any far- 
 ther, they returned and made their report to general 
 Jackson. 
 
 It appears that, immediately after the affair of 
 the 8th of January, the enemy had determined to 
 evacuate, and that he was desirous of proceed 
 ing as far as possible by land. For that purpose 
 he threw bridges over all the small bayous and 
 streams that fall into bayou Mazant by the right 
 bank, and at the confluence of bayou Jumonville 
 he had constructed a bridge of boats. The route 
 still continued on the right bank, as far as the 
 confluence of the bayous Mazant and Bienvenu. 
 where another bridge of boats transferred it to the 
 opposite bank, along which it continued as far as the 
 beginning of a long elbow, where it took a direction 
 in a straight line across the prairie, to the Catalonian 
 village. (See plate No. 5.) 
 
 At the confluence of bayou Jumonville, on the 
 right, the enemy in his retreat had thrown up an 
 epaulement to cover the passage; the same had been 
 done at the confluence of the bayous Bienvenu and 
 MazanTr and at the Catalonian village he had com 
 menced a large inclosure, capable of containing one 
 thousand men, but had left it unfinishedr 
 
 General Jackson received from major Overton, 
 commanding at fort St. Philip, a letter dated the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 18*7 
 
 18th in the morning, announcing to him that the ene 
 my had discontinued to throw shells into the fbrt, 
 and that his vessels had descended the river before 
 day. General Jackson wrote on the same day to the 
 secretary of war, informing him of the double retreat 
 of the enemy. (See Appendix, No. 32.) 
 
 So early as the 17th, general Jackson had given 
 to governor Clai borne the command on the right 
 bank, and had ordered general Morgan to prepare to 
 advance with six hundred men, in order to harass the 
 enemy on his retreat, which was not then expected to 
 be r so prompt and clandestine. 
 
 The general requested the reverend abbe Du- 
 bourg, apostolical prefect for the state of Louisiana, 
 to appoint a day of public prayer and thanksgiving, 
 for the signal favour it had pleased the Supreme Being 
 to show to our country, in delivering it from its ene 
 mies. (See the general s letter, No. 33.) 
 
 We will now proceed to the relation of the bom 
 bardment of fort St. Philip by the British; but it 
 seems proper that it be preceded by a short descrip 
 tion of the fort, and of the means that had been taken 
 to put it in the best possible state of defence. 
 
 BOMBARDMENT OF FORT ST. PHILIP, 
 
 AT PLdQUEMIJVES. 
 
 FORT ST. PHILIP is an irregular work, the, body 
 a parallelogram. Approaches to it are nearly imprac 
 ticable, being surrounded by an impassable morass, 
 a ditch, and in addition on the east by the bayou 
 Mardi-Gras, forty-five yards wide. In the fort were 
 mounted twenty-nine twenty-four-pounders, a thir- 
 
IBS HISTORICAL MEMOIi!. 
 
 teen-inch mortar, an eight and five-and-half-inch 
 howitzer and a six -pounder, and in the covert- way 
 two thirty- two pounders, mounted on a level with 
 the water. 
 
 During the summer of 1814, every effort was 
 made by the garrison of fort St. Philip, consisting of 
 two incomplete companies of artillery, to place that 
 post in the state of defence corresponding with its 
 importance as the key of Louisiana, commanding the 
 pass of the Mississippi. In October, the cannon ha 
 ving been remounted, the gun-carriages repaired, a 
 signal station established three miles below the fort, 
 alterations made in some of the batteries so as to af 
 ford security to the artillerists in case of an attack, 
 and additional works erected to protect the rear of the 
 fort, and the season approaching when an attack from 
 the enemy might be expected, it was suggested that 
 if a battery was placed on the opposite side of the ri 
 ver, thirty-two-pounders mounted in the covert- way, 
 and a thirteen^inch mortar fixed in the fort, the de 
 fence of the pass would be then complete, supposing 1 
 the old buildings destroyed, and the requisite num 
 ber of troops, and quantity of ordnance stores, &c. &cc, 
 to be furnished. 
 
 In the month of November, a company o,f infan 
 try re-enforced the garrison, and about the last of that 
 month the inspector-general descended the river to 
 the Balize, and caused a guard to be stationed there. 
 Early in December, general Jackson visited the 
 fort, and ordered the battery on the opposite side of 
 the river to be immediately commenced, and that the 
 thirty-two pounders and thirteen- inch mortar should 
 be mounted as before mentioned. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 189 
 
 The mouth of the river was now more closely 
 blockaded than before, and the guard stationed at the 
 Balize was surprised and taken by the boats of the 
 Herald sloop of war. The British at this time daily 
 landed at the Balize, at which place a few of our 
 pilots still remained. A re-enforcement arrived at 
 the garrison of another company of the 7th infantry, 
 and a company of volunteer free men of colour. 
 
 About the 15th December, major Overton of the 
 rifle corps was placed in command , captain Woll- 
 stonecraft, of the artillery, who had charge of the post 
 since the month of May, being ordered to New Or 
 leans. On the 17th, the arrival of the enemy in our 
 waters was ascertained, and a few days afterwards the 
 fate of the gun-boats was known. From the 23d every 
 effort was made to repel the attack which it was sup 
 posed would shortly be made. The interior was 
 disencumbered of the rubbish of the barracks which 
 had been torn down, the main magazine was disguis 
 ed and secured by a covering of timber and earth, 
 small magazines were erected, and covers made for 
 the troops, as a security from the fragments of shells, 
 should a bombardment take place, and the garrison 
 were constantly on fatigue (under charge of captain 
 W oilstone craft, who had been ordered back from 
 New Orleans,) for the above purpose, and in mount 
 ing the thirty-two-pounders in the covert-way, and 
 the thirteen-inch mortar on the Spanish bastion, un 
 til the 3d of January. The 24th December, cap 
 tain Lagan s company arrived. The battery on the 
 opposite side, which was commenced on the 15th 
 December, progressed but slowly, as many of the 
 
190 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 carpenters, negroes, and the superintendant of artifi 
 cers, had ascended the river on the first notice of the 
 arrival of the enemy. The cannon intended for that 
 fort were taken over the river to fort St, Philip as a 
 place of security, being useless in the then unfinish 
 ed state of the works. The carpenters haying been 
 sent back from the 3d until the 8th January, the 
 works on the new battery were carried on with unre- 
 mittcd exertion, and when our look-out boat return 
 ed with information on that clay of the approach af the 
 enemy, but a few days more labour were required for 
 the completing of the gun-carriages and the work it 
 self. On the 8th the gun-boat No. 65 warped into 
 the bayou, and took post so as to flank the rear of the 
 fort. To prevent the unfinished battery on the oppo 
 site side, which we were obliged to abandon, from 
 being of any use to the enemy, every material capa 
 ble of being removed was brought over the river, 
 Our attention was solely occupied on our defence, 
 and we anxiously awaited the approach of the enemy, 
 which was announced to us by signal on the morn 
 ing of the 9th. About 12 o clock they hove in sight, 
 when the furnace for hot shot was lighted, and the 
 troops stationed at the posts before assigned to them 
 in case of such an event taking place. 
 
 The signal station was abandoned about 1 o clock, 
 and, in the hurry to escape, the guard omitted to fire 
 the buildings and lime-kiln, which they had been 01% 
 dered to destroy, and at 2 o clock that position was 
 occupied by the enemy, by a force lanjded from thejr 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR,. 191 
 
 The garrison was composed of the following 
 Companies, viz. 
 
 Field and StaiF, 2 
 
 Captain Wollstonecraft s Artillery, 64 
 
 Murray s Artillery,, - 50 
 
 Detachment of captain Walsh s Artillery, 3 
 
 Captain Broutin s 7th regt. Infantry, - 78 
 
 Waides s 7th Infantry, , - 85 
 
 Lagan s Louisiana Volunteers, 54 
 
 Listeau s Free men of Colour, 30 
 
 366 
 
 making, with the crew of gun-boat No. 65, four 
 hundred and six effective men. A detachment of 
 lieutenant Cunningham s sailors, under the direction 
 of that officer, had charge of two thirty-two-pound 
 ers mounted in the covert-way. Captain Walsh 
 commanded the right bastion: the centre bastion, on 
 which ari eight-inch howitzer and a thirteen-inch 
 mortar were mounted, was commanded by captain 
 Wollstonecrait; and the left battery was commanded 
 by captain Murray. The infantry and volunteers not 
 attached to the cannon, were stationed in the rear of 
 the curtain, and otherwise posted under the command 
 of captain Broutin, so as to be able to support the 
 troops on the batteries, and to act as occasion might 
 require. Captain Lagau s two lieutenants and a party 
 of his company of Louisiana volunteers were attach- 
 ed to the artillerists on the centre and left batteries. 
 At 3 o clock the enemy advanced several boats to 
 sound opposite a point about one mile and a half 
 from the fort, which had been cleared of its timber 
 
192 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 some time before, by order of the general. The 
 guns of the left battery and those of the water batte 
 ries were opened on them, and they retreated. Ha 
 ving ascertained the distance to which our shot reach 
 ed their vessels, consisting of a sloop of war, a gun- 
 brig, a schooner and two bomb-vessels, they came to 
 anchor out of the range of our shot, at the distance 
 of 3960 yards; the bomb- vessels formed broadside to 
 the fort, behind the point of land, a little in advance 
 of the men of war, hoisted their colours, and com 
 menced the action. The first shell from the enemy 
 fell short, but the next burst over the interior of the 
 fort. All that day and night the firing continued, 
 with only short intervals, generally a shell every two 
 minutes. No injury was done to the men or works, 
 as the shells, from the nature of the soil, sunk in the 
 ground, without bursting, or burst under the ground, 
 at so great a depth as to produce no other effect than 
 a tremulous motion. In the night several boats ap 
 proached near t.he fort, and came so close as to allow 
 us almost distinctly to hear their crews conversing. 
 They fired several rounds of grape and round-shot 
 over and into the fort. The wind blowing fair up 
 the river, and in gusts during the night, this approach 
 of the enemy was oniy considered as an effort to di 
 vert our attention from their vessels, which might at 
 tempt to pass under our smoke. Their attack was 
 therefore received in silence, and our attention direct 
 ed to the vessels alone. Finding we were not to be 
 moved by this stratagem, the) retired, and during 
 the rest of the night fi.vd a few ^iieiis from their 
 boats stationed on both sides of the river. On the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIll. 193 
 
 10th the bombardment was continued with the 
 vivacity as on the former day, except that a cessation 
 occurred of about two hours at noon and at sun 
 down, which respite was daily granted us during the 
 remainder of the siege. Occasionally on these two 
 days a fire was opened from the batteries of the fort, 
 but the shot fell short. On the third day of the bom 
 bardment several pieces of shells struck the flag-stafF 
 and in one instance nailed the halyards to the mast, 
 in another severed them in the midst of the fire; the 
 topmast was lowered down, and it took nearly an 
 hour to have the flag replaced on the mast. This 
 was done by a sailor who had the courage to stand on 
 the cross-trees, exposed as a mark; and though the fire 
 from the enemy was very brisk and well-directed., 
 and several shells burst over his head, he escaped 
 unhurt. The evening of this day the enemy direct 
 ed their fire with great exactness at the contractor s 
 store, supposing it to be the main magazine. Several 
 whole shells passed through this building, and two 
 burst in it, killing one man and wounding another; 
 but as their spies had only described the magazine in 
 the state in which it was a few days before the attack 
 commenced, they were deceived; and by making 
 every effort to lodge shells in the before -mentioned 
 building, which had the appearance of the powder- 
 magazine in its former state, the magazine itself es 
 caped, having only been struck two or three times by 
 fragments of shells. 
 
 At four this evening the garrison opened an ani 
 mated fire for a quarter of an hour on the bomb ves 
 sels from all the guns that could bear an them, but 
 
 c c 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 apparently without any other effect than deranging 
 their fire; it served however, to animate our men, 
 showed the quickness and precision with which our 
 guns were pointed and served, and gave a foretaste 
 of what might be expected should the enemy attempt 
 to pass up. 
 
 On the 12th, 13th and 14th the firing continued 
 with the usual intervals, doing comparatively little 
 injury: the enemy, probably aware of the ineffica- 
 cy of their shells when discharged so as to alight 
 whole in the interior of the works, now arranged 
 their fuses, so that the shells burst in the air over 
 the works, and scattered fragments therein in every 
 direction. The evening of the 14th a man was kill 
 ed on the right battery, another slightly wounded, a 
 man on the centre battery lost his leg, and several of 
 the gun-carriages were materially injured; on the right 
 and centre batteries, the thirty-two-pounder in the 
 covert way, in the angle of the Spanish bastion, was 
 struck five times, and for upwards of an hour was 
 rendered unserviceable. Several shells entered the 
 blacksmith s shop; one burst near the main maga 
 zine, and another passed into the ditch through the 
 magazine in the covert way. 
 
 This evening we were employed in carrying into 
 the fort all the timber that we could collect, and in 
 forming covers between the guns, so as effectually 
 to secure the men on the batteries from the fragments 
 of shells, and to shelter them from the rain, which 
 had fallen, with little intermission, from the com 
 mencement of the siege. This work was finished on 
 the evening- of the 15th, and it is almost incredible* 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 195 
 
 that during- all this time, though the men were more 
 exposed than before, passing in and out of the fort in 
 parties, <ifter materials, no one was hurt. At this 
 time the interior of the fort was nearly a pond of wa 
 ter; the tents stood, many of them, torn by shells, but 
 unoccupied. The small magazines were also strength 
 ened, and an additional quantity of earth thrown on 
 them. This evening several boats arrived, with am 
 munition from New Orleans, fuses for the thirteen- 
 inch mortars, Sec. &c. The 16th was occupied in 
 conveying the powder and ordnance stores from about 
 a mile above the fort into the magazine; and the 
 weather being fair, we were comparatively comfort 
 able, and in high spirits, having now the means of 
 annoying the enemy. On the morning of the 17th, 
 the fire from the enemy was not as animated as usual,; 
 in the evening we returned their fire from our mortar 
 with considerable effect, as far as we were able to 
 judge, and for several hours they threw shells more 
 frequently than before. At night one of cur shells 
 struck one of their bomb vessels; we distinctly 
 heard the shock, and for near five minutes the fire 
 from one of the vessels was discontinued. The firing 
 continued during the night of the 17th; several shells 
 were lodged in the parapet; one burst passing through 
 the ditch into the angle of the centre bastion. This 
 was the last shot we received: a little before day the 
 enemy got under way, and at daylight we could per 
 ceive the sternmost vessel descending the river. 
 
 From three o clock on the 9th until daylight on 
 the 18th the bombardment continued with very little 
 intermission. During that time the enemy threw 
 
196 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 more than one thousand shells and carcases, expend 
 ed upwards of seventy tons of shells, and more than 
 twenty thousand pounds of powder, besides small 
 shells, and round and grape-shot from their boats. Du 
 ring the whole of this bombardment, we lost no more 
 than two men, one of whom was killed on the right 
 battery, and the other in the contractor s store. Our 
 wounded were two men on the right, and three on the 
 centre battery, one in the store, and one in the inte 
 rior of the garrison. 
 
 The troops were on the battery nine days, five 
 days without cover; and exposed to the rain and wea 
 ther which was extremely cold. They cannot be deni 
 ed praise for the unremitted exertion they made to re 
 ceive the enemy, the fatigues they underwent during 
 the bombardment, which was almost incessant, and 
 the patience they exercised thus exposed. Perhaps the 
 duration of the siege would not have been so long, 
 had the fuses, sent from the northward, been of a 
 good quality; for several days the mortar, with which 
 only there was any probability of reaching the ene 
 my, was entirely or nearly useless. From the effect 
 produced after good fuses arrived (for there was no 
 materials in the garrison to make any) it may perhaps 
 be surmised that the enemy s vessels would have 
 found it unsafe to have remained for so long a time 
 in the station they occupied within the range of our 
 shells. 
 
 From the day the attack commenced until it con- 
 eluded, we were constantly employed in preparing 
 grape and canister-shot from bar lead, making up- 
 fixed ammunition, repairing, gun-carriages, making 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 197 
 
 implements, &c. Sec. and we were, in fact, in a much 
 better state of defence, and better provided when it 
 terminated, than at its commencement. 
 
 After the enemy left us we had time to examine 
 the interior, and the ground in the neighbourhood oi 
 the fort; upwards of one hundred shells had fallen and 
 buried themselves within the fort; the surrounding 
 buildings, workshops, stores, and the hospital, were 
 almost in ruins, and the ground for half a mile 
 around, was literally torn up in every direction. (See 
 Appendix, No. 34.) 
 
 On the 20th of January the general made the 
 necessary dispositions for the protection of the most; 
 vulnerable parts of the country, in case the ene 
 my should attempt a new attack. The 2d regiment 
 of militia was ordered to encamp on Villere s plan 
 tation, while a detachment of the Kentucky troops 
 encamped on that of Lacoste; and on the 21st, all the 
 troops stationed on Jackson s lines, except the 7th 
 regiment, which was left to guard them, returned to 
 town. 
 
 Their arrival was a triumph; the non-combatant 
 part of the population of New Orleans, that is, the 
 aged, the infirm, the matrons, daughters and children, 
 all went out to meet their deliverers, to receive with 
 felicitations the saviours of their country. Every 
 countenance was expressive of gratitude joy spar 
 kled in every feature, on beholding fathers, brothers, 
 husbands, sons, who had so recently saved the lives, 
 fortunes, and honour of their families, by repelling an 
 enemy come to conquer and subjugate the country. 
 
198 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Nor were the sensations of the brave soldiers less live 
 ly, on seeing themselves about to be compensated for 
 all their sufferings by the enjoyment of domestic felici 
 ty. They once more embraced the objects of their ten- 
 derest affections, were hailed by them as their saviours 
 and deliverers, and felt conscious that they had deserved 
 the honourable title. How light, how trifling, how in 
 considerable did their past toils and dangers appear to 
 them at this glorious moment! All was forgotten, all 
 painful recollections gave way to the most exquisite 
 sensations of inexpressible joy. 
 
 On the 22d, general Jackson gave orders for erect 
 ing a strong battery at the forks of the bayous Bien- 
 venu and Mazant. For that purpose, colonel La- 
 ronde was ordered to take the command of two hun 
 dred Kentuckians from camp Dupre, where general 
 Thomas s division had been stationed some days be 
 fore, and proceed to reconnoitre the enemy. Colonel 
 Laronde came up with the British advanced-posts at 
 the forks of the bayous Jnmonville and Mazant, 
 where they had thrown up intrenchments, and had a 
 strong detachment. Two large barges, and four small 
 ones, were stationed opposite the intrenchments in the 
 bayou; these barges fired twenty discharges of can 
 non, loaded with grape-shot, against colonel Laronde s 
 detachment, as soon as it approached within can 
 non-shot; but without any effect- After having recon 
 noitred the enemy, finding it impossible to cross over 
 for want of boats, bayou Jumonvillc being in that 
 place sixty yards wide, colonel Laronde retired. 
 
 The J23d of January having been appointed as a 
 day of thanksgiving", for the interposition of Provi- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 199 
 
 Jence, on which Te Deum was to be sung, every 
 preparation was made to render the festival worthy 
 the occasion. A temporary triumphal arch was erect 
 ed in the middle of the grand square, opposite the 
 principal entrance of the cathedral. The different 
 uniform companies of Plauche s battalion lined both 
 sides of the way, from the entrance of the square 
 towards the river, to the church. The balconies 
 and windows of the city hall, the parsonage house, 
 and all the adjacent buildings, were filled with spec 
 tators. The whole square, and the streets leading to 
 it, were thronged with people. The triumphal arch 
 was supported by six columns. Amongst those on 
 the right was a young lady representing Justice, and 
 on the left another representing Liberty. Under the 
 arch were two young children, each on a pedestal, 
 holding a crown of laurel. From the arch, in 
 the middle of the square to the church, at proper 
 intervals, were ranged young ladies, representing the 
 different states and territories composing the Ameri 
 can union, all dressed in white, covered with transpa 
 rent veils, and wearing a silver star on their fore 
 heads. Each of these young ladies held in her right 
 hand a flag, inscribed with the name of the state she 
 represented, and in her left a basket trimmed with 
 blue ribands, and full of flowers. Behind each was 
 a shield suspended on a lance stuck in the ground, 
 inscribed with the name of a state or territory. The 
 intervals had been so calculated, that the shields, 
 linked together with verdant festoons, occupied the 
 distance from the triumphal arch to the church. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 General Jackson, accompanied by the officers of 
 his staff, arrived at the entrance of the square, where 
 he was requested to proceed to the church by the 
 walk prepared for him. As he passed under the 
 arch, he received the crowns of laurel from the two 
 children, and was congratulated in an address spoken 
 by miss Kerr, who represented the state of Loui 
 siana. The general then proceeded to the church, 
 amidst the salutations of the young ladies representing 
 the different states, who strewed his passage with 
 flowers. At the entrance of the church he was receiv 
 ed by the abbe Dubourg, who addressed him in a 
 speech suitable to the occasion, and conducted him 
 to a seat prepared for him near the altar. Te Deum 
 was chaunted with impressive solemnity, and soon af 
 ter a guard of honour attended the general to his quar 
 ters, and in the evening the town, with its suburbs, 
 was splendidly illuminated. (See the abbe Dubourg s 
 speech, and the general s reply, in the Appendix, 
 No. 35.) 
 
 Thus, in the space of a little less than one month, 
 was terminated a campaign, ever memorable in the an 
 nals of America. On the 23d of December the enemy 
 succeeded so far as to take a position on the Mississip 
 pi, and on the 19th of January he had already disappear 
 ed, leaving behind him the dead bodies of some thou 
 sands of private soldiers, and of many officers of dis 
 tinction, and carrying with him the shame of having 
 miscarried in an undertaking so easy to accomplish, 
 as he at first believed; but, as he was taught by thirty 
 day s experience, really too arduous to be attempted 
 with any prospect of success. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 201 
 
 The British troops found that, notwithstanding 
 the appalling renown which they thought had preced 
 ed their expedition to Louisiana, and the striking ef 
 fect they expected would be produced by the very title 
 of heroes of Wellington, which several regiments had 
 vauntingly assumed, they could make no impression, 
 even with a great superiority of numbers, on undisci 
 plined militia, not one-fourth of whom had ever before 
 seen a camp, or had any idea of the art of war. The 
 whole success, indeed, of this boasted expedition, was 
 the occupation of a tongue of land, beyond which the 
 British army never durst advance, and which it left 
 drenched with its bravest blood. 
 
 During their stay on the banks of the Mississippi, 
 the British made several excursions into the settle 
 ment of Terre-aux-Boeufs, and even as far as Mr. 
 Benjamin Morgan s plantation, two miles below the 
 junction of the road on the Mississippi, with that of 
 Terre-aux-Boeufs. They carried off tlue cattle of all 
 the plantations, giving to the planters, in payment, 
 one-half or two-thirds of their value, and that seldom 
 in money, but generally in draughts on the commissa 
 ry-general of their army. The youngest son of gene 
 ral Villcre, a youth about the age of fourteen, had 
 been detained by them on his father s plantation, from 
 their first arrival. On the eve of their evacuation, 
 which he did not perceive till pretty late next day, 
 he received in payment of about eighty head of cattle 
 consumed on the plantation, the sum of five hundred 
 dollars in specie, which he returned, instead of three 
 tKousand dollars, which was their value at a low price. 
 They also, as I have already observed, carried off all 
 
 * 
 
202 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 the negroes of the plantations they had occupied. 
 There were doubtless some amongst these, who were 
 very willing to follow them; but by far the greater 
 part, particularly the women, were decoyed, or carri 
 ed off by force. 
 
 It is an undeniable fact, that during the whole 
 campaign, the negroes were employed by the British 
 in working for the army in general, or as servants to 
 officers. I will not speak of the pillage of the differ 
 ent houses they occupied, that being an evil insepara 
 ble from the presence of an army in all countries; but 
 here, as in Virginia, and on the shores of the Chesa 
 peake, the conduct of the British with respect to ne 
 groes cannot be palliated. After having repeatedly 
 declared their intention to restore them to their own 
 ers, on their coming to claim them; after having 
 gained time by specious pretences, the result was that 
 they carried almost all the negroes off with them. Yet 
 those negroes were private property, and without them 
 their masters could not cultivate their plantations. 
 Thus, several planters are ruined by the loss of their 
 slaves, taken from them by the British, and are 
 obliged to let their lands lie fallow. 
 
 During the night of the 25th of January, colonel 
 Hinds with his troop of horse, general Humbert and 
 the engineer Latrobe, went once more to reconnoitre 
 the enemy s position, which they found he had not 
 changed. Colonel Hinds had one man killed and 
 two wounded, by the cannon of the enemy; and find- 
 ing it impossible to execute, for the present, the ob 
 ject he had in view, which was to erect a battery on 
 bayou Bienvenu, in the place best calculated to op- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 203 
 
 pose the enemy, should he be disposed to revisit the 
 Mississippi, he returned with his detachment. Gene 
 ral Jackson, aware that the enemy was still master of 
 bayou Bienvenu, on which he had fortified himself, as 
 also of lake Borgne, which enabled him still to attack 
 many parts of the country, and it being impossible to 
 discover against what quarter he might direct his 
 forces, had several days before, ordered a redoubt to 
 be constructed on Philippon s canal, another on Re- 
 gio s, at Terre-aux-Bocufs, and a third on bayou Bosuf 
 at the cut of lake Lery, the communication of which 
 with the sea, by the river aux Chenes, though very 
 long and difficult, might still admit of flat boats. Lieu 
 tenant Bosquez of the artillery, had likewise been or 
 dered to continue the construction of the redoubt be 
 gun on the river of Chef-Menteur, at the confluence 
 of bayou Sauvage; the number of troops encamped 
 on Lafon s plantation, had been augmented with co 
 lonel Nelson s regiment of volunteers, from the Mis 
 sissippi territory, four hundred and fifty men strong. 
 Major Reynolds occupied the post of the Temple, 
 at Barataria, and a strong detachment was stationed 
 down the river la Fourche, and another post establish 
 ed at Tigouyon could give notice of the approach of 
 the enemy in time to oppose his landing, which he could 
 not attempt, until he had first penetrated into lake Pont 
 chartrain, by forcing the passage of Chef-Menteur, or 
 that of the Rigolets, defended by the fort of Petites 
 Coquilles, The troops were distributed agreeably to 
 these arrangements: those of generals Coffee and Car- 
 rol, had returned to their encampment on Avart .s 
 plantation, four miles above New Orleans; the Ken- 
 
204 HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 tuckians were encamped on Dupre s line; Plaudits 
 battalion, the 44th regiment, and major Daquin s bat 
 talion of men of colour, had returned to town; that of 
 major Lacoste furnished detachments for Chef- Men - 
 teur; Jackson s lines were guarded by the 7th regi 
 ment; the 1st and 2nd of militia, a detachment of 
 Kentuckians, and another of the militia of Red river, 
 commanded by colonel Plauche, occupied Villere s 
 plantation, and furnished a strong advanced-guard, 
 posted in the place where the enemy had thrown up 
 fortifications when he landed at the junction of bayou 
 Mazant and Villere s canal. 
 
 The right bank was guarded by the drafted mi 
 litia, general Hopkins s brigade, ancl colonel John 
 son s regiment, which had arrived from Rapides on 
 the 14th. The levy-en-masse of the militia had been 
 arriving by companies every day from the 8th of the 
 month. Every thing was in readiness vigorously to 
 repulse the enemy, on whatever point he might make 
 an attempt. All the damaged arms had been repair 
 ed, and a barge had arrived from Pittsburgh with 
 muskets, cannon, and balls. Louisiana had been de 
 fended and saved with means much inferior to those 
 of the enemy; and towards the end of January she 
 was in condition to defy double the force that had 
 at first attacked her. 
 
 About this time the remaining prisoners com 
 prised in the cartel, agreed to on the 18th of January, 
 who being on board the British fleet could not be 
 sooner returned, were delivered up at Petites Co- 
 quilles, and arrived in town. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 205 
 
 During the course of the campaign the mayor of 
 New Orleans, Mr. Nicholas Girod, and all those em 
 ployed under him, manifested the greatest zeal in as 
 sisting the troops to repel the invaders. 
 
 The ladies of New Orleans were constantly em 
 ployed in making up clothes for the militia of Tennes 
 see, whom so long an absence from their homes had 
 reduced to extreme want in that particular, as most of 
 them had served in the campaign against the Creek 
 Indians, and in the expedition against Pensacola, 
 in which they had made many long and difficult 
 marches. 
 
 General Jackson, in a letter to the mayor, express 
 ed his sense of the assistance he had received from 
 that magistrate, and the citizens of New Orleans. 
 The perusal of that letter cannot fail to interest the 
 reader. (See Appendix, No. 36.) 
 
 By a resolution of the 2d of February the legisla^ 
 ture voted thanks to the troops of Tennessee, Ken 
 tucky, and the Mississippi Territory; to their com 
 manders, generals Carroll, Coffee, Thomas, and 
 Adair, and also to colonel Hinds, for their services 
 in the defence of the state. Those of general Jackson 
 they thought proper to pass over in silence: but that 
 silence produced a greater effect in his favour in the 
 public mind than the most laboured panegyric would 
 have done. It was in vain to attempt to throw into 
 the shade services so eminent, and so fresh in the re 
 membrance of a grateful people; they were present to 
 every imagination, and, in the language of the Roman 
 historian, shone with superior lustre for the very 
 reason that they were not displayed. Prtefulgebant 
 
206 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 Cassius ct Brutus, eo ipso quod effigies eorum non 
 visebantur.* 
 
 The governor, in compliance with the assembly s 
 resolution, wrote a letter to each of the officers men- 
 tioned in it, to which they severally replied. (See 
 Appendix, No. 37.) General Coffee s answer is 
 particularly worthy of observation. At the same 
 time that he expresses his grateful sense of the high 
 value which the legislature are pleased to set on his 
 services, he cannot forbear to hint what it would be 
 come them to have done in justice to the great man 
 under whose guidance those laurels were earned, 
 which they had distributed with such an unequal 
 hand. 
 
 This act of flagrant injustice is attributed to the 
 discontent of some of the leading members of the le 
 gislative body. History will search into their motives, 
 and hold up to the animadversion of posterity those 
 unworthy intrigues, which produced an instance of 
 ingratitude unparalleled in the annals of mankind. 
 
 Let me not be understood as reflecting on all the 
 members; several of them there are, who evinced, by 
 their conduct, both in the camp and in the house, 
 that they were proof against the machinations of party 
 spirit, and far above being influenced by petty consi 
 derations of private interest. But ingratitude is sup 
 posed to be characteristic of republics. It is well 
 known that the very individuals, who extolled with 
 enthusiasm, the measures adopted by general Jack 
 son, early in the campaign, while the enemy was ho 
 vering on our coast, became his malignant traducers, 
 
 * Tacit. Annal. 1. 3. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 207 
 
 when the clanger was over, and they could enjoy the 
 fruits of hisvforesight and energy, to which the coun 
 try owes its safety. 
 
 On the 4th of February, Col. Edward Livingston 
 was sent by general Jackson with a flag of truce, for 
 the purpose of negociating a cartel for the general ex 
 change of prisoners (those of the navy not being yet 
 exchanged) and of endeavouring at the same time to 
 obtain the restitution of the negroes carried off by the 
 British, at the time of their evacuation. To under 
 stand this matter, it is necessary to peruse the corres 
 pondence that took place on that subject, between 
 general Lambert, admiral Cochrane, and general Jack 
 son. (See Appendix, No. 38.) 
 
 The exchange of prisoners was agreed on and ar 
 ranged to the satisfaction of both parties. As to the 
 negroes, general Lambert and admiral Cochrane in 
 flexibly adhered to the principle they had laid down, 
 that they could not be restored, without their own 
 consent. (See Appendix, No. 38.) 
 
 SECOND ATTACK OF FORT BOWYER. 
 
 THE British army having entirely abandoned the 
 banks of the Mississippi, and those of the bayou Bien- 
 venu, proceeded towards Mobile point. The officers 
 who commanded the expedition had conceived hopes 
 of taking fort Bowyer, situate at the extremity of 
 that point, in an advantageous position, as I have al 
 ready observed, for commanding the entrance of Mo 
 bile; but incapable, in its present condition, of defend 
 ing the point, or preventing the enemy s becoming 
 master of the peninsula. 
 
208 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 After having suffered such signal and unforeseen 
 reverses, the honour of the British arms seemed to 
 require that their troops should achieve some exploit 
 that might compensate, at least, for what could not be 
 retrieved, and afford some consolation to the wounded 
 pride of Britain. Every disposition, therefore, was 
 made that could tend to insure the success of an attack 
 on fort Bowyer. The enemy had learned by experi 
 ence, in his former attack, that that fort possessed on 
 the sea- side means of defence, which rendered it formi 
 dable to ships; and though the naval force that could 
 then be brought against it was sufficient for its speedy 
 reduction, it was not improbable but the attempt would 
 cost the enemy the loss of part of his squadron. He 
 therefore prudently determined to attack the fort by 
 land. 
 
 It has already appeared, from the account of the 
 attack made on it on the 15th of September, that fort 
 Bowyer "was so weak on the land-side, as to be inca 
 pable of defence against any considerable force. 
 
 On the 6th of February the British fleet was 
 descried off Dauphine island. On the 7th, at nine 
 o clock in the morning, it separated into several divi 
 sions. Twenty-five vessels anchored about five miles 
 from the fort, in a circular position, extending from 
 Dauphine island towards the peninsula of the Mobile. 
 Thirteen ships of the line, or frigates, came to anchor 
 about one mile from the land, in a line parallel with 
 the coast, and at the distance of about two miles and 
 a half from the back of the fort. In the afternoon se 
 veral barges were perceived on the look out, near 
 Dauphine island. They returned to their several ships 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 209 
 
 towards sunset. A few boats however still conti 
 nued, during that night, to keep up an incessant conv 
 munication with the different ships of the fleet. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 8th the enemy land 
 ed his troops, to the number of five thousand men, 
 opposite the anchoring ground. They encamped a 
 nearly an equal distance from both shores of the pe 
 ninsula, which in that part is only about half a mile 
 in breadth. Their camp was covered, on the side ad 
 joining the continent, by two batteries erected half a 
 mile from the encampment. The battery on the 
 north side (marked B on the Map, plate No. 9.) 
 mounted two field pieces, and was protected by two 
 hundred men; the pieces were mounted behind a 
 simple parapet, in front of which was a ditch that 
 communicated with a lagoon, extending over two 
 thirds of the breadth of the isthmus. The remaining 
 .space, as far as the shore of the ocean, was cut by a 
 trench, and covered with an epaulment, behind which 
 were mounted four pieces of cannon, (marked A on 
 the Map) and protected by a detachment of three hun 
 dred men. By the erection of these two batteries, fort 
 Bowyer was completely cut off from receiving any 
 succours by land; and even could they have been 
 taken, it would still have been necessary to force the 
 camp, in order to arrive at the fort. Four gun- boats, 
 which the enemy had taken from us at Malheureux 
 island, were at anchor close to the shore, and covered 
 the two extremities of the camp on the side of the 
 gulf. On the opposite shore, within the bay, several 
 barges and boats served to keep up a constant com 
 munication with Dauphine island, On the east point 
 , Be 
 
210 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 of that island, opposite the fort, was stationed general 
 Kean s division, for the purpose of re-enforcing the 
 principal camp, or of acting on any other point, as oc 
 casion might require. Towards noon the enemy 
 caused a number of riflemen, and some other detach 
 ments, to advance towards the fort to a considerable 
 distance from his camp. A few discharges of cannon 
 stopped" their progress, and forced them to seek shel 
 ter behind sand hillocks, or in ditches. Our riflemen 
 fired on several of the British sentinels, of whom 
 one was killed. About nine in the evening a body of 
 troops was seen advancing towards the fort, and was 
 likewise forced to retire by a few discharges of our 
 cannon. 
 
 On the 9th, at break of day, it was discovered 
 that the enemy had begun to cut a trench parallel to 
 the curtain on the north side; and shortly after a brisk 
 fire of artillery was directed against his works, which 
 he had already advanced to the length of one hundred 
 and fifty yards. The extremity of the trench was per 
 pendicular to the shore of the bay, and joined the 
 downs, that skirted the whole compass of the peninsu 
 la, so that the enemy, in following the shore between, 
 the downs and the sea, had a communication from his 
 camp to the trench, secure from all danger. He had 
 stationed in the trench 750 riflemen, who, during the 
 whole time of the siege, kept up, day and night, a 
 fire of musketry, directed chiefly against our artillery 
 men, who could not show themselves at the em 
 brasure without being immediately assailed with a 
 shower of bullets. Notwithstanding the constant fire 
 from our cannon, the enemy succeeded in erecting 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 batteries on the sandy mound that commands the 
 fort. At noon some shells were thrown into the 
 trench, which partly dispersed the soldiers stationed 
 there; after which our riflemen dislodged almost all 
 the others. Two ships now anchored between Mo 
 bile point and Dauphine island, and several boats full 
 of men were passing and repassing the whole day 
 between Dauphine island and Navy cove, lying at the 
 distance of three miles from the back of fort Bow- 
 yer, behind the British camp. About two in the af 
 ternoon the enemy was employed in cutting down 
 and levelling the summit of the great mound; a few 
 discharges from the battery of the right flank dispers 
 ed them, and in the course of the afternoon, the other 
 parties at work were much incommoded by our 
 bombs and shells. Two barges having approached 
 the fort, were received with several discharges of can 
 non, which obliged them to return towards Dauphine 
 island. The fire of our artillery and musketry was 
 incessant the whole day until sunset. 
 
 During the 10th, the enemy continued his works, 
 notwithstanding the fire from the artillery of the fort. 
 His riflemen were also engaged with ours, while his 
 barges were employed in transporting troops from 
 Dauphine island to Navy cove. Another trench had 
 been commenced on the south fshore, at the dis 
 tance of three hundred yards, so as to be made, 
 without much difficulty, to unite with that on the 
 north side. Had the siege been protracted, these two 
 trenches would have completely invested the fort. 
 On the 1 1th, by break of day, it was discovered that 
 during the night the enejny had advanced his works 
 
212 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 to within forty yards of the ditch of the fort, which 
 was now completely hemmed in on its two sides be 
 hind. He had also completed the establishment of 
 his batteries, erected at the distance of from three 
 hundred yards to five hundred yards from the fort, 
 whose rear batteries began to play. We hoped to 
 have dislodged him from the advantageous posi 
 tion he had taken; but after having for some time kept 
 up a very brisk fire, we found our expectations frus 
 trated by the parapets of his batteries, which were 
 from fifteen to eighteen feet thick. By this time he 
 had mounted on his battery, eight howitzers, two 
 mortars, four eighteen pounders, with other pieces 
 of inferior calibre. 
 
 About 10 o clock, a white flag was seen flying on 
 the back of the trench; it was answered from the fort, 
 and a suspension of hostilities took place, Lieutenant- 
 colonel Lawrence then received from major-general 
 Lambert, a summons to capitulate; on which he de 
 sired all the officers of the garrison to repair to his 
 quarters, where he laid before them the articles of 
 capitulation proposed, and for an answer to which on 
 ly half an hour was allowed. That term was indeed 
 prol6nged until noon; but the enemy required the 
 surrender of the fort that very evening; which article 
 being rejected, it was finally agreed that the garrison 
 should march out next day at noon. (For articles of 
 capitulation, see Appendix, No. 39.) 
 
 Next day, 12th of February, the garrison evacu 
 ated the fort, agreeably to the capitulation, and the 
 evacuation was completely effected by two o clock in 
 the afternoon. The troops were embarked on board 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 213 
 
 three ships of the line, where the officers and soldiers 
 were treated with all the civilities due to brave men, 
 forced to comply with the resistless exigency of cir 
 cumstances. 
 
 The loss sustained by the garrison during the 
 siege, amounted only to one man killed, and ten 
 wounded, among the latter was the brave commander. 
 The besiegers had about forty men killed or wound 
 ed. 
 
 From this circumstantial account of the taking of 
 fort Bowyer, the impartial reader will see that the 
 brave garrison who defended it, being left to their 
 own resources, deprived of all communication, and 
 cut off from all hope of receiving relief, exerted all 
 the means in their power to defend the fort intrusted 
 to them; never failing to annoy the enemy, when he 
 came within the range of their guns. What could 
 they do more? What useful purpose could it have 
 answered to expose themselves to a bombardment in 
 a fort entirely constructed of timber, so combustible 
 that a single shell falling within the parapet, would 
 have sufficed to set the whole fort on fire? Attacked 
 on the land side, what defence could they make 
 against sixteen pieces of artillery, within so short a 
 distance, behind strong intrenchments, that in less 
 than half an hour would have battered down the para 
 pets of the fort, on that side not more than three feet 
 thick, above the platforms? 
 
 As no part of the fort was bomb proof, the am- 
 munition was exposed, nor could even the wounded 
 be sheltered; so that they with the whole garrison 
 might have been destroyed by an explosion. The 
 
214 HISTORICAL 
 
 ground did not here present the advantages enjoyed 
 by fort Plaquemine. A firm soil mixed with shells, 
 that resisted the pressure of cannon without platforms, 
 not yielding to the bombs, dreadful must have been 
 the effects of their explosion; for all military men will 
 agree that without casemates, no garrison can hold 
 out against a regular bombardment. But it may be 
 asked, why was no attempt made to dismount the 
 enemy s batteries, as soon as they were successively 
 erected? It has already been seen, that nothing had 
 been neglected to that effect by the garrison, but that 
 all their efforts were vain. Besides, the enemy had 
 worked chiefly by night, and it was also during the 
 night that he had mounted his artillery. It has been 
 seen that the parapets of his batteries were from fif 
 teen to eighteen feet thick, of hard sand, as firm as 
 any kind of earth; and the inside was formed of sacks 
 laid on one another. Could the slightest doubt still 
 remain on this subject, I think it would be sufficient 
 to remove it, to know that the mortars were esta 
 blished as is usual, on the most solid ground. Seven 
 pieces of cannon, of which three were nine-pounders, 
 three twelves and one twenty-four, were all the garri 
 son had to oppose to the enemy on the side where the 
 attack was directed. It may be said that the gar 
 rison might, during the night, have made sorties, 
 have carried the enemy s cannon, and have destroyed 
 his works. All this may indeed be effeqted with 
 adequate forces; but this garrison s effective force 
 amounted to no more than three hundred and twen 
 ty men fit for service. It was surely impossible with 
 so small a force to cross a trench which already com- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 215 
 
 mended the gate of the fort, and was guarded by about 
 one thousand men, through which our troops must 
 have cut their way, before they could arrive at batte 
 ries well manned, with powerful succours ready to 
 re-enforce them. Any attempt of that kind, by a gar 
 rison of three hundred and twenty men, against an 
 army of five thousand, which would within a fewhours 
 receive are-enforcement of three thousand men, would 
 certainly have been rather a culpable act of folly, than 
 a laudable instance of valour. The brave garrison of 
 fort Bowyer did, upon the whole, their duty, and all 
 that could have been expected of them under such 
 circumstances. Major-general Lambert testified to 
 colonel Livingston, then on mission at his head 
 quarters, his warm approbation of the conduct of 
 colonel Lawrence, adding, that under similar circum 
 stances, he should not think it derogatory to his ho 
 nour to act as that officer had done. 
 
 On the arrival of colonel Lawrence at New Or 
 leans, it was directed in general orders of March 25th, 
 that a court of inquiry should be held for the pur 
 pose of examining into his conduct, during the de 
 fence, and in the surrender of fort Bowyer. The 
 court having heard several witnesses, after mature de 
 liberation, declared the conduct of colonel Lawrence, 
 and that of the garrison under his command, no way 
 reprehensible. (See Appendix, No. 40.) 
 
 I have been more minute in relating the particu 
 lars of this affair, and have the more freely given way 
 to my own reflections on it, as in the whole course of 
 this glorious campaign, the surrender of fort Bowyer, 
 is the only instance in which the efforts of the enemy 
 
216 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 obtained any advantage. Whoever considers the dis~ 
 proportion of the forces, and the despeiutx- si-ruction 
 of the garrison, left to itself, beyond the reach of suc 
 cours; whoever asks himself the question, whether, 
 under such circumstances, he should have acted differ 
 ently, must acknowledge that the glory acquired in 
 this instance, by the troops of his Britannic majesty, 
 amounts to a very inconsiderable advantage. 
 
 The news of the success obtained over the enemy 
 on the 8th of January, diffused the greatest joy 
 throughout the union, particularly in Kentucky, the 
 governor of which state transmitted a message to the 
 legislature, recommending to them to vote a levy of 
 ten thousand militia, to march to the assistance of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 While colonel Livingston was on board the Bri 
 tish fleet, the Brazen sloop of war, arrived with in 
 telligence of the preliminaries of peace between the 
 United States and Great Britain having been signed. 
 On the 10th of February, that officer returned with 
 the gladsome tidings, which was received with univer 
 sal joy. 
 
 On this occasion, general Jackson published an 
 
 address to the army and citizens, exhorting them not 
 to let themselves be so far led away by the hopes of 
 peace founded on vague rumours, as to relax in their 
 duty; observing that, even were it certain that peace 
 had been concluded, and the treaty signed in Europe, 
 it could not be considered as putting an end to the 
 war, until ratified by the president of the United 
 States. (See the address in the Appendix, No. 41.) 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 217 
 
 After the affair of the 8th of January, some of our 
 men found on the scene of action, an elegant sword, 
 which was at first supposed merely to belong to some 
 officer; but some prisoners chancing to see it, decla 
 red it to be the sword of general Packenham, the 
 commander-in-chief. In this persuasion we were 
 confirmed, by the silence of the British officers on that 
 subject, when general Keane caused application to be 
 made to general Jackson, requesting his sword found 
 on the field, to be restored to him, as he set a fond 
 value on it, being the present of a friend. General 
 Jackson accordingly gave the sword in charge to co 
 lonel Livingston, who went with the flag of truce; and 
 the colonel in person delivered it into the hands of 
 general Keane, who in return wrote to-general Jackson 
 the letter of thanks inserted in the Appendix, No* 42. 
 
 In his letter of the 17th of February, to the secre 
 tary of war, general Jackson takes notice of this inci 
 dent, with several others, as may be seen in the Appen 
 dix, No. 43. 
 
 Notwithstanding the assertion of general Keane, 
 there are still some individuals inclined to think that 
 that sword belonged to the general-in-chief, from this 
 circumstance, amongst others, that the British officers 
 who happened to be present at the delivery of it to 
 general Keane, betrayed some surprise, and appeared 
 not to have known that he had lost his sword; and 
 hence they infer that the mystery in this affair, arose 
 from a persuasion that, had it been known to us that 
 the sword belonged to the commander-in-chief, it 
 would have been retained as a trophy. 
 
 F f 
 
218 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 About this period, the exchange of prisoners, and 
 the claiming of the negroes carried off by the British, 
 gave rise to a very animated correspondence between 
 general Jackson, admiral Cochrane, and general Lam 
 bert. (See these letters in the Appendix, No. 44.) 
 
 On the 24th of February, general Jackson an 
 nounced to the secretary of war, the surrender of fort 
 Bowyer. (See Appendix, No. 45.) The opinion 
 which the general expresses in his letter, as to 
 the conduct of the garrison, was founded on mis 
 information; and he afterwards rendered justice 
 to those brave men, as soon as he was correctly 
 informed of the circumstances which had obliged 
 them to capitulate. It has already been seen, in the 
 account of the second attack on fort Bowyer, that 
 a court martial honourably acquitted colonel Lau 
 rence and the garrison he commanded, declaring their 
 conduct irreproachable. 
 
 Four hundred prisoners had set out from New 
 Orleans for the Balize, agreeably to the arrange 
 ments entered into by admiral Cochrane with colonel 
 Livingston: the remaining prisoners, daily expected 
 from Natchez, were to be sent immediately on their 
 arrival. Of this, the general informed general Lam 
 bert, by a letter of the 26th. (See Appendix, No. 46.) 
 On the 6th of March, general Jackson informed 
 general Lambert, that he had reason to believe that 
 the treaty of peace had been ratified by the president 
 and senate of the United States; but that, owing to 
 some mistake committed in the postmaster- general s 
 office, the packet addressed to him on that subject, 
 had not come to his hands. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 219 
 
 The British commanders having promised to af 
 ford to the owners of the negroes who had followed 
 them, every facility towards their prevailing on them 
 to return, general Jackson made known to general 
 Lambert, on the 7th of March, that he had given per 
 mission to a certain number of the owners of those 
 negroes, to go to the British fleet with a flag of truce; 
 and his letter concludes with a request to the British 
 general, to restore the negroes. (See Appendix, 
 No. 47.) 
 
 On the 8th of March, general orders were pub 
 lished, discharging the levy in mass, from all further 
 service. (See Appendix, No. 48.) 
 
 At length general Jackson received the official 
 confirmation of the ratification of the treaty of peace, 
 and immediately communicated the intelligence to 
 the commander of the British forces, by a letter of 
 the 13th of March, which he transmitted by major 
 Woodruff of the 3d regiment of infantry, who was 
 appointed to receive the restitution of fort Bpwyer, 
 and such other posts and property of the United 
 States, as might be in the possession of the British. 
 (See that letter and major Woodruff s instructions in 
 the Appendix, No. 49.) 
 
 In general orders of the same day, the command 
 er- in-chief announced to the army, the ratification of 
 the treaty of peace, revoking the general orders rela 
 tive to martial law, ordering a final cessation of hos 
 tilities against Great Britain, and proclaiming a gene 
 ral pardon for all military offences, and the enlargement* 
 of all persons confined for the same* (Sec Appendix, 
 No. 50.) 
 
220 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 By general orders of the following day, all the 
 militia sent by the different states to the assistance of 
 Louisiana, as also the militia of this latter state, were 
 discharged. (See Appendix, No. 51.) 
 
 The treaty of peace concluded at Ghent, on the 
 14th of December, between the plenipotentiaries of 
 the United States and those of Great Britain, is insert 
 ed at large in the Appendix, No. 52. Its construction 
 having been a subject of discussion between general 
 Jackson and the British commander- in- chief, I have 
 thought that its insertion here would not be consider 
 ed out of place. 
 
 I have likewise deemed proper to insert an ad 
 dress presented to general Jackson, by the different 
 volunteer companies composing Plaudit s battalion, 
 with the general s answer. The sentiments express 
 ed in these documents do honour to those from whom 
 the}* proceed. The address was presented to the 
 general, immediately after a review which took place 
 on the 16th of March on the lines. About to bid 
 Hi re well to his brethren in arms, he wished once 
 more to behold those brave men drawn up on the 
 very ground that had so often been witness of their 
 valour, and of the patience with which they en 
 dured extreme hardship. The time, the place, the 
 crowd of spectators, all conspired to present an in 
 teresting spectacle, and to awaken affecting recol 
 lections. On that very ground where, two months 
 before, those brave troops had given such signal 
 proofs of courage and of love for their country, they 
 were now r assembled to bid farewell to one another, 
 and seal with assurances of lasting attachment a 
 friendship contracted in the midst of alarms. General 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 221 
 
 Gaines, who was about to assume the immediate com 
 mand of that part of the district, commanded the evo 
 lutions, which were executed by the 3d, the 7th, and 
 the 44th regiments of infantry, and by majorPlauche s 
 battalion of volunteers. (See Appendix, No. 53.) 
 
 General Jackson wrote to the secretary of war, ac 
 knowledging the receipt of his letter of the 16th of 
 the preceding month, by which he had announced to 
 him the ratification of the preliminaries of peace, and 
 informing the secretary that he had discharged all the 
 militia. (See the general s letter in the Appendix, 
 No. 54.) 
 
 Major Woodruff having returned from the mis 
 sion on which he had been sent to the commander of 
 the British forces, made his report to general Jack 
 son, which will be found in the Appendix, No. 55. 
 It appears from that report, that, as to the long agi 
 tated question of slaves, the British constantly refused 
 to consider them as personal property, and seemed 
 inclined to leave them at their own disposal. Hence 
 it follows, that they took upon themselves to give 
 them their freedom. Surely such maxims can find 
 no support in the law of nations. It is evident from 
 the report, that general Lambert refused to execute 
 that part of the treaty of peace entered into by the 
 two nations, which extended to the restitution of 
 slaves, under the general description of property. 
 He pretended to construe it otherwise, but how could 
 a British commander-in-chief take upon himself to 
 ex plain a way the plain and obvious meaning of a solemn 
 treaty? 
 
 The truth is, that though a portion of the negroes 
 carried off, enjoy amongst the British a condition 
 
222 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 nearly equivalent to freedom, yet it is well known 
 that a great number of them were prevailed upon to 
 enlist in their black regiments, and a still greater 
 number were sent to the island of Trinidad and New- 
 Providence. Though the importation of foreign ne 
 groes into Jamaica is prohibited, yet it is notorious 
 that they are imported thither clandestinely; and it has 
 been asserted, not without some appearance of foun 
 dation, that numbers of the negroes, carried off from 
 Georgia and Louisiana, found their way to that island 
 through the means of fraudulent practices. 
 
 In his letter of the 18th general Lambert uses 
 this pitiful subterfuge that he considers the negroes 
 either as deserters, having come over of their own 
 accord, or as property taken and carried off in the 
 course of the war. 
 
 He observes that he cannot abandon to the seve 
 rity of their masters, slaves who had come over to 
 the army during the existence of hostilities, and had 
 thus become criminal in the eye of the law of the 
 country. (See that letter in the Appendix, No. 56.) 
 
 This pretext is the more specious, as it appears 
 to be founded on a humane and generous principle. 
 But the reader must know that general Jackson 
 had obtained from the masters of the slaves their 
 word of honour, that they would grant them a full 
 and entire pardon; and that the known honour of 
 those planters leaving him no room to doubt of the 
 strict performance of their promise, he had pledged 
 himself to general Lambert that the slaves should suf 
 fer no manner of ill treatment on their return. 
 
 The importance cf the services rendered to the 
 union by the army under the command of major- ge 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 223 
 
 neral Jackson, in Louisiana, was duly appreciated by 
 the whole people of the United States, and the sue- 
 cesses obtained at New Orleans were celebrated with 
 public rejoicings in every town. The spirit of the 
 nation exulted in the glorious achievement of her de 
 fenders. The newspapers were, for some months, 
 filled with addresses presented, and speeches deliver 
 ed on the occasion. The legislatures of most of the 
 states voted their thanks to general Jackson, and the 
 army under his command, for the service they had 
 rendered to the union. Those votes have appear- 
 ed in so many of the public prints, that it is not 
 necessary to annex them to this work. But I have 
 thought proper to insert in the Appendix some reso 
 lutions of congress, relative to the campaign of Loui 
 siana, as being the collective expression of the senti 
 ments of the several states. (See Appendix, No. 57.) 
 
 In one of these resolutions, the congress tenders 
 its thanks to the army and its general, and requests 
 the president to cause a medal to be struck, orna 
 mented with suitable devices, commemorative of the 
 victories over the English, in Louisiana, and to pre 
 sent it to general Jackson. 
 
 If ever, at any important period, the representa 
 tives of the people were faithful interpreters of the 
 public feeling, it was at this moment. The nation 
 had already appreciated the services of its defenders, 
 and had distinctly expressed its sentiments; the con 
 gress did nothing more than give them body and 
 shape, and convey them to posterity in an authentic 
 and permanent form. 
 
224 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 These resolutions were communicated to the 
 army, and received by the different corps with the 
 most lively emotions of joy and gratitude. These 
 brave men were about to return to their fire- sides and 
 the objects of their affection. They bore with them 
 a conviction highly flattering to freemen that of 
 having contributed to strengthen the independence 
 of their country, to procure for it an honourable 
 peace, and to establish its military glory on an imper 
 ishable basis: they had surpassed the expectations 
 of the nation, and this day received its thanks through 
 its representatives: they could desire nothing more. 
 
 I have above remarked that immediately after the 
 departure of the English troops from the shores of the 
 Mississippi, abody of Kentucky militia was encamped 
 on the plantation of Dupre, and the remainder on the 
 right bank of the river. Those from Tennessee, un - 
 der the orders of generals Carrol and Coffee, resum 
 ed their former encampment, on the plantation of 
 Avart. The commanding general had thus wisely 
 disposed them, that in case of need he might easily 
 transfer them to such points of the coast as the ene 
 my should invade. The troops occupied those posts 
 until the disbanding of the army, which took place, 
 as we have seen above, when general Jackson receiv 
 ed the ratification of the treaty of peace by our go 
 vernment: they then took up the line of march for 
 their respective states. The loss they had sustained 
 during the campaign was very inconsiderable; and we 
 should thank providence that our triumphs were achiev 
 ed, at the expense of so small a portion of the usual 
 afflictions of war: yet, these undaunted soldiers, who 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 225 
 
 were able to overwhelm the enemy with so destruc 
 tive a fire, and to bear the incessant fatigues of the 
 campaign, were obliged to pay a severe tribute to the 
 climate of Louisiana. The hardships they were obli 
 ged to undergo, in the duties of a camp, within Jack 
 son s lines, added to the unhealthiness of a constant 
 ly wet soil, caused them to contract pernicious fevers 
 and dysenteries, which soon became epidemical. The 
 effect of these disorders were speedily seen and ter 
 ribly felt: in the space of one month five hundred 
 men perished in this way! Let us drop a tear to the 
 memory :of these noble fellows! May their virtues 
 ever live in our memory. They lived long enough 
 to glory and their country, which they freed from its 
 enemies; but they did not live long enough to receive 
 the recompense of their toils, to enjoy, in the midst 
 of domfestic enjoyments, that felicity, which they had 
 secured to others, and had thus acquired a right to 
 expect for themselves. 
 
 After the capitulation of fort Bowyer, the English 
 army preserved its encampments on Dauphine island 
 and at Mobile pouit. General Lambert and admiral 
 Cochrane, waiting an official communication of the 
 ratification of the treaty of peace, by the president 
 of the United States, made the necessary preparations 
 for the embarkation of their troops: -but, the ex- 
 change of prisoners, and the difficulty of procuring a 
 sufficiency of water, for a long voyage, occupied much 
 time, and rendered the embarkation tedious and pain 
 ful. Want of provisions obliged the commissaries of 
 the English army to purchase them at New Orleans, 
 where they were obliged to put them in boats, wht*h 
 
226 HISTORICAL MEM Oil . 
 
 carried them to the fleet, where they were distribu 
 ted among the transports. 
 
 These dispositions occupied much time, during 
 which the mortality among their troops, and espe 
 cially the black regiments was very great. The 
 number of sick and wounded in the fleet is estimated 
 at two thousand; but ft is impossible to ascertain 
 correctly the number of the victims of disease, from 
 the 19th of January until the end of March, the time 
 of evacuation by the army. Judging from the num 
 ber of graves around their camps, it certainly was 
 considerable. We cannot but regret the lot of these 
 unfortunate victims of the ambition of the British 
 government. Those poor creatures, whose bodies 
 are entombed on the shores of Louisiana, were but 
 passive instruments which were broken in the hands 
 of those who used them. They died in a foreign 
 land, but they have, doubtless, left somewhere friends 
 and relations to whom they were dear; and who will 
 never have even the sad consolation of shedding a 
 mournful tear on their graves. 
 
 During the stay of the English prisoners at New 
 Orleans, a fact occurred, which I shall detail circum 
 stantially, in order to counteract the effect of any 
 statement that may be made, unfavourable to the 
 American nation. General Jackson, presuming that, 
 after their departure from the waters of the Missis 
 sippi, the English would attempt to carry Mobile, 
 and establish themselves on the Dauphine and Ship 
 islands, made the proper dispositions to repel them. 
 Among other measures to this end, he authorized 
 Humbert to form a legion, and permitted him 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 227 
 
 to enrol in it all the English deserters who were wil 
 ling to enter the service. Prudence requiring that 
 they should be carefully watched, it became necessa 
 ry, for want of a proper place, to confine some of them 
 among the prisoners of war. When the hero of 
 Castlebar issued a proclamation, addressed princi 
 pally to the Irish, inviting the deserters to enter his 
 legion, some prisoners of that nation requested to 
 be also admitted; and unfortunately, the officer charg 
 ed with the recruiting service, from ignorance or 
 mistake enlisted some of them. General Jackson, as 
 soon as this circumstance was made known to him, 
 ordered that the prisoners should be remitted to 
 prison, with their companions, and when an exchange 
 took place, they were, to their great regret, delivered 
 up with the others. Fearing, however, lest these 
 men. on their arrival, should be severely punished, 
 general Jackson interceded in their behalf, with ge 
 neral Lambert, (see Appendix, No. 58,) who an- 
 swered, that in respect to him, the conduct of those 
 prisoners should not be noticed in any manner. (See 
 his letter, dated February 27, Appendix, No. 44.) 
 
 The legislature of Louisiana passed a resolution 
 expressive of their sense of the good conduct of cer 
 tain individuals, as well as of the patriotic zeal dis 
 played by the citizens of certain parts of the state, at 
 the time of invasion by the enemy. (See Appendix y 
 No. 59.) This article needs no comment. It is suf 
 ficient for me to recommend it to the attention of 
 the reader, who will here have occasion to remark 
 what I have, in the course of this work, had the plea 
 sure of announcing that, at this memorable crisis, 
 
228 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 all the inhabitants of Louisiana, without distinction 
 of birth, colour, age, or sex, vied in zeal for the ser 
 vice of their country, and strained every nerve to re 
 pulse the enemy. 1 pass no encomium on the con 
 duct of the people of this state, while the enemy oc 
 cupied a portion of their territory. I am convinced 
 that they attach to their actions no merit but that of 
 doing their duty; and that the satisfaction they deriv 
 ed from this source was an ample reward; but these 
 citizens have been calumniated; they were consider 
 ed, for a long time, as suspicious members of the 
 American family, and as persons who could not be 
 relied on; disposed, in fact, to receive, if not with 
 joy, at least with indifference, such other form of go 
 vernment as the fate of war, or the train of political 
 events might subject them to. It was not by words, 
 that those meritorious citizens vindicated their cha 
 racter; but by the best proofs of devotion to their 
 country, by defending it faithfully, and by valiant^ 
 ly repelling the invading enemy. Their conduct 
 throughout this campaign is the most emphatic re 
 futation of the unjust charges ctf their calumniators. 
 
 Mention is made, in this resolution, of the assist 
 ance received from the council of the city of Orleans, 
 by those families, whose principals, being employed 
 in the service of their country could not minister 
 to their wants. I shall merely add, that more than 
 thirty-four thousand rations of bread, and nearly 
 thirteen thousand of meat, were distributed, to the 
 most necessitous, in the space of about a month. 
 
 The artillery and engineering service received 
 very important assistance from the officers of the 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 229 
 
 mayoralty. I have frequently witnessed their zeal 
 in availing themselves of immediate resources, and 
 even creating new ones, to hasten the transportation 
 of materials, munitions, and provisions. 
 
 I must be permitted to add to the enumeration 
 of acts of zeal and devotion, noticed in this resolu 
 tion, an example of patriotism, worthy to be com 
 pared with the most brilliant instances of the same 
 kind recorded in ancient histories. Madame De- 
 vance Bienvenu, a respectable widow, and rich inha 
 bitant of Atakapas, after sending her four sons to the 
 defence of their country, in captain Dubuclay s com 
 pany of dragoons, wrote to governor Claiborne, that 
 she sincerely regretted having no other sons to offer 
 to her country, but that, if her own services, in the 
 duty of taking care of the wounded, should be thought 
 useful, notwithstanding her advanced age, and the 
 great distance of her residence, she would hasten to 
 New Orleans for that purpose. 
 
 General Jackson, in his correspondence with the 
 secretary at war, did not fail to notice the conduct of 
 the " corsairs of Barataria," who were, as we have 
 already seen, employed in the artillery service. In 
 the course of the campaign they proved, in an une 
 quivocal manner, that they had been misjudged by 
 the enemy, who, a short time previous to the invasion 
 of Louisiana had hoped to enlist them in his cause. 
 Many of them were killed or wounded in defence 
 of the country. Their zeal, their courage, and their 
 skill, were remarked by the whole army, who could 
 no longer consider such brave men as criminals, or 
 avoid wishing their permanent return to duty and the 
 
230 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 favour of the government. These favourable senti 
 ments were expressed by the legislature of the state, 
 in a memorial to the president, and general Jackson 
 added his and those of the army. The chief magis> 
 trate of our government yielded to these interces 
 sions, and issued a proclamation, by which he granted 
 a full and complete pardon to all those who, having 
 formerly violated the laws of the United States, by 
 smuggling at Barataria, had aided, during the cam 
 paign, in repulsing the enemy, and should produce 
 a certificate, to this effect, from the governor of Loui 
 siana. He likewise ordered a suspension of all pro* 
 ceedings against their persons and property, as well as 
 the restitution of whatever might have been sequestrat 
 ed. This proclamation, written in a noble and dignified 
 style, is fraught with the true principles of philan 
 thropy: a perusal of it cannot fail to afford pleasure. 
 (It will be found in the Appendix, No. 60.) 
 
 On the 23d of December, 1814, when the ene 
 my approached the banks of the Mississippi, near 
 the plantation of major-general Villere, after having 
 taken prisoners the men who composed the detach 
 ment sent to the village of the Catalans, major Villere, 
 his son, of the third regiment of Louisiana militia, had 
 the immediate command of the post, formed at his 
 father s plantation; and it was he who sent the de 
 tachment to the village, two days previous to the 
 arrival of the enemy. Although it is to be regretted, 
 that he had not placed some intermediate posts be 
 tween this village and the Mississippi, which might 
 have discovered the enemy, and given notice of his 
 approach, by the discharge of small arms or rpcketSj 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 231 
 
 we must, in justice to major Villere affirm, that he 
 does not deserve the reproaches inserted by some 
 malignant or inconsiderate persons, in the different 
 gazettes of the union. In his correspondence with 
 the secretary at war, general Jackson has borne tes 
 timony to the good conduct of this officer, and the 
 legislature, in the resolution, inserted in the Appen 
 dix, No. 59, notices the presence of mind, the ad 
 dress, and the courage, which he displayed in escap 
 ing the enemy, in a manner, almost miraculous, and 
 returned to give intelligence of their approach. The 
 decision of the court-martial held to examine the con 
 duct of major Villere, who produced, however, no 
 testimony in his own favour, will be found in the 
 Appendix, No. 61. 
 
 If it were not presumptuous to form a conjecture 
 as to the unfortunate circumstance of the arrival of the 
 enemy on the shores of the Mississippi, unperceived 
 by us, I should be inclined to attribute it to the capture 
 of our gun-boats, by which we were deprived of the 
 means of following his movements, and observing the 
 point to which his attack was directed. If, as 1 have 
 before remarked, in the narration of this affair, the 
 number of our vessels on the lakes had been propor 
 tioned to the extent of ceast we had to defend, the com 
 mander of the station, commodore Patterson, possess 
 ing an accurate knowledge of local circumstances, 
 could have so disposed them, as to give timely notice 
 of the approach of the enemy. 
 
 The momentary success of the English, on the 
 8th of January, on the right bank of the river, requir 
 ed an examination of the conduct of many officers of 
 
232 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 the Louisiana and of the Kentucky militia under the 
 command of colonel Davis. In my narrative of the 
 events of that day, I have endeavoured to remove 
 unfavourable impressions, as to these troops, as well 
 as to free the Kentuckians from the charges advanc 
 ed against them, I take the liberty of saying, with 
 unjustifiable precipitation. If a shadow of doubt 
 remain in the mind of the reader, on this subject, the 
 decision of the court of inquiry, will, I think, re 
 move it entirely. (See Appendix, No. 62.) 
 
 By order of commodore Patterson, a court of in 
 quiry was convened at New Orleans, for the purpose 
 of hearing several testimonies relative to the conduct 
 of lieutenant Jones, comrrianding the division of gun 
 boats, captured on the 14th December, by a flotilla 
 of English barges. The report of this court, con 
 taining minute details of the conduct of the officers, 
 and of the crews of the gun-boats, as well as an ac 
 count of the manner in which the attack was made, 
 cannot fail to interest the reader. (See Appendix, 
 No. 63.) 
 
 So many various estimates have been made of 
 the force of the British army which came to Louisi 
 ana, that it would be very difficult to ascertain which 
 is the most correct; I have,- however, procured a 
 very circumstantial one, including the names of the 
 different corps with those of their commanders, and 
 the amount of their respective force, which I have 
 inserted in the Appendix, No. 64. 
 
 This document is supported by a letter from Dr. 
 Morrell of the navy, who, having been detained 
 several weeks on board the British fleet, had many 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 233 
 
 opportunities to converse with British officers, on 
 the subject of the force of their army. The circum 
 stances related by Dr. Morrell cannot fail to be inte* 
 resting to my readers. 
 
 Under the same number of the Appendix will 
 also be found a list of the officers, composing the 
 staff of the British army at the time of its landing. 
 
 Arrived at the close of my narration of the import 
 ant events of the memorable campaign in Louisiana, 
 I consider myself bound, as a faithful historian, to in 
 sert the official reports of the commanders of the 
 British fleet and army relative to the operations of 
 the forces confided to their charge. These will be 
 found at length and in the order of their dates, in the 
 Appendix, No. 66. 
 
 No. 1 of these documents is a despatch of admiral 
 Cochrane, addressed to the board of admiralty, in 
 England, dated on board the Armide, off the Isle an 
 Chat, 16th December, 1814, and accompanied by 
 a report of captain Lockyer, relative to the capture 
 of our gun-boats, off Isle aux Malheureux, on the 
 14th of the same month. No. 2 is a report of major- 
 general Keane, addressed to the commanding gene 
 ral Packenham, dated 26th December, in which he 
 mentions the disembarkation of his troops and their 
 arrival on the banks of the Mississippi: it contains also 
 an account of the affair of the 23d December at night. 
 No. 3 is an extract of a journal kept by major For 
 rest, in the quarter-master-generaPs department, giv 
 ing a succinct account of all the transactions, from the 
 arrival of general Packenham, on the banks of the Mis 
 sissippi, on the 25th of December 1814, until the 31st 
 
 Hh 
 
234 HISTORICAL MEMOIR, 
 
 of the same month. No. 4 is a letter from major-ge 
 neral Lambert, addressed to lord Bathurst, secretary 
 of state of his Britannic majesty, dated 10th January, 
 1815, giving an account of the operations of the En 
 glish army up to this period, and particularly of the 
 unfortunate result of their attack on our line on the 8th 
 of January. No. 5 contains a report of colonel Thorn 
 ton, commanding the expedition on the right bank 
 of the river, dated January 8, and addressed to gene 
 ral Packenham (now dead) detailing the operations of 
 the troops confided to his charge, on that side. No. 
 6 is a despatch of admiral Cochrane, dated 18th Jan 
 uary 1815, addressed to the admiralty office, relating 
 principally to the service of the marines and sailors 
 up to this date. No. 7 is a despatch of general Lam 
 bert, dated 28th January 1815, addressed to lord 
 Bathurst, in which he sets forth the events posterior to 
 the 10th January; and No. 8 is another despatch 
 from the same officer to the same minister, dated 
 head- quarters, Isle Dauphine, 14th February 1815, 
 containing an account of the capture of fort Bowyer 
 on Mobile point. 
 
 The same impartiality which induces me to in 
 sert these official reports demands some observa 
 tions on the facts and circumstances comprised in 
 them. I shall follow the order in which I have placed 
 them. 
 
 In No. 1, admiral Cochrane, giving an account of 
 the capture of the gun -boats, vaunts the valour and 
 skill of his force, and augments, according to custom, 
 the difficulties surmounted. To establish a fair scale 
 of comparison between the attack and the defence. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 23S 
 
 and to appreciate justly the respective merits of the 
 conquerors and the conquered, it will be sufficient, 
 in my opinion, to compare the disproportion of our 
 forces with the strength of the enemy. 
 
 Five gun- boats, some of which were planted in 
 the mud, and, of course, unable from this circum 
 stance, in addition to that of a strong current, to 
 change their position, defended by one hundred and 
 eighty-two men, were attacked by forty-two barges 
 and lanches, some of which were as large as our 
 gun-boats, (one of those, which was sunk, carrying 
 one hundred and eighty men,) and three gigs; the 
 whole having a complement of twelve hundred men! 
 Notwithstanding this monstrous disparity of force, 
 the Americans defended themselves for an hour and 
 a half, and did not strike their flag until they had 
 destroyed more than a third of the force of the ene 
 my, who now occupied the decks of these same ves 
 sels, where the victory had been disputed, blow for 
 blow. Such is the plain fact, which the English ad 
 miral endeavours to involve in useless details, in or 
 der to divert the attention from the principal point. 
 He says also that his barges advanced to the attack 
 with the greatest resolution, in defiance of our ves 
 sels, which he calls formidable, having the advantage 
 of a chosen position, &c. Unfortunately for sir Alex 
 ander, captain Lockyer, who commanded, and was 
 wounded in this attack, and who, consequently, must 
 have been better acquainted with all that passed, ex 
 presses himself thus, in his letter, above mentioned: 
 " Fortunately, for the English flotilla , the wind failing 
 (the American vessels,} after a chase of thirty-six 
 
236 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 hours, they were obliged to come to off Isle St. Jo 
 seph." In another part of the same letter he accords 
 perfectly with the report of captain Jones, as to the 
 velocity of the current. 
 
 The admiral acknowledges that the victory cost 
 them dear; and when we consider the price, we rea 
 dily pardon some little inaccuracies. He was doubt- 
 less, too much occupied with his preparations for 
 the establishment, at Orleans, of his judges, custom 
 house officers, and others brought over for the pur 
 pose of extending the blessings of regular government 
 to recolonized Louisiana; or in preparatory arrange 
 ments for the transportation of all the cotton and su 
 gar which he expected in a few minutes to possess, 
 to give to his despatch the attention one would sup 
 pose it required. I shall make but one more remark 
 on this report. The American sloop represented as 
 carrying one six-pounder and two twelve-pound car- 
 ronades, and twenty men, had only one four-pounder 
 and eight men; and it is a fact, that this boat, which 
 we should suppose, according to the reports of these 
 gentlemen, to be of a size capable of defending her 
 self against an imposing force, was built five years 
 previous, in the navy-yard, at New Orleans, to serve 
 as a gig, for commodore Porter, then commanding 
 on that station, who caused her to be transported, on 
 a wagon, to bayou St. John, a distance of two miles, 
 where she was used for short excursions on the 
 lakes. 
 
 Captain Lockyer has also made a mistake in his 
 account of the captured gun-boats. He estimates 
 the men at two hundred and forty-five, whereas their 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 237 
 
 number was really but one hundred and eighty-two 
 effective men that is to hay, the English force was 
 to ours rather more than six to one. 
 
 No. 2 is the report of general Keane, after the 
 affair of the 23d of December. It is worthy of re 
 mark, that this paper is dated the 26th, three days af- 
 the battle. The general had then, at least, two whole 
 days to collect positive facts, and consequently, time 
 to prepare an accurate report. Let us see how far 
 he has made his conformable to truth. He says, 
 
 " When the men, much fatigued by the length of 
 time they had been in the boats, were asleep in their 
 bivouac, a heavy flanking fire of round and grape-shot 
 ivas opened upon them, by a large schooner and two 
 gun-vessels, which had dropped down the river Jrom 
 the town, and anchored abreast our fires, &V." As to 
 the schooner, the general is literally correct. The 
 fire was very lively, and well kept up. Commodore 
 Patterson, who was on board, and captain Henley, 
 who commanded the vessel, with his brave crew, 
 knew too well what was due to such distinguished 
 guests, to fail in paying them due honours; I hope 
 they do not complain of this if they do, they are 
 certainly much to blame; for, before colonel Thorn 
 ton had made those judicious dispositions, of which the 
 report speaks, to place his brigade in safety behind 
 the levee, more than one hundred of his men were 
 killed or wounded by the fire of the Carolina. But 
 what were those gun-vessels of which general Keane 
 speaks? whence came they, and who saw them? 
 There were, it is true, at that time on the waters of 
 the Mississippi, a great many very large floating trees; 
 
238 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 its surface was sometimes covered with them, and 
 I can find no other cause for this mistake of the gene- 
 ral, than in some of those drifted logs, which, in the 
 darkness of the night, he may have taken for ves 
 sels! This is not absolutely impossible; but the 
 gun- vessels that fired in company with the schooner! 
 it is indeed too much. The reader must be struck 
 with the similarity that there is between this little 
 affair and the celebrated battle of the kegs at Philadel 
 phia during the revolutionary war! If general Keane s 
 optic nerves were so affected on this memorable 
 night of the attack of the schooner and two gun- boats, 
 the reader may well expect to find his sense of hear 
 ing more acute, for it is said that nature always turns 
 the loss of one sense to the profit of the others. It ap 
 pears, however, from the report of the general, that 
 he was, at this time, as unfortunate in his hearing, as 
 we have just shown him to have been in his sight. 
 He says, that, "the enemy, favoured by the darkness of 
 the night, concealed themselves under a high fence, and 
 calling to his men, under the pretence of being apart of 
 their own force, offered to assist them in getting over" 
 Sec. The general or some of his officers, certainly 
 dreamt this; for I can affirm that no such thing oc 
 curred. The only circumstance which bore the 
 least particle of resemblance to this romance, is that 
 which I am about to relate. I leave the reader to 
 trace the similitude, and draw his inference. 
 
 It has been seen, in the narration of the affair of 
 the 23d December, that colonel Piatt, quarter- master- 
 general, advanced at the head of a detachment of the 
 7th regiment, towards the enemy, for the purpose of 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 reconnoitring and repulsing him. On reaching the 
 boundary lines of Laronde s and Lacoste s plantations, 
 the detachment was saluted by a discharge of mus 
 ketry, from an advanced- guard of the enemy, which 
 had not yet been discovered, although at a very short 
 distance; this was owing to the soldiers being placed 
 behind the fence, along both sides of the road, with 
 one knee on the ground, and in this position they 
 fired. The colonel advanced towards them, at a full 
 gallop, and called to them to turn out and fight like 
 brave men, instead of firing crouched on the ground 
 like cowardly Indians. This is the only occurrence 
 which has any relation to a fence. If this be the 
 origin of the story given us by the general, he de 
 serves great credit, for his admirable talent in dress 
 ing up a report. But let us proceed. The general 
 places under the head of simple casualty r , the loss 
 which he sustained from the fire of the schooner, and 
 which we know positively to have been more than 
 one hundred men. After supposing that the 85th regi 
 ment advanced in consequence of a pretended ruse de 
 guerre on our part, he found himself, says the report, 
 " surrounded by a superior number of the enemy ^ -who 
 ordered him to surrender" " the answer" continues 
 he, * "was an instantaneous attack. A more extraordi 
 nary conflict has, perhaps, never occurred; absolutely 
 hand to hand, both officers and men." This " superior 
 number of the enemy " was simply captain Beale s 
 company of volunteer riflemen, amounting in all to six 
 ty-two; they penetrated, as I have before mentioned, 
 into the mids ol the enemy s camp, without a bayo 
 net, and nevertheless, disarmed and took prisoners 
 
240 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 a considerable number of his men. This took place 
 within the enclosure of Lacoste s plantation, near the 
 houses. I also refer the reader to my narrative of 
 this affair to correct the mistake, which makes half of 
 the company fall into the hands of the enemy, and 
 which the general would fain attribute to the bravery 
 of his 85th regiment. 
 
 In another part of the same report, general Keane 
 makes his 93d regiment advance to charge with the 
 bayonet, keeping the 4th lc as his reserve" Here 
 there is only one single mistake, that of taking 
 an American for a British corps; it certainly was 
 Plauche s battalion, instead of his 93d regiment, of 
 which the general meant to speak; for as soon as, 
 throughout this part of our line, that is to say, from 
 the left of our right division, which was directly in 
 front of the centre, of which general Keane speaks, 
 the general shout " a la bayonnette" was given, this 
 famous centre, after making a single discharge of 
 musketry, gave way precipitately. The general may 
 have heard the word " bayonet" and supposed it pro 
 ceeded from his own mouth! Let us pass over this 
 mistake. I must, however, remark, that general 
 Keane s watch was probably regulated for another 
 meridian than that of Louisiana, since it was only 
 half past eight o clock, when this took place, and the 
 report says it happened at half past ten. But the 
 general proceeds: " The enemy ?iow determined to 
 make a last effort, and collecting the -whole ofhisforce y 
 formed an extensive line, and moved" &c. " The 
 line drove in all advanced posts " See, 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 241 
 
 Who would not suppose, from the preceding sen 
 tence, that our little band had made a desperate and 
 general attack! The report certainly conveys this idea, 
 but it is very wide from the truth. The enemy retired 
 before our right, and the firing had ceased on both 
 sides, when general Coffee, who commanded the left 
 division, advanced and drove them before him. I re 
 fer the reader again to my narrative of this affair, and 
 to the Atlas, (plate No. 6.) I would have too much to 
 do if I were obliged to correct all the errors in point 
 of fact, and all the perversions of circumstances, con 
 tained in general Keane s report. I shall content my 
 self with remarking, that he states our force at five 
 thousand men, whereas it consisted of but nineteen 
 hundred effective; and that the engagement terminat 
 ed, not at half past twelve, as he pretends, but at half 
 past nine. The remainder of the report consists of 
 eulogies on the officers who distinguished themselves 
 in this affair. I do not pretend to say that they have 
 not merited this distinction, but I venture to affirm, 
 that if the reports of general Keane are correctly made 
 up from those handed him by the different com 
 manders of corps, these gentlemen must have been 
 under great agitation during the engagement, to com 
 mit such gross blunders. They had better have ho 
 nestly confessed that they were unprepared for the 
 scene, and that the firmness and promptitude of our 
 attack astonished and disconcerted them. But it be 
 longs only to superior minds to make such acknow 
 ledgments, and besides, an official report, composed 
 of such materials, would npt have the desired effect, 
 
 i i 
 
242} HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 and could not have been submitted to the inspection 
 of the most thinking people of England, as one of 
 their writers affects to call them. 
 
 No. 3 contains an extract from major Forrest s 
 journal, beforementioned. This extract dates the 
 loss of the schooner Carolina on the 26th, whereas 
 she blew up on the 27th: and again, the first attack 
 on our line, said to have taken place on the 27th, was 
 made on the 28th. The report of this last day is 
 given in a very succinct form. I request the reader 
 to compare it with my account. That of the 1st Jan 
 uary, 1815, is equally concise, and makes no mention 
 of the effect of our artillery upon the enemy s bat 
 teries, nor of the number of men destroyed by our 
 fire. As to the rest, this journal breathes a tone of 
 moderation honourable to its author; if it does not 
 contain the whole truth, it at least contains no direct 
 assertions in opposition to it. 
 
 No. 4 contains a despatch of major-general Lam 
 bert, on whom devolved the command of the British 
 army, after the death of general Packenham, as being 
 the next, in rank, generals Gibbs and Keane having 
 been carried oft the field of battle, severely wounded, 
 on the 8th of January. General Lambert assumed 
 the command at a critical moment, and under very 
 unfavourable auspices, and I doubt not, under cir 
 cumstances very painful to his feelings. He had a 
 melancholy duty to perform, in announcing the re 
 sult of the attack of the 8th January. His was the 
 painful task to render an account of a complete de 
 feat, to a minister of his government, to a member of 
 the same cabinet who, with the sang froid of po- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 243 
 
 iiticians, had prepared this formidable armament, 
 whose success had not even been questioned and who, 
 instead of the recital of a brilliant victory, announced 
 in anticipation, in their gazettes, as a certain event, 
 to express a doubt of which would have been an in 
 sult to the English nation, and of which, they baid 
 they awaited only the particulars this general was 
 obliged to detail a disaster the most complete, and a 
 reverse the most poignant that the British arms had 
 ever sustained in the new hemisphere. This task, 
 it must be confessed, was hard to perform, especially 
 as to the recital of an attack which had miscarried 
 so entirely, though made by numerous and experi 
 enced troops, this officer must necessarily subjoin 
 the enormous loss of his nation, in officers and men. 
 It is well known that general Lambert felt and un 
 derstood all that was disagreeable and embarrassing 
 in his situation, much better than he expressed it; 
 but upon the whole, he gives a correct account of the 
 localities and the respective positions of the troops. 
 
 Our triumph was so distinguished, that I cannot, 
 in honour, indulge in any reflections on this report. 
 If general Lambert does not give all the details of 
 an affair so disastrous to his army, if he passes slight 
 ly over many circumstances of this memorable day, 
 the body of facts that he does present, is neverthe 
 less generally correct. I shall take the liberty, how 
 ever, of rectifying two mistakes in his report. The 
 first is, where he mentions the death of the Com 
 mander-in-chief, general Packenham. It was not 
 this officer, but brigade-major Wilkinson who fell, 
 en the glacis of our line. The former was killed by 
 
244 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 grape-shot, from the twelve pounder in battery No, 
 8, while in the act of encouraging the troops, at the 
 point marked in the plan of the affair of the 8th Ja 
 nuary. (See Atlas, plate 7.) 
 
 The second and more important error, is in the 
 passage, where general Lambert says. " As they 
 (the British troops,) advanced, a continued and most 
 galling fire was opened from every part of the line" 
 &c. In my plan of this affair, I have distinguished, 
 by lines, and I venture to say, with the greatest ex 
 actness, both the extent and the direction of our fire. 
 The battalions of Plauche, Daquin, Lacoste, with 
 three-fourths of the 44th regiment, that is to say, our 
 whole centre, did not fire a single shot! Two com 
 panies of this last corps had fired two or three rounds, 
 when the officers, observing that their shot did not 
 reach the enemy, ordered them to cease firing. The 
 majority of the troops under general Coffee did not 
 fire at all, so that but one-half of our line was engag 
 ed. This is a fact for the truth of which I appeal 
 to the individual testimony of every man in our army, 
 and even to all those of the enemy who have can 
 dour enough to acknowledge an unpleasant truth. 
 
 In my account of the affair of the 8th January, 
 which I beg the reader to compare with the report 
 of general Lambert, I have forgotten to mention a 
 circumstance that reflects the highest honour on our 
 troops. I shall insert it here; and it cannot fail to 
 afford pleasure to the feeling mind. 
 
 At the time of the preceding attacks, those of 
 the 28th of December, and first of January, after our 
 artillery had silenced that of the enemy, and forced 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 245 
 
 his troops to retire, repeated huzzas from the whole 
 of our line rent the air; the most lively demonstra 
 tions of joy were everywhere exhibited by our sol 
 diers, a presage of the fate of the enemy, in a general 
 attack. On the 8th of January, on the contrary, no 
 sooner was the battle over than the roar of artillery 
 and musketry gave place to the mast profound si 
 lence. Flushed with victory, having just repulsed 
 an enemy who had advanced to scatter death in 
 their ranks, our soldiers saw, in the numerous corpses 
 that strewed the plain, only the unfortunate victims 
 of war; in the wounded and prisoners, whom they 
 hastened to attend, only suffering and unhappy men, 
 and in their vanquished enemies, brave men, worthy 
 a better cause. Elated with their success, but over 
 powered by the feelings of a generous sympathy for 
 those unfortunate victims of the ambition of their 
 masters, they disdained to insult the unfortunate by 
 an untimely exultation, and cautiously avoided any 
 expression of joy, lest they should wound the feel 
 ings of those whom the chance of battle had placed 
 in their hands. In the midst of the horrors of war, 
 humanity dwells with delightful complacency, on 
 the recital of such noble traits; they sooth the heart 
 under the pressure of adversity, and divert the mind 
 from the contemplation of ills which we can neither 
 avoid nor entirely remedy. 
 
 I have said, that the English troops advanced on 
 our line, with the greatest firmness, and I willingly 
 seize the present opportunity of adding my feeble 
 testimony of this fact to that of general Lambert. In 
 the list of killed and wounded, which is subjoined to 
 
246 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 his report, it will be remarked that the proportion of 
 officers is enormous. From this circumstance may 
 be formed a correct idea of the vigour of the attack, 
 on the part of the enemy, and of the valour with which 
 it was sustained. Independently of three general 
 officers who succumbed, on this day a great many 
 of the most distinguished families of England have 
 to deplore the loss of some of their relatives, who 
 died like heroes on the bed of honour; with such men 
 it is always glorious to be connected. 
 
 The report of general Lambert is written in the 
 same liberal and dignified style which has always 
 been remarked in his communications with general 
 Jackson and his officers. 
 
 No. 5 is the report of colonel Thornton, com 
 mander of the English troops, in the attack on the 
 right bank of the river, on the 8th of January. It is 
 addressed to general Packenham, of whose death he 
 was unadvised. The colonel in one part of this re 
 port says: " we met with no obstacle, until we reached 
 a picket , posted behind a bridge" &c. "and secured 
 by a small work , apparently just thrown up." The 
 bridge, of which he here speaks, is that over May- 
 hew s mill-race, but as for the " small work" appa 
 rently just thrown up, I really cannot conceive what 
 he means. There existed nothing of this nature, or 
 which he could consider as such, but the embank 
 ment of the canal, raised several years ago, with the 
 earth dug out of it. If colonel Thornton should ever 
 travel along the banks of the Mississippi, especially 
 below New Orleans, he will meet with many such 
 fortifications. 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 247 
 
 In the 5th plate of the Atlas, will be found a cor 
 rect view of that position, which, to colonel Thornton, 
 seemed to be " a very formidable redoubt, on the bank 
 of the river, with the right flank secured by an en 
 trenchment, extending back to a thick wood, and its 
 fine protected by an incessant flre of grape " This 
 pretended redoubt, with its entrenched flank, extended 
 but two hundred yards from the bank of the river, 
 and not to a wood, as the colonel asserts. Beyond 
 these two hundred yards, and in front of the troops 
 under colonel Davis, there was only an extension of 
 the old canal Raguet, two-thirds filled, and affording 
 no sort of shelter. I refer the reader to what I have 
 said, in this work, of the above line, and the disposi 
 tion of the troops, &c. 
 
 According to this officer s account, our troops 
 on the right bank of the river, amounted to fifteen 
 hundred; while in fact the number of our effective men 
 did not exceed eight hundred. He takes care not to 
 say, that the greater part of our pieces of artillery were 
 spiked and their ammunition thrown into the ri 
 ver: it would seem, on the contrary, that he took a 
 considerable quantity of it, which cannot be the case, 
 as commodore Patterson had taken care to destroy 
 them, and all that he got possession of were a few 
 rounds for the pieces mounted on the line, and some 
 musket cartridges. 
 
 I renew my invitation to the reader, to compare 
 every document of the enemy, with my narrative, 
 and to trace the movements on the map, as the only 
 means to arrive at the truth. 
 
248 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 No. 6 is a despatch of admiral Cochrane, to the 
 secretary of the admiralty, which gives an account 
 of the operations reported by his generals Keane and 
 Lambert, with those mentioned by major Forrest, but 
 in a more succinct manner. His letter is devoted 
 principally to the operations of the marines and sai 
 lors landed from the fleet, to aid the land service; 
 and the mention of the marine officers who had distin 
 guished themselves. Accompanying his letter is 
 one of captain Thomas Trowbridge, who command 
 ed the sailors that were disembarked, reporting fa 
 vourably the names of some of his officers whose 
 good conduct he had occasion to notice. 
 
 Admiral Cochrane also announces the bombard 
 ment of fort Plaqucmine, which he fears, has not yet 
 produced all the effect he no doubt had expected from 
 it. More than one thousand bombs had been thrown 
 at the fort but in vain. It appears, that the admi 
 ral had not sufficiently studied the quality of the soil 
 of Louisiana, when he despatched this little squadron 
 into the Mississippi, to make, as he says, a diversion; 
 but in fact, to force a passage; unfortunately, how 
 ever, for his expectations, the bravery and vigilance 
 of the garrison of fort St. Philip defeated his scheme. 
 No. 7 contains a long letter from general Lam 
 bert, addressed to lord Bathurst, detailing the move 
 ments of the British army, from the affair of the 8th 
 of January until the 28th of the same month, the day 
 after the total evacuation by their forces. In this let 
 ter, he says what is not altogether correct, viz. that 
 the army was not at all harassed, in its retreat. I have 
 given an account of the movements ordered by ge 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIft. 249 
 
 neral Jackson, to annoy the enemy, who certainly 
 feared being harassed, as is proved by his placing, in 
 the bayous, barges armed with artillery, to cover his 
 retreat, and fire on the troops sent in pursuit, which 
 they did, as I have related in this work, in its proper 
 place. The enemy also raised breastworks, in se 
 veral places, on the borders of the bayous. (See 
 Atlas, plate No. 5.) 
 
 Effectually to annoy the enemy, in his retreat, 
 we had need of boats, to descend the bayou Bien- 
 venu, sufficiently large to carry artillery. These, 
 as I have already said, we did not possess. General 
 Jackson, with men and muskets could make soldiers; 
 but he could not fabricate arms, nor supply the want 
 of a naval force. 
 
 In support of what I have advanced, as to the 
 intention of the British government, to carry on a 
 war of pillage and devastation against the United 
 States, I insert several letters which establish this 
 fact, beyond all possibility of doubt. (See Appen* 
 dix, No. 67.) Some of these letters were written 
 by superior officers, to others of similar grade; all 
 of whom would have cautiously avoided the ex 
 pression of such sentiments, had they not been assur 
 ed beforehand, that they corresponded with those of 
 their government. I shall abstain from all reflection 
 on these letters- they speak for themselves. Com 
 ment upon them might subject me to the charge of 
 wishing to influence the opinion of my readers res 
 pecting documents which are alone sufficient to give 
 a finish to the picture of the enemy with whom \v<i 
 had to contend. 
 
 K k 
 
250 HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 
 
 In the above review of the British official reports, 
 I have been guided by that strict regard to truth 
 and that severe impartiality, to which an historian is 
 ever bound to adhere and should never lose sight of. 
 The reader may compare for himself and form his 
 own opinion. He will also observe, that these re 
 ports are written in a style of decorum and modesty, 
 by no means usual with the enemy, previous to this 
 period. It appears to have been reserved for the 
 British officers, to be taught on the shores of the 
 Mississippi, to know a nation, who, neither in the 
 course nor at the commencement of this struggle, had 
 ever any cause for self reproach, but who, on the 
 contrary, had given many proofs of her patience in 
 enduring the repeated and long-continued injustice 
 of the English, and was, at length obliged to redress 
 her grievances by the sword. 
 
 Far from me be the wish of recriminating fur 
 ther on the conduct of the British in the war which is 
 now happily closed by a peace, honourable to both 
 nations. I shall terminate this work, by offering up, 
 in -common with all good citizens, my prayer to hea 
 ven that it may long endure, and the effusions of my 
 gratitude to divine Providence, for the protection, 
 which has encouraged and supported us through the 
 glorious struggle. The unexampled prosperity, to 
 which America has attained, notwithstanding the ob 
 stacles inseparable from a state of warfare, is a new 
 proof of the divine favour; and a sure pledge of our fu 
 ture safety. While the names of Bridgewater, Chippe- 
 wa, fort Erie, Stonington, Plattsburg, Baltimore and 
 New Orleans, will ever excite, in the hearts of Ame- 
 
HISTORICAL MEMOIR. 251 
 
 ricans the most lively sensations of joy and of na 
 tional pride, it is to be hoped they will teach the 
 English this important lesson, that none can insult 
 with impunity a nation, which is firmly determined 
 to maintain itself in the enjoyment of FREEDOM and 
 
 INDEPENDENCE. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 1. 
 
 AFTER what I have said in the text of this work, relative to 
 the Barratarians, had been prepared for the press, other particu 
 lars came to my knowledge, which I have thought proper to in 
 sert here. 
 
 In the month of September, 1814, commodore Patterson 
 had received instructions from the secretary of the navy, to dis 
 perse the Barratarian association, and the schooner Carolina had 
 been ordered to New Orleans, for that purpose he was accord 
 ingly making preparations, jointly with colonel Ross, of the 44th 
 regiment, then military commandant at New Orleans, but previous 
 to the completion of his arrangements, communications of consid 
 erable importance were received by the governor, from Barrataria, 
 which rendered doubtful the course which prudence required to be 
 taken. These communications furnished the particulars of an over 
 ture which had been made by certain British officers, then at Pen- 
 sacola, to Mr. Lafitte, as the officer commanding at Barrataria, to 
 join the British, in an attack on New Orleans. The letters ancj 
 propositions of the English were sent by Mr. Lafitte, under cover 
 to Mr. Blanque, a distinguished and influential member of the 
 legislature. This gentleman deeming the disclosure by Mr. La 
 fitte, of great importance to the safety of the state, hastened to 
 lay the same before the governor. Copies of these letters are 
 inserted in the appendix. 
 
 The governor of Louisiana thought proper to invite, on the oc 
 casion, the opinions and counsel of some of the principal officers 
 of the army, navy, and militia, then in New Orleans, and to whom, 
 after communicating the letters of the English officers, the man 
 ner in which they had come to his hands, or his reasons for believ 
 ing them genuine, he submitted two questions. 1st, whether the 
 letters were genuine, and 2d, whether it was proper that the go 
 vernor should hold intercourse, or enter into any correspondence 
 with Mr. Lafitte and his associates. To each of those questions, 
 an answer in the negative was returned; major-general Villere 
 alone dissenting this officer being, as well as the governor, who 
 presiding in the council could not give his opinion, not only sa- 
 
254 NOTES. 
 
 tisfied as to the,authenticity of the letters, but believing that the 
 Barratarians might be employed at the present crisis, in such man 
 ner as greatly to contribute to the safety of the state and the an 
 noyance of the enemy. The preparations for the expedition, un 
 der captain Patterson and colonel Ross, were continued, the for 
 mer acting under the orders of the secretary of the navy, and the 
 latter co-operating, as is understood, at the request of the gover 
 nor of Louisiana. The result of the expedition was fully com 
 municated in a letter from captain Patterson to the secretary of 
 the navy, which has been published in several of the newspapers. 
 Many of the fugitives having reached New Orleans, and 
 several being committed to jail, it was evident U^t the Barratarian 
 association was extensive, and many good citizens seemed to think, 
 that in the perilous condition of Louisiana, it was good policy to 
 avail themselves of the services of men, most of whom ha*l been 
 accustomed to war, and who, from the perfect knowledge of our 
 coast, and the various points of approach to New Orleans, might 
 be particularly useful to the enemy, by whom it was now well 
 ascertained, they had so earnestly been entreated to repair to his 
 standard. But as a preliminary and indispensable step, a pardon 
 for all real or supposed oifences was necessary, and this could 
 be granted only by the president. The governor was one of those, 
 who thought that the Barratarians might be advantageously em 
 ployed against the enemy, and as early as the day of October 
 
 1418, in a letter to the attorney-general of the United States, 
 he recommended them to the favour of the executive. " It is 
 greatly to be regretted (says the governor) that the general or 
 state government had not sooner put them down the length of 
 time they were permitted to continue their practices, added much 
 to their strength, and led the people here to view their course as 
 less vitious. Measures tending to the prevention of crimes, can 
 alone relieve us from the distress of punishing them; had such 
 measures in regard to the offences in question, been earlier taken, 
 we should not now have to lament the frequency of their commis 
 sion. Justice may require the punishment of some of the more 
 culpable, but I see no good end to be attained by making the 
 penalties of the law to fall extensively and heavily the example 
 is not the less imposing, by circumscribing the numbers of its vie- 
 
NOTES. 255 
 
 tims, and the mercy which should dictate it seldom fails to make 
 a salutary and lasting impression." After the capture of our gun 
 boats, the invasion of the state was inevitable, and the expedien 
 cy of inviting the Barratarians to our standard was generally ad 
 mitted. The governor conferred on the subject with major-gen 
 eral Jackson; and with his approbation issued, on the 17th of De 
 cember, 1814, the following general orders: 
 
 " The governor of Louisiana, informed that many individuals, 
 who may be or who are supposed to be, implicated in the of 
 fences heretofore committed against the United States at Barra- 
 taria, and who have for some time past concealed themselves 
 on account of their inability to procure bail in case of arrest; 
 at the present crisis express a willingness to enrol them 
 selves and to march against the enemy. He does hereby invite 
 them to join the standard of the United States, and is authorized 
 to say, should their conduct in the field meet the approbation of 
 major-general Jackson, that that officer will unite with the go 
 vernor in a request to the president of the United States to ex 
 tend to each and every individual as aforesaid so marching and 
 acting, a free and full pardor . 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM C. C. CLAIBORNE. 
 
 Governor commanding the militia. 
 
 These orders were sent in every direction, and tended to 
 bring to our standard many brave men and excellent artillerists, 
 whose services contributed greatly to the safety of Louisiana, and 
 received the highest approbation of the commanding general. 
 The legislature of the state, previous to their adjournment, re 
 commended the Barratarians as proper objects for the clemency 
 of the president, who, by his proclamation upon the subject bearing 
 date the 6th of February 1815, and transmitted officially to the 
 governor, by the secretary of state of the United States, granted 
 to them a full and entire pardon. 
 
 NOTE 2. 
 
 IT has been asserted from the concurrent report of a great 
 number of the British prisoners and deserters, that on the memo 
 rable 8th of February, the parole and countersign of the enemy s 
 
256 NOTES. 
 
 army were beauty and booty. Although this report is generally 
 believed in the United States, particularly as it never has been 
 formally denied by those whom it most concerns, I have not 
 thought it sufficiently authenticated to record it as an historical 
 fact. It is indeed a most heinous charge, and if untrue, requires not 
 cfnly a clear and positive denial, but also the proof of the genuine 
 parole and countersign, which may be easily obtained, as it is well 
 known that it is consigned in the orderly books of every corps in 
 the army. It has been said that the British government considers 
 it below its dignity to condescend to refute a calumny which has 
 been only circulated through the medium of newspapers and 
 other periodical publications in the United States. But this will not 
 do; the almost unanimous assertion of the deserters and prisoners 
 on which this report is founded, is a fact too serious to be looked 
 over, and it is but too much supported by the positive and repeated 
 threats of admiral Cochrane in his letters of the 18th August and 
 19th September 1814,(See Appendix, No. 8,) by the letters of other 
 officers intercepted on board the St. Lawrence, (see also Appen 
 dix No. 67) and the conduct of the British at Hampton, Alexandria, 
 and other places. It cannot be considered derogatory to the dig 
 nity of any government to undeceive a great nation, among 
 whom every individual exercises a portion of the sovereignty. 
 The voice of that nation will be heard, and its historians, if the 
 British government persists in its unjustifiable silence, will at last 
 no longer be swayed by the motives of delicacy and respect to a 
 vanquished enemy which have actuated the author of these me 
 moirs. The fame of general Packenham and his officers, the 
 moral character of the British military, strongly implicated by a 
 charge of this nature, and the honour of the British government 
 all imperiously demand that it be refuted, if capable of refutation, 
 which may be easily done, if general Lambert, whose honourable 
 conduct in the course of this campaign does not permit the least 
 doubt to be entertained of his veracity, will only come forward 
 and state the real state of the fact otherwise, and if proof, such 
 as this, cannot be obtained, the report must be considered as true, 
 and, I leave to future historians the unpleasant task of animad 
 verting upon a conduct so shocking to humanity. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 NO. I. 
 
 COPY of a letter from vice-admiral Cochrane to Mr. Monroe ,i 
 
 Copy of a letter from Mr, Monroe to vice-admiral Coch 
 rane, &c. y 
 An extract from the National Intelligencer, iv 
 Copy of a letter from vice-admiral Cochrane, to the secre* 
 
 ,tary of state, v 
 
 NO. II. 
 
 Anonymous letter written from the Havanna, v 
 
 NO. III. 
 
 Proclamation by lietenant-colonel Nicholls, - vii 
 
 Letter from the same to Mr. Laffite, - - ix 
 Directing orders by W. H. Percy, captain of the British 
 
 ship the Hermes, See. - ib. 
 
 Letter from the same to captain Lockyer, &c. x 
 
 NO. IV. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to captain Lockyer, xi 
 
 NO. V. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to Mr. Blanque, xii 
 
 Letter from the same to the same, xiii 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to governor Claiborne, ib, 
 
 NO. VI. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite the elder, to Mr. Blanque ? xiv 
 
 NO. VII, 
 
 Circular letter from the war department to the governors 
 
 of the several states, xv 
 
 Extract of a letter from general Jackson to governor Clai 
 borne, - xvi 
 
258 CONTENTS. 
 
 NO. VIII. 
 
 Militia general orders, - xvii 
 
 NO. IX. 
 
 Extract of a letter from general Jackson to governor Clai- 
 
 borne, - xx 
 
 NO. X. 
 
 Militia general orders, xx 
 
 After general orders, - xxi 
 
 NO. XL 
 
 Militia general orders, xxii 
 
 NO. XII. 
 
 Order of the day for the first coloniel battalion of the royal 
 
 marines xxiv 
 
 NO. XIII. 
 
 Resolutions by the citizens of New Orleans, xxv 
 
 NO. XIV. 
 
 Address from the committee of public defence to their fel 
 low citizens, - xxvii 
 
 NO. XV. 
 Resolution by the committee of public defence, xxviii 
 
 NO. XVI. 
 
 Proclamation by general Jackson to the people of Loui 
 siana. - xxix 
 
 NO. XVII. 
 
 Proclamation by general Jackson to the free coloured in 
 habitants of Louisiana, xxxi 
 
 NO. XVIII. 
 
 Anonymous letter to commodore Patterson xxxii 
 
 NO. XIX. 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the 
 
 navy. ... . . xxxii 
 
CONTENTS. 259 
 
 Report made by lieutenant Thomas Ap. Catesby Jones to 
 
 commodore Patterson, xxxiu 
 
 NO. XX. 
 
 Address by general Jackson to the militia of New Orleans, xxxvh* 
 
 NO. XXI. 
 
 Military order from the adjutant-general s office directed 
 
 to the citizens of New Orleans, xxxix 
 
 NO. XXII. 
 
 An act from the legislature of Louisiana to grant delays, Sec. xl 
 
 NOS. XXI1I-XXIV. 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the 
 
 navy. xlii 
 
 NO. XXV. 
 
 Copy of a letter from general Jackson to the secretary at 
 
 war, xliv 
 
 Letter from the same to the same, xlv 
 
 NOS XXVI-XXVII. 
 
 Copy of a letter from captain Henley, United States navy, to 
 
 commodore Patterson, - xlvii 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war, xlviii 
 
 Copy of a letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary 
 
 of the navy, xlix 
 
 NO. XXVIII. 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the 
 
 navy, - 1 
 
 NO. XXIX. 
 
 Copy of a letter from general Jackson to the secretary at 
 
 war, Hi 
 
 Copy of a letter from the same to the same, liv 
 
 Report made by colonel Hayne to general Jackson, Ivi 
 
 Copy of a letter from general Jackson to the secretary at 
 
 war, ib. 
 
 Letter from the adjutant-general R. Butler to brigadier 
 
 general Parker Iviii 
 
 Report of killed, wounded, 8cr. ib. 
 
260 CONTENTS. 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the 
 navy, 
 
 NO. XXX. 
 
 Address of general Jackson to the troops stationed on the 
 right bank of the Mississippi, - 
 
 NO XXXI. 
 
 Provisional articles of exchange for prisoners, Ixvi 
 
 NO. XXXII. 
 
 letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war, Ixvii 
 
 NO. XXXIII. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to reverend abbe Dubourg Ixviii 
 
 NO. XXXIV. 
 
 Defence of fort St. Philip extract of a letter from general 
 
 Jackson to the secretary at war, Ixix 
 
 Copy of a letter from major Overton to general Jackson, ib. 
 
 NO XXXV. 
 
 Address by the rev. abb6 Duborg to general Jackson at the 
 
 ceremony of thanksgiving - Ixxi 
 
 General Jackson s answer, - Ixxiii 
 
 NO. XXXVI. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the mayor of New Orleans, Ixxiii 
 
 NO XXXVII. 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to general Thomas Ixxv 
 
 Answer, Ixxvi 
 
 Letter from -governor Claiborne to general Carroll, Ixxvii 
 
 Answer, - ib. 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to general Adair, Ixxviii 
 
 Answer, - - ib. 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to general Coffee, Ixxix 
 
 Answer, Ixxx 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to colonel Hinds, Ixxxi 
 
 Answer, - - ib. 
 
 NO. XXXVIII. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to general Jackson, Ixxxii 
 
 Letter from admiral Cochrane to general Jackson* Ixxxiii 
 
CONTENTS. 261 
 
 Another from the same to the same, Ixxxiv 
 
 Another letter from general Lambert to general Jackson, ib. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to admiral Cochrane, - Ixxxv 
 
 Another from the same to the same, Ixxxvi 
 
 NO. XXXIX. 
 
 Letter from general Winchester to the secretary at war, Ixxxvii 
 Letter from colonel Lawrence to general Jackson, ib. 
 
 Articles of capitulation of fort Bowyer, Ixxxviii 
 
 NO. XL. 
 
 General orders relating to an inquiry into tne conduct of 
 
 colonel Lawrence, Ixxxix 
 
 NO. XLI. 
 
 Address of general Jackson to the soldiers and citizens of 
 
 New Orleans, xc 
 
 NO. XLII. 
 
 Letter from general Keane to general Jackson. xci 
 
 NO. XLIII. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war, xci 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to general Jackson, xciii 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert, - xciv 
 
 Letter from the same to the same, ib. 
 
 Letter from major Woodruff to admiral Cochrane, XQV 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to major Woodruff, xcvi 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to general Jackson, ib. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to major Woodruff xcvii 
 
 NO. XLV. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war, xcvii 
 
 NO. XLVI. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert xcviii 
 
 NO. XLVII. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert xcix 
 
 NO. XLVIII. 
 
 General orders, - 
 
262 CONTENTS. 
 
 NO. XLIX. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert, c 
 
 Letter from the same to major Woodruff, - ci 
 
 NO. L. 
 
 General orders relative to the treaty of peace, ci 
 
 After general orders, giving communication to the troops 
 
 of a letter from the secretary at war, cil 
 
 NO. LI. 
 
 General orders discharging all the militia, ciii 
 
 NO. LII. 
 
 The treaty of peace with Gritain Britain, cv 
 
 NO. LIIL 
 
 Address from the city battalion of uniform companies to 
 
 general Jackson, cxiv 
 
 General s answer. cxvi 
 
 NO. LIV. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war, cxviii 
 
 NO. LV. 
 
 Letter from major Woodruff to general Jackson, - cxix 
 
 NO. LVI. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to general Jackson? * cxx 
 
 NO. LVII. 
 Resolutions by the congress of the United States relative 
 
 to the conduct of the people of Louisiana and others, cxxii 
 
 NO. LVIII. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert, cxxiv 
 
 NO. LIX. 
 
 Resolutions of the legislature of Louisiana, cxxiv 
 
 NO. LX. 
 
 Proclamation by the president of the United States, cxxix 
 
 NO. LXI. 
 Decision of the court-martial in the case of major Villere, cxxxi 
 
CONTENTS. 263 
 
 NO. LXII. 
 
 Extracts of the proceedings of a court of inquiry r elativq 
 to the retreat on the right bank of the Mississippi on 
 the 8th January, 1815, cxxxii 
 
 NO. LXIII. 
 
 Proceedings of a court of inquiry held in the naval arsenal 
 
 at New Orleans, by order of commodore Patterson, cxxxii 
 
 NO. LXIV. 
 
 A list of the corps composing the British army, cxxxvi 
 
 Staff of the British army, - - cxxxvii 
 
 Letter from Dr. Morrell to the author, ib. 
 
 NO LXVI. 
 
 No. 1. Despatches from admiral Cochrane to John Wil 
 son Crooker, esqr. . cxxxviii 
 Letter from caytain Lockyer to admiral Cochrane cxl 
 A list of the British killed and wounded in the capture 
 
 of the American gun-boats, - - exlfi 
 
 No. 2. Letter from major-general Keane to major-general * 
 
 Packenham, cxliii 
 
 No. 3. Extracts from the journal of the movements of the 
 
 British army - - cxlvii 
 
 No. 4. Despatch from general Lambert to lord Bathurst, cxlix 
 Return of casualties, cliii 
 
 No. 5. Letter from -lieutenant-colonel Thornton to major- 
 general Packenham, - - civil 
 No. 6. Letter from admiral Cochrane to John Wilson 
 
 Crooker esqr. clix 
 
 Letter from captain Trowbridge to vice-admiral Coch 
 rane clxv 
 No. 7. Letter from general Lambert to earl Bathurst clxvi 
 Return of casualties, - clxx 
 No. 8. Letter from general Lambert to earl Bathurst, clxxii 
 
 NO. LXVII. 
 
 Letters found on board the St. Lawrence, clxxvi 
 
264 CONTENTS. 
 
 NO. LXVIII. 
 
 Negro stealing clxxx 
 
 NO. LXIX. 
 
 Address by major-general Jackson to the army, January 
 
 21st, 1815. clxxxii 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 NO. I. 
 
 Copy of a letter from vice-admiral Cochrane to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 His Britannic majesty s ship the Tonnant, 
 
 in the Patuxent river, 18th Augnst, 1814. 
 
 SIR Having been called upon by the governor-general of the 
 Canadas to aid him in carrying into effect measures of retaliation 
 against the inhabitants of the United States, for the wanton de 
 struction committed by their army in Upper Canada, it has be 
 come imperiously my duty, conformably with the nature of the 
 governor-general s application, to issue to the naval force under 
 my command, an order to destroy and lay waste such towns and 
 districts upon the coast, as may be found assailable. 
 
 I had hoped that this contest would have terminated, with 
 out my being obliged to resort to severities, which are contrary to 
 the usage of civilized warfare, and as it has been with extreme 
 reluctance and concern that I have found myself compelled to 
 aclopt this system of devastation, I shall be equally gratified if the 
 conduct of the executive of the United States will authorize my 
 staying such proceedings, by making reparation to the suffering 
 inhabitants of Upper Canada: thereby manifesting that if the de 
 structive measures pursued by their army were never sanctioned, 
 they will no longer be permitted by the government. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, with much consideration, your 
 rriost obedient humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) ALEX. COCHRANF. 
 
ii APPENDIX. 
 
 Cofiy of a letter from Mr. Monroe to sir Alexander Cochrane^vice- 
 admiral, Sec. 8cc. 
 
 Department of state, September 6, 1814, 
 
 SIR I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 18th 
 of August, stating, that having been called on by the governor- 
 general of the Canadas, to aid him in carrying into effect mea 
 sures of retaliation against the inhabitants of the United States, for 
 the wanton desolation committed by their army in Upper Canada, 
 it has become your duty, conformably with the nature of the go 
 vernor-general s application, to issue to the naval force under 
 your command, an order to destroy and lay waste such towns and 
 districts upon the coast as may be found assailable. 
 
 It is seen with the greatest surprise, that this system of de 
 vastation which has been practised by the British forces, so mani 
 festly contrary to the usage of civilized warfare, is placed by you 
 on the ground of retaliation. No sooner were the United States 
 compelled to resort to war against Great Britain, than they resolv 
 ed to wage it in a manner most consonant to the principles of hu 
 manity, and to those friendly relations which it was desirable to 
 preserve between the two nations, after the restoration of peace. 
 They perceived however with the deepest regret, that a spirit 
 alike just and humane was neither cherished nor acted on by your 
 government. Such an assertion would not be hazarded, if it was 
 not supported by facts, the proof of which has perhaps already 
 carried the same conviction to other nations that it has to the peo 
 ple of these states. Without dwelling on the deplorable cruelties 
 committed by the savages in the British ranks, and in British pay, 
 on American prisoners at the river Raisin, which to this day have 
 never been disavowed or atoned, I refer, as more immediately 
 connected with the subject of your letter, to the wanton desola 
 tion that was committed, at Havre-de-Grace, and at Georgetown, 
 early in the Spring 1813. These villages were burnt and ravag 
 ed by the naval forces of Great Britain, to the ruin of their unarm 
 ed inhabitants, who saw with astonishment that they derived no 
 protection to their property from the laws of war. During the 
 same season, scenes of invasion and pillage, carried on under the 
 same authority, were witnessed all along the waters of the Che- 
 sapeake, to an extent inflicting the most serious private distress, 
 
APPENDIX. iii 
 
 and under circumstances that justified the suspicion, that revenge 
 and cupidity, rather than the manly motives that should dictate 
 the hostility of the high-minded foe, led to their perpetration. The 
 late destruction of the houses of the government in this city is 
 another act which comes necessarily in view. In the wars of mo 
 dern Europe, no examples of the kind, even among nations the 
 most hostile to each other, can be traced. In the course of ten 
 years past, the capitals of the principal powers of the continent 
 of Europe have been conquered, and occupied alternately by the 
 victorious armies of each other, and no instance of such wanton 
 and unjustifiable destruction has been seen. We must go back 
 to distant and barbarous ages, to find a parallel for the acts ofr 
 which I complain. 
 
 Although these acts of desolation invited, if they did not im 
 pose on the government the necessity of retaliation, yet in no in 
 stance has it been authorized. The burning of the village of 
 Newark in Upper Canada, posterior to the early outrages above 
 enumerated, was not executed on that principle. The village oi" 
 Newark adjoined fort George, and its destruction was justified by 
 the officer who ordered it, on the ground that it became necessary 
 in the military operations there. The act however was disavowed 
 by the government. The burning which took place at Long 
 Point was unauthorized by the government, and the conduct of 
 the officer subjected to the investigation of a military tribunal. 
 For the burning at St. David s, committed by stragglers, the offi 
 cer who commanded in that quarter was dismissed without a trial, 
 for not preventing it. 
 
 I am commanded by the president distinctly to state, that it 
 as little comports with any orders which have been issued to the 
 military and naval commanders of the United States, as it does 
 with the established and known humanity of the American nation, 
 to pursue a system which it appears you have adopted, This go 
 vernment owes it to itself, to the principles which it has e^er held 
 sacred, to disavow, as justly chargeable to it, any such wanton, 
 cruel and unjustifiable warfare. 
 
 Whatever unauthorized irregularity may have been commit 
 ted by any of its troops, it would have been ready, acting on these 
 principles of sacred and eternal obligation, to disavow, and as far 
 
iv APPENBIX. 
 
 as might be practicable, to repair. But in the plan of desolating 
 warfare which your letter so explicitly makes known, and which 
 is attempted to be excused on a plea so utterly groundless, the 
 president perceives a spirit of deep-rooted hostility, which, with 
 out the evidence of such facts, he could not have believed existed, 
 or would have been carried to such an extremity. 
 
 For the reparation of injuries, of whatever nature they in ay 
 be, not sanctioned by the law of nations, which the military or 
 naval force of either power may have committed, against the other, 
 this government will always be ready to enter into reciprocal ar 
 rangements. It is presumed that your government will neither 
 expect nor propose any which are not reciprocal. 
 
 Should your government adhere to a system of desolation, so 
 contrary to the views and practice of the United States, so re 
 volting to humanity, and repugnant to the sentiment and usages of 
 the civilized world, whilst it will be seen with the deepest regret, 
 it must and will be met with a determination and constancy be 
 coming a free people, contending in a just cause for their essen 
 tial rights, and their dearest interests. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great consideration, sir, your 
 most obedient humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) JAMES MONROE. 
 
 From the National Intelligencer. 
 
 We observe it mentioned in some prints, that the late letter 
 of admiral Cochrane to the secretary of state was received before 
 the enemy entered Washington. This is not so. We state the 
 fact, on the most unquestionable authority, that it did not arrive 
 in Washington until late in the night of the 30th of August, and 
 that it was not received by the secretary of state until the morning 
 of the 3 1st. 
 
 The letter was dated on the 18th, probably the very day the, 
 Tonnant arrived in the Patuxent. It affects to give previous no 
 tice of an intention to destroy and lay waste our towns, and yet is 
 mot even sent off (although antedated) until after this purpose 
 has been accomplished at Washington. This is a very pretty little 
 trick played ofT by the vice-admiral in his first essay at diplomatic 
 
APPENDIX. v 
 
 correspondence, and we doubt not has been matter of pleasant 
 chuckling between himself and friend, that accomplished and high 
 bred gentleman admiral George Cockburn. It is worthy of re 
 mark, that a near blood relation of the vice-admiral s has lately 
 been convicted in England and sentenced to the pillory for a de 
 ception practised upon the public there. The vice appears to 
 run through the family. 
 
 Vice-admiral Cochrane to the secretary of state. 
 
 His B. M. ship Tonnant, in the Chesapeake, Sept. 19, 1814. 
 SIR I had the honour to receive your letter of the 6th inst. 
 this morning, in reply to the one which I addressed to you from 
 the Patuxent. 
 
 As I have no authority from my government to enter upon 
 any kind of discussion relative to the points contained in your let 
 ter, I have only to regret that there does not appear to be any 
 hope that I shall be authorized to recall my general order; which 
 has been further sanctioned by a subsequent request from lieu 
 tenant-general sir George Provost. 
 
 A copy of your letter will this day be forwarded by me to 
 England, and until I receive instructions from my government the 
 measures which I have adopted must be persisted in: unless re 
 muneration be made to the inhabitants of the Canadas for the in 
 juries they have sustained from the outrages committed by the 
 troops of the United States. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ALEX. COOHRANE. 
 
 NO II. 
 
 ANONYMOUS. 
 
 Ha~uanna y August 8, 1814- 
 DEAR Sin, 
 
 I EMBRACED an opportunity offered for Pensacola, to inform 
 you, that an expedition has sailed from Bermuda for Mobile, who 
 touched and left this on the 1 1th instant, under the command of 
 colonel Nicholls of the artillery, a brave officer well known in the 
 European wars. 
 
vi APPENDIX. 
 
 They touched here for aid in gun-boa^s, small vessels^ &c. 
 and for leave to land at Pensacola, all of which were refused by the 
 captain-general. However, I learn that they are determined to 
 land at Pensacola, with or without leave, where they will dis 
 embark their park of artillery. The colonel was conveyed with 
 his troops in two sloops of war, the Hermes, commanded by the 
 hon. W. H. Percy, and the Caron, commanded by the hon. P. 
 Spencer, who, with such vessels as may be on the station, will co 
 operate with the land forces. 
 
 The brig Orpheus, some time past, landed arms and some 
 officers at Apalachicola, to arrange with the Creek nation for 
 future operations against Mobile, New Orleans and that district 
 of the country, which they effected, and caused the breaking off 
 the treaty. 
 
 The whole nation are ready to join the British troops under 
 colonel Nicholls, who will immediately on his arrival issue his 
 proclamation, declaring all slaves who will join their standard free 
 and liberated forever from their masters. He will also issue an 
 other to the Indians, promising all the tribes who will join him, to 
 reinstate them in all their lands taken from them by the United 
 States, and to guarantee the same to them forever. Having thus 
 prepared the minds of the negroes and Indians, he will, on the ar 
 rival of two or three black regiments, from Nassau, See. of fine 
 troops, calculated for that climate (v/ho may pass by this next 
 week) push for New Orleans first having secured and fortified 
 Mobile point, and taken Mobile, as well as placed a force at every 
 point on the lakes, of any importance, as well as Plaquemines, in 
 order to cut off all trade of the Mississippi. 
 
 This force with him is small, but he will soon be re-enforced 
 from Bermuda, Sec. the flying artillery appears well calculated 
 for his operations in that country. 
 
 When I have stated these facts, it will become your duty, and 
 the duty of every citizen in the state, who has property or a fami 
 ly to protect and defend, to rise in mass, and defeat this most damn 
 able and infamous plan of burning and carnage, the most horrible 
 and atrocious ever before projected by a civilized nation. 
 
 You have not a moment to lose; because if they get a footing, 
 it will be very difficult to get clear of them. The commander oi" 
 
APPENDIX, vii 
 
 ..he sea-forces, the hon. W. H. Percy, is a very young man, a 
 Scotchman, and mild and gentlemanly, the son of lord Beverly; 
 but the colonel is an impatient blustering Irishman, who was go 
 vernor of Andant, in the German seas, and apparently brave and 
 cruel. 
 
 I have only a moment to insist upon you again to save the 
 state and the property of the planters at this awful crisis. 
 
 NO. III. 
 
 PROCLAMATION, 
 
 By lieutenant-colonel Edward Nic/iolls^ commanding his Britannic 
 
 majesty s forces in the Floridas. 
 
 NATIVES of Louisiana! on you the first call is made to assist 
 in liberating from a faithless, imbecile government, your paternal 
 soil: Spaniards, Frenchmen, Italians, and British, whether settled 
 or residing for a time, in Louisiana, on you, also, I call to aid me in 
 this just cause: the American usurpation in this country must be 
 abolished, and the lawful owners of the soil put in possession. I 
 am at the head of a large body of Indians, well armed, disciplined, 
 and commanded by British officers a good train of artillery with 
 every requisite, seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous Bri 
 tish and Spanish squadron of ships and vessels of war. Be not 
 alarmed, inhabitants of the country, at our approach; the same good 
 faith and disinterestedness which has distinguished the conduct of 
 Britons in Europe, accompanies them here; you will have no fear 
 of litigious taxes imposed on you for the purpose of carrying on an 
 unnatural and unjust war; your property, your laws, the peace and 
 tranquillity of your country, will be guaranteed to you by men who 
 will suffer no infringement of theirs; rest assured that these brave 
 red men only burn with an ardent desire of satisfaction, for the 
 wrongs they have suffered from the Americans, to join you in liber 
 ating these southern provinces from their yoke, and drive them into 
 those limits formerly prescribed by my sovereign. The Indians 
 have pledged themselves, in the most solemn manner, not to injure, 
 in the slightest degree, the persons or properties of any but enemies; 
 to their Spanish or English fathers, a flag over any door, whether 
 Spanish, French, or British, will be a certain protection, nor dare 
 any Indian put his foot on the threshold thereof, under penalty of 
 
viii APPENDIX. 
 
 death from his own countrymen; not even an enemy will an Indian 
 put to death, except resisting in arms, and as for injuring helpless 
 women and children, the red men, by their good conduct and treat 
 ment to them, will (if it be possible) make the Americans blush for 
 their more inhuman conduct lately on the Escambia, and within a 
 neutral territory. 
 
 Inhabitants of Kentucky, you have too long borne with griev 
 ous impositions the whole brunt of the war has fallen on your 
 brave sons; be imposed on no longer, but either range yourselves 
 under the standard of your forefathers, or observe a strict neu 
 trality; if you comply with either of these offers, whatever provi 
 sions you send down, will be paid for in dollars, and the safety of 
 the persons bringing it, as well as the free navigation of the Mis 
 sissippi, guaranteed to you. 
 
 Men of Kentucky, let me call to your view (and I trust to 
 your abhorrence) the conduct of those factions, which hurried you 
 into this civil, unjust, and unnatural war, at a time when Great 
 Britain was straining every nerve in defence of her own and the 
 liberties of the world when the bravest of her sons were fighting 
 and bleeding in so sacred a eause -when she was spending mil 
 lions of her treasure in endeavouring to pull down one of the most 
 formidable and dangerous tyrants that ever disgraced the form of 
 man when groaning Europe was almost in her last gasp when 
 Britons alone showed an undaunted front basely did those assas 
 sins endeavour to stab her from the rear; she has turned on them, 
 renovated from the bloody but successful struggle Europe is 
 happy and free, and she now hastens justly to avenge the unpro 
 voked insult. Show them that you are not collectively unjust; 
 leave that contemptible few to shift for themselves; let those slaves 
 of tke tyrant send an embassy to Elba, and implore his aid; but 
 let every honest, upright American, spurn them with united con 
 tempt. After the experience of twenty-one years, can you any 
 longer support those brawlers for liberty, who call it freedom, when 
 themselves are free; be no longer their dupes accept of my of 
 fers- every thing I have promised in this paper I guarantee to you, 
 n the sacred honour of a British officer. 
 
 Giren under my hand at my head-quarters, 
 Pensacola, this 9lh day of August, 1814. 
 
 EDWARD NICHOLLS, 
 
APPENDIX. ix 
 
 Sward Nteholls to Mr. Lajfite, or the commandant at Barataria. 
 Head-quart erS) Pensacola^ August 31, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE arrived in the Floridas for the purpose of annoying 
 
 the only enemy Great Britain has in the world, as France and Eng 
 land are now friends. I call on you, with your brave followers, to 
 enter into the service of Great Britain, in which you shall have 
 tke rank of a captain; lands will be given to you all, in proportion 
 to your respective ranks, on a peace taking place, and I invite you 
 on the following terms. Your property shall be guaranteed to you, 
 and your persons protected: in return for which I ask you to cease 
 all hostilities against Spain, or the allies of Great Britain. Your 
 ships and vessels to be placed under the orders of the command 
 ing officer on this station, until the cbmmander-in-chief s pleasure 
 is known; but I guarantee their fair value at all events. I here 
 with inclose you a copy of my proclamation to the inhabitants of 
 Louisiana, which will, I trust, point out to you the honourable in 
 tentions of my government. You may be an useful assistant to 
 me, in forwarding them; therefore, if you determine, lose no time. 
 The bearer of this, captain M WilHams, will satisfy you on any 
 other point you may be anxious to learn, as will captain Lockyer 
 of the Sophia, who brings him to you. We have a powerful re- 
 enforcement on its way here, and I hope to cut out some other 
 Work for the Americans than oppressing the inhabitants of Louisi 
 ana. Be expeditious in your resolves, and rely on the verity of 
 % Your very humble servant, 
 
 EDWARD NICHOLLS. 
 
 JBy the hon. William Henry Percy , cap fain of his majesty* shift 
 
 Hermes, and senior officer in the gulf of Mexico. 
 HAVING understood that some British merchantmen have 
 been detained, taken into, aod sold by the inhabitants of Barataria, 
 I have directed captain Lockyer, of his majesty s sloop Sophia, to 
 proceed to that place, and inquire into the circumstances, with 
 positive orders to demand instant restitution, and in case of refusal 
 to destroy to his utmost every vessel there, as well as to carry de 
 struction over the whole place, and at the same time to assure 
 him of the co-operation of all his majesty s naval forces on this sta 
 tion. I trust at the same time, that the inhabitants of Barataria. 
 
 h 
 
* APPENDIX. 
 
 consulting their own interest, will not make it necessary to pro 
 ceed to such extremities I hold out at the same time, a war in 
 stantly destructive to them; and on the other hand, should they be 
 inclined to assist Great Britain in her just and unprovoked war 
 against the United States, the security of their property, the bles 
 sings of the British constitution and should they be inclined to 
 settle on this continent, lands will, at the conclusion of the war, be 
 allotted to them in his majesty s colonies in America. In return 
 for all these concessions on the part of Great Britain, I expect 
 that the directions of their armed vessels will be put into my hands 
 (fof which they will be remunerated,) the instant cessation of 
 hostilities against the Spanish government, and the restitution of 
 any undisposed property of that nation. 
 
 Should any inhabitants be inclined to volunteer their services 
 into his majesty s force s, either naval or military, for limited 
 service, they will be received; and if any British subject, being at 
 Barataria, wishes to return to his native country, he will, on join 
 ing his majesty s service, receive a free pardon. 
 
 Given under my hand on board H. M. ship Hermes, 
 Pensacola, this 1st day of September, 1814. 
 
 W. H, PERCY, 
 Cap fain and senior officer. 
 
 Letter from the hon. W. H. Percy, captain of his majesty s shift 
 Hermes, and senior officer in the gulf of Mexico, to Nicholas 
 Lockyer, escj. commander of H. M. Sloop Sophia. 
 SIR, 
 
 You are hereby required and directed, after having received 
 on board an officer belonging to the first battalion of Royal colo 
 nial marines, to proceed in his majesty s sloop under your com 
 mand, without a moment s loss of time, for Barataria. 
 
 On your arrival at that place, you will communicate with the 
 chief persons there you will urge them to throw themselves un 
 der the protection of Great Britain and should you find them in 
 clined to pursue such a step, you will hold out to them that their 
 property shall be secured to them, that they shall be considered 
 British subjects, and at the conclusion of the war, lands within his 
 majesty s colonies in America, will be allotted to them in return 
 
APPENDIX. xi 
 
 for these concessions. You will insist on an immediate cessation 
 of hostilities against Spain, and in case they should have any Spa 
 nish property not disposed of, that it be restored, and that they put 
 their naval force into the hands of the senior officer here, until the 
 commander-in-chief J s pleasure is known. In the event of their 
 not being inclined to act offensively against the United States, you 
 will do all in your power to persuade them to a strict neutrality, 
 and still endeavour to put a stop to their hostilities against Spain. 
 Should you succeed completely in the object for which you are 
 sent, you will concert such measures for the annoyance of the ene 
 my as ycu judge best from circumstances; having an eye to the 
 junction of their small armed vessels with me for the capture of 
 Mobile, 8cc. You will at all events yourself join me with the ut 
 most despatch at this post, with the accounts of your success. 
 
 Given under my hand on board his majesty s ship Hermes, at 
 Pensacola, this 30th day of August, 1814. 
 
 W. H. PERCY, capt, 
 
 NO. IV. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to Cafitain Lockyer. 
 
 Barataria, kth September, 1814, 
 SIR, 
 
 THE confusion which prevailed in our camp yesterday and 
 this morning, and of which you have a complete knowledge, has 
 prevented me from answering in a precise manner to the object 
 of your mission; nor even at this moment can I give you all the 
 satisfaction that you desire; however, if you could grant me a 
 fortnight, I would be entirely at your disposal at the end of that 
 time this delay is indispensable to send away the three persons 
 who have alone occasioned all the disturbance the two who 
 were the most troublesome are to leave this place in eight days, 
 and the other is to go to town the remainder of the time is ne 
 cessary to enable me to put my affairs in order you may com 
 municate with me, in sending a boat to the eastern point of the pass> 
 where I will be found. You have inspired me with more conn\- 
 dence than the admiral, your superior officer, could have done 
 iumself; with you alone I wish to deal, and from you also I will 
 
xii APPENDIX. 
 
 claim, in due time, the reward of the services which I may render 
 to you. 
 
 Be so good, sir, as to favour me with an answer, and believe 
 me yours, &c. LAFFITE. 
 
 NO. V. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to Mr. Blanque. 
 
 Barataria, 4th September, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 THOUGH proscribed by my adoptive country, I will never let slip 
 any occasion of serving her, or of proving that she has never ceased 
 to be dear to me. Of this you will here see a convincing proof- 
 Yesterday, the 3d of September, there appeared here, under a flag 
 of truce, a boat coming from an English brig, at anchor about two 
 leagues from the pass. Mr. Nicholas Lockyer, a British officer of 
 high rank, delivered me the following papers, two directed to me, 
 a proclamation, and the admiral s instructions to that officer, all 
 herewith enclosed. You will see from their contents the advan 
 tages I might have derived from that kind of association. I may 
 have evaded the payment of duties to the custom house; but I 
 have never ceased to be a good citizen; and all the offence I have 
 committed, I was forced to by certain vices in our laws. In short, 
 sir, I make you the depository of the secret on which perhaps de 
 pends the tranquillity of our country; please to make such use of it 
 as your judgment may direct. I might expatiate on this proof of 
 patriotism, but I let the fact speak for itself. I presume, how 
 ever, to hope that such proceedings may obtain amelioration of 
 the situation of my unhappy brother, with which view I recom 
 mend him particularly to your influence. It is in the bosom of a 
 just man, of a true American, endowed with all other qualities that 
 are honoured in society, that I think I am depositing the interests 
 of our common country, and what particularly concerns myself. 
 
 Our enemies have endeavoured to work on me by a motive 
 which few men would have resisted. They represented to me a bro 
 ther in irons, a brother who is to me very dear! whose deliverer I 
 might become, and I declined the proposal. Well persuaded of his 
 innocence, I am free from apprehension as to the issue of a trial; 
 
APPENDIX. xiii 
 
 imt he is sick and not in a place where he can receive the assist 
 ance his state requires. I recommend him to you, in the name of 
 humanity. 
 
 As to the flag of truce, I have done with regard to it everything 
 that prudence suggested to me at the time. I have asked fifteen 
 days to determine, assigning such plausible pretexts, that I hope 
 the term will be granted. I am waiting for the British officer s 
 answer, and for yours to this. Be so good as to assist me with 
 your judicious counsel in so weighty an affair. 
 
 I have the honour to salute you, 
 
 J. LAFFITU. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to Mr. Blanque. 
 
 Grande Terre, 7th September, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 You will always find me eager to evince my devotedness to 
 the good of the country, of which I endeavoured to give some 
 proof in my letter of the 4th, which I make no doubt you receiv 
 ed. Amongst other papers that have fallen into my hands, I send 
 you a scrap which appears to me of sufficient importance to merit 
 your attention.* 
 
 Since the departure of the officer who came with the flag of 
 truce, his ship, with two other ships of war have remained on the 
 coast, within sight. Doubtless this point is considered as impor 
 tant. We have hitherto kept on a respectable defensive; if, how 
 ever, the British attach to the possession of this place, the impor 
 tance they give us room to suspect they do, they may employ 
 means above our strength. I know not whether, in that case, pro 
 posals of intelligence with government would be out of season. 
 It is always from my high opinion of your enlightened mind, that 
 I request you to advise me in this affair. 
 
 I have the honour to salute you, 
 
 J. LAFFITE. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite to his excellency W. C. C. Claiborne. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN the firm persuasion that the choice made of you to fill the 
 office of first magistrate of this state, was dictated by the esteem of 
 
 * This piece is numbered II in this Appendix. 
 
xiv APPENDIX. 
 
 your fellow-citizens, and was conferred 011 merit, I confidently ad 
 dress you on an affair on which may depend the safety of this 
 country. 
 
 I offer to you to restore to this state several citizens, who per 
 haps in your eyes have lost that sacred title. I offer you them, 
 however, such as you could wish to find them, ready to exert their 
 utmost efforts in defence of the country. This point of Louisiana, 
 which I occupy, is of great importance in the present crisis. I 
 tender my services to defend it; and the only reward I ask is that 
 a stop be put to the proscription against me and my adherents, by 
 an act of oblivion for all that has been done hitherto. I am the 
 stray sheep, wishing to return to the sheepfold. If you were 
 thoroughly acquainted with the nature of my offencei, I should 
 appear to you much less guilty, and still worthy to discharge the 
 duties of a good citizen. I have never sailed under any flag but 
 that of the republic of Carthagena, and my vessels are perfectly 
 regular in that respect. If I could have brought my lawful prizes 
 into the ports of this state, I should not have employed the illicit 
 ineans that have caused me to be proscribed. I decline saying 
 more on the subject, until I have the honour of your excellen 
 cy s answer, which I am persuaded can be dictated only by wis 
 dom. Should your answer not be favourable to my ardent de 
 sires, I declare to you that I will instantly leave the country, to 
 avoid the imputation of having co-operated to wards an invasion on 
 this point, which cannot fail to take place, and to rest secure in the 
 acquittal of my own conscience. 
 
 I have the honour to be 
 
 Your excellency s, Sec. 
 
 J. LAFFITE. 
 
 NO. VI. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Laffite, he eldsr^ to, Mr. jBlangue, 
 
 Grande Terrc, \Qth Sefittmber, 1814 
 SIR, 
 
 ON my arrival here, I was informed of all the occurrences 
 that have taken place; I think I may justly commend my bro 
 ther s conduct under such difficult circumstances. I am per- 
 
APPENDIX. xv 
 
 suaded he could not have made a better choice, than in making 
 you the depositary of the papers that were sent to us, and which 
 may be of great importance to the state. Being fully determined 
 to follow the plan that may reconcile us with the government, I 
 herewith send you a letter directed to his excellency the gover 
 nor, which I submit to your discretion, to deliver or not, as you 
 may think proper. I have not yet been honoured with an answer 
 from you. The moments are preciovis; pray send me an answer 
 that may serve to direct my measures in the circumstances in 
 which Ifmd myself. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 P. LAFFITE. 
 
 P. S. 1 join with this the letter for Mr. Claiborne, which I 
 submit to your judgment. Should you think, from its contents, 
 that it may be delivered or communicated to him, you will do 
 either, as you think proper. I send it to you under cover; after 
 having read it, I request you to seal it. 
 
 NO. VII. 
 
 Circular le tttr to the governors of the several states, 
 
 " War de/iarlmenfj July 4(h. 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 " The late pacification in Europe, offers to the enemy a 
 large disposable force, both naval and military, and with it the 
 means of giving to the war here a character of new and increased 
 activity and extent without knowing with certainty, that such 
 will be its application, and still less that any particular point or 
 points will become objects of attack, the president has deemed it 
 advisable, as a measure of precaution, to strengthen ourselves on 
 the line of the Atlantic, and (as the principal means of doing this 
 will be found in the militia) to invite the executives of certain 
 states, to organize and hold in readiness for immediate service, a 
 corps of ninety-three thousand, five hundred men, under the laws 
 of the 28th of February 1795, and the 18th of April 1814. 
 
 " The enclosed detail, will show your excellency, what, un 
 der this requisition, will be the quota of your state. 
 
xvi APPENDIX. 
 
 " As far as volunteer uniform corps can be formed, they will 
 be preferred. 
 
 " The expediency of regarding (as well in the designation of 
 the militia, as of their places of rendezvous) the points, the im 
 portance or exposure of which, will be most likely to attract the 
 views of tke enemy, need not be suggested. 
 
 " A report of the organization of your quota, when complet 
 ed, and of the place or places of rendezvous will be acceptable. 
 
 I have the honour to be. See. 
 (Signed) JOHN ARMSTRONG." 
 
 Of the force thus required to be holden in readiness, the 
 quota assigned to Georgia, was three regiments, and one battalion 
 viz. three hundred and fifty artillery, three thousand one hun 
 dred and fifty infantry, total, three thousand five hundred. To 
 Kentucky five regiments, and one battalion, viz. five thousand five 
 hundred infantry. To Tennessee, two regiments, and one battalion 
 viz. two thousand five hundred infantry. To the Mississippi ter 
 ritory one battalion, viz. five hundred infantry;- and Louisiana, 
 was required to furnish one regiment, viz. one thousand infantry. 
 The letter of the secretary at war reached governor Clai- 
 borne early in August, and by him was promptly attended to. On 
 the 6th of March, he apportioned the quota assigned to Louisiana, 
 between the first and second division of militia of the state. 
 
 Extract of a letter from major-general Jackson to governor Clai* 
 borne, dated head-quarters, 7th military district, fort Jackson 
 Zlst July, 1814. 
 
 THIS morning I was presented with a new British musket 
 given to a friendly Indian by those at Apalachicola bay. Informa 
 tion has been received by this fellow tending to confirm the ru 
 mour of a considerable force having landed there with a large 
 quantity of arms and other munitions of war, and with intentions 
 to strike a decisive blow against the lower country. Mobile and 
 Orleans are of such importance as to hold out strong inducements 
 to them, at such a crisis: I must look to the constitutional autho 
 rities of the state of Louisiana for such support as will be effective 
 in any emergency, and I trust this support will be afforded with 
 promptitude whenever required. 
 
APPENDIX. xvii 
 
 NO. VIII. 
 
 Militia general orders, head-quarters. 
 
 New Orleans , August 6th, 1814. 
 
 IN a letter from the honourable the secretary at war, under 
 date of the 4th ultimo, the governor of Louisiana has received the 
 orders of the president of the United States, to organize and hold 
 in readiness for immediate service, a corps of a thousand militia 
 infantry, being the quota assigned to this state, of a requisition for 
 ninety-three thousand five hundred men, made on the executives 
 of the several states, under the laws of the 28th February 1795, 
 and 18th of April 1814, the governor and commander-in-chief in 
 consequence directs, that one complete regiment, a thousand strong, 
 to be composed of two battalions 1st and 2nd be organized and 
 equipped for service, with the least possible delay. The first divi 
 sion of militia will furnish four full companies, each company to 
 consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, two second lieutenant 1 -, 
 four Serjeants, four corporals, one drummer, one fifer, and ninety 
 privates the whole to be apportioned among the several brigades 
 or regiments attached to the first division by the major-general 
 commanding the same, and under his orders to be organized on 
 or before the 4th of September next, and due returns made to the 
 ad j utant- gene ral . 
 
 The second division of militia will furnish five full compa 
 nies each company to consist as aforesaid of one captain, one 
 first lieutenant, two second lieutenants, four Serjeants, four corpo 
 rals, one drummer, one fifer, and ninety privates the whole to be 
 apportioned among the several brigades or regiments attached to 
 the second division by the major-general commanding the same; 
 and under his orders to be completely organized on or before the 
 15th September next, and due returns made of the same. 
 
 In all cases volunteer uniform companies of the strength re 
 quired will be preferred, and a tender of service from all such 
 promptly accepted in assigning the quota of the first and second di 
 vision. The commander-in-chief, as was his duty, has taken into view 
 the exposure of particular points, and the amount and description 
 of population; like considerations will influence the major-ge. erals 
 in making apportionment among the several brigades and regi- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ments. The returns to the adjutant- general will give the names 
 of the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates, and par* 
 ticularly state the number and condition of the arms, in order that 
 provision may be made for the supply of deficiencies. Each non 
 commissioned officer and private to furnish himself with a knap 
 sack and blanket. The colonel-commandant of the regiment, and 
 the medical staff will be named by the comrnander-in-chief; the 
 major of the first battalion to be selected by the major-general of 
 the second division; the major of the second battalion by the ma 
 jor-general of the first division, and the paymaster, adjutant, and 
 quartermaster of the regiment by the colonel-commandant. 
 
 The corps thus to be organized and kept in readiness for 
 active duty, will on the further commands of the president, or on 
 the requisition of any officer acting under his authority, be order 
 ed into the service of the United States, for a term not exceeding 
 six months after their arrival at the point of rendezvous unless 
 sooner discharged. The point of rendezvous for the detachment 
 drawn from the first division, will be the city of New Orleans, and 
 from the detachment drawn from the second division, the town of 
 Baton Rouge. 
 
 " The late pacification in Europe (says the secretary at war) 
 offers to the enemy a large disposable force, both naval and mili 
 tary, and with it the means of giving to the war here a character 
 of new and increased activity and extent. 
 
 " Without knowing with certainty, that such will be its appli 
 cation, and still less that* any particular point or points, will be 
 come objects of attack, the president has deemed advisable, as a 
 measure of precaution, to strengthen ourselves on the line of the 
 Atlantic. * To these just reflections, the commander-in-chief will 
 only add his firm reliance, that Louisiana will cheerfully partici 
 pate with the sister states in whatever toils or dangers, the safety 
 of our common country shall advise. 
 
 The desire manifested by the United States to sheathe the 
 sword, on terms alike honourable to both parties, may indeed be 
 met with a correspondent disposition. It is not easy to believe, 
 that a nation should be so wholly regardless of duty to herself, 
 as always to reject the claims of justice but let us not be so far 
 deluded with a hope of peace, as to leave our country uncovered 
 
APPENDIX. xix 
 
 and unprotected. If the latest reports from Europe are to be ac 
 credited, the enemy had determined on the most vigorous prose 
 cution of the war it is added, that this section of the union was 
 to be attacked with design" of wresting Louisiana from the hands 
 of the United States and restoring it to Spain." 
 
 A project so chimerical illy comports with that character for 
 wisdom, to which the English government aspires, nor is it be 
 lieved to be seriously contemplated. That the bare rumour, 
 however, of such a design should awaken some anxiety, is cause 
 of no surprise. But if there be individuals so much deceived, as 
 to suppose its accomplishment possible, they are cautioned against 
 being instrumental in deceiving others. The principles of the 
 American government, no less than the interest and honour of the 
 American people forbid the relinquishment of one tenth of the 
 American territory. Whilst the western rivers flow, no foreign 
 power can hold or detach Louisiana from the United States. She 
 may indeed be temporarily exposed to an invading foe, but until 
 by some convulsion of nature that numerous, gallant, and hardy 
 race of men, inhabiting the vast tract of country watered by the 
 tributary streams of the Mississippi, shall become extinct, the po 
 litical destiny of Louisiana is placed beyond the possibility of 
 change. Her connexion, interest and government must remain 
 American. We however do not solely rely for security on our 
 northern and western brethren. We shall not be wanting iu duty 
 to ourselves. The commander-in-chief therefore avails himself 
 of this occasion, to invite the officers thoughout the state, and 
 particularly colonels of regiments, and commandants of separate 
 corps, to be faithful and diligent in the discharge of their respec 
 tive duties. He orders the several regimental, battalion and com= 
 pany musters, as prescribed by law to be regularly holden, and 
 every effort made to introduce order and discipline. If the war 
 continues, we cannot hope for exemption from its calamities. 
 
 In case of invasion, the whole militia will be ordered to front 
 the enemy if our homes and fire-sides are menaced, union, zeal, 
 and mutual confidence should warm every heart and strengthen 
 every arm. 
 
 By order of his excellency William C. C. Claiborne, gover 
 nor and commander-in-chief. 
 
 (Signed) A- 
 
xx APPENDIX. 
 
 NO. IX. 
 
 Extract of a letter from major -general Jackson to governor Clai- 
 
 borne, dated fort Jackson, August \5th, 1815. 
 INFORMATION this moment received by express from Alaba 
 ma Heights, bringing me a letter from Pensacola, added to the in 
 telligence received by captain Gordon, who was the bearer of a 
 letter from me to the governor of Pensacola, makes it necessary, 
 that all the forces allotted for the 7th military district, should be 
 held in a state of preparation to march to any point required at a 
 moment s warning. 
 
 NO. X. 
 
 Militia general orders, head-quarters, 
 
 .Yew Orleans, September 5th, 1814, 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL JACKSON acting under the authority of the 
 president, having demanded the immediate service in the field of 
 the whole corps of Louisiana militia, directed to be holden in 
 readiness for service, under the general orders of the 6th ult. the 
 governor and commander-in-chief directs that the officers, non 
 commissioned officers and privates, drawn from the first, second, 
 third, fourth, and fifth regiments under the orders aforesaid, ren 
 dezvous in New Orleans, on Saturday the 10th instant, at 10 
 o clock, A. M. in the enclosure in front of the barracks, where, be 
 ing organized into companies under the orders of major-general 
 Villere, in manner heretofore directed, they will be inspected by 
 major Hughes, inspector-general of the seventh military district, 
 and mustered into the service of the United States, and quartered 
 in or near New Orleans, until further orders. 
 
 Every individual will be punctual in his attendance: those, if 
 if any there be, who may be prevented by severe indisposition, 
 will send well attested certificates of the fact, or they will be re 
 ported as delinquents. Those who may claim exemption on the 
 ground of bodily infirmity (and some few have exhibited such 
 claims) will attend at the rendezvous, where they will be examined 
 by a surgeon, upon whose report they will be rejected or passed 
 by the inspector as justice shall dictate. Privates, wishing to serve 
 by substitutes, will attend with the same, being previously instruct 
 ed that no substitute will be received but an able-bodied man. 
 
APPENDIX. xxi 
 
 The time of rendezvous for detachments drawn from the more 
 distant counties, will be fixed in after orders. 
 
 (Signed) W. C. C. CLAIBORNE. 
 
 AFTER GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 H. Q. New Orleans, September 5th, 1814. 
 MAJOR-GENERAL JACKSON, acting under the authority of the 
 president, having required the service in the field of the whole 
 corps of Louisiana militia, holden in readiness for active service 
 under the orders of the 6th ult. the governor and commander-in- 
 chief directs that the detachment drawn from the second division 
 of militia, rendezvous at the post of Baton Rouge, on or before 
 the 1st day of October next, where after being organized into 
 companies, under the order of major-general Thomas, in manner 
 as heretofore directed, they will be inspected and mustered into 
 the service of the United States. 
 
 The commander-in-chief, confiding in the patriotism of the 
 several corps attached to the second division, assures himself that 
 at this moment of peril, they will deserve well of their country. 
 Louisiana is openly menaced, and it is believed that the force 
 destined to invade her is at this time assembled at Apalachicola 
 and Pensacola. Major-general Jackson, commanding the seventh 
 military district, who has often led the western warriors to victo 
 ry, invites me to lose no time in preparing for the defence of the 
 state. This gallant commander is now at or near Mobile watch 
 ing the movements of the enemy, and making the necessary pre 
 parations to cover and defend this section of the union. He will 
 in due time receive re-enforcements from the other states on the 
 Mississippi: he calculates also, on the zealous support of the 
 Louisianians, and must not be disappointed. The, time has come 
 when every man must do his duty, when no faithful American will 
 be found absent from his post. 
 
 By order of his excellency W. C. C. Claiborne. 
 (Signed) A. LANEUVILLE, 
 
 Adjutant-general.. 
 
 By another general order the detachment drawn from the 
 sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth regiments, are ordered to ren 
 dezvous at the Magasin barracks opposite New Orleans, on Sa 
 turday the 4th instant. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 NO. XI. 
 
 Militia general orders, head-quarters, 
 
 .Vew Orleans, September 8th, 1814, 
 
 THE governor and commander-in-chief directs that the several 
 companies of militia, within the city and suburbs of New Orleans, 
 muster for inspection and exercise twice, and those in the interior 
 counties of the state, once in each and every week, at such times 
 and places as the captains or officers commanding companies shall 
 designate. He recommends also to all fathers of families and 
 others who, by their stations or age, are exempted from militia ser 
 vice, to afford at this eventful crisis a laudable example; he invites 
 them to the formation of military associations; to choose their offi 
 cers; to procure arms, and to assemble occasionally for military 
 exercise. 
 
 The commander-in-chicf would be sorry unnecessarily to 
 draw his fellow citizens from their private pursuits and subject 
 them to useless fatigues, but in his judgment their safety demands 
 that they be trained to the use of arms, and holden in readiness to 
 turn out at a moment s warnirlg in defence of their families and 
 homes; he does not wish to excite alarm, and trusts none will ex 
 ist; but it is his duty to declare that the state is menaced with dan 
 gers which require all our union, zeal, and activity to avert, A hope 
 is still cherished that the pending negociation between the United 
 States and Great Britain may eventuate in a peace honourable to 
 both parties; but there is too much reason to apprehend that the 
 enemy feeling power may forget right. Indeed from the informa 
 tion before us, we shall act wisely in preparing for the worst. At 
 this moment a fleet of the enemy is hovering on our coast, and he is 
 assembling a force at Apalachicola, Pensacola, and elsewhere, 
 avowedly for the invasion of Louisiana. We must be prepared to 
 meet him; to dispute every inch of ground; harass him on his 
 march; make a. stand at every favourable position, and finally to tri 
 umph or lose with our country, our lives. Every individual, there 
 fore, attached to the militia will be in constant readiness for active 
 service officers of every grade at all times be prepared to repair 
 to their posts, and assume the command which may be assigned 
 them non-commissioned officers and privates will put their arms, 
 whether muskets, rifles, or shot-guns in the best possible condition^ 
 
APPENDIX. xxiii 
 
 furnish themselves with six flints each, as much powder and ball as 
 can conveniently be carried, and pack in their knapsacks one blan 
 ket, one shirt, and one pair of shoes, being the necessary clothing 
 on a march. The greatest vigilance will be observed, and every 
 precaution taken to guard against surprise. Captains and subal 
 terns will keep their field officers advised of every occurrence 
 which interests the public safety, and colonels or officers com 
 manding regiments will communicate the same to the generals of 
 their respective brigades and division, and the general officers to 
 the coinmander-in-chief. Strong patroles will be ordered on every 
 night, particularly within the city and suburbs of New Orleans 
 and the adjacent counties, The strictest discipline will be main 
 tained among the slaves, and every person of suspicious conduct 
 or character, will be arrested and carried before a judge, or jus 
 tice of the peace, for examination. If the enemy should enter the 
 state, the several colonels of militia nearest the point of attack, will 
 immediately order into the field their respective regiments, <fod 
 (after detailing a suitable guard for the protection of the women 
 and children, and the maintenance of a proper police on the plan 
 tations) will advance without waiting for further orders to the 
 scene of danger. Of the skUl and courage of the regular troops 
 of the United States in our yicinity, we are fully assured; we will 
 unite our efforts with theirs against the common enemy, and if 
 called to act with our gallant countrymen of the western states, 
 vie with them also in deeds of valour. 
 
 The commander-in-chief persuades himself that no efforts 
 which have or may be made to divide us, will prove successful. 
 The intrigues, the means of corruption by which in other coun 
 tries our enemy has so much profited, will doubtless be attempt 
 ed here. But his character is well understood, and it is hoped, 
 that his arts will not avail him. In defence of our homes and fa 
 milies there surely will be but one opinion one sentiment. The 
 American citizen, on contrasting his situation with that of the citi 
 zen or subject of any other country on earth, will see abundant 
 cause to be content with his destiny. He must be aware how lit 
 tle he can gain, and how much he must lose by a revolution, or 
 change of government. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 If there be a citizen who believes that his rights and proper 
 ty would be respected by an invading foe, the weakness of his head 
 should excite pity. If there be an individual who supposes the 
 kind offeree with which we are menaced could be restrained from 
 acts of violence, he knows little of the character of those allies of 
 Great Britain, who committed the massacre at fort Minis. 
 
 In these evil days, small indeed is the portion of affliction 
 which has hitherto befallen Louisiana: when a hostile army breaks 
 into the territory of a nation, its course is marked with scenes of 
 desolation, which centuries of industry cannot repair. With what 
 union, with what zeal, should all our energies be exerted to de 
 fend our country against like misfortunes! 
 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE. 
 
 NO. XII. 
 
 Head-quarters, Pensacola, August 26, 1814. 
 Order of the day for the first colonial battalion of the royal corps of marines. 
 
 You are called upon to discharge a duty of the utmost danger, of 
 the utmost peril. You will have to perform long and tedious marches 
 through wildernesses, swamps and water-courses; your enemy from 
 long habitinured to the climate, will have great ad vantages over you. 
 But remember the twenty-one years of toil and glory of your coun 
 try, and resolve to follow the example of your glorious companions, 
 who have fought and spilt their blood in her service. Be equally 
 faithful and strict in your moral discipline, and this, the last and 
 most perfidious of your enemies, will not long maintain himself 
 before you. A cause so sacred as that which has led you to draw 
 your swords in Europe, will make you unsheath them in America, 
 and I trust you will use them with equal credit and advantage. In 
 Europe, your arms were not employed in defence of your country 
 only, but of all those who groaned in the chains of oppression, and 
 in America they are to have the same direction. The people 
 whom you are now to aid and assist have suffered robberies and 
 murders committed on them by the Americans. 
 
 The noble Spanish nation has grieved to see her territories 
 insulted; having been robbed and despoiled of a portion of them 
 while she was overwhelmed with distress and held down by the 
 
APPENDIX. xxv 
 
 chains which a tyrant had imposed on her gloriously struggling for 
 the greatest of all possible blessings (true liberty.) The treache 
 rous Americans, who call themselves free, have attacked her, like 
 assassins, while she was fallen. But the day of retribution is fast 
 approaching. These atrocities will excite horror in the heart of 
 a British soldier, they will stimulate you to avenge them, and you 
 will avenge them like British soldiers. Valour, then, and hu 
 manity! 
 
 As to the Indians, you are to exhibit to them the most exact 
 discipline, being a pattern to those children of nature. You will have 
 to teach and instruct them; in doing which you will manifest the ut 
 most patience, and you will correct them when they deserve it. 
 But you will regard their affections and antifiathies, and never gi-ue 
 them just cause of offence. Sobriety, above all things, should be 
 your greatest care a single instance of drunkenness may be our 
 ruin; and I declare to you, in the most solemn manner, that no con 
 sideration whatsoever shall induce me to forgive a drunkard. Ap 
 prised of this declaration, if any of you break my orders in this 
 respect, he will consider himself as the just cause of his own chas 
 tisement. Sobriety is your first duty; I ask of you the observance 
 of it among your brethren.- Vigilance is our next duty. Nothing 
 is so disgraceful to our army as surprise. Nothing so destructive 
 
 to our cause. 
 
 EDWARD NICHOLLS, 
 
 NO. XIIL 
 
 At a very numerous and respectable meeting of the citizens of 
 New Orleans and its vicinity, assembled pursuant to public 
 notice at Tremoulet s coffee-house, on the 15th day of Sep- 
 tember, 1814, to consider of the propriety of naming a com 
 mittee to co-operate with the constituted authorities ot the state 
 and general government, in suggesting measures of defence, 
 and calling out the force of the country in the present emer 
 gency, 
 
 Edward Livingston, Esq. was called to the chair, and Rich 
 ard Relf, Esq. appointed secretary of the meeting. 
 
 The chairman opened the meeting by a speech analogous to 
 the occasion, in which he showed the propriety and necessity of the 
 
xxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 meeting, and the good effects that would probably result from an 
 expression of public opinion in th present posture of our affairs, 
 and took occasion, from the English assertion of disaffection in 
 this state, to show, that we owed it to ourselves to disavow such 
 unfounded and calumnious insinuations, and by a prompt and 
 cheerful offer of support, to show to the rest of the United States 
 that we are not unworthy of a place among them. After a strong 
 and eloquent invitation to union, he proposed the following resolu 
 tions, which were unanimously adopted: 
 
 Resolved) That on all important national questions, it is pro 
 per, and in urgent emergencies it is necessary, for the citizens of 
 a free government to aid their magistrates and officers by a proffer 
 of their support in the performance of their functions. 
 
 Resolved, That in this state such an expression of public 
 opinion is peculiarly proper, because the enemy has dared to al 
 lege that we are disaffected to our government, and ready to assist 
 him in his attempts on our independence, an allegation which we 
 declare to be false and insidious, tending to create doubts of our 
 fidelity to the union of which we are a member, and which we re 
 pel with the indignation they are calculated to inspire. 
 
 Resolved^ That an union with the other states is necessary to 
 the prosperity of this, and that while we rely upon them for as 
 sistance and protection, we will not be wanting in every exertion 
 proportionate to our strength, in order to maintain internal tran 
 quillity, repxil invasion, and preserve to the United States this im 
 portant accession to its commerce and security. 
 
 Resolved) As the sense of this assembly, that the good peo 
 ple of this state are attached to the government of the United 
 States, and that they will repel with indignation every attempt to 
 create disaffection and weaken the force of the country, by excit 
 ing dissentions and jealousies at a moment when union is most 
 necessary. 
 
 Resolved, That we consider the present as a crisis serious but 
 not alarming that our country is capable of defence that we do 
 not despair of the republic, and that we will at the risk of our 
 lives and fortunes defend it. 
 
 Resolved^ That a committee of nine members be appointed 
 to co-operate with the constituted civil and military authorities, in 
 
APPENDIX. xxvii 
 
 suggesting means of defence, and calling forth the energies of the 
 countiy to repel invasion and preserve domestic tranquillity, and 
 that the said committee consist of the following persons: Edward 
 Livingston, Pierre Foucher, Dussuau de la Croix, Benjamin Mor 
 gan, George M. Ogden, Dominique Bouligny, J. Noel Destre- 
 han, John Blanque, Augustin Macarty. 
 
 (Signed) EDWARD LIVINGSTON, chairman. 
 
 Signed) RICHARD RELF, secretary. 
 
 NO. XIV. 
 
 Address from the committee of public defence, to their fellow 
 
 citizens. 
 FELLOW CITIZENS, 
 
 NAMED by a numerous assembly of the citizens of New Or 
 leans, to aid the constituted authorities in devising the most certain 
 means of guarding against the dangers which threatened you, our 
 first duty is to apprize you of the extent of those dangers your 
 open enemy is preparing to attack you from without, and by means 
 of his vile agents dispersed through the country, endeavours to 
 excite to insurrection a more cruel and dangerous one in the midst 
 of you. 
 
 Fellow citizens! the most perfect union is necessary among 
 all the individuals which compose our community; all have an 
 equal interest in yielding a free and full obedience to their magis 
 trates and officers, and in forwarding their views for the public 
 good all have not only their property, but their very existence 
 at stake; you have, through your representatives in the convention, 
 contracted the solemn obligation of becoming an integral part of 
 the United States of America; by this measure you secured your 
 own sovereignty and acquired the invaluable blessing of indepen 
 dence. God forbid that we should believe there are any among 
 us disposed to fail in the sacred duties required by fidelity and 
 honour. A just idea of the geographical situation of your coun 
 try will convince you that your safety, and in a greater degree your 
 prosperity, depends on your being irrevocably and faithfully at 
 tached to an union with the other states; but if there exist among 
 you men base or mad enough to undervalue their duties and their 
 
xxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 true interest let them tremble on considering the dreadful evils 
 they will bring down upon themselves and upon us, if by their 
 criminal indifference they favour the enterprises of the enemy 
 against our beloved country. 
 
 Fellow citizens! the navigation of the Mississippi is as ne 
 cessary to two millions of our western brethren, as the blood is to 
 the pulsation of the heart those brave men, closely attached to 
 the union, will never suffer, whatever seducing offers maybe made 
 to them they will never suffer the state of Louisiana to be sub 
 ject to a foreign power, and should the events of war enable the 
 enemy to occupy it, they will make every sacrifice to recover a 
 country so necessary to their existence. A war ruinous to you would 
 be the consequence, the enemy, to whom you would have had the 
 weakness to yield, would subject you to a military despotism, of 
 all others the most dreadful; your estates, your slaves, your per 
 sons would be put in requisition, and you would be forced at the 
 point of the bayonet to fight against those very men whom you 
 have voluntarily chosen for fellow citizens and brethren. Beloved 
 countrymen, listen to the men honoured by your confidence, and 
 who will endeavour to merit it; listen to the voice of honour, of 
 duty, and of nature! unite! form but one body, one soul, and de 
 fend to the last extremity your sovereignty, your property de 
 fend your own lives, and the dearer existence of your wives and 
 
 children. 
 
 "PIERRE FOUCHER, 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 DESTREHAN, 
 BENJAMIN MORGAN, 
 EDWARD LIVINGSTON, 
 DUSUAU DE LA CRO1X, 
 AUGUSTUS MACARTY, 
 GEORGE M. OGDEN. 
 D= BOULIGNY, 
 
 NO. XV. 
 
 At a meeting of the committee of public defence on the 21* Xcji 
 tember, 1814, 
 
 On motion, resolved, that a sabre, with a suitable inscription 
 and proper emblems, be presented to major W. Lawrence, as a 
 
APPENDIX. xxix 
 
 testimonial of the sense which is entertained of his skill and gal-^ 
 lantry in the defence of fort Bowyer, and in the repulse of the 
 enemy s squadron and forces before that place. 
 
 Ordered, that the chairman communicate a copy of this reso 
 lution to major Lawrence, with a request that he will convey to 
 the brave officers and men under his command, the expression of 
 gratitude which is felt for the important service they have render 
 ed to this state, as well as to the United States. 
 
 (Signed) EDWARD LIVINGSTON, chairman, 
 
 NO. XVI. 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Head-quarters^ seventh military district^ 
 
 Mobile, September 2 1st, 1814. 
 
 LOUISIANIANS! 
 
 THE base, the perfidious Britons have attempted to invade your 
 country they had the temerity to attack fort Bowyer with their in 
 congruous horde of Indians and negro assassins they seemed to 
 have forgotten that this fort was defended by freemen they were 
 not long indulged in their error the gallant Lawrence, with his 
 little spartan band, has given them a lecture that will last for ages; 
 he has taught them what men can do when fighting for their liber 
 ty, when contending against slaves. He has convinced sir W. H. 
 Percy that his companions in arms are not to be conquered by 
 proclamations; that the strongest British bark is not invulnerable 
 to^the force of American artillery, directed by the steady nervous 
 arm of a freeman. 
 
 Louisianians! The proud Briton, the natural and sworn ene 
 mies of all Frenchmen, has called upon you, by proclamation, to 
 aid him in his tyranny, and to prostrate the holy temple of our li- 
 berty. Can Louisianians, can Frenchmen, can Americans, ever 
 Stoop to be the slaves or allies of Britain. 
 
 The proud, vain-glorious boaster colonel Nicholls, when he 
 addressed you, Louisianians and Kentuckians, had forgotten that 
 you were the votaries of freedom, or he would never have pledg 
 ed the honour of a British officer for the faithful performance of 
 his promise, to lure you from your fidelity to the government of 
 
xxx APPENDIX. 
 
 your choice. I ask you, Louisianians, can we place any confidence 
 in he honour of men who have courted an alliance with pirates 
 and robbers? Have not these noble Britons, these honourable men, 
 colonel Nicholls and the honourable captain W. H. Percy, the 
 true representatives of their royal master, done this? Have they 
 not made offers to the pirates of Barataria to join them, and theiu 
 holy cause? And have they not dared to insult you by calling on 
 you to associate, as brethren with them, and this hellish banditti. 
 
 Louisianians! The government of your choice are engaged 
 in a just and honourable contest for the security of your individu 
 al and her national rights on you, a part of America, the only 
 country on earth where every man enjoys freedom, where its 
 blessings are alike extended to the poor and the rich, calls to pro 
 tect these rights from the invading usurpation of Britain; and she 
 calls not in vain. I well know that every man whose soul beats 
 high at the proud title of freeman; that every Louisianian, either 
 by birth or adoption, will promptly obey the voice of his country; 
 will rally round the eagle of Columbia, secure it from the pend 
 ing danger, or nobly die in the last ditch in its defence. 
 
 The individual who refuses to defend his rights, when called 
 upon by his government, deserves to be a slave, and must be 
 punished as an enemy to his country, and a friend to her foe. 
 
 The undersigned has been intrusted with the defence of your 
 country on you he relies to aid him in this important duty; in 
 this reliance he hopes not to be mistaken. He trusts in the jus 
 tice of his cause and the patriotism of his countrymen confident 
 that any future attempt to invade our soil will be repelled as the 
 last, he calls not upon either pirates or robbers to join him in the 
 glorious cause. 
 
 Your governor has been fully authorized by me to organize 
 any volunteer company, battalion, or regiment which may proffer 
 its services under this call, and is informed of their probable des 
 tination. 
 
 (Signed) ANDREW JACKSOIC. 
 
APPENDIX. xxxi 
 
 NO. XVII. 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Head-quarters, 7th military district, Mobile, September 21, 1814. 
 
 To the free coloured inhabitants of Louisiana. 
 
 THROUGH a mistaken policy you have heretofore been de 
 prived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights 
 in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist. 
 
 As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend our 
 most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks 
 with confidence to her adopted children, for a valorous support, 
 as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and 
 equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you 
 are summoned to rally round the standard of the eagle, to defend 
 all which is dear in existence. 
 
 Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not 
 wish you to engage in her cause, without amply remunerating you 
 for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be 
 led away by false representations. Your love of honour would 
 cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. 
 In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth I address 
 you. 
 
 To every noble-hearted, generous freeman of colour, volun 
 teering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, 
 and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money and 
 lands, now received by the white soldiers of the United States, viz. 
 one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred 
 and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and pri 
 vates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay and daily ra 
 tions, and clothes furnished to any American soldier. 
 
 On enrolling yourselves in companies, the major-general 
 commanding will select officers for your government, from your 
 white fellow citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be 
 appointed from among yourselves. 
 
 Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and sol 
 diers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the 
 same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sar 
 casm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing 
 the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause ar\d 
 gratitude of your countrymen. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety 
 to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have commu 
 nicated iny wishes to the governor of Louisiana, who is fully in 
 formed as to the manner of enrolment, and will give you every ne 
 cessary information on the subject of this address. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, 
 Major-general commanding. 
 
 NO. XVIII. 
 
 ANONYMOUS. 
 
 To commodore Daniel T. Patterson^ New Orleans. 
 
 Pensacola, 5th December, 1814. 
 Sin, 
 
 I FEEL it a duty to apprize you of a very large force of the 
 enemy off this port, and it is gener ally understood New Orleans 
 is the object of attack. It amounts at present to aboyt eighty vessels, 
 and more than double that number are momentarily looked for, to 
 form a junction, when an immediate commencement of their ope 
 rations will take place. I am not able to learn, how, when, or 
 where the attack will be made; but I heard that they have vessels 
 of all descriptions, and a large body of troops. Admiral Cochrane 
 commands, and his ship, the Tonnant, lies at this moment just out 
 side the bar; they certainly appear to have swept the West Indies 
 of troops, and probably no means will be left untried to obtain their 
 object. The admiral arrived only yesterday noon. 
 
 I am yours, Sec. 
 
 NO. XIX. 
 
 Cofiy of a letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the 
 
 na-vy^ dated New Orlean^ 17th March^ 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 INCLOSED I have the honour to transmit for your information 
 a copy of a letter from lieutenant Thomas Ap Catesby Jones, giv 
 ing a detailed account of the action between the gun- vessels under 
 his command, and a flotilla of the enemy s lanches and barges, ori 
 
r > 
 
 I UNIVERSIT^ 
 \ 
 
 APPENDIX. xxxiii 
 
 the 1 4th December, 1814, which, after a most gallant resistance, 
 terminated, as stated in my letter of the 17th December, in the 
 capture of our squadron. 
 
 The courage and skill which was displayed in the defence of 
 the gun-vessels and tender, for such a length of time, against such 
 an overwhelming force as they had to contend with, reflects ad 
 ditional splendour on our naval glory, and will, I trust, diminish 
 the regret occasioned by their loss. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 DANIEL T. PATTERSON. 
 
 JVew Orleans, 12th March, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 HAVING sufficiently recovered my strength, I do myself the 
 honour of reporting to you the particulars of the capture of the di 
 vision of United States gun-boats late under my command. 
 
 On the 12th -December, 1814, the enemy s fleet off Ship 
 island increased to such a force as to render it no longer safe or 
 prudent for me to continue on that part of the lakes with the small 
 force which I commanded. I therefore determined to gain a sta 
 tion near the Malhereux islands as soon as possible, which situa 
 tion would better enable me to oppose a further penetration of the 
 enemy up the lakes, and at the same time afford me an opportuni 
 ty of retreating to the Petite Coquilles if necessary. 
 
 At 10, A. M. on the 13th I discovered a large flotilla of bar 
 ges had left the fleet, (shaping their course towards the Pass 
 Christian) which I supposed to be a disembarkation of troops in 
 tended to land at that place. About 2, P. M. the enemy s flotilla 
 having gained the Pass Christian, and continuing their course to 
 the westward, convinced me that an attack on the gun-boats was 
 designed. At this time the water in the lakes was uncommonly 
 low, owing to the westerly wind which had prevailed for a number 
 of days previous, and which still continued from the same quar 
 ter. Nos. 156, 162 and 163, although in the best channel, were 
 in 12 or 18 inches less water than their draught. Every effort; 
 was made to get them afloat by throwing overboard all articles of 
 weight that could be dispensed with. At 3 30, the flood-tide had 
 commenced; got under weigh, making the best of my way to 
 wards the Petite Coquilles, At 3 45, the enemy despatched three 
 
xxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 boats to cut out the schooner Seahorse, which had been sent into 
 the bay St. Louis that morning to assist in the removal of the public 
 stores, which I had previously ordered. There finding a removal 
 impracticable, I ordered preparations to be made for their destruc 
 tion, least they should fall into the enemy s hands. A few dis 
 charges of grape-shot from the Seahorse compelled the three- 
 boats, which had attacked her, to retire out of reach of her gun, 
 until they were joined by four others, when the attack was re 
 commenced by the seven boats. Mr. Johnson having chosen an 
 advantageous position near the two six-pounders mounted on the 
 bank, maintained a sharp action for near 30 minutes, when the ene 
 my hauled off, having one boat apparently much injured, and with 
 the loss of several men killed and wounded. ~At 7 30, an explo 
 sion at the bay, and soon after a large fire, induced me to believe 
 the Seahorse was blown up and the public storehouse set on fire, 
 which has proved to be the fact. 
 
 About I A. M. on the 14th, the wind having entirely died away, 
 and our vessels become unmanageable, came to anchor in the 
 west end of Malheureux island s passage. At daylight next 
 morning, still a perfect calm, the enemy s flotilla was about nine 
 miles from us at anchor, but soon got in motion and rapidly ad 
 vanced on us. The want of wind, and the strong ebb-tide which 
 was setting through the pass, left me but one alternative; which 
 was, to put myself in the most advantageous position, to give the 
 enemy as warm a reception as possible. The commanders were all 
 called on board and made acquainted with my intentions, and the 
 position which each vessel was to take, the whole to form a close 
 line abreast across the channel, anchored by the stern with springs 
 on the cable, &c. &c. Thus we remained anxiously awaiting an 
 attack from the advancing foe, whose force I now clearly distin 
 guished to be composed of forty-two heavy lanches and gun-bar 
 ges, with three light gigs, manned with upwards of one thousand 
 men and officers. About 9 30, the Alligator (tender) which was 
 to the southward and eastward, arid endeavouring to join the di 
 vision, was captured by several of the enemy s barges, when the 
 whole flotilla came to, with their grampnels a little out of reach 
 of our shot, apparently making arrangements for the attack At 
 10 30, the enemy weighed, forming a line abreast in open order, - 
 and steering direct for our line, which was unfortunately in some 
 
APPENDIX. xxxv 
 
 degree broken by the force of the current, driving Nos. 1 56 and 1 63 
 about one hundred yards in advance. As soon as the enemy came 
 within reach of our shot, a deliberate fire from our long guns was 
 opened upon him, but without much effect, the objects being of 
 so small a size. At 10 minutes before 11, the enemy opened a 
 fire from the whole of his line, when the action became general 
 and destructive on both sides. About 1 1 49, the advance boats of 
 the enemy, three in number, attempted to board No. 156, but were 
 repulsed with the loss of nearly every officer killed or wounded, 
 and two boats sunk. A second attempt to board was then made 
 by four other boats, which shared almost a similar fate. At this 
 moment I received a severe wound in my left shoulder, which 
 compelled me to quit the deck, leaving it in charge of Mr. 
 George Parker, master s-mate, who gallantly defended the vessel 
 until he was severely wounded, when the enemy, by his superior 
 number, succeeded in gaining possession of the deck about 10 
 minutes past 12 o clock. The enemy immediately turned the 
 guns of his prize on the other gun-boats, and fired several shot 
 previous to striking the American colours. The action continued 
 with unabating severity until 40 minutes past 12 o clock, when it 
 terminated with the surrender of No. 23, all the other vessels hav 
 ing previously fallen into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 In this unequal contest our loss in killed and wounded has been 
 trifling, compared to that of the enemy. 
 
 Enclosed you will receive a list of the killed and wounded, 
 and a correct statement of the force which I had the honour to 
 command at the commencement of the action, together with an 
 estimate of the force I had to contend against, as acknowledged 
 by the enemy, which will enable you to decide how far the honour 
 of our country s flag has been supported in this conflict. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 (Signed) THOMAS AP CATESBY JONES. 
 
 Statement of the effective forces of a division of the United States 
 gun-boats under the command of lieutenant-commanding Tho 
 mas A]i Catesby Jones^ at the commencement of the action^ with 
 a flotilla of English boats^on the 14th December, 1814. 
 
 Gun-boat No. 5, 5 guns, 36 men, sailing-master John D. Fer 
 ris; gun-boat 23, 5 guns, 39 men, lieutenant Isaac M Keevc 
 
xxxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 gun-boat No. 156, 5 guns, 41 men, lieutenant-commandant 
 mas A. C.Jones; gun-boat 162, 5 guns, 35 men, lieutenant Ro 
 bert Spedden; gun-boat 163, 3 guns, 31 men, sailing-master 
 George Ulrick Total, 23 guns, 182 men. 
 
 N. B. The schooner Seahorse, had one six-pounder, and 14 
 men, sailing-master William Johnson, commander; none killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 The sloop Alligator (tender) had one four-pounder and 8 
 men, sailing-master Richard S. Shepperd, commander. 
 
 (Signed) THOMAS AP CATESBY JONES. 
 
 The following is a correct statement of the British forces which were 
 engaged in the capture of the late United States* gun-boats, 
 Nos. 23, 156,5, 162 and 163, near the Malhereux islands, lake 
 Borgne, 14th December, 1814. 
 
 Forty lanches and barges, mounting one carronade, each ot 
 12, 18, and 24 calibre. 
 
 One lanch mounting one long brass twelve-pounder. 
 One lanch mounting one long brass nine-pounder. 
 Three gigs, with small arms only. 
 
 Total number of boats 45 
 
 Total number of cannon 43 
 
 The above flotilla was manned with one thousand two hun 
 dred men and officers, commanded by captain Lockyer, who re 
 ceived three severe wounds in the action. The enemy, as usual, 
 will not acknowledge his loss on this occasion in boats or men; 
 but from the nature of the action, and the observations made by 
 our officers, while prisoners in their fleet, his loss in killed and 
 wounded may be justly estimated to exceed three hundred, among- 
 v;hora are an unusual proportion of officers. 
 
APPENDIX. xxxvii 
 
 NO. XX. 
 
 On Sunday, the 18th December, general Jackson reviewed the 
 militia of the city, the battalion commanded by major Plauche, 
 and a part of the regiment of men of colour. Being drawn up 
 on their respective parades, the following addresses were read 
 to them by Mr. Livingston, one of his aids: 
 
 TO THE EMBODIED MILITIA. 
 
 JFello w citizens and soldiers! 
 
 THE general commanding in chief would not do justice to 
 the noble ardour that has animated you in the hour of danger, he 
 would not do justice to his own feeling, if he suffered the example 
 you have shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an 
 opulent and commercial town, you have, by a spontaneous effort, 
 shaken off the habits which are created by wealth, and shown that 
 you are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune by bravely de 
 fending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you have em 
 bodied yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of vete 
 rans and with motives of disunion that might operate on weak 
 minds, you have forgotten the difference of language and the pre 
 judices of national pride, and united with a cordiality that does 
 honour to your understandings as well as to your patriotism. Na 
 tives of the United States! They are the oppressors of your infant 
 political existence, with whom you are to contend they are the 
 men your fathers conquered whom you are to oppose. Descend 
 ants of Frenchmen! natives of France! they are English, the he 
 reditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders 
 of that you have adopted, who are your foes. Spaniards! remem 
 ber the conduct of your allies at St. Sebastians, and recently at 
 Pensacola, and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging 
 the brutal injuries inflicted by men who dishonour the human race. 
 
 Fellow citizens, of every description, remember for what and 
 against whom you contend. For all that can render life desira 
 ble for a country blessed with every gift of nature for property, 
 for life for those dearer than either, your wives and children 
 and for liberty, without which, country, life, property, are no 
 longer worth possessing; as even the embraces of wives and chil 
 dren become a reproach to the wretch who would deprive them 
 
xxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 by his cowardice of those invaluable blessings. You are to con 
 tend for all this against an enemy whose continued effort is to de 
 prive you of the least of these blessings who avows a war of ven 
 geance and desolation, carried on and marked by cruelty, lust, and 
 horrors unknown to civilized nations. 
 
 Citizens of Louisiana! the general commanding in chief, re 
 joices to see the spirit that animates you, not only for your honour 
 but for your safety; for whatever had been your conduct or wishes, 
 his duty would have led, and will now lead him to confound the 
 citizen unmindful of his rights, with the enemy he ceases to oppose. 
 Now, leading men who know their rights, who are determined to 
 defend them, he salutes you, brave Louisianians, as brethren in 
 arms, and has now a new motive .to exert all his faculties which 
 shall be strained to the utmost in your defence. Continue with 
 the energy you have begun, and he promises you not only safety, 
 but victory over the insolent enemy who insulted you by an affect 
 ed doubt of your attachment to the constitution of your country. 
 
 TO THE BATTALION OF UNIFORM COMPANIES. 
 
 WHEN I first looked at you on the day of my arrival, I was 
 satisfied with your appearance, and every day s inspection since 
 has confirmed the opinion I then formed. Your numbers have 
 increased with the increase of danger, and your ardour has aug 
 mented since it was known that your post would be one of peril 
 and honour. This is the true love of country! You have added 
 to it an exact discipline, and a skill in evolutions rarely attained 
 by veterans; the state of your corps does equal honour to the skill 
 of the officers and the attention of the men. With such defenders 
 our country has nothing to fear. Every thing I have said to the 
 body of militia, applies equally to you you have made the same 
 sacrifices you have the same country to defend, the same motive 
 for exertion but I should have been unjust had I not noticed, as 
 it deserved, the excellence of your discipline and the martial ap 
 pearance of your corps. 
 
 TO THE MEN OF COLOUR. 
 
 SOLDIERS From the shores of Mobile I collected you to 
 arms I invited you to share in the perils and to divide the glory 
 of your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was 
 not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so for- 
 
APPENDIX. xxxix 
 
 midable to an invading foe I knew that you could endure hunger 
 and thirst and all the hardships of war I knew that you loved the 
 land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all 
 that is most dear to man but you surpass my hopes. I have found 
 in you, united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which im 
 pels to great deeds. 
 
 Soldiers The president of the United States shall be in 
 formed of your conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of 
 the representatives of the American nation shall applaud your va 
 lour, as your general now praises your ardour. The enemy is 
 near; his " sails cover the lakes;" but the brave are united; and if 
 he finds us contending among ourselves, it will be for the prize 
 of valour and fame, its noblest reward. 
 
 (By command) THOMAS L. BUTLER, 
 
 Aid de-camp. 
 
 NO. XXI. 
 
 The following spirited order gives a sufficient account of the 
 motives which induced general Jackson to resort to the measure 
 of proclaiming martial law. At the same time that it served to con 
 vince the emissaries, whom the enemy might have sent among us, 
 of the inutility of their mission, it convinced also the people of 
 Louisiana, that the man who had come to take command of the 
 forces, was decidedly determined to save the country, and to make 
 use of all the means in his power to obtain that desirable end. 
 
 New Orleans, December 15, 1814. 
 
 To THE CITIZENS OF NEW ORLEANS, 
 
 THE major-general commanding, has, with astonishment and 
 regret, learned that great consternation and alarm pervade your 
 city. It is true the enemy is on our coast and threatens an inva 
 sion of our territory, but it is equally true, with union, energy, and 
 the approbation of Heaven, we will beat him at every point his 
 temerity may induce him to set foot upon our soil. The general, with 
 still greater astonishment, has heard that British emissaries have 
 been permitted to propagate seditious reports among you, that the 
 threatened invasion is with a view of restoring the country to 
 Spain, from a supposition that some of you would be willing to 
 
xl APPENDIX. 
 
 return to your ancient government. Believe not such incredible 
 tales your government is at peace with Spain it is the vital ene 
 my of your country, the common enemy of mankind, the highway 
 robber of the world that threatens you, and has sent his hirelings 
 amongst you with this false report, to put you off your guai ci, that 
 you may fall an easy prey to him; then look to your liberties, 
 your property, the chastity of your wives and daughters take a 
 retrospect of the conduct of the British army at Hampton and 
 other places, where it has entered our country, and every bosom 
 which glows with patriotism and virtue, will be inspired with in 
 dignation, and pant for the arrival of the hour when we shall meet 
 and revenge those outrages against the laws of civilization and hu 
 manity. 
 
 The general calls upon the inhabitants of the city to trace 
 this unfounded report to its source, and bring the propagator to 
 condign punishment. The rules and articles of war annex the 
 punishment of death to any person holding secret correspondence 
 with the enemy, creating false alarm, or supplying him with pro 
 vision; and the general announces his unalterable determination 
 rigidly to execute the martial law in all cases which may come 
 within his province. 
 
 The safety df the district entrusted to the protection of the 
 general, must and will be maintained with the best blood of the 
 country; and he is confident all good citizens will be found at their 
 posts, with their arms in their hands, determined to dispute every 
 inch of ground with the enemy: that unanimity will pervade the 
 country generally: but should the general be disappointed in this 
 expectation, he will separate our enemies from our friends those 
 who are not for us are against us, and will be dealt with accordingly. 
 
 (By command) THOMAS L. BUTLER, aid-de-camfi. 
 
 NO. XXII. 
 
 AN ACT 
 1o grant a delay in the cases therein mentioned, 
 
 WHEREAS the present crisis will oblige a great number of 
 citizens to take up arms in defence of this state, and compel them 
 
APPENDIX. xii 
 
 to quit their homes, and thus leave their private affairs in a state 
 of abandonment, which may expose them to great distress, if the 
 legislature should not, by measures adapted to the circumstances, 
 come to their relief, 
 
 SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the senate and house of representa 
 tives of the state of Louisiana in general assembly convened. That 
 no protest on any note or bill of exchange, payable to order or 
 bearer, or on any note, bill of exchange, or obligation for the pay 
 ment of money, shall or can be legally made, until one hundred 
 and twenty days after the promulgation of the present act. 
 
 SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That no property, either 
 moveable or immoveable, belonging to successions or bankrupts, 
 or any property seized by virtue of any execution issued by the 
 courts of justice, or justices of the peace of this state, shall be 
 sold within one hundred and twenty days after the promulgation of 
 the present act; Provided however, that the delay aforesaid shall 
 not prejudice the holders or proprietors of the said notes, bills, 
 obligations, or judgments, from demanding the interests which 
 they would or might have legally demanded, if the said delay did 
 not exist. 
 
 SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That from and after the 
 promulgation of this act, no civil suit or action shall be commen 
 ced or prosecuted before any court of record or other tribunal of 
 this state, nor shall any execution issue or be proceeded upon; and 
 all proceedings in civil suits or actions, now pending before any 
 such court or tribunal, shall henceforth cease and be suspended 
 during the time this act shall remain in force. 
 
 SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That no sale of lands or 
 slaves which may be passed during the time this act remains in 
 force, shall have any effect to the prejudice of the rights of the 
 creditor or creditors, of the persons making such sale. Provided 
 however, that such creditor or creditors who may have no existing 
 lien on such property, shall, before the first day of June next, make 
 known to the person possessing the same, the claim or demand he 
 or they may have against the person who shall have sold the same. 
 
 SEC. 5. And be it further enacted, That for the purpose of 
 preserving the securities of creditors under the said suspension 
 
 f 
 
xlii APPENDIX. 
 
 of judicial proceedings, the several judges and justices of the 
 peace of this state, having original jurisdiction, shall have the 
 power of granting writs of sequestration, in case any debtor or 
 debtors, during such suspension, shall remove or attempt to re 
 move their personal estate and slaves, or either of them without 
 the jurisdiction of the courts; which may be detained under se 
 questration on petition filed by the creditor, the allegations con 
 tained in which petition shall be supported by the oath of the pe 
 titioner, his agent or attorney, Provided however, that the debtor 
 may replevy his estate so sequestered, on giving bond and securi 
 ty for the payment of any judgment against him, or any debt to be 
 liquidated by judgment or otherwise by the debtor and creditor. 
 
 SEC. 6. And be it further enacted, That this act, within the 
 parish of Orleans, shall be considered as being legally promulga 
 ted, on the day it shall have been approved by the governor, and 
 within the other parishes of this state, on the day of its promulga 
 tion, agreeably to the now existing laws. This act shall continue 
 and be in force until the first day of May next and no longer. 
 
 MAGLOIRE GUICHARD, 
 Sfieaker of the house of representatives. 
 FULWAR SKIPWITH, President of the Senate. 
 Approved, December 18, 1814. 
 
 WILLIAM C. CLAIBORNE, 
 Governor of the state of Louisiana. 
 
 NO. XXIII XXIV. 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the hon. Secretary at War. 
 
 U. S. ship, Louisiana, December 28, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to inform you that on the 23d instant, while 
 at the bayou St. John, examining the batteries erecting there by 
 the navy, under the superintendance of captain Henley of the Caro 
 lina, I learnt that information had been received by general Jack 
 son that the enemy had penetrated through bayou Bienvenu with 
 a large force, and had effected a landing at general Villcre s plan 
 tation bn the banks of the Mississippi, which upon application to 
 the general proved to be true. The alarm was immediately given in 
 
APPENDIX. xliii 
 
 town, and the troops put in motion; I repaired <5n board the Uni 
 ted States schooner Carolina, with captain Henley, and after orc-er- 
 ing the Louisiana, commanded by lieutenant-commandant C. B. 
 Thompson, to follow me, at 4 P. M. weighed, and it being calm, 
 dropped down with the current; at about half past six I received a 
 request from general Jackson, through Mr. Edward Livingston, his 
 aid-de-camp, to anchor abreast of the enemy s camp, which he 
 pointed out, and open a fire upon them. It continuing calm, got 
 out sweeps, and a few minutes after, having been frequently hail 
 ed by the enemy s sentinels, anchored, veered out a long scope of 
 cable, sheered close in shore abreast of their camp, and commen 
 ced a heavy (and as I havq since learned most destructive) fire 
 from our starboard battery and small arms, which was returned 
 most spiritedly by the enemy with congreve rockets and musket 
 ry from their whole force, when after about forty minutes of most 
 incessant fire, the enemy was silenced; the fire from our battery 
 was continued till nine o clock upon the enemy s flank while en 
 gaged in the field with our army, at which hour ceased firing, 
 supposing from the distance of the enemy s fire (for it was too 
 dark to see any thing on shore) that they had retreated beyond the 
 range of our gUns weighed and swept across the river, in hopes 
 of a breeze the next morning to enable me to renew the attack 
 upon the enemy, should they be returned to their encampment; 
 but was disappointed on the 24th by a light air from north-north 
 west, which towards the evening, hauled toward northwest, and 
 blew a heavy gale, compelling me to remain during the 24th, 25th, 
 and 26th at anchor in a position abreast of the enemy, although 
 every possible exertion was made by captain Henley to warp the 
 schooner up, without success, from the extreme rapidity of the cur 
 rent occasioned by the very uncommon rise of the river. On the af 
 ternoon of the 26th, at the request of general Jackson, I visited him 
 at his head-quarters, and went from thence to town to equip and 
 arm with two thirty -two-pounders, such merchant vessels in port, 
 as I might find capable of supporting them. During the 24th, 25th, 
 and 26th, fired at the enemy whenever they could be seen. Ow 
 ing to the calmness of the night of the 23d, the Louisiana could 
 not join me till the morning of the 24th, when she fortunately 
 anchored about one mile above the Carolina. By the fire from the 
 
xliv APPENDIX. 
 
 enemy on the night of the 23d, one man only was wounded, ami 
 very little injury done to the hull, sails, and rigging; in her bul 
 warks were a great number of musket balls, several in her masts 
 and topmasts, and through her mainsail. Nothing could exceed 
 the incessant fire from the Carolina, which alone can be attributed 
 to the high state of discipline to which captain Henley has brought 
 her crew. Of him, lieutenants Norris and Crawley, and sailing- 
 master Haller, I cannot speak in too high terms; the petty officers 
 and crew behaved with that cool determined courage and zeal 
 which has so strongly characterized the American tars in the 
 present war. I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 D.T.PATTERSON- 
 NO. XXV. 
 
 Cojiy of a letter from general Andrew Jackson to the secretary of 
 
 war, dated 
 Camp, near New Orleans, 26th December ; 1814. 
 
 THE enemy having, by the capture of our gun-boats, obtained 
 command of the lakes, were enabled to effect a passage to the 
 Mississippi at a point on the side of New Orleans, knd about nine 
 miles below it. The moment I received the intelligence, I has 
 tened to attack him in his first position. It was brought on in the 
 night and resulted very honourably to our arms. The heavy 
 smoke, occasioned by an excessive fire, rendered it necessary that 
 I should draw off my troops, after a severe conflict of upwards of 
 an hour. 
 
 The attack was made on the night of the 23d. Since then 
 both armies have remained near the battle-ground, making pre 
 parations for something more decisive. 
 
 The enemy s force exceeded ours by double, and their loss 
 was proportionably greater. The moment I can spare the time, 
 I will forward you a detailed account. In the meantime I expect 
 something far more important will take place. I hope to be able 
 to sustain tho honour of our arms and to secure the safety of this 
 
 country. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
APPENDIX. xiv 
 
 Major-general Jackson to the secretary of war. 
 Head-quart era, 7th military district, camp, below New Orleans, 27?A 
 
 December, A. M. 
 SIR, 
 
 THE loss f our gun-boats near the pass of tl e? Rigolets, 
 having given the enemy command of lake Borgne, ne was ena 
 bled to choose his point of attack. It became therefore an ob 
 ject of importance to obstruct the numerous bayous and canals 
 leading from that lake to the highlands on the Mississippi. This 
 important service was committed, in the first instance, to a detach 
 ment from the 7th regiment, afterwards to colonel Delaronde of 
 the Louisiana militia, and lastly^ to make all sure, to major-general 
 Villere, commanding the district between the river and the lakes, 
 and who, being a native of the country, was presumed to be best 
 acquainted with all those passes. Unfortunately, however, a pic- 
 quet which the general had estiblished at the mouth of the bayou 
 Bienvenu, and which, notwithstanding my orders, had been left 
 unobstructed, was completely sirprised, and the enemy penetrated 
 through a canal leading to his farm about two leagues below the 
 city, and succeeded in cuttingoff a company of militia stationed 
 there. The intelligence was conmunicated to me about 2 o clock 
 of the 23d. My force, at this ime, consisted of parts of the 7th 
 and 44th regiments, not exceeding six hundred together, the citjr 
 militia, a part of general Coffee s brigade of mounted gun-men, 
 and the detached militia from tie western division of Tennessee, 
 under the command of major-general Carrol these two last 
 corps were stationed four miles above the city. Apprehending a 
 double attack by the way of Chef-Menteur, I left general Car 
 roll s force, and the militia of the city, posted on the Gentilly road; 
 and at 5 o clock P.M. marched to meet the enemy, whom I was 
 resolved to attack in his first position, with major Hind s dra 
 goons, general Coffee s brigade, parts of the 7th and 44th regi 
 ments, the uniform companies of militia under the command of 
 major Plauche, two hundred men of colour (chiefly from St. Do 
 mingo) raised by colonel Savary and acting under the command 
 of major Daquin, and a detachment of artillery under the direction 
 of colonel M Rea, with two six -pounders under the command of 
 lieut. Spots not exceeding in all fifteen hundred. I arrived near 
 
xlvi APPENDIX. 
 
 the enemy s encampment about 7, and immediately made my dis 
 positions for the attack. His forces amounting at that time on 
 land to about three thousand, extended half a mile on the river, 
 and in the rear nearly to the wood. General Coffee was ordered 
 to turn th^y right, while, with the residue of the force, I at 
 tacked his strongest position on the left, near the river. Commo 
 dore Patterson having dropped down the river in the schooner Ca 
 rolina, was directed to open a fire upon their camp, which he exe 
 cuted at about half after 7. This being the signal of attack, gene 
 ral Coffee s men, with their usual impetuosity, rushed on the ene 
 my s right, and entered their camp, while our right advanced 
 with equal ardour. There can be but little doubt that we should 
 have succeeded on that occasion, wth our inferior force, in de 
 stroying or capturing the enemy, had not a thick fog, which arose 
 about 8 o clock, occasioned some confusion among the different 
 corps. Fearing the consequences, under this circumstance, of 
 the further prosecution of a night Attack with troops then acting 
 together for the first time, I contested myself with lying on the 
 field that night; and at 4 in the moning assumed a stronger posi 
 tion about two miles nearer to the cjty. At this position I remain 
 encamped, waiting the arrival of t}e Kentucky militia and other 
 re-enforcements. As the safety of he city will depend on the fate 
 of this army, it must not be incautiously exposed. 
 
 In this affair the whole corps under my command deserve 
 the greatest credit. The best compliment I can pay to general 
 Coffee and his brigade, is to say (hey behaved as they have al 
 ways done while under my commjtnd. The 7th, led by major 
 Peire, and the 44th, commanded bf colonel Ross, distinguished:, 
 themselves. The battalion of city militia, commanded by major 
 Plauche, realized my anticipations, and behaved like veterans 
 Savary s volunteers manifested great bravery and the company 
 of city riflemen, having penetrated into the midst of the enemy s 
 camp, were surrounded, and fought their way out with the great 
 est heroism, bringing with them a number of prisoners. The 
 two field pieces were well served by the officer commanding 
 them. 
 
 All my officers in the line did their duty, and I have every 
 veason to be satisfied with the whole of my field and staff. Colo- 
 
APPENDIX. xlvii 
 
 nels Butler and Piatt, and major Chotard, by their intrepidity, 
 saved the artillery. Colonel Haynes was every where that duty 
 or danger called. I was deprived of the services of one of my 
 aids, captain Butler, whom I was obliged to station, to his great 
 regret in town. Captain Reid, my otter aid, and Messrs. Liv 
 ingston, Duplessis and Davezac, who hid volunteered their ser 
 vices, faced danger wherever it was to be met, and carried my 
 orders wit / the utmost promptitude. 
 
 We made one major, two subalterns, and sixty-three privates 
 prisoners; and the enemy s loss in killed and wounded must have 
 been at least . My own loss I have not as yet been able to as 
 certain with exactness, but suppose it to amount to one hundred 
 in killed, wounded and missing. Among the former I have to 
 lament the loss of coloned Lauderdalc of general Coffee s brigade, 
 who fell while bravely fighting. Colonels Dyer and Gibson, of 
 the same corps, were wounded, and major Kavenaugh taken pri 
 soner. 
 
 Colonel Delaronde, major Villere of the Louisiana militia, 
 major Latour of engineers, having no command, volunteered their 
 services, as did Drs. Kerr and Flood, and were of great assist 
 ance to me. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. XXVI XXVII. 
 
 Cofiy of a letter from cafitain Henley^ commanding late United 
 States* schooner Carolina, to commodore Patterson, dated 
 
 New Orleans, December 28, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to inform you, that after you left here on 
 the 26th instant, in pursuance to your order, every possible ex 
 ertion was made to move the schooner Carolina higher up the ri 
 ver and near general Jackson s camp, without success; the wind 
 being at N. N. W. and blowing fresh and too scant to get under 
 way, and the current too rapid to move her by warping, which I 
 had endeavoured to do with my crew. 
 
 At daylight, on the morning of the 27th, the enemy opened 
 upon the Carolina * battery of five guns, from which they threw 
 
xiviii \ APPENDIX. 
 
 shells and hot shot; returned their fire with the long twelve-pound 
 er, the only gun on board which could reach across the river, the 
 remainder of her battery being light twelve-pound carronactes. 
 
 The air being light and at north, rendered it impossible to 
 get under way; the second shot fired by the enemy lodged in the 
 schooner s main-hold urider her cables, and in such a situation as 
 pot to be come at, and Ared her, which rapidly progressed; finding 
 that hot shot were passing through her cabin and filling room, 
 which contained a considerable quantity of powder; hec bulwarks 
 all knocked down by the enemy s shot, the vessel in a sinking situa 
 tion, and the fire increasing, and expecting every moment that she 
 would blow up, at a little after sunrise I reluctantly gave orders 
 for the crew to abandon her, which was effected, with the loss of 
 one killed and six wounded; a. short time after I had succeeded in 
 getting the crew on shore, I had the extreme mortification of see 
 ing her blow up. 
 
 It affords me great pleasure to acknowledge the able assist 
 ance 1 received from lieutenants Norris and Crawley, and sailing- 
 master Haller, and to say that my officers and crew behaved on 
 this occasion, as well as on the 23d when under your own eye, in a 
 most gallant manner. 
 
 Almost every article of clothing belonging to the officers and 
 crew, from the rapid progress of the fire, was involved in the de 
 struction of the vessel. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) JOHN D. HENLEY. 
 
 P. S. I have not made out a detailed account of the action on 
 the night of the 23d, as you were on board during the whole action. 
 
 Letter from major -general Jackson, to the secretary of war, dated 
 Head-quarters, seventh military district, 
 
 Camfi below New Orleans, December 29, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 The enemy succeeded on the 27th in blowing up the Caro 
 lina (she being becalmed) by means of hot shot from a land bat 
 tery which he had erected in the night. Emboldened by this event, 
 he marched his whole force the next day up the levee, in the hope 
 of driving us from our position, and with this view, opened upon 
 
APPENDIX. jclix 
 
 us, at the distance of about half mile, his bombs and rockets. He 
 was repulsed, however, with considerable loss; not less, it is be 
 lieved, than one hundred and twenty in killed. Ours was incon 
 siderable; not exceeding half a dozen killed and a dozen wounded. 
 
 Since then he has not ventured to repeat his attempt, though 
 lying close together. There has been frequent skirmishing be 
 tween our picquets. 
 
 I lament that I have not the means of carrying on more of 
 fensive operations. The Kentucky troops have not arrived, and 
 my effective force at this point, does not exceed three thousand. 
 Theirs must be at least double; both prisoners and deserters agree 
 ing in the statement that seven thousand landed from their boats. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Cofiy of a letter from commodore Patterson, commanding our na 
 val force on the Orleans station, to the secretary of the navy, 
 dated U. S. ship. Louisiana, 4 miles below JVeiv Orleans, 
 
 29th December, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to inform you, that on the morning of the 
 28th instant, at about half past seven, perceived our advanced-guard 
 retreating towards our lines the enemy pursuing; fired shot, 
 shells, and rockets, from field artillery, with which they advanced 
 on the road behind the levee; sprung the ship to bring the star 
 board guns to bear upon the enemy; at 25 minutes past 8 A. M< 
 the enemy opened their fire upon the ship, with shells, hot shot, 
 and rockets, which was in-stanlly returned with great spirit and 
 much apparent effect, and continued without intermission till one 
 P. M. when the enemy slackened their fire, and retreated with 
 a part of their artillery from each of their batteries, evidently with 
 great loss. Two attempts were made to screen one heavy piece 
 of ordnance mounted behind the levee, with which they threw hot 
 shot at the ship, and which had been a long time abandoned be,- 
 fore they succeeded in recovering it, and then it must have been 
 with very great loss, as I distinctly saw, with the akl of my glass, 
 several shot strike in the midst of the men (seamen) who were 
 employed dragging it away. At 3 P. M. the enemy were silenced: 
 at 4 P. M. cea sed firing from the ship, the enemy having retired 
 beyond the range of her guns. Many c. r t hei r shot passed over the 
 
 
 
i APPENDIX, 
 
 ship, and their shells burst over her decks, which 
 with their fragments; yet, after an incessant cannonading of up 
 wards of seven hours, during which time eight hundred shot were 
 fired from the ship, one man only was wounded slightly, by the 
 piece of a shell, and one shot passed between the bowsprit and 
 heel of the jib-boom. 
 
 The enemy drew up his whole force, evidently with an in 
 tention of assaulting general Jackson s lines, under cover of his 
 heavy cannon; but his cannonading being so warmly returned from 
 the lines and ship Louisiana, caused him, I presume, to abandon 
 his project, as he retired without making the attempt. You will 
 have learned by my former letters, that the crew of the Louisiana 
 is composed of men of all nations, (English excepted) taken from 
 the streets of New Orleans not a fortnight before the battle; yet 
 I never knew guns better served, or a more animated fire, than 
 was supported from her. 
 
 Lieutenant C. C. B. Thompson deserves great credit for the 
 discipline to which in so short a time he had brought such men, 
 two-thirds of whom do not understand English. 
 
 General Jackson having applied for officers and seamen to 
 work the heavy cannon on his lines furnished by me, lieutenants 
 Norris and Crawley, of the late schooner Carolina, instantly vo 
 lunteered, and with the grAter part of her crew were sent to 
 those cannon, which they served during the action herein detail 
 ed. The enemy must have suffered a great loss in that day s 
 action, by the heavy fire from this ship and general Jackson s 
 lines, where the cannon was of heavy calibre, and served with 
 great spirit. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great consideration and respect, 
 your obedient servant,, 
 
 DANIEL T. PATTERSON. 
 
 NO. XXVIIL 
 
 Letter from commodore Patterson to the secretary of the navy. 
 
 Marine Batteries, 5 miles below N. Or Leans , January 2, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 Finding the advantageous effect which resulted from the 
 flanking-fire upon the enemy from the Louisiana, as detailed in 
 
APPENDIX. li 
 
 my letter of the 29th ultimo, I that night had brought down 
 from the navy yard, and mounted in silence, a twenty- four pounder 
 on shore, in a position where it could most annoy the enemy when 
 throwing up works on the levee or in the field. On the 30th 
 opened upon the enemy with the twenty-four pounder, which 
 drove them from their works, the ship firing at the same time 
 upon their advance, which retired from the levee and sheltered 
 itself behind houses, See. The great effect produced by the gun 
 on shore, induced me on the 31st to land from the Louisiana two 
 twelve-pounders, which I mounted behind the levee in the most 
 advantageous position, to harass the flank of the enemy in his ap 
 proaches to our lines, and to aid our right. At four A. M. the 
 enemy opened a fire upon the left of our line with artillery and 
 musketry, which was returned most spiritly with artillery and 
 musketry. At two P. M. the enemy having retired, the firing 
 ceased. 
 
 On the first instant, at ten A. M. after a very thick fog, the 
 enemy commenced a heavy cannonading upon general Jackson s 
 lines and my battery, from batteries they had thrown up during 
 the preceding night on the levee; which was returned from our 
 lines and my battery, and terminated, after a most incessant fire 
 from both parties of nearly five hours, in the enemy being silenced 
 and driven from their works; many of their shells went immedi 
 ately over my battery, and their shot passed through rny breast 
 work and embrazures, without injuring a man. On this, as on 
 the 28th, I am happy to say, that my officers and men behaved 
 to my entire satisfaction; but 1 beg leave particularly to name 
 acting lieutenant Campbell, acting sailing-master John Gates, 
 acting midshipman Philip Philibert, of the Louisiana, and sailing- 
 master Haller, of the late schooner Carolina. I did not drop the 
 Louisiana down within the range of their shot, having learnt from 
 deserters that a furnace of shot was kept in constant readiness at 
 each of their batteries to burn her; and the guns being of much 
 greater effect on shore, her men were drawn to man them, and I 
 was particularly desirous to preserve her from the hot shot, as I 
 deemed her of incalculable service to cover the army in the event 
 of general Jackson retiring from his present line to those which 
 he had thrown up in his rear. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 DANIEL T. PATTERSON- 
 
Hi APPENDIX. 
 
 NO. XXIX. 
 
 Copy of a letter from major-general Jacksc^t to the secretary qf 
 
 war, dated 
 
 Cam/2, four miles beloiv Orleans, 9th January, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 During the clays of the 6th and 7th, the enemy had been ac 
 tively employed in making preparations for an attack on my lines.. 
 With infinite labour they had succeeded on the night of the 7th 
 in getting their boats across from the lake to the river, by widen 
 ing and deepening the canal on which they had effected their dis 
 embarkation. It had not been in my power to impede these ope 
 rations by a general attack added to other reasons, the nature 
 of the troops under my command, mostly militia, rendered it too 
 hazardous to attempt extensive offensive movements in an open 
 country, against a numerous and well-disciplined army. Although 
 my forces, as to number, had been increased by the arrival of the 
 Kentucky division, my strength had received very little addition; 
 a small ponion only of that detachment being provided with arms. 
 Compelled thus to wait the attack of the enemy, I took every 
 measure to repel it when it should be made, and to defeat the ob 
 ject he had in view. General Morgan with the Orleans contin 
 gent, the Louisiana militia, and a strong detachment of the Ken 
 tucky troops, occupied an intrenched camp on the opposite side 
 of the river, protected by strong; batteries on the bank, erected and 
 superintended by commodore Patterson. 
 
 In my encampment every thing was ready for action, when 
 early on the morning of the 8th the enemy, after throwing a heavy 
 shower of bombs and congreve rockets, advanced their columns 
 on my right and left, to storm my intrenchments. I cannot speak 
 sufficiently in praise of the firmness and deliberation with which my 
 whole line received their approach. MORE could not have been 
 expected from veterans inured to war. For an hour the fire of 
 the small arms was as incessant and severe as can be imagined. 
 The artillery, too, directed by officers who displayed equal skill 
 and courage, did great execution. Yet the columns of the enemy 
 continued to advance with a firmness which reflects upon them 
 the greatest credit. Twice the column which approached me on 
 my left, was repulsed by the troops of general Carroll, those of 
 
APPENDIX. Uti 
 
 general Coffee and a division of the Kentucky militia, and twice 
 they formed again and renewed the assault. At length, however, 
 cut to pieces, they fled in confusion from the field, leaving it co 
 vered with their dead and wounded. The loss which the enemy 
 sustained on this occasion, cannot be estimated at less than fifteen 
 hundred in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Upwards of three 
 hundred have already been delivered over for burrvl; and my men 
 are still engaged in picking them up within my lines, and carry 
 ing them to the point where the enemy are to receive them. This 
 is in addition to the dead and wounded whom the enemy have been 
 enabled to carry from the field during and since the action, and 
 to those who have since died of the wounds they received. We 
 have taken about five hundred prisoners, upwards of three hun 
 dred of whom are wounded, and a great part of them mortally. 
 My loss has not exceeded, and I believe has not amounted to ten 
 killed and as many wounded. The entire destruction of the ene 
 my s army was now inevitable, had it not been for an unfortunate 
 occurrence, which at this moment took place on the other side of 
 the river. Simultaneously with his advance upon my lines, he 
 had thrown over in his boats a considerable force to the other side 
 of the river. These having landed, were hardy enough to ad 
 vance against the works of general Morgan; and, what is strange 
 and difficult to account for, at the very moment when their entire 
 discomfiture was looked for with a confidence approaching to cer 
 tainty, the Kentucky re-enforcements, in whom so much reliance 
 had been placed, ingloriously fled, drawing after them, by their 
 example, the remainder of the forces; and thus yielding to the 
 enemy that most formidable position. The batteries which had 
 rendered me, for many days, the most important service, though 
 bravely defended, were, of course, now abandoned; not however 
 until the guns had been spiked. 
 
 This unfortunate rout had totally changed the aspect of af 
 fairs. The enemy now occupied a position from which they 
 might annoy us without hazard, and by means of which they might 
 have been able to defeat, in a great measure, the effects of our 
 success on this side the river. It became therefore an object of 
 the first consequence to dislodge him as soon as possible. For 
 -his objectj all the means in my power, which I could with an v 
 
liv APPENDIX. 
 
 safety use, were immediately put in preparation. Perhaps, how 
 ever, it was owing somewhat to another cause that I succeeded 
 even beyond my expectations. In negociating the terms of a tem 
 porary suspension of hostilities, to enable the enemy to bury their 
 dead and provide for their wounded, I had required certain pro 
 positions to be acceded to as a basis, among which this was one 
 thai, although hostilities should cease on this side the river until 
 twelve o clock of this day, yet it was not to be understood that 
 they should cease on the other side; but that no re-enforcements 
 should be sent across by either army until the expiration of that 
 day. His excellency major-general Lambert begged time to con 
 sider of those propositions until ten o clock of to-day, and in the 
 meantime re-crossed his troops. I need not tell you with how 
 much eagerness I immediately regained possession of the posi 
 tion he had thus happily quitted. 
 
 The enemy having concentrated his forces, may again at 
 tempt to drive me from my position by storm. Whenever he 
 does, I have no doubt my men will act with their usual firmness* 
 and sustain a character now become dear to them. 
 
 I have the honour to be. Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Copy of a letter from major-general Jackson to the secretary of 
 
 war, dated 
 
 Camfij four miles below New Or leans ^ January 13, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 At such a crisis I conceive it my duty to keep you constant 
 ly advised of my situation. 
 
 On the 10th instant I forwarded you an account of the bold 
 attempt made by the enemy on the morning of the 8th, to take 
 possession of my works by storm, and of the severe repulse which 
 he met with. That report having been sent by the mail which 
 crosses the lake, may possibly have miscarried; for which reason 
 I think it the more necessary briefly to repeat the substance of It. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 8th, the enemy having been ac 
 tively employed the two preceding days in making preparations 
 for a storm, advanced in two strong columns on my right and left. 
 They were received however, with a firmness which it seems they 
 little expected, and which defeated all their hopes. My men, un- 
 
APPENDIX. lv 
 
 disturbed by their approach, which indeed they had long anxious 
 ly wished for, opened upon them a fire so deliberate and certain, 
 as rendered their scaling ladders and fascines, as thei? more direct 
 implements of warfare, perfectly useless. For upwards of an 
 hour it was continued with a briskness of which there has been 
 but few instances, perhaps, in any country. In justice to the ene 
 my it must be said, they withstood it as long as could have 
 been expected from the most determined bravery. At length, 
 however, when all prospects of success became hopeless, they 
 fled in confusion from the field leaving it covered with their 
 dead and wounded. Their loss was immense. I had first com 
 puted it at fifteen hundred; it is since ascertained to have been 
 much greater. Upon information which is believed to be correct, 
 colonel Hayne, the inspector-general, reports it to be in the tc- 
 tal two thousand six hundred. His report I enclose you. My 
 loss was inconsiderable being only seven killed and six wounded.* 
 Such a disproportion in loss, when we consider the number and 
 the kind of troops engaged, must, I know, excite astonishment, 
 and may not every where, be fully credited; yet I am perfectly 
 satisfied that the account is not exaggerated on the one part, nor 
 underrated on the other. 
 
 The enemy having hastily quitted a post which they had gain 
 ed possession of on the other side of the river, and we having im 
 mediately returned to it, both armies at present occupy their for 
 mer positions. Whether, after the severe loss he has sustained, 
 he is preparing to return to his shipping or to make still mightier 
 efforts to attain his first object, I do not pretend to determine it 
 becomes me to act as though the latter were his intention. One 
 thing, however, seems certain, that if he still calculates on effect 
 ing what he has hitherto been unable to accomplish, he must ex 
 pect considerable re-enforcements; as the force with which he 
 landed must undoubtedly be diminished by at least three thousand. 
 Besides the loss which he sustained on the night of the 23d ult. 
 which is estimated at four hundred, he cannot have suffered less 
 between that period and the morning of the 8th inst. than three 
 hundred having, within that time, been repulsed in two general 
 
 * This was in the <kction on the line afterwards skirmishing was kept 
 up, in which a few more of our men were lost. 
 
Ivl APPENDIX. 
 
 attempts to drive us from our position, and there having been con 
 tinual cannonading and skirmishing during the whole of it. Yet 
 he is still ahe to .show a very formidable force. 
 
 There is little doubt that the commanding general, sir Ed 
 ward Packenham, was killed in the action of the 8th, and that ma 
 jor-generals Kean and Gibbs were badly wounded. 
 
 Whenever a more leisure moment shall occur, I will take the 
 liberty to make out and forward you a more circumstantial account 
 of the several actions, and particularly that of the 8th; in doing 
 which my chief motive will be to render justice to those brave 
 men I have the honour to command, and who have so remarkably- 
 distinguished themselves. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 P. S. A correct list of my killed and wounded will be for 
 warded you by the adjutant-general. 
 
 Letter from A. P. Hayne, to major-general Jackson, dated 
 
 Head-quarters-) left bank of the Mississippi, 
 
 Jive miles below JVew Or leans, January 13, 1815, 
 SIR, 
 
 I have the honour to make the following report of the killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners taken at the battle of Macrardie s plan 
 tation on the left bank of the Mississippi, on the morning of the 
 3th January, 1815, and five miles below the city of New Orleans. 
 Killed, 700 
 
 Wounded, 1 400 
 
 Prisoners taken; one major, four captains, eleven 
 lieutenants, one ensign, four hundred and eighty-three 
 non-commissioned officers and privates, 500 
 
 Making a grand total of 2600 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 A. P. HAYNE. 
 
 Copy of a letter from major-general Jackson to the secretary of 
 
 war, dated 
 
 Campy four miles below New Orleans, January 19, 1815, 
 Last night, at twelve o clock, the enemy precipitately de 
 camped and returned to his boats, leaving behind him, under me:lv 
 
APPENDIX. Ivii 
 
 cal attendance, eighty of his wounded including two officers, four 
 teen pieces of his heavy artillery, and a quantity of shot, having 
 destroyed much of his powder. Such was the situation of the 
 ground which he abandoned, and of that through which he re 
 tired, protected by canals, redoubts, intrenchments, and swamps 
 on his right, and the river on his left, that I could not without en 
 countering a risk, which true policy did not seem to require or to 
 authorize, attempt to annoy him much on his retreat. We took 
 only eight prisoners. , 
 
 Whether it is the purpose of the enemy to abandon the ex 
 pedition altogether, or renew his efforts at some other point, I do 
 not pretend to determine with positiveness. In my own mind, 
 however, there is but little doubt that his last exertions have been 
 made in this quarter, at any rate for the present season, and by the 
 next I hope we shall be fully prepared for him. In this belief I 
 am strengthened not only by the prodigious loss he has sustained 
 at the position he has just quitted, but by the failure of his fleet 
 to pass fort St. Philip. 
 
 His loss on this ground, since the debarkation of his troops, 
 as stated by the last prisoners and deserters, and as confirmed 
 by many additional circumstances, must have exceeded four thou 
 sand; and was greater in the action of the 8th than was estima 
 ted, from the most correct data then in his possession, by the in 
 spector-general, whose report has been forwarded to you. We 
 succeeded, on the 8th, in getting from the enemy about one thou 
 sand stand of arms of various descriptions. 
 
 Since the action of the 8th, the enemy have been allowed 
 very little respite my artillery from both sides of the river be 
 ing constantly employed till the night, and indeed until the hour 
 of their retreat, in annoying them. No doubt they thought it quite 
 time to quit a position in which so little rest could be found. 
 
 I am advised by major Overton, who commands at fort St. 
 Philip, in a letter of the 18th, that the enemy having bombarded 
 his fort for eight or nine days, from thirteen-inch mortars without 
 effect, had on the morning of that day retired. I have little doubt 
 that he would have been able to have sunk their vessels had they 
 attempted to run by. 
 
 h 
 
iviii APPENDIX. 
 
 Giving the proper weight to all these considerations, I believe 
 you will not think me too sanguine in the belief that Louisiana is 
 now clear of its enemy. I hope, however, I need not assure you, 
 that wherever I command, such a belief shall never occasion any 
 relaxation in the measures for resistance. I am but too sensible 
 that the moment when the enemy is opposing us, is not the most 
 proper to provide for them. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 P. S. On the 18th our prisoners on shore were delivered to 
 us, an exchange having been previously agreed to. Those who 
 are on board the fleet will be delivered at Petit Coquille after 
 Which I shall still have in my hands an excess of several hundred. 
 
 20th Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, has to-day taken fifty- 
 four prisoners; among them are four officers. A. J. 
 
 Letter from adjutant -general Robert Butler, to brigadier -general 
 
 Parker, dated 
 Head-quarters, 7th Military district, Adjutant -general s office, 
 
 Jackson* s JAnes, below Orleans, Jan. 16, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour herewith to enclose for the information of 
 the war department, a report of the killed, wounded, and missing 
 of the army under the command of major-general Jackson, in the 
 different actions with the enemy since their landing. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ROBERT BUTLER. 
 
 Report of the killed, wounded, and missing, of the army under the 
 command of major-general Andrew Jackson, in the actions of 
 the 23d and %8th of December 1814, and 1st and 8th of Janu 
 ary, 1815, with the enemy. 
 
 ACTION OF DECEMBER 23d, 1814. 
 
 Killed Artillerymen, 1; 7th United States infantry, 1 lieu 
 tenant (M Clellan), 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 4 privates; 44th do. 7 
 privates; general Coffee s brigade volunteer mounted gun-men, 1 
 lieutenant-colonel (Lauderdale), 1 captain (Pace), 1 lieutenant 
 (Samuel Brooks), 2 sergeants, 4 privates. Total 24. 
 
 Wounded General staff, 1 colonel (col. Piatt) 7th United 
 States infantry, I captain (A. A. White), 1 ensign, 1 sergeantj 2 
 
APPENDIX. Hx 
 
 corporals, 23 privates; 44th do. 2 lieutenants, 3 sergeants, 2 cor 
 porals, 19 privates; general Coffee s brigade, 1 colonel, 2 lieuten 
 ant-colonels, 1 captain, 2 lieutenants, 1 quarter- master sergeant, 
 3 sergeants, 2 corporals, 1 musician, 30 privates; New Orleans 
 volunteer corps, 1 captain, 2 sergeants, 7 privates; volunteers of 
 colour, 1 adjutant and 6 privates. Total wounded, 115. 
 
 Missing General Coffee s brigade; 1 major, 2 captains, 3 
 lieutenants, 1 quarter-master, 3 ensigns or cornets, 4 sergeants, 
 1 corporal, 2 musicians, 57 privates. Total missing 74. 
 
 Total killed, wounded, and missing on the 23d 213. 
 
 ACTION OF DECEMBER 28th, 1814. 
 
 Killed General Coffee s brigade, 1 private; New Orleans 
 volunteer company, 1 private; general Carroll s division of Ten 
 nessee militia, 1 colonel (Henderson), 1 sergeant, 5 privates- 
 Total 9. 
 
 Wounded Marines, 1 major (Carmick); New Orleans vo 
 lunteer company, 3 privates; general Carroll s division, 1 lieuten 
 ant, 3 privates. Total wounded, 8. 
 
 Missing None. 
 
 Total killed, wounded, and missing on this day, 1 7. 
 
 ACTION OF 1st JANUARY, 1815. 
 
 Killed Artillery, navy, and volunteers at batteries, 8 privates; 
 44th ditto, 1 private; general Coffee s brigade, 1 sergeant; gene 
 ral Carroll s division, 1 private. -.-Total 1 1 . 
 
 Wounded Artillery, navy, and volunteers at batteries, 8; 
 7th United States infantry, 1 private; 44th do. 3; general^Coffee s 
 brigade, 2; New Orleans volunteers, 3 privates; general Carroll s 
 division, 1 sergeant, 2 privates; volunteers of colour, 1 lieutenant, 
 J sergeant, 1 private.Total 23. 
 
 Missing N one . 
 
 Total of killed, wounded, and missing this day, 34. 
 
 ACTION ON BOTH SIDES THE RIVER, 8th JANUARY, 1815, 
 
 Killed Artillery, navy, and volunteers at batteries, 3 privates; 
 7th United States infantry, 1 sergeant, 1 corporal; general Cof 
 fee s brigade, 1 private; Carroll s division, 1 sergeant, 3 private^.; 
 
Ix APPENDIX. 
 
 Kentucky militia 1 private; majors Lacoste s and Dacquin s vo 
 lunteers of colour, 1 private; general Morgan s militia, 1 private. 
 Total killed, 13. 
 
 Wounded Artillery, &c. one private; 7th United States in 
 fantry, one private; general Carroll s division, one ensign, one ser 
 geant, six privates; Kentucky militia, one adjutant, one corporal, 
 and ten privates; volunteers of colour, one ensign, three sergeants, 
 one corporal, eight privates; general Morgan s militia, two ser 
 geants, two privates. Total wounded, thirty-nine. 
 
 Missing. Kentucky militia, four privates; Morgan s militia, 
 fifteen privates Total nineteen. 
 
 Total killed, wounded and missing this day, seventy-one. 
 
 NOTE Of the killed, wounded and missing on this day, but 
 six killed and seven wounded in the action on the east bank of the 
 river, the residue in a sortie after the action, and in the action on 
 the west bank. 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 Total killed, 55 
 
 Total wounded, 185 
 
 Total missing, 93 
 
 Grand Total 333 
 
 Truly reported from those on file in this office. 
 
 ROBERT BUTLER. 
 
 Letter from Commodore Patterson to the Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 Marine battery, five miles below New Orleans^ \3th January, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to inform you, that during the 2d and 3d 
 instant, I landed from the ship and mounted, as the former ones, 
 on the banks of the river, four more twelve-pounders, and erected 
 a furnace for heating shot, to destroy a number of buildings which 
 intervened between general Jackson s lines and the camp of the 
 enemy and occupied by him. On the evening of the 4th I suc- 
 cee4ed in firing a number of them, and some rice stacks by my 
 hot shot, which the enemy attempted to extinguish, notwithstand 
 ing the heavy fire I kept up, but which at length compelled them 
 to desist. On the 6th and 7th I erected another furnace, and 
 mounted on the banks of the river two more twenty-four pound- 
 
APPENDIX. Ixi 
 
 ers, which had been brought up from the English Turn, by the 
 exertions of colonel Caldwell, of the drafted militia of this state, 
 and brought within and mounted on the intrenchments on this 
 side the river, one twelve-pounder; in addition to which, general 
 Morgan, commanding the militia on this side, planted two brass 
 six -pound field pieces in his lines, which were incomplete, having 
 been commenced only on the 4th; these three pieces were the 
 only cannon on the lines, all the others being mounted on the 
 bank of the river, with a view to aid the right of general Jack 
 son s lines on the opposite shore, and to flank the enemy should 
 they attempt to march up the road leading along the levee, or 
 erect batteries on the same, of course could render no aid in 
 defence of general Morgan s lines. My battery was manned in 
 part from the crew of the ship, and in part by militia detailed for 
 that service by general Morgan, as I had not seamen enough to 
 fully man them. 
 
 During greater part of the 7th, reconnoitred the enemy at 
 Villere s plantation, whose canal, I was informed, they were 
 deepening and opening to the river, for the purpose of getting 
 their lanches in, which upon examination with my glass I found 
 to be true, and informed general Jackson of my observations by 
 letters, copies of which I enclose herewith; a re-enforcement to 
 general Morgan s militia was made in consequence, consisting 
 of about four hundred militia from Kentucky, very badly armed 
 or equipped, the general not having arms to furnish them, who 
 arrived on this side on the morning of the 8th much fatigued. 
 At 1 A. M. finding that the enemy had succeeded in lanching 
 their barges into the river, I despatched my aid-de-camp, Mr. 
 R. D. Shepherd, to inform general Jackson of the circumstance, 
 and that a very uncommon stir was observed in the enemy s camp 
 and batteries on the banks of the river, and stating again the ex 
 treme weakpess of this side the river, and urging a re-enforce 
 ment. I would have immediately dropped down with the Louisiana 
 upon their barges; but to do so I must have withdrawn all the men 
 from the battery on shore, which I deemed of the greatest impor 
 tance, and exposed the vessel to fire by hot shot from the enemy s 
 batteries, mounting six long eighteen-pounders, which protected 
 vheir barges; and at this time she had on board a large quantity of 
 
Ixii APPENDIX. 
 
 powder, for the supply of her own guns, and those on shore, most 
 of which was above the surface of the water, consequently expos 
 ed to their hot shot. 
 
 General Morgan despatched the Kentuckians immediately 
 on their arrival, about 5 A. M. to re-enforce a party which had 
 been sent out early on the night of the 7th, to watch and oppose 
 the landing of the enemy, but who retreated after a few shot from 
 the enemy within the lines, where they were immediately posted 
 in their station on the extreme right. At daylight, the enemy 
 opened a heavy cannonade upon general Jackson s lines and my 
 battery, leading their troops under cover of their cannon to the 
 assault of the lines, which they attempted on the right and left, but 
 principally on the latter wing; they were met by a most tremen 
 dous and incessant fire of artillery and musketry, which compel 
 led them to retreat with precipitation; leaving the ditch filled, and 
 the field strewed with their dead and wounded./^My^attery was 
 opened upon them simultaneously with those from our lines, 
 flanking the enemy both in his advance and retreat with round, 
 grape and canister, which must have proved extremely destruc 
 tive, as in their haste and confusion to retreat they crowded the 
 top of the levee, affording us a most advantageous opportunity for 
 the use of grape and canister, which I used to the greatest -advan 
 tage. While thus engaged with the enemy on the opposite shore, 
 I was informed that they had effected their landing on this side, 
 and were advancing to general Morgan s breastwork. I imme 
 diately ordered the officers in command of my guns to turn them 
 in their embrazures, and point them to protect general Morgan s 
 right wing, whose lines not extending to the swamp, and those 
 weakly manned, I apprehended the enemy s outflanking him on 
 that wing; which order was promptly executed by captain Hen 
 ley and the officers stationed at the battery, under a heavy and well 
 directed fire of shot and shells from the enemy on the opposite 
 bank of the river. At this time the enemy s force had approach 
 ed general Morgan s lines, under the cover of a shower of rock 
 ets, and charged in despite of the fire from the twelve-pounder 
 and field-pieces mounted on the lines as before stated; when in a 
 few minutes I had the extreme mortification and chagrin to ob 
 serve general Morgan s right wing, composed as herein mentioned 
 
APPENDIX. Ixu i 
 
 of the Kentucky militia, commanded by major Davis, abandon 
 their breastwork and flying in a most shameful and dastardly 
 manner, almost without a shot; which disgraceful example, after 
 firing a few rounds, was soon followed by the whole of general 
 Morgan s command, notwithstanding every exertion was made 
 by him, his staff and several officers of the city militia, to keep 
 them to their posts. By the great exertions of those officers a 
 short stand was effected on the field, when a discharge of rockets 
 from the enemy, caused them again to retreat in such a manner 
 that ne efforts could stop them. 
 
 Finding myself thus abandoned by the force I relied upon to 
 protect my battery, I was most reluctantly and with inexpressible 
 pain, after destroying my powder and spiking my cannon, com 
 pelled to abandon them, having only thirty officers and seamen 
 with me. A part of the militia were rallied at a saw-mill canal, 
 about two miles above the lines from which they had fled, and 
 there encamped. I ordered the Louisiana to be warped up for 
 the purpose of procuring a supply of ammunition, and mounting- 
 other cannon, remaining myself to aid general Morgan. A large 
 re-enforcement of militia having been immediately despatched by 
 general Jackson to this side, every arrangement was made by ge 
 neral Morgan to dislodge the enemy from his position, when he 
 precipitately retreated, carrying with him the two field pieces 
 and a brass howitz, after having first set fire to the platforms and 
 gun-carriages on my battery, two saw-mills, and all the bridges 
 between him and general Morgan s troops, and re crossed the 
 river, and secured his boats by hauling them into his canal.j| On 
 the 9th we re-occupied our former ground, and recovereoall the 
 cannon in my battery, which I immediately commenced drilling 
 and remounting; and on the evening of the 10th had two twen 
 ty-four-pounders mounted and ready for service, on the left flank 
 of a new and more advantageous position. From the 10th to the 
 present date 1 have been much engaged in mounting my twelve- 
 pounders along the breastwork erected by general Morgan on 
 this new position, having three twenty-four pounders (with a fur 
 nace) to front the river, and flank general Jackson s lines on the 
 opposite bank, from which we fired upon the enemy wherever he 
 appeared. Our present position is now so strong that there is no- 
 
Ixiv APPENDIX. 
 
 thing to apprehend should the enemy make another attempt ou 
 this side. 
 
 To captain Henley, who has been with me since the destruc 
 tion of his schooner, and who was wounded on the 8th, I am 
 much indebted for his aid on every occasion, and to the officers 
 commanding the different guns in my battery, for their great ex 
 ertions at all times, but particularly on the trying event of the 8th. 
 The exertions of treneral Morgan, his staff, and several of the 
 officers of the city militia, excited my highest respect, and I deem 
 it my duty to say that had the drafted and city militia been alone 
 on that day, that I be ive they would have done much better; 
 but the flight of the Kentuckians paralized their exertions and 
 produced a retreat, which could not be checked. The two brass 
 field pieces, manned entirely by militia of the city, were admira 
 bly served, nor were they abandoned till deserted by their com 
 rades, one of which was commanded by Mr. Hosmer, of captain 
 Simpson s company, the other by a Frenchman, whose name I 
 know not. The twelve-pounder under the direction of acting 
 midshipman Philibert, was served till the last moment, did great 
 execution, and is highly extolled by general Morgan. The force 
 of the enemy on this side amounted to one thousand men, and 
 from the best authority I can obtain, their loss on this side, I have 
 since learned, was ninety-seven killed and wounded; among the 
 latter is colonel Thornton who commanded; of the former five or 
 six have been discovered buried, and. lying upon the field; our loss 
 was one man killed and several wounded. 
 
 I have the honour to be, See. 
 
 DANIEL T. PATTERSON. 
 
 NO. XXX. 
 
 Address of the major-general commanding the 7th military district^ 
 to the troops stationed on the right bank of the Mississippi. 
 
 January 8, 1815. 
 
 WHILE by the blessing of Heaven directing the valour of the 
 troops under my command, one of the most brilliant victories in 
 the annals of the war, was obtained by my immediate command; 
 no words can express the mortification I felt at witnessing the 
 
APPENDIX. Ixv 
 
 scene exhibited on the opposite bank. I will spare your feelings 
 and my own by entering into no detail on the subject; to all who 
 reflect, it must be a source of eternal regret, that a few moments 
 exertion of that courage you certainly possess, was alone wanting to 
 have rendered your success more complete than that of your fellow 
 citizens in this camp, by the defeat of the detachment which was 
 rash enough to cross the river to attack you. To what cause was the 
 abandonment of your lines owing? To fear? No! You are the coun 
 trymen, the friends, the brothers of those who have secured to them 
 selves by their courage, the gratitude of their country; who have 
 been prodigal of their blood in its defence.- .\d who are strangers 
 to any other fear than that of disgrace to disaffection to our glo 
 rious cause? No, my countrymen, your general docs justice to the 
 pure sentiments by which you are inspired. How then could brave 
 men, firm in the cause in which they were enrolled, neglect theiy 
 first duty, and abandon the post committed to their care? The wan* 
 of discipline, the want of order, a total disregard to obedience, and 
 a spirit of insubordination, not less destructive than cowardice it 
 self, this appears to be the cause which led to the disaster, and 
 the causes must be eradicated, or I must cease to command; and 
 I desire to be distinctly understood, that every breach of orders., 
 all want of discipline, every inattention of duty will be serious 
 ly and promptly punished, that the attentive officers, and good 
 soldiers may not be mentioned in the disgrace and danger which 
 the negligence of a few may produce. Soldiers! you want only 
 the will, in order to emulate the glory of your fellow citizens on 
 this bank of the river- you have the same motives for action.; 
 the same interest; the same country to protect, and you liave an 
 additional interest from past events, to wipe off the stain and show., 
 what, no doubt, is the fact, that you will not be inferior in the day 
 of trial to any of your countrymen. 
 
 But remember, that without obedience, without order, with? 
 out discipline, all your efforts are vain, and the brave man, inat 
 tentive to his duty, is worth little more to his country than the 
 coward who deserts her in the hour of danger. Private opinions, 
 as to the competency of officers, must not be indulged, and still 
 less expressed; it is impossible that the measure of those who 
 command should satisfy all who are bound to obey, and one of the 
 
 i 
 
lx\i APPENDIX. 
 
 most dangerous faults in a soldier is a disposition to criticise and 
 blame the orders and characters of his superiors. Soldiers! I 
 know that many of you have done your duty; and I trust in my 
 next address, I shall have no reason to make any exception. Offi 
 cers! I have the fullest confidence that you will enforce obedience 
 to your commands, and above all, that by subordination in your 
 different grades, you will set the example of it to your men; and 
 that hereafter the army of the right will yield to none in the es 
 sential qualities which characterize good soldiers; and that they 
 will earn their share of those honours and rewards, which their 
 country will prepare for its deliverers. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. XXXI. 
 
 Provisional article&agreed on between major Smithy authorized by 
 major-general Lambert, and Edward Livingston, an aid-de 
 camp to major-general Jackson, authorized by him for that 
 fiurnose, subject to the ratification of the respective comman 
 ders of the two armies between the lines. January 17, 1815. 
 Article 1st. It being understood that admiral- sir Alexander 
 Cochrane has sent, or will immediately send the American prison 
 ers, as well of the army as of the navy, now on board the British 
 fleet, to the mouth of the Rigolets, it is agreed that a nominal and 
 descriptive receipt shall be given for the same upon honour, and 
 that on the receipt of the said prisoners a number of British pri 
 soners equal in rank and number to those so sent to the Rigolets. 
 together with those confined in the British camp, shall be sent to 
 the mouth of the river and be received by ships appointed for that 
 purpose by the admiral. 
 
 Art. 2d. At the same time all the prisoners now in the Bri 
 tish camp, shall be sent to the American lines, and receipted for 
 as above, not to serve until an equal number of English prisoners 
 shall be delivered. 
 
 Art. 3rd. Officers of equal rank shall be exchanged for equal 
 rank, and wounded for wounded, as far as circumstances will per 
 mit. 
 
 EDWARD LIVINGSTON. 
 
 II. SMITH, Major. 
 I approve and ratify the above arrangement. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NO. XXXII. 
 
 Letter from ma jor -general Jackson to the secretary at war^dated 
 
 If. Q. camii, four miles below J\f\ Orleans*) January 19, 1815, 
 SIR, 
 
 Last night at twelve o clock the enemy precipitately decamp 
 ed, leaving behind him, under medical attendance, eighty of his 
 wounded, including two officers, fourteen pieces of artillery, and 
 a considerable quantity of shot, having destroyed much of his 
 powder. 
 
 Such was the situation of the ground which he abandoned, 
 and that through which he retired, protected by canals, redoubts, 
 and intrenchments on his right, and the river on his left, that I 
 could not, without encountering a risk which true policy did 
 not seem to require or authorize, annoy him much on his retreat. 
 We took only eight prisoners. 
 
 Whether it is the purpose of the enemy to abandon the ex 
 pedition altogether, or renew his efforts at some other point, I 
 shall not pretend to decide with positiveness; in my own mind, 
 however, there is very little doubt but his last exertions have 
 been made in this quarter, at any rate for the present season, and 
 by the next, if he shall choose to revisit us, I hope we shall be ful 
 ly prepared for him. In this belief I am strengthened, not only by 
 the prodigious loss he sustained at the position he has just quitted, 
 but by the failure of his fleet to pass fort St. Philip. His loss 
 since the debarkation of his troops, as stated by all the last prison 
 ers and deserters, and as confirmed by many additional circum 
 stances, exceed in the whole four thousand men, and was greater 
 in the action of the 8th, than from the most correct data then in 
 his power, was estimated by the inspector-general, whose report 
 has been forwarded you. I am more and more satisfied in the 
 belief, that had the arms reached us which was destined for us, 
 the whole British army in this quarter would, before this time, have 
 been captured or destroyed. We succeeded, however, on that 
 day, in getting from the enemy about one thousand stand of arms 
 of various descriptions. Since that action I have allowed the ene 
 my very little respite. My artillery from both sides of the river, 
 being constantly employed till the night and the hour of their re- 
 
Ixviii APPENDIX. 
 
 treat, in annoying them. It was time to quit a position in which 
 so little rest could be enjoyed. 
 
 I am advised by major Overton, who commands fort St. Phi 
 lip, in a letter of the 18th, that the enemy having bombarded his 
 fort for eight or nine days, with some thirteen-inch shells, without 
 producing any important effect, had on the morning of that day 
 retired. Giving the proper weight to all these considerations, I 
 believe you will not think me too sanguine in the belief that Lou 
 isiana is now clear of its enemy. 
 
 I hope I need not assure you, however, that wherever I com 
 mand, such a belief shall not occasion any relaxation in the pre 
 parations for resistance. I am but too sensible, that the moment 
 when the enemy is opposing us, is not the most proper for making 
 
 any preparation. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSOV. 
 
 NO. XXXIII. 
 
 Letter from major-general Jackson to the Rev. Abbe Dubourg. 
 
 H, Q. seventh military district, January 19, 1815. 
 REVEREND SIR, 
 
 The signal interposition of Heaven, in giving success to our 
 arms against the enemy, who so lately landed on our shores; an 
 enemy as powerful as inveterate in his hatred; while it must ex 
 cite in every bosom attached to the happy government under which 
 \ve live, emotions of the liveliest gratitude, requires at the same 
 tipne some external manifestation of those feelings. 
 
 Permit me, therefore, to entreat, that you will cause the ser 
 vice of public thanksgiving to be performed in the cathedral, in 
 token of the great assistance we have received from the Ruler of 
 all events, and of our humble sense of it. 
 
 With the greatest respect, 
 
 ANDRKW JACKSON 
 
APPENDIX. Ixix 
 
 NO. XXXIV. 
 
 DEFENCE OF FORT ST. PHILIP. 
 
 Extract of a letter from major-general Andrew Jackson, to tht 
 secretary of war, dated Head Quarters, Seventh Military Dis 
 trict, New Orleans, \7th February, 1815. 
 
 I have the honoui to enclose you major Overtoil s report of 
 the attack of fort St. Philip, and of the manner in which it was 
 defended. 
 
 The conduct of that officer and of those who acted under 
 him, merits, I think, great praise. They nailed their own co 
 lours to the standard and placqd those of the enemy underneath 
 them, determined never to surrender the fort. 
 
 Cofiy of a letter from major Overton, commanding fort St. P/tiliJi, 
 during the late bombardment of it, to major-general Jackson. 
 
 Fort St. Philiji, January \3th, 181. 
 SIR, 
 
 On the 1st of the present month, I received information 
 that the enemy intended passing this fort to co-operate with their 
 land forces, in the subjugation of Louisiana, and the destruction 
 of the city of New Orleans. To effect this with more facility, 
 they were first with their heavy bomb-vessels to bombard this 
 place into compliance. On the grounds of this information, I 
 turned my attention to the security of my command: I erected 
 small magazines in different parts of the garrison, that if one blew 
 up I could resort to another; built covers for my men to secure 
 them from the explosion of the shells, and removed the combus 
 tible matter without the work. Early in the day of the 8th in 
 stant, 1 was advised of their approach, and on the 9th at a quarter 
 past ten A. M. hove in sight two bomb-vessels, one sloop, one 
 brig, and one schooner; they anchored two and a quarter miles 
 below. At half past eleven, and at half past twelve they advanced 
 two barges, apparently for the purpose of sounding within one and 
 a half mile of the fort; at this moment I ordered my water battery, 
 under the command of lieutenant Cunningham, of the navy, to 
 open upon them; its well directed shot caused a precipitate re- 
 
Ixx APPENDIX. 
 
 treat. At half past three o clock, P. M . the enemy s bomb-ves 
 sels opened their fire from four sea-mortars, two of thirteen inches, 
 two of ten, and to my great mortification I found they were with 
 out the effective range of my shot, as many subsequent experi 
 ments proved; they continued their fire with little intermission 
 during the I0th, 11th, 12th, loth, 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th. I 
 occasionally opened my batteries on them with great vivacity, 
 particularly when they showed a disposition to change their po 
 sition. On the 17th in the evening, our heavy mortar was said to 
 be in readiness. I ordered that excellent officer captain Wol- 
 stone craft of the artillerists, who previously had charge of it, to open 
 a fire, which was done with great effect, as the enemy from that 
 moment became disordered, and at daylight on the 18th com 
 menced their retreat, after having thrown upwards of a thousand 
 heavy shells, besides small shells from howitzers, round shot and 
 grape, which he discharged from boats under cover of the night. 
 
 Our loss in this affair has been uncommonly small, owing en 
 tirely to the great pains that was taken by the different officers to 
 keep their men under cover; as the enemy left scarcely ten feet of 
 this garrison untouched. 
 
 The officers and soldiers through this whole affair, although 
 nine days and nights under arms in the different batteries, the con 
 sequent fatigue and loss of sleep, have manifested the greatest 
 firmness and the most zealous warmth to be at the enemy. To 
 distinguish individuals would be a delicate task as merit was con 
 spicuous every where. Lieutenant Cunningham of the navy, who 
 commanded my water battery, with his brave crew, evinced the 
 most determined bravery and uncommon activity throughout; 
 and in fact, sir, the only thing to be regretted is that the enemy 
 was too timid to give us an opportunity of destroying him. 
 
 I herewith enclose you a list of the killed and wounded. 
 
 I am, sir, very respectfully, 
 
 W. H. OVERTON. 
 
 A list of the killed and wounded during the bombardment of fort Sf. 
 Philip, commencing on the 9th and ending on the 18th of Janu 
 ary, 1815. 
 
 Captain Wolstonecraft s artillery Wounded 3. 
 
 Captain Murry s artillery Killed 2j wounded 1 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Captain Bronten s infantry Wounded 1. 
 Captain Wade s infantry Wounded 2. 
 Total killed 2; wounded 7. 
 
 NO. XXXV. 
 
 An address delivered (o the commander -in-chief of the seventh mi 
 litary district, major-general Andrew Jackson, at the ceremony 
 of solemn thanksgiving, after his brilliant defence of New Or 
 leans. By the reverend W. Dubourg, administrator afiostolic 
 of the diocese of Louisiana. 
 GENERAL, 
 
 Whilst the state of Louisiana, in the joyful transports of her 
 gratitude, hails you as her deliverer, and the asserter of her mena 
 ced liberties whilst grateful America, so lately wrapped up in 
 anxious suspense, on the fate of this important city, the emporium 
 of the wealth of one half of her territory, and the true bulwark of 
 its independence, is now re-echoing from shore to shore your 
 splendid achievements, and preparing to inscribe your name on 
 her immortal rolls, among those of her Washingtons whilst his 
 tory, poetry, and the monumental arts will vie in consigning to 
 the admiration of the latest posterity, a triumph perhaps unpa 
 ralleled in their records whilst thus raised by universal accla 
 mation to the very pinnacle of fame and ascending clouds of in 
 cense, how easy it had been for you, general, to forget the prime 
 Mover of your wonderful successes, and to assume to yourself a 
 praise which must essentially return to that exalted source whence 
 every sort of merit is derived. But better acquainted with the 
 nature of true glory, and justly placing the summit ofj your ambi 
 tion in approving yourself the worthy instrument of Heaven s 
 merciful designs, the first impulse of your religious heart was 
 to acknowledge the signal interposition of Providence your 
 first step is a solemn display of your humble sense of His favours. 
 Still agitated at the remembrance of those dreadful agonies 
 from which we have been so miraculously rescued, it is our 
 pride also to acknowledge that the Almighty has truly had the 
 principal hand in our deliverance, and to follow you, general, in 
 attributing to his infinite goodness the homage of our unfeigned 
 
Ixxii APPENDIX. 
 
 gratitude. Let the infatuated votary of a blind chance deride our 
 credulous simplicity; let the cold-hearted atheist look up for the 
 explanation of such important events to the mere concatenation 
 of human causes; to us, the \vhole universe is loud in proclaiming 
 a supreme Ruler, who as he holds the hearts of man in his hands, 
 holds also the thread of all contingent occurrences. " Whatever 
 be His intermediate agents," says an illustrious prelate, " still on 
 the secret orders of His all-ruling providence, depend the rise and 
 prosperity, as well as the decline and downfall of empires. From 
 His lofty throne above he moves every scene below, now curbing, 
 now letting loose the passions of men; now infusing His own wis 
 dom into the leaders of nations; now confounding their boasted 
 prudence, and spreading upon their councils a spirit of intoxica 
 tion, and thus executing his uncontrollable judgments on the sons 
 of men, according to the dictates of His own unerring justice." 
 
 To Him, therefore, our most fervent thanks are due for our 
 late unexpected rescue, and it is Him we chiefly intend to praise, 
 when considering you, general, as the man of Ms right hand, whom 
 he has taken pains to fit out for the important commission of our 
 defence; we extol that fecundity of genius, by which, in an instant 
 of the most discouraging distress, you created unforeseen resour 
 ces, raised as it were, from the ground, hosts of intrepid warriors, 
 and provided every vulnerable point with ample means of defence. 
 To Him we trace that instinctive superiority of your mind, which 
 at once rallied around you universal confidence; impressed one 
 irresistible movement to all the jarring elements of which this 
 political machine is composed; aroused their slumbering spirits, 
 and diffused through every rank that noble ardour which glowed 
 in your own bosom. To Him in fine, we address our acknow 
 ledgments for that consummate prudence which defeated all the 
 combinations of a sagacious enemy, entangled him in the very 
 snares which he had spread before us, and succeeded in effect 
 ing his utter destruction, without once exposing the lives of our 
 citizens. Immortal thanks be to His supreme majesty, for send 
 ing us such an instrument of his bountiful designs! A gift of that 
 value is the best token of the continuance of his protection the 
 most solid encouragement to us to sue for new favours. The 
 fi rst which it emboldens us humbly to supplicate as it is the nearer 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxiii 
 
 td our throbbing hearts, is that you may long enjoy, general, 
 the honour of your grateful country, of which you will permit us 
 to present you a pledge in this wreath of laurel, the prize of vic 
 tory, the symbol of immortality. The next is a speedy and ho 
 nourable termination of the bloody contest in which we are engag 
 ed. No one has so efficaciously laboured as you, general, for the 
 acceleration of that blissful period; may we soon reap that sweetest 
 fruit of your splendid and uninterrupted victories. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON*S ANSWER. 
 
 Reverend sz>y I receive with gratitude and pleasure the sym 
 bolical crown which piety has prepared. I receive it in the name 
 of the brave men who have so effectually seconded my exertions 
 for the preservation of their country they well deserve the laurels 
 which their country will bestow. 
 
 For myself, to have been instrumental in the deliverance of 
 such a country, is the greatest blessing that heaven could confer. 
 That it has been effected with so little loss that so few tears 
 should cloud the smiles of our triumph, and not a cypress leaf be 
 interwoven in the wreath which you present, is a source of the 
 most exquisite enjoyment. 
 
 I thank you, reverend sir, most sincerely for the prayers 
 which you offer up for my happiness. May those your patriotism 
 dictates for our beloved country, be first heard. And may mine 
 for your individual prosperity as well as that of the congregation 
 committed to your care, be favourably received the prosperity, 
 the wealth, the happiness of this city, will then be commensurate 
 with the courage and other qualities of its inhabitants. 
 
 NO. XXXVI. 
 
 To Nicholas Giro.d, Esq. Mayor of the City of New Orleans. 
 
 Head-quarters, 7th military district, January 27, 1815, 
 Sin, 
 
 DEEPLY impressed since my arrival with the unanimity and 
 patriotic zeal displayed by the citizens over whom you so worthily 
 preside, I should be inexcusable if any other occupation than that 
 
 k 
 
Ixxiv APPENDIX, 
 
 of providing for their defence had prevented my public acknow 
 ledgment of their merits. I pray you now, sir, to communicate to 
 the inhabitants of your respectable city, the exalted sense I enter 
 tain of their patriotism, love of order, and attachment to the prin 
 ciples of our excellent constitution. The courage they have shown 
 in a period of no common danger, and the fortitude with which 
 they have rejected all the apprehensions which the vicinity of the 
 enemy was calculated to produce, are not more to be admired than 
 their humane attention to our own sick and wounded, as well as 
 to those of that description among the prisoners. The liberality 
 with which their representatives in the city council provided for 
 the families of those who were in the field, evinced an enlightened 
 humanity, and was productive of the most beneficial effects. Sel 
 dom in any community, has so much cause been given for de 
 served praise; while the young were in the field, and arrested the 
 progress of the foe, the aged watched over the city, and main 
 tained its internal peace; and even the softer sex encouraged their 
 husbands and brothers to remain at the post of danger and duty. 
 Not content with exerting for the noblest purpose that powerful 
 influence which is given them by nature (and which in your coun 
 trywomen is rendered irresistible by accomplishments and beauty) 
 they showed themselves capable of higher efforts, and, actuated 
 by humanity and patriotism, they clothed by their own labour, and 
 protected from the inclemency of the season the men who had 
 marched from a distant state to protect them from insults. In the 
 name of those brave men, I beg you, sir, to convey to them the 
 tribute of our admiration and thanks; assure them that the distant 
 wives and daughters of those whom they have succoured will re 
 member them in their prayers; and that for myself no circum 
 stance of this important campaign touches me with more exqui 
 site pleasure than that I have been enabled to lead back to them, 
 with so few exceptions, the husbands, brothers, and other rela 
 tives of whom such women only are worthy. 
 
 I anticipate, sir, w r ith great satisfaction, the period when the 
 final departure of the enemy will enable you to resume the ordi 
 nary functions of your office, and restore the citizens to their usual 
 occupations they have merited the blessings of peace by bravely 
 facing the dangers of war. 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxv 
 
 I should be ungrateful or insensible, if I did not acknowledge 
 the marks of confidence and affectionate attachment with which I 
 have personally been honoured by your citizens; a confidence that 
 has enabled me with greater success to direct the measures for 
 their defence, an attachment which I sincerely reciprocate, and 
 which I shall carry with me to the grave. 
 
 For yourself, Mr. Mayor, I pray you to accept my thanks for 
 the very great zeal, integrity, and diligence with which you have 
 conducted the arduous department of the police committed to 
 your care, and the promptitude with which every requisition for 
 the public service has been carried into effect. 
 
 Connected with the United States, your city must become the 
 greatest emporium of commerce that the world has known. In 
 the hands of any other power it can be nothing but a wretched 
 colony. May your citizens always be as sensible of this great 
 truth as they have shown themselves at present: may they always 
 make equal efforts to preserve the important connexion, and may 
 you, sir, long live to witness the prosperity, wealth and happiness 
 that will then inevitably characterize the great seaport of the 
 western world. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 (Signed) ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. XXXVII. 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to major-general Thomas. 
 
 New Or leans ^ February 25th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to enclose you a resolution of the general 
 assembly of Louisiana, from which you will perceive the grateful 
 sense which is entertained of the services rendered to this state, 
 " by our brave brother soldiers from Tennessee, Kentucky and the 
 Mississippi Territory, and their gallant leaders." 
 
 It is the pride of America to see her brave defenders guide 
 the plough or front her enemies, as the national interest and safety 
 shall advise. To such citizen soldiers do we chiefly commit the 
 protection of our dearest rightsthe defence of our beloved coun- 
 
Ixxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 try: and that we may continue to do so, and with confidence, the 
 glorious termination of the campaign in which you have borne a 
 distinguished part, affords a pleasing proof. From the prospect 
 now before us, we may be permitted to hope, sir, that the calm of 
 peace will soon authorize you to rest from the toils of war, and to 
 lead back your patriotic division to their families and friends. 
 The best wishes of the Louisianians will always accompany you 
 and them. The spirit of union, of mutual affection and confidence, 
 which now happily exists between the people of this state and their 
 brothers of the sister states, will, I trust, be forever cherished it 
 is the surest pledge of our national glory. 
 
 I tender to you, sir, 
 
 The assurances of my respectful attachment, 
 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Camji Dupre, two miles below New Orleans, Feb. 27 th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 THROUGH the politeness of colonel Fortierl had the honour 
 of receiving yours of the 25th inst. enclosing the resolution of the 
 general assembly of the state of Louisiana, which I have had pub 
 lished to the troops under my command. Next to the pleasure 
 derived from a consciousness of having discharged our duty, must 
 be that which arises from the testimonials of gratitude conferred 
 upon us by our brothers in arms, who alike with us, shared the 
 dangers of the field, and the toils and hardships of the camp; and 
 for the protection of whom we have left our homes and wives, our 
 children, our friends, and every thing dear to us, and for whom we 
 cherish that brotherly love and affection which is the cement of 
 the union, and which alone endears man to man and state to state 
 For myself and my division, permit me to tender you and the ho 
 nourable legislature of the state of Louisiana, an assurance of the 
 grateful sensations we feel for the honour they have conferred 
 upon us; and for myself accept, dear sir, the highest sentiments of 
 esteem from 
 
 Yours very respectfully, 
 
 JOHN THOMAS, 
 Qom. Dm. Ky. Militia 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Letter from govrnor Claiborne to major general Carrol. 
 
 New Orleans, February 26th) 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I TAKE great pleasure in communicating to you a resolution 
 of the general assembly of this state, expressive of gratitude and 
 thanks to you and your gallant comrades, " for the brilliant share 
 they have had in the defence of Louisiana, and the happy harmony 
 they have maintained with the inhabitants and militia of this state." 
 
 Under a leader, young in years, but old in deeds of valour, 
 our brethren of Tennessee hastened to our relief; they arrived in 
 time to participate in all the conflicts with the advancing foe, and 
 greatly to contribute to his final overthrow. It must be pleasing 
 to you, to contemplate the present comparative security of Loui 
 siana. It cost you and your brave associates some toilsome days 
 and watchful nights. But it is not to the gratitude of this state 
 only, that you have acquired a title. The whole union must feel 
 indebted to those whose faithful services have conduced to the 
 preservation of one of its important members. 
 
 I tender to you, sir, Sec. 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Camp. Henderson, above New Orleans, March 2, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAD the honour of receiving your letter of the 24th ult. 
 
 covering the resolution of the legislature of the state of Louisiana, 
 expressing in a very flattering manner their thanks to the troops 
 of Tennessee, and to me individually, for the share we have taken 
 in the defence of this country. 
 
 I hope you will convey to the legislature the grateful senti 
 ments with which I am impressed for the honour done me and 
 the troops whom I command. 
 
 I cannot withhold the expressions of gratitude due to the 
 people of New-Orleans for. their benevolence in furnishing our 
 suffering soldiers with warm clothing during the inclemency of 
 winter, and at a time when the enemy were before our works. 
 
 They have administered to our sick and wounded every 
 friendly attention, and extended to them all the rights of humanity. 
 
ixxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 The bright beams of peace appear ready to burst around 
 us, and I hope soon to offer to you and the people of this country 
 my congratulations for this glorious event. 
 
 If the report of peace be correct, the presence of the Ten 
 nessee arms will be no longer necessary, and our soldiers in re 
 turning home, will carry with them the impressions of friendship 
 to the citizens of this country, which I hope may be cherished as 
 their intercourse becomes more frequent, and perpetuated as long 
 as the Mississippi continues to flow. 
 
 I offer you the salutations of my friendly esteem, 
 
 WM. CARROLL, 
 Maj. Gen. Com. Div. Tenn. Militia. 
 
 letter from governor Claiborne to general Adair. 
 
 New Orleans, February 25M, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 To a soldier who has done his duty in all the conflicts in 
 
 which his country has been involved, from the war of independ 
 ence to the present moment, it must be matter of great exulta 
 tion to notice the valour and firmness of the children of his old 
 friends to be convinced that they are the true descendants of the 
 original stock. That the young men of your brigade should have 
 looked up to you in the hour of battle, as their guide and their 
 shield, is only a continuation of that confidence which their fathers 
 had in a chief whose arm had so often, and so successfully, been 
 raised against the foe. The enclosed resolution of the general 
 assembly of Louisiana, will show you the high sense which is en 
 tertained in this state of your services, and those of your brothers 
 in arms. Be towards them the vehicle of our sentiments, and re 
 ceive for yourself, the assurances of my respect, and best wishes 
 for your health and happiness. 
 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Camji Dufire, February 26A, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour of acknowledging the receipt of your ex 
 cellency s note of yesterday (politely handed by colonel Leblanc) 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxix 
 
 inclosing a resolution of the legislature of the state of Louisiana, 
 generously awarding the thanks of the state to the militia from 
 her sister states, who aided in the late successful struggle to ex 
 pel a powerful invading enemy from her shores. 
 
 To a proud American, citizen or soldier, the consciousness 
 of having faithfully discharged his duty to his country, must ever 
 be his highest and most lasting consolation. But when to this is 
 added the approbation, the gratitude of the wisest, the most re 
 spectable part of the community, with whom and under whose eye 
 it has been his fortune to act, it will ever be esteemed, not only 
 the highest reward for his services, but the most powerful incen 
 tive to his future good conduct. 
 
 Accept, sir, for the legislature, my warmest acknowledg 
 ment for the honourable mention they have made of the corps to 
 which I belong; and for yourself the esteem and respect so justly 
 due from me for your polite and highly interesting note of com 
 munications, and my best wishes for your health and happiness. 
 (Signed) JOHN ADAIR. 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to general Coffee. 
 
 New Orleans, February 25^, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 IT affords me the greatest pleasure to enclose you a resolu 
 tion of the general assembly of Louisiana, acknowledging the 
 faithful and useful services of our western brothers, and tendering 
 their thanks to you among other distinguished officers. 
 
 The love of country, which induced you to change the calm 
 of domestic life for the privations incident to a camp, is no less ar 
 dent hi the brave volunteers whom you lead, than the gratitude 
 which the people of Louisiana bear towards you and them; a heroic 
 band, whose firmness in the field has alike contributed to avert 
 from our settlements the horrors of an Indian warfare, and to the 
 entire defeat and discomfiture of the powerful foe, who so arro 
 gantly menaced the safety of this great and growing city. 
 
 Receive for yourself, and be towards your companions in 
 arms, the organ of expressing my highest confidence and sincerest 
 good will. 
 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORMK-. 
 
Ixxx APPENDIX. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Cam/i Coffee^ near New Orleans, March 4th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 
 of the 25th ult. and the resolution it enclosed of the legislature of 
 Louisiana, presenting the thanks of that honourable body, to their 
 brother soldiers from the west, for " the share they have taken in 
 the defence of this country, and the harmony they have maintained 
 with the inhabitants and militia of the state." 
 
 To know that we have contributed, in any degree, to the pre 
 servation of our common country, is to myself and the brave men 
 under my immediate command the most pleasing reflection. To 
 have received so flattering and distinguished a testimonial of our 
 services adds to the pleasure which that consciousness alone 
 would have afforded. 
 
 While we indulge the pleasing emotions that are thus pro 
 duced, we should be guilty of great injustice, as well to merit as 
 to our own feelings, if we withheld from the commander-in-chief, 
 to whose wisdom and exertions we are so much indebted for our 
 successes, the expression of our highest admiration and applause. 
 To his firmness, his skill, his gallantry to that confidence and 
 unanimity among all ranks produced by those qualities, we must 
 chiefly ascribe the splendid victories in which we esteem it a hap 
 piness and an honour to have borne a part. 
 
 We enter with sensibility into the feelings of the legislature, 
 and of your excellency, on occasion of the harmony which has been 
 so happily preserved with the inhabitants and militia of the state- 
 May the same spirit of brotherhood always unite us when con 
 tending against a common enemy in defence of our best rights. 
 
 I tender the assurances of my own and of my companions 
 thanks, for the distinguished manner in which you and the legis 
 lature have been pleased to notice and honour our exertions. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, &c. 
 (Signed) JOHN COFFEE, 
 
 Brig. Gen. T. 7. M. G. Men, 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxi 
 
 Letter from governor Claiborne to colonel Hinds. 
 
 New Orleans, February 26/7/, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 THE enclosed vote of thanks of the general assembly of Lou 
 isiana, which I now have the honour to transmit you, brings to my 
 recollection the satisfaction I experienced more than twelve years 
 ago, on signing the commission which ushered your military ta 
 lents into light. At that early period of your life, the highest 
 hopes of your future usefulness were entertained by your friends, 
 and to them and to you it must be alike pleasing to know that 
 these hopes have been fully realized. Your gallant conduct, and 
 that of the corps under your command during the last campaign, 
 was indeed " the astonishment of one army and the admiration of 
 the other." It will be gratefully remembered by your country, 
 and has afforded for me an occasion to renew to you the assurances 
 of my respect and esteem. 
 
 (Signed) WM. C. C. CLAIBORNE, 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Cavalry Camp, above New Orleans, February 28^//, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE have had the honour to receive your communication 
 covering a vote of thanks from the general assembly of the state 
 of Louisiana. The very handsome terms in which your excel 
 lency and the general assembly have thought proper to speak of 
 the humble efforts of the corps which it has been my good fortune 
 to command, cannot be otherwise than acceptable to their feelings 
 and flattering to their pride, for which we are more indebted to 
 your excellency s partiality than to any extraordinary merit of our 
 own, and which we are well aware consists principally in a great 
 share of zeal for our country s service, kindled into action by the 
 presence of a base and brutal invader. That the same unity of 
 sentiment which gave force to our arms may continue, and that 
 the people of Louisiana may long enjoy the substantial benefits 
 resulting from the late most glorious conflict, in which they so 
 honourably shared, is confidently to be expected and devoutly t 
 be wished. 
 
 \ 
 
Ixxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 Accept, sir, for yourself, and through your excellency I ten 
 der the thanks of the corps I have the honour to command, for 
 the honourable testimony borne of its services, and at the same 
 time assurances of my individual respect and esteem. 
 
 (Signed) THO: HINDS, 
 
 Lieut. Col. Com. Vol. Cavalry. 
 
 NO. XXXVIII. 
 
 Letter from general John Lambert to major general Jackson. 
 
 February 8M, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I am just favoured with your letter of the 4th. I can assure 
 you that every American prisoner that was present when I em 
 barked on board the Tonnant has been sent into the Rigolets, and 
 sir A. Cochrane has taken steps for the arrival of an equivalent 
 number to the British prisoners now with you. 
 
 Under any circumstances I positively promise that your libe 
 rality shall not be in any way but reciprocal on my part, and I will 
 not lose sight for a moment of hastening, if it is possible, the arrival 
 of American prisoners, especially those who were taken on the 
 14tb December last. 
 
 I am obliged to you for the allowing of two British officers 
 to return on parole, and what you intimate on the subject shall be 
 assented to. 
 
 What I said respecting the slaves regard those that I could 
 not prevent coming to us when I was on shore. I am not at the 
 anchorage where Mr. Livingston and Mr. White have been re 
 ceived; and indeed I have nothing to say to it. I did all I could 
 to persuade them to return at the time, but not one was willing, 
 as will be testified by Mr. Celestin, a proprietor whom I had de 
 tained until the British forces had evacuated their last position: 
 this gentleman saw the slaves that were present, and did all he 
 c.ouid to urge them to go back. 
 
 I am, sir, your very obedient servant, 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxiii 
 
 Letter from admiral Cochrane to general Jackson. 
 
 H. JB. M. ship, Tonnant, off Mobile Bay, IZth February, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN consequence of the style which captain Patterson thought 
 proper to adopt in a letter that he addressed to me on the 23d 
 January (a copy of which I beg leave to inclose) with some remarks 
 upon the margin, I find myself precluded from making him any 
 reply thereto, or of holding with that officer any further corre 
 spondence. 
 
 But to prevent our respective prisoners suffering any unne 
 cessary detention, I do myself the honour to communicate to you, 
 that in order to fulfil the agreement for an exchange of prisoners, 
 entered into by major Smith (aid-de-camp to major general Lam 
 bert) upon the 27th ultimo, I sent his majesty s ship Nymphe 
 to the Havanna, to receive from his majesty s ship Ramilies one 
 hundred of the American prisoners taken in the gun-vessels, 
 which she had carried to sea. 
 
 These, with five seamen, who, for the purpose of being exa 
 mined in the vice-admiralty court respecting the capture of the 
 gun-vessels, I have been obliged to send to Bermuda, but who are 
 to be returned the moment the legal forms have been complied 
 with, will complete the number of American prisoners which have 
 to be accounted for by the British forces under the agreement of 
 the 17th ultimo, and they shall be forwarded to you without any 
 delay so soon as they arrive in the squadron. 
 
 As it has been found very inconvenient, the sending of ves 
 sels to the Rigolets (those last sent not having yet returned, and 
 are reported to be on shore) colonel Livingston and myself have 
 agreed that the prisoners expected in the Nymphe shall proceed 
 to the mouth of the Mississippi, and be delivered to the officer- 
 commanding at Plaquernines. 
 
 Having by this arrangement fulfilled the stipulations of our 
 before-mentioned treaty, in which we agreed to the restoration of 
 all the prisoners that our forces had made before we received from 
 you any British prisoners, it is but just that you should follow the 
 same principle with respect to the prisoners who have fallen into 
 our hands by the surrender of Fort Bowyer, all of whom major 
 general Lambert and myself are ready to exchange as they stand 
 
Ixxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 upon the lists (copies of which are inclosed) for such British pri 
 soners as you may cause to be delivered at the mouth of the Mis 
 sissippi, after the first account has been finally settled. And on 
 my part, I will engage to send to the same place an equivalent of 
 American prisoners, so soon as I am informed of the number and 
 qualities of the British prisoners received. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, &c. 
 (Signed) ALEX. COCHRANE. 
 
 Letter from admiral Cochrane to general Jackson. 
 
 H. B. M ship. Tonnant, off Mobile Bay, \3th February , 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE exceeding satisfaction in sending to you a copy of a 
 bulletin that I have this moment received from Jamaica, proclaiming 
 that a treaty of peace was signed between our respective plenipo 
 tentiaries at Ghent, on the 24th December, 1814, upon which I 
 beg leave to offer you my sincere congratulations. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, See. 
 (Signed) ALEX. COCHRANE. 
 
 Letter from general John Lambert to general Jackson. 
 
 Head- Quarters^ British dr my, February 19 th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I AM just informed by admiral Malcolm that the American 
 prisoners made on the 14th of December are arrived in the fleet, 
 and that they will sail immediately for the Mississippi, as it was 
 settled with colonel Livingston, aid-de-camp. 
 
 I confidently trust there will be now no impediment to an 
 equal number of British prisoners being immediately returned to us. 
 
 I beg leave to congratulate you on the prospect of peace, and 
 hope I shall soon have to communicate to you the notice of the 
 ratification being exchanged. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, &c. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxv 
 
 Letter front general Jackson to admiral Cochrane. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District , New Orleans, 
 SIR, February 20M, 1815. 
 
 I AM honoured by your letter of the 12th instant, by the return 
 of my flag, inclosing a copy of commodore Patterson s to you, 
 with some marginal strictures on its contents. The navy and mi 
 litary departments in our service being totally independent, 1 am 
 not permitted to defend; still less to censure the conduct or cor 
 respondence of that officer at the head of the former; his distin* 
 guished merit, and general correctness of conduct, make it pre 
 sumable that he will be able to justify his proceedings to the go 
 vernment, to whom alone he is accountable. 
 
 On the subject of the exchange, your assurance that the one 
 hundred men sent off in the Ramilies, as well as the five detained 
 for the condemnation of the gun-boats, will be delivered on their 
 return, is satisfactory to myself and to commodore Patterson; and 
 I now despatch all the prisoners in a situation to be removed as 
 
 by the enclosed list: the residue, to the amount of 
 
 now at Natchez, are sent for, and will be forwarded to the Balize 
 as soon as they shall arrive. 
 
 You will perceive by this, sir, that I perfectly acquiesce in 
 the propriety of your remark, that justice requires me to follow 
 the example of confidence given by yourself and general Lambert, 
 in the delivery of the prisoners belonging to my army previous to 
 the receipt of those taken from you, a confidence always mutually 
 due from enemies who respect each other, and peculiarly proper 
 between those who, in the probable course of events, may soon 
 cease to be such. 
 
 There is another subject, on which a passage in general Lam 
 bert s last letter renders it necessary for me to address you; I 
 mean that of the negroe slaves belonging to several inhabitants 
 on the Mississippi, now in your fleet. * I had written to general 
 Lambert on this head two successive letters, in consequence of 
 his informing me that these persons would be delivered to their 
 masters on their application. To the first I received no answer, 
 to the last I am informed that general Lambert " has nothing to 
 do with it" Mr. White, to whom an order was given to receive 
 such as were willing to return to their masters) having reported 
 
Ixxxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 to me that he found several who were ready to accompany him, 
 but that he was not permitted to take them; I am now obliged, sir, 
 explicitly to ask whether the property thus taken is intended to be 
 restored, and if it be, that a time and place may be appointed for 
 its delivery. 
 
 The prisoners from Natchez will arrive in less than ten days; 
 they will immediately sail for the Balize, and it is hoped that the 
 prisoners taken at fort Bowyer may meet them there, to be con 
 veyed back in the same vessels. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sir, &c. 
 (Signed) ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to admiral Cochrane. 
 
 Head-Quarters^ 7th Military District, New Orleans, 
 SIR, 2\st February, 1815. 
 
 I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 of the 13th instant. It came to hand only this day by the way of the 
 Balize, though purporting to have been sent by my aid-de-camp, 
 Mr. Livingston, who arrived two days since from your fleet, and 
 who, from a conversation he had with you, was disappointed in not 
 finding it inclosed in the despatch he brought. 
 
 I sincerely reciprocate your congratulations on the important 
 event you announced to me, that a treaty of peace has been signed 
 between our two countries. This communication, connected with 
 an expression in the bulletin you inclose, that captain Stirling of 
 his majesty s ship Brazen was charged with despatches announ 
 cing the termination of hostilities between Great Britain and Ame 
 rica, naturally leads to an inquiry, how far you consider this event 
 as authorizing and requiring a cessation of hostilities between the 
 military and naval forces of Great Britain and those of the United 
 States in this district. 
 
 The prisoners in my possession at this place will sail for the 
 Balize at eight o clock on the morning of to-morrow. Those at 
 Natchez, upwards of a hundred in number, will be forwarded to 
 the same place as soon as they arrive here. They have been or 
 dered down, and are expected shortly. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) \ ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxvii 
 
 NO. XXXIX. 
 
 Letter from brigadier general Winchester to the secretary at War. 
 
 Mobile, February I7th> 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 It becomes my duty to communicate to you the unpleasant 
 news of the loss of Fort Bowyer. It was closely invested by land, 
 as well as water, on the 8th inst. On the 10th and 1 ith, passed 
 a detachment over the bay with a view to divert the enemy from 
 his object: but it arrived about twenty-four hours too late, though 
 time enough to capture one of the enemy s barges with seventeen 
 seamen, who say the garrison capitulated on the 1 2th; that the be 
 siegers had advanced their works on the land side to within certain 
 musket shot of the fort; that the loss on either side in killed is in 
 considerable. I am in possession of no other account but that 
 which comes from the prisoners. About thirty of the enemy s 
 vessels, besides boats and barges, are lying within the bar, and 
 above Mobile Point, and several ships of the line on the south and 
 west of Dauphin island. The wind is fair, and I expect the ho 
 nour of seeing them here every night; if I do, I have g^ at confi 
 dence my next will be on a pleasanter subject. 
 I have the honour to be, &cc. 
 
 J. WINCHESTER, 
 Brig. Gen. Com. E. Sec. 1th Mil.JDis. 
 
 P. S. The garrison consisted of about three hundred and 
 sixty men, including officers. Three small schooners, in which 
 the detachment was transported over the bay, were captured by 
 the enemy s barges after the troops had landed. 
 
 Let ter from lieutenant colonel Lawrence (Q general Jackson. 
 
 Fort Bowycr, February 12^7;, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 Imperious necessity has compelled me to enter into articles 
 of capitulation with major general John Lambert, commanding 
 his Britannic majesty s forces in front of Fort Bowyer, a copy of 
 which I forward you for the purpose of effecting an immediate 
 exchange of prisoners. Nothing but the want of provisions, and 
 finding myself completely surrounded by thousands batteries 
 
Ixxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 erected on the sand-mounds which completely commanded the 
 fort and the enemy having advanced, by regular approaches, 
 within thirty yards of the ditches, and the utter impossibility of 
 getting any assistance or supplies, would have induced me to 
 adopt this measure. Feeling confident, and it being the unani 
 mous opinion of the officers, that we could not retain the post, and 
 that the lives of many valuable officers and soldiers would have 
 been uselessly sacrificed, I thought it most desirable to adopt this 
 plan. A full and correct statement will be furnished you as early 
 as possible. 
 
 Captain Chamberlin, who bears this to E. Livingston, Esq. 
 will relate to him every particular, which will, J hope, be satisfac 
 tory. 
 
 I am, with respect, Sec. 
 (Signed) W. LAWRENCE, 
 
 Lieut. Col.Confg. 
 
 ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 
 
 Agreed upon between lieutenant colonel Lawrence and major ge 
 neral Lambert for the surrender of Fort Bowi/cr, on the Mo 
 bile Point, llth February, 1815. 
 
 1. That the fort shall be surrendered to the arms of his Bri 
 tannic majesty in its existing state as to the works, ordnance, am 
 munition, and every species of military stores. 
 
 2. That the garrison shall be considered as prisoners of war, 
 the troops marching out with their colours flying and drums beat 
 ing, and ground their arms on the glacis the officers retaining 
 their swords, and the whole to be embarked in such ships as the 
 British naval commander in chief shall appoint. 
 
 3. All private property to be respected. 
 
 4. That a communication shall be made immediately of the 
 same to the commanding officer of the 7th military district of the 
 United States, and every endeavour made to eifect an early ex 
 change of prisoners. 
 
 5. That the garrison of the United States remain in the fort 
 until twelve o clock to-morrow, a British guard being put in pos 
 session of the inner gate at three o clock to-day, the body of the 
 guard remaining on the glacis, and that the British flag be hoisted 
 
APPENDIX. Ixxxik 
 
 at the same time an officer of each service remaining at the head- 
 Quarters of each commander until the fulfilment of these articles. 
 H. C. SMITH, major and military secretary, 
 ^Agreed on the part of the royal navy, 
 
 T. H. BICKETTS, Capt. H.M. ship Vengeant. 
 R. CHAMBERLAIN, 2d Regt. U. S. Infantry. 
 WM. LAWRENCE, Lt. Col. %d Inf y. Com g. 
 Approved, 
 
 A. COCHRANE, Com. in Chief H. M. Shipping. 
 JOHN LAMBERT, major general commanding. 
 A true copy Test, 
 
 JOHN REID, Aid-de-Camp. 
 
 NO. XL. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Headquarters^ Western Section, 7th Military 
 
 Assistant Adjutant -General s Office , New Orleans^ 
 April 7th, 1815. 
 
 AT the request of lieutenant-colonel William Lawrence, of 
 the 2d regiment United States infantry, a court of inquiry wa 
 ordered on the 25th ultimo to assemble in this city, to inquire into 
 the conduct of the . lieutenant-colonel touching the defence and 
 surrender of fort Bowyer, and to give an opinion thereon. The 
 court, whereof lieutenant colonel Arbuckle was president, major 
 Peyre and captain Humphrey members, commenced its proceed 
 ings on the 28th March last, and continued by adjournment from 
 day to day up to the 5th instant ? when it delivered the following 
 opinion: 
 
 " The court of inquiry, after mature deliberation, are of opi 
 nion that fort Bowyer was defended in the best manner that the 
 circumstances of the siege admitted of that the conduct of colo 
 nel Lawrence on that occasion was honourable and becoming a 
 good officer that the fort, when it was surrendered, was in a situ 
 ation which rendered a longer defence impracticable, and that 
 no blame ought to attach, either to colonel Lawrence or to the 
 garrison, for having surrendered fort Bowyer at the time they dW/* 
 
 m 
 
xc APPENDIX, 
 
 The major-general feels much pleasure in observing, that 
 the whole of the testimony in this case, and particularly that of 
 major Woodruff of the 3d infantry, lieutenant Alexis of the navy, 
 and major Chamberlain and captain Brownlow of the 2d infantry, 
 (the two former as to the position and strength of fort Bowyer, and 
 the two latter as to the approaches of the. enemy and the defence of 
 the fort] fully support the opinion of the court of inquiry in favour 
 of lieutenant-colonel Lawrence. 
 
 The court of inquiry, whereof lieutenant-colonel Arbuckle is 
 president, is dissolved. 
 
 E. P. GAINES, major -general commanding- 
 
 NO. XLI. 
 
 Address of general Jackson to the Soldiers and Citizens at 
 
 JVeiv Orleans. 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, New Orleans, 
 
 19 f /i February, 1815. 
 FELLOW-CITIZENS AND SOLDIERS, 
 
 THE flag-vessel which was sent to the enemy s fleet has re 
 turned, and brings with it intelligence, extracted from, a London 
 paper, that on the 24th of December articles of peace were signed 
 at Ghent, by the American commissioners and those of his Bri- 
 tarmic majesty. 
 
 We must not be thrown into false security by hopes that may 
 be delusive. It is by holding out such that an artful and insidious 
 enemy too often seeks to accomplish what the utmost exertions 
 of his strength will not enable him to effect. To place you off 
 your guard and attack you by surprise, is the natural expedient 
 of one who, having experienced the superiority of your arms, still 
 hopes to overcome you by stratagem Though young in the 
 " trade" of war, it is not by such artifices that he will deceive us. 
 
 Peace, whenever it shall be re-established on fair and honour 
 able terms, is an event in which both nations ought to rejoice; but 
 whether the articles which are said to have been signed for its 
 restoration will be approved by those whose province it is to give 
 to them their final confirmation, is yet uncertain. Until they shall 
 be ratified by the prince regent and the president of the United 
 
APPENDIX. xci 
 
 States, peace, though so much desired, may be still distant. 
 When that shall be done, the happy intelligence will, be publicly 
 and speedily announced. In the mean time, every motive that 
 can operate on men who love their country, and are determined 
 not to lose it, calls upon us for increased vigilance and exertion. 
 
 If peace be near at hand, the days of our watchfulness, of our 
 toils, and our privations, will be proportionably few; if it be distant, 
 we shall at any rate hasten its arrival, by being constantly and 
 every where prepared for war. 
 
 Whatever be the designs of the enemy, we must be ready to 
 meet them. Should they have the temerity to assail us again, we 
 will once more drive him ignominiously from our shore; if he 
 places his hopes of success on stratagem, our watchfulness will 
 disappoint him; if on an exertion of his strength, we have proved 
 how successfully that can be resisted. 
 
 It is true fort Bowyer has fallen, but it must and will be 
 speedily regained. We will expel the invader from every spot 
 on our soil, and teach him, if he hopes for conquest, how vain it 
 
 is to seek it in a land of freedom. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. XLII. 
 
 Letter from general Keane to general Jackson* 
 H. B. M. shili Tonnant, off Mobile, February 8th, 1815. 
 MAJOR-GENERAL KEANE presents his best respects to gene 
 ral Jackson, and feels particularly thankful for the kindness he 
 has experienced from him through the medium of colonel Li 
 vingston He is still further obliged for general Jackson s kind 
 wishes for his recovery. 
 
 NO. XLI1I. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary at war. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 1th Military District, New Orleans, 
 SIR, 17 th February, 1815. 
 
 1 HAVE the honour to inclose you a copy of major Overton s 
 report of the attack on fort St. Philip, and of the manner in which 
 it was defended. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The conduct of this officer, and of those who acted undei* 
 him, merits, I think, great praise. They nailed their own colours 
 to the standard, and placed those of the enemy underneath thern^ 
 determined never to surrender the post. 
 
 The flag-vessel which I sent to the enemy s fleet a fortnight" 
 ago, for the purpose of ascertaining the causes that had prevented 
 the delivery of a hundred of our seamen (taken on board the gun 
 boats) in violation of the articles entered into for the exchange of 
 prisoners, has not yet returned, and I am apprehensive is detained 
 by the enemy to prevent the discovery of some designs he may 
 still hope to execute. Whatever their views may be, I am per 
 suaded they will be disappointed in them. 
 
 A copy of the articles agreed upon for the exchange I here 
 with send you, and Lbeg leave to accompany it with the assurance 
 of my determination, to restore no more of the British prisoners 
 until those articles are complied with by the British commanders. 
 
 Major-general Keane, having lost his sword in the action of 
 the 8th January, and having expressed a great desire to regain it, 
 valuing it as the present of an esteemed friend, I thought proper to 
 have it restored to him; thinking it more honourable to the Ame 
 rican character to return it, after the expression of those wishes, 
 than to retain it as a trophy of victory. I believe, however, it is 
 a singular instance of a British general soliciting the restoration 
 of his sword fairly lost in battle. 
 
 Some entire Congreve-rockets have been found, and a rest 
 from which they are fired, which it is my intention to forward to 
 the seat of government whenever a proper opportunity shall offer, 
 as also the instruments of the British baud of music, and their 
 quarter flag. 
 
 General Keanc s trumpet, as well as that which was used on 
 the right column of the enemy, were taken in the action of the 8th 
 January. Those instruments are in the possession of general 
 Coffee s brigade, where I hope they will be permitted to remain 
 
 I have the honour $o be, &c. 
 (Signed) ANDREW J_A.eKs0jr. 
 
APPENDIX. xeiu 
 
 KO. XLIV. 
 
 rom general Lambert to general Jackson. 
 
 Head-Quarters^ Isle Daufihinc^ February 57 th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE this moment received your letter, dated the 20th insf. 
 I have taken every step to bring the exchange to a speedy conclu 
 sion. 
 
 On the subject of the concluding paragraph, I have only to 
 remark, that honourable and feeling conduct which has character 
 ized every transaction in which I have had the honour to be con 
 cerned in with you. 
 
 You may rely upon it, I shall take no retrospective view of 
 the conduct of any of the men returned, and shall find reasons in 
 discountenancing an inquiry, should it be brought before me, or 
 come to my knowledge through any other channel. 
 
 With regard to the negroes that have left their master and 
 are with this force, any proprietor or person deputed, that chooses 
 to present himself to me will be received, and every facility af 
 forded him to communicate with those people; and I shall be very 
 happy if they can be persuaded all to return, but to compel them, 
 is what I cannot do. 
 
 With respect (which I inclose) to an address from major* 
 general Villere to the commandant of this force, I am at a loss to 
 understand the purport. The commissary-general s orders are 
 to purchase cattle wherever he can meet with them. Amongst re 
 ceipts in that neighbourhood for beasts. procured, is that for those 
 belonging to the major-general. I should have been glad to have 
 known the major-general s sentiments previous, as I certainly 
 should not have troubled myself about his concerns, or endeavour^ 
 ed to render as little painful as I was able, not living in his house, 
 the unavoidable circumstances attending the immediate theatre of 
 war towards his son whom he had left unprotected. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
xciv APPENDIX. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert, 
 
 Head-Quarters^ 7th Military District , AVw Orleans, 
 SIR, March 4t/i, 1815, 
 
 I AM gratified to find by the letter with which you have ho 
 noured me, that my confidence in your humanity and delicacy of 
 conduct with respect to the prisoners was not misplaced. My re 
 quest was merely dictated by the plainest principles of justice. 
 It is your ready, frank, and obliging compliance, that merits tbc 
 flattering epithet you have been pleased to bestow on my conduct. 
 
 I am extremely sorry that the very high winds, which have 
 prevailed ever since I sent for the British prisoners to Natchez^ 
 have prevented their arrival at this place. Vessels are ready to 
 receive and carry them to the Balize the instant they shall arrive. 
 
 Having been just informed that Mr. Shields, who command 
 ed a lanch on Lake Borgne, has been made prisoner, I hope he 
 may be sent in on parole for exchange. 
 
 The prisoners taken from your advanced post at Mobile 
 Point are directed to be sent down to fort Bowyer, to be delivered 
 <Jo you, and included in the general exchange. 
 
 I am sorry that I cannot advise you, sir, of the ratification of 
 the treaty signed at Ghent. At the date of my last advices it had 
 not arrived at the seat of government. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Letterfrom general Jackson to general Lambert. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Qth March, 1815. 
 SI.R, 
 
 I HAVE just received intelligence from Washington which 
 leaves little doubt in my mind that the treaty signed at Ghent be 
 tween the United States and Great Britain has been ratified by the 
 president and senate of the United States, but by some unaccount 
 able accident a despatch on another subject has been substituted 
 for the one intended to give me an official notice of this event. 
 The one I have received however, is accompanied by an order 
 from the postmaster- general directing his deputies to forward the 
 express carrying intelligence of the recent peace. Of this order 
 I enclose a. copy. And from other sources, to which I give credit. 
 
APPENDIX. xcv 
 
 I learn that the same express brought official notice of the treaty 
 to the governor of Tennessee. I have deemed it a duty, without 
 loss of time, to communicate the exact state of those circumstances,, 
 that you might determine whether they would not justify you in 
 agreeing, by a cessation of all hostilities, to anticipate the happy 
 return of peace between our two nations, which the first direct 
 intelligence must bring to us in an official form. The prisoners 
 from Natchez, after having been long detained by adverse winds, 
 are now within a short distance of the city, and will certainly 
 proceed to-morrow morning to the Balizc, to be delivered to your 
 officer according to my promise. 
 
 I pray you, with the assurance of high respect, to receive that 
 of the satisfaction I feel in reflecting that our correspondence, be 
 gun as commanders of hostile armies, should terminate as officers 
 of nations in amity. 
 
 I have the honour to be, $cc. 
 (Signed) ANDREW JACKSON-. 
 
 Letter from major Woodruff to admiral Cochrane. 
 
 Daufihine Island, March \7th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I AM instructed by his excellency major-general Andrew 
 Jackson, commanding the United States 7th military district, to 
 inform you of his having received notification of a treaty of peace 
 between the United States of America and the government of 
 Great Britain having been signed and exchanged at the city of 
 Washington on the 17th February, 1815. By the first article of 
 that treaty, " all territory, places and possessions whatsoever, 
 taken by either party from the other during the war, or which 
 may be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the 
 islands herein after mentioned shall be restored without delay, and 
 without carry ing any distinction, or carrying away any of the artil 
 lery, or other public property, originally captured in the said 
 forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the exchange 
 f the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or other private pro 
 perty." I am also commanded by his excellency, major-general 
 Andrew Jackson, to receive such forts, garrisons, artillery, muni 
 tions of wa-r, or other property, as may be embraced by said firs 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 article. You will please therefore to make such arrangements as 
 may be most convenient for carrying into effect the said first arti 
 cle of said treaty. 
 
 Such slaves as may be within your control, belonging to 
 any inhabitant or citizen of the United States, I am also instructed 
 to receive, to the end that their owners may again obtain posses 
 sion of them. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 8cc. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to major Woodruff. 
 
 Daufihine Island, March \7th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN answer to yours of this day s date, communicating to me 
 that his excellency major-general Jackson had received notifica 
 tion of a treaty of peace between the United States of America and 
 the government of Great Britain having been signed and exchan 
 ged at the city of Washington on the 17th February, 1815, arid re 
 quiring you to carry into execution, on the part of the American 
 government, the fulfilment of the first article of the treaty, I 
 ttave to request that you will inform his excellency that immedi 
 ately I receive, the same from the person charged by the British 
 government to transmit it to all its naval and military command 
 ers serving in America, I shall give him immediate notice of it and 
 be prepared to fulfil the treaty in every respect. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to general Jackson. 
 
 Isle DaujihinC) Marc h 19///, 1815. 
 SfR, 
 
 SINCE I had the pleasure of writing to you yesterday, I am 
 informed that every thing will be embarked (weather permitting) 
 by the 25th. I have, in consequence, written to major-general 
 M Intosh, to inform him that the commandant of fort Bowyer 
 has orders to deliver it up agreeable to the first article of the 
 treaty of peace on that day. 
 
APPEND T X. xcvii 
 
 The time of and preparations for a long voyage may detain 
 the troops here a few days longer, but no exertion will be wanting 
 to embark the whole as soon as possible. 
 
 As I may not have another opportunity of addressing you, 
 permit me to avail myself of the present to wish you health and 
 happiness, and to express my regret that circumstances will not 
 allow me to assure you personally of the same. 
 
 I have the honour to be, See. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT^ 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to major Woodruff. 
 
 Isle Daufihine, March 20th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I ANSWER to that part of your letter which touches upon the 
 
 negroes who have come into the British force previous to the ra 
 tification of the peace, that is, on the 18th February last, I do not 
 feel myself authorized to deliver them up under the treaty, with 
 out their consent. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT, 
 
 NO. XLV. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to James Monroe, secretary of war, 
 Head-Quarters, 7th military district, 
 
 New Orleans, ^^th February, 1815 
 SIR, 
 
 THE flag-vessel which I sent to the enemy s fleet returned a 
 
 few days ago, with assurances from admiral Cochrane, that the 
 American prisoners taken in the gun-boats and sent to Jamai 
 ca, shall be returned as soon as practicable. The Nymphe has 
 been despatched for them. 
 
 Through the same channel I received the sad intelligence of 
 the surrender effort Bowyer: this is an event which I little expect 
 ed to happen, but after the most gallant resistance; that it should 
 have taken place, without even a fire from the enemy s batteries 
 is as astonishing as it is mortifying. 
 
 In consequence of this unfortunate affair, an addition of three 
 hundred and sixty-six has been made to the list of American 
 prisoners; to redeem these and the seamen, I have, in conformity 
 
 n 
 
xctiii APPENDIX. 
 
 with propositions held out by admiral Cochrane, forwarded to the 
 mouth oi the Mississippi upwards of four hundred British prison 
 ers; others will be sent, to complete the exchange, as soon as they 
 arrive from Natchez, to which place I had found it expedient to 
 order them. 
 
 Major Blue, who had been ordered by general Winchester to 
 the relief of fort Bowyer, succeeded in carrying one of the enemy s 
 picquets, consisting of seventeen, but was too late to effect the 
 whole purpose for which he had been detached the fort having; 
 capitulated twenty-four hours before his arrival. I learn from the 
 bearer of my last despatches to the enemy s fleet, who was detain 
 ed during the operations against fort Bowyer, that his loss on that 
 occasion, by the fire from the garrison was between twenty and 
 forty. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Scc2 
 
 A. J, 
 
 NO. XLVL 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to major -general Lambert. 
 Head-Quarters, 7th military district , 
 
 Ntw Orleans, 16th February, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 
 of the 19th inst. 
 
 In conformity \vith arrangements entered into with admiral 
 Cochrane by my aid-de-camp, Mr. Livingston, I despatched from 
 this place on the 22nd inst. four hundred British prisoners to be 
 delivered at the mouth of the Mississippi, to the officer appointed 
 on the part of his B. M. to receive them. Others will be sent to 
 complete the exchange, as soon as they arrive from Natchez. 
 
 It is expected that the American prisoners made at fort Bow 
 yer will be forwarded to the same point, as soon as practicable, and 
 in time to return by the vessels that will conyey the British prison 
 ers now on their way from Natchez. 
 
 I take the liberty to enclose you copies of two letters, which 
 I did myself the honour to address to admiral Cochrane on the 
 20th and 21st inst. in doing which you will perceive both my mo- 
 tive and my object. I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 A. J. 
 
APPENDIX. xcix 
 
 NO. XLVII. 
 
 Letter from generalJackson to major-general Lambert. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 1th military district, March 7th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN consequence of the intimation contained in your formal 
 letters, that every facility will be given to the proprietors of slaves 
 now with your forces, to induce them to return, I have given per*- 
 mission to M. M. Jumonville, Lanergue, Lacoste, Forstaii, Phi- 
 lipan, Ddphin, Velez and Quarron to pass under a flag in the 
 schooner Louisa, captain Pierre Etienne, to the fleet, for the pur 
 pose of seeing and reclaiming their slaves, to whcm 1 pray that 
 they (the slaves) may be delivered. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 A. J. 
 
 NO. XLVIII. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th military district, adjutant-general s office, 
 
 New Or leans, Sth March, 1815. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the commanding general has not received offi 
 cial advice that the state of war has ceased by tne ratification of 
 the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain, 
 he has persuasive evidence of the fact, and credits it, at the risk 
 of being misguided by his wishes. Under this impression, his 
 first act is to release from actual service the body of the militia of 
 this state, who have taken the field in obedience to the orders for 
 a levy en masse. In discharging them from the noble duty which 
 they were called to perform, the general does justice to the alar 
 erity with which they have in general obeyed the call to the en 
 thusiasm, which animated them on the first invasion of the enemy, 
 and the unanimity and patriotism winch disappointed his insolent 
 hopes. He thanks them, in the name of their common country, 
 for the noble defence they have made, and he congratulates them 
 in his own, on the consequences it has produced. Louisiana, 
 though not called on for any exertion in assuming her independ 
 ence, has shown, by hrr courage in its support, that she knows 
 how to prize the inestimable blessing-; her sons have not only 
 
c APPENDIX 
 
 ensured safely, but have acquired even a greater good national 
 reputation. Preserve this as the best reward of your exertions, 
 and hand it down untarnished, together with your example, to 
 your posterity. Let no designing men induce you to destroy it, 
 by exciting jealousies of your best friends, or divisions among 
 yourselves by preaching party spirit in peace, insubordination 
 in war, injustice to your brave companions in arms, blindness to 
 your own interests and to the true character of those enemies of 
 your peace. Guard against these evils as you hope to enjoy the 
 blessings you have so bravely won; and before you yield to such 
 perfidious counsels, examine scrupulously whether those from 
 whom they proceed, deserve your confidence, by any exertiom 
 they have made in your defence. A zealous wish for the pros 
 perity of the interesting country, in whose defence he has been, 
 by the blessing of heaven, instrumental, has induced the command 
 ing general to give this admonitory caution, which those who 
 court popularity, may tell you is unnecessary. He, however, va 
 lues no popularity but that which arises from a faithful discharge 
 of duty. In performing it, his object has been to secure your hap 
 piness; and he will always consider it as one of the most fortunate 
 incidents in his life, to have contributed, by his exertions, to the 
 prosperity of your country. 
 
 By command, ROBERT BUTLER, 
 
 NO. XL1X. 
 
 JLetterfrom general Jackson to general Lambert. 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, 
 
 New Orleans, March 13th, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 IT is with great satisfaction that I inform you of my having 
 
 received this day official advice of the ratification and interchange 
 of the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Bri 
 tain. 
 
 A copy of the treaty and of the ratification will be presented 
 to you by major Woodruff, of the 3d infantry, who will express 
 you more fully than I can in the compass of a letter, those senti 
 ments whicji the new state of things between the two nations 
 inspire. 
 
APPENDIX. ci 
 
 I have, by special direction of the secretary of war, ordered 
 an immediate cessation of hostilities, and by the like order make 
 this communication to you. 
 
 Mr. Livingston is empowered to make such arrangements 
 for the restoration required by the first article of the treaty, and to 
 receive all places, now in your possession, as well as the slaves 
 mentioned in your former letters, and all public property, confor 
 mably to the provisions of the said treaty. 
 
 Any facility or accommodation that may be required for your 
 supplies, or the comforts of your sick or wounded in my power, 
 will be given with the greatest pleasure. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to major Woodruff. 
 
 M tv Orleans, March \3fh, 1815, 
 
 Major Woodruff will inform captain Newman at Petites Co- 
 quilles of the restoration of peace, and direct him to permit the 
 British flag, now waiting at that place, to come up to the city. He 
 will also instruct captain Newman that all vessels are, in future, 
 to be permitted to pass and repass freely. 
 
 He will then proceed to the British fleet and deliver the des 
 patches with which he is charged to the commander-in-chief. 
 He will receive the surrender of the posts and public property 
 agreeable to the treaty, and require the delivery of slaves taken 
 from hence. 
 
 General M Intosh will furnish the troops necessary for the 
 occupation of the lort on his requisition. 
 
 A. JACKSON. 
 
 NO. L. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, Adjutant-general s Office^ 
 
 Neiv Orleans, March 13, 1815. 
 
 THE commanding general, with the most lively emotions of 
 joy, and of gratitude to Heaven, announces to the troops under his 
 command, that a treaty of peace between the United States and 
 Great Britain was ratified and exchanged at Washington, on the 
 1 7th ef February last. 
 
cii APPENDIX. 
 
 In consequence whereof, he loses not an instant in revoking 
 and annulling the general order issued on the 15th clay of Decem- 
 bar last, proclaiming martial law, which is hereby revoked, an 
 nulled, and countermanded; and he orders all hostilities imme 
 diately to cease against the troops and subjects of the united 
 kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 And in order that the general joy attending this event may 
 extend to all manner of persons, the commanding general pro 
 claims and orders a pardon tor all military offences heretofore 
 committed in this district, and orders that all persons in confine 
 ment, under such charges, be immediately discharged. 
 
 By order, ROBERT BUTLER, Adjutant-General. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, Ad jut ant -General s Office, 
 
 .Ww Orleans, March 13, 1815. 
 
 THE commanding general communicates \vith great satis 
 faction to the troops under his command, the following testimo 
 nial of the just sense which the president of the United States 
 entertains of their patriotism, valour, and good conduct. He 
 congratulates them particularly on their being able to receive his 
 applause with a consciousness of having deserved it; and takes a 
 singular pleasure in conveying to the brave citizens of this state, 
 who took up arms in its defence, the assurance that their exertions 
 arc appreciated as they deserve by the executive of the United 
 States. 
 
 " The president requests that you will express to the troops, 
 who have acted under you, the very favourable sentiments which he 
 entertains of their conduct. The alacrity with which they repair 
 ed to the standard of their country, exposed, in many instances, to 
 distressing privations; the patience with which they have borne the 
 fatigues of the campaign, and their bravery in action, have been 
 seen by him with great satisfaction. To our newly adopted fel 
 low citizens of Louisiana, you will give assurance of his great 
 sensibility to the decided and honourable proof which they have 
 given of their attachment and devotion to the union, and of the 
 manly support of the rights of their country. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES MONROE, Secretary of State. * 
 
 By command, ROBEHT BUTLER, Adj. Gen. 
 
APPENDIX. ciii 
 
 NO. LI. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, Adjutant-general s Office, 
 
 New Orleans, March 14M, 1815. 
 
 THE major-general is at length enabled to perform the pleas 
 ing task of restoring to Tennessee, Kentucky, Louisiana and the 
 territory of the Mississippi, the brave troops who have acted such 
 a distinguished part in the war which has just terminated. In re 
 storing these brave men to their homes, much exertion is expect 
 ed of, and great responsibility held on the commanding officers of 
 the different corps. It is required of major generals Carroll and 
 Thomas, and brigadier-general Coffee, to march their commands 
 without unnecessary delay to their respective states, and have 
 them mustered for payment and discharged. The troops from the 
 Mississippi territory and state of Louisiana, both militia and volun 
 teers, will be immediately mustered out of service by major Da 
 vis, assistant-inspector-general, paid and discharged. Every ar 
 rangement will be made through the department of war, to have 
 the troops of Tennessee and Kentucky paid off the soonest possi 
 ble after their return. All public arms, accoutrements, camp 
 equipage, and military stores of every description, now in the 
 possession of the different troops herein directed to be discharged, 
 will be immediately deposited with the deputy-commissary of ord 
 nance and quarter-master-general, except such camp equipage as 
 is absolutely necessary for the troops on their return march, which 
 must be delivered to some public agent on their dismissal. The 
 quarter-master-general is hereby ordered to furnish transportatio 
 for ail invalids belonging to the different corps. Those who can 
 not be moved without imminent danger of their lives, must be 
 well accommodated, and supplied with hospital stores, and a suf 
 ficient number of surgeons retained to attend them. The con 
 tractor will furnish provisions for the troops herein named, on their 
 return march, on the requisition of the respective commanding 
 officers; who, it is expected, will use every care and attention that 
 no depredations are committed on private property; and are held 
 personally responsible to remunerate, agreeably to the regulations 
 of the war department, all damages on property injured or destroy 
 ed by their commands. 
 
giv APPENDIX. 
 
 The major-general has again the satisfaction of announcing 
 the approbation of the president of the United States to the con 
 duct of the troops under his command, expressed in flattering 
 terms through the honourable the secretary at war. 
 
 In parting with those brave men, whose destinies have been 
 so long united with his own, and in whose labours and glories it is 
 his happiness and his boast to have participated, the commanding 
 general can neither suppress his feelings nor give utterance to 
 them as he ought. In what terms can he bestow suitable praise 
 on merit so extraordinary, so unparallelled! Let him in one burst 
 of joy, gratitude and exultation exclaim " these are the saviours 
 of their country these the patriot soldiers who triumphed over 
 the invincibles of Wellington, and conquered the conquerors of 
 Europe!" With what patience did you submit to privations 
 with what fortitude did you endure fatigue what valour did you 
 display in the day of battle! You have secured to America a proud 
 name among the nations of the earth a glory which will never 
 perish. 
 
 Possessing those dispositions, which equally adorn the citizen 
 and the soldier, the expectations of your country will be met in 
 peace as her wishes have been gratified in war Go then, my* 
 brave companions, to your homes; to those tender connexions and 
 those blissful scenes which render life so dear full of honour, and 
 crowned with laurels which will never fade. With what happi 
 ness will you not, when participating in the bosoms of your families 
 the enjoyment of peaceful life, look back to the toils you have 
 borne to the dangers you have encountered? How will all your 
 past exposures be converted into sources of inexpressible delight? 
 Who, that never experienced your sufferings, will be able to ap 
 preciate your joys? The man who slumbered ingloriousiy at 
 home, during your painful. marches, your nights of watchfulness 
 and your days of toil, will envy you the happiness which these re 
 collections will afford still more will he envy the gratitude of 
 that country which you have so eminently contributed to save. 
 
 Continue, fellow soldiers, on your passage to your several 
 destinations, to preserve that subordination, that dignified and 
 manly deportment which have so ennobled your character. 
 
APPENDIX. cv 
 
 While the commanding- general is thus giving indulgence to 
 his feeling towards those brave companions who accompanied him, 
 thicitf-rh difficulties and clanger, he cannot permit the names of 
 Blciiiit, and Shelby, and Holmes, to pass unnoticed. With what 
 a em:rous ardour of patriotism have these distinguished govern 
 ors contributed all their exertions to provide the means of victory! 
 The memory of these exertions, and of the success with which 
 they were attained, will be to them a reward more grateful than 
 any which the pomp of title or the splendour of wealth can bestow. 
 
 What a happiness it is to the commanding-general that, while 
 danger was before us, he was, on no occasion, compelled to use, 
 towards his companions in arms, either severity or rebuke. If, 
 after the enemy had retired, improper pasbions bevgan to show 
 their empire in a few unworthy bosoms, and rendered a resort to 
 energetic measures necessary fir their suppression, the com 
 manding-general has not confounded the innocent with the guilty, 
 the seduced with the seducers. Towards you, felk w-soldiers, 
 the most cheering recollections exist, blended, alas! with regret, 
 that disease and war should have ravished from us so many wor 
 thy companions. But the memory of the cause in which they 
 perished, and of the virtues which animated them while living, 
 must occupy the place where sorrow would claim to dwell. 
 
 Farewell, fellow-soldiers. The expression of your general s 
 thanks is feeble; but the gratitude of a country of freemen is 
 yours yours the applause of an admiring world. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. LIJ. 
 TREATY OF PEACE. 
 
 JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 To all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting: 
 
 WHEREAS a treaty of peace and amity between the United 
 States of America and his Britannic majesty was signed at Ghent, 
 on the twenty-fourth day of December, one thousand eight hun 
 dred and fourteen, by plenipotentiaries respectively appointed for 
 that purpose; and the said treaty having been, by and with the ad- 
 rice and consent of the senate of the United States, duly accepted, 
 
 o 
 
cvi APPENDIX. 
 
 ratified and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one 
 thousand eight hundred and fifteen; and ratified copies thereof 
 having been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, 
 which is in the words following, to wit: 
 
 TREATY OF PEACE AND AMITY BETWEEN HIS BRITANNIC MA 
 JESTY AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 His Britannic majesty and the United States of America, de 
 sirous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted be 
 tween the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of per 
 fect reciprocity, peace, friendship, and good understanding be 
 tween them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respective 
 plenipotentiaries, that is to say: his Britannic majesty, on his part, 
 has appointed the right honourable James lord Gambier, late ad 
 miral of the white, now admiral of the red squadron of his majes 
 ty s fleet, Henry Goulbourn, esq. member of the imperial parlia 
 ment, and under secretary of state, and William Adams, esq. doc 
 tor of civil laws: and the president of the United States, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, has appointed 
 John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan 
 Russcl, and Albert Gallatin, citizens of the United States, who, af 
 ter a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers,, 
 have agreed upon the following articles: 
 
 ART. i. There shall be a firm and universal peace between 
 his Britannic majesty and the United States, and between their 
 respective countries, territories, cities, towns and people, of every 
 degree, without exception of places or persons. All hostilities, 
 both by sea and land, shall cease as soon as this treaty has been 
 ratified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territories, 
 places, and possessions whatsoever, taken from either party by the 
 other, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of 
 this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned, shall 
 be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or 
 carrying away any of the artillery or other public property origi 
 nally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall remaia 
 therein, upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any 
 slaves or other private property, and all archives, records, deeds, 
 and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to private per 
 sons, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen into the 
 
APPENDIX. cvii 
 
 hands of the officers of either party, shall be, as far as may be prac 
 ticable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper authorities 
 and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the islands 
 in the bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by both parties, shall 
 remain in the possession of the party in whose occupation they 
 may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this trea 
 ty, until the decision respecting the title to the said islands shall 
 have been made, in conformity with the fourth article of this 
 treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such possession 
 of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, shall, in any 
 manner whatever, be construed to affect the right of either. 
 
 ART. ii. Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by 
 both parties, as hereinafter mentioned, orders shall be sent to the 
 armies, squadrons, officers, subjects and citizens of the two pow 
 ers to cease from all hostilities: and to prevent all causes of com 
 plaint which might arise on account of the prizes which may be 
 taken at sea after the ratifications of this treaty, it is reciprocally 
 agreed, that all vessels and effects which may be taken after the 
 space of twelve days from the said ratifications, upon all parts of 
 the coast of North America, from the latitude of twenty -three de 
 grees north, to the latitude of fifty degrees north, as far eastward 
 in the Atlantic ocean, as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude 
 from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side: 
 That the time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlan 
 tic ocean, north of the equinoxial line or equator, and the same 
 time for the British and Irish channels, for the gulf of Mexico, and 
 all parts of the West Indies: forty days for the North Seas, for the 
 Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean. Sixty days for the 
 Atlantic ocean south of the equator as far as the latitude of the 
 Cape of Good Hope: ninety days for every part of the world south 
 of the equator: and one hundred and twenty days for all other parts 
 of the world, without exception. 
 
 ART. in. All prisoners of war taken on either side, as well 
 by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the 
 ratification of this treaty, as hereinafter mentioned, on their paying 
 the debts which they may have contracted during their captivity. 
 The two contracting parties respectively engage to discharge, in 
 specie, the advances which may have been made by the other, for 
 the sustenance and maintenance of such prisoners. 
 
cviii APPENDIX. 
 
 ART. iv. Whereas it was stipulated by the second article in 
 the treaty of peace of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
 three, between his Britannic majesty and the United States of 
 America, that the boundary of the United States should compre 
 hend all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of 
 the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn clue east 
 from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova- 
 Scotia, on the one part, and East Florida on the other, shall re 
 spectively touch the Bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic ocean, ex 
 cepting such islands as now are, or heretofore have been within 
 the limits of Nova-Scotia: and whereas the several islands in the 
 Bay of Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the 
 island of Grand Menan, in me said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by 
 the United States as being comprehended within their aforesaid 
 boundaries, which said islands are claimed as belonging to his 
 Britannic majesty, as having been at the time of, and previous to, 
 the aforesaid treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
 three, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia: in order, 
 therefore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed that they 
 shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appointed in the fol 
 low ing manner, viz. One commissioner shall be appointed by his 
 Britannic majesty, and one by the president of the United States, 
 by and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, and the 
 said two commissioners so appointed shall be sworn impartially to 
 examine and decide upon the said claims according to such evi 
 dence as shall be laid before them on the part of his Britannic ma 
 jesty and of the United States respectively. The said commis 
 sioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the province of New Bruns 
 wick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or pla 
 ces as they shall think fit. The said commissioners shall, by a de 
 claration or report under their hands and seals, decide to which 
 of the two contracting parties the several islands aforesaid do re 
 spectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said 
 treaty of peace of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. 
 And if the said commissioners shall agree in their decision, both 
 parties shall consider such decision as final and conclusive. It is 
 further agreed, that in the event of the two commissioners differ 
 ing upon all or any of the matters so referred to them, or in the 
 event of both of either of the said commissioners refusing or de 4 - 
 
APPENDIX. cix 
 
 dining, or wilfully omitting, to act as such, they shall make jointly 
 or separately, a report or reports, as well to the government of 
 his Britannic majesty, as to that of the United States, stating in 
 detail the points on which they differ, and the grounds upon which 
 their respective opinions have been formed, or the grounds upon 
 which they, or either of them, have so refused, declined, or omit 
 ted to act. And his Britannic majesty, and the government of the 
 United States, hereby agree to refer the report or reports of the 
 said commissioners, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then 
 named for that purpose, and who shall be requeste^d to decide on 
 the differences which may be stated in the said report or reports, 
 or upon the report of one commissioner* together with the grounds 
 upon which the other commissioner shall have refused, declined, 
 or omitted to act, as the case may be. And if the commissioner 
 so refusing, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit 
 to state the grounds upon which he has so done, in such manner 
 that the said statement may be referred to such friendly sovereign 
 or state, together with the report of such other commissioner, then 
 such sovereign or state, shall decide exparte upon the said report 
 alone. And his Britannic majesty and the government of the Uni 
 ted States engage to consider the decision of some friendly sove 
 reign or state to be final and conclusive, on all the matters so re 
 ferred. 
 
 ART. v. Whereas neither that point of the high lands lying 
 due north from the source of the river St. Croix, and designated 
 in the former treaty of peace between the two powers as the north 
 west angle of Nova Scotia, now the northwesternmost head of 
 Connecticut river, has yet been ascertained; and whereas that part 
 of the boundary line between the dominion of the two powers 
 which extends from the source of the river St. Croix directly 
 north to the above mentioned northwest angle of Nova Scotia, 
 thence along the said high lands which divide those rivers that 
 empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those which 
 fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Con 
 necticut river, thence. down along the middle of that river to the 
 forty-fifth degree of north latitude: thence by a line due west on 
 said latitude until it strikes the river Iroquois or Cataraguy, has 
 not yet been surveyed: it is agreed, that for these several purpo- 
 
gx APPENDIX. 
 
 ses, two commissioners shall be appointed, sworn, and authorized? 
 to act exactly in the manner directed with respect to those men 
 tioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in 
 the present article. The said commissioners shall meet at St 
 Andrews, in the province of New Brunswick, and shall have pow 
 er to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. 
 The said commissioners shall have power to ascertain and deter 
 mine the points above mentioned, in conformity with the provi 
 sions of the said treaty of peace of one thousand seven hundred 
 and eighty-three, and shall cause the boundary aforesaid, from the 
 source of the river St. Croix, to the river Iroqitois or Cataraguy, 
 to be surveyed and marked according to the said provisions. The 
 said commissioners shall make a map of the said boundary, and 
 annex it to a declaration under their hands and seals, certifying it 
 to be the true map of the said boundary, and particularizing the 
 latitude and longitude of the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, of 
 the north westernmost head of Connecticut river, and of such other 
 points of the said boundary as they may deem proper. And both 
 parties agree to consider such map and declaration as finally and 
 conclusively fixing the said boundary. And in the event of the 
 said two commissioners differing, or both, or either of them, re 
 fusing or declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, de 
 clarations, or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, 
 and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall be made, 
 in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, 
 and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. 
 
 ART vi. Whereas by the former treaty of peace, that por 
 tion of the boundary of the United States from the point where 
 the forty-fifth degree of north latitude strikes the river Iroquois or 
 Cataraguy to the lake Superior, was declared to be " along the 
 middle of said river into lake Ontario, through the middle of said 
 lake until it strikes the communication by water between that lake 
 and lake Erie, thence along the middle of said communication in 
 to lake Erie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at .the 
 water communication into the lake Huron, thence through the 
 middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake 
 and lake Superior." And whereas doubts have arisen what was 
 the middle of said river, lakes, and water communications, and 
 
APPENDIX. cxi 
 
 whether certain islands lying in the same were within the domi 
 nions of his Britannic majesty or of the United States: in order, 
 therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they shall be referred to two 
 commissioners, to be appointed, sworn, and authorized to act ex 
 actly in the manner directed with respect to those mentioned in 
 the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in this pre 
 sent article. The said commissioners shall meet, in the first in 
 stance at Albany, in the state of New York, and shall have power 
 to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit. 
 The said commissioners shall, by a report or declaration, under 
 their hands and seals, designate the boundary through the said 
 river, lakes, or water communications, and decide to which of the 
 two contracting parties the several islands lying within the said 
 river, lakes, and water communications, do respectively belong, 
 in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of one thou 
 sand seven hundred and eighty-three. And both parties agree to 
 consider such designation and decision as final and conclusive. 
 And in the event of the said two commissioners differing, or both, 
 or either of them, refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, 
 such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be made by them, 
 or either of them; and such reference to a friendly sovereign or 
 state shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth 
 article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the same was 
 herein repeated. 
 
 ART. vii. Tt is further agreed that the said two last men 
 tioned commissioners, after they shall have executed the duties 
 assigned to them in the preceding article, shall be, and they are 
 hereby authorized, upon their oaths, impartially to fix and de 
 termine, according to the true intent of the said treaty of peace of 
 one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, that part of the 
 boundary between the dominions of the two powers, which ex 
 tends from the water coummunication between lajke Huron and 
 lake Superior, to the most northwestern point of the lake of the 
 Woods, to decide to which of the two parties the several islands 
 lying in the lakes, water communications and rivers, forming the 
 said boundary, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true 
 intent of the said treaty of peace of one thousand seven hundred 
 and eighty -three; and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as 
 
cxii . APPENDIX. 
 
 require it, to be surveyed and marked. The said commissioners 
 shall, by a report or declaration under their hands and seals, de 
 signate the boundary line aforesaid, state their decisions on the 
 points thus referred to them, and particularize the latitude and 
 longitude of the most northwestern point of the lake of the Woods, 
 and of such other parts of the said boundary, as they may deem, 
 proper. And both parties agree to consider such designation and 
 decision as final and conclusive. And in the event of the said two 
 commissioners differing, or both, or either of them, refusing, de 
 clining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or 
 statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such 
 reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall be made in all re 
 spects, as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, ami 
 in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. 
 
 ART. vin. The several boards of two commissioners men 
 tioned in the four preceding articles, shall respectively have pow 
 er to appoint a secretary, and to employ such surveyors or other 
 persons as they shall judge necessary. Duplicates of all their re 
 spective reports, declarations, statements, and decisions, and of 
 their accounts and of the journal of their proceedings, shall be de 
 livered by them to the agents of his Britannic majesty, and to the 
 agents of the United States, who may be respectively appointed 
 and authorized to manage the business on behalf of their respec 
 tive governments. The said commissioners shall- be respectively 
 paid in such manner as shall be agreed between the two con 
 tracting parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time of 
 the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty; and all other ex 
 penses attending said commissioners shall be defrayed equally by 
 the two parties. And in case of death, sickness, resignation, or 
 necessary absence, the place of every such commissioner respec 
 tively shall be supplied in the same manner as such commissioner 
 was first appointed, and the new commissioner shall take the same 
 oath or affirmation, and do the same duties. It is further agreed 
 between the two contracting parties, that in case any of the islands 
 mentioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the pos 
 session of one of the parties prior to the commencement of the 
 present war between the countries, should, by the decision of any 
 of the boards of commissioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or 
 
APPENDIX. cxiii 
 
 slate so referred to, as in the four next preceding articles con 
 tained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of 
 land made previous to the commencement of the war, by the party 
 having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island or 
 islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be 
 within the dominions of the party having such possession. 
 
 ART. ix. The United States of America engage to put an 
 end, immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hos 
 tilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom they 
 may be at war at the time of such ratification; and forthwith to 
 restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, 
 rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled 
 to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such 
 hostilities: Provided a favays) that such tribes or nations shall agree 
 to desist from all hostilities against the United States of America-, 
 their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present 
 treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist 
 accordingly. And his Britannic majesty engages, on his part, to 
 put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, 
 to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom 
 he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to 
 restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, 
 rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed, or been en 
 titled to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to 
 such hostilities: Provided always^ that such tribes or nations shall 
 agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic majesty, 
 and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being 
 notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. 
 
 ART. x. Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with 
 the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas both his Bri 
 tannic majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing 
 heir efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that 
 both the contracting parties shall use their best endeavours to ac 
 complish so desirable an object. 
 
 ART. xi. This treaty, when the same shall have been rati 
 fied on both sides, without alteration by either of the contracting 
 parties and the ratifications mutually exchanged, shall be binding- 
 on both parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Wash- 
 
 P 
 
cxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 ington, in the space of four months from this day, or sooner if 
 practicable. 
 
 In faith whereof, we the respective plenipotentiaries, have sign 
 ed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals. 
 
 Done, in triplicate, at Ghent, the twenty-fourth day of Decem 
 ber, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen, 
 
 (L. s.) GAMBIER, 
 
 (L. s.) HENRY GOULBOURN, 
 
 (L. s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, 
 
 (L. s.) JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, 
 
 (L. s.) J. A. BAYARD, 
 
 (L. s.) H. CLAY, 
 
 (L. s.) JONATHAN RUSSELL, 
 
 (L. s.) ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Now, therefore, to the end that the said treaty of peace and 
 amity may be observed with good faith, on the part of the United 
 States, I, JAMES MADISON, president as aforesaid, have caused the 
 premises to be made public: and I do hereby enjoin all persons 
 bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all 
 others, citizens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, 
 faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and 
 article thereof. 
 
 In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States 
 to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. 
 Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of Februa 
 ry, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 fifteen, and of the sovereignty and independence of the 
 
 United States the thirty-ninth. 
 
 JAMES MADISON, 
 Hy the President, JAMES MONROE. 
 
 NO. LI1L 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 Jfrom the city battalion of uniform comj[ia?iies to major-general 
 Jackson. 
 
 GENERAL, New-Orleans, \&th March, 1815. 
 
 WE have delayed until this moment the expression of out 
 
 feelings towards you, lest the honest emotions of our hearts should 
 
 be ascribed to a desire of propitiating the favour of our command- 
 
APPENDIX. cxv 
 
 er. At this moment, when neither hope nor fear can be supposed 
 to have influenced us, we pray you to receive the sincere tribute 
 of our thanks as soldiers, for the confidence you have reposed in 
 Us; for the paternal care with which you have watched over our 
 comforts, and above all, for that justice you have done to our zeal 
 in assigning us on every occasion a post of danger and of honour- 
 as citizens, for the wisdom of the measures you devised to protect 
 our country; for the skill and bravery with which they were exe 
 cuted; and for that indispensable energy to which we owe our 
 safety. Leaving to others the task of declaiming about privileges 
 and constitutional rights, we are content with having fought in 
 support of them we have understanding enough to know when 
 they are wantonly violated: and no false reasoning shall make us 
 ungrateful to the man whose wisdom and valour have secured 
 them to us and to our posterity! We do not deal in professions; 
 we pray you, general, to be assured, that in the officers and men of 
 this battalion you have soldiers who have been and are always 
 ready to affront every danger under your command -fellow -citi 
 zens^ grateful for your services; -friends^ personally attached to 
 your fortunes, and ready to promote your happiness at the risk of 
 their own. You have allowed us the endearing title of your 
 brothers in arms it was given to us on this field, strewed then 
 with the bodies of our enemies; and we feel a noble pride in the 
 consciousness that allows us to accept it. That fraternity, cemented 
 in hostile blood, shall be the pride of our lives; and in aftertimes 
 will secure to our children the respect of posterity. General, 
 common phrases cannot express the emotions which agitate us at 
 the moment of our separation but we pray heaven to watch over 
 your safety; and we trust to a grateful country for the honours 
 and advancement which your services have merited. 
 
 J. B. PLAUCHE, major. N. THOMPSON? lieutenant. 
 
 STE. GEME, cafitain. C. FREMONT, lieutenant. 
 
 M. WHITE, captain. DUHULRUOD, lieutenant, 
 
 A. GUIBERT, captain, L. PILIE, lieutenant. 
 
 HUDRY, captain. BENETAUD* 
 
 P. ROCHE, captain. BERTEL, lieutenant. 
 
 JOHN ST. JEAN, lieutenant, HUET, lieutenant. 
 
 COEUR DE ROY. LE MOUNIER, serjeant -major 
 
 DE ST. ROMES, lieutftnanf 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 FELLOW -SOLDIERS, 
 
 ALTHOUGH born and bred in a land of freedom, popular fa 
 vour lias always been with me a secondary object. My first \vish 5 
 in political life, has been to be useful to my country. Yet, I am 
 not insensible to the good opinion of my fellow-citizens; I would 
 do much to obtain it; but I cannot, for this purpose, sacrifice my 
 own conscience or what I conceive to be the interests of my 
 country. 
 
 These principles have prepared me to receive, with just sa 
 tisfaction, the address you have presented. The first wish of my 
 heart, the safety of your country, has been accomplished; and it 
 affords me the greatest happiness to know that the means taken 
 to secure this object have met the approbation of those who have 
 had the best opportunities of judging of their propriety, and who, 
 from their various relations, might be supposed the most ready to 
 censure any which had been improperly resorted to. The dis 
 tinction you draw, gentlemen, between those who only declaim 
 about civil rights and those who fight to maintain them, shows 
 how just and practical a knowledge you have of the true princi 
 ples of liberty without such knowledge all theory is useless or 
 mischievous. 
 
 Whenever the invaluable rights which we enjoy under our 
 happy constitution are threatened by invasion, privileges the most 
 dear, and which, in ordinary times ought to be regarded as the most 
 sacred, may be required to be infringed for their security. At 
 such a crisis, we have only to determine whether we will suspend, 
 for a time, the exercise of the latter, that we may secure the per 
 manent enjoyment of the former. Is it wise, in such a moment, 
 to sacrifice the spirit of the laws to the letter, and by adhering too 
 strictly to the letter, lose the substance forever, in order that we 
 may, for an instant, preserve the shadow? It is not to be imagined 
 that the express provisions of any written law can fully embrace 
 emergencies which suppose and occasion the suspension of all 
 law, but the highest and the last, that of self-preservation. No 
 right is more precious to a freeman than that of suffrage; but had 
 your election taken place on the 8th of January, would your de- 
 claimers have advised you to abandon the defence of your country 
 
APPENDIX. cxvii 
 
 in order to exercise this inestimable privilege at the polls? Is it 
 to be supposed that your general, if he regarded the important 
 trust committed to his charge, would have permitted you to pre 
 serve the constitution by an act which would have involved con 
 stitution, country and honour in one undistinguished ruin? 
 
 What is more justly important than personal liberty; yet how 
 can the civil enjoyment of this privilege be made to consist with 
 the order, subordination and discipline of a camp? Let the senti 
 nel be removed by subfioena from his post, let writs of habeas 
 corpus carry away the officers from the lines, and the enemy may 
 conquer your country by only employing lawyers to defend your 
 constitution. 
 
 Private property is held sacred in all good governments, and 
 particularly in our own, yet, shall the fear of invading it prevent a 
 general from marching his army over a corn-field, or burning a 
 house which protects the enemy? 
 
 These and a thousand other instances might be cited to show 
 that laws must sometimes be silent when necessity speaks. The 
 only question with the friend of his country will be, have these 
 laws been made to be silent wantonly and unnecessarily? If neces 
 sity dictated the measure, if a resort to it was important for the 
 preservation of those rights which we esteem so dear, and in de 
 fence of which we had so willingly taken up arms, surely it would 
 not have been becoming in the commander-in-chief to have shrunk 
 from the responsibility which it involved. He did not shrink from 
 it. In declaring martial law, his object, and his only object, was 
 to embody the whole resources of the country, for its defence. 
 That law, while it existed, necessarily suspended all rights and 
 privileges inconsistent with its provisions. It is matter of sur 
 prise that they who boast themselves the champions of those 
 rights and privileges should not, when they were first put in dan 
 ger by the proclamation of martial law, have manifested that lively 
 sensibility of which they have since made so ostentatious a dis 
 play. So far, however, was this from being the case, that this 
 measure not only met, then, the open support of those who when 
 their country was invaded thought resistance a virtue, and the si 
 lent approbation of all; but even received the particular recom 
 mendation and encouragement of many who now inveigh the most 
 bitterly against it. It was not until a victory, Secured by that very 
 
cxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 measure, had lessened the danger which occasioned a resort to it } 
 that the present feeling guardians of our rights discovered that the 
 commanding-general ought to have suffered his posts to be aban 
 doned through the interference of a foreign agent his ranks to be 
 thinned by desertion, and his whole army to be broken to pieces 
 by mutiny; while yet a powerful force of the enemy remained on 
 your coast, and within a few hours sail of your city. 
 
 I thought and acted differently. It was not until I discovered 
 that the civil power stood no longer in need of the military for its 
 support, that I restored to it its usual functions; and the restora 
 tion was not delayed a moment after that period had arrived. 
 
 Under these circumstances, fellow-soldiers, your resolution 
 to let others declaim about firi~vileges and constitutional rights, will 
 never draw upon you the charge of being indifferent to those in 
 estimable blessings; your attachment to them has been proved by 
 a stronger title that of having nobly fought to preserve them. 
 You who have thus supported them against the open pretensions 
 of a powerful enemy, will never, I trust, surrender them to the un 
 derhand machinations of men who stand aloof in the hour of peril, 
 and who, when the danger is gone, claim to be the " defenders of 
 your constitution." 
 
 An honourable peace has dissolved our military connexion; 
 and, in a few days, I shall quit a country endeared to me by the 
 most pleasing recollections. Among the most prominent of these, 
 gentlemen, are those I shall ever entertain of the distinguished 
 bravery, the exact discipline, the ardent zeal, and the important 
 services of your corps. The offered friendship of each individual 
 composing it, I receive with pleasure, and with sincerity recipro 
 cate. I shall always pride myself on a fraternity with such men, 
 created in such a cause. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. LIV. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to the secretary of war. 
 Head-quarters, 7th military district. 
 
 New Orleans^ March 16, 1815. 
 
 SIR I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 letter of the 16th ult. advising me of the ratification of the treaty 
 of peace between Great Britain and the United States. 
 
APPENDIX. cxix 
 
 In conformity with your directions, I have forwarded to the 
 officer commanding his Britannic majesty s forces, in this quarter, 
 information of that event. 
 
 The Tennessee and Kentucky militia will be immediately 
 marched to their respective states, and discharged without receiv 
 ing any pay beforehand. The Louisiana and Mississippi militia 
 will be discharged and paid here. It is hoped that funds will be 
 provided for the payment of the former in suitable time. 
 
 Difficulties are experienced from the want of means to pro 
 cure forage, and transportation on the return march, colonel 
 Knight having not yet arrived. On this account I have offered 
 my bills on the governor of Tennessee, payable in treasury notes 
 at Nashville. 
 
 I have received no intelligence of colonel Knight, except by 
 your letter of the 7th ult. 
 
 The greater portion of the regulars in this quarter having en 
 listed to serve during the war, expect to be immediately dis 
 charged. As you have not mentioned them in your instructions, 
 I shall be glad to hear from you on the subject as soon as possible. 
 
 It is my intention, so soon as 1 get the troops mustered out of 
 service here, to remove my head-quarters to Nashville, where I 
 shall expect to receive the orders of the government. 
 
 Major-general Gaines is placed in the immediate command 
 of this section of the district, and I am happy to commit it to one 
 in whom the government has such high and deserved confidence. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 8cc. 
 
 A. JACKSON. 
 
 NO. LV. 
 
 Letter from major Woodruff" to general Jackson. 
 
 New Orleans^ March 23</, 1815. 
 
 SIR In compliance with your orders of the 14th inst. I left 
 the bayou St. Johns at twelve o clock of the same day, and arrived 
 at Dauphine island on the night of the 1 6th, the head-quarters of 
 the British array. 
 
 I immediately informed major-general Lambert of your ha 
 ving received official notice of a treaty of peace having been sign 
 ed and exchanged at the city of Washington, on the 17th of Fe- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 bruary, 1815, between the United States of America and the go 
 vernment of Great Britain; (a copy of which I handed him) and 
 that I was ordered by you to receive all forts, places, artillery, mu 
 nitions of war, or other public or private property captured during 
 the war, embraced by the first article of said treaty; and that I 
 was particularly instructed to receive all slaves^ belonging to any 
 inhabitant or citizen of the United-* States, captured or protected 
 by the British army. 
 
 General Lumbert informed me that he could not give up 
 fort Bowyer until he received official information, from an au 
 thorized agent of his government, that the treaty had been con 
 firmed by ours; that then he would be prepared to execute, on 
 the part of his government, every article of said treaty, except 
 that part relating to slaves, as it was totally incompatible with the 
 spirit and constitution of his government to recognize slavery at 
 all that he would use his influence, in persuading them to return 
 to their masters, by every argument in his power; but that he would 
 not use force in compelling their obedience, or permit it to be 
 used within the British lines. That I might stand acquitted of 
 having discharged my duty, I addressed a note to the British com 
 mander on the 16th instant, marked No. 1. His note in return, 
 No. 2, you will perceive is evasive, and by no means a satisfactory 
 answer to mine. I again requested a categorical answer, particu 
 larly to that part of my note relating to slaves. His answer you 
 will find marked No. 3. 
 
 I flatter myself, sir, I have done all in my power to effect 
 your wishes, and regret my exertions were not attended with more 
 success. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Etc. 
 
 J. WOODRUFF. 
 
 NO. LVI. 
 
 better from general Lambert to general Jackson, 
 
 Head-Quarters, Isle Dau/ihine, March 18, 18 15. 
 
 SIR I received with great pleasure, by the hands of major 
 
 Woodruff, on the evening of the 16th, about nine o clock, yours 
 
 of the 13th instant. I communicated the contents immediately te 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 i;ear admiral Malcolm, and orders were issued for the cessation o f 
 hostilities, and to all detached posts and ships to be withdrawn in 
 our respective commands. I daily expect an official communi 
 cation (similar to what you have received) from Mr. Baker. In 
 the meantime every preparation is making for the embarkation 
 of this force, and ships are now sent away, when we are able to 
 put sufficient provisions on board to take them to Bermuda. 
 Victuallers from Jamaica must be here in a very few days, when 
 every thing will be put on board as quickly as possible; and 
 should I by that time not have received any intelligence, the ad 
 miral and myself will have no hesitation in putting to sea directly. 
 I have requested major Woodruff, who went up to Mobile yes 
 terday, to acquaint the commanding officer that I would let him 
 know the moment we were prepared to give up the fort, which 
 wouid be when the transports could get out of the bay. The fort 
 would be restored in every respect as when it fell into our pos 
 session, with the exception only of a brass mortar, cast in George 
 the Second s reign, which had been sent away the day after. 
 
 In the fulfilling |he first article of the treaty, I cannot consi 
 der the meaning of a not causing any destruction, or carrying away 
 any artillery, or other public property, originally captured in the 
 said forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the ex^- 
 change of the ratification of this treaty, or any slave, or other pro 
 perty," having reference to any antecedent period to the 18th of 
 February, the day of the exchange of ratifications; because it is 
 only from that time that the article could be fulfilled in a long 
 war. If those negroes (the matter now in question) belonged 
 to the territory or city we were actually in occupation of, I 
 should conceive we had no right to take them away; but by 
 their coming away, they are virtually the same as deserters 
 or property taken away at any time of the war. I am obliged to 
 say so much in justification of the right; but I have from the first 
 done all I could to prevent, and subsequently, together with ad 
 miral Malcolm, have given every facility, and used every persua 
 sion that they should return to their masters, and many have done 
 so; but I could not reconcile it to myself to abandon any, who, from 
 false reasoning perhaps, joined us during the period of hostilities, 
 
 q 
 
cxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 and have thus acted in violation of the laws of their country, and 
 besides become obnoxious to their masters. 
 
 Had it been an object to take the negroes away, they could 
 have been embarked in the first instance; but they have been per 
 mitted to remain in the hopes that they might, return. 
 
 I am much obliged to you for your offer of supplies, and com 
 forts for the sick and wounded. I send a commissary, to make a 
 few purchases, and have directed him to call on Mr. Livingston 
 with this letter. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 8cc. 
 
 JOHN LAMBERT, Maj. Gen. Com g. 
 
 NO. LVII. 
 
 CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 THE following resolutions, expressive of the high sense en 
 tertained by congress of the patriotism and good conduct of the 
 people of Louisiana and of New Orleans, were unanimously 
 udopt d: 
 
 Resolved^ by the senate and house of representatives of the 
 United States of America in congress assembled. That congress 
 entertain a high sense of the patriotism, fidelity, zeal and courage 
 with which the people of the state of Louisiana promptly and una 
 nimously stepped forth, under circumstances of imminent danger 
 from a powerful invading army, in defence of all the individual} 
 social, and political rights held dear by man. Congress declare 
 and proclaim, that the brave Louisianians deserve well of the 
 whole people of the Unred States. 
 
 Resolved^ That congress entertain a high sense of the gene- 
 i osity, benevolence, and humanity, displayed by the people of New 
 Orleans, in voluntarily offering the best accommodations in their 
 power, and giving the kindest attention to the wounded, not only 
 of our own army, but also to the wounded prisoners of a van 
 quished foe. 
 
 Resolved^ TJiat the president of the United States be re 
 quested to cause the foregoing resolutions to be communi 
 cated to his excellency the governor of Louisiana, accompanied 
 with a request that he cause the greatest possible publicity to be 
 given to them, for the information of the whole people of Louisi 
 ana. 
 
APPENDIX. cxxiil 
 
 Resolutions expressive of the thanks of congress to major- 
 general Jackson, and the troops under his command, for their 
 gallantry and good conduct in the defence of New Orleans: 
 
 Resolved^ by the senate and house of representatives of the 
 United States of America in congress assembled, That the thanks 
 of congress be, and they are hereby given to major-general Jack 
 son, and through him to the officers and soldiers of the regular 
 army, of the militia, and of the volunteers, under his immediate 
 command, and the officers and soldiers charged with the defence 
 of fort St. Philip, for their uniform gallantry and good conduct, 
 conspicuously displayed against the enemy from the time of his 
 landing before New Orleans until his final expulsion from the 
 state of Louisiana: and particularly for their valour, skill and good 
 conduct on the 8th of January last, in repulsing, with great slaugh 
 ter, a numerous British army of chosen veteran troops, when at 
 tempting by a bold and daring attack to storm and carry the 
 works hastily thrown up for the defence of New Orleans, and 
 thereby obtaining a most signal and complete victory over the 
 enemy, with a disparity of loss on his part unexampled in military 
 annals. 
 
 Resolved, That the president of the United States be request 
 ed to cause to be struck a gold medal, with devices emblematical 
 of this splendid achievement, and presented to major-general 
 Jackson, as a testimony of the high sense entertained by congress 
 of his judicious and distinguished conduct on that memorable oc 
 casion. 
 
 Resolved, That the president of the United States be re 
 quested to cause the foregoing resolutions to be communicated to 
 major-general Jackson, in such terms as he may deem best ^cal 
 culated to give effect to the objects thereof. 
 
 Resolved, That congress entertain a high sense of the valour 
 and good conduct of commodore D. T. Patterson, of the officers, 
 petty officers, and seamen attached to his command, for their 
 prompt and efficient co-operation with general Jackson, in the 
 late gallant and successful defence of the city of New Orleans, 
 when assailed by a powerful British force. 
 
 Resolved, That congress entertain a high sense of the valour 
 and good conduct of major Daniel Carmick, of the officers, non- 
 
cxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 commissioned-officers and marines, under his command, in the 
 defence of said city, on the late memorable occasion. 
 
 NO. LV11I. 
 
 Letter from general Jackson to general Lambert. 
 
 Head-Quarters, 7th Military District, 
 SIR, New Orleans, 20th February, 1315. 
 
 BY my letter of this date, addressed to sir Alexander Coch- 
 rane, you will perceive that I have fully acquiesced in your ideas 
 relative to the delivery and exchange of prisoners, and you will 
 herewith receive all those now here in a state to be removed. 
 
 As you intimate that you do not consider the slaves as under 
 your control, I have addressed the only further demand I shall 
 make on that subject to sir \lexander Cochrane. 
 
 Some of my officers, under a mistaken idea that deserters 
 were confined with the prisoners, have, as I have understood, 
 made improper applications to some of the latter to quit your 
 service. It is possible they may have in some instances succeed 
 ed in procuring either a feigned or a real consent to this effect; 
 the whole of the transaction, however, met my marked reprehen 
 sion, and all the prisoners are now restored to you. But as im 
 proper allurements may have been held out to these men, it will 
 be highly gratifying to my feelings to learn that no investigation 
 will be made, or punishment inflicted, in consequence of the con 
 duct of those who may, under such circumstances, have swerved 
 from their duty. As the transaction might not have been other 
 wise disclosed to you, the notice I now take of it shows the confi 
 dence I feel that you will not make use of any implied presump 
 tion to be drawn from it. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 NO. LIX. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF LOUISIANA. 
 J3c it resolved by the senate and house of representatives of 
 the state of Louisiana in general assembly convened, That the le 
 gislature of the state of Louisiana deem it their duty to proclaim 
 the facts herein after stated, as bearing testimony to the zeal and 
 patriotism that. were displayed by the citizens in every part of this 
 state, during the late invasion of the British. 
 
APPENDIX. cxxv 
 
 At the first news of our danger, the militia, together with a 
 vast number of volunteers, flocked into New Orleans from every 
 county in this state. The planters on both sides of the river, 
 within a space of several leagues, either above or below town, fur 
 nished thousands of their slaves, and sent them to every particular 
 place where their labour was thought necessary; it was through 
 the means which were voluntarily granted by the planters, that 
 most of the artillery, ammunition and provisions were transported; 
 and whenever detachments occasionally stopped at their planta 
 tions, the latter met them with the most cordial reception, and 
 were supplied with both food and forage as the same was wanting 
 or could possibly be procured. 
 
 It should be remarked, that even those planters, whose es- 
 states had already been destroyed by the enemy, or had fallen into 
 his possession, far from being dismayed by the sad prospect before 
 them, had only been brought to that pitch of misfortune that their 
 love of their country might appear with a greater lustre. Thus 
 at the same time that MM. Villere s, Delaronde s, Lacoste s and 
 JSienvenu s sugar estates were laid waste, and made a prey to con 
 flagration, M. Villere, senior, major-general of our gallant mi 
 litia, went on a survey of the upper counties for the purpose of 
 hastening re-enforcements, which, at the first call, presented 
 themselves in readiness to march; and when, after his return to 
 camp, he had once taken charge at the second line of the post 
 that had been assigned him, he was seen there invariably to fulfil 
 his duties with that wonderful tranquillity of mind which a man, 
 having nothing to lose, would have hardly been capable of: yet 
 this gentleman, the head of a numerous family, could not but 
 know, that one hundred slaves of his own were on his plantation 
 at the mercy of the British, and that all his moveable property had 
 already been either plundered or destroyed. 
 
 His son, M. Villere, jun. major of the 3d regiment, after ha 
 ving, at the peril of his life, effected his escape from the British 
 army, who had surprised him at his house, joined the forces that 
 marched to repel the enemy on the 23d of December, and has 
 ever since performed an active duty. 
 
 The important position of Chef-Mentcur was protected by 
 major Lacoste at the head of his corps, consisting of free men of 
 
exxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 colour, whilst bis sugar estate was set to ruin and devastation. 
 M. Lacoste, jun. his son, though deprived of the use of one arm, 
 nevertheless shared constantly with his brother soldiers the toils 
 and dangers of war. 
 
 Mr. Delaronde, colonel of the third regiment, though he ab 
 stained from claiming that part of the service which his rank en 
 titled him to, did not disdain to serve as a guide, and with immi 
 nent peril continued scouting in woods almost impracticable, both 
 in the flank and rear of the British, for the purpose of reconnoi 
 tring and making known their position. 
 
 In town, colonel Fortier, sen. contributed in a great measure 
 to the more prompt departure for Chef-Menteur of the free 
 men of colour, already embodied, by furnishing them, at his own 
 cost, with such articles as they stood in need of. To him also the 
 country owes the forming and organizing a second corps of free 
 men of colour, to whom the brave Savary was appointed a cap 
 tain. At his call, both captain and soldiers repaired to his house 
 to be enlisted. He personally attended to the arming and equip 
 ping of them; and through his exertions that company under the 
 command of major Daquin, was enabled to take the field and to 
 face the enemy a few hours after its formation. M. Fortier 
 caused also several hundred of muskets unfit for use to be re 
 paired. 
 
 No sooner was it reported that a British squadron had arri 
 ved on our coast? tnan the uniform companies of the militia of 
 New Orleans, under the command of major Plauche,and captains 
 P. Roche, St. Geme, Hudry, White and Guibert, and the rifle 
 corps under the command of captain Beale, who had some time 
 before tendered their services, were placed at the bayou St. John^ 
 to which point it was expected the enemy would attempt to pe 
 netrate. It was from that position those gallant companies march 
 ed, with the rapidity of lightning, to the plains of Villere, on the 
 23d of December, at the first appearance of the British. They 
 travelled nearly twelve miles with wonderful rapidity, and fought 
 with a bravery and resolution that would have done credit even to 
 x experienced soldiers. The first and second regiments of the mi 
 litia of New Orleans, under the command of colonel Dejan and 
 Zenon Cavelier, have conducted themselves in the several posts 
 
APPENDIX. cxxvii 
 
 they were called upon to defend, with zeal and courage. They 
 have borne with patience the fatigue of painful marches, occasion 
 ed by their being successively sent from one position to another. 
 The fourth regiment, commanded by Mr. G. W. Morgan, their 
 colonel, was entrusted with the defence of Chef-Menteur, upon 
 major Lacoste s corps being withdrawn therefrom: they discharg 
 ed their duty in a manner that bade defiance to all possible at 
 tempt, on the part of the enemy, to force that important pass. 
 Three volunteer troops of horse, the one of them from the Atta- 
 kapas, under the command of captain Dubuclay, and the other 
 from Feliciana, commanded by captain Smith, and the last from 
 Bayou Sarah, under command of captain Griffith, had already ar 
 rived in town, prior to the landing of the British. Two more 
 troops of horse were immediately formed at New Orleans, headed 
 by captains Chaveau and Ogden. The conduct of those several 
 corps, upon every occasion where their services have been called 
 for, deserves particular notice: and they were extremely useful. 
 Captain Dubuclay was wounded in the head by a musket-ball, 
 while in the act of rallying some men in an engagement on the 
 right bank of the river. 
 
 General Thomas, general Hopkins and general M Causland, 
 at the bead of the gallant militia under their command, hastened 
 by forced marches from their respective counties in order to assist 
 in defending the country. 
 
 General Garrigues Flaujac, by his patriotism and the talents 
 he displayed, whilst the capital was threatened by the enemy, has 
 earned the honour of being ranked among those who deserved 
 well of their country. 
 
 Whilst our gallant militia were employed in the defence of 
 the country at the several posts which had been assigned them, 
 the citizens more advanced in years, having voluntarily form 
 ed themselves into companies of veterans, attended to the 
 preservation of police and civil order in town. They greatly 
 contributed by their good countenance, to dissipate the alarm 
 created by the approach of the enemy; and by their unwearied 
 exertions they insured the speedy and faithful conveyance to the 
 camp of such articles as were to be sent there. They were .also 
 usefully employed in overseeing that the many donations made by 
 
cxxviti APPENDIX. 
 
 our fellow-citizens, should be both applied properly and without 
 confusion. At the head of these respectable veterans appeared 
 Mr. Debuys, sen. their captain. 
 
 General Labatut had the command of the town. He perform 
 ed his task with a zeal and activity that have done him infinite 
 honour. 
 
 The mayor and city council of New Orleans, by the adop 
 tion of measures that indicate their foresight and humanity, have 
 maintained our internal peace, and so far prevented a scarcity of 
 provisions to be felt in town, as to make it doubtful whether the 
 presence of the enemy in our neighbourhood had diminished our 
 supplies. 
 
 The attention of Mr. Nicholas Girod, the mayor of New 
 Orleans, in the meanwhile, was extended, with great benefit, to 
 each part of the service. All the means placed at his disposal 
 were applied in a manner that told a skilful administrator. Such 
 families as were in actual distress, were relieved, and furnished 
 with provisions agreeably to a decree of the city council appro 
 priating a sum fully adequate to this purpose of benevolence. 
 
 The fair of New Orleans, without exception, eagerly under 
 took a variety of needle-work, for the use of the army. Many of 
 them, who till then had been accustomed to do none but the nicest 
 work, did not disdain sewing cloaks of the coarsest woollens. 
 They gave both lint and linen for the use of the sick and wounded. 
 The Ursuline nuns are also entitled to a particular notice. 
 They gave admittance within the walls of their monastery to as 
 many of the sick as could /be conveniently lodged therein, and af 
 forded them every aid, conformably to the dictates of true charity. 
 All the practising surgeons and physicians in the town have 
 acted so as to do the highest honour to their profession. Their 
 readiness in bestowing assistance to the military who wanted it, 
 was such as did not permit them to wait till an application should 
 be made for their services. A sympathetic feeling led them se 
 veral miles below town to meet the wounded on the way and give 
 them immediate attendance. 
 
 A committee named by the same veterans above mentioned, 
 whose patriotism was not merely confined to the performance of 
 the military duties they had willingly submitted to,- on which 
 
APPENDIX. cxxix 
 
 committee they had appointed namely, Messrs. Fortier, sen. Jh. 
 Soulie, and Mr. Louaillier, a member of the house of representa 
 tives, was affording relief to the sick and wounded with an inde 
 fatigable zeal; procuring subscriptions for the purchase of cloth 
 ing, intended for our fellow-soldiers, who had left their homes, 
 unprovided for a winter campaign. A sum exceeding fourteen 
 thousand dollars was actually laid out for that laudable object, in 
 cluding in it the appropriation of six thousand dollars made by the 
 legislature. 
 
 Every member on that committee deserves the highest praise 
 for their perseverance and assiduity in fulfilling their task. 
 
 The enumeration of the corps and individuals who have given 
 so many proofs of patriotism and devotion to their country, ought 
 not to be closed without mentioning the governor of this state, 
 whose efforts have constantly been directed towards cherishing 
 the happy dispositions of the inhabitants, and whose authority to 
 its utmost extent has been employed in securing the success of 
 the measures adopted for the defence of this country. 
 
 JBe it further resolved by the authority aforesaid, That each 
 and every person and collection of persons mentioned in the fore 
 going statement are justly entitled to the gratitude of their country. 
 
 Be it further resolved by the authority aforesaid, That it 
 shall be the duty of the governor of the state of Louisiana, in the 
 name of the said state, to present the corps of veterans of New 
 Orleans with a stand of colours bearing the following inscription, 
 4{ Our sons were rejielling the foe, we offended to the safety of their 
 mothers and wives;" and on the other side thereof will be seen a 
 liver, with an eagle hovering over the same, and this inscription 
 on the river s bank "for common use, and the benefit of all" 
 MAGLOIRE GUICHARD, 
 
 Sfieaker of the House of Representatives. 
 FULWAR SKIPWITH, President of the Senate. 
 
 NO. LX. 
 
 By the President of the United States of America. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 AMONG the many evils produce! by the wars, which, with 
 little intermission, have afflicted V urop;, and extended their ra 
 vages into other quarters of the ulobe, for a period exceeding 
 twenty years, the dispersion of a convderable portion of the inha- 
 
 r 
 
cxxx APPENDIX. 
 
 bitants of different countries, in sorrow and in want, has not been 
 the least injurious to human happiness, nor the least severe in the 
 trial of human virtue. 
 
 It had been long ascertained that many foreigners, flying from 
 the dangers of their own home, and that some citizens, forgetful 
 of their duty, had co-operated in forming an establishment on the 
 island of Barataria, near the mouth of the river Mississippi, for 
 the purpose of a clandestine and lawless trade. The government 
 of the United States caused the establishment to be broken up and 
 destroyed; and, having obtained the means of designating the 
 offenders of every description, it only remained to answer the de 
 mands of justice by inflicting an exemplary punishment. 
 
 But it has since been represented that the offenders have ma 
 nifested a sincere penitence; that they have abandoned the prose 
 cution of the worst cause for the support of the best, and, particu 
 larly, that they have exhibited, in the defence of New Orleans, 
 unequivocal traits of courage and fidelity. Offenders, who have 
 refused to become the associates of the enemy in the war, upon 
 the most seducing terms of invitation; and who have aided to re 
 pel his hostile invasion of the territory of the United States, can 
 no longer be considered as objects of punishment, but as objects 
 of a generous forgiveness. 
 
 It has therefore been seen, with great satisfaction, that the 
 general assembly of the state of Louisiana earnestly recommend 
 those offenders to the benefit of a full pardon: And in compliance 
 with that recommendation, as well as in consideration of all the 
 other extraordinary circumstances of the case, I James Madison^ 
 president of the United States of America, do issue this procla 
 mation, hereby granting, publishing and declaring, a free and full 
 pardon of all offences committed in violation of any act or acts of 
 the congress of the said United States, touching the revenue, 
 trade and navigation thereof, or touching the intercourse and com 
 merce of the United States with foreign nations, at any time be 
 fore the eighth day of January, in the present year one thousand 
 eight hundred and fifteen, by any person or persons whatsoever, 
 being inhabitants f New Orleans and the adjacent country, or 
 being inhabitants of the said island of Barataria, and the places ad 
 jacent: Provided, that every person, claiming the benefit of this 
 full pardon, in order to entitle himself thereto, shall produce a cer- 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxi 
 
 tificate in writing from the governor of the state of Louisiana, 
 stating that such person has aided in the defence of New Orleans 
 and the adjacent country, during the invasion thereof as aforesaid. 
 And I do hereby further authorize and direct all suits, indict 
 ments, and prosecutions, for fines, penalties, and forfeitures, against 
 any person or persons, who shall be entitled to the benefit of this 
 full pardon, forthwith to be stayed, discontinued and released: And 
 all civil officers are hereby required, according to the duties of 
 their respective stations, to carry this proclamation into immediate 
 and faithful execution. 
 
 DONE at the city of Washington, the sixth day of Fe 
 bruary, in the year one thousand eight hundred and 
 fifteen, and of the independence of the United States 
 the thirty-ninth. JAMES MADISON. 
 
 By the president, JAMES MONROE, 
 
 Acting Secretary of State. 
 
 NO. LXI. 
 
 DECISION OF THE COURT MARTIAL IN THE CASE OF MAJOR VIL 
 LERE . 
 Head-Quarters, Adjutant-General s Office, 
 
 New Orleans, March 15, 1815. 
 
 AFTER a full examination of all the testimony for and against 
 the prosecution, the court find the said major Villere " not guilty" 
 of the charges and specifications exhibited against him, and do ac 
 quit him of all and every 0116 of them. And the court consider it 
 due to the accused, further to declare, that " major Villere appears 
 to have performed his duty, from the moment he was left in com 
 mand under the orders of major-general Villere, with zeal and 
 fidelity; and that the circumstance of his surprise and capture by 
 the enemy, though much to be regretted, might have occurred to 
 the most vigilant officer, and must be attributed to the loss of the 
 whole of his picquet or advanced guard, and the extraordinary ra 
 pidity with which the enemy moved from that point." 
 
 The major-general commanding approved the foregoing sen 
 tence of the general court martial, and ordered major Villere to 
 resume his sword without delay. 
 
 By order^ ROBERT BUTLER, Adj. Gen. 
 
 No TE. Major Villere did not introduce any testimony in his 
 behalf. 
 
cxxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 NO. LXII. 
 
 COURT OF INQUIRE. 
 
 Extracts of the Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry relative to the 
 
 Retreat on the Right Bank of the Misaissififii, on (he St/i of 
 
 January, 1815. 
 
 THE court, on mature deliberation, are of opinion that the 
 conduct of colonel Davis, Dijan and Cavallier, in the action and 
 retreat on the 8th of January, on the western bank of the Missis 
 sippi, is not reprehensible, nor do they know of any misconduct, as 
 officers, in either since that time. 
 
 The causes of the retreat are attributed to the shameful flight 
 of the command of major Arnaud, sent to oppose the landing of 
 the enemy; >the retreat of the Kentucky militia, which, consider 
 ing their position, the deficiency of their arms, and other causes, 
 may be excusable; and the panic and confusion introduced in 
 every part of the line, thereby occasioning the retreat and confu 
 sion of the Orleans and Louisiana drafted militia. 
 
 Whilst the court find much to applaud in the zeal and gal 
 lantry of the officer immediately commanding, they believe that 
 a farther reason for the retreat may be found in the manner in 
 which the force was posted on the line, which they consider ex 
 ceptionable. The commands of colonels Dijan, Cavallier and 
 Declauett, composing five hundred men, supported by three pieces 
 of artillery, having in front a strong breastwork, occupying only a 
 space of two hundred yards, whilst the Kentucky militia, only one 
 hundred and seventy men strong, without artillery, occupied more 
 than three hundred yards, covered by a small ditch only. 
 
 WM. CARROLL, Maj. Gen. President of the Court. 
 
 NO. LXIII. 
 
 COURT OF INQUIRY. 
 
 At a Court of Inquiry assembled in the Naval arsenal, at New Or 
 leans^ by order of commodore Daniel T. Patterson, command 
 ing the naval forces of the United States, on the New Orleans 
 station, and continued by adjournment from day to day, -from. 
 Monday the \5th, until Friday the 19 th of May, 1815 
 Present Master commandant, Louis Alexis, president 
 Lieutenant commandant Charles C. B. Thompson, and lieutenant 
 Charles E. Crawley, members hr the purpose of investigating 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxiii 
 
 the conduct of the officers and men of the late division of Uni 
 ted States gun vessels, under the command of lieutenant com 
 mandant Thomas Ap C. Jones, captured by a flotilla of British 
 barges and lanches, on the 14th of December, 1814. The court 
 being organized, agreeably to form, commenced with the exami 
 nation of the testimony in relation to the conduct of the commanding 
 officer of the division; and after hearing attentively all the evi 
 dence that could be produced on that subject, proceeded to a mi 
 nute investigation of the whole affair. 
 
 It appears to the court, that on the 12th of December last, 
 the British fleet first made its appearance off Cat and Ship 
 islands that lieutenant commandant Jones, after having recon 
 noitred with his division of gun-vessels, five in number, and ascer 
 tained the state of the enemy s force, on the 13th, a flotilla of the 
 enemy s barges appearing to advance, attempted to reach the fort 
 at the Petty Coquilles, but that in consequence of the current 
 being ahead, and the wind failing, he was prevented from getting 
 any further than the Malheureux islands, where he anchored bis 
 gun-vessels between twelve and two at night. 
 
 It appears to the court, that on the morning of the 14th, the 
 enemy s flotilla being perceived to be still advancing, he placed 
 his division in the best position to receive them, and to oppose 
 their passage that the enemy advanced to the attack in the 
 course of the forenoon, and that the number of the barges and 
 lanches to which the gun-vessels were opposed was between for 
 ty-five and fifty. 
 
 It appears to the court, that about one-third of this number 
 attacked the flag-vessel No. 156, while the others surrounded 
 chiefly No. 162 and 163, and that after lieutenant commandant 
 Jones had been very severely wounded, Mr. George Parker, his 
 master s mate, continued the action until overpowered by num 
 bers, to which no effectual resistance could be made; during which 
 time several of the enemy s barges were sunk alongside, and great 
 slaughter done in others 
 
 It appears to the court, that gun- vessel No. 163 was the se 
 cond vessel carried, after a gallant opposition, having previously- 
 kept off the enemy for some time, and being entirely surrounded. 
 
 It appears to the court, that gun-vessel No. 142, was the 
 vessel next carried; that this was not effected, however, until her 
 
cxxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 commander, lieutenant Shedden, had been most severely wound 
 ed (who, nevertheless, remained on deck and continued to give 
 orders to the last,) nor until she was completely surrounded by 
 the enemy, who suffered greatly in the contest. 
 
 It appears to the court, that No. 5, sailing-master Ferris, was 
 the next vessel that fell into the hands of the enemy that the 
 enemy succeeded in boarding her at a time, when further resist 
 ance was rendered ineffectual by the dismounting of her twenty- 
 four pounder, and when the fire from the other gun-vessels had 
 been turned upon her, after their capture. 
 
 It appears to the court, that No. 23, lieutenant M Keever, was 
 the last vessel captured, and that this was effected at about half 
 past twelve o clock, after the enemy had succeeded in turning the 
 tire of the other gun-vessels, previously captured, upon her. 
 
 It also appears to the court, that the barges and lanches of 
 the enemy were all mounted with cannon, and had from a thou 
 sand to twelve hundred men on board, armed in the best possible 
 manner. 
 
 And, lastly, it further appears to the court, that after gun- 
 vessel No. 156 had been captured by the enemy, her fire was 
 turned upon the other gun vessels, and continued for a considera 
 ble time under the American colours. 
 
 The result of this inquiry is, a unanimous opinion, that lieu 
 tenant commandant Jones evinced by his movements, previous to 
 the action, a judgment highly creditable to his character that 
 when an attack had become certain, he availed himself of every 
 means to gain the best position for his squadron; and that, during 
 the subsequent engagement, when opposed to a force of at least 
 nine times his number, in large, well-appointed boats, formidably 
 armed, he evinced a firmness and intrepidity worthy the emula 
 tion of his countrymen, and reflecting the highest honour on the 
 service to which he belongs. 
 
 The court likewise conceive, that midshipman Parker, who 
 acted as master s-mate during the action, on board the flag-ves 
 sel, displayed, in his determined resistance to the enemy, after the 
 fall of his commander, the most signal bravery; and that he merits, 
 in an especial degree, the notice of his government. 
 
 The court feels gratified in expressing the opinion, that the 
 brave crew of gun- vessel No. 156 forcibly felt the example o* 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxv 
 
 their officers; and that, under its influence, they maintained a most 
 unequal conflict, with unparalleled destruction to the enemy, un 
 til they were borne down by numbers to which no opposition 
 could be made. Nor did the fall of this vessel, by which the ene 
 my s force was not only increased, but, by her position, in a great 
 measure covered, check the ardour of the gallant defenders of 
 the rest of the squadron; for we find them contending as long as 
 the least prospect of annoying the enemy lasted; their exertions 
 unimpaired by their loss, and yielding at last, in succession only, 
 to the concentrated force of the enemy, brought to act against 
 each vessel. 
 
 With the clearest evidence for their guide, the court expe 
 rience the most heartfelt gratification in declaring the opinion, 
 that lieutenant commandant Jones, and his gallant supporters, 
 lieutenants Spedden and M Keever, sailing-masters Ulrich and 
 Ferris, their officers and men, performed their duty on this occa 
 sion in the most able and gallant manner, and that the action has 
 added another and distinguished honour to the naval character of 
 
 our country. 
 
 Louis ALEXIS, 
 
 Master Commandant U. S. Na~vij. 
 G. DAVIS, 
 
 Officiating Judge Advocate. 
 
 In approving the proceedings and opinion of the court of in 
 quiry, I avail myself with pleasure of the favourable occasion thus 
 afforded me to express my admiration of the gallantry and skill 
 displayed by lieutenant Jones, and his brave companions, in the 
 defence made by them against so overwhelming a force as not to 
 afford a prospect of success, to which the enemy were astonished 
 to find a resistance offered. In this unequal contest I trust it will 
 be found, that the national and naval character has been nobly sus 
 tained that the resistance of the attack of so very superior a 
 force has contributed, in no small degree, to the eventual safety 
 of this city. 
 
 The proceedings and opinion of the court of inquiry, of which 
 master commandant Louis Alexis is president, are approved. 
 
 DANIEL T. PATTERSON, 
 Captain V. S. JVavy 9 com g. A*. 0. Station. 
 
CXXXV1 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 NO. LX1V. 
 
 A list of the several corps composing the British army at the time 
 of its landing on the shores of the Mississippi, with an estimate 
 of their respective force. 
 
 "* 4th regiment, king s own, lieutenant-colonel Fran 
 cis Brooke 750 strong 
 7th do. Royal Fusiliers, lieutenant-colonel E. 
 
 Blakeney 850 
 
 * 1 4th do. Duchess of York s own (light dragoons) 
 
 lieutenant-colonel C. M. Baker - - 350 
 
 v-2 Ist*^ do. Royal North Britain fusiliers, lieutenant- 
 colonel W. Patterson 900 
 , 40th do. Sommersetshire, lieutenant-colonel H. 
 
 Thornton 1000 
 
 43d do. Monmouth (light infantry) lientenant- 
 
 colonel Patrickson - - 850 
 
 - 44th do. East Essex, lieutenant-colonel honour 
 able Thomas Mullen 750 
 ~85th * do. Buck volunteers (light infantry) lieuten 
 ant-colonel William Thornton - 
 
 
 650 
 
 "*9Sd^dQ. Highland, lieutenant-colonel Robert Dale 1100 
 
 - ---^95thf do. Rifle corps, major Samuel Mitchell - 500 
 *-> 1st v do. West India, lieutenant-colonel C. W. 
 
 Whitby 700 
 *-5th do. West India, lieutenant-colonel A. M. K. 
 
 Hamilton 700 
 A detachment from the 62cl regiment 350 
 ^Rock!et brigade, artillery, drivers, engineers, -sap 
 pers and miners 1500 
 Royal marines - - 1500 
 Sailors taken from the fleet - 2000 
 
 Total 14,450 
 
 * Of this regiment we have seen two returns signed by D. Dervan, adju 
 tant, of the 17th December and 5th January, each of which justify the amount 
 here given its establishment was one thousand two hundred and eight. 
 
 f This regiment consists of three battalions, of one thousand men each, 
 of which only a demi-battalion was sent to Louisiana. 
 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxvii 
 
 Staff of l hf British jinny. 
 
 Sir Edward M. Packeriham, colonel of the 7th regiment of foot-, 
 lieutenant-general commander-in-chief of the expedition. 
 
 Major-general Samuel Gibbs, colonel of the 59th regiment of foot, 
 commanding the first division. 
 
 Major-general John Lambert, colonel 1st regiment foot- guards, 
 commanding the second division. 
 
 Major-general John Keane, colonel 60th regiment of foot, com 
 manding the third division. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel John Dixon of the royal artillery, commanding 
 the artillery. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Birrgoyne, of the royal engineers, commanding 
 the engineer department. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Steven, adjutant- general. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Bell, quarter-master-^eneral. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Bradford and major Smith, military secretaries. 
 
 Mr. Soane, purveyor-general. 
 
 Mr. Hunter, paymaster-general. 
 
 Mr. Moody, commissary- general. 
 
 Doctor John Robb, inspector-general of hospitals. 
 
 Doctor Thomson, inspector of hospitals. 
 
 In addition to the above, T give the following letter as cor 
 roborating the above statement. 
 
 Letter from Robert Morrell, M, D. to major Latour. 
 
 New Orleans, Afiril 8, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 DURING my detention in the British fleet, the officers, both 
 
 naval and military, with whom I had an opportunity to converse, 
 always estimated their force here on the 8th January, at ten thou 
 sand regular troops at least. An incident occurred relating to this 
 subject on the evening of the 7th January, which you may think 
 worth communicating; This day I had accidentally omitted to wear 
 uniform: while at supper with the ward-room officers of the Gor 
 gon frigate, a military officer, (whose name I disremember) was 
 introduced as coming directly from camp; he took a seat at table, 
 and began to talk freely about the situation of the army, his busi 
 ness in the fleet, and addressing himself principally to me, he hav 
 ing taken up the idea I was first lieutenant of the ship. After 
 various inquiries about the two lines, I asked the number of Bri- 
 
 s 
 
cvxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 tish he supposed might be on shore, he replied, when the last re- 
 enforcements would be landed (which he had met three days be 
 fore near Villere s canal) there would be, marines and sailors in 
 clusive, from thirteen to fifteen thousand men; he was certain of 
 this, for he had seen some returns previous to his departure; this 
 was an intelligent officer, having the grade of captain, who had 
 been sent by the commander-in- chief to ascertain the quantity of 
 provisions in the fleet. 
 
 1 am, &c. 
 
 ROBERT MORRELL, M. D. 
 
 United States Wavy, 
 
 JQ, LXYI. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 London, Admiralty Office, March 9, 1815, 
 
 Despatches addressed by Vice- Admiral the honourable Sir Alexan 
 der Cochrane, G. C. B. &c. to John Wilson Croker, Esq. 
 
 Armide, off Isle au Chat, Dec. 16, 1814. 
 SIR Having arrived at the anchorage, off Chandeleur islands, 
 on the 8th inst. captain Gordon, of the Seahorse, (which ship, with 
 the Armide and Sophie, I had sent on from off Pensacola to the an 
 chorage within Isle au Vaisseau) reported to me that two gun- 
 vessels of the enemy, apparently large sized sloops, of very light 
 draught of water, had fired at the Armide, upon her way down 
 from within the chain of small islands that run parallel to the 
 coast from Mobile towards Lac Borgne, and having afterwards 
 joined three others, cruising in the lake, were then visible from 
 his mast head. 
 
 The Bayone Catalan, (or des Pecheurs) at the head of Lac 
 Borgne, being the contemplated point of disembarkation, the dis 
 tance from the inner anchorage of the frigates and troop-ships 
 to the Bayone full sixty miles, and our principal means of trans 
 port open boats, it became impossible that any movement of the 
 troops could take place till this formidable flotilla was either cap- 
 t Hired or destroyed. 
 
 Rear-admiral Malcolm joined me with the fleet upon the 
 1 1th instant, and upon the 12th I placed the lanches, barges, and 
 pinnaces of the squadron, with captain Montressor, of the Manly, 
 
APPENDIX. cxxxix 
 
 and captain Roberts, of the Meteor, under the command of cap 
 tain Lockyer, of the Sophie, and sent them into Lac Borgne, in 
 pursuit of the enemy, while the frigates, troop-ships, and smaller 
 vessels, moved into the inmost anchorage, each vessel proceeding 
 on until she took the ground. 
 
 After an arduous row of thirty-six hours, captain Lockyer 
 had the good fortune to close with the flotilla, which he attacked 
 with such judgment and determined bravery, that, notwithstanding 
 -f~ their formidable force, their advantage of a chosen position, and 
 their studied and deliberate preparation, he succeeded in cap 
 turing the whole of the vessels, in so serviceable a state as to 
 afford at once the most essential aid to the expedition. 
 
 For the particulars of this brilliant affair, I refer their lord 
 ships to the accompanying copy of captain Lockyer s letter, detail 
 ing his proceedings, which, I am fully aware, their lordships will 
 duly appreciate. 
 
 Captain Lockyer s conduct on this occasion, in which he has 
 been severely wounded, and his long and actual services as a com 
 mander, justly entitling him to their lordship s protection, and 
 finding it expedient to place this flotilla collectively upon the es 
 tablishment of a thirty -six gun frigate, I have appointed him to 
 the command thereof. 
 
 Captain Montressor, whom I have placed in the command of 
 the gun-vessels until captain Lockyer s wounds will admit of his 
 serving, and captain Roberts, whom I have before had occasion 
 to mention to their lordships, together with lieutenants Tatnell and 
 Roberts, and the officers mentioned by captain Lockyer, I trust 
 will not fail to meet their lordship s notice. 
 
 Our loss has been severe, particularly in officers: but, consi 
 dering that this successful enterprise has given us the command 
 of Lac Borgne, and considerably reduced our deficiency of trans*- 
 ports, the effort has answered my fullest expectations. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ALEXANDER COCKRANE, 
 Vice-admiral and Commander-in-chief. 
 
cxi APPENDIX. 
 
 letter from Nicholas Lockyer to admiral Cochrane. 
 
 H. M. sloop Sojihic, Cat Inland Roads ^ December 17, 1814. 
 
 SIR I beg leave to inform you, that in pursuance of your 
 orders the boats of the squadron, which you did me the honour to 
 place under my command, were formed into three divisions, (the 
 first headed by myself, the second by captain Montressor, of the 
 Manly, and the third by captain Roberts, of the Meteor) and pro 
 ceeded, on the night of the 1 2th instant, from the frigate s anchor 
 age in quest of the enemy s flotilla. 
 
 After a very tedious row of thirty-six hours, during which 
 the enemy attempted to escape from us, the wind fortunately 
 obliged hina to anchor off St. Joseph s island, and nearing him, on 
 the morning of the 14th, I discovered his force to consist of five 
 gun vessels of the largest dimensions, which were moored in a 
 line abreast, with springs on their cables, ahd boarding nettings 
 triced up, evidently prepared for our reception. 
 
 Observing also, as we approached the flotilla, an armed 
 sloop* endeavouring to join them, captain Roberts, who volun 
 teered to- take her with part of his division, succeeded in cutting 
 her off and capturing her, without much opposition. 
 
 About ten o clock, having closed to, within long gun-shot, 1 
 directed the boats to come to a grapnel, and the people to get 
 their breakfasts; and as soon as they had finished we again took 
 to our oars, and pulling up to the enemy against a strong current, 
 running at the rate of nearly three miles an hour, exposed to a 
 heavy and destructive fire of round and grape, about noon I had 
 the satisfaction of closing with the commodore in the Seahorse s 
 barge. 
 
 After several minutes obstinate resistance, in which the 
 greater part of the officers and crew of this boat were either kill 
 ed or wounded, myself among the latter, severely, we succeeded 
 in boarding, and being seconded by the Seahorse s first barge., 
 commanded by Mr. White, midshipman, and aided by the boats 
 of the Tonnant, commanded by lieutenant Tatnell, we soon car 
 ried her, and turned her guns with good effect upon the remain- 
 in gf four. 
 
 * This armed slaop/ which reqaired a dnrieiofl of bargtfi to c*jtiye 
 ciqjitoted one fonr-pouadef, and ciuried eight mea. 
 
APPENDIX. cxli 
 
 During this time captain Montressor s division was making 
 every possible exertion to close with the enemy, and, with the as 
 sistance of the other boats, then joined by captain Roberts, in 
 about five minutes we had possession of the whole of the flotilla. 
 
 I have to lament the loss of many of my brave and gallant 
 companions, who gloriously fell in this attack; but considering 
 the great strength of the enemy s vessels, (whose force under 
 neath described) and their state of preparation, we have by no 
 means suffered so severely as might have been expected. 
 
 I am under the greatest obligations to the officers, seamen 
 and marines, I had the honour to command on this occasion, te 
 whose gallantry and exertions the service is indebted for the capture 
 of these vessels; any comments of mine would fall short of the 
 praise due to them. I am especially indebted to captains Mon- 
 tressor and Roberts, for their advice and assistance. They are 
 entitled to more than I can say of them, and have my best thanks 
 for the admirable style in which they pushed on with their divi 
 sions to the capture of the remainder of the enemy s flotilla. 
 
 In an expedition of this kind, where so many were concerned, 
 and- so much personal exertion and bravery was displayed, I find 
 it impossible to particularize every individual who distinguished 
 himself, and deserves to be well-spoken of; but I feel it my duty 
 to mention those whose behaviour fell immediately under my own 
 eye. 
 
 Lieutenant George Pratt, second of the Seahorse, who com 
 manded that ship s boats, and was in the same boat with me, con 
 ducted himself to that admiration which I cannot sufficiently ex 
 press. In his attempt to board the enemy he was several times 
 severely wounded, and at last so dangerously, that I fear the ser 
 vice will be deprived of this gallant and promising young officer. 
 
 I cannot omit to mention also the conduct of lieutenants Tat- 
 nell and Roberts, of the Tonnant, particularly the former, who^ 
 after having his boat sunk alongside, got into another, and gallant 
 ly pushed on to the attack of the remainder of the flotilla. Lieu 
 tenant Roberts was wounded in closing with the enemy. 
 
 I have the honour to be, fee. 
 NICHOLAS LOCKYER, 
 

 
 cxlii APPENDIX. 
 
 No. 1 Gun-vessel, 1 long twenty-four-pounder, 4 twelve-pound 
 carronades, and 4 swivels, with a complement of 45 men; 
 captain Jones, commodore. 
 
 No. 2 Gun-vessel, 1 long thirty-two-pounder, 6 long six -pound 
 ers, 2 five-inch howitzers, and 4 swivels, with a complement 
 of 45 men; lieutenant M lves [M Keever.] 
 
 No. 3 Gun-vessel, 1 long twenty-four-pounder, 4 long six-pound 
 ers, and 4 swivels, with a complement of 45 men. 
 
 No. 4 Gun-vessel, 1 long twenty-four-pounder, 4 twelve-pound 
 carronades, with a complement of 45 men. 
 
 I^o. 5 Gun-vessel, 1 long twenty-four-pounder, 4 twelve-pound 
 carronades, with a complement of 45 men. 
 
 No. 6 Armed sloop, 1 long six- pounder, 2 twelve-pound car 
 ronades, with a complement of 20 men. 
 
 NICHOLAS LOCKYER, Captain* 
 
 A list of killed and wounded in the boats of his majesty* s ships, at 
 the capture of the American gun vessels, near New Orleans. 
 
 Tonnant 1 able seaman, 2 ordinary seamen, killed; 1 lieutenant, 
 4 midshipmen, 4 able seamen, 4 ordinary seamen, 2 lands 
 men, 3 private marines, wounded. 
 
 Norge 1 quarter-master, killed; 1 master s-mate, 4 able seamen, 
 3 ordinary seamen, 1 private marine, wounded. 
 
 Bedford 1 seamen, killed; 2 lieutenants, 1 master s-mate, 2 sea 
 men, wounded. 
 
 Royal Oak 1 seaman, wounded. 
 
 Ramilies 4 seamen, killed; 9 seamen, wounded. 
 
 Armide 1 seaman, killed. p 
 
 Cydnus 1 midshipman, 1 seaman, 2 private marines, wounded. 
 
 Seahorse 1 midshipman, 1 volunteer of the first class, 1 able sea 
 man, 1 ordinary seaman, 1 landman, 4 private marines, killed; 
 1 lieutenant of marines, 7 able seamen, 7 ordinary seamen, 
 1 landman, 4 private marines, wounded. 
 
 Traave 1 volunteer of the first class, 1 captain of the foretop? 
 killed; 1 private marine, wounded. 
 
 Sophie 1 captain, wounded. 
 
 Meteor 3 seamenj wounded. 
 
 Belle Poule 2 seamen, wounded. 
 
 G orgon 1 master s mate, wounded. , 
 
APPENDIX. cxliii 
 
 Total 3 midshipmen, 1 3 seamen, 1 private marine, killed; 1 cap 
 tain, 4 lieutenants, 1 lieutenant of marines, 3 master s-mates, 
 7 midshipmen, 50 seamen, 1 1 marines, wounded. 
 
 No. 2. 
 Letter from major -general Kcane to major-general Packenham. 
 
 Camp on the left bank of the ^Mississippi, nine miles from New Orleans, 
 
 December 26, 1814. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE the honour to inform you, that between the 17th and 
 22d inst. the troops destined for the attack of New Orleans, were 
 collected at Isle aux Poix, which is at the entrance of the Pearl 
 river. 
 
 Having learnt that it was possible to effect a landing at the 
 head of the bayou Catalan, which runs into lake Borgne, I direct 
 ed major Forrest, assistant quarter-master-general, to have it rc- 
 connoitered. Lieutenant Peddie, of that department, accompanied 
 by the hon. captain Spenser, of the navy, ascertained on the night 
 of the 1 8th, that boats could reach the head of the bayou, from 
 which a communication might be made to the high road on the 
 left bank of the Mississippi, leading to New Orleans. 
 
 On the morning of the 23d, every arrangement being made 
 by vice-admiral the hon. sir Alexander Cochrane, I determined 
 to attempt it. The light brigade, composed of the 85th and 95th 
 regiments, captain Lane s rocketeers, one hundred sappers and 
 miners, and the 4th regiment as a support, the whole under the 
 command of colonel Thornton, were placed in the boats, and the 
 21st, 44th, and 93d regiments, under colonel Brooke, and a large 
 proportion of artillery, under major Munro, were embarked in 
 small vessels. 
 
 At ten A. M. on the 22d, we sailed from Pearl river, and 
 reached the head of the bayou at day-light next morning. A land 
 ing was immediately effected without any other opposition than 
 the country presented. Captain Blanchard, of the royal engineers, 
 in the course of two hours opened a communication through seve 
 ral fields of reeds, intersected by deep muddy ditches, bordered 
 by a low swampy wood. Colonel Thornton then advanced and 
 gained the high road, taking up a position with the right resting 
 
cxliv APPENDIX. 
 
 on the road, and the left on the Mississippi. In this situation I in 
 tended to remain until the boats returned for the rest of the troops 
 to the vessels, some of which grounded at a great distance. 
 
 At about eight o clock in the evening, when the men, much 
 fatigued by the length of time they had been in the boats, were 
 asleep in their bivouac, a heavy flanking fire of round and grape 
 shot was opened upon them, by a large schooner and two gun-ves 
 sels, which had dropped down the river from the town, and an 
 chored abreast of our fires; immediate steps were necessary le 
 cover the men, and colonel Thornton in the most prompt and ju 
 dicious manner, placed his brigade under the inward slope of the 
 bank of the river, as did also lieutenant-colonel Brooke, of the 4th 
 regiment, behind some buildings which were near that corps. 
 This movement was so rapid that the troops suffered no more than 
 a single casualty. 
 
 The three-pounders, being the only guns up, the success of 
 a few twelve-pound rockets, directed by captain Lane, was tried 
 against these vessels; but, the ground on which it was necessary to 
 lay them not being even, they were found not to answer, and their 
 firing was ceased. 
 
 A most vigorous attack was then made on the advanced 
 front and right flank picquets, the former of the 95th under cap 
 tain Hallan, the latter the 85th under captain Schaw; these officers 
 and their respective picquets, conducted themselves with firm 
 ness, and checked the enemy for a considerable time; but renew 
 ing their attack with a large force, and pressing at these points, 
 colonel Thornton judged it necessary to move up the remainder 
 of both corps. The 85th regiment was commanded by brevet ma 
 jor Gubbins, whose conduct cannot be too much commended; on the 
 approach of his regiment to the point of attack, the enemy, favour 
 ed by the darkness of the night, concealed themselves under a high 
 fence which separated the fields, and calling to the men as friends, 
 under pretence of being part of their own force, offered to assist 
 them in getting over, which was no sooner accomplished, than the 
 S5th found itself in the midst of very superior numbers, who, dis 
 covering themselves, called on the regiment immediately to sur 
 render the answer was an instantaneous attack; a more extraor 
 dinary conflict has perhaps never occurred, absolutely hand to 
 hand both officers and men. It terminated in the repulse of the 
 
APPENDIX. cxlv 
 
 enemy, with the capture of thirty prisoners. A similar finesse was 
 attempted with the 95th regiment, which met the same treatment. 
 
 The enemy finding his reiterated attacks were repulsed by 
 colonel Thornton, at half past ten o clock advanced a large column 
 against our centre; perceiving his intention, I directed colonel 
 Stovin to order lieutenant-colonel Dale, with one hundred and 
 thirty men of the 93d regiment, who had just reached the camp, 
 to move forward and me the bayonet, holding the 4th regiment in 
 hand, formed in line, as my last reserve. Colonel Dale endea 
 voured to execute the orders, but the crafty enemy would not meet 
 him, seeing the steadiness of his small body, gave it a heavy fire, 
 and quickly retired. Colonel Brooke, with four companies of the 
 21st regiment, fortunately appeared at that moment on our right 
 flank, and sufficiently secured it from further attack. 
 
 The enemy now determined on making a last effort, and col 
 lecting the whole of his force, formed an extensive line, and moved 
 directly against the light brigade. At first this line drove in all 
 the advanced posts, but colonel Thornton, whose noble exertions 
 had guaranteed all former success, was at hand; he rallied his 
 brave comrades round him, and moving forward with a firm de 
 termination of charging, appalled the enemy, who, from the les 
 son he had received on the same ground in the early part of the 
 evening, thought it prudent to retire, and did not again dare to ad 
 vance. It was now twelve o clock, and the firing ceased on both sides. 
 
 From the best information I can obtain, the enemy s force 
 amounted to five thousand men, and was commanded by major- 
 general Jackson; judging from the number left on the field, his 
 loss must have been severe. I now beg leave to enclose a list of 
 our casualties on that night, and have only to hope it will appear 
 to you that every officer and soldier on shore did his duty. 
 
 To sir Alexander Cochrane I feel particularly obliged for 
 his very friendly counsel and ready compliance with every wish I 
 expressed respecting the service or welfare of the troops. 
 
 To rear-admiral Malcom, and the several captains employed 
 in the landing, 8cc. I confess the greatest obligation. I must leave 
 it to the vice-admiral to do them the justice they so much deserve, 
 for I cannot find words to express the exertions made by every 
 branch of the navy, since the period of our arrival on this const. 
 
cxlvi APPENDIX. 
 
 In the attack made on the centre, lieutenant-colonel 
 assistant adjutant-general, received a severe wound, which de 
 prived me of his able services; to him and major Forrest, assist 
 ant quarter-master-general, I feel greatly indebted; they are both 
 officers of great merit; colonel Brooke is entitled to every praise 
 for securing our right flank. 
 
 To colonel Thornton I feel particularly grateful; his conduct 
 on the night of the 23d, I shall ever admire and honour. He head 
 ed his brigade in the most spirited manner, and afforded it a bril 
 liant example of active courage and cool determination. 
 
 I have every reason to be satisfied with lieutenant-colonel 
 Brooke, commanding the 4th regiment; as also with major Mit 
 chell, of the 95th, who was unfortunately taken prisoner at the 
 close of the affair. 
 
 The exertions of major Monro of the royal artillery, were un 
 remitting; to him, and the officers under his command, I feel every 
 obligation. The assistance given by captain Blanchard, and the 
 officers of the royal engineers, was most conspicuous, and entitle 
 them to my best thanks. 
 
 Brevet major Hooper, acting deputy-assistant adjutant-gene 
 ral, was attached to the light brigade. Colonel Thornton states, 
 that he derived the greatest benefit from his activity, zeal, and 
 judgment, I regret to have to add, that he was very severely 
 wounded, and had his leg amputated in the course of the night. 
 
 The indefatigable zeal and intelligence displayed by lieute 
 nants Peddie and Evans, of the quarter-master-general s depart* 
 ment, entitle them to the most favourable consideration. 
 
 Assistant commissary-general Wemyss s arrangements were 
 satisfactory, and deputy-inspector Thompson claims my best ac 
 knowledgments, for the care and attention shown the wounded, the 
 whole of whom were collected, dressed? and comfortably lodged 
 before two in the morning. 
 
 Major Mills, of the 14th light dragoons, accompanied me on 
 shore; from him, captain Persse, my aid de-camp, and the hon. 
 lieutenant Curzon, naval aid-de-camp, I received every assistance. 
 
 Trusting that the steps I pursued, while in command, will 
 meet your approbation, 
 
 I have the honour to be, &.c. 
 (Signed) JOHN KEANE, major- general. 
 
APPENDIX. cxlvii 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of the movements of the army cjnjdoyed 
 on the southern coast of North America. 
 
 ON the evening of the 25th December, 1814, major-general 
 sir E. Pakenham arrived and assumed the command of the army. 
 
 On the 26th at daylight our batteries opened on the enemy s 
 schooner, then lying on the opposite bank of the river, and which 
 had occasionally cannonaded our line the preceding days. The 
 effect was such as to set her on fire, and at 9 A. M. she blew up. 
 A ship armed with sixteen long twenty-four pounders, which 
 came down the day before to a position abreast of our advance, no 
 sooner saw the fate of the schooner than she got under way and 
 ran up the river. 
 
 On the 27th at daylight the troops moved forward in two 
 columns, driving in the enemy s pickets to within six miles of the 
 town, where their main body was discovered strongly posted be 
 hind a canal, having a breastwork in their front, the extent from 
 right to left being about one thousand yards; their right rested on 
 the Mississippi, and was further protected by the armed ship 
 moored in a position to enfilade our columns as they advanced 
 their left touched the wood. This wood extends in a parallel di 
 rection with the river, and is, in general, distant from it one thou 
 sand to fifteen hundred yards. The intermediate space is inter 
 sected by strong horizontal railings and a wet ditch or drain, and 
 is principally planted with sugar-canes. Considerable houses, 
 with large out-buildings and negro huts attached, are scattered at 
 irregular distances along this tract. 
 
 The left column, under major-general Keane, advanced along 
 the main road to within about eight hundred yards of the enemy s 
 right, when he opened from two guns upon the head of our co 
 lumn; upon this it was moved off the road to the right, under co 
 ver of some houses. The ship at the same time opened an enfi- 
 lading fire upon our left, and kept up an incessant cannonade for 
 above an hour. The columns were now deployed, and the line 
 ordered to lie down, our right pickets touching the wood. The 
 enemy cannonaded us from four guns in his line, and frara the ship 
 
cxlviii APPENDIX. 
 
 during the day, but with little effect. In the evening the troops 
 were retired beyond reach of the enemy s guns, and directed to 
 hut themselves. Ground was also marked out for a redoubt on 
 our flank, and the guns on our left covered them from the enemy s 
 fire. 
 
 From the 28th to the 31st every exertion was made to get 
 up from the ships ten eighteen-pound raid four twenty-four-pound 
 carronades, with the ammunition and stores. These were brought 
 up the canal in boats to within a quarter of a mile of the main 
 road, and thence transported on carriages of the country or our 
 own limbers, by the seamen, with incredible labour. The wea 
 ther was fortunately fair, and the road consequently good. 
 
 The enemy, during this period, established two batteries of 
 one gun each on the opposite bank of the river, and occasionally 
 threw shot into our camp with some effect. 
 
 Four eighteen-pounclers were placed in a battery formed 
 with hogsheads of sugar, on the main road, to fire upon the ship 
 if she dropped down the river. 
 
 Preparations were also made to establish batteries, one ot 
 six eighteen-pounclers to break the enemy s line, and the four 
 twenty-four-pound carronades, and the field-gun and howitzers 
 were to keep the fire of the enemy under, whilst the troops were 
 to be moved forward to storm the works so soou as a practicable 
 breach was effected. 
 
 On the night of the 31st December working parties were 
 employed in throwing up the batteries and getting in the guns. 
 In this they were most materially assisted by the seamen under 
 captain sir Thomas Troubridge: before daylight the whole was 
 completed, and the batteries ready to open. 
 
 The morning of the 1st January was foggy, arid objects could 
 not be discerned at any distance until nine o clock, when our bat 
 teries opened. The enemy soon returned our fire, and a mutual 
 cannonade took place: Our batteries made little impression upon 
 the enemy s parapet. The order for the assault was therefore 
 not carried into effect. The troops remained in this advanced 
 position, and orders were given to retire the guns in the night. 
 The evening changed to wet, and the ground became in conse 
 quence so deep, thai it required the exertions of the whole army 
 
APPENDIX. cxlix 
 
 as a working party, aided by the seamen, to retire the guns a 
 short distance before daylight. The army then fell back to the 
 position it occupied on the 3 1 st. 
 
 C. R. FORREST, A. Q. R. M. G. 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 DESPATCH FROM GKNERAL LAMBERT TO LORD BATHURST. 
 
 Camfiin front of the enemy" s line before New Orleans^ 
 
 January 10, 1815. 
 MY LORD, 
 
 IT becomes my duty to lay before your lordship the proceed 
 ings of the force lately employed on the coast of Louisiana, un 
 der the command of major-general sir E. M. Pakenham, K. B. 
 and acting in concert with vice-admiral the honourable sir A. 
 Cochrane, K. 13. 
 
 The report which I enclose from major-general Keane will 
 put your lordship in possession of the occurrences which took 
 place until the arrival of major-general the hon. sir E. M. Paken 
 ham, to assume the command: from that period I send an extract 
 of the journal of major Forrest, assistant-quarter-master-general, 
 up to the time of joining the troops (which sailed on the 26th 
 October last under my command) and which was on the 6th Ja 
 nuary; and from that period I shall detail, as well as I am able, 
 the subsequent events. 
 
 I found the army in position, in a flat country, with the 
 Mississippi on its left, and a thick extensive wood on its right, 
 and open to its front, from which the enemy s line was quite dis 
 tinguishable. 
 
 It seems sir E. Pakenham had waited for the arrival of the 
 fusileers and the 43d regiment, in order to make a general attack 
 upon the enemy s line; and on the 8th the army was formed for 
 that object. 
 
 In order to give your lordship as clear a view as I can, I 
 shall state the position of the enemy. On the left bank of the ri 
 ver it was simply a straight line of a front of about one thousand 
 yards, with a parapet, the right resting on the river and the left 
 on a wood, which had been rendered impracticable for any body 
 
or APPENDIX. 
 
 of troops to pass. This line was strengthened by flank works, 
 and had a canal of four feet deep, but not always of an equal 
 width; it was supposed to narrow towards their left. About eight 
 heavy guns were in position on this line. The Mississippi is here 
 about eight hundred yards wide, and they had on the right bank a 
 heavy battery of twelve guns, which enfiladed the whole front of 
 the position on the left bank. 
 
 Preparations were made on our side with very considerable 
 labour, to clear out and widen a canal that communicated with a 
 stream by which the boats had passed up to the place of disem 
 barkation, to open it into the Mississippi, by which means troops 
 could be got over to the right bank, and the co-operation of arm 
 ed boats would be secured. 
 
 The disposition for the attack was as follows: a corps con 
 sisting of the 85th light infantry, two hundred seamen, and four 
 hundred marines, the 5th West-India regiment, and four pieces 
 of artillery, under the command of colonel Thornton of the 85th, 
 was to pass over during the night, and move along the right bank 
 towards New Orleans, clearing its front, until it reached the flank 
 ing battery of the enemy on that side, which it had orders to carry. 
 
 The assailing of the enemy s works in front of us was to be 
 made by the brigade composed of the 4th, 2 1 st and 44th, under 
 major-general Gibbs, and the 3d brigade, consisting of the 93d, 
 two companies of the 95th, and two companies of the fusileers, 
 and the 43d, under major-general Keane. Some black troops 
 were destined to skirmish in the wood on the right; the princi 
 pal attack to be made by major-general Gibbs; the first brigade 
 and the 43d formed the reserve; the attacking columns were to be 
 provided with staling-laddcrs and rafts; the whole to be at their 
 stations by daylight. An advanced battery in our front of six 
 eighteen-pounders was thrown up during the night, about eight 
 hundred yards from the enemy s line. The attack was to be made 
 at the earliest hour. Unlocked for difficulties, increased by the 
 falling of the river, occasioned considerable delay in the entrance 
 of the armed boats; and those destined to land colonel Thornton s 
 corps, by which four or five hours were lost, and it was not until 
 half past five in the morning that the first division, consisting of 
 five hundred men, were over. The ensemble of the general move 
 
APPENDIX. elf 
 
 iivent was lost, and in a point which was of the last importance to 
 the attack of the left bank of the river, although colonel Thorn 
 ton, as your lordship will see by his report, which I enclose, ably 
 executed in every particular his instructions, and fully justified 
 the confidence the commander of the forces placed in his abilities. 
 The delay attending that corps occasioned some on the left bank, 
 and the attack did not take place till the columns were discerni 
 ble from the enemy s line at more than two hundred yards dis 
 tance. As they advanced a continued and most galling fire was 
 opened from every part of their line, and from the battery on the- 
 right bank. 
 
 The brave commander of the forces, who never in his life 
 could refrain from being at the post of honour, and sharing the 
 danger to which the troops were exposed, as soon as from his 
 station he had made the signal for the troops to advance, gallop 
 ed on to the front to animate them by his presence, and he was 
 seen with his hat off encouraging them on the crest of the glacis; 
 it was there (almost at the same time) that he received two 
 wounds, one in his knee, and another, which was almost instantly 
 fatal, in his body: he fell in the arms of major M Dougall, aid-de- 
 camp. The effect of this in the sight of the troops, together with 
 major-general Gibbs and major-general Keane being both borne 
 off wounded at the same time, with many other commanding offi 
 cers, and further, the preparations made to aid in crossing the 
 ditch not being so forward as they ought to have been, from, per 
 haps, the men being wounded who were carrying them, caused a 
 wavering in the column, which in such a situation became irrepa 
 rable; and as I advanced with the reserve, at about two hundred 
 and fifty yards from the line, I had the mortification to observe the 
 whole falling back upon me in the greatest confusion. 
 
 In this situation, finding that there had been no impression 
 made, that though many men had reached the ditch, and were 
 either drowned or obliged to surrender, and that it was impossible 
 to restore order in the regiments where they were, I placed the 
 reserve in position,* until I could obtain such information as to de- 
 
 * This position was a supine one. The reserve, and all those of the 
 advanced columns, who escaped slaughter, were ordered to crouch down in 
 the stubble, where they lay flat upon their faces till night. This new evolu 
 tion wns executed in orcter to avoid the fire of our artillery, 
 
clii APPENDIX. 
 
 termine me how to act to the best of my judgment, and whether 
 or not I should resume the attack, and if so, I felt it could be done 
 only by the reserve. The confidence I have in the corps compo 
 sing it would have encouraged me greatly, though not without 
 loss, which might have made the attempt of serious consequence, 
 as I know it was the opinion of the late distinguished commander 
 of the forces, that the carrying of the first line would not be the 
 least arduous service. After making the best reflections I was 
 capable of, I kept the ground the troops then held, and went to 
 meet, vice-admiral sir A. Cochrane, and to tell him that under all 
 the circumstances, I did not think it proper to renew the attack 
 on that day. At about ten o clock I learnt of the success of colo 
 nel Thornton s corps on the right bank. I sent the commanding 
 officer of the artillery, colonel Dickson, to examine the situation 
 of the battery, and report if it was tenable; but informing me that 
 he did not think it could be held with security by a smaller corps 
 than two thousand men, I consequently ordered lieutenant-colonel 
 Gubbins, on whom the command had devolved (colonel Thornton 
 being wounded) to retire. 
 
 The army remained in position until night, in order to gain 
 time to destroy the eighteen-pounder battery we had constructed 
 the preceding night in advance, I then gave orders for the troops 
 to resume the ground they had occupied previous to the attack. 
 
 Our loss has been very severe, but I trust it will not be con 
 sidered, notwithstanding the failure, that this army has suffered the 
 military character to be tarnished. I am satisfied, had I thought 
 it right to renew the attack, that the troops would have advanced 
 with cheerfulness. The services of both army and navy, since 
 their landing on this coast, have been arduous beyond any thing I 
 have ever witnessed, and difficulties have been got over with an 
 assiduity and perseverance beyond all example by all ranks, and 
 the most hearty co-operation has existed between the two services. 
 
 It is not necessary for me to expatiate to you upon the loss 
 the army has sustained in major-general the hon. sir E. Paken- 
 ham, commander-in-chief of this force, nor could I in adequate 
 terms. . His services and merits are so well known, that I have 
 only, in common with the whole army, to express my sincere re 
 gret, and which may be supposed at present to come peculiarly 
 home to me. 
 
APPENDIX, cliii 
 
 Major-general Gibbs, who died of his wounds the following 
 day, and major-general Keane, who were both carried off the field 
 within twenty yards of the glacis, at the head of their brigades, 
 sufficiently speak at such a moment how they were conducting 
 themselves. I am happy to say major-general Keane is doing 
 well. 
 
 Captain Wylly, of the fusileers, military secretary of the 
 late commander of the forces, will have the honour of delivering 
 to your lordship these despatches. Knowing how much he en 
 joyed his esteem, and was in his confidence from a long experi 
 ence of his talents, I feel I cannot do less than pay this tribute to 
 what I conceive would be the wishes of his late general, and to 
 recommend him strongly to your lordship s protection. 
 
 I am, Sec. 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
 Return of casualties on the %th January, 1815. 
 
 General staff 1 captain, 1 lieutenant; wounded one major-general* 
 
 Royal artillery 5 rank and file killed; 10 rank and file wounded. 
 
 Royal engineers, sappers and miners 3 rank and file wounded. 
 
 4th foot 1 ensign, 2 serjeants, 39 rank and file killed; 1 lieute 
 nant-colonel, 1 major, 5 captains, 1 1 lieutenants, 4 ensigns, 1 
 staff, 9 serjeants, 222 rank and file wounded; 1 lieutenant, 1 
 serjeant, 53 rank and file missing. 
 
 7th foot 1 major, 1 captain, 1 serjeant, 38 rank and file killed; 2 
 captains, 2 lieutenants, 2 serjeants, 47 rank and file wounded. 
 
 21st foot 1 major, 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 2 serjeants, 65 rank 
 and file killed; 1 lieutenant-colonel, 1 major, 2 lieutenants, 6 
 serjeants, 1 drummer, 144 rank and file wounded; 2 captains, 
 7 lieutenants, 8 serjeants, 2 drummers, 2 1 7 rank and file missing- 
 
 43d foot 2 serjeants, 1 drummer, 8 rank and file killed; 2 lieute 
 nants, 3 serjeants, 3 drummers, 34 rank and file wounded; \ 
 captain, 5 rank and file missing. 
 
 44th foot 1 lieutenant, 1 ensign, 1 serjeant, 32 rank and file kil 
 led; 1 captain, 5 lieutenants, 3 ensigns, 5 serjeants, 149 rank 
 and file wounded; 1 lieutenant, 2 serjeants, 1 drummer, 75 rank 
 and file missing, 
 
 f 
 
cifc APPENDIX. 
 
 85th foot 2 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant-colonel, 1 lieutenant^ 
 3 Serjeants, 2 drummers, 34 rank and file wounded; 1 rank and 
 file missing. 
 
 93d foot 1. lieutenant-colonel, 2 captains, 2 Serjeants, 58 rank 
 and file killed; 4 captains, 5 lieutenants, 17 Serjeants, 3 
 drummers, 348 rank and file wounded; 3 lieutenants, 2 ser- 
 jeants, 1 drummer, 99 rank and file missing. 
 
 95th foot 1 serjeant, 10 rank and file killed; 2 captains, 5 lieute 
 nants, 5 Serjeants, 89 rank and file wounded. 
 
 Royal marines 2 rank and file killed; 1 captain, 2 lieutenants, 1 
 serjeant, 12 rank and file wounded. 
 
 Royal navy 2 seamen killed; 1 captain, 18 seamen wounded. 
 
 1st West- India regiment 5 rank and file killed; 1 captain, 2 lieu 
 tenants, 2 ensigns, 2 serjcants, 16 rank and file wounded; 1 rank 
 and file missing. 
 
 5th West-India regiment 1 serjeant wounded. 
 
 Total loss 1 major-general, 1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 5 cap 
 tains, 2 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 11 Serjeants, 1 drummer, 266 
 rank and file killed; 2 major-generals, 3 lieutenant-colonels, 2 
 majors, 18 captains, 38 lieutenants, 9 ensigns, 1 staff, 54 ser- 
 jeants, 9* drummers, 1,126 rank and file wounded; 3 captains, 
 12 lieutenants, 13 Serjeants, 4 drummers, 452 rank and file 
 missing. 
 
 Na?nes of officers killed, wounded and missing-. 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 G.eneral staff Major-general the honourable sir Edward Paken- 
 ham, K. B. commander of the forces; captain Thomas Wilkin 
 son, 85th regiment, major of brigade. 
 
 4th foot Ensign William Crowe. 
 
 7th foot Major George King, captain George Henry. 
 
 21st foot Major John Anthony Whittaker, captain Robert Ren- 
 ny (lieutenant colonel,) and lieutenant Donald McDonald. 
 
 44th foot- Lieutenant Rowland Davies, ensign M. M Loskey. 
 
 93d foot Lieutenant-colonel Robert Dale, captain Thomas Hick- 
 ins, and captain Alexander Mairhead. 
 
APPENDIX. ci-v 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 General staff. Major-general Gibbs, severely (since dead;) ma 
 jor-general Keane, severely; captain Henry Thomas Shaw, 4th 
 foot (brigade-major) slightly; lieutenant Delacy Evans (3d dra 
 goons, deputy-assistant-quarter-master-general) severely. 
 
 4th foot lieutenant-colonel Francis Brooke, slightly; major A. D. 
 Faunce (lieutenant-colonel) severely; captain J. Williamson 
 (major) severely; captain T. Jones (lieutenant-colonel) severely, 
 (since dead;) captain J. W. Fletcher, severely; captain R. Er- 
 skine severely; captain D. S. Craig, slightly; lieutenants Ellis* 
 Parnal, Hopkins, and J. Salvin, slightly; lieutenants W. H. 
 Brook, B. Martin, And G. Richardson, severely; lieutenant P. 
 Boulby and G. H. Hearn, slightly; lieutenants W. Squire, C. 
 H. Farrington, J. Marshal], and H. Andrews, severely; ensign 
 Alexander Gerard, slightly; ensign Thomas Benwell, severely; 
 ensigns J. S. Fernandaz, and E. Newton, slightly; lieutenant 
 and adjutant W. Richardson, slightly. 
 
 7th foot captain J. J. A. Mullins, slightly; captain W. E. Page, 
 severely; lieutenant M.Higgins, severely; lieutenant C.Lorentz, 
 slightly. 
 
 31st foot- Lieutenant-colonel W. Patterson (colonel) severely 
 (not dangerously;) major A. J. Ross, severely; lieutenant J. 
 Waters, severely; second-lieutenant A. Geddes, severely. 
 
 43d foot lieutenant J. Meyricke, severely (left leg amputated;) 
 lieutenant D Campbell, severely. 
 
 44th foot Captain H. Debbieg (lieutenant-colonel) slightly; lieu 
 tenant W. Maclean, slightly; lieutenants R. Smith, H. Brush, 
 R. Phelan, and W. Jones, severely; ensigns J. White, B. L. 
 Hayden, and J. Donaldson, severely. 
 
 S5th foot Lieutenant-colonel W. Thornton (colonel) severely, 
 (not dangerously;) lieutenant B. C. Urquhart, severely (not 
 dangerously.) 
 
 93d foot captains R. Ryan, P. O. K. Boulger, A. M Kenzie, and 
 H. Ellis, severely; lieutenants H. H. M Lean, R. Spark, and D. 
 Macpherson, slightly; C. Gordon, and J. Hay, severely. 
 
 95th foot Captain J. Travers, severely; captain N. Travers. 
 slightly; lieutenants J. Reynolds, sir J. Ribton, J. Gosset, W. 
 Blackhotise, and Barker, severely. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Royal marines Captain G. Elliott, slightly; lieutenants H. Elliott, 
 
 and C. Morgan, slightly. 
 1st West-India regiment Captain Isles, severely; lieutenants 
 
 M Donald and Morgan, severely; ensign Millar, slightly; ensign 
 
 Pilkington, severely. 
 Royal navy Captain Money, of II. M. ship Trave, severely^ mid 
 
 shipman M. Woolcombe, Tonnant, severely. 
 93d foot Volunteer John Wilson, slightly. 
 
 MISSING. 
 
 4th foot Lieutenant E. Field, severely wounded and taken prisoner, 
 
 21st foot Captain J. M Haffie (major;) captain A. Kidd; lieute 
 nants J. Stewart and A. Armstrong, taken prisoners; lieute 
 nants J. Brady, wounded and taken prisoner; lieutenant J. Lea- 
 vock, taken prisoner; lieutenant R. Carr, wounded and taken 
 prisoner; lieutenant J. S. M. Fonhlangue, taken prisoner; second- 
 lieutenant P. Quin, wounded and taken prisoner. 
 
 43d foot Captain II. Simpson, severely wounded and taken pri 
 soner. 
 
 44th foot -Lieutenant W. Knight. 
 
 93d foot Lieutenants G. Munro, J. M Donald and Graves, se 
 verely wounded; volunteer B. Johnson. 
 
 FRED. STOVEN, Lieut. Col. Deft. Adjt. Gen, 
 
 TRETURN OF CASUALTIES BETWEEN THE 9th AND 26tll JANUARY, 
 
 1815. 
 
 43d foot 1 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, (E. D Arcy, severe 
 ly, both legs amputated,) 1 serjeant, 2 rank and file wounded. 
 #5th foot 1 rank and file wounded. 
 Total 1 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 1 serjeant, 3 rank and 
 
 file wounded. 
 
 FRED. STOVE j*, Lieut. Col. Dep, Adjt. 
 
 RETURN OF THE ORDNANCE 
 
 Taken from the enemy by a detachment of the army acting on 
 the right bank of the Mississippi, under the command of colonel 
 
 Thornton. 
 
 Redoubt, Right Bank of the Mississippi, Jan. 8/A, 1815. 
 
 1 brass ten-inch howitzer, 2 brass four-pounder field-pieces, 
 3 twenty-four-pounders, 3 twelve-pounders, 6 nine-pounders, 1 
 twelve-pounder carronade, not mounted. 
 
APPENDIX. clvU 
 
 On the howitzer is inscribed, " Taken at the surrender of 
 York-Town, 1781. * 
 
 J. MITCHELL, Major, Cafit. Royal Art. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 letter from lieutenant-colonel Thornton to major-general PakeUr 
 
 ham. 
 
 Redoubt on the right bank of the Mississippi, January 8, 1815. 
 SIR, 
 
 J LOSE no time in reporting to you the success of the troops 
 which you were yesterday pleased to place under my orders, with 
 the view of attacking the enemy s redoubt and position on this 
 side of the river. 
 
 It is within your own knowledge, that the difficulty had been 
 found so extremely great of dragging the boats through the canal, 
 which had been lately cut with so much labour, to the Mississippi, 
 that, notwithstanding every possible exertion for the purpose, we 
 were unable to proceed across the river until eight hours after the 
 time appointed, and even then, with only a third part of the force 
 which you had allotted for the service. 
 
 The current w r as so strong, and the difficulty, in consequence 
 of keeping the boats together, so great, that we only reached this 
 side of the river at day-break, and by the time the troops were 
 disembarked, which was effected without any molestation from the 
 enemy, I perceived by the flashes of the guns that your attack had 
 already commenced. 
 
 This circumstance made me extremely anxious to move for 
 ward, to prevent ihe destructive enfilading fire, which would, of 
 course, be opened on your columns from the enemy s batteries on 
 this side; and I proceeded with the greatest possible expedition, 
 strengthened and secured on my right flank by three gun-boats, 
 under captain Roberts of the navy, whose zeal and exertions on 
 this occasion were as unremitted as his arrangements in embark 
 ing the troops, and in keeping the boats together in crossing the 
 river, were excellent. 
 
 The enemy made no opposition to our advance, until we 
 reached a piquet, posted behind a bridge, at about five hundred 
 paces from the house in the Orange Grove, and secured by a small 
 work, apparently just thrown up. 
 
clviii APPENDIX. 
 
 This picquet was very soon forced and driven in by a division 
 of the 85th regiment, under captain Schaw, of that regiment, form 
 ing the advanced-guard, and whose mode of attack for the purpose 
 was prompt and judicious to a degree. 
 
 Upon my arrival at the Orange Grove, I had an opportunity 
 of reconnoitring, at about seven hundred yards, the enemy s po 
 sition, which I found to be a very formidable redoubt on the bank 
 of the river, with the right flank secured by an intrenchment ex 
 tending back to a thick wood, and its line protected by an inces 
 sant fire of grape. Under such circumstances it seemed to me to 
 afford the best prospect of success, to endeavour to turn his right 
 at the wood; and I accordingly detached two divisions of the 8Sth 
 regiment, under brevet lieutenant-colonel Gubbins, to effect that 
 object; which he accomplished with his usual zeal and judgment; 
 whilst one hundred sailors, under captain Money, of the royal navy, 
 who, I am sorry to say, was severely wounded, but whose conduct 
 was particularly distinguished on the occasion, threatened the ene 
 my s left, supported by the division of the 85th regiment, under 
 captsdn Schaw. 
 
 When these divisions had gained their proper position, I de 
 ployed the column composed of two divisions of the 85th regi 
 ment, under major Deshon, whose conduct I cannot sufficiently 
 recommend, and about one hundred men of the royal marines, un 
 der major Adair, also deserving of much commendation, and mov 
 ed forward in line, to the attack of the centre of the intrenchment. 
 
 At first the enemy, confident in his own security, showed a 
 good countenance, and kept up a heavy fire, but the determination 
 of the troops which I had the honour to command, to overcome all 
 difficulties, compelled him to a rapid and disorderly flight, leaving 
 in our possession his redoubts, batteries, and position, with sixteen 
 pieces of ordnance, and the colours of the New Orleans regiment 
 of militia. 
 
 Of the ordnance taken, I enclose the specified return of ma 
 jor Mitchell, of the royal artillery, who accompanied and afforded 
 me much assistance, by his able directions of the firing of some 
 rockets, it not having been found practicable, in the first instance, 
 to bring over the artillery attached to his command. 
 
 I shall have the honour of sending you a return of the casu 
 alties that have occurred, as soon as it is possible to collect them. 
 
APPENDIX. clix 
 
 but I am happy to say they are extremely inconsiderable when 
 the strength of the position, and the number of the enemy are con 
 sidered, which our prisoners (about thirty in number) agree in 
 stating from fifteen hundred to two thousand men, commanded by 
 general Morgan. 
 
 I should be extremely wanting both in justice and in grati 
 tude, were I not to request your particular notice of the officers 
 whose names I have mentioned, as well as of major Blanchard, of 
 the royal engineers, and lieutenant Peddie, of the 27th regiment, 
 deputy assistant-quarter-master-general, whose zeal and intelli 
 gence I found of the greatest service. 
 
 The wounded men are meeting with every degree of atten 
 tion and humanity by the medical arrangements of staff surgeon 
 Baxter. 
 
 The enemy s camp is supplied with a great abundance of 
 provisions, and a very large store of all sorts of ammunition. 
 
 On moving to the attack I received a wound, which shortly 
 after my reaching the redoubt, occasioned me such pain and stiff 
 ness, that I have been obliged to give over the command of the 
 troops on this side to lieutenant-colonel Gubbins, of the 85th light 
 infantry; but as he has obtained some re-enforcement since the at 
 tack, of sailors and marines, and has taken the best precautions to 
 cover and secure his position, I will be answerable, from my 
 knowledge of his judgment and experience, that he will retain it, 
 until your pleasure and further orders shall be communicated to 
 him. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 (Signed) W. THORNTON. 
 
 No. 6. 
 Letter from vice-admiral Cochrane to John Wilson Croker^ e&q. 
 
 Armi.de, off Isle au Chat, January 18, 181-5, 
 
 Sm, 
 
 AN unsuccessful attempt to gain possession of the enemy s 
 lines near New Orleans on the 8th instant, having left me to de 
 plore the fall of major-general the hon. Sir Edward Pakenhaui, 
 and major-general Gibbs, and deprived the service of the present 
 assistance of major-general Keane, whe is severely wounded, I 
 
clx APPENDIX. 
 
 send the Plantagenet to England, to convey a despatch from 
 major-general Lambert, upon whom the command of the army 
 has devolved, and to inform my lords commissioners of the admi 
 ralty of the operations of the combined forces since my arrival 
 upon this coast. 
 
 The accompanying letters, Nos. 163 and 169, of the 7th and 
 16th ultimo, will acquaint their lordships of the proceedings of 
 the squadron to the 15th December. 
 
 The great distance from the anchorage of the frigates and 
 troop-ships to the bayou Catalan, which, from the best informa 
 tion we could gain, appeared to offer the most secure, and was, 
 indeed, the only unprotected spot whereat to effect a disembarka 
 tion; and our means, even with the addition of the captured ene 
 my s gun-vessels, only affording us transport for half the army, 
 exclusive of the supplies that were required, it became necessary, 
 in order to have support for the division that would first land, to 
 assemble the whole at some intermediate position, from whence 
 the second division could be re-embarked in light vessels brought 
 into the lake, as near the bayou as might be practicable, and re 
 main there until the boats could land the first division and return. 
 
 Upon the 16th, therefore, the advance, commanded by colo 
 nel Thornton, of the 85th regiment, was put into the gun-vessels 
 and boats, and captain Gordon of the Seahorse proceeded with 
 them, and took post upon the Isle aux Poix, a small swampy spot 
 at the mouth of the Pearl river, about thirty miles from the an 
 chorage, and nearly the same distance from the bayou, where ma 
 jor-general Keane, rear-admiral Codrington, and myself, joined 
 them on the following day; meeting the gun- vessels and boats re 
 turning to the shipping for troops and supplies of stores and pro 
 visions. 
 
 The hon. captain Spencer, of the Carron, and lieutenant Ped- 
 dy, of the quarter-master-general s department, who were sent to 
 reconnoitre the bayou Catalan, now returned with a favourable re 
 port of its position for disembarking the army; having, with their 
 guide, pulled up in a canoe to the head of the bayou, a distance 
 of eight miles, and landed within a mile and a half of the high 
 foad to, and about six miles below New Orleans, where they cros 
 sed the road without meeting with any interruption, or perceiving 
 the least preparation on the part of the enemy. . 
 
APPENDIX. clxi 
 
 The severe changes of the weather, from rain to fresh gales 
 and hard frost, retarding the boats in their repeated passages to 
 and from the shipping, it was not until the 21st that (leaving on 
 board the greater part of the two black regiments and the dra 
 goons) we could assemble troops and supplies sufficient to admit 
 of our proceeding; and on that day we recommenced the embarka 
 tion of the second division in the gun-vessels, such of the hired 
 craft as could be brought into the lakes, and the Anaconda, which 
 by the greatest exertions had been got over the shoal passage. 
 
 On the 22d these vessels being filled with about two thousand 
 four hundred men, the advance, consisting of about one thousand 
 six hundred men, got into the boats, and at eleven o clock the 
 whole started, with a fair wind, to cross Lac Borgne. We had 
 not, however, proceeded above two miles when the Anaconda 
 grounded, and the hired craft and gun-vessels taking the ground 
 in succession before they had got within ten miles of the bayou; 
 the advance pushed on, and at about midnight reached the en 
 trance. 
 
 A piquet, which the enemy had taken the precaution to place 
 there, being surprised and cut off, major-general Keane, with 
 rear-admiral Malcolm and the advance, moved up the bayou, and 
 having effected a landing at day-break, in the course of the day 
 was enabled to take up a position across the main road to New 
 Orleans, between the river Mississippi and the bayou. 
 
 In this situation, about an hour after sun-set, and before the 
 boats could return with the second division, an enemy s schooner 
 of fourteen guns, and an armed ship of sixteen guns, having drop 
 ped down the Mississippi, the former commenced a brisk can 
 nonading, which was followed up by an attack of the whole of the 
 American army. Their troops were, however, beaten off, an4 
 obliged to retire with considerable loss, and major-general Keane 
 advanced somewhat beyond his former position. As soon as the 
 second division was brought up, the gun-vessels and boats re 
 turned for the remainder of the troops, the small armed seamen 
 and marines of the squadron, and such supplies as were required. 
 
 On the 26th, major-general sir E. Pakenham and major- 
 general Gibbs arrived at head-quarters, when the former took 
 command of the army. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The schooner which had continued at intervals to annoy the 
 troops, having been burnt on the 27th by hot shot from our artil 
 lery, and the ship having warped farther up the river, the follow 
 ing day the general moved forward to within gun-shot of an in- 
 trenchment which the enemy had newly thrown up, extending 
 across the cultivated ground from the Mississippi to an impassa 
 ble swampy wood on his left, a distance of about one thousand 
 yards. 
 
 It being thought necessary to bring heavy artillery against 
 this work, and also against the ship which had cannonaded the 
 army when advancing, guns were brought up from the shipping, 
 and on the 1st instant batteries were opened; but our fire not 
 having the desired effect, the attack was deferred until the arrival 
 of the troops under major-general Lambert, which were daily ex 
 pected. 
 
 Major-general Lambert, in the Vengeur, with a convoy of 
 transports, having on board the 7th and 43d regiments, reached 
 the outer anchorage on the 1 st, and this re-enforcement was all 
 brought lip to the advance on the 6th instant, while preparations 
 were making for a second attack, in the proposed plan for which 
 it was decided to throw a body of men across the river to gain 
 possession of the enemy s guns on the right bank. For this pur 
 pose the canal by which we were enabled to conduct provisions 
 and stores towards the camp, was widened and extended to the 
 river, and about fifty barges, pinnaces, and cutters, having, in the 
 day of the 7th, been tracked under cover and unperceived, close 
 up to the bank, at night the whole were dragged into the Missis 
 sippi, and placed under the command of captain Roberts, of the 
 Meteor. 
 
 The boats having grounded in the canal, a distance of three 
 hundred and fifty yards from the river, and the bank being com 
 posed of wet clay thrown out of the canal, it was not until nearly 
 daylight that, with the utmost possible exertions, this service was 
 completed. 
 
 The 85th regiment, with a division of seamen under captain 
 Money, and a division of marines under major Adair, the whole 
 amounting to about six hundred men, commanded by col. Thorn 
 ton, of the 85th regiment, were embarked and landed on the right 
 
APPENDIX. clxiii 
 
 bank of the river without opposition, just after daylight; and the 
 armed boats moving up the river as the troops advanced, this part 
 of the operations succeeded perfectly; the enemy having been dri 
 ven from every position, leaving behind him seventeen pieces of 
 cannon. 
 
 The great loss however sustained by the principal attack 
 having induced general Lambert to send orders to colonel Thorn 
 ton to retire after spiking the guns and destroying the carriages, 
 the whole were re-embarked and brought back, and the boats, by 
 a similar process of hard labour, were again dragged into the ca 
 nal, and from thence to the bayou, conveying at the same time 
 such of the wounded as it was thought requisite to send off to the 
 ships. 
 
 Major-general Lambert having determined to withdraw the 
 army, measures were taken to .re-embark the whole of the sick 
 and wounded that it was possible to move, and the stores, ammu 
 nition, ordnance, 8cc. with such detachments of the army, seamen, 
 and marines, as were not immediately wanted; in order that the 
 remainder of the army may retire unincumbered, and the last di- 
 vison be furnished with sufficient means of transport. 
 
 This arrangement being in a forward state of execution, I 
 quitted head-quarters on the 14th instant, leaving rear-admiral 
 Malcolm to conduct the naval part of the operations in that quar 
 ter, and I arrived at this anchorage on the 16th, where I am ar 
 ranging for the reception of the army, and preparing the fleet for 
 further operations. 
 
 I must, in common with the nation, lament the loss which 
 the service has sustained by the death of major-general the lion, 
 sir Edward Pakenham, and major-general Gibbs. Their great 
 military qualities were justly estimated while living, and their 
 zealous devotion to our country s welfare, will be cherished as an 
 example to future generations. 
 
 In justice to the officers and men of the squadron under my 
 command who have been employed upon this expedition, I cannot 
 omit to call the attention of my lords commissioners of the admi 
 ralty to the laborious exertions and great prr utions which have 
 been willingly and cheerfully borne, by every class, for a period 
 of nearly six weeks. 
 
clxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 From the 12th of December, when the boats proceeded to 
 the attack of the enemy s gun-vessels, to the present time, but 
 very few of the officers or men have ever slept on board their 
 ships. 
 
 The whole of the army, with the principal part of its provi 
 sions, its stores, artillery, ammunition, and the numerous neces 
 sary appendages, have been all transported from the shipping to 
 the head of the bayou, a distance of seventy miles, chiefly in open 
 boats, and are now re-embarking by the same process. The hard 
 ships, therefore, which the boats crews have undergone, from their 
 being kept day and night continually passing and repassing in the 
 most changeable and severe weather, have rarely been equalled; 
 and it has been highly honourable to both services, and most gra 
 tifying to myself, to observe the emulation and unanimity which 
 has pervaded the whole. 
 
 Rear-admiral Malcolm superintended the disembarkation of 
 the army, and the various services performed by the boats; and it 
 is a duty that I fulfil with much pleasure, in assuring their lord 
 ships that his zeal and exertions upon every occasion could not be 
 surpassed by any one. I beg leave also to offer my testimony to 
 the unwearied and cheerful assistance afforded to the rear-admi 
 ral by captains sir Thomas M. Hardy, Dashwood, and Gordon, 
 and the several captains and other officers. Rear-admiral Cod- 
 rington accompanied me throughout the service, and I feel much 
 indebted for his able advice and assistance. 
 
 Captain sir Thomas Troubridge, and the officers and seamen 
 attached, under his command, to the army, have conducted them 
 selves much to the satisfaction of the generals commanding. Sir 
 Thomas Troubridge speaks in the highest terms of the captains 
 and other officers employed under him, as named in his letter (a 
 copy of which is enclosed) reporting their services. He particu 
 larly mentions captain Money, of the Trave, who I am much con 
 cerned to say, had both bones of his leg broken by a musket shot, 
 advancing under a heavy fire to the attack of the battery that was 
 afterwards carried. 
 
 The conduct of captain Money at Washington and near Bal 
 timore, where he was employed with the army, having before oc 
 casioned my noticing him to their lordships, I beg leave now to 
 
APPENDIX. clxv 
 
 recommend him most strongly to their protection. The wound 
 that he has received not affording hitn any probability of his being 
 able to return to his duty for a considerable time, I have given 
 him leave to go to England; and shall intrust to him my despatches. 
 
 I have not yet received any official report from the captain Of 
 the Nymph, which ship, with the vessels named in the margin,* 
 were sent into the Mississippi, to create a diversion in that quarter. 
 
 The bombs have been for some days past throwing shells in 
 to fort Plaquemine, but I fear without much effect. I have sent 
 to recall such of them as are not required for the blockade of the 
 
 river. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ALEXANDER COCHRANE. 
 
 Letter from cafit. Thomas Troubridge to -vice-admiral Cochrane. 
 
 Head-quarters near New Orleans, January 12, 1815- 
 SIR, 
 
 THE conduct and exertions of the officers and seamen which 
 
 you did me the honour to place under my command to serve with 
 the army on shore, having been such as to meet very general ap 
 probation, I feel it a duty I owe to them to make such known to 
 you, and to particularize the exertions of captains Money, Rogers, 
 and Westphall. 
 
 I cannot sufficiently express the high sense I entertain of the 
 seal and activity of lieutenant Scott, of the Tonnant, and lieute 
 nant Fletcher ef the Norge, who, on all occasions, have shown 
 themselves most deserving officers. 
 
 Captains Money and Rogers, who were detached across the 
 river, again report the exertion and gallantry of lieutenant Scott, 
 and also of Mr. Woolcombe, midshipman of his majesty s ship 
 Tonnant, who particularly distinguished themselves in leading 
 their men under a heavy fire to the battery that was carried. It 
 is with infinite regret that I report the severe wound captain Mo 
 ney received while on this service. To lieutenants Wroote, of 
 the Royal Oak, and Franklin, of the Bedford, with the many other 
 officers employed, every praise is due. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 THOMAS TROUBRIDGE. 
 
 * Nymph, Herald, ^tna, Meteor, Thistle, Pigmy. 
 
clxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 No. 7. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to earl Dathurst. 
 His Britannic Majesty s shi/i Tonnant, off Chandeleur s island^ 
 
 January 28 th, 1815. 
 MY LORD, 
 
 After maturely deliberating on the situation of this army, 
 after the command had unfortunate!^ devolved upon me, on the 
 8th instant, and duly considering what probability now remained 
 of carrying on with success, on the same plan, an attack against 
 New Orleans, it appeared to me that it ought not to be persisted 
 in. I immediately communicated to vice-admiral sir A. Coch- 
 rane that I did not think it would be prudent to make any further 
 attempt at present, and that I recommended re-embarking the 
 army as soon as possible, with a view to carry into effect the other 
 objects of the force employed upon this coast; from the 9th inst. 
 it was determined that the army should retreat, and I have the 
 satisfaction of informing your lordship that it was effected on the 
 night of the 1 8th inst. and ground was taken up on the morning 
 of the 19fh on both sides of the bayone, or creek, which the troops 
 had entered on their disembarkation, fourteen miles from their 
 position before the enemy s line, covering New Orleans, on the 
 left bank of the Mississippi, and one mile from the entrance into 
 Lac Borgne: the army remained in bivouac until the 27th instant^ 
 when the whole were re-embarked. 
 
 In stating the circumstances of this retreat to your lordship, 
 I shall confidently trust that good order and discipline ever exist 
 ed in this army, and that zeal for the service, and attention was 
 ever conspicuous in officers of all ranks. Your lordship is alrea 
 dy acquainted with the position the army occupied, its advanced 
 post close up to the enemy s, and the greater part of the army 
 were exposed to the fire of the batteries which was unremitting 
 day and night since the 1 st of January, when the position in ad 
 vance was taken up. The retreat was effected without being- 
 harassed in any degree by the enemy; all the sick and wounded 
 (with the exception of eighty, whom it was considered dangerous 
 to remove), field artillery, ammunition, hospital and other stores 
 of every description, which had been landed on a very large scale. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 were brought away, and nothing fell into the enemy s hands, ex 
 cepting six iron eighteen-pounders, mounted on sea carriages, 
 and two carronades, which were in position on the left bank of the 
 Mississippi; to bring them off at the moment the army was re 
 tiring was impossible, and to have clone it previously would have 
 exposed the whole force to any fire the enemy might have sent 
 down the river. These batteries were of course destroyed, and 
 the guns rendered perfectly unserviceable; only four men were 
 reported absent next morning, and those, I suppose, must have 
 been left behind and have fallen into the hands of the enemy: but 
 when it is considered the troops were in perfect ignorance of the 
 movement, until a fixed hour during the night, that the picquets 
 did not move off till half-past three o clock in the morning, and 
 that the whole had to retire through the most difficult new made 
 road, cut marshy ground, impassable for a horse, and where, in 
 many places, the men could only go in single files, and that the 
 absence of men might be accounted for in so many ways, it would 
 be rather a matte? of surprise the number was so few. 
 
 An exchange of prisoners has been effected with the enemy 
 upon very fair terms, and their attention to the brave prisoners, 
 and wounded, that have fallen into their hands, has been kind and 
 humane, I have every reason to believe. 
 
 However unsuccessful the termination of the late service the 
 army and navy have been employed upon, has turned out, it 
 would be injustice not to point out how much praise is due to their 
 exertions; ever since the 13th December, when the army began 
 to move from the ships, the fatigue of disembarking and bringing 
 up artillery and supplies from such a distance has been incessant; 
 and I must add, that owing to the exertions of the navy, the army 
 has never wanted provisions. The labour of the seamen and sol 
 diers was particularly conspicuous on the night of the 7th inst. 
 when fifty boats were dragged through a canal into the Mississip 
 pi, in which there were only eighteen inches of water, and I am 
 confident that the vice-admiral sir Alexander Cochrane, who sug 
 gested the possibility of this operation, will be equally ready to 
 admit this, as well as the hearty co-operations of the troops on 
 all occasions. 
 
clxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 From what has come under my own observation since I 
 joined this army, and from official reports that have been made 
 to me, I beg to call your lordship s attention to individuals who., 
 from their station, have rendered themselves peculiarly conspicu 
 ous. Major Forrest, at the head of the quarter-master- general s 
 department, I cannot say too much of. Lieutenant Evans and 
 Peddie of the same, have been remarkable for their exertions and 
 indefatigability; sir John Tylden, who had acted in the field as 
 assistant adjutant-general with me (lieutenant-colonel Stovin hav 
 ing been wounded on the 23d ult. though doing well, not as yet 
 being permitted to take active service), has been very useful; on 
 the night of the 7th, previous to the attack, rear-admiral Malcolm 
 reports the great assistance he received from him in forwarding 
 the boats into the Mississippi; captain Wood, of the 4th regiment, 
 deputy assistant adjutant-general, has filled that situation since the 
 first disembarkation of the troops with zeal and attention. 
 
 During the action of the 8th inst. the command of the 2d 
 brigade devolved upon lieutenant-colonel Brooke, 4th regiment, 
 that of the 3d upon colonel Hamilton, 5th West India regiment, 
 and the reserve upon colonel Blayken, royal fusileers; to all these 
 officers I feel much indebted for their service. Lieutenant-colo 
 nel Dickson, royal artillery, has displayed his usual abilities and 
 assiduity; he reports to me his general satisfaction of all the offi 
 cers under his command, especially major Munro, senior officer 
 of the royal artillery, previous to his arrival, and of the officers 
 commanding companies. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Burgoyne, royal engineers, afforded me 
 every assistance that could be expected from his known talents 
 and experience; that service lost a very valuable and much es 
 teemed officer in lieutenant Wright, who was killed when recoa- 
 noitring on the evening of the 3 1st ultimo. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Mein, of the 43d, and lieutenant-colonel 
 Gubbins, 85th regiment, field officers of the piquets on the 1.8th, 
 have great credit for the manner in which they withdrew the out 
 posts on the morning of the 19th under the direction of colonel 
 Blakeney, royal fusileers. 
 
 I request in a particular manner to express how much this 
 army is indebted to the attention and diligence of Mr. Robb, de- 
 
APPENDIX. clxi* 
 
 puty inspector of hospitals, and their immediate removal, with 
 such excellent arrangement, that tne wounded were all brought 
 off with very favourable circumstance, except such cases as would 
 have rendered their removal dangerous. 
 
 Captain sir Thomas Troubridge, royal navy, who command 
 ed a battalion of seamen, and who was attached to act with the 
 troops, rendered the greatest service by his exertions in whatever 
 way they were required; colonel Dickson, royal artillery, par 
 ticularly mentions how much he was indebted to him. 
 
 The conduct of two squadrons of the 14th light dragoons, 
 latterly under the command of lieutenant-colonel Baker, previ 
 ously of major Mills, has been the admiration of every one, by 
 the cheerfulness with which they have performed all descriptions 
 of service. I must also mention the exertions of the royal staff 
 corps under major Todd so reported by the deputy-quarter-master- 
 general. 
 
 Permit me to add the obligations I ani under to my personal 
 staff. Lieuteuant the honourable Edward Curzon, of the royal 
 navy, who was selected as a naval aid-de-camp to the command 
 ing officer of the troops on their first disembarkation, each of 
 whom have expressed the satisfaction they had in his appointment, 
 to which I confidently add my own. 
 
 Major Smith, of the 95th regiment, now acting as military 
 secretary, is so well known for his zeal and talents, that I can 
 with great truth say, that I think he possesses every qualification 
 to render him hereafter one of the brightest ornaments of his pro 
 fession. 
 
 I cannot conclude without expressing how much the army 
 is indebted to rear-admiral Malcolm, who had the immediate 
 charge of landing and re-embarking the troops; he remained on. 
 shore to the last, and by his abilities and activity smoothed every 
 difficulty. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sec. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
 P. S. I regret to have to report that during the night of the 
 25th, in very bad weather, a boat containing two officers, viz. lieu 
 tenant Brydges andeorpet Hammond, and thirty-seven of the 14th 
 
clxx APPENDIX. 
 
 light dragoons, unfortunately fjtfi into the hands of the enemy, off 
 the mouth cf the Rigolets. I have not been able to ascertain cor 
 rectly the particular circumstances. 
 
 Return of casualties in action with the enemy near JVew Orleans^ 
 on the 23d and 24M December, 1814. 
 
 General staff 1 lieutenant-colonel, 1 major, 1 lieutenant 
 wounded. 
 
 Royal artillery 2 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 7 rank 
 and file missing. 
 
 Royal engineers, sappers and miners-! rank and file mis 
 sing. 
 
 4th foot 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, 1 
 rank and file killed; 1 sergeant, 2 drummers, 8 rank and file 
 wounded; 2 rank and file missing. 
 
 35th ditto 2 captains, 1 1 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 3 
 lieutenants, 4 sergeants, 2 drummers, 57 rank and file, wounded; 
 1 lieutenant, 1 ensign, 1 sergeant, 16 rank and file, missing. 
 
 93d do 1 rank and file, wounded. 
 
 95th foot 4-6 sergeants, 17 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 2 
 lieutenants, 6 sergeants, 34 rank and file, wounded; I major, 2 
 sergeants, 39 rank and file, missing. 
 
 Total 4 captains, 1 lieutenant, 7 sergeants, 1 drummer, 33 
 rank and file, killed; 1 lieutenant-colonel, 1 major, 2 captains, 8 
 lieutenants, 10 sergeants, 4 drummers, 141 rank and file, wound 
 ed; I major, 1 lieutenant, 1 ensign, 3 sergeants, 58 rank and file, 
 missing. 
 
 NAMES OF OFFICERS KILLED, WOUNDED, AND MISSING. 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 4th foot captain F. J. Johnstone, lieutenant John Souther- 
 land. 
 
 21st do captain W. Conran. 
 
 85th do captains C. Grey and C. Harris. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 General staff lieutenant-colonel Stovin, 28th foot, assistant 
 adjutant-general, severely but not dangerouly; major Hooper, 
 87th foot, deputy assistant adjutant-general severely (leg ampu 
 
APPENDIX. clxxi 
 
 tated), lieutenant D. Evans, 3d dragoons, deputy assistant quarter 
 master-general, severely. 
 
 Royal artillery lieutenant J. Christie, severely. 
 
 4th foot lieutenant T. Moody, severely. 
 
 89th foot captain James Knox, lieutenants G. Willings, F. 
 Maunsell, and W. Hickson, severely. 
 
 95th foot captain W. Hallen, lieutenant D. Forbes, severely; 
 lieutenant W. J. G. Farmer, slightly. 
 
 MISSING. 
 
 85th do lieutenant W. Walker, and ensign Q. Ashton. 
 95th do major Samuel Mitchell. 
 
 FRED. STOVIN. 
 
 RETURN OF CASUALTIES BETWEEN THE 25TH AND SlST DEOEM- 
 
 HER, 1814. 
 
 Royal artillery 4 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 5 rank 
 and file wounded. 
 
 Royal engineers, sappers and miners, 1 rank and file wounded, 
 
 4th foot 4 rank and file wounded. 
 
 21st do 1 rank and file killed, 1 rank and file wounded. 
 
 44th do 2 rank and file wounded; 1 rank and file missing. 
 
 85th do 1 drummer, 3 rank and file killed; 2 ensigns, li 
 rank and file wounded. 
 
 93d do 2 rank and file killed; 5 rank and file wounded. 
 
 95th do 3 rank and file killed; 1 sergeant, 3 rank and file 
 wounded; 1 rank and file missing. 
 
 1st West India regiment 1 captain, killed. 
 
 5th do 1 rank and file killed; 2 rank and file wounded. 
 
 Total 1 captain, 1 drummer, 14 rank and file killed; 1 lieu 
 tenant, 2 ensigns, 4 sergeants, 34 rank and file wounded; 2 rank 
 and file missing. 
 
 NAMES OF OFFICERS KILLED AND WOUNDED. 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 1st West India regiment captain F. Collings. 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Royal artillery lieutenant B. L Poynter, slightly. 
 85th foot ensign sir Fred. Eden, Bart, severely (since dead"* 
 ensign T. Ormsby, slightly. FRED. STOVEN. 
 
clxxil APPENDIX. 
 
 RETURN OF CASUALTIES BETWEEN THE 1ST AND 5TH JANU 
 ARY, 1815. 
 
 Royal artillery 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeant, 9 rank and file, 
 killed; 12 rank and file, wounded. 
 
 Royal engineers sappers and miners I lieutenant, killed. 
 
 21st foot 1 rank and file killed; one lieutenant, 4 rank and 
 file wounded. 
 
 44th do 1 lieutenant, I rank and file killed; 3 rank and file 
 Wounded. 
 
 85th do 2 rank and file killed; 2 lieutenants, 4 rank and file 
 wounded. 
 
 93d do. foot 1 sergeant, 8 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant. 
 10 rank and file wounded. 
 
 95th do 1 rank and file killed; 2 rank and file missing. 
 
 5lh West India regiment 4 rank and file killed; 2 rank and 
 file wounded. 
 
 Total 3 lieutenants, 2 sergeants, 27 rank and file killed; 4 
 lieutenants, 40 rank and file wounded; 2 rank and file missing. 
 
 NAMES OF THE OFFICERS KILLED AND WOUNDED 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Royal artillery lieutenant A. Ramsay. 
 Royal engineers lieutenant P. Wright. 
 44th foot lieutenant John Blakeney. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 21st foot lieutenant J. Leavock, slightly. 
 85th do lieutenant R. Carlton, severely; lieutenant J. W. 
 Boys, slightly. 
 
 93d do lieutenant A. Phaup, severely, (since dead.) 
 
 FRED. STOVIN. 
 
 No. 8. 
 
 Letter from general Lambert to earl Bathurst. 
 
 Head-Quarters^ Isle Dauphine, February 14^, 1815. 
 MY LORD, 
 
 MY despatch, dated January 29th, will have informed your 
 lordship of the re-embarkation of this force, which was completed 
 on the 30th; the weather came on so bad on that night, and con- 
 
APPENDIX. slxxiii 
 
 tinued so until the 5th of February, that no communication could 
 be held with the ships at the inner anchorage, a distance of about 
 seventeen miles. 
 
 It being agreed between vice-admiral sir Alexander Coch- 
 rane and myself that operations should be carried towards Mobile, 
 it was decided that a force should be sent against fort Bowyer, 
 situated on the eastern point of the entrance of the bay, and from 
 every information that could be obtained, it was considered a bri 
 gade would be sufficient for this object, with a respectable force 
 of artillery. I ordered the second brigade, composed of the 4th, 
 21st and 44th regiments, for this service, together with such 
 means in the engineer and artillery departments as the chief and 
 commanding officer of the royal artillery might think expedient. 
 The remainder of the force had orders to disembark on Isle Dau- 
 phine, and encamp; and major-general Keane, whom I am truly 
 happy to say has returned to his duty, superintended their ar 
 rangement. 
 
 The weather being favourable on the 7th for the landing to 
 the eastward of Mobile Point, the ships destined to move on that 
 service sailed under the command of captain Ricketts, of the 
 Vengeur, but did not arrive in sufficient time that evening to do 
 more than determine the place of disembarkation, which was 
 about three miles from fort Bowyer. 
 
 At daylight the next morning the troops got into the boats, 
 and six hundred men were landed under lieutenant-colonel Deb- 
 beig, of the 44th, without opposition, who immediately threw out 
 the light companies under lieutenant Bennett, of the 4th regi 
 ment, to cover the landing of the brigade. Upon the whole being 
 disembarked, a disposition was made to move on towards the fort, 
 covered by the light companies. The enemy was not seen until 
 about one thousand yards in front of their works; they gradually 
 fell back, and no firing took place until the whole had retired into 
 the fort, and our advance had pushed on nearly to within three 
 hundred yards. Having reconnoitred the forts with lieutenant- 
 colonels Burgoyne and Dickson, we were decidedly of opinion, 
 that the work was formidable only against an assault; that batte^ 
 ries being once established, it must speedily fall. Every exertion 
 was made by the navy to land provisions, and the necessary equip- 
 
clxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 ment of the battering train and engineer stores. We broke ground 
 on the night of the 8th r and advanced a firing party to within one 
 hundred yards of the fort during the night. The position of tke 
 batteries being decided upon the next day, they were ready to re 
 ceive their guns on the night of the 10th, and on the morning of 
 1 1th the fire of a battery of four eighteen-pounders on the left, 
 and two eight-inch howitzers on the right, each about one hundred 
 yards distance, two six-pounders at about three hundred yards, 
 and eight small cohorns advantageously placed on the right, with 
 intervals between of one hundred and two hundred yards, all fur 
 nished to keep up an incessant fire for two clays, were prepared to 
 open. Preparatory to commencing, I summoned the fort, allow 
 ing the commanding officer half an hour for decision upon such 
 terms as were proposed. Finding he was inclined to consider 
 them, I prolonged the period, at his request, and at three o clock 
 the fort was given up to a British guard, and British colours 
 hoisted; the terms being signed by major Smith, military secre 
 tary, and captain Ricketts, R. N. and finally approved of by the 
 vice-admiral and myself, which I have the honour to enclose. I 
 am happy to say our loss was not very great; and we are indebted 
 for this, in a great measure, to the efficient means attached to this 
 force. Had we been obliged to resort to any other mode of attack, 
 the fall could not have been looked for under such favourable 
 circumstances. 
 
 We have certain information of a force having been sent from 
 Mobile, and disembarked about twelve miles off, in the night of 
 the 10th, to attempt its relief; two schooners with provisions, and 
 an intercepted letter, fell into our hands, taken by captain Price, 
 R. N. stationed in the bay. 
 
 I cannot close this despatch without naming to your lordship 
 again lieutenant-colonels Dickson, royal artillery, and Burgoyne, 
 royal engineers, who displayed their usual zeal and abilities; and 
 lieutenant Bennet, of the 4th, who commanded the light compa 
 nies and pushed up close to the enemy s works. 
 
 Captain hon. R. Spencer, R. N. who had been placed with a 
 detachment of seamen under my orders, greatly facilitated the 
 service in every way by his exertions. 
 
APPENDIX. elxxv 
 
 From captain Ricketts, of the R. N. who was charged with 
 the landing and the disposition of the naval force, I received eve 
 ry assistance. 
 
 JOHN LAMBERT. 
 
 Fort Boiuyer, February 14 A, 1815. 
 
 Return of ordnance, ammunition and stores, captured from the 
 enemy in this place, on the Vlth instant: 
 
 GUNS. 
 
 1 twenty-four-pounder, 2 nine-pounders, outside the fort. 
 Iron 3 thirly-two-pounders, 8 twenty-four-pounders, 6 twelve- 
 pounders, 5 nine-pounders. 
 Brass 1 four-pounder. 
 Mortar 1 eight-inch. 
 Howitzer 1 fi ve-and-a-half-inch. 
 
 SHOT. 
 
 Thirty -two-pounder 85 6 round, 64 grape, 11 case. 
 
 Twenty- four-pounder 851 round, 176 bar, 286 grape, 84 case. 
 
 Twelve-pounder 535 round, 74 grape, 439 case. 
 
 Nine-pounder 781 round, 208 grape, 429 case. 
 
 Six-pounder 15 round, 75 bar, 13 case. 
 
 Four-pounder 231 round, 38 grape, 147 case. 
 
 Shells 25 eight-inch, 74 five-and-a-half-inch. 
 
 183 hand-grenades. 
 
 5,519 pounds powder. 
 
 i triangle gin, complete. 
 
 16,976 musket ball-cartridges. 
 
 500 flints. 
 
 35 1 muskets, complete, with accoutrements. 
 
 JAS. PERCIVAL, Ass. Com. Royal Artillery. 
 
 A. DICKSON, Lt. Col. Com. Royal Artillery. 
 
 Return of casualties in the army under the command of major 
 general Lambert, employed before fort Bowyer, between the 
 8th and 12th of February, 1815. 
 
 Royal sappers and miners 1 rank and file wounded. 
 
 1th foot 8 rank and file killed; 2 Serjeants, 13 rank and file 
 wounded. 
 
clxxvr APPENDIX. 
 
 2 1st foot % Serjeants* 2 rank and file killed; 1 rank and file 
 
 wounded. 
 
 40th footI rank and file killed; 1 rank and file wounded. 
 Total 13 killed, 18 wounded. 
 
 F. STOVEN, D. A. G. 
 
 Return of the American garrison of fort Bowyer, which surren 
 dered to the force under major-general Lambert, 1 1th Febru 
 ary, 1815. 
 
 1 field-officer, 3 captains* 10 subalterns, 2 staff, 16 Serjeants, 
 16 drummers, 327 rank and file, 20 women, 16 children, 3 servants 
 not soldiers. F. STOVEN, D. A. G. 
 
 NO. LXVII. 
 
 LETTERS FOUND ON BOARD THE ST. LAWRENCE AT THE TIME OF 
 HER SURRENDER TO THE CHASSEUR PRIVATEER. 
 
 from colonel Malcolm to rear -admiral Malcolm. 
 
 Cumberland Island, 5th February , 1815. 
 I received your letter of the 5th ult. it is written before your 
 last attack on that place, but I most sincerely hope you will ulti 
 mately succeed. From all accounts New Orleans is very strong: 
 the enemy will have gained a great confidence in theinse4ves from 
 their success. What a disappointment it will be in England should 
 you fail the chance of failure has not been calculated on, and 
 from the force employed it has been made too sure at first. 
 I have no opinion of either the Indians or black new-raised corfis: 
 the former in this country carry on a most furious war murder 
 ajid desolation mark their track there is no hope but flying, or 
 resistance to the last moment of life: this is what every one says 
 of the Florida Indians, of course the inhabitants of all descriptions 
 would fear to come near you. There is a report here that neither 
 the 21st or 44th regiments behaved well, but as a report I treat 
 it. I should be sorry to hear two British regiments slurred in an 
 attack.* 
 
 * In this letter of the colonel s there was a lamentation expressed thai 
 Vis share of the prize-money at St. Mary s did ncteiceed./fre hundred pounds. 
 
APPENDIX* clxxvii 
 
 from colonel Malcolm to rear-admiral Malcolm. 
 
 Cumberland Island, 1 \th February, 1815. 
 I HOPE we may hear from you in a short time, and of your 
 success against the place you are now before (New Orleans.) 
 It tvill refiay the troofisfor all their trouble and fatigues! I do not 
 expect, either war or peace, that we will move from this island 
 this winter; if the war goes on, a garrison must be left here in 
 charge of the island. 
 
 From sir Thomas Cochrane, of the Surprise frigate, to cafitain Pi" 
 got, off New Orleans. 
 
 Cumberland Island, February \1th, 1815. 
 I CAME here just two days too late to share in the good 
 things going on. Old Somerville was senior, and ordered the at 
 tack on St. Mary s, which Barrie executed. The prize-money 
 will be about thirty thousand pounds, not more. Had our force 
 been sufficient, the next movement would have been against Sa 
 vannah, but not mustering above a thousand bayonets, we were 
 content to keep possession of this island, which we are placing in 
 a state of defence. Our operations will, I suppose, be shortly put 
 a stop to by our friend, Jemmy Madison, as peace or war now de 
 pends on him: the commissioners at Ghent having signed, and the- 
 prince regent ratified, the terms of a peace, and hostilities will 
 cease as soon as he does the same. We hope, in the mean time, 
 better luck will attend you at New Orleans than has hitherto 
 done, and that you will have time to give general Jackson a trim,- 
 ming. 
 
 From sir Thomas Cochrane to sir Thomas Troubridge, off New 
 
 Orleans. 
 
 North End Cumberland Island, February 12M, 1815. 
 I HOPE this will reach head-quarters in time for the St. Law* 
 rence, who sails immediately for your part of the world with the 
 news of peace being concluded with this country, but of which I 
 should think you will receive earlier intelligence direct from Eng* 
 land. We are in daily expectation of a flag of truce to inform us 
 of Mr. Madison s having ratified the treaty, on his doing which 
 hostilities will immediately cease. I confess myself by no means 
 
clxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 sorry for this event. I think we have had quite enough of war 
 for some years to come, although I should have wished we had 
 made the Yankees more sensible of our power and ability to pu 
 nish them, should they again provoke us. ds it is, except the in 
 jury done to their trade, we have little to boast of. We are all 
 very much grieved to learn the disasters in your quarter. Our 
 loss seems to have been immense; and from the reports we pick 
 up, one is led to believe there was not much prospect of success 
 at the commencement of the attack. We are most particularly 
 unfortunate in our general officers on all occasions. I am afraid 
 general Power and the regiment with him, will not be with you in 
 time to render any service. He was at Bermuda on the 24th ult. 
 at which period the Statira had not arrived. 
 
 I came here six weeks ago, and found St. Mary s had been 
 taken two days before my arrival, which, of course, cuts me out of 
 what has been captured. Barrie commanded the party landed; 
 old Somerville was senior officer, the admiral having only arrived 
 the day before me, in consequence of being blown off the coast by 
 strong northwest gales on his way from the Chesapeake. It was 
 at first supposed, as is usual on all these occasions, that a great 
 deal of money would be made; but if they clear thirty thousand 
 pounds, it mill b? as much as they will do. 
 
 from admiral Cockburn to captain R~vans. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Cumberland Island, \\th February, 1815. 
 
 No general, however, as you now know, has come here; 
 jfau have had them all your way, and though I have learnt by a 
 few hasty lines the unfortunate result of your first endeavours 
 against New Orleans, yet excepting as far as relates to the poor 
 generals and to the gross numbers you lost, I know no particu 
 lars, not even which of my many friends amongst you are dead or 
 a4ive, or which have broken bones or whole skins. I trust, how 
 ever, it will prove that you are amongst the latter, and I hope you 
 will when at leisure favour me with a detailed account of all that 
 has passed in your neighbourhood. 
 
 We have been more fortunate here in our small way. We 
 have taken St. Mary s, a tolerably rich place, and with little loss 
 have managed to do much damage to the enemy, and we are now 
 
APPENDIX. elxxix 
 
 in tolerable security, upon a large fertile island in Georgia, though 
 an ugly account of fie ace being signed (the particulars of which I 
 have sent to sir admiral Cochrane) seems to promise a speedy 
 dismissal to us from this coast. 
 
 From Mr. Sivainson to lieutenant Douglas, of H. M. brig- Sophie, 
 
 off New Orleans. 
 
 9th February, 1815. 
 
 WE had some fine fun at St. Mary s; the bombs were at the 
 town, and had plenty of plunder. How are you off/or tables, and 
 chests of drawers, 
 
 From J. Gallon to J. O Rcily, esg. on board H. M. shift Tonnant, 
 
 off J\"ew Orleans. 
 
 ^ Cumberland Island, 9th February, 1815. 
 
 WE have had fine fun since I saw you. What with the Rap- 
 
 pahannock and various other places, we have contrived to pick u}i a, 
 
 few trifling things, such as mahogany tables, chests of drawers, &c. 
 
 From John Miller to Mr. Thomas Miller, 75 Old Gravel Lane, Sf, 
 
 George s, Fast London. 
 
 H. M. shift Lacedemonian, off land, February \"2th, 1815. 
 WE have lately been employed with the squadron under ad 
 miral Cockburn, and have taken Cumberland Island, and the town 
 of St. Mary s, from the Yankees. Our troops and sailors behaved 
 very well; part of the black regiment employed on this service 
 acted with great gallantry. Blacky had no idea of giving quarters; 
 and it was with difficulty the officers prevented their putting the 
 prisoners to death. The Yankee riflemen fired at our men in am 
 bush; blacky, on the impulse of the moment, left the ranks, and 
 pursued them into the woods, fighting like heroes. A poor Yan 
 kee, disarmed, begged for mercy. Blacky replied, " he no come 
 in bush for mercy," and immediately shot him dead! 
 
 from J. R. Glover to cahtain Westful, of the Anaconda. 
 
 Head- Quarters, Cumberland Island, \st February, 1815. 
 
 WE have established our head-quarters here, after ransack 
 ing St. Mary s, from which we brought property to the amount of 
 fifty thousand Jiounds, and had we two thousand troops, we might 
 yet collect a good harvest before peace takes place. My fore- 
 
clxxx APPENDIX, 
 
 bodings will not allow me to anticipate either honour or profit to 
 the expedition, of which you form a part, and I much fear the con 
 trary, yet most fervently do I hope my forebodings may prove 
 groundless. The admiral (Cockburn) is as active as ever, and 
 success in general attends his undertakings. 
 
 From captain Napier, of the Euryalus frigate, to captain Gordon, 
 of the Seahorse. 
 
 Off Cape Henry, January Z4(h, 1815. 
 
 HERE I am in Lynhaven bay, the clippers sailing every day, 
 and losing them for want of fast sailers. All our prizes are well 
 disposed of. I have had a good deal to do with them, and not 
 many thanks as you may suppose from the agents. I have peti 
 tioned the prince regent in behalf of the whole of us, for a goo d 
 slice of prize-money, and I hope to succeed. You, I suppose, will 
 not be displeased at it. Excuse this hasty scrawl, I am in a d d 
 bad humour, having just returned from an unsuccessful chase. 
 
 NO. LXVIII. 
 
 NEGRO STEALING, &C. 
 
 AFTER the news of peace had reached the infamous Cock- 
 burn, at Cumberland Island, the following depredations were 
 committed on St. Simons, by the British. The respectable editor 
 of the Savannah Republican introduces the facts to the public by 
 assuring us that " implicit reliance may IDC placed" on the follow 
 ing statement: 
 
 " St. Simons, February 13, 1815. 
 
 " As the only person, at present, capable of making a just 
 representation of the losses sustained by the inhabitants of St. 
 Simons, I beg leave to state them to you, with a view that it may 
 be presented to the proper department. 
 
 Major Butler, (Hampton,) one hundred and fifty negroes.: 
 his dwelling-house rifled; groceries and every other article remo 
 ved to head-quarters (Cumberland.) 
 
 James Hamilton will be ruined as to his negro property; his 
 store pillaged; machinery employed in ginning the seed cotton 
 destroyed; the whole of his packed cotton removed. 
 
 A. C. Wylly, forty negroes taken, with his cotton. 
 
 E. Matthews, twenty-six negroes and six bales of cotton. 
 
APPENDIX. elxxxi 
 
 J. H. Giekie, fifteen negroes, several bales of cotton. 
 
 John Couper, the number of negroes unknown. 
 
 In truth, it is impossible to state circumstantially the loss 
 which the unfortunate inhabitants have sustained. Cattle slaugh 
 tered in every direction; property of every description held in re 
 quisition or destroyed. My feelings prevent my adding to this 
 hateful catalogue of wo." 
 
 To the above I will subjoin a list of the negroes taken from 
 the shores of the Mississippi by the British, whom they refused tq 
 surrender, under the pretext of considering them as deserters, as 
 it has been seen in this work. 
 
 Messrs. Jumonville de Villiers, 20 
 
 Kernion, - 2 
 
 Ducros, 9 
 
 Beauregard, 2 
 
 Dufossat, 1 
 
 Mendez, - .4 
 
 Delaronde, 7 
 
 Celestin Lachiapella, - 43 
 
 Versailles, 2- 
 
 Veillon and Solis, - - 2 
 
 Macarty, - 1 
 
 Jacques and Gabriel Villere, - 52 
 
 Lacoste, . 1 3 
 
 Delassize, - -6 
 
 Bienvenu, - 10 
 
 Delery, - - l 
 
 Reggio, - 3 
 
 Harang, - 1 
 
 Philipon, 5 
 
 Bronier, - 3 
 
 Leandre Lacoste, - 8 
 
 Dclino, - .4 
 
 Total 199 
 
 Besides the loss of their negroes, some of the planters 
 above named have experienced other heavy losses, such as the 
 whole of their cattle, horss, buildings, furniture, &c, to the 
 amount of more than two hundred thousand dollars. 
 
clxxxii APPENDIX. 
 
 NO. LXIX. 
 
 The following document was omitted in its proper place; it is 
 deemed, however, of too much importance to be excluded entirely, 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 Directed by major-general Jackson to be read at the head of each 
 of the corps cofnfiosmg" the line below JVeiu Orleans, Jan. 21, 
 1815. 
 CITIZENS AND FELLOW-SOLDIERS, 
 
 THE enemy has retreated, and your general has now leisure 
 to proclaim to the world what he has noticed with admiration and 
 pride your undaunted courage, your patriotism, and patience, 
 under hardships and fatigues. Natives of different states, acting 
 together, for the first time, in this camp; differing in habits and in 
 language, instead of viewing in these circumstances the germ of dis 
 trust and division, you have made them the source of an honourable 
 emulation, and from the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits 
 of an honourable union. This day completes the fourth week since 
 fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your number of men, who 
 had boasted of their discipline, and their services under a celebrated 
 leader, in a long and eventful war attacked them in their camp, 
 the moment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their hos 
 tile tread, and inflicted a blow which was a prelude to the final 
 result of their attempt to conquer, or their poor contrivances to 
 divide us. A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band, 
 though at the moment they received the welcome order to march 
 they were separated many leagues, in different directions from the 
 city. The gay rapidity of the march, and the cheerful counte 
 nances of the officers and men, would have induced a belief that 
 some festive entertainment, not the strife of battle, was the object 
 to which they hastened with so much eagerness and hilarity. In 
 the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my 
 communication to the executive of the United States have testified 
 the sense I entertained of the merits of the corps and officers that 
 were engaged. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in per 
 fect order on the next morning to these lines, destined to become 
 the scene of future victories, which they were to share with the 
 rest of you, my brave companions in arms. Scarcely were your 
 lines a protection against musket-shotj when on the 28th a dispa- 
 
APPENDIX. clxxxiii 
 
 sition was made to attack them with all the pomp and parade of 
 military tactics, as improved by those veterans of the Spanish war. 
 Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an incessant fire; 
 their rockets illuminated the air; and under their cover two strong 
 columns threatened our flanks. The foe insolently thought that 
 this spectacle was too imposing to be resisted, and in the intoxi- 
 tion of his pride he already saw our lines abandoned without a con 
 test how were those menacing appearances met? 
 
 By shouts of defiance, by a manly countenance, not to be 
 shaken by the roar of his cannon, by the glare of his firework 
 rockets; by an artillery served with superior skill, and with dead 
 ly effect. Never, my brave friends, can your general forget the 
 testimonials of attachment to our glorious cause, of indignant ha 
 tred to our foe, of affectionate confidence in your chief, that re 
 sounded from every rank, as he passed along your line. This 
 animating scene damped the courage of the enemy; he dropped 
 his scaling ladders and fascines, and the threatened attack dwin 
 dled into a demonstration, which served only to show the empti 
 ness of his parade, and to inspire you with a just confidence in 
 yourselves. 
 
 The new year was ushered in with the most tremendous fire 
 his whole artillery could produce: a few hours only, however, were 
 necessary for the brave and skilful men who directed our own to 
 dismount his cannon, destroy his batteries, and effectually silence 
 his fire. Hitherto, my brave friends, in the contest on our lines, 
 your courage had been passive only; you stood with calmness, a 
 fire that would have tried the firmness of a veteran, and you an 
 ticipated a nearer contest with an eagerness which was soon to be 
 gratified. 
 
 On the 8th of January the final effort, was made. At the 
 dawn of day the batteries opened and the columns advanced. 
 Knowing thatthe volunteers from Tennessee and the militia from 
 Kentucky were stationed on your left, it was there they directed 
 their chief attack. 
 
 Reasoning always from false principles, they expected little 
 opposition from men whose officers even were not in uniform, who 
 were ignorant of the rules of dress, and who had never been caned 
 into discipline fatal mistake! a fire incessantly kept up, directed 
 
clxxxiv APPENDIX. 
 
 with calmness and with unerring aim, strewed the field with the 
 bravest officers and men of the column which slowly advanced, 
 according to the most approved rules of European tactics, and 
 was cut down by the untutored courage of American militia. 
 Unable to sustain this galling- and unceasing fire, some hundreds 
 nearest the entrenchment called for quarter, which was granted 
 the rest retreating, were rallied at some distance, but only to make 
 them a surer mark for the grape and canister shot of our artil 
 lery, which, without exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks at 
 every discharge; and at length they precipitately retired from the 
 field. 
 
 Our right had only a short contest to sustain with a few rash 
 men who fatally for themselves, forced their entrance into the un 
 finished redoubt on the river. They were quickly dispossessed, 
 and this glorious day terminated with the loss to the enemy of 
 their commander-in-chief and one major-general killed, another 
 major-general wounded, the most experienced and bravest of their 
 officers, and more than three thousand men killed, wounded and 
 missing, while our ranks, my friends, were thinned only by the 
 loss of six of our brave companions killed, and seven disabled by 
 wounds wonderful interposition of Heaven! unexampled event 
 in the history of war! 
 
 Let us be grateful to the God of battles who has directed the 
 arrows of indignation against our invaders, while he covered with 
 his protecting shield the brave defenders of their country. 
 
 After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt, their spirits 
 were broken, their force was destroyed, and their whole attention 
 was employed in providing the means of escape. This they have 
 effected; leaving their heavy artillery in our power, and many of 
 their wounded to our clemency. The consequences of this short, 
 but decisive campaign, are incalculably important. The .pride of 
 our arrogant enemy humbled, his forces broken, his leaders killed, 
 his insolent hopes of our disunion frustrated his expectation of 
 rioting in our spoils and wasting our country changed into igno 
 minious defeat, shameful flight, and a reluctant acknowledgment 
 of the humanity and kindness of those whom he had doomed to 
 all the horrors and humiliation of a conquered state. 
 
APPENDIX, clxxxv 
 
 On the other side, unanimity established, disaffection crushed, 
 confidence restored, your country saved from conquest, your pro 
 perty from pillage, your wives and daughters from insult and vio 
 lation the union preserved from dismemberment, and perhaps a 
 period put by this decisive stroke to a bloody and savage war. 
 These, my brave friends, are the consequences of the efforts you 
 have made, and the success with which they have been crowned 
 by Heaven. 
 
 These important results have been effected by the united 
 courage and perseverance of the army; but which the different 
 corps as well as the individuals that composed it, have vied with 
 each other in their exertions to produce. The share they have 
 respectively had, wiH be pointed out in the general order accom 
 panying this address. But the gratitude, the admiration of their 
 country, offers a fairer reward than that which any praises of the 
 general can bestow, and the best is that ol which they can never 
 be deprived, the consciousness of having done their duty, and of 
 meriting the applause they will receive. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Head- Quarters, 7th Military District, Camp below New Orleans, 
 
 Adjutant general s Office, January 21, 
 
 Before the camp at these memorable lines shall be broken 
 up, the general thinks it a duty to the brave army which has de 
 fended them, publicly to notice the conduct of the different corps 
 which compose it. The behaviour of the regular troops, consist 
 ing of parts of the 7th and 44th regiments of infantry, and the 
 corps of marines, all commanded by colonel Ross, has been such 
 as to merit his warm approbation. The 7th regiment was led by 
 major Peyre, and the 44th by captain Baker, in the action of the 
 23d, in a manner that does those officers the highest honour. 
 They have continued through the campaign to do their duty with 
 the same zeal and ability with which it was commenced. On that 
 occasion the country lost a valuable officer in the death of lieute 
 nant M^Clellan of the 7th infantry, who fell while bravely leading 
 his company Lieutenant Dupuy of the 44th, although severely 
 wounded in this action, returned in time to take a share in all the 
 subsequent attacks. 
 
 a a 
 
clxxxvi APPENDIX. 
 
 To the Tennessee mounted gunmen, to their gallant leader, 
 brigadier-general Coffee, the general presents his warmest thanks, 
 not only for their uniform good conduct in action, but for the 
 wonderful patience with which they have borne the fatigue, and 
 the perseverance with which they surmounted the difficulties of a 
 most painful inarch, in order to meet the enemy a diligence and 
 zeal to which we probably owe the salvation of the country. Or 
 dinary activity would have brought them too late to act the bril 
 liant part they have performed in the defeat of our invaders. All 
 the officers of that corps have distinguished themselves; but the 
 general cannot avoid mentioning the name of lieutenant-colonel 
 Lauderdale who fell on the night of the 23d and those of colo 
 nels Dyer, Gibson and Elliott, who were wounded, but disdaining 
 personal considerations, remained firm to their duty. 
 
 The cavalry from the Mississippi territory, under their en- 
 terprizing leader major Hinds, was always ready to perform eve 
 ry service which the nature of the country enabled them to exe 
 cute. The daring manner in which they reconnoitred the enemy 
 on his lines, excited the admiration of one army and the astonish 
 ment of the other. 
 
 Major-general Carrol, commanding the detachment of West 
 Tennessee militia, has shown the greatest zeal for the service, a 
 strict attention to duty, and an ability and courage that will always 
 recommend him to the gratitude of his country. His troops have, 
 since the lines were formed, occupied and defended the weakest 
 part of them, and borne, without a murmur, an encampment on a 
 marshy and unhealthy soil. In the memorable action of the 8th 
 January, the chief effort of the enemy was directed against them; 
 but their valour, and that of the brave men who supported them, 
 (general Coffee s brigade on the left, and a part of the Kentucky 
 troops on the right) soon made it clear that a rampart of high- 
 minded men is a better defence than the most regular fortification. 
 
 General Adair, who, owing to the indisposition 6f general 
 Thomas, brought up the Kentucky militia, has shown that troops 
 will always be valiant when their leaders are so. No men ever 
 displayed a more gallant spirit than these did under that most va- 
 l liable officer. His country is under obligations to him. 
 
APPENDIX. clxxxvh 
 
 The general would be ungrateful or insensible to merit, if he 
 <did not particularly notice the conduct of the officers and men 
 who so bravely supported and so skilfully directed his artillery. 
 Colonel M Rea, in the action of the 23d, showed, as he always 
 does, great courage. Lieutenant Spotts, under whose immediate 
 direction our artillery had been placed, led it to action with a da 
 ring courage worthy of admiration. Captain Humphrey com 
 manded the first battery on our right- the service is greatly in 
 debted to that officer, not only for the able and gallant manner in 
 which he directed his fire, but for the general activity he dis 
 played in his department. 
 
 Lieutenant Norris of the navy, with Mr. Walker Martin and 
 a detachment of seamen, was stationed at the 2d battery; and lieu 
 tenant Crawley, with Mr. W. Livingston (master s mate) with a 
 similar detachment, were stationed at a thirty-two-pounder, which 
 was remarkably well directed they performed their duty with 
 the zeal and bravery which has always characterized the navy of 
 the United States. Captains Dominique and Belluche, lately com 
 manding privateers at Barataria, with part of their former crew 
 and many brave citizens of New Orleans, were stationed at Nos. 3 
 and 4. The general cannot avoid giving his warm approbation of 
 the manner in which these gentlemen have uniformly conducted 
 themselves while under his command, and of the gallantry with 
 which they have redeemed the pledge they gave at the opening 
 of the campaign to defend the country. The brothers Lafitte 
 .have exhibited the same courage and fidelity; and the general 
 promises that the government shall be duly apprized of their con 
 duct. Colonel Perry, deputy quarter-master-general, volunteered 
 his services at No. 6 he was ably aided by lieutenant Kerr of the 
 artillery his battery was well served, bravely supported, and 
 greatly annoyed the enemy Nos. 8 and 9 were directed by lieu 
 tenant Spotts with his usual skill and bravery, assisted by Mr. 
 Cheaveau. 
 
 The general takes the highest pleasure in noticing the conduct 
 of general Garrigue de Flaujac, commanding one of the brigades 
 of militia of this state, and member of the senate. His brigade not 
 being in the field as soon as the invasion was known, he repaired 
 to the camp and offered himself as a volunteer for the service of a 
 
clxxxviii APPENDIX. 
 
 piece of artillery, which he directed with the skill which was to 
 be expected from an experienced artillery officer: disdaining the 
 exemption afforded by his seat in the senate, he continued in this 
 subordinate but honourable station, and by his example as well as 
 his exertion, has rendered essential services to his country. Mr. 
 Sebastian Hiriard of the same body, set the same example, served 
 a considerable time in the ranks of the volunteer battalion, and af 
 terwards as adjutant of the coloured troops. Major Plauche s 
 battalion of volunteers, though deprived of the valuable services 
 of major Carmac, who commanded them, by a wound which that 
 officer received in the attack of the 28th of December, have re 
 alized all the anticipations which the general had formed of their 
 conduct. Major Plauche, and major St. Geme of that corps, have 
 distinguished themselves by their activity, their courage, and their 
 zeal; and the whole corps have greatly contributed to enable the 
 general to redeem the pledge he gave, when at the opening of the 
 campaign he promised the country, not only safety, but a splendid 
 triumph over its insolent invaders. The two corps of coloured 
 volunteers have not disappointed the hopes that were formed of 
 their courage and perseverance in the performance of their duty. 
 Majors Lacoste and Daquin, who commanded them, have deserv 
 ed well of their country. Captain Savary s conduct has been no 
 ticed in the account rendered of the battle of the 23d, and that 
 officer has since continued to merit the highest praise. Captain 
 Beale s company of the city riflemen has sustained by its subse 
 quent conduct the reputation it acquired in the action of the 23d. 
 Colonel de la llonde, of the Louisiana militia, has been extremely 
 serviceable by his exertions, and has shown great courage, and an 
 uniform attachment to the cause of the country. 
 
 General Humbert, who offered his services as a volunteer, 
 has continually exposed himself to the greatest dangers, with his 
 characteristic bravery, as has also the Mexican field-marshal, 
 Don Juan de Anaya, who acted in the same capacity. The ge 
 neral acknowledges the important assistance he has received from 
 commodore Patterson, as well by his professional exertion, as the 
 zealous co-operation of his department during the whole course of 
 the campaign. Captain Henley, on board of the Carolina, and af 
 terwards in directing the erection of several batteries at the bayou 
 
APPENDIX. clxxxix 
 
 and on the right bank of the river, was of great utility to the ar 
 my. Lieutenant Alexis, of the navy, stationed in the navy arse 
 nal, was indefatigable in exertions to forward to the army every 
 thing which could facilitate its operations- his zeal and activity 
 deserve the notice of the government. Major Nicks, who, by an 
 accidental wound was deprived of the pleasure of commanding 
 the 7th regiment during the campaign, was continually employed 
 in the fort, and furnished the ammunition and the artillery that was 
 wanted with the greatest activity and promptitude. To the vo 
 lunteers of the Mississippi territory, and to the militia of the re 
 moter parts of this state, who have arrived since the decisive ac 
 tion of the 8th, the general tenders his thanks, and is convinced 
 that nothing but opportunity was wanting to entitle them to the 
 praises that have been merited by the rest of the army. Captain 
 Ogden s troop of horse was peculiarly useful by their local know 
 ledge of the ground on which they acted; and the small detach 
 ment of the Attacapas dragoons, stationed near head-quarters, 
 were indefatigable in performing all the duties which devolved on 
 them. 
 
 The general would not do justice to his staff if he did not be 
 stow deserved praise on the adjutant-general, colonel Butler, and 
 bis assistant, major Chotard, for their zeal and activity in the im 
 portant department of service confided to them, and for the brave 
 ry which led them wherever danger or duty required their pre 
 sence. The vigilance, courage, and attention to duty, exhibited 
 during the campaign by colonel Haynes, and his two assistants, 
 majors Davis and Hampton, have been appreciated, as they de 
 served to be, by the general. 
 
 The general s aids-de-camp, Thomas L. Butler and captain 
 John Reed, as well as his volunteer aids, Messrs. Livingston, 
 Duncan, Grymes, Duplessis and major Davezac de Castera, the 
 judge advocate, have merited the thanks of the general by the 
 calm and deliberate courage they have displayed on every occa 
 sion, and in every situation that called it forth. The topographi 
 cal engineer, major Tatum, exhibited all the ardour of youth in the 
 hour of peril, united to the experience acquired by his long ser 
 vices. The chief engineer, major Lacarriere Latour, has been 
 useful to the army by his talents and bravery. The same praises 
 
<;xc APPENDIX. 
 
 are due to his assistants, captain Lewis Livingston and Mr. La- 
 trobe. The medical staff has merited well of the country, and the 
 general would not do justice to his own feelings were he to with 
 hold from Dr. Kerr, hospital surgeon, who volunteered his services, 
 and Dr. Flood, the just tribute of applause deserved by them for 
 their medical skill and personal bravery. The quarter-master s 
 department, though deprived of the personal exertions of colonel 
 Piatt, who was wounded in the night action of the 23d, performed 
 well their duties. Major-general Villere and brigadier Morgan 
 have merited the approbation of the general by their unwearied 
 attention since they took the field. 
 
 The large mortar was ably directed by captain Lefebre and 
 by Mr. Gilbert. Captaia Blanchard was very useful as an engi 
 neer, and merits the general s praise for the celerity and skill with 
 which he erected the battery which now commands the river, on 
 the right of the camp. Mr. Busquet and Mr. Ducoin, of major 
 St. Geme s company, displayed great knowledge and dexterity as 
 artillerists. To the whole army the general presents the assur 
 ance of his official approbation, and of his individual regard. This 
 splendid campaign will be considered as entitling every man who 
 has served in it to the salutation of his brother in arms. 
 By command, 
 
 ROBERT BUTLER, Adjt. Gen. 
 
CATALOGUE OF BOOKS 
 
 PUBLISHED 
 
 BY JOHN CONRAD & CO. 
 
 NO. 68 CHESNUT-STREET, PHILADELPHIA* 
 
 BONAPARTE S CAMPAIGN IN RUSSIA. 
 
 A Circumstantial Narrative of the Campaign in Russia, embel 
 lished with plans of the battles of Moskwa and Malo-Jaroslavitz, 
 containing a faithful description of the affecting: and interesting 
 scenes of which the author was an eye witness. By Eugene JLa- 
 daume, captain of the royal geographical engineers, ex-officer of 
 the ordnance ut prince Eugene, Sec. Sec; 
 
 " The expedition of Bonaparte into Russia, of which this work 
 contains a circumstantial account, possesses, both in itself and in 
 the results which followed, claims to attention far surpassing those 
 of which any other military narrative can boast. The army which 
 was destined for the subversion of the Russian empire exhibited 
 a rare combination of all that was most precious in the military 
 art. It formed the grandest display of human power which the 
 world had ever seen, whether we look to the quality and equip 
 ment of the troops, the genius, talent, and devotion of the lead 
 ers, or to the extraordinary and enterprising character of its hi 
 therto victorious chief, The sudden destruction of this immense 
 power, and of the system which it upheld, is one of those extra 
 ordinary revolutions in human affairs which rouses the most indif 
 ferent to reflection. The author of the work before us was et- 
 gaged in the memorable and ill-fated enterprise, as one of the en 
 gineers of the fourth corps, commanded by Eugene Beauharnois, 
 and relates what came under his own personal observation. It 
 was by the light of the flames of Moscow that he penned the sto 
 ry of its conflagration; the narrative of the unfortunate passage of 
 the Beresina was written on the banks of that river; and the plans 
 of the different battles were taken on the ground on which they 
 were fought. The difficulties which he had to overcome in the 
 prosecution of such a work may be easily conceived. Struggling, 
 with his companions in arms, against the most urgent wants c( 
 nature benumbed with cold, and tormented with hunger uncer 
 tain at the rising of the sun if he should see its parting rays, and 
 doubting at night if he should see the morning s dawn, he pursu 
 ed his melancholy task, generally at night, beside a wretched 
 
tire, and surrounded by his dead and dying companions. Such is 
 the striking and affecting account of the circumstances under 
 which the author collected the materials of his interesting narra 
 tive. Nor are we disposed to call in question the truth of his re 
 presentation; for his descriptions, however powerful and striking* 
 bear not the least mark of exaggeration. Plain facts are narrated; 
 and though they may be occasionally thrown together with some 
 degree of art, so as to heighten the general effect of the picture, 
 we have no doubt that the representation falls far short of the rea 
 lity." Edinburgh He-view. 
 
 " The rank and honours enjoyed by M. JLabaume under the ex- 
 emperor inspire us with confidence; and hU official narrative 
 commands our warmest approbation. He relates what he has ac 
 tually seen, he describes what he has really felt, while partaking 
 the heaviest disasters that ever befel a great nation. His is not a 
 specious romance, artfully arranged, and heightened by false co 
 louring; but a sad and memorable tale, retracing existing horrors. 
 
 " We have greatly to admire the language in which M, La- 
 baume speaks of the ex-emperor. 
 
 " M. Labaume s animated descriptions reach to every heart. 
 His style is simple and unaffected; but it is distinguished by a 
 genuine pathos that powerfully interests th.e feelings. 
 
 Critical Review. 
 
 CHARLEMAGNE. 
 
 Charlemagne, or the Church Delivered-, an Epic Poem, in 
 twenty-four books. By Lucien Bonaparte, of the Institute of 
 France, &c. Translated by the Rev. S. Butler, D. D. and the Rev. 
 Francis Hodgson, A. M, 2 vols. 24mo. g2. 
 
 AGRICULTURAL CHEMISTRY. 
 
 Elements of Agricultural Chemistry; in a Course of Lectures 
 for the Board of Agriculture. By Sir Humphrey Davy, L. L. 
 D. F. R. S. &c. Price in boards, $2 75 cts. 
 
 ARTS AND MANUFACTURES. 
 
 A Statement of the Arts and Manufactures of the United States 
 of America, exhibiting a collection of facts, evincing their bene* 
 factions to agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the fisheries; 
 and their subserviency to the public defence: the actual progress, 
 condition, and establishment of American Arts and Manufactures, 
 and their connexion with the wealth and strength of the United 
 
States: together with a series of tables of the several branches of 
 American manufactures, exhibiting them by states, territories, 
 districts, and counties, as returned in the reports of the marshals 
 and secretaries of territories Prepared in execution of an in 
 struction from the Secretary of the Treasury. By Tench Coxe, 
 esq. Quarto, g3 25 cts. 
 
 DUYDEN S VIRGIL. 
 
 The Works of Virgil, translated into English verse, by John 
 Dryden. Miniature: two vols. in one, with elegant plates. $1 75 cts. 
 
 GOLDSMITH S ROMAN HISTORY, abridged by himself, 
 for the use f schools. 
 
 THE BROKEN HARP. Poems, by H. C. Knight. 75 cts. 
 
 EUROPEAN COMMERCE, 
 
 Showing new and secure channels of trade with the continent 
 of Europe: detailing the produce, manufactures, and commerce 
 of Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, and Germany, with a ge 
 neral view of the trade, navigation, produce, and manufactures 
 of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. By I. Jep 
 son Oddy. 2 vols. $5. 
 
 NEW BOOKS 
 
 FOR SALE BY JOHN CONRAD & CO. 
 
 Stack s Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles, explanatory and 
 practical. Price gl 50 cents. 
 
 Cobbetfs Weekly Political Register, vol. 27th, from January -to 
 July 1815. 
 
 Cobbett *s Letter to the People of the United States. 25 cts. 
 
 Cobbett s Letter to Lord Caatlereagh on the Surrender of Na 
 poleon Bonaparte. 25 cts. 
 
 Rhymes on Art, or the Remonstrance of a Painter, in two parts, 
 with Notes and a Preface, including Strictures on the state of 
 the arts, criticism, and public taste, By Martin Archer Shee, R 
 A. gl 37J, 
 
 Chateaubriand s Beauties of Christianity; with a Preface and 
 Notes, by the Rev. Henry Kett, B. D. $3. 
 
 Select American Speeches, forensic and jfiarliamentary ; with 
 prefatory remarks; being a sequel to Dr. Chapman s Select 
 Speeches. 2 vols. g5. 
 
 Maria, or the Hollanders; by Louis Bonaparte. 2 vols. 
 The Queen s Wake; a legendary poem, by James Hogg, gi 
 
Roderick, the Last of the Visigoths; a tragic poem; by Robert 
 Southey gl 25 cts. 
 
 Memoirs of Lady Hamilton; embellished with her portrait, gl. 
 
 General Sarrazin s History of the War in Sfiain and Portugal, 
 from 1807 to 1814; illustrated with a map. $2 50. 
 
 Journal of Events in Paris, from June 29, 1815, to July 13, 
 1815. 50 cts. 
 
 Iivanoivna; or, The Maid of Moscow; a novel. By the author 
 of A Son of a Genius, the Sisters, &c. gl. 
 
 The Pilgrims of the Sun; by James Hogg, author of the Queen s 
 Wake. 75 cents. 
 
 Hebrew Melodies; by Lord Byron. 37 i 9 cents. 
 
 The United States Naval Register. 37 1-2 cents. 
 
 The Velvet Cushion; by J. W. Cunningham, A. M. 50 cents. 
 
 Anew Covering for the Velvet Cushion. 50 cents. 
 
 The Lord of the Isles; a poem, by Walter Scott, gl. 
 
 A Collection of Poems on American Affairs, and a Variety of 
 .other Subjects, chiefly moral and political; written between the 
 
 year 1797 and the present time. By Philip Freneau 2 vols. gl 
 
 50 cts. 
 
 Discipline; by the author of Self Control. 2 vols. g2. 
 
 Duty; by Mrs. Roberts, gl 50 cts. 
 
 Bernard s Tour through France, Italy, Belgium, &c. gl 121-2 
 
 Character and Practical Writings of St. Paul; by Hannah More 
 81- 
 
 Chateaubriand s Travels. g2 75. 
 
 Guy Mannering, or the Astrologer; by the author of Waverly 
 2 vols. g2. 
 
 An Inquiry into the Causes of the present state of the Circulating 1 
 Medium of the United States. 25 cents. 
 
 Speeches of the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. g2 75. 
 
 The Life of the most noble Arthur, Marquis Marl of Wellington, 
 Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, &c. g2 50 cts. 
 
 Paris in 1812 and 1814. By the Rev. William Shepherd, gl. 
 The Wanderer, or Female Difficulties; by Madame D Arbly, 
 author of Evelina, Cecelia, and Camilla. 3 vols. g3. 
 The Recluse of Norway; by Miss Porter. 2 vols. g2. 
 The Poems of Lord Byron. g2 75 cts. 
 Waverly, or ^Tis Sixty Years Since. 2 vols. gl 75 cts. 
 
 The Olive Branch, or Faults on bvtli sides; Federal and Demo 
 cratic; by M. Carey. 2 vo!s. g2. 
 
 Reflections, Notes, and Original Anecdotes, illustrating the Cha 
 racter of Peter the Great. To which is added, a Tragedy, in five 
 acts, entitled, Alexis, the Czarewitz* By Alexis Eustaphieve. gl 
 
RETURN TO the circulation desk of any 
 University of California Library 
 
 or to the 
 
 NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 Bldg. 400, Richmond Field Station 
 University of California 
 Richmond, CA 94804-4698 
 
 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 
 
 2-month loans may be renewed by calling 
 (510)642-6753 
 
 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing 
 books to NRLF 
 
 Renewals and recharges may be made 4 
 days prior to due date. 
 
 DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 
 
 MAR 07 2000 
 
 12,000(11/95) 
 
YB 37399 
 
 -2(26.579 Ti 
 
 
 
 V )i 
 
 jL , A 1 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY