BIOGRAPHY 
 
 OF 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, 
 
 PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 FORMERLY 
 
 MAJOR GENERAL 
 
 INTHB 
 
 ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 BY PHILO A. GOODWIN, ESd. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY CLAPP AND BENTON. 
 
 1832. 
 
Entered according to act of Congress, in we year 1832, by Clapp and Benton, in 
 the Clerk s office of the District of Connecticut. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS volume is not presented to the public in igno 
 rance of the fact, that at a period of high political 
 excitement like the present, its reception by many will 
 be rather ungracious. Of this, we are not disposed 
 to complain, although it has been our studious endea 
 vor in the preparation of this work to avoid every 
 thing obnoxious to the political opponents of Andrew 
 Jackson ; unless, indeed, the defence of his public acts, 
 interwoven with the detail of them, should produce 
 this eifect. 
 
 It may be a matter of inquiry, why another volume, 
 detailing the leading incidents in the life of an indi- 
 dual so favorably and universally known as that of 
 Andrew Jackson, should be added to the multiplicity 
 of works that have already appeared upon the same 
 subject. Under circumstances differing from those in 
 which it appears before the public, an answer to the 
 inquiry could not perhaps be satisfactorily made. But 
 it will be recollected that the biographical details of 
 his public life, of any note, heretofore published, ap 
 peared immediately after the termination of his bril 
 liant military career. The important advantages which 
 the exercise of his talents and courage had achieved for 
 
 M97412 
 
ms country "in the fortunate termination of Ihelxmfer 
 wars with the savage nations on our southwestern 
 frontier, and those of a still greater magnitude result 
 ing from his single triumph over our civilized foes, 
 were then almost universally appreciated by his coun 
 trymen. They saw, they felt and acknowledged, that 
 the benefits his valor had won, were of no puerile or 
 ordinary description, and with the fulness of their 
 appreciation of them, their gratitude was commensu 
 rate. The mutterings of censure were indeed occa 
 sionally heard, but they were soon silenced by the 
 light of truth and the wholesome rebuke of public 
 sentiment. But emotions of gratitude for favors re 
 ceived, are often weakened by time, or supplanted by 
 interest or prejudice, which may account for the fact 
 of subsequent attempts being made, to depreciate the 
 merits of one of America s most distinguished sons, 
 and of whom the nation may be justly proud. His 
 acts, and the motives which prompted them, have been 
 denounced, and before the tribunal of public opinion 
 been subjected to the severest scrutiny and the strict 
 est investigation ; and his fame has passed the ordeal, 
 with a lustre still brighter and more imperishable. 
 Our object has been to present a history of his actions 
 in the light in which this investigation has placed 
 them ; to what extent we have succeeded, an impar 
 tial public will decide. 
 
 " When the community entertain different views 
 of the conduct or motives of an individual, who has 
 acted in a highly responsible capacity, it is extremely 
 difficult to concentrate opinion by presenting a series 
 of truths. Prejudice operates with peculiar force on 
 one class, while the other, however well convinced of 
 
PREFACE. , V 
 
 / * /** 
 
 their error, are unwilling to be thought inconsistent, 
 and, therefore, never acknowledge the falsity of the 
 course of reasoning they have once adopted." We 
 are not, therefore, unaware of our exposure to cen 
 sure, in the publication of this work, from those who 
 may not subscribe to the character delineated of its 
 subject. But the task has been begun and completed 
 with purity of motive and honesty of purpose, and 
 whatever animadversion may fall to our share, we 
 trust will be met in a becoming spirit of forbearance. 
 We have not the vanity to believe that any thing it 
 contains will influence a solitary individual in his 
 opinion of the merits or demerits of Andrew Jackson 
 for the station he now occupies ; yet we have the 
 satisfaction of reflecting, that the suspicion of being 
 influenced by such a motive, can with no degree of 
 justice be imputed to us, for its circulation, whatever 
 it may be, will have only commenced before his poli 
 tical destiny will have been decided. 
 
 For the imperfections of this work, our readers will 
 undoubtedly exercise a proper degree of indulgence 
 It is before them, and will have its day it will re 
 ceive its meed of approbation and censure, and be 
 forgotten ; but the fame of the illustrious man, who 
 is the subject of it his exalted patriotism his Ro 
 man virtue his unyielding firmness when surrounded 
 by the most disheartening and inveterate difficulties 
 his skill and energy in planning and completing 
 the defence of his country, in the seasons of her great 
 est peril his daring courage in the day of battle 
 his upright and fearless discharge of the highly re 
 sponsible duties appertaining to the presidency of this 
 
 mighty communion of states, will live, as noble ex- 
 A2 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 * * *. 
 
 amples, inspiring the love of glory and virtue, long 
 after the present generation of men, their hopes and 
 fears, their joys and sorrows, are mingled with the 
 dust of buried ages. 
 
 For the materials which compose this work, we 
 have availed ourselves of every thing within our reach, 
 whether furnished by friends or enemies. For the 
 defence of several of General Jackson s public acts, 
 we are indebted to an able writer of Virginia. A small 
 portion of the detail is in the language of others who 
 have heretofore written on the same subject, and 
 which has been used without the usual mark of cre 
 dit; other characteristics, however, will readily dis 
 tinguish it. An appendix had been contemplated, for 
 an amplification of some of the parts which consti 
 tute the body of the work: the extension of the volume, 
 however, beyond its original design, has rendered its 
 omission necessary. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 Hartford, Oct. 1st, 1832. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory remarks Birth of Mr. Jackson His parentage War 
 of the Revolution He engages in the war Is taken prisoner Re 
 sists the command of a British officer Mrs. Jackson Her virtues 
 Her death Mr. Jackson an orphan Studies law Admitted to 
 the bar Removes to the South West Territory Appointed attorney 
 general Member of the Tennessee convention A representative in 
 congress A senator in congress Judge of the supreme court 
 Burr s conspiracy Charges against him refuted 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Mr. Jackson a major general The war of 1812 Causes which led to 
 it Indian hostilities General Harrison checks them The South- 
 em tribes Tecumseh appears among them Excites them to hos 
 tility The Creeks Their hostile preparations Acts of congress 
 for raising volunteers General Jackson addresses the militia of his 
 division His expedition to Natchez Disobeys the order of the se 
 cretary of war Is justified Creek war Massacre of Fort Mimms 
 General Jackson marches against the Creeks Battle of Tallus- 
 hatches General Jackson s and General Coffee s report of it. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Tennessee forces Message of General White Fortress of Talladega 
 Its danger General Jackson advances to its protection General 
 White refuses to form a junction with him General Jackson crosses 
 the Coosa Battle of Talladega Official report of it Consequen 
 ces of General White s conduct General Floyd Battle of Autous- 
 see Official report of it Difficulties of General Jackson s situation 
 Famine and mutiny among his troops His firmness Arrival of 
 supplies Discontent of his troops continues Governor Blount 
 His instructions General Jackson dismisses his corps New troops 
 raised General Claiborne His victory upon the Alabama. . 52 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Newly raised troops They arrive at Fort Strother Join the forces 
 of General Jackson He marches them to Talladega The enemy 
 at Emuckfaw river General Jackson advances upon them Attacks 
 them His official report of the battle Important results of his vic 
 tory Operations of the Georgia forces General Floyd s victory 
 The Creeks fortify themselves at the Horse-Shoe General Jackson 
 attacks them Defeats them His account of the battle He is cen 
 sured for his severity to the Creeks Causes which justified his treat 
 ment of them His vindication 69 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Fort Williams Marches to the Hickory 
 Grounds Prospects of the Creeks They sue for peace General 
 Pinckuey arrives at Fort Jackson Interchange of courtesies be 
 tween him and General Jackson General Pirickney assumes the 
 command Disbands the troops General Jackson returns to Ten 
 nessee His reception there Is appointed to negotiate with the 
 Creeks Eloquence of the Chiefs He concludes a peace with them 
 Spanish aggressions Correspondence between General Jackson 
 and Governor Manriquez General Jackson at Mobile Attack on 
 Fort Bowyer Major Lawrence s report of it 90 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Importance of Fort Bowyer Inadequacy of its defence Arrival of 
 General Coffee and Tennessee forces General Jackson marches to 
 Pensacola The Spanish Governor s preparations for his reception 
 General Jackson sends Major Pierre with a flag He is fired at 
 from the forts General Jackson attacks and subdues the place 
 Colonel Nicoll His proclamation Censure of General Jackson 
 for his operations in the Spanish territory The legality and justice 
 of his measures defended. 110 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The safety of New Orleans menaced General Jackson commences 
 his march for that place Defenceless situation of Louisiana Disaf 
 fection among the inhabitants General Jackson arrives at New 
 Orleans Despondency of the people His exertions in their behalf 
 He addresses them, and makes preparations for defence Defec 
 tion of the French population Causes that led to the proclamation 
 of martial law General Jackson proclaims it Defence of the mea- 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 sure Arrival of reinforcements Battle of the twenty-third of De 
 cember Consequences resulting from it. ... .*.-, . -v . 120 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Effect*, of the battle of the twenty-third Ladies of New Orleans- 
 Their patriotic exertions American lines of defence General Jack 
 son s exertions Loss of the schooner Caroline Battle of the 28th 
 December Battle of the 1st January Repulsion of the enemy 
 on that occasion Sir Edward Pakenham Discoveries made by 
 time 138 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Belligerent preparations Arrival of Kentucky reinforcements Ope 
 rations of General Pakenham Advances upon the American work* 
 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS Result of the battle Retreat 
 of the army Fort St. Philips Major Overton s gallant defence of 
 it Consequences of the victory of New Orleans General Jackson 
 addresses his soldiers 147 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Retrospection General Jackson appoints a day of thanksgiving Dr 
 Dubourg s address to General Jackson His reply Generals Coffee, 
 Carroll, and Adair Their merits General Jackson still continues 
 to strengthen his measures of defence Treaty of peace between the 
 United States and England General Jackson s farewell address to 
 his army 165 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Recapitulation Facts relative to the proclamation of martial law 
 Habeas Corpus Louallier Judge Hall Defence of General Jack 
 son s suspension of the writ of habeas corpus He is arrested His 
 reasons showing cause why an attachment for contempt should not 
 be heard against him Consequences that would result from a strict 
 adherence to the civil code in seasons of peril 174 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Nashville Receives the congratulations of 
 his countrymen He is appointed commander-in-chief of the southern 
 military division of the United States Vote of thanks to him, from 
 the Tennessee legislature Repairs to Washington Receives the 
 congratulations of the citizens of Lynchburg at a public dinner 
 Returns to Nashville Proceeds from thence to New Orleans Grate- 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 ful reception from the inhabitants He concludes a treaty with the 
 Indians Issues a general order Defence of it 194 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Causes that led to the Seminole war General Jackson invades Florida 
 Is censured for it Defence of the measure His letter to the go 
 vernor of Georgia Detail of the causes which elicited it Destruc 
 tion of the Chehaw village, and its consequences 904 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Jackson arrives at Fort St. Marks Captures it Censures of 
 him for his operations in Florida Circumstances justifying his acts 
 Arbuthnot and Ambrister Their agency in producing the Semi 
 nole war Justification of their punishment Detail of the particu 
 lars of the Seminole war as given by General Jackson. . . . 221 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Nashville His reception Cession of the 
 Floridas to the United States General Jackson appointed governor 
 of them Delicacy of his situation His proclamation to the people 
 
 Spanish officers Colonel Callava His measures in relation to 
 them justified 254 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 General Jackson resigns the government of the Floridas Is nomina 
 ted by the Tennessee legislature for the presidency Is elected to the 
 senate of the United States Lafayette visits him at the Hermitage 
 President elected by the house "of representatives Mr. Adams 
 chosen General Jackson again nominated Resigns his seat in the 
 senate in consequence His address to the Tennessee legislature on 
 that occasion Visits various towns in Tennessee His replies to 
 addresses made to him by his fellow-citizens Receives an invitation 
 to attend the celebration of the 8th January at New Orleans Des 
 cription of that celebration .... 278 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Violence of party spirit General Jackson elected president of the 
 United States Death of Mrs. Jackson General Jackson declines 
 the acceptance of invitations to public entertainments, on his way to 
 Washington He repairs to the seat of government His reception 
 
 Inauguration Inaugural address His cabinet Removals from 
 office Defence of the measure His first message to congress. 310 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Approbation of the Message Maysville Road Bill Returned to the 
 house by General Jackson, with his objections Mr. Barbour s de 
 fence of this official act Meeting of Congress in 1830 General 
 Jackson s Message Remarks upon it Correspondence between him 
 and Mr. Calhoun Developments made by that correspondence Its 
 beneficial results to General Jackson. . . . . ,:* : . . . 356 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Dissolution of the cabinet Letter of resignation from the secretary of 
 state General Jackson s reply Causes which led to the dissolution 
 Its effects Re-organization of the cabinet Meeting of the 22d 
 congress President s message Remarks upon it Rejection by the 
 senate of Mr. Van Buren s nomination Motives that led to it 
 Bill for re-chartering the United States bank, passes both houses of 
 congress Is presented to the president He returns it with his veto 
 Veto message Its effects His honor and character Anecdotes 
 Conclusion , . . 371* 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Introductory Remarks Birth of Mr. Jackson His 
 parentage War of the Revolution He engages in 
 the war Is taken prisoner Resists the command 
 of a British officer Mrs. Jackson Her virtues 
 Her death Mr. Jackson an orphan Studies law 
 Admitted to the bar Removes to the South West 
 Territory Appointed Attorney General Member 
 of the Tennessee Convention A representative 
 in Congress A senator in Congress Judge of 
 tlie Supreme Court Burr s conspiracy Charges 
 against him refuted. 
 
 WHENEVER an individual, by the force of his own pe 
 culiar talents and energy, has raised himself from ob 
 scurity to the highest attainable summit of earthly distinc 
 tion, a curiosity, very natural in itself, is engendered, to 
 learn something of his early history ; to trace the first 
 workings of a mind, whose conceptions have laid the 
 foundation, and whose perseverance has raised before the 
 admiring gaze of the world, a monument of undying fame. 
 This indulgence often proves unsatisfactory, as instances 
 are numerous of men whose maturity has developed 
 powers that have commanded the admiration of the world, 
 who, in early life, gave no indication of future greatness. 
 The province of the biographer, however, in commencing 
 the life of his subject, is always the same, whether the 
 early years of his hero were rife with spirit-stirring indi- 
 1 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cations of. ex^ltQcfc int,ellject, or exhibited nothing above the 
 ordinary, en4o wrnJentV of men. 
 
 . Audrey. Jact^pu wa,s ]?orn at Waxaw, district of Ma- 
 jrjoji,;, in \fcRe* State of South Carolina, on the 15th of 
 March,* 17*67*. His Itafh er Was a native of Ireland, and 
 emigrated to America with his family, a wife and two 
 sons, in 1765. The object of his emigration was, to 
 escape from the oppressions which were at that period 
 heaped by the English government upon the middle 
 and lower classes of that ill-fated country. He died 
 about two years after his emigration, and thus escaped 
 British tyranny ; which, unsatiated with its victims in 
 Europe, followed soon after, and planted its hideous 
 front upon the American shores. He left three sons, of 
 whom Andrew was the youngest, in a strange land, in 
 the helplessness of infancy and childhood, to the care 
 of their widowed mother, who executed the arduous 
 task of nurturing her children, in a manner that reflected 
 the highest credit upon her persevering fortitude, and ex 
 emplary devotedness to the exercise of the best impulses 
 of the human heart. Her pecuniary resources were 
 limited ; yet, by judicious management, she was enabled 
 to give her two eldest sons the rudiments of a common 
 education. Andrew she designed for the ministry ; and, 
 with this view, he was admitted as a student in an aca 
 demical institution, where the languages and the higher 
 branches of literature were taught. Here he com 
 menced the study of the classics ; and he would probably 
 have proceeded to effectuate the object designed, had he 
 not been interrupted by a train of events, which constitute 
 the brightest era in American history. We allude to the 
 war of the Revolution. The history of the world furnishes 
 no parallel, in which a contest has been maintained be 
 tween high handed oppression, and a total disregard of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 3 
 
 the rights of man on one part, and a determined and per 
 severing resistance of the oppressed on the other, and 
 which terminated so gloriously, as is exhibited in the re 
 volutionary struggle of our fathers. No portion of the 
 colonies suffered more from British invasion, than the 
 southern states. A considerable portion of them was for 
 a time completely overrun, and subjected to the cruelties 
 and indignities of a merciless soldiery. The eldest bro 
 ther of Andrew joined the army, and was killed at the 
 battle of Stono. Andrew Jackson, with his only surviving 
 brother, joined the American forces soon after, in defence 
 of their country and their homes, the former being only 
 fourteen years of age. 
 
 The southern colonies were, at this period, extremely 
 defenceless. Lord Cornwallis, the commander of the 
 British forces, found but little resistance in the com 
 mission of his depredations, from those whose lives and 
 liberties he was trampling in the dust ; consequently, 
 he left the country, and proceeded to the north, in pur 
 suit of a more extensive field for the exercise of his ex 
 terminating propensities, taking the precaution, however, 
 of leaving behind him a band of his myrmidons, suf 
 ficiently numerous to awe the vanquished into subjection. 
 On the departure of Cornwallis, the inhabitants of Wax- 
 aw, who had been dispersed by his troops, ventured 
 again to return and repair the ruins of the place, and 
 take measures for their defence. Camden was at this 
 period in the possession of Lord Rawdon, whose vigi 
 lance, worthy of a better cause, was awakened by news 
 that the inhabitants of Waxaw, whom he supposed to 
 have been effectually exterminated, were again preparing 
 for defensive operations. It is well known, that in this con 
 test the Americans were considered as rebels, who had 
 raised the standard of revolt, and set at defiance the su- 
 
4 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 premacy of their legitimate sovereign. That interchange 
 of courtesies, usually practised by belligerent nations, was 
 entirely dispensed with ; consequently, the contest was 
 maintained, on the part of Great Britain, with a spirit of 
 barbarity and cold-blooded extermination. Actuated by 
 these principles, Lord Rawdon availed himself of the as 
 sistance of the American Tories, whom he dispatched with 
 a detachment of British dragoons, under the command of 
 Major Coffin, to the destruction of Waxaw. The inha- 
 oitants were determined to defend themselves, though the 
 prospect of ultimate success was nearly hopeless. They 
 assembled, and were entrenching themselves in their 
 church, when they were suddenly surprised by the British 
 troops. Eleven of their number were taken prisoners, 
 and the residue escaped. Among the latter were Andrew 
 Jackson, and his brother. They were captured, however, 
 on the ensuing day, and an incident then occurred, which 
 developed the germings of a spirit, which has since 
 prompted its possessor to tne accomplishment uf deeds uf 
 noble daring. Every species of indignity was practised 
 upon the American prisoners, and, with other ill-treat 
 ment, young Jackson was ordered to clean the boots of a 
 British officer. He indignantly refused to obey the de 
 basing command, and demanded the treatment due to a 
 prisoner of war. The officer, enraged at the boldness of 
 the refusal, made a violent pass with his sword at the head 
 of the youth, which he parried with his hand, and received 
 a severe wound in consequence. This may, to many, seem 
 a trifling incident ; but when we reflect that he was only 
 fourteen years of age, and the prisoner of men who 
 butchered their opponents with a recklessness unknown in 
 the annals of modern warfare, his manly firmness and ex 
 alted sense of honor cannot, it is believed, fail to elicit the 
 meed of admiration. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 5 
 
 The fate of his brother was more tragical. He was 
 severely wounded upon the head, after being taken pri 
 soner ; and in this condition he was, with his brother 
 Andrew, thrown into prison, and confined by the order 
 of his captors in a separate cell. Here he remained 
 neglected, his wounds undressed, shut out from the as 
 sistance and sympathy of a single individual who could 
 have extended to him the hand of relief, till an exchange 
 of prisoners took place, when he was returned to die 
 under his mother s roof. The neglect of his wound 
 while in prison, produced an inflammationjof the brain, 
 which terminated in death. We cannot here forbear pay- 
 . ing a small tribute to the memory of the excellent mother 
 of Mr. Jackson. She had remained in Europe* till Bri 
 tish oppression threatened to overwhelm her family. She 
 then, with her husband and children, sought an asylum 
 on the American shores ; but even here the same oppress 
 ors followed her. A lone widow, in a land of strangers, 
 she succeeded in rearing her children to the dawn of man 
 hood, only to see them fall by the hands of a merciless 
 enemy. The last efforts of her life were spent in mitigating 
 the sufferings, and extending relief to the prisoners who 
 were captured in her neighborhood : but when she saw 
 Jier children fall those whom in the ardor of maternal 
 affection she had so fondly nurtured the ties which bound 
 her to earth were broken, and the grave closed upon her as 
 it had done upon her murdered offspring. *. 
 
 Mr. Jackson, at the age of fifteen, found himself alone in 
 the world, a sad spectator of the desolations that had visited 
 his family. Divorced from every living being with whom 
 he could sympathize as a kinsman, he might speak in the 
 emphatic language of the chieftain, the last of whose re 
 latives had been slain in battle, " that not a drop of his 
 blood ran in the veins of any living creature." The sud- 
 1* 
 
6 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 den extinction of his family bore heavily upon him ; his 
 sufferings and imprisonment had impaired his consti 
 tution ; and, to complete the measure of his misfortunes, 
 he was violently seized with the small-pox, which near 
 ly terminated his life. The vigor of his constitution, how 
 ever, triumphed over the virulence of his disease, and re 
 stored him again to health. He succeeded to the patrimo 
 ny of his father, which, though small, would, with 
 prudent management, have enabled him to complete his 
 studies, and to enter upon the duties of mature life with 
 many pecuniary advantages. But those endowments 
 which serve to elevate men to distinction, are seldom 
 found connected with talents of economy in money mat 
 ters. At least, it was thus with Mr. Jackson. Ge 
 nerous to a fault, he soon reduced his estate to a di- 
 minutiveness, which threw him at once upon the re 
 sources of his own mind, and compelled him to become 
 the architect of his own fortunes. He resumed his li 
 terary pursuits at the age of sixteen, under the tutelage 
 of Mr. M Culloch, and endeavored, by severe applica 
 tion to his studies, to restore what he had lost by va 
 rious interruptions. With him he completed the study 
 of the languages, preliminary to his entrance at the 
 university ; but the diminution of his pecuniary resources 
 induced him to relinquish his original design of ac 
 quiring a classical education. At the age of seventeen 
 he commenced the study of law at Salisbury, North 
 Carolina, in the office of Spruce M Kay, Esq. ; and 
 completed it under the supervision of John Stokes, Esq., 
 both lawyers of distinction, and was admitted a practi 
 tioner at the bar of that state in 1786. He practised in 
 the courts of the state two years; but not rinding pro 
 fessional prospects sufficiently flattering to induce him to 
 temain, he resolved to push his fortunes in the west. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 7 
 
 The present state of Tennessee was, at this period, 
 a territorial government of the United States, called the 
 South West Territory, having been recently organized 
 by Congress. The climate was salubrious, the soil 
 was fertile, and it was rapidly advancing, from a wild 
 region, to a state of civilization. Here we find Mr. 
 Jackson in 1788. The honorable Judge M Nairy was 
 appointed judge of this territory in the fall of this year, 
 and was accompanied by Mr. Jackson to Nashville, at 
 which place they arrived in October, when the first court 
 was holden. He here found himself among a people 
 widely different in manners, customs, and habits, from 
 those he had recently left. In the older states, when one 
 generation of inhabitants has followed another in regular 
 succession, there are always some distinguishing cha 
 racteristics in the whole population. But in the new states, 
 an established character in the people would hardly be dis 
 coverable, if we except energy and personal independence. 
 In those parts of the republic which have been settled for 
 two centuries, a family, a monied, or a landed aristocracy, 
 can always be discovered. The many become subser 
 vient to the few, and subjugate their minds to those who, 
 by wealth or power, have obtained an ascendancy over 
 them. In such a state of society, an insulated being like 
 Andrew Jackson, without the influence of friends to aid 
 him, or funds to procure them, could hardly hope, with 
 the most exalted intellect, to arrive at a station either of 
 emolument or profit. Circumstances are widely different 
 in the new states. Drawn together from different sec 
 tions of an extensive country, by motives of interest, of 
 power, or of fame, each individual may almost be said 
 to make a province by himself. In such a situation, 
 the most energetic character becomes the object of the 
 greatest popular favor. Mr. Jackson was well calculated 
 
8 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 to move in this sphere of action. Without any extrinsic 
 advantages to promote his advancement, he had solely to 
 rely upon intrinsic worth, and decision of character, to 
 enable him to rise rapidly. He commenced the practice 
 of law in Nashville, at the age of twenty-one, and soon 
 distinguished himself among his competitors. His stern 
 integrity, and unremitting attention to business, recom 
 mended him to the notice of government, and procured 
 f lor him the appointment of Attorney General of the terri- 
 * tory. This office he sustained for a considerable length 
 of time, with much reputation to himself. 
 
 The South West Territory, in 1796, was admitted a 
 sovereign and independent state into the Union, and took 
 the name of Tennessee. The people were then called upon 
 to exercise a highly responsible act of self-government 
 that of forming a constitution, as the supreme law of the 
 state. Mr. Jackson was chosen a member of the con 
 vention, called to discharge this important duty. Although 
 he had become known to the most distinguished citizens of 
 the country, his exertions in this convention brought him 
 into more universal notice, by the distinguished part he 
 took upon this important subject. The course of his stu 
 dies had previously led him to the investigation of the 
 science of government, from the earliest ages down to 
 the period in which he lived. With the rise, progress, 
 and termination of the ancient republics, he had made 
 himself familiarly acquainted ; he had witnessed the ope 
 ration of the American constitution, and those of the 
 different states, from their first establishment to the period 
 in which he acted. With a mind thus prepared to meet 
 the important discussion, he took lead in the debates upon 
 the different articles of the proposed constitution. To 
 those who are acquainted with the constitution of the state 
 of Tennessee, the precision with which the legislative, th 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 9 
 
 judiciary, and executive powers are designated ; the care 
 manifested in securing to the people their civil rights ; 
 the freedom allowed in the exercise of the rights of con 
 science, must be obvious, and much credit is due to Mr. 
 Jackson, for his efforts in producing so desirable a result. 
 As a proof of their approbation of his services, the people 
 of Tennessee elected him their first representative in 
 Congress. His popularity continued to increase, and in 
 1 797 he was elected to the Senate of the United States. 
 His congressional life was distinguished for a firm ad 
 herence to republican principles ; and in the senate, he 
 voted for the repeal of the alien and sedition laws. His 
 affairs in Tennessee requiring his attention, induced him 
 to resign his seat in the senate before the session closed. 
 He accordingly returned ; and soon after, contrary to his 
 inclinations, he was appointed judge of the Supreme 
 Court. After discharging its duties for a while, he re- A, 
 signed the station, and retired to private life. 7 
 
 It was during the recess between this period; and the 
 commencement of Mr. Jackson s brilliant military career, 
 that the Union was agitated by the development of the 
 famous Burr conspiracy. Mr. Jackson has by no means 
 escaped the missiles of malice and detraction, which are 
 usually aimed at men of distinguished attainments. It was 
 not until a recent period, that Mr. Jackson was accused of 
 being a participator in this conspiracy. This charge was 
 most triumphantly refuted as soon as preferred ; and 
 though it is not our intention to notice the many un 
 founded charges that have been exhibited against him, 
 yet we should deem it the greatest injustice to our readers, 
 as well as to our illustrious subject, should we fail here to 
 record the ample proofs which so effectually wipe out the 
 stain, which is intended to blot the fair escutcheon of a 
 much injured patriot. Mr. Jackson was charged with the 
 
10 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 crime of treason of being connected with Aaron Burr in 
 a conspiracy to sever the union of these states. 
 
 Before we proceed with the evidence in refutation of 
 this unprincipled calumny, we will premise that General 
 Jackson, while in the Senate of the United States, became 
 well acquainted with Col. Burr ; that then and long after, 
 Col. Burr stood high in the favor and estimation of the 
 republican party in the United States ; that he had ac 
 quired the good feelings of the West, by his great attention 
 to its interests, and particularly of Tennessee, by his ac 
 tivity in procuring her admission into the Union ; and thai 
 up to the month of November, 1806, nothing like suspicion 
 of treason, or of any project unfriendly to the peace or 
 integrity of the United States, had any existence in this 
 country ; though Mr. Jefferson, in his message of January 
 22nd, 1807, declared, " that he had received intimation 
 that designs were in agitation in the Western country, 
 unlawful and unfriendly to the peace of the Union, and 
 t^at the prime mover in these, was Aaron Burr, hereto 
 fore distinguished by the favor of his country." The 
 grounds of these intimations being inconclusive, the ob 
 jects uncertain, and the fidelity of the country known to 
 be firm, the only measure taken was to urge the informants 
 to use their best endeavours, to get further insight into the 
 designs and proceedings of the suspected persons, and to 
 communicate them to the President. 
 
 A full development, however, of Burr s designs, soon 
 became manifest. " It appeared that he contemplated two 
 distinct objects, which might be carried on jointly or sepa 
 rately, and either one or the other, as circumstances should 
 direct. One of these was the severance of the Union of 
 these States by the Allegany Mountains ; the other an at 
 tack on Mexico. A third object was provided, merely 
 ostensible, to wit, the settlement of a pretended purchase 
 of a tract of country on the Washita, claimed by Baron 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 11 
 
 Bastroph. This was to serve as the pretext for all his pre 
 parations, an allurement for such followers as really wish 
 ed to acquire settlements in that country, and a cover un 
 der which to retreat in the event of a final discomfiture of 
 both branches of his design." 
 
 " He found at once, that^he attachment of the Western 
 Country to the union was not to be shaken ; that its disso 
 lution could not be effected with the consent of its inhabi 
 tants, and that his resources were inadequate, as yet, to 
 effect it by force. He took his course then at once, deter 
 mined to seize on New Orleans, plunder the bank there, 
 possess himself of the military and naval stores, and pro 
 ceed on his expedition to Mexico, and to this object all his 
 means and preparations were now directed. He collected 
 from all the quarters where himself or agents possessed 
 influence, ail the ardent, restless, desperate, and disaffected 
 persons, who were ready for any enterprise analogous to 
 their characters. He seduced good and well-meaning citi 
 zens, some by assurances that he possessed the confidence 
 of the government, and was acting under its secret patron 
 age ; a pretence which procured some credit, from the state 
 of our differences at that time with Spain, and others by of 
 fers of land in Bastroph s claim on the Washita." 
 
 This was the state of the information, received by 
 President Jefferson, towards the close of November, 1800; 
 and on the 27th of that month, in consequence of the re 
 ceipt of intelligence of the conspiracy by Gen. Wilkin 
 son s letter, he issued his proclamation. The President 
 not being apprized at that time, that any boats were build 
 ing on the Cumberland river, the effect of this proclama 
 tion was for some time trusted to in the state of Tennessee ; 
 but on the 19th of December, similar communications, 
 and instructions, with those to the neighboring states 
 were dispatched by express, to the governor and general 
 officer of the Western Division of the state ; and on the 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 23d of December, the confidential agent of the govern 
 ment left Frankfort for Nashville, to put into activity the 
 means of that state also. 
 
 Although some might suspect Colonel Burr to be en 
 gaged in schemes of pecuniary or personal aggrandize 
 ment, and might disapprove of them, and he might then 
 have become a subject of suspicion, to some extent, yet 
 no one suspected them to be in any degree hostile to the 
 government of the United States ; and most persons in 
 the West believed that his designs were countenanced, and 
 in their execution would be supported by the government. 
 This idea was supported by the existing state of our rela 
 tions with Spain, and the belief that a war with that power 
 was impending a war which, at that time, would have 
 been popular in the Western States. 
 
 The charge against General Jackson, was made by 
 Judge Williams of Tennessee ; who stated that sometime 
 before Mr. Jefferson s proclamation, he was told by Ge 
 neral Jackson, that if Williams would accept it, he -might 
 obtain the commission of captain in Burr s army ; and 
 that at another time, he declared to him that he would find 
 that a division of the United States had taken deep root ; 
 and that he would find a number of the members of the 
 House of Representatives deeply involved in the scheme. 
 The lamentable inaccuracy of the statements of Mr. 
 Williams, will, it is believed, appear abundantly manifest 
 from the following well authenticated facts, in relation to 
 the circumstances of General Jackson s situation, at the 
 period of that conspiracy. 
 
 We will introduce to our readers, General Jackson s 
 letter to George W. Campbell, then a representative in 
 Congress from Tennessee, dated January 15th, 1807, not 
 because it is first in date of several proofs that will be 
 presented, but because it contains a connected and con 
 tinuous relation of General Jackson s knowledge, and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 13 
 
 conduct, with regard to Colonel Burr ; a plain and manly 
 narration, containing in itself a vindication, which must 
 prove satisfactory and conclusive to every honest and 
 well constituted mind ; from which, sophistry and incre 
 dulity will alike shrink back, foiled and overcome ; and 
 which, when supported in all material points, by other 
 direct evidence which will be given, must carry convic 
 tion to every honest and unprejudiced heart. 
 
 The following is a copy of a letter from Andrew 
 Jackson, to G. W. Campbell, January 15th, 1807. 
 
 " Sir, The late denunciation of Aaron Burr as a trai 
 tor, has excited great surprise, and general indignation. 
 Still, from the opinion possessed of the accuser, many 
 there are who wait for the proof, before they will pro 
 nounce him guilty of the charge. One thing is general 
 ly believed, that if Burr is guilty, Wilkinson has parti 
 cipated in the treason. The public mind has been agi 
 tated from various reports of Burr having been met, at 
 the mouth of Cumberland river, with 100 boats, and 1000 
 armed men ; and it was stated as a fact, that the Captain 
 at Massac, and all the men, were going with him. Subse 
 quent reports stated they had gone. An express which I 
 started on the receipt of the Secretary of War s letter, of 
 the ult. has returned, and states that Burr left Massac, 
 on the 3d ult., in company with ten boats, six men on board 
 each, without arms, or any thing that can afford suspi 
 cion ; and that Captain Bissell has been doing his duty, as 
 a vigilant officer. I had ordered out twelve companies 
 of volunteers, on the receipt of the Secretary of War s 
 letter, to check the adventurers, which, on the return of 
 express, I dismissed. I have no doubt, but from the 
 pains that have been taken to circulate reports, it will be 
 rumored that I am on full march, to unite with Burr. 
 This I know you never will believe, until you hear it 
 from myself ; or from such a source that you know can- 
 2 
 
14 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 not err. Should you ever hear, that I am embarked in a 
 course, inimical to my country, believe it not. Should 
 you hear that any treasonable intentions have come to my 
 knowledge, and that I have been silent, believe them not ; 
 or that I would not put any man out of existence, who 
 would name such a thing to me, without on the grounds 
 of discovering it to the proper authorities. If Burr has 
 any treasonable intentions in view, he is the basest of all 
 human beings : I will tell you why, he always held out 
 the idea of settling Washita, unless a war with Spain ; in 
 that event, he held out the idea, that from his intimacy 
 with the Secretary of War, he would obtain an appoint 
 ment, and if he did, would revolutionize Mexico. 
 
 " About the 10th of November, Captain called at 
 
 my house, and after the stay of a night and part of a day, 
 introduced the subject of the adventurers, and in part 
 stated, that their intention was to divide the Union. I 
 sternly asked how they would effect it ; he replied, by 
 seizing New Orleans and the bank, shutting the port, 
 conquering Mexico, and uniting the western parts of the 
 Union to the conquered country. I, perhaps with warmth, 
 asked him how this was to be effected ; he replied, by the 
 aid of the federal troops with the general at their head. I 
 asked if he had this from the general ; he said he had not. 
 I asked him if Colonel Burr was in the scheme ; he an 
 swered, he did not know, nor was he informed that he 
 was ; that he barely knew Colonel Burr, and never had 
 any conversation with him. I asked him how he knew 
 this, and from whom he got his information ; he said 
 
 f rom in New York. Knowing that Colonel Burr 
 
 was well acquainted with - , it rushed into my 
 mind like lightning, that Burr was at the head, and from 
 the colorings he had held out to me, Generals Robertson 
 and Overton, and the hospitality I had shown him, I 
 viewed it as base conduct to us all ; and heightened the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 15 
 
 baseness of his intended crimes, if he really was about to 
 become a traitor. I sat down and wrote to General Smith 
 and Doctor Dickinson ; I wrote to Governor Claiborne to 
 put his citadel in a state of defence, without naming any 
 person except General Wilkinson. When this was done, 
 I wrote Colonel Burr in strong terms my suspicions of 
 him, and until they were cleared from my mind, no fur 
 ther intimacy was to exist between us. I made my sus 
 picions known to Generals Robertson and Tatum, with 
 some others. Not long after, I received his answer, with 
 the most sacred pledges, that he had not, nor never had, 
 any views inimical or hostile to the United States ; and 
 whenever he was charged with the intention of separa 
 ting the Union, the idea of insanity must be ascribed to 
 him. After his acquittal in Kentucky, he returned to 
 this country, and to all who named the subject, made the 
 same pledge, and said he had no object in view, but such 
 as was sanctioned by legal authority ; and still said, that 
 when necessary, he would produce the Secretary of War s 
 orders ; that he wanted only young men of talents to go 
 with him ; with such he wished to make his settlement, 
 as it would have a tendency to draw to it wealth and cha 
 racter. For these reasons, from the pledges made, if he 
 is a traitor, he is the basest that ever did commit treason ; 
 and being torn to pieces and scattered to the four winds of 
 heaven, would be too good for him. But we will leave 
 him for time and evidence to verify his hue. I have 
 given you the outlines, and in a few weeks will give the 
 proof. A. JACKSON." 
 
 This letter was shown, immediately on its receipt, to 
 Mr. Jefferson, and by him copied. From this, the rea 
 son is obvious why Burr s name was not mentioned in 
 General Jackson s letter of the 12th of November, 1806, 
 to Claiborne ; the information obtained by Jackson, ex 
 tended only to the commander of the United States troops ; 
 
16 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the connexion of Burr with him, was a mere conjecture 
 of his own ; therefore it is, also, that in the letters of Ge 
 neral Smith and Doctor Dickson, senator and represen 
 tative in Congress, he speaks of his apprehensions of an 
 attempt to sever the Union, and with reference to Burr, in 
 separate paragraphs. 
 
 Every act and sentiment of General Jackson s life, is 
 marked with the deepest horror of any opinions, or acts, 
 or persons, favoring a severance of the states ; and upon 
 this subject he always has displayed a more than ordinary 
 sensibility : no wonder, then, that he may, before Judge 
 Williams and others, have expressed, in strong language, 
 his apprehensions in relation to it, when he was commu 
 nicating every week the same fears and anxieties to the 
 general government through our members of Congress. 
 But no man, not even Judge Williams, has ever dared to 
 testify, that Jackson ever expressed approbation of such 
 designs, or that he ever expressed any other sentiment 
 than that which he announced emphatically in his letter 
 of November 12th, 1806, to Governor Claiborne " I 
 will die in the last ditch before I would yield a foot to the 
 Dons, or see the Union disunited." A heroic and sub 
 lime annunciation, which subsequent events have stamped 
 with the seal of unquestionable verity, and proved to be 
 no vain flourish ; and that whether the enemy of his 
 country was the Don, the savage, or the Briton, his life 
 was always ready to be offered up as a willing sacrifice 
 for her safety and glory. General Jackson s letters to 
 the Honorable Daniel Smith, and Doctor William 
 Dickson, of November 17th, 1806, are expressive of 
 the same views and sentiments upon the subject of the 
 conspiracy. 
 
 When the charges against General Jackson, of being 
 engaged in the Burr conspiracy, were first publicly 
 made, a committee was appointed in Nashville, for the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. IT 
 
 purpose of a thorough investigation of the subject ; which 
 resulted in the triumphant vindication of the former, from 
 all suspicions of a participation in that foul plot. State 
 ments from a large number of individuals of the highest 
 respectability in Tennessee, who were intimately ac 
 quainted with the circumstances attending that conspiracy, 
 are explicit and conclusive in exoneration of General 
 Jackson from all concernment in it. We have room only 
 for a few of the statements, and the concluding remarks 
 accompanying the report of the investigating committee. 
 
 The testimony of General Coffee and Colonel Ward 
 was brought before that committee, and is completely ex 
 planatory of all the circumstances connected with build 
 ing boats for Colonel Burr ; the ostensible designs and 
 objects held out by him, the reasons of his favorable 
 reception in Tennessee by General Jackson, General 
 Robertson, and many other distinguished persons of the 
 country ; the origin and extent of the suspicions as to his 
 objects ; his last visit to the Clover Bottom near General 
 Jackson s in December, 1806, his reception, &c. 
 
 The following is a copy of General Coffee s letter to 
 the Nashville Committee. 
 
 " Nashville, August 28, 1828. 
 
 " By request of the Nashville Committee, I do hereby 
 state, that Colonel Burr, while in Tennessee in 1805 and 
 6, represented his views to be the settlement of lands to 
 the south, on the Washita river. He spoke of the pro 
 bability of a rupture between the United States and Spain, 
 in which event, the impression was, that he (Colonel 
 Burr) would have command of an expedition against 
 Mexico, under, and by the authority of the United States. 
 Sometime after he had been in Tennessee in 1805, and 
 left this impression, letters were received from him, as 
 my impressions now are, by Generals Jackson and Ro 
 bertson, requesting them to make out and forward to hiia 
 2* 
 
18 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 a list of such enterprising young men, as ft was believed: 
 would serve the country well in the impending anticipa 
 ted contest with Spain. Generals Robertson and Jack 
 son, with sundry others of the old respectable citizens, 
 did, for that purpose, meet in Nashville, and made out 
 such list, and, as I supposed, sent it on to him. Colonel 
 Burr s then standing in the western country (having lately 
 filled the second office in the government) forbade the 
 idea, that his contemplated measures were apart from 
 the knowledge and approbation of the government. On 
 his arrival here, and for sometime after, marked atten 
 tions were by all extended to him, and no suspicions 
 were entertained that his plans and views were at all 
 different from what they were represented by himself. 
 With a view to the building of some boats, and procuring 
 some provisions, there had been remitted to General 
 Jackson the sum of three thousand and five dollars, which 
 was placed in my hands, with a desire expressed, that I 
 would attend to the request of Colonel Burr. 
 
 " This agency I accepted and performed, and made ar 
 rangements for purchasing some provisions, and the 
 building by different persons of five flat boats, and the 
 purchase of one keel boat. Subsequently, a further sum 
 of five hundred dollars was put into my hands. 
 
 " Part of the funds, to wit, seven hundred dollars, as 
 appears by reference to the memorandum of the expendi 
 ture, was paid over to Colonel William P. Anderson ; 
 wherefore, and for what account, this advance to Colonel 
 Anderson was made, I have not now a sufficient recollec 
 tion to speak with certainty* Suspicions having subse 
 quently arisen, relative to the real objects and views of 
 Colonel Burr, my agency in his affairs ceased, except to 
 discharge the contracts that had previously been entered 
 into. The balance of the remaining funds in my hands 
 was paid over to Colonel Burr on his arrival in Tennes- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 19 
 
 see, on the last visit he made here, in the month of De 
 cember, 1806. I was at that time engaged in mercantile 
 business, and these services were performed by me for 
 Colonel Burr, as they would have been rendered to any 
 respectable man ; for I, nor any one else, that came to 
 my knowledge, believed that he had objects to serve, 
 other than were represented by himself. 
 
 " The particulars here detailed, are founded on papers 
 now in my possession, written at the time, and in my 
 own handwriting. In the month of December, 1806, 
 Colonel Burr returned to Tennessee, where he was met 
 coolly by those who before had acted very differently to 
 wards him. He perceived it, and remarked it to me; 
 my reply in substance to him was, that suspicions rested 
 against him, and until they were removed nothing differ 
 ent was to be expected. 
 
 " At the Clover Bottom, nine miles from Nashville, 
 where I then did business, and which was the nearest 
 point on the river to where his boats were, there was a 
 tavern ; and to this place Colonel Burr came and re 
 mained about a week, until he had gotten every thing in 
 readiness for his departure down the river. On his first 
 arrival in Tennessee, on his last visit in December, Ge 
 neral Jackson w r as absent from home; having returned 
 \vithin a few days afterwards, the general came in com 
 pany with General Overton, to the Clover Bottom, w r here 
 Colonel Burr resided. An interview took place between 
 them and Colonel Burr, at which they informed him of 
 the suspicions and distrust that were entertained against 
 him. Burr repelled them, and expressed deep regret 
 that there should be any such ; and remarked, that he 
 could and would be able to satisfy every dispassionate 
 mind, that his views and objects were friendly to the 
 government, and such as he had represented them to be. 
 In a few days after, he left the country. 
 
20 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " A son of Colonel Hays, about seventeen years of age, 
 as has been represented, nephew to Mrs. Jackson, went 
 along. His father had become reduced in his circum 
 stances ; had been personally known to Colonel Burr, 
 during the revolution ; and his son a young man of pro 
 mise. It had been proposed to the old gentleman, that he 
 should take him, and aid him in his education, which 
 was consented to by his father. General Jackson gave 
 him letters to Governor Claiborne, and instructed young 
 Mr. Hays, as I understood at the time, that should he 
 discover Colonel Burr s views to be at all inimical to the 
 United States, or adverse to the designs of government, 
 to leave him, and place himself under the protection and 
 care of Governor Claiborne. 
 
 1 Bet ween General Jackson and myself, there has always 
 existed confidence and friendship ; and there was nothing 
 ever perceived in him by me, that could induce the be 
 lief, that there was any man in the country who would go 
 further, and make greater sacrifices, to defend and main 
 tain the integrity of the Union. On all occasions, his 
 conduct and declarations have stamped upon my mind 
 this conviction. JOHN COFFEE." 
 
 The following is the testimony of Colonel Edward 
 Ward: 
 
 " Nashville, September 2, 1828. 
 
 " At the request of the chairman of the Nashville Com 
 mittee, I make the following statement. That General 
 Thomas Overton, deceased, informed me within a few 
 days after the occurrence, that so soon as the rumor 
 reached this country, that Colonel Aaron Burr had trea 
 sonable designs against our government, he (General 
 Overton) and General A. Jackson waited on Colonel 
 Burr, who was then, I think, at Clover Bottom, and in 
 formed him of the rumor, and required of him to state to 
 them what were his views or designs. This answer was 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 1 
 
 made, as he said, on the honor of a gentleman : That he 
 had no views inimical to the government, none but what 
 were known to the government and viewed with complai 
 sance. And as well as my memory serves me, showed 
 them a commission in blank, with Mr. Jefferson s signa 
 ture to it. EDWARD WARD." 
 
 This testimony requires no commentary : it is full and 
 decisive. 
 
 " To show what views were expressed by Colonel Burr 
 to General Jackson, and others, so early as the spring of 
 1806, and to explain beyond the reach of dispute, the 
 time, nature, and import of any possible conversation 
 which General Jackson may have held with Judge Wil 
 liams, in relation to a commission, connected with any de 
 signs, or views of Colonel Burr, we will give extracts 
 from a letter, written by the latter to General Jackson, 
 dated 34th March, 1806, Washington city. 
 
 " After speaking of some general political subjects, 
 and of the strong probability of a rupture with Spain, 
 If these apprehensions (says he) should be justified by 
 events, a military force on our post would be requisite, 
 and that force might come from your side of the moun 
 tains. It is presumed that West-Tennessee could not 
 spare more than two regiments. I take the liberty of 
 recommending to you, to make out a list of officers, from 
 colonel down to ensign, for one or two regiments. If you 
 will transmit to me this list, I will, in case troops should 
 be called for, recommend it to the Department of War, 
 and I have reason to believe, that on such an occasion, 
 my advice would be listened to. General Coffee says, 
 that in consequence of letters from Colonel Burr, to Ge 
 neral Robertson and others, of similar import, a meet 
 ing was held in Nashville by General Robertson^ General 
 Jackson, and others of the most respectable men, and a 
 list made out of such enterprising young men, as it was 
 
22 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 believed, would serve the country well, in the impending 
 contest with Spain. 
 
 " This brings us naturally to the consideration of Judge 
 William s statements and here we cannot forbear to re 
 mark, on the danger and folly of attempting to bereave a 
 man of his fame, and charge upon him one of the foulest 
 crimes known to the law, upon loose, vague recollections 
 of a casual conversation, said to have taken place up 
 wards of twenty years ago, without any statement of the 
 conversation in context with it ; without any date, except 
 with reference to a range of nine months of time ; with 
 out any relation of the circumstances, which led to an 
 insulated remark, so strange and incredible, if taken in 
 the sense attempted to be attached to it by Judge Williams ; 
 statements made by a man, who, by his own admissions, 
 his own showing, and yet more by what we shall show, 
 is subject to the most inaccurate recollection ; when the 
 change, or omission, or addition of a single word, or the 
 nature of the preceding or succeeding remarks, would 
 entirely change the whole meaning and sense of what is 
 stated to have been said." 
 
 The investigating committee, in order that ample jus 
 tice might be done to Judge Williams mind, consistency, 
 and conduct, republished all that was written or published 
 in relation to this conversation and to General Jackson ; 
 and also what had been published to be the substance of 
 the letter written by him to his friend in Virginia. 
 
 Upon this they remarked, "that taking the whole of 
 these documents, we have some data from which to esti 
 mate correctly, how far the clearness of Judge Williams 
 mind, and the impartiality of his feelings, qualify him 
 for deposing accurately and fairly. We will look at 
 them, first, with a view to the question, how much reli 
 ance is to be reposed in the accuracy and fairness of his 
 statements and memory ; and then, in prosecution of the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. *O 
 
 same inquiry, produce some additional evidence. Se 
 condly ; we shall show the extreme improbability, from 
 Williams own statement, that General Jackson ever 
 could have made any propositions to him, in reference to 
 any illegal or treasonable project ; and lastly, the fallacy 
 of the inferences which his pretended friends attempt to 
 deduce from what he has said ; and shew what Judge 
 Williams has really stated as General Jackson s conver 
 sation with him, and what the conversation (if indeed 
 there ever was one of any such nature) related to. 
 
 In his letter to Mr. Kerr, Judge Williams says, the 
 conversation occurred upon his examination by General 
 Jackson, then a Judge, as to his fitness to receive a license 
 to practise law ; but w r hen he discovered by the records 
 of the State that it would be proved, General Jackson was 
 not, and had not, been a Judge for several years before 
 this time, the conversation is divested of this circumstance 
 in his subsequent statements. In the letter to Mr. Kerr, 
 Judge Stewart is said to have heard this conversation as 
 to the offer of a commission ; but, when Judge Stewart, 
 not only does not recollect any such conversation, but is 
 sure none such was held in his presence, the scene of 
 the conversation is then recollected by Judge Williams to 
 have been a solitary ride from General Jackson s to Nash 
 ville. In his letter to General Jackson, Williams says, 
 " General Jackson in reference to that conspiracy, or what 
 was afterwards called by others a conspiracy, said to 
 me that I could, if I would accept it, obtain a commission 
 of captain." In his last statement, however, made and 
 published in the Knoxville Enquirer of August 6th, 
 1828, he says, " in riding from General Jackson s house 
 to Nashville, near the Clover-Bottom, he spoke to me in 
 relation to a commission in Burr s army," leaving out 
 the material idea of a reference to what was afterwards, 
 as he says, called a conspiracy ; showing thereby that 
 
24 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 in these statements, Judge Williams does not pretend to 
 detail with accuracy, the words or terms used in the con 
 versation, but only the general impressions, and that those 
 impressions are indefinite and very vague, and are the 
 mere floating and broken reminiscences of a feeble and 
 shattered memory. Judge Williams says, that from the 
 best of his recollection, Mr. Smith, Mr. Curry and Dr. 
 Watkins, among others, were present when Burr s effigy 
 was burnt. Mr. Smith says he Avas not present either at 
 the ball, or at the burning of the effigy. Mr. Curry says 
 that he was not present at the cerejnony of burning Colo 
 nel Burr s effigy, and considered it a disgraceful act ; and 
 he also says in confirmation of Judge Williams feeble 
 ness of memory, and the probable recentness of his pre 
 sent, impressions that Mr. Williams called on me fre 
 quently after Burr became an object of suspicion, and con 
 versed freely on the subject, and, as I then thought, with 
 held nothing ; yet he never told me that General Jackson 
 wanted to enlist him to fight the Spaniards, nor ever men 
 tioned his name as connected with, or knowing to any of 
 Burr s schemes. These and other discrepancies and con 
 tradictions, are mentioned, not to shew any wilful or cor 
 rupt mis-statement on the part of Judge Williams, but to 
 shew how little credence or trust can be placed on the re 
 collections of a memory, mistaken in so many circum 
 stances, and persons, and things, when it comes to detail 
 a conversation, in which a single word would wholly trans 
 form its meaning and construction. But to dispose of 
 Judge Williams, and to shew what degree of confidence 
 was due to what he related, either as to facts or the conver 
 sations of others whether this want of confidence arose 
 from great unsoundness of memory or other cause and 
 also to shew how far Judge Williams feelings as to Gene 
 ral Jackson entitled him to the character of a cool and im 
 partial witness ; and also in further elucidation of Judge 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 25 
 
 Williams candour and consistency, the investigating com 
 mittee called the attention of every American citizen to 
 the following extract of a publication of Judge Williams, 
 dated M Minnville, June 28th, 1828. 
 
 " State also if you please, Mr. Editor, that in the town 
 of M Minnville, there lives a man by the name of Theo- 
 doric Burton a man of truth and respectability, as I 
 have heard here. He states that in 1805, he was one of 
 Burr s men, and was mustered into service at the Clo 
 ver Bottom, with arms in their hands that above seventy- 
 five men signed the list of enrolment at the same time 
 with himself that at that time General Jackson and Colo 
 nel Burr were on the ground, and that Patton Anderson 
 was his captain. Burton says, when the men under An 
 derson separated, it was under an agreement, as to the time 
 when they were to march off with Burr, as his men 
 and that before that time came round the matter bursted. 
 This is a condensed view of what Burton says ; who re 
 fuses to give a written statement, 
 
 NATH. W. WILLIAMS." 
 
 The attention of the American people was then call 
 ed to compare this statement of Judge Williams with 
 that of Mr. Burton, the gentleman referred to in the 
 above extract ; and we now make the same request of our 
 readers. 
 
 " M Minnville, Warren County, Tennessee, September 
 6th, 1828. To the Editors of the Republican. Gen 
 tlemen : In as much as Nathaniel W. Williams, in a 
 late newspaper publication, has taken the liberty to advert 
 to my name, and to give me as authority for facts in rela 
 tion to General Jackson and Colonel Burr, which I never 
 stated to him or any one else, and which in truth I never 
 heard of before ; it is due to my character, humble as it 
 may be, and to General Jackson, the destruction of whose 
 private and honest reputation he seeks, to declare to the 
 3 
 
26 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 world that I was never mustered into Colonel Burr s ser 
 vice at the Clover Bottom, or any where else, nor did I 
 ever so state to Judge Williams. 
 
 " When Colonel Burr, was in this country, many years 
 ago, (the particular year or season of the year, is not now 
 within my recollection, I resided with Major Oilman Dick- 
 son,) Patton Anderson passed through the neighborhood, 
 and was engaged in recruiting a company, as he said, for 
 the purpose of making a settlement in the Washita coun 
 try. Being a young man, I was prevailed upon by Major 
 Dickson and Patton Anderson, to join the company, and 
 did actually enroll myself under Anderson. I knew not 
 how many men were engaged besides myself, nor do I 
 remember any one of my acquaintances or neighbors 
 who did join the company. Here, however, the matter 
 ended. I was never mustered into service at the Clover 
 Bottom, nor did I ever receive any arms, as I am made 
 to say most untruly by Judge Williams, to whom I de 
 clare I never made so unfounded an assertion ; nor did I 
 ever see any military parade of any company of persons, 
 whatever, at the Clover Bottom, or any where else, at the 
 time referred to, and as stated by the Judge. 
 
 "So far from wishing, or intending, from any thing and 
 every thing I know on the subject of Colonel Burr and 
 his alleged conspiracy, or in any conversation with Judge 
 Williams, to condemn General Jackson, or to connect his 
 name with any scheme, unfriendly to the government, I 
 wish to be understood as declaring to the world that I be 
 lieve him to be an injured patriot, in many things in 
 nothing more cruelly, than in the attempt to make him 
 a conspirator. It is right and proper to add, that when 
 Judge Williams heard of my complaints, occasioned by 
 his unauthorized use of my name ; he wished to avoid the 
 censure that awaited him, by begging me not to give this 
 statement, but to leave to him to exonerate himself, by cor- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 27 
 
 reeling his publications. I leave the world to form their 
 opinions of such conduct. THEODORIC BURTON." 
 
 After this comparison, and after the concluding re 
 marks and facts exhibited in Mr. Burton s letter, we might 
 securely consign Judge Williams, his mind, his memory, 
 his accuracy, and his credit, to be estimated as our rea 
 ders may think meet and proper. 
 
 But we now submit to the good sense of all reflecting 
 men, the extreme improbability, that under the circum 
 stances related by Judge Williams, any treasonable or il 
 legal proposition could have been made to him by Gene 
 ral Jackson ; a proposition, pregnant with the most fearful 
 and dangerous consequences to the projector ; made with 
 out any previous ascertainment of the man s views or 
 feelings to whom it was addressed ; without any promise 
 or even request of secrecy or concealment; without ex 
 planation or development of the means to be employed, 
 or the objects to be attained ; made in a casual and care 
 less conversation, made to a young man of much less than 
 mediocrity of intellect, and who had nothing to bring in 
 aid of such a high and dangerous enterprise, but want of 
 talent and want of prudence contains a series of impro 
 babilities, which amount to absolute certainty, and which 
 the most credulous and prejudiced, we believe, must reject. 
 
 But \vhen we come to examine what Judge Williams 
 relates of this conversation, we find that if any such 
 ever did occur, it must naturally and necessarily be refer 
 red to the legal, fair views and publicly avowed of Colonel 
 Burr ; in the two regiments spoken of in his letters to 
 General Jackson, General Robertson, and others, to be or 
 ganized and commissioned by the government : to the force 
 and arms to be employed by the United States, in the an 
 ticipated war with Spain ; to the list of young men spoken 
 of in Colonel Burr s letters, and which was to be laid be 
 fore the Secretary of War : in short, to the armed force, 
 
28 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 at the head of which, Colonel Burr held out the belief, 
 he was to be placed by government, in the event of a war 
 \vith Spain. Judge Williams does not pretend that Ge 
 neral Jackson disclosed to him any treasonable or illegal 
 projects ; does not pretend that the offer spoken of, was 
 preceded by any conversation or communications by Ge 
 neral Jackson, of any traitorous or illegal conspiracy 
 against the peace or integrity of the United States. If 
 such communications had been made to Judge Williams, 
 and he had failed to reveal them instantly to the proper 
 authorities, he would stand an infamous and avowed trai 
 tor in heart, and unworthy the confidence of any honest 
 man or true citizen. But he does not say any such plans 
 or plots were communicated to him; in justice to Judge 
 Williams, and in comformity with truth, we must say, none 
 such ever were. 
 
 In his letter to General Jackson of September 27th, 
 1828, Williams says, sometime before Jefferson s procla 
 mation, in riding from General Jackson s house to Nash 
 ville, General Jackson, in reference to that conspiracy, 
 err what was afterwards called by others a conspiracy, 
 said to me "that I could, if I would accept it, obtain a 
 commission of captain." This is the only one of Judge 
 Williams several statements, in which he uses any term 
 even implying wrong or illegality ; the word conspiracy, 
 and the only words attributed to General Jackson are, 
 " General Jackson said to me, I could, if I would accept 
 it, obtain a commission of captain." He says that this 
 was said by General Jackson in reference to that con 
 spiracy. What conspiracy ? Did it refer to any previous 
 conversation developing a conspiracy ? Judge Williams 
 does not say so. No state of facts then existed even in 
 his mind, to which the term conspiracy was by him then 
 attached ; but it was what was afterwards by others called 
 so- This is not left to reasoning, however conclusive and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 29 
 
 satisfactory that may be, for in his subsequent and mature 
 statement, published, as he avows, from a sense of duty, 
 he says, " in riding from General Jackson s house to 
 Nashville, near the Clover Bottom, he spoke to me in re 
 lation to a commission in Burr s army," and this was 
 some time in the spring or fall of 1806. Here the offer 
 and conversation is in reference to " Burr s army," what 
 army, and for what objects? Beyond all question, the army 
 spoken of by Burr, in his letter to General Jackson of March, 
 1806 ; the officers to be commissioned by the Secretary of 
 War, and to be employed against Spain. We now dismiss 
 Judge Williams. 
 
 We shall now briefly recapitulate the most material 
 facts and circumstances, proved by the foregoing testimo 
 ny. 1st. That General Jackson only received and treated 
 Colonel Burr, as a generous and hospitable gentleman 
 would receive and treat a guest and acquaintance, who 
 then, and long had, held a distinguished rank as a states 
 man and man of talents, in the estimation of the great re 
 publican party in the United States ; who had recently 
 held the second office in the government, and with whom 
 the honorable and the good might associate without re 
 proach, and as a man, in Mr. Jefferson s language, " here 
 tofore distinguished by the favor of his country." 
 
 2. That General Jackson communicated to the govern 
 ment and its officers, fully and explicitly, so soon as he 
 had information of any kind. 
 
 3. That Colonel Burr never did communicate to Gene 
 ral Jackson, any designs treasonable or hostile to the go 
 vernment of the United States ; but always avowed designs 
 consistent with its interest, and averred by him, to be sup 
 ported by its countenance and authority. 
 
 4.-That the first public suspicions as to the legality of 
 Colonel Burr s projects, were allayed, and to a great de 
 gree destroyed, by the investigations in Kentucky in the 
 3* 
 
30 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 beginning of December, 1806, by the finding of the grand 
 jury ; which was evidently calculated to have this effect, 
 and which effect is proved by Mr. Jefferson s message of 
 January 22d, 1807, to have been produced, where he 
 says, " In Kentucky the premature attempt to bring 
 Burr to justice without sufficient evidence for his convic 
 tion, has produced a popular impression in his favor, and 
 a general disbelief of his guilt." 
 
 5. That after suspicions had been excited against Colo 
 nel Burr, or after the letters to Governor Claiborne, Ge 
 neral Smith, and Doctor Dickson, Colonel Burr never 
 was invited to General Jackson s house ; but that, when 
 in the State of Tennessee, in the month of December, 1806, 
 he remained, not at General Jackson s, but at a tavern, at 
 the Clover Bottom, several miles distant, near which his 
 boats were ; and he was received with a marked change 
 of manners and coldness by Jackson and others ; and an 
 interview was sought with Burr by Jackson, and had in 
 the presence of several gentlemen, when Burr most 
 solemnly avowed his innocence, and disavowed all objects 
 hostile to the Union of government ; and that the presi 
 dent s proclamation was not received at Nashville, until 
 the 27th of -December, 1806,. five days after Colonel Burr s 
 departure with only two boats. 
 
 6. That from the unhappy inaccuracy of Judge Wil 
 liams memory and recollections, no reliance can be placed 
 on his statements ; but that if any such reliance could be 
 given, it is shown that the offer and conversation he speaks 
 of, related above, was to the public, well known and legal 
 objects held out and spoken of by Colonel Burr. 
 
 We do not feel perfectly sure, that in the course we 
 have pursued, in the refutation of these charges, we shall 
 not be considered by some, as manifesting a want of pro 
 per trust in the enlightened intelligence, and the noble 
 and confiding natures of the American people ; and whe- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 31 
 
 ther it might not be thought a more than sufficient answer 
 to the base surmises, the unworthy suspicions, and the 
 feebly labored arguments, which have been circulated 
 with so much industry, to point with emphasis to a long 
 life devoted to the service of his country : his boyhood 
 given to the war of the revolution, and to the achievement 
 of her independence ; his mature manhood to the honest 
 and faithful discharge of all the duties of her highest civil 
 employments ; and his late years, when age might claim 
 an exemption from toil and danger, when his accusers 
 were to be found in the courts and palaces of kings, or 
 reposing in the lap of ease and luxury, he was only to be 
 found in the wilderness and on the field of battle ; only in 
 the pursuit or in the face of the enemies of his country, 
 exposed to every peril, to every privation, to every suffer 
 ing, before which the coward or the traitor s heart would 
 have quailed or been subdued. This might be relied on 
 as a sufficient reply to the charge, that General Jackson 
 was tainted with treason, that he was leagued and con 
 nected with traitors and enemies to his country. And how 
 ill-timed and ungraciously, this charge comes at this late 
 day ! There was a time of all others, when if true, or if 
 colored by the semblance of truth, it should have been 
 urged and loudly trumpeted : in the dark and stormy 
 period of 1813 and 1814, when treason was much spoken 
 of and much feared ; when a severance of the Union was 
 not darkly hinted at, but boldly spoken of in the capitol ; 
 not about to be effected by two empty flat boats, and half 
 a dozen unarmed men, but urged, countenanced, and sup 
 ported, by the most powerful nation on the earth, then our 
 foe, and hanging on all our coasts and frontiers, with her 
 victorious and numerous fleets and armies : then was the 
 time when traitors should have been denounced, when 
 Jackson, if suspected,, should have been handled with in 
 famy, and all power and confidence withheld from him : 
 
32 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 then, when he was to take command of one division of 
 the armies of the United States, to be invested with unli 
 mited military power, should he have been held up as 
 shrouded in suspicion, and unworthy to be trusted. But 
 did a whisper, a murmur, then, of doubt or distrust break 
 forth ? All looked to him as a father and friend, with 
 whom in that fearful hour, the safety of the nation and its 
 highest powers, could be deposited with the utmost secu 
 rity. 
 
 But having proofs, we deemed it best to present them, 
 which not only positively and directly disprove this 
 charge, in all its forms, and expose the propagators of it 
 to shame and confusion, but will shed additional lustre 
 on the endowments both of the head and heart of this dis 
 tinguished benefactor of his country ; and prove the truth 
 of that elevated and manly sentiment expressed to his 
 friends, in reference to this subject, when loose scraps 
 and notes written in haste many years ago, and long for 
 gotten, were raked up and published : " I recollect them 
 not, but this I do know, and avow, that never in all my 
 life did I entertain even a thought that I would not cheer 
 fully submit to the judgment of the American people, and 
 stand or fall by their decision." (1) 
 
 (1) See Appendix. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Mr. Jackson a Major-General The war of 1812 
 Causes which led to it Indian hostilities General 
 Harrison checks them The Southern tribes Te- 
 cumseh appears among them excites them to hos 
 tility The Creeks their hostile preparations 
 Acts of Congress for raising volunteers General 
 Jackson addresses the militia of his division His 
 expedition to Natchez Disobeys the order of the 
 Secretary of War Is justified Creek war Mas 
 sacre of Fort Mimms General Jackson marches 
 against the Creeks Battle of Tallushatches Gen. 
 Jackson s and General Coffee* s report of it. 
 
 IN 1812, Mr. Jackson was still Major-General of the 
 militia of the state of Tennessee ; an appointment which 
 he received at the time of the admission of that state into 
 the Union. This period, so dark and ominous for the 
 prosperity of our republic, must be vivid in the recollec 
 tion of every American reader. Great Britain had been 
 for a series of years in the habit of violating the dearest 
 rights of our citizens, till roused, at length, they caught 
 the spirit which prompted those 
 
 " Who fought and won at Bennington, 
 And bled at Bunker Hill ;" 
 
 and stood forth in their might to assert and maintain those 
 invaluable privileges, which had been planted and nur 
 tured by their fathers blood. 
 
 A brief sketch of the causes which led to the war in 
 
34 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 which General Jackson took so distinguished a part, may 
 not be inappropriate, in order to give the reader a clear 
 idea of the motives which actuated him in the prosecution 
 of the arduous and responsible duties of his station. 
 
 Unavailing had been the attempts of Great Britain to 
 rivet the chains of bondage upon us by her odious system 
 of legislation ; vain had been her efforts to awe us into 
 subjection by her military prowess ; and at last with the 
 greatest reluctance, a reluctance which necessity alone 
 was able to overcome, was she brought to acknowledge 
 our independence. This mortified her extremely, and 
 induced her, to vent her spleen, by tolerating her subjects 
 in the practice of wanton aggressions upon the rights and 
 immunities of the American people, from that period to 
 our last contest with that nation. She saw that the con 
 federation which held the states together, during a contest 
 with an implacable enemy, would be relaxed and broken 
 in a time of peace. She hoped that civil dissensions 
 would divide and weaken us, and produce a train of cir 
 cumstances which might serve to bring us again under 
 her subjection. To use the language of one who has 
 written forcibly upon this subject, " It was happy for 
 America that she possessed, at this moment, a galaxy of 
 sages and patriots, who held a powerful influence over the 
 minds of their fellow-citizens. By their exertions, a 
 spirit of compromise and accommodation was introduced, 
 which terminated in our present glorious compact. By 
 this event, Great Britain lost, for a time, the opportunity 
 of tampering with the states, of fomenting jealousies, and 
 of governing by division. Her policy was changed ; it 
 became a favorite idea, that our growth should be re 
 pressed, and so many impediments thrown in our way, as 
 to convince us that we had gained nothing by becoming free. 
 We soon experienced the effects of her disappointment. 
 Contrary to express stipulation, she refused to surrender 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 35 
 
 the western parts, and, at the same time, secretly insti 
 gated the savages to murder the frontier settlers." Spain 
 was, at this very moment, practising her intrigues, to 
 draw off the western states from the confederacy, of which 
 there is little doubt England would soon have availed her 
 self. 
 
 " We also came in contact with Britain on the ocean ; 
 our commerce began to flourish ; and on the breaking out 
 of the French war, she found in us formidable rivals. In 
 order to put a stop to this competition, she called into life 
 the odious and almost obsolete rule of 56, which is a pal 
 pable violation of the law of nations. The spirit of this 
 rule is to prevent the neutral from enjoying any commerce 
 which would not, at the same time, be open to the belli 
 gerent ; in other words, to permit no neutral. The 
 orders in council which followed in 1793, were barely 
 tolerable, compared with those of November sixth, which 
 were secretly circulated among the British cruisers, au 
 thorizing them to capture all vessels laden with the 
 produce of any of the colonies of France, or carrying 
 provision or supplies to the said colony, which swept, 
 at once, the greater part of our commerce from the ocean. 
 This produced great dissatisfaction among the American 
 people. They were clamorous for war, which the firm 
 ness of Washington alone prevented. The orders in 
 council were modified a little by those issued in 1795 and 
 98; but the same vexations and abuses continued. To 
 these aggressions were added the violations of our com 
 mercial and maritime rights, by the impressment of our 
 seamen, and hostile attacks upon our ships. The con 
 sequences that followed, are familiar to every American 
 reader. 
 
 " While the public mind was in a state of ferment, 
 from our disputes with England and France, our frontiers 
 were threatened with an Indian war from the instigations 
 
36 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of the former. The United States have frequently been 
 charged with cruel violence and injustice to the Indians. 
 That we had encroached upon their hunting grounds, 
 cannot be denied, but this was the necessary consequence 
 of the increase in our population ; but the great differ 
 ence between us and other nations, in relation to Indian 
 lands, is, that instead of taking them without ever 
 acknowledging the right of the Indians, we have en 
 deavored to obtain them by fair purchase. The United 
 States were the first to respect the Indian territorial right, 
 as they were the first to abolish the slave trade and domes 
 tic slavery ; for, as a nation, we have forbidden it. 
 
 " There existed, at this period, a celebrated Indian 
 warrior, who had been always remarkable for his enmity 
 to the whites, and who, like Pontiac, had formed the design 
 of uniting all the different tribes, in order to oppose an 
 effectual barrier to the further extension of the settle 
 ments. Tecumseh was a formidable enemy ; he resorted 
 to every artifice to stir up the minds of the Indians 
 against us. Of an active and restless character, he 
 visited the most distant nations, and endeavored to rouse 
 them by his powerful eloquence. He also assailed the 
 superstitious minds of his countrymen, by means of his 
 brother, a kind of conjuror, called the prophet. He 
 had received assurances from the British of such assist 
 ance as would enable him to carry his plans into execution. 
 In the year 1811, a council was held by Governor Har 
 rison, of Indiana, at Vincennes, and at which Tecumseh 
 attended, to remonstrate against a purchase lately made 
 from the Kickapoos and some other tribes. In a strain 
 of wonderful eloquence, the orator inveighed against the 
 encroachments of the Americans, gave a faithful history 
 of the progress of the settlements, from the first com 
 mencement on the Delaware, to the moment at which he 
 spoke. When answered by Harrison, he grasped his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 37 
 
 tomahawk, in a fit of phrenzy, and boldly charged the 
 American governor with having uttered what was false ; 
 the warriors who attended him, twenty or thirty in num 
 ber, followed his example ; but Harrison had fortunately 
 posted a guard of soldiers near, who put a stop to their 
 fury. - .-^UJ 
 
 " Towards the close of the year, the frontier settlers 
 had become seriously alarmed ; every thing on the part of 
 the Indians appeared to indicate approaching hostilities. 
 Grov. Harrison resolved to march towards the prophet s 
 town, with a body of Kentucky and Indiana militia, and the 
 fourth United States regiment, undr command of Colonel 
 Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians, and to put a 
 stop to their hostile designs. In the month of November, 
 having approached within a few miles of the prophet s 
 town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace 
 and submission, and requested the governor to encamp for 
 the night, as it was then too late to enter upon business. 
 It was not long before this was discovered to be a treacher 
 ous artifice. At four o clock in the morning, the camp 
 was furiously assailed, and after a bloody and doubtful 
 contest, the Indians were finally repulsed, with the loss 
 of one hundred and eighty killed and wounded on our 
 part, and a still greater number on theirs. A number of 
 valuable officers fell on this occasion. Harrison, after 
 this, destroyed the prophet s town, and having established 
 forts, returned to Vincennes." r{ fj 
 
 Tecumseh fled to the southern tribes, upon the Alabama, 
 early in 1812, to inspire the savages there to act in con 
 cert with their red brethren of the north. But, nothing 
 had so powerful effect in exciting the hostilities of the 
 Creek, Alabama, and Seminole Indians, against the bor 
 derers of the South- West Territory, as the promises, 
 bribery, and corrupting influence of British and Spanish 
 emissaries. With their hereditary hatred against the 
 4 
 
38 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Americans, added to the enthusiasm excited by Tecumseh, 
 and the liberal aid of the British and Spanish govern 
 ments, these powerful tribes, at the commencement of the 
 last war, were prepared to extend over our western 
 frontiers all the devastation and horrors of savage hos 
 tility. 
 
 The states of Tennessee and Georgia, from their vicinity 
 to the extensive country inhabited by the Creeks, were 
 more immediately exposed to Indian ravages. Familiar 
 ized to their unrelenting barbarity, the citizens of these 
 states were fully aware, that nothing but a war of exter 
 mination against the Creeks, would protect their own 
 settlements on the frontiers from destruction, and their 
 families from inhuman butchery. Tecumseh had, by his 
 art, his eloquence, and his assumed divinity, infused into 
 the Creek nation the most deadly hatred against the Ame 
 ricans. He addressed himself to their pride, by reminding 
 them of the ancient power of the savages, and the bound 
 less extent of their territory. He aroused their vengeance 
 against us, as the people who had reduced their numbers, 
 and diminished their greatness. He censured them for 
 their conformity in any respect to the Americans, and 
 exhorted them upon the fearful penalty of the displeasure 
 of the Great Spirit, to return to their original savage 
 habits. The instigations of a master spirit, such as was 
 Tecumseh, produced a powerful effect upon the tribes of 
 the south. A complete concert was established between 
 all the southern tribes, and a general concert between them 
 and the northern ones. War clubs were every where dis 
 tributed ; but the most profound secrecy enjoined. 
 
 Such was the situation of our national relations, when 
 the acts of Congress of the 6th February, and July, 1812, 
 authorizing the President to accept the services of fifty 
 thousand volunteers, were promulgated. On receipt of 
 intelligence relating to the passage of these acts, General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 39 
 
 Jackson published an energetic address to the militia of 
 his division, which drew two thousand five hundred of 
 them to his standard, and without delay he made a tender 
 of their services to the government, which tender was 
 accepted. The detachment having been embodied and 
 organized, was ordered to proceed by water to New- 
 Orleans. 
 
 Subsequently to his departure, General Jackson was 
 ordered to halt near Natchez, and in compliance with it, he 
 took a position in the neighborhood of that city. Here, 
 while attending to the health and discipline of the corps, 
 he received a laconic mandate from the War Department, 
 commanding him to dismiss his volunteers, and deliver all 
 public property in his possession to General Wilkinson, 
 then commanding the military district in which they were 
 stationed. This order he disobeyed, and, for so doing, he 
 has been most grievously reproached. But a detail of the 
 circumstances, we doubt not, will convince our readers, 
 that his justification is complete. 
 
 " It is first to be noticed, that as all men have some 
 degree of fallibility and some degree of discretion, and as 
 the imperfections of language, and the interposition of dis 
 tance, give ample scope for both, it may well happen, that 
 the non-execution of an order is the best possible mode of 
 obeying the government. When an officer receives an 
 order, which the exercise of a sound discretion convinces 
 him would not have been issued, had the condition of the 
 circumstances in which it was to operate been known to 
 the authority from which it proceeded, the spirit of his 
 duty comes in direct opposition to the letter of his order. 
 Obedience, in such a case, consists not in a blind submis 
 sion to the words, but in a zealous fulfilment of the inten 
 tions of the government. The order of the Emperor, it is 
 true, authorized Grouchy to continue his unprofitable con 
 test with the Prussians, but the spirit of his duty required 
 
40 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 his presence and exertions at Waterloo. By disregarding 
 the signal which recalled him from fight, Lord Nelson 
 fulfilled the wishes of his government, shook the throne 
 of Denmark, and shattered the confederacy of the northern 
 powers. Nothing can be more obvious than the distinc 
 tion between nominal and real obedience, and it is singular 
 that this should have escaped the attention of General 
 Jackson s accusers. They seem to forget that an order 
 may be obscure, and therefore liable to misconstruction ; 
 and that it may contain imperfections of date or expression, 
 which bring into doubt its genuineness. In the case now 
 considered, all these causes operated against a strict ex 
 ecution of the order. General Jackson could not be easily 
 convinced that it was the intention of the President, after 
 accepting the service of his volunteers, and removing them 
 six hundred miles from their homes, in an inclement sea 
 son, pregnant with disease ; and beyond a vast wilderness 
 filled with hostility, to deprive them of food to save them 
 from hunger to strip them of tents to cover them from 
 the weather and of arms to defend them from the sa 
 vages. 
 
 " Yet, on the 15th of March, he received the duplicate 
 of the order to which we have already adverted, requiring 
 him to consider his troops as dismissed from public ser 
 vice, and to deliver over to General Wilkinson all articles 
 of public property which may have been put into their pos 
 session not leaving the men a mouthful of food in 
 the hands of the detachment a musket or cartridge in 
 the possession of the corps a single tent or wagon, or the 
 smallest accommodation for their sick, of whom there were 
 more than one hundred and fifty. He received another 
 copy of the same order, which was dated near a month 
 earlier, before General Armstrong, whose signature it 
 bore, had come into the War Department, containing 
 variations of expression, which made it appear not to be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 41 
 
 an exact copy. However, he determined to obey it with 
 as much exactness and as little delay as possible. He 
 saw that its declaratory part effected itself; he and his 
 detachment were dismissed the service of the United 
 States. The order was not a direction to disband ; but a 
 notification of dismissal, so far effected itself, and required 
 in no degree the agency of General Jackson. Its man 
 datory clause, relating to public property, and admitting of 
 some exceptions, he conceived it his duty, both to the 
 government and to his men, not to carry into full execution. 
 Viewing ours as a just and paternal government, he con 
 sidered his detachment much as the law considers a pre- 
 termitted child, and determined to do that for his men 
 which the government had, it appeared, forgotten to do. 
 In a letter to the governor of Tennessee, under whose 
 authority the order of the Secretary had replaced him, he 
 says, * I have, however, from the necessity of the case, 
 determined to keep some of the tents, and to march the 
 men back in as good order as possible ; and I will make 
 every sacrifice to add to their comfort. I have required 
 of the contractor here twenty days rations, which will take 
 my men to Colbert s ; and I must trust in Providence and 
 your exertions, to furnish them with supplies from there to 
 Nashville. To General Wilkinson, who had enclosed 
 the order, he says : I have had the honor of receiving 
 your letter of the 8th inst. with its enclosures, containing 
 directions for me to deliver over the public property to you, 
 which is in the possession of my detachment. The order 
 will be complied with, except a small reservation of tents 
 for the sick, and some other indispensable articles. I 
 acknowledge the order was unexpected ; but I coincide 
 with you in sentiment, that those who are bound, must 
 obey. " 
 
 Let our readers recollect, that the law under which the 
 services of this corps had been accepted, made the arms 
 4* 
 
42 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and accoutrements of the soldier, his private property at 
 his discharge operating like a bounty on enlistments 
 and that of course General Jackson had no right to apply 
 it to this species of military property, and that he only sus 
 pended its execution so far as to retain a few tents and 
 other articles indispensable to the care of the sick, until 
 he could get his corps through the wilderness, which was 
 already the scene of those Indian murders that soon 
 brought on the Creek war ; that to effect this honorable 
 and patriotic purpose, he borrowed five thousand dollars 
 of a merchant in Natchez ; that the government itself 
 sanctioned his proceedings ; that this chivalric corps con 
 tained the Coffees and the Carrols, who fought where- 
 ever they could find a foe, and the Lauderdales and the 
 Donelsons who fell with so much glory ; and also that 
 the tender of this corps had been accepted by government 
 in August, that they had been assembled in December, 
 had embarked on the Cumberland in January, that after 
 voyaging, often through floating ice and stormy weather, 
 more than one thousand miles, they had encamped near 
 Natchez, on the 21st of February, and that had General 
 Jackson then, through fear of " indignity," disbanded 
 his troops, and left them uncovered, unfed, undefended, 
 victims to disease, to want, and to murder ; the patriots 
 of Tennessee would have been justly disgusted with a ser 
 vice, which, when inspired with gratitude and affection 
 for their faithful leader, they adhered to with such zeal 
 and triumphant efficacy ; and the American people would 
 be apt to conclude, that more moderation on the part of 
 General Jackson, would have been mean spirited ; would 
 have betrayed a want of that sensibility to the claims of 
 friendship, and neighborhood, and fellowship, which he 
 so ardently felt, which did him so much honor as a man, 
 and were so fortunate in the event to his country. It 
 appears, then, that so far from deserving censure for the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 43 
 
 modified execution of the order in question, which was so 
 abundantly justified by the circumstances of the case, was 
 approved by the government, and sanctioned by events ; 
 he merits the praise of prudence and generosity, and is 
 entitled to the gratitude of his country, for that seasonable 
 and enlightened independence, which had the effect of 
 attaching to him and to her the materials of future safety 
 and honor. 
 
 General Jackson having overcome all opposition in as 
 suming the bold position, already spoken of, and so high 
 ly justifiable, as the circumstances we have detailed abun 
 dantly prove, broke up his camp, and commenced the march 
 of his corps to Tennessee. Nothing could exceed the 
 fortitude and perseverance of this patriotic band and their 
 intrepid leader, during their march of five hundred miles 
 through deep morasses, and unbroken forests, exposed to 
 every hardship and privation. General Jackson animated 
 and encouraged his troops by his example, resigned his 
 horse to assist in conveying the sick, and marched on foot 
 in the ranks with his soldiers, partook with them their 
 meagre diet, and was unremitting in his endeavors to mi 
 tigate their sufferings and soften their hardships. At the 
 close of his march, he disbanded his men, who returned 
 to their respective homes. 
 
 The Creeks, as our readers will recollect, for some months 
 previous to these transactions, had manifested a spirit of 
 hostility to the United States. Our situation in regard to 
 them was now of a nature which excited much alarm 
 among the borderers of Georgia, Tennessee and, Mississip 
 pi. In consequence of the threatening appearances to the 
 south, and the hostilities which already prevailed with the 
 Indians inhabiting the Spanish territory, Governor Mitch 
 ell, of Georgia, was required by the Secretary of War, to 
 detach a brigade to the Oakmulgee river, for the purpose of 
 covering the frontier settlements of the state. Governor 
 
44 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Holmes of the Mississippi territory, was at the same time 
 ordered to join a body of militia to the volunteers under 
 General Claiborne, then stationed on the Mobile. In the 
 course of the summer, the settlers in the vicinity of that 
 river, became so much alarmed from the hostile deport 
 ment of the Creeks, that the greater part abandoned their 
 plantations, and sought refuge in the different forts, Avhile 
 the peace party amongst the Creeks had, in some places, 
 shut themselves up in forts, and were besieged by their 
 countrymen. 
 
 Hostilities were commenced by one of the most shock 
 ing massacres that can be found recorded in the an 
 nals of savage warfare. The borderers, from an imper 
 fect idea of their danger, had adopted an erroneous mode 
 of defence, by throwing themselves into small forts or sta 
 tions, at great distances from each other, on the various 
 branches of the Mobile. Early in August it was ascer 
 tained that the Indians intended to make an attack upon 
 all these stations, and destroy them in detail. The first 
 place of contemplated attack was fort Mimms, in which 
 the greatest number of inhabitants had been collected. 
 Towards the latter part of August, information was brought 
 that the Indians were about to make an attack on this fort, 
 but unfortunately too little attention was paid to the warn 
 ing. During the momentary continuance of the alarm, 
 some preparations were made for defence, but it seems 
 that it was almost impossible to rouse them from their un 
 fortunate disbelief of the proximity of their danger. The 
 fort was commanded by Major Beasley, of the Mississippi 
 territory, a brave officer, with about one hundred volun 
 teers under his command. By some fatality, notwith 
 standing the warnings he had received, he was not suffi 
 ciently on his guard, and suffered himself to be surprised 
 on the 30th of August, at noonday* The sentinel had 
 scarcely time to notify the approach of the Indians, when 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 45 
 
 they rushed with a terrific yell towards the gate, which 
 was open ; the garrison was instantly under arms, and 
 the commander, with some of his men flew, towards the 
 gate in order to close it, and if possible expel the enemy ; 
 but he soon fell mortally wounded. After a desperate 
 conflict, the gate was finally closed ; but a number of In 
 dians had taken possession of a block-house, from which 
 they were expelled after a bloody contest. The assault 
 was still continued for an hour, on the outside of the pick 
 ets ; the port holes were several times carried by the assail 
 ants, and retaken by those within the fort. 
 
 The Indians withdrew for a moment, apparently disheart 
 ened by their loss, but on being harangued by their chief, 
 Weatherford, with all the fervour of Indian eloquence, 
 they returned with augmented fury to the attack cut 
 away the gate with their axes forced the pickets pos 
 sessed themselves of the area of the fort, and compelled 
 the besieged to take refuge in the houses. Here they 
 made a gallant resistance, but the Indians at length setting 
 fire to the roofs, their situation became one of utter hope 
 lessness. A more horrible scene of carnage than that which 
 followed the possession of this fortress by the savages ne 
 ver appeared upon the records of human butchery. The 
 agonizing shrieks of the women and their helpless chil 
 dren were unavailing ; not a soul was spared by these 
 monsters ; from age to infancy, they became the victims of 
 indiscriminite massacre ; and some to avoid a worse fate 
 rushed into the flames. A few only escaped by leaping 
 over the pickets while the Indians were engaged in the 
 work of death. About two hundred and sixty persons, 
 of all ages and sexes, perished. The panic caused at the 
 other outposts, or stations, by this dreadful catastrophe^ 
 can scarcely be described ; the wretched inhabitants, fear 
 ing, a similar fate abandoned their retreats of fancied se 
 curity in the middle of the night, and effected their es- 
 
46 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cape to Mobile after the endurance of every species of 
 suffering. The dwellings of the borderers were burnt, 
 and their cattle destroyed. 
 
 On the receipt of this disastrous intelligence, the in 
 habitants of Tennessee, though not in immediate danger, 
 adopted the most energetic measures to protect the border 
 ers, and avenge the massacre at fort Mimms. The legis 
 lature of the state convened towards the close of Septem 
 ber, and authorized Governor Blount to call into immedi 
 ate service three thousand five hundred of the militia, and 
 voted a large sum for their support. The legislature, and 
 indeed the whole population of Tennessee, fixed their 
 hopes upon General Jackson. The confidence of all in 
 him was unlimited. It had long been his opinion, that the 
 only effectual mode of warfare against the savages, was 
 to carry war into the heart of their country. General 
 Wayne many years since, and General Harrison more 
 recently, had evinced the correctness of this opinion. 
 The legislature accorded with him in sentiment, and the 
 command of the intended expedition devolved upon him. 
 He was ordered by Governor Blount to call out two thou 
 sand militia, and to rendezvous at Fayetteville. A part of 
 this detachment consisted of the Tennessee volunteers, who 
 had the preceding spring returned from Natchez. Upon 
 the fourth of October, 1813, the day appointed, the troops 
 promptly repaired to the place of rendezvous. 
 
 Colonel Coffee, in the mean time, had raised five hun 
 dred mounted volunteers, and was authorized to augment 
 his force by adding to it the volunteer mounted riflemen 
 who might offer their services. On the 7th of October, 
 General Jackson repaired to the rendezvous of Fayetteville, 
 and with his corps commenced his march for the Creek 
 Country. Colonel Coffee proceeded with his cavalry and 
 mounted riflemen towards the frontiers, and stationed him 
 self near Huntsville. In the Creek nation were many 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 47 
 
 natives in amity with the United States. From them, im 
 portant information was obtained, and essential service 
 wets rendered by them to our troops. On the 8th, Colonel 
 Coffee informed General Jackson by express, that from 
 information derived from Indian runners, the hostile Creeks 
 were collecting in great force ; and intended simultane 
 ously to attack the frontiers of Georgia and Tennessee. -. 
 
 General Jackson, on the 10th, put his corps in motion, 
 and by great exertions reached Huntsville the same day, 
 a distance of forty miles. Colonel Coffee had reached 
 the Tennessee river, and General Jackson overtook him 
 the next day, and united with his regiment upon the bank 
 of the river. - He then dispatched Colonel Coffee with his 
 mounted corps to explore the Tombigbee river, while he 
 encamped his own division upon the Tennessee, and com 
 menced vigorous operations in preparing them for active 
 service. In the camp of General Jackson the commissa 
 ry department was very defective, and he depended upon 
 various contractors for casual rather than regular supplies 
 of provisions. On investigation, an alarming deficiency 
 was found to exist. Nothing will damp a soldier s spirit 
 like a discovery of this nature. Men who will meet death 
 with iron nerve amid the din of battle, will shrink from the 
 approach of famine. General Jackson, by measures the 
 most efficient, and by entreaties the most urgent, endea 
 vored to procure a supply. Undaunted himself, he set an 
 example of cheerfulness before his followers, and for a 
 time dispelled their apprehensions. 
 
 At this critical period, information was received that 
 the Creeks were embodied near the Ten Islands on the 
 Coosa. Collecting what provisions could be obtained, he 
 commenced his march upon the 18th, for Thompson s 
 Creek. His route led through a wild and mountainous 
 region, which was nearly impervious to the passage of 
 his army. He arrived there on the 22d, and remained 
 
48 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 until certain information was received that the Creeks 
 would soon commence operations upon the Coosa. Colo 
 nel Dyer had been previously sent with a detachment to 
 attack the village of Littafutchee, on a branch of the 
 Coosa. He took the place with a trifling loss on his part, 
 and brought back with him twenty-nine prisoners of the 
 hostile Creeks. The scouting parties now began to bring 
 in prisoners, and cattle, and corn taken from the enemy. 
 The main body of the army was encamped about thirteen 
 miles from Tallushatches, where the Creeks in large num 
 bers had assembled with hostile preparations, and had ta 
 ken a position at that place, situated on the opposite shore 
 of the Coosa. 
 
 General Coffee was dispatched early in November, 
 with nine hundred cavalry and mounted riflemen, to at 
 tack the Creeks in the encampment. He forded the Coosa 
 under the direction of an Indian guide, and advanced on 
 Tallushatches. The Creeks were aware of his approach 
 and prepared to meet it. They struck the war-drum, 
 sung the war-song, and by their savage war-whoops, 
 gave notice that they were prepared for battle. Within a 
 short distance of the village, they charged upon our troops 
 with a boldness seldom displayed by Indians. They were 
 repulsed, and after the most obstinate resistance, in which 
 they would receive no quarters, they were slain almost to 
 a man, and their women and children taken prisoners. 
 Nearly two hundred of their warriors fell in this battle ; 
 the loss of the Tennesseans, five killed and thirty wounded. 
 The following is the official report of this action : 
 
 GEN. JACKSON TO GOV. BLOTJNT. 
 
 Camp at Ten Islands, Nov. 4th, 1813. 
 Governor Blount, 
 
 Sir We have retaliated for the destruction of Fort 
 Minims. On the 2d inst., I detached General Coffee 
 with a part of his brigade of cavalry and mounted rifle- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 49 
 
 men, to destroy Tallushatches, where a considerable force 
 of the hostile Creeks were concentrated. The general 
 executed this in style. A hundred and eighty-six of 
 the enemy were found dead on the field, and eighty taken 
 prisoners, forty of whom have been brought here. In the 
 number left, there is a sufficiency but slightly wounded to 
 take care of those who are badly. I have to regret that 
 five of my brave fellows have been killed, and about thir 
 ty wounded ; some badly, but none I hope mortally. Both 
 officers and men behaved with the utmost bravery and 
 deliberation. Captains Smith, Bradley, and Winston, are 
 wounded, all slightly. No officer is killed. So soon as 
 General Coffee makes his report, I shall enclose it. If 
 we had a sufficient supply of provisions, we should in a 
 very short time accomplish the object of the expedition. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with great respect, yours, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 The following is General Coffee s report of the battle 
 of Tallushatches, alluded to in the letter to Governor 
 Blount : 
 
 BRIG. GEN. COFFEE TO MAJ. GEN. JACKSON. 
 
 Camp at Ten Islands, Nov. 4^, 1813. 
 Major General Jackson, 
 
 Sir I had the honor yesterday, of transmitting you 
 a short account of an engagement that took place be 
 tween a detachment of nine hundred men from my bri 
 gade, with the enemy at Tallushatches town ; the particu 
 lars whereof I beg leave herein to recite to you. Pursu 
 ant to your order of the 2d, I detailed from my brigade 
 of cavalry and mounted riflemen, nine hundred men and 
 officers, and proceeded directly to ; the Tallushatches towns, 
 and crossed Coosa river at the Fish- Dam ford, three or four 
 miles above this place. I arrived within one and a half 
 miles of the town, distant from this place southeast eight 
 miles, on the morning of the 3d, at which place I divided 
 5 
 
50 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 my detachment into two columns, the right composed of 
 the cavalry commanded by Colonel Allcorn, to cross over 
 a large creek that lay between us and the towns : the left 
 column was mounted riflemen, under the command of Co 
 lonel Cannon, with whom I marched myself. Colonel 
 Allcorn was ordered to march up on the right, and encir 
 cle one half of the town, and at the same time the left would 
 form a half circle on the left, and unite the head of the 
 columns in front of the town ; all of which was perform 
 ed as I could wish. When I arrived within half a mile 
 of the town, the drums of the enemy began to beat, min 
 gled with their savage yells, preparing for action. It was 
 after sunrise an hour, when the action was brought on by 
 Captain Hammond s and Lieutenant Patterson s companies, 
 who had gone on with the circle of alignment for the pur 
 pose of drawing out the enemy from their buildings, which 
 had the most happy effect. As soon as Captain Hammond 
 exhibited his front in view of the town, which stood in an 
 open woodland, and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy 
 formed and made a violent charge on him ; he gave way 
 as they advanced, until they met our right column, which 
 gave them a general fire and then charged ; this changed 
 the direction of charge completely ; the enemy retreated 
 firing, until they got around and in their buildings, where 
 they made all the resistance that an overpowered soldier 
 could do ; they fought as long as one existed, but their 
 destruction was very soon completed ; our men rushed up to 
 the doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last 
 warrior of them; the enemy fought with savage fury, 
 and met death, with all its horrors, without shrinking or 
 complaining : not one asked to be spared, but fought as 
 long as they could stand or sit. In consequence of their 
 flying to their houses, and mixing with their families, our 
 men, in killing the males, without intention killed and 
 wounded a few of the squaws and children, which was 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 61 
 
 regretted by every officer and soldier of the detachment, 
 but which could not be avoided. 
 
 The number of the enemy killed, was one hundred and 
 eighty-six that were counted, and a number of others kill 
 ed in the weeds not found. I think the calculation a rea 
 sonable one, to say two hundred of them were killed ; and 
 eighty-four prisoners, of women and children, were taken ; 
 not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news, a cir 
 cumstance unknown heretofore. We lost five men killed, 
 and forty-one wounded, none mortally, the greater part 
 slightly, a number with arrows ; this appears to form a 
 very principal part of the enemy s arms for warfare, 
 every man having a bow with a bundle of arrows, which 
 is used after the first fire with the gun, until a leisure time 
 for loading offers. It is with pleasure I say that our men 
 acted with deliberation and firmness ; notwithstanding our 
 numbers were superior to those of the enemy, it was a cir 
 cumstance to us unknown, and from the parade of the enemy 
 we had every reason to suppose them our equals in num 
 ber ; but there appeared no visible traces of alarm in any, 
 but on the contrary all appeared cool and determined, and 
 no doubt when they face a foe of their own, or superior 
 number, they will show the same courage as on this oc 
 casion. 
 
 I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your 
 obedient servant, JOHN COFFEE, 
 
 Brig-. Gen. of Cavalry and Riflemen. 
 
 Major General Jackson. 
 
52 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Tennessee forces Message to General White Fort 
 ress of Talladega Its danger General Jackson 
 advances to its protection General White refuses to 
 form a junction with him General Jackson crosses 
 the Coos a Battle of Talladega Official report of 
 it Consequences of General White s conduct Gen. 
 Floyd Battle of Autoussee Official report of it 
 Difficulties of General Jackson s situation Famine 
 &nd mutiny among his troops His firmness Arri 
 val of supplies Discontent of his troops continues 
 Governor Blount His instructions General Jack 
 son dismisses his corps. New troops raised General 
 Claiborne His victory upon the Alabama. 
 
 THE Tennessee forces, at the commencement of the 
 campaign in the Creek nation, in 1813, consisted of two- 
 divisions ; one of West Tennessee, commanded by General 
 Jackson the other of East Tennessee, commanded by 
 General Cocke. Major General Thomas Pinckney, of 
 the United States army, was commander-in-chief of the 
 military district in which these troops were organized. 
 The decisive victory at Tallushatches, and the total dis 
 comfiture of the savages of that station, induced General 
 Jackson to adopt the most efficient measures for prosecuting 
 the encouraging success the army had there met with, by 
 more important operations. To accomplish these, he sent 
 an express, on the 4th of November, to Brigadier General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 53 
 
 White, of General Gocke s division, who was only twenty- 
 five miles distant, ordering him, with the troops under his 
 command, to form a junction with him at Fort Strother, 
 which he had established as a depot. His object in form 
 ing this junction, was to augment his forces to such an 
 amount, as to enable him to proceed with confidence in 
 attacking the enemy, and leave a force in the rear sufficient 
 to protect the sick and guard the baggage. Although he 
 had twice before sent similar orders, not a word of intelli 
 gence was received from him. He delayed until the 7th 
 inst., when he dispatched another express. 
 
 On the same day, information w r as received by General 
 Jackson, that a fortress of friendly Indians at Talladega, 
 thirty miles distant from Fort Strother, was in imminent 
 danger of total destruction by the hostile party, who had 
 assembled about them in great numbers. They had es 
 poused the cause of the Americans ; and, of course, had 
 excited the vindictive malice and savage ferocity of their 
 brethren. The runners, dispatched by the friendly Creeks, 
 urged General Jackson to relieve them from their perilous 
 situation. The same sentiment that induced General 
 Jackson to hazard his reputation in protecting his country 
 men at Natchez, led him, without hesitation, to extend his 
 aid to those natives, who had adhered to our inter 
 ests with so much fidelity. He commenced his march at 
 twelve o clock in the evening. He dispatched another 
 express to General White to repair that night to Fort 
 Strother, and protect it in his absence. To his great sur 
 prise, he received a message from him, that he had, agree 
 ably to his order, commenced a march to Fort Strother, but 
 that he had received counter orders from Gen. Cocke, to 
 join him at Chatuga Creek ; and that he should obey him ! 
 It would be difficult to conceive a more embarrassing 
 situation than that in which General Jackson was now 
 placed ; his rear unprotected and exposed to the ravages 
 5* 
 
54 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of the enemy in his front the war-shout had sounded, and 
 a reaction of the bloody tragedy of fort Mimms was impend 
 ing over the defenceless inhabitants of Talladega. Not a 
 moment was to be lost ; his decision was instantly taken, 
 and he urged on his troops to their defence with his wonted 
 energy. They crossed the river that very night, each 
 horseman carrying a foot soldier behind him, though the 
 Coosa is here six hundred yards wide. The whole night 
 was consumed in this operation ; yet the army continued 
 to march with unabated ardor, and by the next evening 
 arrived within six miles of the enemy. The following is 
 the result of the battle, as officially reported : 
 
 GEN. JACKSON TO GOV. BLOUNT. 
 
 Camp Strother, near Ten Islands of Coosa, 
 November Ilth, 1813. 
 
 Sir I am just returned from an excursion w r hich I took 
 a few days ago, and hasten to acquaint you with the result. 
 
 Late on the evening of the 7th inst. a rumor arrived from 
 the friendly party at Lashley s fort, (Talladega,) distant 
 about thirty miles below us, with the information that the 
 hostile Creeks, in great force, had encamped near the 
 place, and were preparing to destroy it ; and earnestly 
 entreated that I would lose no time in affording them relief. 
 Urged by their situation, as well as by a wish to meet the 
 enemy as soon as an opportunity would offer, I determined 
 upon commencing my march thither, with all my disposa 
 ble force, in the course of the night ; and immediately 
 dispatched an express to General White, advising him of 
 my intended movement, and urged him to hasten to this 
 encampment by a forced march, in order to protect it in my 
 absence. I had repeatedly written to the general to form 
 a junction with me as speedily as practicable, and a few 
 days before had received his assurance, that on the 7th he 
 would join me. I commenced crossing the river at Ten 
 Islands, leaving behind me my baggage-wagons, and what- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 55 
 
 ever might retard my progress, and encamped that night 
 within six miles of the fort I had set out to relieve. At 
 midnight, I had received by an Indian runner, a letter from 
 General White, informing me that he had received my 
 order, but that he had altered his course, and was on his 
 march backward to join Major General Cocke, near the 
 mouth of the Chatuga. I will not now remark upon the 
 strangeness of this manoeuvre ; but it was now too late to 
 change my plan, or make any new arrangements ; and, 
 between three and four o clock, I recommenced my march 
 to meet the enemy, who were encamped within a quarter 
 of a mile of the fort. At sunrise \ve came within half a 
 mile of them, and having formed my men, I moved in 
 order of battle. The infantry were in three lines the 
 militia on the left, and the volunteers on the right. The 
 cavalry formed the two extreme wings, and were ordered 
 to advance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with 
 the advance of their infantry lines, and enclose the enemy 
 in a circle. The advanced guard, whom I sent forward 
 to bring on the engagement, met the attack of the enemy 
 with great intrepidity ; and, having poured upon them four 
 or five very galling rounds, fell back, as they had been 
 previously ordered, to the army. The enemy pursued, 
 and the front line was now ordered to advance and meet 
 him ; but, owing to some misunderstanding, a few com 
 panies of militia, who composed a part of it, commenced 
 a retreat. At this moment, a corps of cavalry, com 
 manded by Lieut. Colonel Dyer, which I had kept as a 
 reserve, was ordered to dismount and fill up the vacancy 
 occasioned by the retreat. This order was executed w r ith 
 a great deal of promptitude and effect. The militia, see 
 ing this, speedily rallied ; and the fire became general 
 along the front line, and on that part of the wings which 
 was contiguous. The enemy, unable to stand it, began 
 to retreat ; but were met at every turn, and repulsed in 
 
66 BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 every direction. The right wing chased them, with a 
 most destructive fire, to the mountains, a distance of about 
 three miles ; and, had I not been compelled, by the faux 
 pas of the militia, in the outset of the battle, to dismouut 
 my reserve, I believe not a man of them would have 
 escaped. The victory was, however, very decisive : two 
 hundred and ninety of the enemy were left dead; and 
 there can be no doubt but many more were killed who were 
 not found. Wherever they ran, they left behind traces of 
 blood ; and it is believed that very few will return to their 
 villages in as sound a condition as they left them. I was 
 compelled to return to this place to protect the sick and 
 wounded, and get my baggage on. 
 
 In the engagement, we lost fifteen killed, and eighty-five 
 wounded ; two of whom have since died. All the officers 
 acted with the utmost bravery, and so did all the privates, ex 
 cept that part of the militia who retreated at the commence 
 ment of the battle and they hastened to atone for their 
 error. Taking the whole together, they have realized the 
 high expectations I had formed of them, and have fairly 
 entitled themselves to the gratitude of their country. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 His Excellency Willie Blount, Nashville. 
 
 The following completes the account of the battle of 
 Talladega : 
 
 Camp Strother, near Ten Islands, 
 I5th November, 1813. 
 
 You will perceive, from the draft which I shall send 
 you, that, had there been no departure from the original 
 order of battle, not an Indian could have escaped ; and, 
 even as the battle did terminate, I believe that no impartial 
 man can say that a more splendid victory has in any 
 instance attended our arms, on land, since the commence 
 ment of the war. The force of the enemy is represented 
 by themselves to have been ten hundred and eighty ; and it 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 57 
 
 does not appear from their fire and the space of ground 
 which they occupied, that their number can have been 
 less. Two hundred and ninety-nine were left dead on the 
 ground ; and no doubt many more were killed who were 
 not found. In a very few weeks, if I had a sufficiency of 
 supplies, I am thoroughly convinced, I should be able to 
 put an end to the Creek hostilities. 
 
 Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the advance, 
 led on by Col. Carrol, for the spirited manner in which 
 they commenced and sustained the attack ; nor upon the 
 reserve, commanded by Lieut. Colonel Dyer, and com 
 posed of Captains Smith s, Morton s, Axurn s, Edwards , 
 and Hammond s companies, for the gallantry with which 
 they met and repulsed the enemy. In a word, officers of 
 every grade, as well as the privates, realized the high 
 expectations I had formed of them, and merit the gratitude 
 of their country. 
 
 I should be doing injustice to my staff, composed of 
 Majors Reid and Scarcy ; my aids, Col. Sitler, and 
 Major Anthony, adjutant, and assistant adjutant general ; 
 Colonel Carrol, inspector general ; Major Strother, topo 
 grapher ; Mr. Cunningham, my secretary ; and Colonel 
 Stokey D. Haynes, quarter master general ; not to say that 
 they were every where in the midst of danger, circulating 
 my orders. They deserve and receive my thanks. 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 General Jackson s plan of operation was very much 
 frustrated by the refusal of General White to form a 
 junction with him, or to repair to the protection of Fort 
 Strother, in his absence ; and compelled him to relinquish 
 his intention of immediately extending the war into the 
 Indian territories, and bringing our contest with the 
 Creeks to a speedy conclusion. It protracted hostilities 
 with a people who prosecute their quarrels with the most 
 
68 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 0p 
 
 unrelenting and bloody barbarity, and who, of all others, 
 should be promptly taught to respect our rights. 
 
 It has been previously stated, that the Creeks had de 
 termined to attack the frontiers of Georgia and Tennessee, 
 simultaneously. Measures, equally efficient with those 
 adopted by the executive, and legislature of Tennessee, 
 were adopted by the executive and legislature of Georgia. 
 His Excellency, Peter Earley, governor of that state, 
 upon the 8th November, 1813, communicated to the Sen 
 ate and House of Representatives, the information he had 
 received of savage depredations and murders upon the 
 frontiers. The legislature promptly authorized the go 
 vernor to cause the frontiers to be put in a state of defence, 
 and to send a competent force into the heart of the Creek 
 country. As the forces of Georgia acted in concert with 
 those of Tennessee under the command of General Jack 
 son, a brief detail of them may not be deemed uninterest 
 ing. The Georgia militia were commanded by Brigadier 
 General Floyd. He met the enemy at Autoussee, upon 
 the banks of the Tallapoosa river, and gave them battle, 
 and the following is his description of it : 
 
 " Having received information that numbers of the 
 hostile Indians were assembled at Autoussee, a town on 
 the southern bank of the Tallapoosa, ?ibout eighteen miles 
 from the Hickory Ground, and twenty above the junction 
 of that river with the Coosa, I proceeded to its attack, 
 with nine hundred and fifty of the Georgia militia, 
 accompanied by between three and four hundred friendly 
 Indians. Having encamped within nine or ten miles of 
 the point of destination the preceding evening, we re 
 sumed the march a few minutes before one on the morning 
 of the twenty-ninth, and, at half past six were formed for 
 action in front of the town. 
 
 Booth s battalion composed the right column, and 
 inarched from its centre ; Watson s battalion composed 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 59 
 
 the left, and marched from its right ; Adams rifle com 
 pany, and Merriwether s, under Lieutenant Hendon, were 
 on the flanks ; Captain Thomas artillery marched in 
 front of the right column on the road. 
 
 It was my intention to have completely surrounded the 
 enemy, by deploying the right wing of my force on Can- 
 leebee creek, at the mouth of which, I was informed, the 
 town stood, and resting the left on the river bank, below 
 the town ; but, to our surprise, as the day dawned, we 
 perceived a second town about five hundred yards below 
 that which we had first viewed, and were preparing to 
 attack. The plan was immediately changed ; three com 
 panies of infantry, on the left, where wheeled into echelon, 
 and advanced to the low town, accompanied by Merri 
 wether s rifle company ; and two troops of light dragoons, 
 under the command of Captains Irwin and Steele. 
 
 The residue of the force approached the upper town, 
 and the battle soon became general. The Indians pre 
 sented themselves at every point, and fought with the 
 desperate bravery of real fanatics. The well directed 
 fire, however, of the artillery, added to the charge of the 
 bayonet, soon forced them to take refuge in the outhouses, 
 thickets, and copses, in rear of the town ; many, it is 
 believed, concealed themselves in caves, previously formed 
 for the purpose of secure retreat, in the high bluff of the 
 river, which was thickly covered with reeds and brush 
 wood. The Indians of the friendly party, who accom 
 panied us on the expedition, were divided into four com 
 panies, and placed under the command of leaders of their 
 selection. They were, by arrangement entered into the 
 day previous, to have crossed the river above the town, 
 and been posted on the opposite shore, during the action, 
 for the purpose of firing on such of the enemy as might 
 attempt to escape, or keep in check any reinforcement 
 which might probably be thrown in from the neighboring 
 
60 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 town ; but, owing to the difficulty of the ford, and coldness 
 of the weather, and the lateness of the hour, this arrange 
 ment failed, and their leaders were directed to cross Can- 
 lubee creek, and occupy that flank, to prevent escapes from 
 the Tallassee town. Some time after the action com 
 menced, our red friends thronged in disorder in the rear 
 of our lines. The Cowetams, under M Intosh, and the 
 Lookaubatchians, under the Mad Dog s Son, fell in on 
 our flanks, and fought with an intrepidity worthy of any 
 troops. 
 
 At nine o clock, the enemy was completely driven from 
 the plain, and the houses of both towns wrapped in flames. 
 As we were then sixty miles from any depot of provisions, 
 and our five days rations pretty much reduced, in the 
 heart of an enemy s country, which, in a few moments, 
 could have poured from its numerous towns, hosts of its 
 fiercest warriors as soon as the dead and wounded were 
 properly disposed of, I ordered the place to be abandoned, 
 and the troops to commence their march to Chatahauchie. 
 
 It is difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, 
 but from the information of the chiefs, which it is said can 
 be relied upon, that at Autoussee, warriors from eight 
 towns were assembled for its defence, it being their be 
 loved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man 
 could approach without inevitable destruction. It is dif 
 ficult to give a precise account of the loss of the enemy ; 
 but from the number which were lying scattered over the 
 field, together with those destroyed in the towns, and 
 many slain on the bank of the river, which respectable 
 officers affirm they saw lying in heaps at the water s 
 edge, where they had been precipitated by their surviv 
 ing friends. Their loss in killed, independent of their 
 wounded, must have been at least two hundred, among 
 whom were the Autoussee and Talassee kings; and 
 from the circumstance of their making no efforts to molest 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 61 
 
 our return, probably greater. The number of buildings 
 burnt, some of a superior order for the dwellings of 
 savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed to 
 be four hundred. 
 
 Adjutant General Newman rendered important ser 
 vices during the action, by his cool and deliberate cou 
 rage. My aid, Major Crawford, discharged with promp 
 titude the duties of a brave and meritorious officer. 
 Major Pace, who acted as field aid, also distinguished 
 himself; both these gentlemen had their horses shot 
 under them. Doctor Williamson, hospital surgeon, and 
 Doctor Clopton, were prompt and attentive in the dis 
 charge of their duty towards the wounded, during the 
 action. 
 
 Major Freeman, at the head of Gwin s troop of caval 
 ry, and part of Steele s, made a furious and successful 
 charge upon a body of Indians, sabred several, and com 
 pletely defeated them. Captain Thomas and his compa 
 ny, Captain Adams and Lieutenant Hendon s rifle com 
 panies, killed a great many Indians, and deserve particu 
 lar praise : Captain Barton s company was in the hottest 
 cf the battle, and fought like soldiers. Captains Myric, 
 Little, King, Broadnax, Cleveland, Joseph T. Cunning 
 ham, and Lee, with their companies, distinguished them 
 selves. Brigadier General Shackleford was of great ser 
 vice in bringing the troops into action ; and Adjutant 
 Broadnax, and Major Montgomery, who acted as assistant 
 adjutant, showed great activity and courage. Major 
 Booth used his best endeavors in bringing his battalion 
 to action, and Major Watson s battalion acted with con 
 siderable spirit. Gwin s, Patterson s, and Steele s troops 
 of cavalry, wherever an opportunity presented, charged 
 with spirit. Lieutenent Strong had his horse shot, and 
 narrowly escaped, and Quartermaster Fennell displayed 
 the greatest heroism, and miraculously escaped, though 
 6 
 
62 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 badly wounded, after having his horse shot from under 
 him. The topographical engineer was vigilant in his 
 endeavours to render service. The troops deserve the 
 highest praise for their fortitude in enduring hunger, cold, 
 and fatigue, without a murmur, having marched one hun 
 dred and twenty miles in seven days. 
 
 The friendly Indians lost several killed and wounded, 
 the number not exactly known." 
 
 This was an important victory ; two kings, and two 
 hundred warriors fell a much larger number were 
 wounded their villages were depopulated their houses 
 demolished, and the fanatic spell, which urged them on 
 to deeds of bloody daring, was broken ; and on " their 
 beloved ground, on which they proclaimed no white man 
 could approach without inevitable destruction," they saw 
 their warriors fall before the prowess of our arms, and 
 their dwellings wrapped in conflagration. 
 
 While these interesting events were transpiring, Ge 
 neral Jackson was encountering great difficulties in con 
 sequence of famine and mutiny among his corps at Fort 
 Strother. After the battle of Talladega, as has been be 
 fore stated, the defenceless condition of his rear compelled 
 him to fall back on that fortress. Here his troops were 
 compelled to submit to all the horrors of starvation. 
 Their whole stock of provisions consisted only of a few 
 cattle taken from the enemy, or purchased from the Che- 
 rokees. In these circumstances, General Jackson made 
 every exertion to alleviate the distresses of his soldiers. 
 He covered his table with offals and acorns from the fo 
 rest, and partook of no better fare than the most humble 
 of his corps. Great discontent, however, was produced 
 among his troops by the privations and hardships of their 
 situation, which at length broke out in open mutiny. 
 They were clamorous to break up the campaign, and re 
 turn home ; to effect this they were even encouraged by 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 63 
 
 many of the subordinate officers. General Jackson saw 
 the vast importance of maintaining his post and army 
 entire till supplies should arrive. He knew that the 
 hopes of the borderers of Georgia and Tennessee rested 
 upon him ; he knew that they had watched his operations 
 with intense anxiety, and hailed his triumphant victories 
 with the most heartfelt gratitude and delight ; he knew 
 that if the campaign were to end here, that all his former 
 successes would be rendered worse than useless, and in- 
 stead of guarantying security to the frontiers, would on 
 ly serve to whet the savage vengeance of the enemy, and 
 impel them to the perpetration of more revolting scenes 
 of havock and bloodshed. 
 
 Impelled by these momentous considerations, General 
 Jackson resorted to every persuasive expedient to allay 
 the discontent of his troops. He reminded them of the 
 past the unshaken fortitude they had displayed in their 
 hazardous expedition to Natchez the daring courage 
 they had manifested upon the plains of Tallushatches and 
 Talladega the exposure of their families and kindred 
 to the horrors of savage butchery. But all his efforts 
 were unavailing. Could he have said to them, Yonder is 
 you enemy ; charge, and by one decisive victory put an 
 end to this contest ; every soldier would have followed 
 his commander to battle, and yielded the best blood of his 
 heart, rather than behold the proud banner of his country 
 dishonored. But to sit down and patiently wait for the 
 arrival of uncertain supplies, with the prospect of starva 
 tion before them, was not so congenial with the ardent tem 
 peraments of the brave Tennesseans. Every pacific ex 
 pedient on the part of General Jackson having been ex 
 hausted, he was at length compelled to resort to force. 
 When, therefore, the militia revolted openly, and were 
 about to abandon the camp, he drew up the volunteers 
 under arms, with orders to prevent their departure. This 
 
64 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 display of resolution overawed the militia, and they re 
 turned to their tents. 
 
 The volunteers, however, were themselves disaffected, 
 and soon prepared to follow the example, which, a short 
 time previous, they had been instrumental in preventing 
 the militia from executing. But the general had antici 
 pated their measures, and prepared to counteract them. 
 As they were about to leave the camp, the militia opposed 
 them, and expressed their determination of enforcing their 
 stay, if necessary, at the point of the bayonet. This 
 movement produced the same effect upon the volunteers, as 
 theirs of a similar nature had before done upon the militia, 
 and like them, they returned again to their tents. The 
 cavalry, however, were in a condition which silenced 
 every objection to their departure ; their forage was en 
 tirely exhausted, and they had no prospect of obtaining 
 more. General Jackson therefore permitted them to re 
 turn home, on condition they would rejoin him if neces 
 sity required. 
 
 - Mutiny, however, continued to exist in the minds of 
 his troops, notwithstanding all his endeavours to suppress 
 it. He promised that if supplies did not arrive in t\vo 
 days, he would abandon his position, and march his army 
 to the settlements. But nothing would satisfy the volun 
 teers. And he was compelled to allow one regiment to 
 depart, with a stipulation to return after they should have 
 satisfied their most pressing wants. The militia display 
 ed more firmness, and waited till the two stipulated days 
 had elapsed, but the supplies did not arrive. They re 
 quired of the general a redemption of his pledge, and he 
 could not refuse. In the bitterness of his mortification, 
 he exclaimed that if but two men would abide with him, 
 he would never abandon the fort. Captain Gordon and 
 one hundred more immediately proposed to remain and 
 protect the position. Leaving this garrison behind, the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 65 
 
 army prepared for its march homeward. Scarcely had 
 the troops left Fort Strother, when they were met by a 
 convoy of the long expected commissaries stores. This 
 was rather an unwelcome sight to the troops, whose 
 minds were fixed upon home. After some resistance, 
 which was overcome by a most signal display of firmness 
 and energy by General Jackson, they returned to Fort 
 Strother. 
 
 That the reader may have a clearer idea of the diffi 
 culties of General Jackson s situation, and the courage 
 requisite to surmount them, we present an extract from a 
 letter written by a gentleman who was an actor in the 
 scenes he describes. 
 
 ** Since the battle of Tallushatches and Talladega, the 
 army of General Jackson has crumbled to pieces. The 
 whole of his volunteer infantry are returning home in 
 sisting that their time of service expired on the 10th of 
 this month, being the anniversary of their rendezvous at 
 Nashville. The General, however, did not discharge 
 them ; the decision is left with the governor of Tennes 
 see. What he will do, is not yet known. The universal 
 impression, however, is, that they will be discharged. 
 Yet nothing is more clear than that they have not served 
 twelve months and they were, by law, to serve twelve 
 months in a period of two years, unless sooner discharged. 
 The General s force now at fort Strother, Ten Islands of 
 Coosa, may amount to about fifteen hundred men, chiefly 
 drafted militia. Of these, nearly the whole will be en 
 titled to discharge about the fourth of the ensuing month. 
 It is supposed that not more than one hundred and fifty, 
 or two hundred, who are attached to the General person 
 ally, and will remain through motives of affection, will 
 be left with him after that day. Doubtless you know 
 that the brigade of cavalry volunteers and mounted rifle 
 men under the command of General Coffee, were some 
 6* 
 
66 BIOGRAPHY Otf 
 
 time since ordered into the settlements to recruit their 
 horses for a few days, and procure new ones. About 
 half, perhaps eight hundred, appeared at the day and place 
 of rendezvous ; but of these not more than six hundred 
 would consent to go on after the 10th. About half of this 
 last number were of the old volunteer cavalry, the rest 
 mounted men newly raised. The first will certainly re 
 turn with the volunteer infantry, their term commencing 
 and expiring together. The last claim a discharge at the 
 expiration of three months from the clay they were mus 
 tered into service ; which must be nearly out. We may 
 say, then, that all these are gone too. Yet General Jack 
 son has very recently received an order from General 
 Pinckney, to garrison and maintain every inch of ground 
 he gains. And although all active exertions of the cam 
 paign seem to be paralised, I still hope this may, and will 
 be done. General Cocke is now in East Tennessee, en 
 deavoring to collect a new levy ; as to his success we 
 know nothing. General Roberts, from West Tennessee, 
 passed through our country three days ago, and has just 
 crossed the river with about two hundred and fifty men 
 Colonel Carroll, inspector-general of this army, arrived 
 io-day with a force of five or six hundred, and four com 
 panies are proposed to be sent from this county. How 
 long these men are to serve, I know not not longer, I 
 fancy, than three months. I trust, however, that this sys 
 tem of short service, wretched as it is inefficient, and ex 
 pensive above all others, will yet enable Jackson to occu 
 py till spring the ground he has won. Perhaps the re 
 turn of moderate weather, and great efforts meanwhile, 
 may collect around his banner, an army sufficient to effect 
 the complete discomfiture and prostration of the Creek 
 power. This, however, will be every day a work of 
 greater difficulty. The English have already appeared 
 in force at Pensacola, seven sail having troops on board, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 67 
 
 besides two bomb vessels. Orleans will be menaced. 
 Mobile is considered in great danger. The force on the 
 Tombigbee waters, and the 3d regiment ascending the 
 Alabama, will be called to its defence. This gives the 
 Creeks breathing time, and lessens the force destined to 
 crush them. Augustine, too, will doubtless be occupied 
 by British troops ; and from these points, arms, ammuni 
 tion, and perhaps men and leaders, will be pushed up to 
 the aid of the Upper and Middle Creeks. The Seminoles 
 and the runaway negroes among them, may be turned 
 loose upon the sea-coast of Georgia." 
 
 The discontent of the troops was but little abated after 
 their return to Fort Strother. The arrival of a sufficient 
 supply of stores, obviated the necessity for food ; yet the 
 minds of the soldiers having been once fixed upon the 
 prospect of quitting the toils and privations of military 
 life, could not easily be brought to relinquish the favorite 
 idea of returning to their homes. The troops remon 
 strated against their detention, whilst the general resorted 
 to every expedient to induce them to remain. He ad 
 dressed a letter to the governor of Tennessee for instruc 
 lions ; and in his reply the governor, in consequence 01 
 the disaffection of the troops, and the reluctance they 
 manifested at remaining, w r as induced to recommend an 
 abandonment of the expedition. General Jackson no 
 longer attempted to detain his men, but dismissed the 
 discontented. A few only of his original army, " good 
 men and true," remained behind with their general, to 
 prosecute the war which had been so gloriously com 
 menced. 
 
 The governor of Tennessee was soon aware of the 
 error into which he had been led, by recommending an 
 abandonment of the expedition, and affected by the expos 
 tulations of General Jackson, and the difficulties which 
 surrounded him, he set himself vigorously to work in 
 
68 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 applying a remedy. He ordered a levy of twenty-five 
 hundred men from the second division, to assemble at 
 Fayetteville on the twenty-eighth of January, to serve for 
 a period of three months. Brighter prospects nowhegan 
 to dawn upon General Jackson, and after encountering 
 the most appalling difficulties with an energy and decision, 
 which compelled even his enemies to acknowledge, " that 
 he made the most extraordinary efforts, and that it is no 
 more than charitable to believe that he was actuated by 
 the love of his country, while acting in opposition to her 
 laws. 11 
 
 The forces under the command of General Claiborne, 
 General Floyd, and General Jackson, acted in concert in 
 the prosecution of the Creek war. The latter was con 
 stantly advised of the movements of the former, and al 
 ways exerting himself to render them assistance. About 
 the first of January, 1814, he received the cheering intel 
 ligence that General Claiborne had achieved an impor 
 tant victory upon the Alabama, more than one hundred 
 miles from Fort Strother, his head-quarters. The battle 
 was fought at Eccanachaca, the residence of the prophets 
 Wetherford, Francis, and Sinquister. It was built since 
 the commencement of hostilities, as a place of security 
 for the natives, and as a depot for provisions. Like Au- 
 toussee, it was deemed, by the superstitious natives, the 
 grave of white men. On the 23d December, it was at 
 tacked ; between thirty or forty warriors were slain ; the 
 whole town of two hundred houses destroyed, and a large 
 quantity of provisions taken. The town being surround 
 ed by swamps and deep ravines, facilitated the escape of 
 the savages from the pursuit of the Americans. The 
 next day, a town of sixty houses, about eight miles above 
 the holy ground, w r as destroyed, together with several 
 distinguished chiefs, and all the boats belonging to the 
 savages of that station. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 69 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Newly raised troops They arrive at Fort Str other 
 Join the forces of Gen. Jackson He marches them 
 to Talladega The enemy at Emuckfaw river Gen. 
 Jackson advances upon them Attacks them His 
 official report of the battle Important results of his 
 victory Operations of the Georgia forces General 
 Floyd s victory The Creeks fortify themselves at 
 the Horse-Shoe Gen. Jackson attacks them De 
 feats them His account of the battle He is cen 
 sured for his severity to the Creeks Causes which 
 justified his treatment of them His vindication. 
 
 THE newly raised Tennessee volunteers arrived at 
 Fort Strother, and joined the forces of Gen. Jackson 
 about the middle of January, 1814, and soon after their 
 organization, took up the line of march for Talladega. 
 The whole force led on by Gen. Jackson, consisted of the 
 volunteers, two mounted regiments, an artilfery company, 
 three companies of foot, and a company of volunteer 
 officers, nine hundred and thirty in all. Two or three 
 hundred friendly Creeks and Cherokees joined them at 
 Talladega. With this force he continued his march to 
 Emuckfaw river, where a large body of the enemy had 
 collected. 
 
 On the 21st, he approached the neighborhood of the 
 enemy. At day break the next morning, the Creek war 
 riors drove in the sentinels, and vigorously charged the 
 left flank. The assault was bravely given and bravely 
 
70 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 received, and the battle was maintained with great spirit 
 on both sides for half an hour. The following is General 
 Jackson s official report of the engagement, to Maj. Gen. 
 Pinckney, of the U. S. army, and as it is more interesting 
 than any other detail we can procure, we lay it with plea 
 sure before our readers : 
 
 Head Quarters, Fort Strother, Jan. 29, 1814. 
 Maj. Gen. Thomas Pinckney, 
 
 Sir I had the honor of informing you in a letter of the 
 3lst ult. [expressl of an excursion I contemplated making 
 still further in the enemy s country, with the new raised 
 volunteers from Tennessee. I had ordered those troops 
 to form a junction with me on the 10th inst., but they dia 
 not arrive until the 14th. Their number, including offi 
 cers, was about eight hundred, and on the 15th, I marched 
 them across the river to graze their horses. On the next 
 day I followed with the remainder of my force, consisting 
 of the artillery company, with one six pounder, one com 
 pany of infantry of forty-eight men, two companies of 
 spies commanded by Capts. Gordon and Russell, of about 
 thirty men each, and a company of volunteer officers, 
 headed by Gen. Coffee, who had been abandoned by his 
 men, and who still remained in the field awaiting the 
 orders of the government ; making my force, exclusive of 
 Indians, nine hundred and thirty. 
 
 The motives which influenced me to penetrate still fur 
 ther into the enemy s country, with this force, were many 
 and urgent. The terms of service of the new raised 
 volunteers was short, and a considerable part of it was 
 expired ; they were expensive to the government ; and 
 were full of ardor to meet the enemy. The ill effects of 
 keeping soldiers of this description long stationary and 
 idle, I had been made to feel but too sensibly already 
 other causes concurred to make such a movement not only 
 justifiable, but absolutely necessary. I had received a 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 71 
 
 letter from Capt. M Alpin, of the fifth inst., who com 
 manded at Fort Armstrong, in the absence of Col. Snod- 
 grass, informing me that fourteen or fifteen towns of the 
 enemy, situated on the waters of the Tallapoosa, were 
 about uniting their forces, and attacking that place, which 
 had been left in a very feeble state of defence. You had 
 in your letter of the 24th ult. informed me that General 
 Floyd was about to make a movement to the Tallapoosa, 
 near its junction with the Coosa ; and in the same letter 
 had recommended temporary excursions against such of 
 the enemy s towns, or settlements, as might be within 
 striking distance, as well to prevent my men from be 
 coming discontented, as to harass the enemy. Your ideas 
 corresponded exactly with my own, and I was happy in 
 the opportunity of keeping my men engaged, distressing 
 the enemy, and at the same time making a diversion to 
 facilitate the operations of Gen. Floyd. 
 
 Determined by these and other considerations, I took 
 up the line of march on the 17th inst., and on the 18th, 
 encamped at Talladega fort, where I was joined by 
 between two and three hundred friendly Indians : sixty 
 five of whom were Cherokees, the balance Creeks. Here 
 I received your letter of the 9th inst., stating that General 
 Floyd was expected to make a movement from Cowetau 
 the next day, and that in ten days thereafter he would 
 establish a firm position at Tuckbatchee ; and also a letter 
 from Col. Snodgrass, who had returned to Fort Arm 
 strong, informing me that an attack was intended to be 
 soon made on that fort, by nine hundred of the enemy. 
 If I could have hesitated before, I could now hesitate no 
 longer. I resolved to lose no time in meeting this force, 
 which was understood to have been collected from New 
 Yorcau, Oakfuskie, and Ufauley towns, and were con 
 centrated in a bend of the Tallapoosa, near the mouth of 
 a creek, called Emuckfaw, and on an island below New 
 Yorcau. 
 
72 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 On the morning of the 20th, your letter of the 10th 
 inst., forwarded by M Candles, reached me at the Hillabee 
 Creek ; and that night I encamped at Enotachopco, a 
 small Hillabee village, about twelve miles from Emuck- 
 faw. Here I began to perceive very plainly how little 
 knowledge my spies had of the country, of the situation 
 of the enemy, or of the distance I was from them. The 
 insubordination of the new troops, and the want of skill in 
 most of their officers, also became more and more apparent. 
 But their ardor to meet the enemy was not diminished ; and 
 I had sure reliance upon the guards, and upon the company 
 of old volunteer officers, and upon the spies, in all about 
 one hundred and twenty-five. My wishes and my duty 
 remained united, and I was determined to effect, if possi 
 ble, the objects for which the excursion had been prin 
 cipally undertaken. 
 
 On the morning of the 21st, I marched from Enota 
 chopco, as direct as I could for the bend of the Talla- 
 poosa, and about two o clock, P. M. my spies having dis 
 covered two of the enemy, endeavored to overtake them, 
 cut failed. In the evening I fell in upon a large trail, 
 which led to a new road, much beaten and lately traveled. 
 Knowing that I must have arrived within the neighbor 
 hood of a strong force, and it being late in the day, 1 
 determined to encamp, and reconnoitre the country in the 
 night. I chose the best site the country would admit, 
 encamped in a hollow square, sent out my spies and 
 pickets, doubled my sentinels, and made the necessary 
 arrangements before dark, for a night attack. About ten 
 o clock at night, one of the pickets fired at three of the 
 enemy, and killed one, but he was not found until the 
 next day. At eleven o clock, the spies whom I had sent 
 out, returned with the information, that there was a large 
 encampment of Indians at the distance of about thre<j 
 miles, who, from their whooping and dancing, seemed to 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 73 
 
 be apprised of our approach. One of these spies, an 
 Indian in whom I had great confidence, assured me that 
 they were carrying off their women and children, and that 
 the warriors would either make their escape, or attack 
 me before day. Being prepared at all points, nothing 
 remained to be done but to await their approach, if they 
 meditated an attack, or to be in readiness, if they did not . 
 to pursue and attack them -at day-light. While we were 
 in this state of readiness, the enemy about six o clock in 
 the morning commenced a vigorous attack on my left 
 flank, which was vigorously met ; the action continued to 
 rage on my left flank, and on the left of my rear, for about 
 half an hour. The braveGen. Coffee, with Col. Sitler, the 
 adjutant general and Col. Carrol, the inspector general, the 
 moment the firing commenced, mounted their horses and 
 repaired to the line, encouraging and animating the men 
 to the performance of their duty. So soon as it became 
 light enough to pursue, the left wing having sustained the 
 heat of the action, and being somewhat weakened, was 
 reinforced by Capt. Ferrill s company of infantry, and 
 was ordered and led on to the charge by Gen. Coffee, who 
 was well supported by Col. Higgins and the inspector 
 general, and by all the officers and privates who composed 
 that line. The enemy was completely routed at every 
 point, and the friendly Indians joining in the pursuit, they 
 were chased about two miles with considerable slaughter. 
 The chase being over, I immediately detached General 
 Coffee with four hundred men, and all the Indian force, 
 to burn their encampment ; but it was said by some to be 
 fortified. I ordered him in that event, not to attack it 
 until the artillery could be sent forward to reduce it. On 
 viewing the encampment and its strength, the general 
 thought it most prudent to return to my encampment, and 
 guard the artillery thither. The wisdom of this step was 
 soon discovered in half an hour after his return to camp, 
 7 
 
74 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 a considerable force of the enemy made its appearance on 
 my right flank, and commenced a brisk fire on a party of 
 men, who had been on picket guard the night before, and 
 were then in search of the Indians they had fired upon, 
 some of whom they believed had been killed. General 
 Coffee immediately requested me to let him take two hun 
 dred men, and turn their left flank, which I accordingly 
 ordered ; but, through some mistake which I did not then 
 observe, not more than fifty-four followed him, among whom 
 were the old volunteer officers. With these, however, he 
 immediately commenced an attack on the left flank of the 
 enemy ; at which time I ordered two hundred of the 
 friendly Indians, to fall in upon the right flank of the 
 enemy, and co-operate with the general. This order was 
 promptly obeyed, and on the moment of its execution, 
 what I expected was realized. The enemy had intended 
 the attack on the right as a feint, and expecting to direct 
 all my attention thither, meant to attack me again, and with 
 their main force on the left flank, which they had hoped to 
 find weakened and in disorder they were disappointed. 
 I had ordered the left flank to remain firm in its place, 
 and the moment the alarm gun was heard in that quarter, 
 I repaired thither, and ordered Capt. Ferrill, part of my 
 reserve, to support it. The whole line met the approach 
 of the enemy with astonishing intrepidity, and having 
 given a few fires, they forthwith charged with great 
 vigor the effect was immediate and inevitable. The 
 enemy fled with precipitation, and were pursued to a con 
 siderable distance, by the left flank and the friendly 
 Indians, with a galling and destructive fire. Col. Carrol, 
 who ordered the charge, led on the pursuit, and Colonel 
 Higgins and his regiment again distinguished them 
 selves. 
 
 In the mean time, Gen. Coffee was contending with a 
 superior force of the enemy. The Indians who I had 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 76 
 
 ordered to his support, and who had set out for this pur 
 pose, hearing the firing on the left, had returned to that 
 quarter, and when the enemy were routed there, entered 
 into the chase. That being now over, I forthwith ordered 
 Jim Fife, who was one of the principal commanders of 
 the friendly Creeks, with one hundred of his warriors, to 
 execute my first order. So soon as he reached General 
 Coffee, the charge was made, and the enemy routed ; they 
 were pursued about three miles, and forty-five of them 
 slain, who were found. Gen. Coffee was wounded in the 
 body, and his aid-de-camp, A. Donaldson, killed, together 
 with three others. Having brought in and buried the 
 dead, and dressed the wounded, I ordered my camp to be 
 fortified, to be the better prepared to repel any attack 
 which might be made in the night, determined to make a 
 return march to Fort Strother the following day. Many 
 causes concurred to make such a measure necessary, as I 
 had not set out prepared, or with a view to make a per 
 manent establishment. I considered it worse than use 
 less to advance and destroy an empty encampment. I 
 had, indeed, hoped to have met the enemy there, but 
 having met and beaten them a little sooner, I did not think 
 it necessary or prudent to proceed any further not 
 necessary, because I had accomplished all I could expect 
 to effect by marching to their encampment ; and because 
 if it was proper to contend with and weaken their forces 
 still farther, this object would be more certainly attained, 
 by commencing a return, which having to them the ap 
 pearance of a retreat, would inspirit them to pursue me. 
 Not prudent because of the number of my wounded ; 
 of the reinforcements from below, which the enemy might 
 be expected to receive ; of the starving condition of my 
 horses, they having had neither corn nor cane for two 
 days and nights ; of the scarcity of supplies for my men, 
 the Indians who joined me at Talladega having drawn 
 
76 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 none, and being wholly destitute ; and because if the 
 enemy pursued me, as it was likely they would, the di 
 version in favor of Gen. Floyd would be the more com 
 plete and effectual. Influenced by these considerations, 
 I commenced my return march, at half after ten on the 
 23d, and was fortunate enough to reach Enotachopco 
 before night, having passed, without interruption, a dan 
 gerous defile occasioned by a hurricane. I again fortified 
 my camp, and having another defile to pass in the morning, 
 across a deep creek, and between two hills which I had 
 viewed with attention as I passed on, and where I ex 
 pected I might be attacked, I determined to pass it al 
 another point, and gave directions to my guide and fatigue 
 men accordingly. My expectation of an attack in the 
 morning was increased by the signs of the night, and 
 with it my caution. Before I moved the wounded from 
 the interior of my camp, I had my front and rear guards 
 formed, as well as my right and left columns, and moved 
 off my centre in regular order, leading down a handsome 
 ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a point where it was clear 
 of reed, except immediately on its margin. I had pre 
 viously issued a general order, pointing out the manner in 
 which the men should be formed in the event of an attack 
 on the front or rear, or on the flanks, and had particularly 
 cautioned the officers to halt and form accordingly, the 
 instant the word should be given. 
 
 The front guard had crossed with part of the flank 
 columns, the wounded were over, and the artillery in the 
 act of entering the creek, when an alarm gun was heard 
 in the rear. I heard it without surprise, and even with 
 pleasure, calculating with the utmost confidence on the 
 firmness of my troops, from the manner in which I had 
 seen them act on the 22d. I had placed Col. Carrol at, 
 the head of the centre column of the rear guard; its right 
 column was commanded by Col. Perkins, and its left by 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 77 
 
 Col. Stump. Having chosen the ground, I expected there 
 to have entirely cut off the enemy, by wheeling the right 
 and left columns on their pivot, recrossing the creek above 
 and below, and falling in upon their flanks and rear. But 
 to my astonishment and mortification, when the word was 
 given by Col. Carrol to halt and form, and a few guns 
 had been fired, I beheld the right and left columns of the 
 rear guard precipitately give way. This shameful retreat 
 was disastrous in the extreme ; it drew along with it the 
 greater part of the centre column, leaving not more than 
 twenty-five men, who being formed by Col. Carrol, main 
 tained their ground as long as it was possible to maintain 
 it, and it brought consternation and confusion into the cen 
 tre of the army ; a consternation which was not easily 
 removed, and a confusion which could not be soon restored 
 to order. There was then left to repulse the enemy, the 
 few who remained of the rear guard, the artillery com 
 pany, and Capt. Russell s company of spies. They how 
 ever realized and exceeded my highest expectations. 
 Lieut. Armstrong, who commanded the artillery company 
 in the absence of Capt. Deaderick, (confined by sickness,) 
 ordered them to form and advance to the top of the hill, 
 whilst he and a few others dragged up the six pounder. 
 Never was more bravery displayed than on this occasion. 
 Amidst the most galling fire from the enemy, more than 
 ten times their number, they ascended the hill, and main 
 tained their position until their piece was hauled up, when 
 having leveled it, they poured upon the enemy a fire of 
 grape, reloaded and fired again, charged and repulsed 
 them. 
 
 The most deliberate bravery was displayed by Con- 
 stantine Perkins and Craven Jackson, of the artillery, 
 acting as gunners. In the hurry of the moment, in sepa 
 rating the gun from the limbers, the rammer and picker 
 of the cannon was left tied to the limber. No sooner was 
 7* 
 
78 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 this discovered, than Jackson, amidst the galling fire of 
 the enemy, pulled out the ramrod of his musket and used 
 it as a picker ; primed with a cartridge and fired the can 
 non. Perkins having pulled off his hayonet, used his 
 musket as a rammer, drove down the cartridge ; and 
 Jackson using his former plan, again discharged her. 
 The brave Lieut. Armstrong, just after the first fire of the 
 cannon, with Capt. Hamilton of E. Tennessee, Bradford 
 and M Gavock, all fell, the Lieut, exclaiming as he lay, 
 " My brave fellows, some of you may fall, but you must 
 save the cannon. 91 About this time, a number crossed 
 the creek and entered into the chase. The brave Capt. 
 Gordon of the spies, who rushed from the front, endea 
 vored to turn the flank of the enemy, in which he par 
 tially succeeded, and Col. Carrol, Col. Higgins, and Capt. 
 Elliot and Pipkins, pursued the enemy for more than two 
 miles, who fled in consternation, throwing away their 
 packs, and leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead on 
 the field. This last defeat was decisive, and we were no 
 more disturbed by their yells. I should do injustice to 
 my feelings if I omitted to mention that the venerable 
 Judge Cocke, at the age of sixty-five, entered into en 
 gagement, continued the pursuit of the enemy with youth 
 ful ardor, and saved the life of a fellow-soldier by killing 
 his savage antagonist. 
 
 Our loss in this affair was killed and wounded, 
 among the former was the brave Capt. Hamilton, from 
 East Tennessee, who had, with his aged father and two 
 others of his company, after the period of his engage- 
 ment had expired, volunteered his services for this excur 
 sion, and attached himself to the artillery company. No 
 man ever fought more bravely, or fell more gloriously ; 
 and by his side fell with equal bravery and glory, Bird 
 Evans of the same company. Capt. Quarles, who com 
 manded the centre column of the rear guard, preferring 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 79 
 
 death to the abandonment of his post, having taken a firm 
 stand in which he was followed by twenty-five of his 
 men, received a wound in his head of which he has since 
 died. 
 
 In these several engagements, our loss was twenty 
 killed and seventy-five wounded, four of whom have since 
 died. The loss of the enemy cannot be accurately ascer 
 tained ; one hundred and eighty-nine of their warriors 
 were found dead ; but this must fall considerably short of 
 the number really killed. Their wounded can only be 
 guessed at. 
 
 Had it not been for the unfortunate retreat of the rear 
 guard in the affair of the 24th inst. I think I could safely 
 have said, that no army of militia ever acted with more 
 cool and deliberate bravery : undisciplined and inexpe 
 rienced as they were, their conduct in the several en 
 gagements of the 22d, could not have been surpassed by 
 regulars. No men ever met the approach of an enemy 
 with more intrepidity, or repulsed them with more energy. 
 On the 24th, after the retreat of the rear guard, they 
 seemed to have lost all their collectedness, and were more 
 difficult to be restored to order, than any troops I had 
 ever seen. But this was no doubt owing in a great 
 measure, or altogether, to that very retreat, and ought 
 rather to be ascribed to the want of conduct in many of 
 their officers, than any cowardice in the men, who on 
 every occasion have manifested a willingness to perform 
 their duty, so far as they knew it. 
 
 All the effects which were designed to be produced by 
 this excursion, it is believed have been produced. If an 
 attack was meditated against Fort Armstrong, that has 
 been prevented. If Gen. Floyd is operating on the east 
 side of the Tallapoosa, as I suppose him to be, a most 
 fortunate diversion has been made in his favor. The 
 number of the enemy has been diminished, and the con- 
 
80 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 fidence they may have derived from the delays I have 
 been made to experience, has been destroyed. Discon 
 tent has been kept out of my army, while the troops who 
 would have been exposed to it, have been beneficially em 
 ployed. The enemy s country has been explored, and a 
 road cut to the point where their force will probably be 
 concentrated, when they shall be driven from the country 
 below. But in a report of this kind, and to you who will 
 immediately perceive them, it is not necessary to state the 
 happy consequences which may be expected to result 
 from this excursion. Unless I am greatly mistaken, it 
 will be found to have hastened the termination of the 
 Creek war, more effectually than any measure I could 
 have taken with the troops under my command. 
 
 I am, Sir, with sentiments of high respect, your 
 obedient servant, ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 This was an important victory, and contributed much 
 towards weakening the power of the enemy, and of en 
 abling Gen. Jackson to bring the Creek war to a speedy 
 termination. He marched his army back to Fort Strother 
 unmolested by the savages, whose spirits were much de 
 pressed by the sanguinary conflict, which had proved so 
 disastrous to their hopes. This victory was followed by 
 another obtained by the Georgia forces, under Gen. Floyd. 
 
 That officer was stationed, with his troops, at Camp 
 Defiance, fifty miles west of Chatahouchee. Upon the 
 27th January, he was assailed very early, by a numerous 
 horde of savages. The sentinels were suddenly driven in, 
 and a most desperate attack was commenced upon the 
 lines. General Floyd thus describes the engagement. 
 
 " The steady firmness and incessant fire of Captain 
 Thomas artillery, and Captain Adams riflemen, preserved 
 our front line : both of these suffered greatly. The enemy 
 rushed within thirty yards of the artillery, and Captain 
 Broadnax, who commanded one of the picket guards, 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. 81 
 
 maintained his post with great bravery, until the enemy 
 gained his rear, and then cut his way through them to 
 the army. On this occasion, Timpoochie Barnuel, a half 
 breed, at the head of the Uchies, distinguished himself, 
 and contributed to the retreat of the picket guard : the 
 other friendly Indians took refuge within our lines and 
 remained inactive, with the exception of a few who join 
 ed our ranks. So soon as it became light enough to dis 
 tinguish objects, I ordered Majors Watson s and Free 
 man s battalions to wheel up to right angles, with Majors 
 Booth s and Cleveland s battalions, who formed the right 
 wing, to prepare for the charge. Captain Duke Hamil 
 ton s cavalry, (who had reached me but the day before,) 
 was ordered to form in the rear of the right wing, to act 
 as circumstances should dictate. The order for the 
 charge was promptly obeyed, and the enemy fled in every 
 direction before the bayonet. The signal was given for 
 the charge of the cavalry, who pursued, and sabred fif 
 teen of the enemy ; who left thirty-seven dead on the 
 field. From the effusion of blood, and the number of 
 head-dresses and war-clubs found in various directions, 
 their loss must have been considerable, independent of the 
 wounded. 
 
 I directed the friendly Indians, with Merriwether s and 
 Ford s rifle companies, accompanied by Captain Hamil 
 ton s troop, to pursue them through Callibee Swamp, 
 where they were trailed by their blood, but succeeded in 
 overtaking but one of their wounded. 
 
 Colonel Newman received three balls in the commence 
 ment of the action, which deprived me of the services of 
 that gallant and useful officer. The assistant Adjutant 
 General Narden \vas indefatigable in the discharge of 
 his duty, and rendered important services : his horse was 
 wounded under him. The whole of the staff was prompt, 
 and discharged their duty \vith courage and fidelity ; their 
 
82 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 vigilance, the intrepidity of the officers, and the firmness 
 of the men, meet my approbation, and deserve the praise 
 of their country. I have to regret the death of many of 
 my brave fellows, who have found honourable graves in 
 the voluntary support of their country. 
 
 My aid-de-camp, in executing my orders, had his horse 
 killed under him. General Lee and Major Pace, who 
 acted as additional aids, rendered me essential services, 
 with honor to themselves, and usefulness to the cause in 
 which they have embarked. Four wagon, and several 
 other horses, were killed, arid two of the artillery horses 
 wounded. While I deplore the losses sustained on this 
 occasion, I have the consolation to know, that the men 
 who I have the honor to command, have done their duty." 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this battle, was seven 
 teen killed, and one hundred and thirty-two w r ounded. 
 General Jackson found that one great object of his last 
 brilliant expedition was effected the relief of the Geor 
 gia militia. 
 
 It was now the first of February, 1814. General 
 Jackson s forces were at Fort Strother, where, although 
 in no immediate danger of famine, there was by no means 
 a supply for any length of time. General Jackson, ever 
 since he had commanded the army in the Creek country, 
 had had his attention diverted from the great object of a 
 general the organization of his army the introduction 
 of correct discipline, and preparation for active service. 
 Indeed, he had to perform the duty of commissary, quar 
 ter-master, and commander. Washington was often in 
 his situation in the war of the Revolution. He could find 
 an excuse for his countrymen, in the then destitute state 
 of the country ; but for the contractors for the southern 
 army in 1814, there was no excuse. In a country abound 
 ing in beeves, swine, and bread stuffs, an army had often 
 been driven to mutiny and desertion through the appre- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 83 
 
 hension of want. There is, probably, not an officer in 
 the American service, but who will condemn the mode of 
 supplying an army by contractors. They make the best 
 terms they can with the government for themselves ; the 
 hardest possible terms for the seller of provisions, and of 
 ten furnish the war-worn veteran with rations deficient in 
 quantity, and miserable in quality. They think of nothing 
 but gaining a fortune, while the gallant soldiers, who are 
 suffering by their frauds, and famishing by their avarice, 
 are gaining victories for their country. 
 
 General Jackson had suffered too much, with his 
 brave soldiers, for longer endurance. He supplied his 
 army by his own agents, leaving the contractors to pay 
 the expense. When no longer any cause existed for com 
 plaints in his camp, he silenced them. He caused a mu 
 tineer to be tried by a court martial ; and when condemn 
 ed to die, he approved of the sentence, and he suffered 
 death. He ordered every officer to be arrested within his 
 command, who should be found exciting mutiny or diso 
 bedience. He knew that a crisis had arrived when a great 
 blow must be struck, or the expedition abandoned. 
 
 The Creeks had assembled in great force at the bend 
 of the Tallapoosa, at a place called by the savages Toho- 
 peka by the Americans, the Horse-Shoe. At this place, 
 the most desperate resistance was expected ; and every 
 measure, within the limited means of General Jackson, 
 was resorted to, to meet it. 
 
 The 39th regiment United States infantry, under the 
 command of Col. Williams, had been ordered to join the ar 
 my under General Jackson. It did not exceed six hundred 
 men. By the middle of March, his whole force amounted 
 to between three and four thousand. He then commenced 
 his march. Upon the 21st, he established a fort at the 
 mouth of Cedar Creek, and named it Fort Williams. 
 Leaving a sufficient force to protect it, he renewed hie 
 
84 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 march upon the 24th. Upon the 27th, a day which will 
 be remembered in the traditional annals of the brave, the 
 infatuated, the blood thirsty Creeks, until they become ex 
 tinct, General Jackson and his army reached Tohopeka. 
 The events of that day, are thus briefly detailed by the 
 commander. 
 
 Battle Ground, bend of Tallapoosa, 
 
 2Sth March, 1814. 
 Maj. Gen. Pinckney : 
 
 Sir I feel particularly happy in being able to commu 
 nicate to you, the fortunate eventuation of my expedition 
 to the Tallapoosa. I reached the head, near the Emuck- 
 fau, called by the whites the Horse-Shoe, about ten o clock 
 on the forenoon of yesterday, where I found the strength 
 of the neighboring towns collected. Expecting our ap 
 proach, they had gathered in from Oakfuskie, Oakehoga, 
 New Yorcau, Hillabees, the Fish Pond, and Eufaulee 
 towns, to the number, it is said, of one thousand. It is 
 difficult to conceive a situation more eligible for defence 
 than the one they had chosen, or one rendered more se 
 cure by the skill with which they had erected their breast 
 work. It was from five to eight feet high, and extended 
 across the point in such a direction, as that a force ap 
 proaching it would be exposed to a double fire, while they 
 lay in perfect security behind. A cannon planted at one 
 extremity could have raked it to no advantage. 
 
 Determining to exterminate them, I detached General 
 Coffee with the mounted men, and nearly the whole of the 
 Indian force, early on the morning of yesterday, to cross 
 the river about two miles below their encampment, and to 
 surround the bend in such a manner, as that none of them 
 should escape by attempting to cross the river. With the 
 infantry, I proceeded slowly, and in order, along the point 
 of land which led to the front of their breast work ; hav 
 ing planted my cannon, one six and one three pounder, on 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 85 
 
 an eminence at the distance of one hundred and fifty to 
 two hundred yards from it, I opened a very brisk fire, play 
 ing upon the enemy with muskets and rifles whenever 
 they showed themselves beyond it. This was kept up 
 with short interruptions for about two hours, when a part 
 of the Indian force, and Captain Russell s and Lieutenant 
 Bean s company of spies, who had accompanied General 
 Coffee, crossed over in canoes to the extremity of the bend, 
 and set fire to a few of the buildings which were there si 
 tuated ; they then advanced with great gallantry towards 
 the breastwork, and commenced a spirited fire upon the 
 enemy behind it. 
 
 Finding that this force, notwithstanding the bravery 
 they displayed, was wholly insufficient to dislodge them, 
 and that General Coffee had entirely secured the opposite 
 bank of the river, I now determined to take it by storm. 
 The men by whom this was to be effected, had been wait 
 ing with impatience to receive the order, and hailed it with 
 acclamation. 
 
 The spirit which animated them, was a sure augury of 
 the success which was to follow. The history of warfare, 
 I think furnishes few instances of a more brilliant attack. 
 The regulars, led on by their intrepid and skillful comman 
 der, Colonel Williams, and by the gallant Major Montgo 
 mery, soon gained possession of the works, in the midst 
 of a most tremendous fire from behind them ; and the mi 
 litia of the venerable General Doherty s brigade, accom 
 panied them in the charge with a vivacity and firmness 
 which would have done honor to regulars. The enemy 
 were completely routed. Five hundred and fifty-seven 
 were left dead on the peninsula, and a great number were 
 killed by the horsemen in attempting to cross the river : 
 it is believed that not more than twenty have escaped. 
 
 The fighting continued with some severity about five 
 hours, but we continued to destroy many of them who 
 
 8 
 
86 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 had concealed themselves under the banks of the river, 
 until we were prevented by the night. This morning we 
 killed sixteen who had been concealed. We took about 
 two hundred and fifty prisoners, all women and children, 
 except two or three. Our loss is one hundred and sixty 
 wounded, and twenty-five killed ; Major M lntosh, (the 
 Cowetau,) who joined my army with a part of his tribe, 
 greatly distinguished himself. When I get an hour s lei 
 sure, I will send you a more detailed account. 
 
 According to my original purpose, I commenced my 
 return march to Fort Williams to-day, and shall, if I find 
 sufficient supplies there, hasten to the Hickory Ground. 
 The power of the Creeks is, I think, forever broken. 
 
 I send you a hasty sketch, taken by the eye, of the si 
 tuation on which the enemy were encamped, and of the 
 manner in which I approached them. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 Maj. Gen. Pinckney. 
 
 The loss of the Americans, added to the whole loss of 
 the friendly Indians, was fifty-four killed and one hundred 
 and fifty-six wounded. 
 
 In communicating the result of this victory to the War 
 Department, General Pinckney elegantly and impressive 
 ly observes : "While the sigh of humanity will escape, 
 for this profuse effusion of human blood, which results 
 from the savage principle of our enemy, neither to give 
 nor accept quarter ; and while every American will deep 
 ly lament the loss of our meritorious fellow-soldiers who 
 have fallen in this contest, we have ample cause of grati 
 tude to the Giver of all victory, for thus continuing his 
 protection to our women, and children, who would other 
 wise be exposed to the indiscriminate havoc of the toma 
 hawk, and all the horrors of savage warfare." 
 
 Much obloquy and gratuitous animadversion has been 
 
ANDREW JACKSON 87 
 
 bestowed upon General Jackson, for his severity to the 
 Indians at the battle of the Horse-Shoe. It has been 
 termed by his enemies " a cold-blooded massacre." With 
 what propriety or fairness it can be termed such, is very 
 difficult to conceive. With respect to its being a " cold 
 blooded massacre," as no order for one was ever issued by 
 General Jackson, it is a calumny on the courage and hu 
 manity of his officers and men, who have added unfading 
 laurels to those which they gained on that desperate day 
 many of whom, in their unrivalled campaigns, found 
 honorable wounds or glorious death and some of whom 
 have filled and occupy the highest stations, in the esteem 
 and government of a grateful country. There is no 
 foundation whatever, in truth or history, to support such 
 a charge. 
 
 General Carrol, the late governor of Tennessee, and a 
 distinguished disciple of General Jackson in war, whose 
 rank and presence in this action, gave him a minute ac 
 quaintance with its features, upon ascertaining that such a 
 charge had been preferred against General Jackson, de 
 clared, "that during the whole of the Creek war, he serv 
 ed as inspector general of the army ; was present at the 
 battle of the Horse Shoe, and could say from his own per 
 sonal knowledge, that the charge was wholly without 
 foundation. That towards the close of the action, after 
 the breastworks had been taken by assault, a number of 
 Indians took refuge under a quantity of brush and logs ; 
 that General Jackson advanced to within a short distance 
 of the place of their concealment, and directed his inter 
 preter, George Mayfield, to assure them, that if they would 
 surrender they should be treated with the greatest human 
 ity ; and that they answered the proposition by firing upon 
 and wounding Mayfield severely in the shoulder. That 
 a similar proposition was also made by Jim Fife, or old 
 Chinnebee, and the fire of the Indians was the only reply 
 
88 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 it received. That it was after a number of our men were 
 killed and wounded by those Indians, and after they had 
 twice refused to surrender upon any terms, that the charge 
 was made upon them, and the brush set on fire, from 
 which a few only escaped with life. That the prisoners 
 taken on that day, including a large number of women 
 and children, were humanely treated by General Jackson ; 
 and that he felt himself impelled to state these facts in jus 
 tice to General Jackson, and the brave men who fought 
 the battle of the Horse-Shoe." 
 
 But these charges against General Jackson, were doubt 
 less intended to inculcate the belief, that dislodging those 
 desperate Indians, who rejected quarter, and prolonged the 
 battle after resistance was vain, was of itself a " cold 
 blooded massacre." Are then the enemies of the United 
 States, when waging a savage unsparing war, to requite 
 with wounds and death our offers of humanity and pro 
 tection, and yet be saved from death or retaliation ? Are 
 our commanders to begin an action, overpower by great 
 efforts the main force of the enemy, and then abandon the 
 field and the victory to a few desperadoes ? General Jack 
 son s duty to his country and his government, compelled 
 him, if in his power, to defeat the enemy ; and that ope 
 ration necessarily involves the destruction of every adver 
 sary, who refuses to yield. Had the desperate party at 
 the Horse-Shoe, been a detachment of Bonaparte s Im 
 perial Guard, the veterans of fifty pitched battles, and 
 commanded by Ney or Soult, they must have suffered the 
 fate of the Indians as a garrison which refuses a sum 
 mons, may, by the laws of war, be blown into the air. 
 But who were these determined and deluded savages ? 
 The same who, when the sudden hostility of their nation 
 rose like an inundation on the settlements of Alabama, 
 herding hundreds of women and children into Fort 
 Mimms, broke into that asylum with treachery, fire, and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 89 
 
 murder ; who followed to that feast of butchery, where 
 quarter was neither offered nor allowed, the volcanic 
 voice of Weatherford, and as it rose above the shouts of 
 fury, and the shrieks of despair, breathing inextinguisha 
 ble rage, and demanding relentless slaughter, obeyed 
 its ferocious summons, until but seventeen out of three 
 hundred of our unarmed citizens were left alive. They 
 were the same men who, under cover of a truce granted 
 for their benefit by General Jackson, had entrapped and 
 slaughtered the son of Chinnebee, the Massanissa of 
 the Creeks, the friend and ally of the American people. 
 These are the beings, whose self-provoked destruction in 
 a fair and hard-fought action, it would be the wish of 
 General Jackson s enemies to have considered a "cold 
 blooded massacre." These are the facts relative to the 
 battle of the Horse-Shoe ; our readers will give them 
 their due consideration, and censure or applaud, as the 
 justice or circumstances of the case may seem to dictate, 
 8* 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Fort Williams Marches 
 to the Hickory Grounds Prospects of the Creeks 
 They sue for peace General Pinckney arrives at 
 Fort Jackson Interchange of courtesies between 
 him and General Jackson General Pinckney as 
 sumes the command Disbands the troops General 
 Jackson returns to Tennessee His reception there 
 Is appointed to negotiate with the Creeks Eloquence 
 of the Chiefs He concludes a peace with them 
 Spanish aggressions Correspondence between Ge 
 neral Jackson and Governor Manriquez General 
 Jackson at Mobile Attack on Fort Bowyer Major 
 Lawrence s report of it. 
 
 ABOUT the 1st of April, General Jackson returned 
 with his army to Fort Williams. When he assumed the 
 direction of the Creek war, his enfeebled health would 
 have honorably excused him from a participation in the 
 fatigues and hardships of the camp. But no minor con 
 siderations have ever been found to swerve General Jack 
 son from the path of duty, nor avert his footsteps from the 
 post of danger. The peculiar difficulties which he en 
 countered during the Creek campaign, increased his 
 debility, yet the fortunate results of his exertions afforded 
 him the richest consolations. He was now desirous of 
 forming a junction with the forces of Georgia, in order 
 to effect a more speedy termination of the war, or com 
 pel the savages to sue for peace. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 91 
 
 With this object in view, he took up the line of march 
 with his troops on the 7th of April for the Tallapoosa, 
 intending on his march to attack a body of the enemy at 
 Hoithlewallee, on the Hickory Grounds. He here ex 
 pected the co-operation of the Georgia forces, and dis 
 patched a message to the commander, stating his 
 expectation of meeting and attacking the Muscagees on 
 the llth. His march was however retarded by a heavy 
 fall of rain ; and it was not until the 13th that he arrived 
 at Hoithlewallee. But he here found no resistance 
 from the enemy. The constant succession of disasters 
 which had attended their hostile operations, had depressed 
 their spirits and withered their hopes. Their prophets, 
 who held an unlimited influence over their superstitious 
 minds, and urged them on by all the force of Indian 
 eloquence, and savage daring, to the perpetration of deeds 
 of horrid butchery, had fallen in the deadly encounters, 
 to which they led their deluded followers by their incan 
 tations and thirst for blood. It was not until the last ray 
 of hope was extinguished, that they deigned to supplicate 
 their conquerors for peace. They then begged of the 
 American commander an extension of that mercy to them, 
 which they had sworn never to impart to us. 
 
 Although the power of the Creeks was broken, it was 
 notwithstanding deemed necessary to establish posts for 
 the defence of the frontier settlements. With this view, 
 General Jackson established a fort upon the Coosa, near 
 its confluence with the Tallapoosa, which was named Fort 
 Jackson. This completed the line of forts through Ten 
 nessee, Georgia, and the Alabama Territory. The 
 Georgia forces were now joined with those under the 
 command of General Jackson ; and on the 20th April, 
 Major General Pinckney arrived at Fort Jackson, and 
 assumed the command of the whole forces in the Creek 
 country. 
 
92 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 A most kindly interchange of courtesies here took 
 place between these war-worn veterans, in the service of 
 their country. General Pinckney prepared a splendid 
 entertainment, and invited General Jackson and his staff 
 to partake with him. Cheering, indeed, were the mutual 
 congratulations of these brave officers, as at the convivial 
 board they contemplated the dangers they had passed, the 
 battles they had fought, and the blessings of peace and 
 security which they had purchased for their countrymen, 
 by toil, privation, and hardships. 
 
 General Jackson reciprocated the civility of his com- 
 mander-in-chief, by inviting him to dine w r ith him at his 
 marquee the next day. The simple diet that had sus 
 tained his soldiers in the prosecution of this arduous cam 
 paign, constituted the bill of fare. None but those who 
 have passed through similar scenes of danger, can appre 
 ciate the deep emotions of joy and gratulation that these 
 meritorious men experienced, on an occasion like this. 
 Proud, indeed, was such a day to Andrew Jackson. The 
 storm of savage vengeance, which burst like a volcano 
 upon the devoted inmates of Fort Minims, had called him 
 into the field to avenge the slaughter of his countrymen ; 
 he had penetrated the unbroken forests and deep morasses 
 of that region with an astonishing celerity, had attacked 
 the enemy in their fastnesses ; and at Tallushatches, Tal- 
 ladega, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka, had taught the Creeks 
 to respect the lives and property of our citizens. 
 
 General Pinckney assumed the command of General 
 Jackson s corps only to disband them, after expressing his 
 exalted sense of their bravery and patriotism. On the 21st, 
 the next day after General Pinckney assumed the com 
 mand, he ordered the Tennessee troops to be marched 
 home, and discharged ; retaining, however, sufficient to 
 garrison the established posts. General Jackson imme 
 diately took measures to comply with the order. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 93 
 
 The following is General Jackson s last communication, 
 as an officer in the military forces of Tennessee : 
 
 Fort Williams, April 25th, at night. 
 
 Sir General Pinckney joined me at Fort Jackson on 
 the 20th. The enemy continuing to come in from every 
 quarter, and it being now evident that the war was over, 
 I received an order at three o clock P. M., on the 21st, to 
 march my troops back to Fort Williams, and after having 
 dispersed any bodies of the enemy who may have assem 
 bled on the Cahawba, or within striking distance, and 
 provided for the maintenance of posts between Tennessee 
 and Fort Jackson, to discharge the remainder. Within 
 two hours after receiving this order, I was on the line of 
 march ; and reached this place last evening, a distance 
 of about sixty miles. 
 
 To Brigadier General Doherty, I shall assign the duty 
 of keeping up the posts, w r hich form the line of commu 
 nication between Tennessee and the confluence of the 
 Coosa and Tallapoosa, making the necessary arrange 
 ments to enable him to do so. About four hundred of the 
 East Tennessee militia will be left at this place, two hun 
 dred and fifty at Fort Strother, and seventy-five at Fort 
 Armstrong and New Deposit. Old Deposit will be main 
 tained by Captain Hammond s company of rangers. 
 
 To-morrow I detail five hundred of the militia, under 
 the command of Brigadier General Johnson, to the Ca 
 hawba, with instructions to unite with me at Fort Deposit, 
 after having dispersed any bodies of the enemy they may 
 find there assembled. 
 
 The commissioners who have been appointed to make a 
 treaty with the Creeks, need have nothing to do but assign 
 them their proper limits. Those of the friendly party, wlio 
 have associated with me, will be easily satisfied; and 
 those of the hostile party, they consider it a favor that their 
 lives have been spared them, and will look upon any space 
 
94 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 that may be allowed them for their future settlement, as a 
 bounteous donation. I have taken the liberty to point out 
 what I think ought to be the future line of separation, 
 with which I will hereafter make you acquainted. If 
 they should be established, none of the Creeks will be left 
 on the west of the Coosa. 
 
 Accompanying this, I send you a report made by the 
 adjutant general, of the killed and wounded at the battle 
 of Tohopeka, which was omitted to be sent by the former 
 express. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 After the lapse of a few days, General Jackson com 
 menced his march for Tennessee. On his arrival at 
 Fayetteville, his troops were discharged, and returned to 
 their homes. The Tennesseeans duly appreciated the 
 services of General Jackson, in his successful prosecution 
 of the Creek war ; and wherever he went, he was wel 
 comed by the most enthusiastic demonstrations of joy and 
 gratitude. In June, 1814, he was appointed brigadier 
 general in the army of the United States. 
 
 About this period he was appointed a commissioner, to 
 secure by negotiation what he had already acquired by 
 arms. 
 
 To make a treaty, however, with Indians, can hardly 
 be called negotiation, as it is considered among civilized 
 powers. The law of nations, which requires " good 
 faith" between the contracting parties, is a code not re 
 cognized by American savages. It is rather a con 
 tract of bargain and sale, with a penalty annexed for a 
 breach of covenant. Colonel Hawkins, who was ap 
 pointed Indian agent by General Washington, and who 
 has been in the agency ever since, was associated with 
 General Jackson in this mission. 
 
 By the American forces, a complete conquest had been 
 made of the whole Creek country ; and this conquest had 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 95 
 
 been occasioned by flagrant breaches of treaty, and out 
 rageous violations of humanity by the Creeks. Had the 
 American government felt the cupidity, or exercised the 
 power, which the larger kingdoms of Europe manifest 
 towards the smaller ones, the Creeks must either have 
 fled from their country, or been reduced to vassalage, and 
 their country itself would have been annexed to the United 
 States. But its existence commenced upon the broad prin 
 ciples of national and individual justice, and in the pro 
 gress of its government, it has never deviated from them. 
 
 The object of General Jackson and the other commis 
 sioners, was not so much to obtain new territory, as to 
 secure the acknowledged territory of the United States 
 from the future depredations of Indian hostility. On the 
 10th August, 1814, a treaty was executed, which is before 
 the public. It cut off the savages from all communication 
 with the perpetual disturbers of our tranquillity, and 
 secured to the government such privileges in their coun 
 try, as will hereafter place the frontiers out of danger 
 from the Creeks. 
 
 The speeches of the Indian Chiefs, which were elicited 
 upon the occasion, are worthy of preservation. Wether- 
 ford was a brave but infatuated chieftain. His speech is 
 as follows : 
 
 " I am in your power do with me as you please. I 
 am a soldier. I have done the white people all the harm 
 I could ; I have fought them, and fought them bravely : 
 If I had an army, I would*yet fight and contend to the 
 last ; but I have none : my people are all gone. I can 
 now do no more than weep over the misfortunes of my 
 nation. Once I could animate my warriors to battle : but 
 I cannot animate the dead. My warriors can no longer 
 hear my voice : their bones are at Talladega, Tallushat- 
 ehes, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. I have not surrendered 
 myself thoughtlessly. Whilst there were chances of sue- 
 
96 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cess, I never left my post, nor supplicated peace. But 
 my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation and 
 for myself. On the miseries and misfortunes brought 
 upon my country, I look back with the deepest sorrow, and 
 wish to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left 
 to contend with the Georgia army, I would have raised 
 my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them on the 
 other ; but your people have destroyed my nation. You 
 are a brave man I rely upon your generosity. You will 
 exact no terms of a conquered people, but such as they 
 should accede to : whatever they may be, it would now 
 be madness and folly to oppose. If they are opposed, 
 you shall find me amongst the sternest enforcers of obe 
 dience. Those who would still hold out, can be influenced 
 only by a mean spirit of revenge ; and to this they must 
 not, and shall not sacrifice the last remnant of their 
 country. You have told us where we might go and be 
 safe. This is a good talk, and my nation ought to listen 
 to it. They shall listen to it." 
 
 He was followed thus by the Big Warrior : 
 " The President, our father, advises us to honesty and 
 fairness, and promises that justice shall be done ; I hope 
 and trust it will be ! I made this war, w r hich has proved 
 so fatal to my country, that the treaty entered in a long 
 time ago, with father Washington, might not be broken. 
 To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never break that 
 chain of friendship we made together, and which bound 
 us to stand to the United States. He was a father to the 
 Muscogee people ; and not only to them, but to all the 
 people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. 
 There sits the agent* he sent among us. Never has 
 he broken the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. 
 He has seen our children born, who now have children. 
 
 * Colonel Hawkins. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 97 
 
 By his direction, cloth was wove, and clothes were made, 
 and spread through our country ; but the Red Sticks came 
 and destroyed all we have none now. Hard is our 
 situation, and you ought to consider it. I state what all 
 the nation knows ; nothing will I keep secret. 
 
 There is the Little Warrior, whom Colonel Hawkins 
 knows. While we were giving satisfaction for the mur 
 ders that had been committed, he proved a mischief-maker ; 
 he went to the British on the lakes ; he came back, and 
 brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the 
 murders here. This conduct has already made the war 
 party to suffer greatly : but, although almost destroyed, 
 they will not yet open their eyes, but are led away by the 
 British at Pensacola. Not so with us ; we were rational, 
 and had our senses we yet are so. In the war of the 
 revolution, our father beyond the waters encouraged us 
 to join him, and we did so. We had no sense then. The 
 promises he made were never kept. We were young and 
 foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more 
 persuade us to do wrong : they have deceived us once, 
 and can deceive us no more. You are two great people. 
 If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we 
 are not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every 
 nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You 
 put me in danger, to war against a people born in our 
 own land. They shall never force us into danger. You 
 shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, who 
 will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that 
 father Washington advised us never to interfere in wars. 
 He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. 
 He told us that if the enemy attacked him, he had warriors 
 enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If 
 the British "advise us to any thing, I will tell you not 
 hide it from you. If they say we must fight, I will tell 
 them, No !" 
 
 9 
 
98 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The negotiation was concluded by a treaty of peace 
 dictated to them by General Jackson, on severe but just 
 terms. They agreed to yield a portion of their country 
 as an indemnity for the expenses of the war ; they con 
 ceded the privilege of opening roads through their coun 
 try, together with the liberty of navigating their rivers ; 
 they also stipulated to hold no intercourse with any British 
 or Spanish fort, or garrison, and to deliver up the pro 
 perty they had taken from the whites or friendly Indians. 
 General Jackson, on the part of the United States, under 
 took to guaranty their territory, to restore all their prison 
 ers, and in consideration of their destitute situation, to 
 furnish them gratuitously with the necessaries of life, 
 until they could provide for themselves. They also 
 engaged to establish trading houses, and endeavor to 
 bring back the nation to its former state. 
 
 The infatuation which led this brave nation of barbarians 
 into a contest which resulted so much to their disadvan 
 tage, cannot be too much lamented ; and yet the cruel 
 policy of their system of warfare rendered the severity, 
 with which they were treated by the Americans, indis 
 pensably necessary. 
 
 But the peace which General Jackson concluded with 
 the Creeks, was not a permanent one ; those who were 
 disaffected, and refused to acknowledge the national capi 
 tulation, resorted to the neighborhood of Pensacola, and 
 to the shores of the Escambia river, where they held 
 themselves in readiness to act whenever a favorable op 
 portunity should occur. The Spanish governor of Flo 
 rida fostered and encouraged them in their hostility : al 
 though his government was ostensibly neutral, her pre 
 dilections were, notwithstanding, strongly in favor of Great 
 Britain, and she lost no opportunity of secretly aiding the 
 latter in her belligerent operations against the United 
 States. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 99 
 
 While General Jackson was concluding a treaty of 
 peace with those of the Creeks, who were disposed to 
 capitulate, he dispatched some of his confidential officers 
 to Pensacola, to observe the course pursued by Gonzalez 
 Manrequez, the Spanish governor ; and from the friendly 
 Creeks, he was also daily receiving information which 
 confirmed his suspicions of the reprehensible course 
 which was being pursued by this minister of Spain. 
 
 In September, 1814, General Jackson had received no 
 instructions from the war department, relative to the course 
 to be pursued with the Spanish authorities in Florida. 
 He sent a direct message to Governor Manrequez, request 
 ing him to point out the course he was about to pursue. 
 The correspondence that followed between him and Ge 
 neral Jackson, has long been before the public, and is too 
 voluminous to be here inserted. The governor was less 
 equivocal, and more explicit than he had previously been. 
 He began to feel a strong assurance that the British go 
 vernment, which had restored his master to the throne, 
 would support him in all his measures against the United 
 States. He knew that the legitimate sovereigns of Europe 
 were safely enthroned, and that pride as well as interest, 
 would induce them to secure to Ferdinand VII. his South 
 American colonies, and to endeavor to regain for George 
 III. the colonies he had lost in the North. His language 
 was confident, not to say imperious. He repelled the 
 charges against himself, by criminating the American go 
 vernment. The correspondence was closed by the follow 
 ing letter to him, from General Jackson : 
 
 Were I clothed, says the general, with diplomatic 
 powers, for the purpose of discussing the topics embraced 
 in the wide range of injuries of which you complain, and 
 which have long since been adjusted, I could easily de 
 monstrate that the United States have been always faith 
 ful to their treaties ; steadfast in their friendships ; nor 
 
100 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 have ever claimed any thing that was not warranted by 
 justice. They have endured many insults from the go 
 vernors and other officers of Spain, which, if sanctioned 
 by their sovereign, amounted to acts of war, without any 
 previous declaration on the subject. They have excited 
 the savages to war, and afforded them the means of waging 
 it. The property of our citizens has been captured at 
 sea, and if compensation has not been refused, it has at 
 least been withheld. But as no such powers have been 
 delegated to me, I shall not assume them, but leave them 
 to the representatives of our respective governments. 
 
 I have the honor of being intrusted with the command 
 of this district. Charged with its protection, and the 
 safety of its citizens, I feel my ability to discharge the 
 task, and trust your excellency will always find me ready 
 and willing to go forward in the performance of that duty, 
 whenever circumstances shall render it necessary. I agree 
 with you, perfectly, that candor and polite language 
 should, at all times, characterize the communications be 
 tween the officers of friendly sovereignties ; and I assert, 
 without the fear of contradiction, that my former letter? 
 were couched in terms the most respectful and unexcep 
 tionable. I only requested, and did not demand, as you 
 asserted, the ringleaders of the Creek confederacy, who 
 had taken refuge in your town, and who had violated all 
 laws, moral, civil, and divine. This I had a right to do, 
 from the treaty which I sent you, and which I now again 
 inclose, with a request that you will change your transla 
 tor ; believing, as I do, that your former one was wrong, 
 and has deceived you. 
 
 What kind of an answer you returned, a reference to 
 your letter will explain. The whole of it breathed nothing 
 but hostility, grounded upon assumed facts, and false 
 charges, and entirely evading the inquiries that had been 
 made. 
 
AKDREW JA9KSO-N. * 
 
 I can but express my astonishment - at yoirf protest 
 against the cession on the Alabama, lying within the ac 
 knowledged jurisdiction of the United States, and which 
 has been ratified, in due form, by the principal chiefs and 
 warriors of the nation. But my astonishment subsides, 
 when, on comparing it, I find it upon a par with the rest 
 of your letter and conduct ; taken together, they afford a 
 sufficient justification for any consequences that may en 
 sue. My government will protect every inch of her ter 
 ritory, her citizens, and her property, from insult and de 
 predation, regardless of the political revolutions of Eu 
 rope : and although she has been at all times sedulous to 
 preserve a good understanding with all the world, yet she 
 has sacred rights, that cannot be trampled upon with im 
 punity. Spain had better look to her own intestine com 
 motions, before she walks forth in that majesty of strength 
 and power, which you threaten to draw down upon the 
 United States. Your excellency has been candid enough 
 to admit your having supplied the Indians with arms. In 
 addition to this, I have learned that a British flag has 
 been seen flying on one of your forts. All this is done 
 whilst you are pretending to be neutral. 
 
 You cannot be surprised, then, but on the contrary will 
 provide a fort in your town, for my soldiers and Indians, 
 should I take it in my head to pay you a visit. 
 
 In future, I beg you to withhold your insulting charges 
 against my government, for one more inclined to listen 
 to slander than I am ; nor consider me any more as a di 
 plomatic character, unless so proclaimed to you from the 
 mouths of my cannon. 
 
 No specific object was effected by this correspondence, 
 other than a full developement of the inimical views en 
 tertained by the Spanish governor towards the United 
 States, and General Jackson laid his plans of operation 
 accordingly. 
 
 9* 
 
J08 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 General Jackson was aow commander in chief of the 
 seventh military district, including the most important part 
 of the southern section of the union. It was now alto 
 gether the most endangered part of it. The splendid vic 
 tories at Chippewa, Bridgewater, Fort Erie, and Platts- 
 burgh, had allayed all apprehension from British armies 
 in the north. The defence of New London and Stoning- 
 ton, New York and Baltimore, had robbed British " naval 
 demonstrations" of their terrors, upon the eastern sea 
 board. The British admirals and British generals were 
 concentrating their forces, with a determination to wipe off 
 the disgrace, which had with justice been attached to them 
 not so much from the defeats they had suffered, as from 
 the vandalism they had displayed in the Chesapeake Bay, 
 upon the Niagara frontier, and at the city of Washington. 
 The utmost confidence was expressed by the British in 
 America, of the success of this great and united effort of 
 the armies and navies of Britain ; and a British commis 
 sioner at Ghent, who at this time was negotiating a peace 
 with American commissioners, tauntingly remarked, that 
 before they had time to conclude a peace, New Orleans and 
 the states upon the Mississippi would be in possession of 
 Sir Edward Packenham ! 
 
 It is no more than candid to admit, that very serious 
 apprehensions were entertained by Americans themselves, 
 in regard to the safety of the southern section of the union, 
 or that part of it situated upon the Gulf of Mexico, and 
 near the mouth of the Mississippi. A very great propor 
 tion of the troops of the United States and of the munitions 
 of war, were in the northern, eastern, and middle states, 
 at a great distance from New Orleans. The whole sea 
 board, from Castine to that place, was commanded by a 
 superior naval force of the enemy, who could by that com 
 mand, in a very short time, approach any assailable point 
 upon the ocean. Sir George Prevost s army of 14,000, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 103 
 
 were, in Lower Canada, burning to revenge the defeat 
 they met with at Plattsburgh. Large reinforcements were 
 known to have arrived from England in the West Indies, 
 under the command of some of the most renowned gene 
 rals in Wellington s army, and every indication evinced 
 the determination of the whole land and naval forces of 
 the enemy, upon the American station, to make a descent 
 near the mouth of the Mississippi. 
 
 Many British officers had already arrived at Pensa- 
 cola, about seventy miles east of Mobile bay, on which 
 Fort Bowyer is situated. Here they were received with 
 great cordiality by the governor, and suffered to embody 
 and train savages. General Jackson, about the first of 
 September, addressed the war department in the most 
 pressing terms. In one of his letters, he says : How 
 long will the United States pocket the reproach and open 
 insults of Spain ? it is alone by a manly and dignified course, 
 that we can secure respect from other nations, and peace 
 to our own. Temporizing policy is not only a disgrace, but 
 a curse to any nation. It is a fact, that a British captain 
 of marines is, and has been, for some time, engaged in 
 drilling and organizing the fugitive Creeks, under the eye 
 of the governor ; endeavoring, by his influence and pre 
 sents, to draw to his standard, as well the peaceable a 
 the hostile Indians. If permission had been given to me 
 to march against this place, (Pensacola,) twenty days ago, 
 I would ere this have planted there the AMERICAN EAGLE ; 
 now we must trust alone to our valor, and the justice of 
 our cause. But my present resources are so limited a 
 sickly climate, as well as an enemy to contend with, and 
 without the means of transportation, to change the position 
 of my army, that, resting on the bravery of my little pha 
 lanx, I can only hope for success. 
 
 The secretary of war, Mr. Monroe, incessantly ex 
 erted himself to second the measures of General Jackson. 
 
104 BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 Having acquired Lousiana and the exclusive command of 
 the Mississippi by negotiation, he was now called upon to 
 defend it as the head of the war department. As there 
 was, within the seventh military district, but a very small 
 number of regular troops, the secretary made a requisi-. 
 tion upon the executives of the states of Louisiana, Mis 
 sissippi, and Tennessee, to have their full quota of militia 
 in readiness for immediate service, at the command of Ge 
 neral Jackson. Volunteers were again invited by Gene 
 ral Jackson to resort to his standard, under which they had 
 always conquered. The unbounded popularity of Gene 
 ral Jackson induced the militia not only with promptness, 
 but with animation, to repair to the rendezvous ; and the 
 Tennessee volunteers, under their gallant General Coffee, 
 were again in motion. They had almost invariably form 
 ed the van of General Jackson s army ; and of their imme 
 diate commander, it may be said, " he dared to lead where 
 any dared to follow." 
 
 General Jackson, before the middle of September, had 
 established his head-quarters at Mobile, waiting the arri 
 val of the militia and volunteers, some of whom had to 
 travel more than four hundred and fifty miles. Upon the 
 14th he received a message from Maj. William Lawrence, 
 commander of Fort Bowyer at the mouth of Mobile bay, 
 requesting immediate assistance in the defence of that im 
 portant post, as the enemy had landed in the vicinity of that 
 place, with a force probably ten times the amount of his 
 own. Major Lawrence had but one hundred and fifty- 
 eight men fit for duty. He took immediate measures to 
 succor this exposed garrison ; but before reinforcements 
 could reach that place, it was simultaneously attacked 
 upon the 15th, by the British and Indian forces, by land, 
 and by a large naval force in the bay. The defence of this 
 place is thus described by General Jackson, and Major 
 Lawrence : 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 105 
 
 GEN. JACKSON, TO HON. JAMES MONROE. 
 
 Head Quarters 7th, Military District, 
 Mobile, Sept. 11th, 1824. 
 
 Sir With lively emotions of satisfaction, I communi 
 cate that success has crowned the gallant efforts of our 
 brave soldiers, in resisting 1 and repulsing a combined Bri 
 tish naval and land force ; which on the 15th instant, at 
 tacked Fort Bowyer, on the Point of Mobile. 
 
 I enclose a copy of the official report of Maj. William 
 Lawrence of the 2d infantry, who commanded. In ad 
 dition to the particulars communicated in his letter, I have 
 learned that the ship which was destroyed, was the 
 Hermes, of from twenty-four to twenty-eight guns, cap 
 tain, the Hon. Wm. H. Percy, senior officer in the Gulf 
 of Mexico ; and the brig so considerably damaged, is the 
 Sophie, eighteen guns, Capt. Wm. Lockyer ; the other 
 ship was the Carron, of from twenty-four to twenty-eight 
 guns, Captain Spencer, son of Earl Spencer ; the other 
 brig s name unknown. On board of the Carron, eighty- 
 five men were killed and wounded ; among whom was 
 Colonel Nicholl, of the Royal Marines, who lost an eye 
 by a splinter. The land force consisted of one hundred 
 and ten marines, and two hundred Creek Indians, under 
 the command of Captain Woodbine, of marines, and about 
 twenty artillerists, with one four and a half inch howitzer, 
 from which they discharged shells and nine pound shot. 
 They re-embarked the piece, and retreated by land to 
 wards Pensacola, whence they came. 
 
 By the morning report of the sixteenth, there were 
 present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, one hun 
 dred and fifty-eight. The result of this engagement has 
 stamped a character on the war in this quarter, highly fa 
 vorable to the American arms ; it is an event from which 
 may be drawn the most favorable augury. 
 
 An achievement so glorious in itself, and so important 
 
106 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 in its consequences, should be appreciated by the govern 
 ment; and those concerned are entitled to, and will, doubt 
 less, receive the most gratifying evidence of the appro 
 bation of their countrymen. 
 
 In the words of Major Lawrence, " where all behaved 
 well, it is unnecessary to discriminate." But all being 
 meritorious, I beg leave to annex the names of the offi 
 cers, who were engaged and present; and hope they will, 
 individually, be deemed worthy of distinction. 
 
 Maj. Wm. Lawrence, 2d infantry, commanding ; Cap 
 tain Walsh of the artillery ; CaptS. Chamberlain, Brown- 
 low, and Bradley, of the 3d infantry ; Captain Sands, de 
 puty commissary of ordnance ; Lieuts. Villard, Sturges, 
 Conway, H. Sanders, T. R. Sanders, Brooks, Davis, and 
 C. Sanders, all of the 3d infantry. 
 
 I am confident that your own feelings will lead you to 
 participate in my wishes on the subject. Permit me to 
 suggest the propriety and justice of allowing to this gal 
 lant band, the value of the vessel destroyed by them. 
 I remain, &c. ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 The Hon. Secretary of War. 
 
 The following is the official report of Maj. William 
 Lawrence, alluded to by General Jackson, in his letter to 
 the secretary of war. 
 
 MAJ. LAWRENCE TO GEN. JACKSON. 
 
 Fort Bowyer, Sept. l&th, 1814, 
 
 12 o clock at night. 
 
 Sir After writing the enclosed, I was prevented by the 
 approach of the enemy, from sending it by an express. 
 At meridian they were under full sail, with an easy and 
 favorable breeze, standing directly for the fort, and at 4 
 P. M. we opened our battery, which was returned from 
 two ships, and two brigs, as they approached. The ac 
 tion became general at about twenty minutes past four, and 
 was continued without intermission on either side until 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 107 
 
 seven, when one ship and two brigs were compelled to re 
 tire. The leading ship, supposed to be the commodore, 
 mounting twenty-two thirty-two pound carronades, having 
 anchored nearest our battery, was so much disabled, her 
 cable being cut by our shot, that she drifted on shore, with 
 in six hundred yards of the battery, and the other vessels 
 having got out of our reach, we kept such a tremendous fire 
 upon her, that she was set on fire, and abandoned by the 
 few of the crew who survived. At ten P. M. we had the 
 pleasure of witnessing the explosion of her magazine. 
 The loss of lives on board must have been immense, as 
 we are certain no boats left her except three, which had 
 previously gone to her assistance, and one of these I be 
 lieve was sunk ; % fact, one of her boats was burnt along 
 side of her. 
 
 The brig that followed her, I am certain was much 
 damaged both in hull and rigging. The other two did 
 not approach near enough to be much injured, but I am 
 confident they did not escape, as a well directed fire was 
 kept on them during the whole time. 
 
 During the action, a battery of a twelve pounder and a 
 howitzer, was opened on our rear, but without doing any 
 execution, and was silenced by a few shot. Our loss is 
 four privates killed, and five privates wounded. 
 
 Towards the close of the action, the flag-staff was shot 
 away ; but the flag was immediately hoisted on a sponge 
 staff above the parapet. While the flag was down, the 
 enemy kept up their most incessant and tremendous fire ; 
 the men were withdrawn from the curtains and northeast 
 bastion, as the enemy s own shot completely protected our 
 rear, except the position they had chosen for their battery. 
 
 Where all behaved well, it is unnecessary to discrimi 
 nate. Suffice it to say, every officer and man did his duty ; 
 the whole behaved with that coolness and intrepidity which 
 is characteristic of the true American, and which could 
 
108 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 scarcely have been expected from men, most of whom had 
 never seen an enemy, and were now, for the first time, ex 
 posed for nearly three hours, to a force of nearly or quite 
 four guns to one. 
 
 We fired during the action between four and five hun 
 dred guns, most of them double shotted, and after the first 
 half hour but few missed effect. 
 
 Upon an examination of our battery the following morn 
 ing, we found upwards of three hundred shot and shot- 
 holes, in the inside of the north and east curtains, and north 
 east bastions, of all calibers, from musket ball to thirty- 
 two pound shot. In the north-east bastion there were 
 three guns dismounted ; one of which, a four pounder, was 
 broken off near the trunnions by a thirTy-two pound shot, 
 and another much battered. I regret to say that both the 
 twenty-four pounders are cracked in such a manner as to 
 render them unfit for service. 
 
 I am informed by two deserters from the land force, who 
 have just arrived here, and whom I send for your disposal, 
 that a reinforcement is expected, when they will doubtless 
 endeavour to wipe off the stain of yesterday. 
 
 If you will send the Amelia down, we may probably 
 save most or all of the ship s guns, as her wreck is lying 
 in six or seven feet water, and some of them are just co 
 vered. They will not, however, answer for the fort, as 
 they are too short. 
 
 By the deserters, we learn that the ship we have de 
 stroyed, was the Hermes, but her commander s name they 
 did not recollect. It was the commodore, and he doubt 
 less fell on his quarter deck, as we had a raking fire upon 
 it, at about two hundred yards distance, for some time. 
 
 To Captain Sands, who will have the honor of handing 
 you this dispatch, I refer you for a more particular account 
 of the movements of the enemy than may be contained in 
 my letters ; his services, both before and during the action, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 109 
 
 were of great importance, and I consider fully justify me 
 in having detained him. Captain Walsh and several men 
 were much burned in the accidental explosion of two or 
 three cartridges. They are not included in the list of the 
 wounded heretofore given. 
 
 The enemy s fleet, this morning at day break, were at 
 anchor in the channel, about four miles from the fort ; 
 shortly after, it got under way and stood to sea ; after 
 passing the bar, they hove to, and boats have been con 
 stantly passing between the disabled brig and the others. 
 I presume the former is so much injured as to render it ne 
 cessary to lighten her. 
 
 At fifteen minutes after 1, P. M., the whole fleet made 
 sail, and stood to sea. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 WILLIAM LAWRENCE. 
 
 Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, &c. 
 
 When it is considered that this fort was in a very in 
 complete state, having been almost totally abandoned until 
 General Jackson had discovered its importance to the sur 
 rounding country in time of war ; that it was only in a 
 progressive state of improvement ; that it was garrisoned 
 by only a hundred and fifty new recruits, who had never 
 before faced a veteran enemy ; and that it was assailable on 
 every side by land and naval forces, probably amounting 
 to fifteen hundred men, and a hundred pieces of cannon, 
 its defence may be ranked among the most gallant 
 achievements in the last, or any previous war in America. 
 It contributed much to invigorate our soldiers, and prepare 
 them for the brilliant achievements which were soon to 
 follow at New Orleans, where they and their gallant com 
 mander covered themselves with so much glory, and 
 elevated the standard of American prowess to a proud 
 distinction among the nations of the earth. 
 
 10 
 
110 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Importance of Fort Bowyer Inadequacy of its defence 
 Arrival of General Coffee and Tennessee forces 
 GeneralJacJcson marches to Pensacola The Spanish 
 Governor s preparations for his reception General 
 Jackson sends Major Pierre with a flag He is fired 
 at from the forts General Jackson attacks and sub 
 dues the place Colonel Nicoll His proclamation 
 Censure of General Jackson for his operations in the 
 Spanish territory The legality and justice of his 
 measures defended. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON had been appointed major genera] 
 in the army of the United States previous to this period, 
 (October, 1814,) and commander of the 7th military dis 
 trict. He had been major general by brevet some time 
 antecedent to this appointment, and commander of the 
 same district. 
 
 The importance of Fort Bowyer as a military post, 
 became more and more apparent to him, as he discovered 
 the great preparation of the enemy, to assail the whole 
 American sea-board, from Pensacola to New Orleans. 
 This fort was but three days march for land forces from 
 Pensacola, where the British had already hoisted their 
 flag ; and from thence to New Orleans, but ten days 
 march. By the possession of this fort at the mouth of the 
 capacious bay of Mobile, the bay itself, and the adjoining 
 country, the British land and naval forces would derive 
 incalculable advantages. To secure it, therefore, was, in 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. Ill 
 
 the view of the commanding general, of the utmost im 
 portance. But however important the measure, the means 
 to accomplish it were altogether beyond his reach. With 
 out a naval force to cover the fort, or to assist in its de- 
 fe nce ; with but a small regular force under his command 
 at Mobile, and wholly uncertain when the forces from the 
 distant state of Tennessee, and other places, would arrive, 
 it would seem to have been the dictate of prudence, to 
 have evacuated the fort and the country at once. The 
 gallant defence of this place, upon the 15th of September, 
 although a severe mortification to the enemy, would in 
 duce them to send a force against it, absolutely irresisti 
 ble. So insufficient were his means of defence, from the 
 middle of September, to about the 20th of October, and so 
 overwhelming was the superiority of the enemy s force, 
 and constantly augmenting, that had he, at this time, 
 retired to New Orleans with his little army, a unani 
 mous sentence of approbation must have been pronounced 
 by his countrymen. But his language was, " resting on 
 the bravery of my little phalanx, I hope for success." 
 Notwithstanding the discouraging aspect of affairs, it was 
 at this period that he resolved, on his own responsibility, 
 to march for Pensacola ; and with his army " to carry 
 our arms where we find our enemies." Having been 
 educated as a jurist, he was versed in the principles of 
 the law of nations. He had a knowledge of the obli 
 gations which one government owes to another he was 
 aware of the acts which this code would justify in a belli 
 gerent power, and the duty it enjoined upon a power that 
 was professedly a neutral one. The Spanish govern 
 ment at this time, in regard to the United States, was of 
 the latter character by profession, and of the former one 
 by practice. He determined to place himself within 
 striking distance of the enemy, whether he found them 
 devastating the territory of the United States, or pre- 
 
112 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 paring to do it in the adjoining territory of another 
 power. 
 
 About the middle of October, General Jackson was 
 joined by General Coffee, at the head of two thousand 
 Tennessee volunteers and Mississippi dragoons. They 
 were soon organized, and, General Jackson commanding 
 in person, took up the line of march for Pensacola. On 
 the 6th of November, he approached the place with his 
 army. 
 
 The Spanish governor was aware of his approach, and 
 had fortified himself, in conjunction with the British forces, 
 for resistance. The forts commanding the town were 
 manned, batteries were laid in the principal streets, and 
 the British vessels were moored in the bay, so as to com 
 mand the approaches to the town. General Jackson 
 halted with his army before the town, and dispatched 
 Major Pierre with a flag, to communicate the purpose of 
 his visit. The garrison fired upon him, as he approached, 
 in violation of the usages of civilized warfare, and the 
 rights appertaining to belligerent armies. General 
 Jackson sent the flag as a matter of courtesy, but the un 
 gracious reception it met with, left him no other alter 
 native than a " proclamation of his diplomatic character 
 from the mouths of his cannon." He attacked them 
 in their fortifications, and with what success our readers 
 will learn from his hasty report of it, as follows : 
 
 GEN. JACKSON TO GOV. BLOUNT. 
 
 Head Quarters, 1th Military District, 
 
 Tensaw, November, 1814. 
 
 Sir On last evening I returned from Pensacola to this 
 place. I reached that post on the evening of the 6th. On 
 my approach, I sent Major Pierre with a flag to commu 
 nicate the object of my visit to the governor of Pensacola. 
 He approached Fort St. George, with his flag displayed, 
 and was fired on by the cannon from the fort ; he returned 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 113 
 
 and made report thereof to me. I immediately went with 
 the adjutant general and the major, with a small escort, 
 and viewed the fort, and found it defended by both British 
 and Spanish troops. I immediately determined to storm 
 the town ; retired and encamped my troops for the night, 
 and made the necessary arrangements, to carry my deter 
 mination into effect the next day. 
 
 On the morning of the 7th, I marched with the effective 
 regulars of the 3d, 39th, and 4th infantry ; part of General 
 Coffee s brigade ; the Mississippi dragoons, and part of 
 the West Tennessee regiment, commanded by Lieutenant 
 Colonel Hammonds, (Colonel Lowry having deserted and 
 gone home,) and part of the Choctaws, led by Major 
 Blue of the 39th, and Major Kennedy, of Mississippi 
 Territory. Being encamped on the west of the town, I 
 calculated they would expect the assault from that quarter, 
 and be prepared to rake me from the fort, and the British 
 armed vessels, seven in number, that lay in the bay. To 
 cherish this idea, I sent out part of the mounted men to 
 show themselves on the west, whilst I passed in rear 
 of the fort undiscovered to the east of the town. When I 
 appeared within a mile, I was in full view. My pride was 
 never more heightened than in viewing the uniform firm 
 ness of my troops, and with what undaunted courage 
 they advanced with a strong fort ready to assail them on 
 the right ; seven British armed vessels on the left ; strong 
 block-houses and batteries of cannon in their front : but 
 they still advanced with unshaken firmness, entered the 
 town, when a battery of two cannon was opened upon the 
 centre column, composed of regulars, with ball and grape, 
 and a shower of musketry from the houses and gardens. 
 The battery was immediately stormed by Captain Levall 
 and company, and carried, and the musketry was soon 
 silenced by the steady and well directed fire of the regu 
 lars. 
 
 10* 
 
114 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The governor met Colonels Williamson and Smith, who 
 led the dismounted volunteers, with a flag, begged for 
 mercy, and surrendered the town and fort, unconditionally. 
 Mercy was granted, and protection given to the citizens 
 and their property, and still Spanish treachery kept us 
 out of possession of the fort, until nearly twelve o clock 
 at night. 
 
 Never was more cool determined bravery displayed by 
 any troops ; and the Choctaws advanced to the charge 
 with equal bravery. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th, I prepared to march and 
 storm the Barancas, but before I could move, tremendous 
 explosions told me that the Barancas, with all its appen 
 dages, was blown up. I dispatched a detachment of two 
 hundred men to explore it, who returned in the night 
 with the information that it was blown up ; all the com 
 bustible parts burnt, and the cannon spiked and dismounted, 
 except two. This being the case, I determined to with 
 draw my troops ; but before I did, I had the pleasure of 
 seeing the British depart. Colonel Nicoll abandoned the 
 fort on the night of the 6th, and betook himself to his 
 shipping, with his friend Captain Woodbine, and their 
 red friends. 
 
 The steady firmness of my troops has drawn a just 
 respect from our enemies. It has convinced the Red 
 Sticks, that they have no strong hold or protection, only 
 in the friendship of the United States. The good order 
 and conduct of my troops whilst in Pensacola, has con 
 vinced the Spaniards of our friendship and our prowess, 
 and has drawn from the citizens an expression that our 
 Choctaws are more civilized than the British. 
 In great haste, I am, &c. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 None of our soldiers were killed in this battle ; fifteen or 
 twenty only were wounded, and among them was the gal- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 115 
 
 lant Captain Levall, who fell at the head of his company 
 in storming- a battery. Governor Manrequez forgot the 
 importance he had assumed for himself fell into a panic, 
 and in the midst of the engagement he appeared with a 
 flag, and begged the American general to extend mercy 
 to him, and surrendered the place without a condition. 
 
 Captain Woodbine, and Colonel Nicoll, the author of a 
 famous proclamation which was promulgated soon after 
 his arrival at Pensacola, were amongst the first who fled 
 in consternation to their shipping, before a gun was fired. 
 We here transcribe the proclamation with a full conviction 
 that it is our bounden duty to contribute all the means in 
 our power to snatch so invaluable a document from inglo 
 rious oblivion. 
 
 COL. NICOLL TO LOUISIANIANS, KENTUCKIANS, ETC. 
 
 " Natives of Louisiana ! On you the first call is made, 
 to assist in liberating from a faithless, imbecile govern 
 ment, your paternal soil; Spaniards, Frenchmen, Italians, 
 and British, whether settled, or residing for a time in 
 Louisiana, on you, also, I call, to aid me in this just 
 cause. The American usurpation in this country must 
 be abolished, and the lawful owners of the soil put in 
 possession. I am at the head of a large body of Indians, 
 well armed, disciplined, and commanded by British 
 officers a good train of artillery, with every requisite, 
 seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous British and 
 Spanish squadron of ships and vessels of war. Be not 
 alarmed, inhabitants of the country, at our approach ; the 
 same, good faith and disinterestedness, which has dis 
 tinguished the conduct of Britons in Europe, accompa 
 nies them here; you will have no fear of litigious taxes 
 imposed upon you, for the purpose of carrying on an un 
 natural and unjust war ; your property, your laws, the 
 peace and tranquillity of your country, will be guarantied 
 to you by men, who will suffer no infringement of theirs. 
 
116 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Rest assured, that these brave red men only burn with an 
 ardent desire of satisfaction, for the wrongs they have 
 suffered from the Americans ; to join you, in liberating 
 these southern provinces from their yoke, and drive them 
 into those limits formerly prescribed by my sovereign. 
 The Indians have pledged themselves in the most solemn 
 manner, not to injure, in the slightest degree, the persons 
 or properties of any but enemies. A flag over any door, 
 whether Spanish, French, or British, will be a certain 
 protection ; nor dare any Indian put his foot on the 
 threshold thereof, under penalty of death from his OAvn 
 countrymen ; not even an enemy will an Indian put to 
 death, except resisting in arms ; and as for injuring help 
 less women and children, the red men, by their good con 
 duct and treatment to them, will (if it be possible) make 
 the Americans blush for their more inhuman conduct 
 lately on the Escambia ; and within a neutral territory. 
 
 * Inhabitants of Kentucky ! you have too long borne with 
 grievous impositions The whole brunt of the war has 
 fallen on your brave sons : be imposed on no longer, but 
 either range yourselves under the standard of your fore 
 fathers, or observe a strict neutrality. 
 
 " If you comply with either of these offers, whatever 
 provisions you send down, will be paid for in dollars, 
 and the safety of the persons bringing it, as well as the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi, guarantied to you. 
 Men of Kentucky ! let me call to your view (and I trust 
 to your abhorrence) the conduct of those factions, which 
 hurried you into this civil, unjust, and unnatural war, 
 at a time when Great Britain was straining every nerve, 
 in defence of her own, and the liberties of the world 
 when the bravest of her sons were fighting and bleeding 
 in so sacred a cause when she was spending millions of 
 her treasure, in endeavoring to pull down one of the most 
 formidable and dangerous tyrants, that ever disgraced the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 117 
 
 form of man when groaning Europe was almost in her 
 last gasp when Britons alone showed an undaunted 
 front basely did those assassins endeavor to stab her 
 from the rear ; she has turned on them, renovated from 
 the bloody, but successful struggle. Europe is happy 
 andfree^ and she now hastens, justly, to revenge the un 
 provoked insult. Show them that you are not collectively 
 unjust ; leave that contemptible few to shift for themselves ; 
 let those slaves of the tyrant send an embassy to Elba, 
 and implore his aid ; but let every honest, upright Ameri 
 can, spurn them with united contempt. After the expe 
 rience of twenty-one years, can you longer support those 
 brawlers for liberty, who call it freedom, when themselves 
 are free ! Be no longer their dupes accept of my 
 offers every thing I have promised in this paper, I 
 guaranty to you, on the sacred honor of a British officer." 
 
 The valiant colonel, after having perpetrated this im 
 mortal state paper, sat himself down at Pensacola, and 
 indulged in the gratifying reflection that the promulgation 
 of his speech would remove the most inveterate obstacles 
 in the way of a conquest of the United States, and whiled 
 away his leisure hours in practising lessons of etiquette, 
 that he might listen to the supplications of the vanquished 
 with becoming dignity. But our southern and western 
 brethren visited the colonel in a manner less humble and 
 conciliatory than he had anticipated ; and it must be 
 acknowledged that he evinced a very commendable de 
 gree of prudence in consulting his safety by a timely re 
 treat. 
 
 The operations of General Jackson in Florida, were 
 executed with his usual energy and promptitude. He 
 left Mobile on the 3d November, arrived at Pensacola on 
 the 6th ; reduced it on the 7th ; accepted the surrender of 
 the Barancas on the 8th ; and on the 9th, he commenced 
 his march for Mobile, to defend Fort Bowyer. 
 
118 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The legality and justice of General Jackson s operations 
 in the Spanish territory have been questioned, and, as 
 usual, he has received a liberal share of censure therefor. 
 How deserving he is of reproach for his conduct during 
 this expedition, will, it is believed, be readily perceived, 
 on reverting to the provocations which induced him to 
 carry his arms into the Spanish dominions. The blood 
 hounds of the Creek nation, who had spread devastation 
 and death among the defenceless borderers of our south 
 western frontier, till the martial spirit of our soldiers be 
 ing roused in self-defence, vanquished them in various 
 desperate conflicts, had retreated into the Spanish terri 
 tory, and were there received with the most officious kind 
 ness by the Spanish governor. British troops were not 
 only permitted, but encouraged to land, to fortify them 
 selves, and to distribute arms among these ferocious 
 sons of the forest, and instruct them in military tactics, 
 that they might the more effectually wreak upon our 
 countrymen their murderous vengeance. 
 
 General Jackson remonstrated with Governor Manre- 
 quez upon the reprehensible course he pursued, but with 
 no beneficial effect ; he wrote to the secretary of war for 
 instructions, but, by some unaccountable delay, the an 
 swer, which bore date 18th July, 1814, was not received 
 by General Jackson till 17th January, 1815. When re 
 ceived, the conclusion of its instructions were found to hold 
 the following language : " If all the circumstances stated 
 by you, unite, the conclusion is irresistible. It becomes 
 our duty to carry our arms where we find our enemies." 
 The momentous nature of the crisis induced General 
 Jackson to hazard every thing dear to him, and to pro 
 ceed upon his own responsibility to punish the aggres 
 sions of Spain. But in acting as he supposed upon his 
 own responsibility, he did nothing more, as we have seen 
 by reference to the instructions from the war department, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 119 
 
 than to follow the very letter and spirit of those instruc 
 tions ; and although he had never received them when he 
 made his descent upon the combined forces of British, 
 Spanish, and Indian troops at Pensacola, yet they existed ; 
 and who can be found so captious, as to censure him for 
 anticipating instructions, when those very instructions 
 were given, but prevented from reaching his hands by 
 unavoidable delay. 
 
 This campaign of General Jackson has been termed 
 " a wanton attack upon a neutral power, amounting to a 
 declaration of war with Spain, upon the authority of one 
 unauthorized individual." Neutral power, indeed ; re 
 ceiving into her cities and upon her coasts our deadliest 
 foes, permitting them, nay aiding them, to arm and fortify 
 themselves there for hostile operations upon us, and to 
 prepare themselves for a co-operation with Sir Edward 
 Pakenham in his grand plan of attack upon New Orleans, 
 which, if taken, would expose our western frontier to the 
 ravages of the enemy. So far were the important ser 
 vices of General Jackson in this campaign deserving from 
 rebuke, that they have received, and will continue to re 
 ceive, the approbation of every patriotic American, long 
 after his censurers shall have been forgotten. 
 
120 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The safety of New Orleans menaced General Jackson 
 commences his march for that place Defenceless situ 
 ation of Louisiana Disaffection among the inhabi 
 tants General Jackson arrives at New Orleans 
 Despondency of the people His exertions in their 
 behalf- He addresses them, and makes preparations 
 for defence Defection of the French population 
 Causes that led to the proclamation of martial law 
 General Jackson proclaims it Defence of the 
 measure Arrival of reinforcements Battle of the 
 twenty-third of December Consequences resulting 
 from it. 
 
 THE attention of General Jackson was now directed to 
 New Orleans, the safety of which was seriously menaced. 
 Notwithstanding the negotiations pending between Great 
 Britain and the United States at Ghent, serious prepara 
 tions were making for the invasion of Louisiana ; and it 
 became evident, that, as an important preliminary step, 
 the enemy would concentrate his whole force for an at 
 tack upon New Orleans, from the possession of which he 
 would derive incalculable advantages. General Jackson, 
 for a considerable length of time, had been the only gene 
 ral officer attached to the United States army in this dis 
 trict. General Winchester, of the United States army, 
 arrived at length, and General Jackson assigned the com 
 mand of the eastern section of his district, and immediate 
 ly commenced his march for New Orleans. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 121 
 
 This section of the Union was, at this period, far from 
 being in a good state of defence. Louisiana had then 
 but just been admitted into the Union, of which it formed 
 the remotest part. Its population was thin, and a great 
 part of it consisting of slaves, added nothing to its means 
 of defence ; but required, on the contrary, a constant force 
 to prevent its becoming a domestic enemy of the most 
 dangerous kind. Its remote situation, pressing dangers 
 nearer the seat of government, and other causes, had 
 caused it to be left in a state of utter destitution, and de 
 pendent for defence upon its own resources. A country 
 accessible by numerous inlets from the sea, was left un 
 defended by any fortifications, except two ; the principal 
 much dilapidated, ill provided, and very inadequately 
 garrisoned, the other incapable of the slightest defence. 
 A few gun-boats were the only maritime defence for those 
 approaches ; a flat-bottomed frigate, which would have 
 proved effectual in the shallow waters that surrounded the 
 coast, by some extraordinary policy, or culpable neglect, 
 was left unfinished. The military force was two incom 
 plete regiments, a militia badly armed, and a battalion 
 of city volunteers. Two or three field pieces, and a how 
 itzer, formed their park of artillery, and the arsenal con 
 tained no arms ; even the common and necessary article 
 of flints was totally wanting. The magazines alone were 
 well provided. This was the state of the defence of Lou 
 isiana, immediately previous to the month of December. 
 The inhabitants had been long cut off from any inter 
 course with the sea, by a blockading squadron, which it 
 was known preceded the arrival of a formidable fleet, 
 bearing an invading army of the most imposing force, 
 from their number, their discipline, the excellence of their 
 appointments, and the reputation of the generals who 
 commanded them. 
 
 To add to the difficulties of the Louisianians, there 
 11 
 
122 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 existed division among them, not disaffection, but that 
 confusion which naturally arises in times of danger, when 
 there is no head, or one in which there is no confidence. 
 Committees of defence were named by the citizens, exhor 
 tations were made to resist the enemy, and show tha.t the 
 insulting confidence he had expressed in the want of at 
 tachment of a large portion of the state to the Union was 
 false. Funds were endeavored to be raised ; every thing 
 was done to show that the inhabitants were disposed to 
 defend themselves and their country ; but every effort 
 demonstrated that, without further aid, the struggle would 
 be ineffectual. That aid at length arrived, in the person 
 of General Jackson. 
 
 * On his arrival, he found the population prostrate with 
 fear and despondency. He comprehended at a glance 
 the difficulties that would obstruct a successful defence of 
 the country, and while thousands of hearts were despair 
 ing, he resolved, with his wonted decision and energy, to 
 surmount every obstacle, and defend or perish with his 
 countrymen. He anticipated assistance from Governors 
 Blount of Tennessee, and Shelby of Kentucky, and an aug 
 mentation of his force by the gallant soldiers of Mississip 
 pi ; yet that he should receive the aid of these important 
 auxiliaries, was uncertain. From Governor Claiborne 
 and Mr. Edward Livingston, he received a hearty co 
 operation in his endeavors to organize the Louisiana mi 
 litia. General Coffee and General Carrol, the brave 
 men who had fought by his side in many a desperate bat 
 tle-field, were with him, and he knew they were ready to 
 follow him to victory or to death. 
 
 From the first moment of his arrival, the confidence 
 of the inhabitants in him begat confidence in themselves. 
 He visited the forts ; he organized the scanty force which 
 was placed under his command ; he addressed to them the 
 inspiring language which promised future victory ; he told 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 123 
 
 the natives of the United States, that the enemies they 
 were about to contend with had been the oppressors of 
 their infant political existence ; that the men whom they 
 were now to oppose, were the descendants of those whom 
 their fathers fought and conquered. He addressed the 
 descendants of Frenchmen, the natives of France ; he 
 told them that the English, who were now the invaders of 
 the land of their adoption, had ever been the hereditary, 
 the eternal enemies of their ancient country. He called 
 upon Spaniards to remember the conduct of their allies at 
 St. Sebastian and Pensacola, and rejoice that they had 
 found an opportunity of avenging the brutal injuries in 
 flicted by men who dishonored the human race. 
 
 To the Louisianians, he expressed his joy in witness 
 ing the spirit which animated them, not only for their 
 honor, but their safety; and he assured them, that for 
 whatever had been their conduct or wishes, his duty 
 would have led, and still would lead him, to confound the 
 citizen unmindful of his rights, with the enemy he ceased 
 to oppose. But commanding men who knew their rights, 
 and were determined to defend them, he saluted them as 
 brethren in arms ; and that he had now a new motive to 
 exert all his faculties, which he promised them should be 
 exerted to the utmost in their defence. He exhorted them 
 to continue with the energy they had begun, and assured 
 them not only of safety, but victory over an insolent foe, 
 who had insulted them by an affected doubt of their at 
 tachment to the constitution of their country. Their 
 enemy, he said, was near ; his sails already covered the 
 lakes ; but the brave were ever united, and if the enemy 
 found them contending among themselves, it would be for 
 the prize of valor, and fame, its noblest reward. 
 
 He addressed, it is true, their passions and prejudices, 
 but above all, their love of country and of glory. He con 
 trasted the fearful consequences of defeat, and the shame- 
 
134 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 ful results of submission, to themselves, to their wives, 
 their children, and their country, with the honors and 
 safety of the victory he confidently promised. He spoke 
 to the inhabitants of different origin, the language best 
 calculated to excite national enthusiasm, and to direct it 
 to the common defence. 
 
 This was the great, the important operation. In 
 organizing this moral and physical force, the foundation 
 was laid for the great work which followed ; and it is 
 believed that it would be difficult to find better materials 
 for these causes to operate upon, than were furnished in 
 a majority of the Louisianians. National prejudices were 
 converted into the noblest emulation. The sedentary and 
 luxurious habits of a city life were, with alacrity, ex 
 changed for the toils of service in a most inclement sea 
 son ; independence of action, for strict discipline ; a 
 life of ease and safety, for one of toil and exposure. A 
 post of honor and of danger was promised to the city 
 battalion, and a corps of city riflemen, the ranks of which 
 were not then half filled ; and instantly the names of the 
 most respectable citizens were inscribed on the muster- 
 rolls. Nor was this spirit confined to a particular corps ; 
 the body of the militia were equally zealous, and never 
 calculating the difference of numbers or discipline, all 
 were found at their posts when the hour of conflict ar 
 rived. But although they were ready, yet their number 
 was comparatively small. Some were unarmed, others 
 were necessarily posted with a view to interior defence ; 
 and the nature of the country called for a dispersion of 
 this little force to guard its numerous inlets. 
 
 The French population were, however, disaffected, 
 and under the auspices of the French consul, and out of 
 gratitude to the English for the restoration of the Bour 
 bons, they discovered an " awful squinting at monarchy," 
 and wholly refused to co-operate with the Louisianians 
 
ANDREW JACKSON* 125 
 
 in defending their common country. The disaffection of 
 the few is easily checked, when the public functionaries 
 discharge the duties devolving upon them ; but so far 
 were the legislative and judiciary powers of the state from 
 calling in the power of the law, to check the growing 
 discontent, that in many instances they encouraged it by 
 conniving at it. Governor Claiborne did every thing 
 which a vigilant and patriotic executive could do, but a 
 majority of the legislature, nerveless, timorous, and de 
 sponding, hung upon him like an incubus, and paralyzed 
 all his exertions. He had frequently written to General 
 Jackson ; in one letter, he says, " On a late occasion I 
 had the mortification to acknowledge my inability to meet 
 a requisition from General Flournoy ; the corps of this 
 city having for the most part resisted my orders, being 
 encouraged in their disobedience by the legislature of the 
 state, then in session ; one branch of which, the senate, 
 having declared the requisition illegal and oppressive, 
 and the house of representatives having rejected a propo 
 sition to approve the measure. How far I shall be sup 
 ported in my late orders, remains yet to be proved. I 
 have reason to calculate upon the patriotism of the interior 
 and western counties. I know also that there are many 
 faithful citizens in New Orleans ; but there are others, in 
 whose attachment to the United States I ought not to con 
 fide. Upon the whole, sir, I cannot disguise the fact, 
 that if Louisiana should be attacked, we must principally 
 depend for security upon the prompt movements of the 
 regular force under your command, and the militia of the 
 western states and territories. At this moment we are in a 
 very unprepared and defenceless condition ; several impor 
 tant points of defence remain unoccupied, and in case of a sud 
 den attack, this capital would, I fear, fall an easy sacrifice." 
 In another letter, he remarks, " Inclosed you have 
 copies of my late general orders. They may, and I trust 
 
126 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 will be obeyed ; but to this moment, my fellow-citizens 
 have not manifested all that union and zeal the crisis de 
 mands, and their own safety requires. There is in this 
 city a much greater spirit of disaffection, than I had anti 
 cipated ; and among- the faithful Louisianians, there is a 
 despondency which palsies all my preparations ; they see 
 no strong- regular force, around which they could rally 
 with confidence, and they seem, to think themselves not 
 within the reach of seasonable assistance, from the west 
 ern states. I am assured, sir, you will make the most 
 judicious disposition of the forces under your command ; 
 but excuse me for suggesting, that the presence of the 
 seventh regiment, at or near New Orleans, will have the 
 most salutary effect. The garrison here at present, is 
 alarmingly weak, and is a cause of much regret : from 
 the great mixture of persons, and characters, in this city, 
 we have as much to apprehend from within as from with 
 out. In arresting the intercourse between New Orleans 
 and Pensacola, you have done right. Perisacola is, in 
 fact, an enemy s post, and had our commercial intercourse 
 with it continued, the supplies furnished to the enemy 
 would have so much exhausted our own stock of provi 
 sions, as to have occasioned the most serious inconvenience 
 to ourselves. 
 
 " I was on the point of taking on myself the prohibition 
 of the trade with Pensacola : I had prepared a proclama 
 tion to that effect, and would have issued it the very day 
 I heard of your interposition. Enemies to the country, 
 may blame you for your prompt and energetic measures ; 
 but, in the person of every patriot you will find a sup 
 porter. I am very confident of the very lax police of this 
 city, and indeed, throughout the state, with respect to the 
 visits of strangers. I think with you, that our country is 
 filled with spies and traitors. I have written pressingly 
 on the subject to the city authorities and parish judges 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 127 
 
 I hope some efficient regulations will speedily be adopted 
 by the first, and more vigilance exerted for the future, by 
 the latter." 
 
 In a third letter, the governor observes " The only 
 difficulty I have hitherto experienced, in meeting the re 
 quisition, has been in this city, and exclusively from some 
 European Frenchmen, who, after giving their adhesion 
 to Louis XVIII., have, through the medium of the French 
 consul, claimed exemption from the drafts, as French sub 
 jects. The question of exemption, however, is now under 
 discussion, before a special court of inquiry, and I am 
 not without hopes, that these ungrateful men may yet be 
 brought to a discharge of their duties. 
 
 " You have been informed of the contents of an inter 
 cepted letter, written by Colonel Coliel, a Spanish officer, 
 to Captain Morales, of Pensacola. This letter was sub 
 mitted for the opinion of the attorney general of the state, 
 as to the measures to be pursued against the writer. The 
 attorney general was of opinion, that the courts could take 
 no cognizance of the same ; but that the governor might 
 order the writer to leave the state, and in case of refusal, 
 to send him off by force. I accordingly, sir, ordered Co 
 lonel Coliel to take his departure, in forty-eight hours, for 
 Pensacola, and gave him the necessary passports. I 
 hope, this measure may meet your approbation. It is a 
 just retaliation for the conduct lately observed by the go 
 vernor of Pensacola, and may induce the Spaniards resi 
 ding among us, to be less communicative upon those sub 
 jects which relate to our military movements." 
 
 In another letter, this patriotic chief magistrate says to 
 General Jackson, " If Louisiana is invaded, I shall put 
 myself at the head of such of my militia as will follow me 
 to the field, and on receiving, shall obey your orders." 
 
 In addition to this, Charles K. Blanchard, Esq., writes 
 to General Jackson thus : " Quartermaster Peddie, of the 
 
228 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 dramatic coincidence, it came to pass that the thirst for blood 
 having risen in the breast of the prophet and his warrior 
 Himithlimaco, they soon repented the rescue of Hambly 
 and Doyle, and came to St. Marks in quest of them, just 
 after they had made their escape. With the ferocious per 
 severance of wolves, they pursued their flight along the 
 coast, hoping that weather or weariness would force them 
 ashore, and soon descried a vessel at anchor, with British 
 colors flying at the mast head. After some reconnoiter- 
 ing they went aboard, were conducted into the cabin where 
 they found Hambly and Doyle, who immediately identi 
 fying them as the murderers of Lieutenant Scott and his 
 party, and their own captors and tormentors, they were 
 put in irons by Lieutenant M Keever. These circum 
 stances being all made known to General Jackson, by a 
 mass of proof and undisputed notoriety, in conformity 
 with the order of the secretary of war " to inflict exem 
 plary punishment on the authors of the atrocities" com 
 mitted on Lieutenant Scott s party, and Mrs. Garrett s fa 
 mily, he had them hung, in accordance with the principles 
 of the law of nations, and in obedience to the dictates of 
 humanity, which their atrocities had outraged, and to 
 which the terror and example of their fate was a just sa 
 crifice, and proved a salutary propitiation. 
 
 The reader will see that the only decoying was prac 
 ticed by Lieutenant M Keever, and before he can agree to 
 censure that, it must be shown that our naval officers had 
 no right to use such stratagems as the officers of other 
 nations practice, although the colors of all nations are fur 
 nished them for this express purpose. These Indians were 
 taken by stratagem and surprise as Andre was, and like 
 that unfortunate officer, who never violated a feeling of 
 humanity, they were " slaughtered" that is, they were 
 hung. In this punishment, as justice, humanity, and the 
 law of nations were satisfied, it is to be observed that they 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 229 
 
 being out of the United States, our own laws were not 
 concerned. Had they been brought within our limits all 
 their crimes must have gone unpunished for they had 
 not violated our municipal, or maritime, or martial laws. 
 But the law of nations vests the right of retaliation in the 
 commanding general, and the imbecility or dishonor of 
 the Spanish authorities having justified the assertion of 
 our belligerent rights, it was the duty of General Jackson 
 to fulfil the instructions of his government and bring these 
 murderers to punishment. 
 
 Let us now come to the case of Arbuthnot. From the 
 recaptured American woman, who was the sole remain 
 ing survivor of Lieutenant Scott s party from Cook, his 
 clerk from Phenix, his acquaintance from letters and 
 papers found in a vessel of his, captured in the mouth of 
 the Suawney, and others obtained from the Indians by 
 our agent, it was proved incontestibly that " this advocate 
 for peace," by misrepresenting the terms of the treaty of 
 Ghent the conduct of the American and the intentions 
 of the British government, had incited in time of peace 
 the Seminole Indians to hostilities against the United 
 States. That to aid those hostilities, he had applied in 
 behalf of the Indians, to various functionaries of Britain 
 for supplies, and to disguise them for protection. That 
 he had furnished them with intelligence and ammunition, 
 for military purposes, and had given them advice and 0r- 
 ders in the management of the war. That he had directed 
 the seizure and presided at the condemnation of Hambly 
 and Doyle in consequence of their being "th advocates 
 for peace" with the United States. That he had instigated 
 and countenanced the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and 
 his party, consisting of about forty American citizens. 
 That as an Indian chief, he had permitted our gallant 
 officers to be assassinated, our brave soldiers to be butch 
 ered and their helpless wives to be murdered, or with more 
 20 
 
130 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the decisive step of proclaiming martial law. He knew 
 the responsibility he incurred ; he knew to what he ex 
 posed himself; and if ever there was an act of deliberate 
 self-devotion, it was the one for which he has been re 
 proached, as an unjustifiable assumption of powers. 
 
 Had he fashioned his conduct to suit the taste and win 
 the applause of those who have censured him, he might 
 have had generals and attorney generals, barristers and 
 merchants from the city, capering about his lines, discou 
 raging his men, disconcerting his measures, and scamper 
 ing away from the enemy. He chose rather to have citi 
 zen soldiers, and to make those who owned the prize con 
 tended for, share in the toil and danger of its protection. 
 A rich and testy dealer in cotton, who looked as if " but 
 for those vile guns he would himself have been a soldier," 
 accosted the general, who was piling up cotton bales 
 against Wellington s invincibles, and requested that he 
 "would appoint a guard for his cotton." " Certainly," 
 replied the general, " your request shall be complied 
 with : here, sergeant ! give this gentleman a musket and 
 ammunition, and station him in the line of defence ; no 
 one can be better qualified to guard the cotton, than the 
 owner of it." Thus the dealer was dealt with. This 
 commanding spirit, evinced by the cotton dealer, and the 
 considerations to which an allusion has been previously 
 made, and confirmed by the example of other authorities, 
 and by the pressure of the moment, suggested to General 
 Jackson the prudence of comprehending New Orleans 
 itself in his camp ; of taking the city he was to defend 
 under his protection. The measure was discussed with 
 many eminent citizens, and was approved by others. It 
 was advised and adopted distinctly on the ground of pub 
 lic necessity, of which all were convinced, and none even 
 now can doubt. If the noted Louallier, of whom we shall 
 have occasion hereafter to speak, under the influence of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 131 
 
 the royalist Blanque, and the officious judge, (whose fault 
 is atoned by the fact that he soon repented it, and he died 
 the sincere friend of General Jackson,) brought with 
 out necessity and upon a secondary principle, the civil 
 authority into collision with the military power, \vhen ex 
 erted from necessity, and for the primary objects of the 
 constitution, it was no fault of General Jackson. It is 
 not the first time that enactments, provided for the liberty 
 of the citizen, have been found temporarily incompatible 
 with the safety of the state. Hence the well known maxim 
 of the civil law Inter arma silent leges. It is not the 
 only conflict that has or can be found between separate 
 provisions, or between the end or details of our constitu 
 tion. Treaties, when approved by the senate and ratified 
 by the president, are declared to be the supreme laws of 
 the land, and yet the house of representatives claim, and 
 justly too, the right of disregarding this supreme law, 
 and of interposing their power over the bills of revenue. 
 The right of property is secure under the constitution, 
 and yet in certain cases a military officer may seize the 
 means of subsistence or of transportation, leaving only a 
 fair compensation to the owner, on the just ground of ne 
 cessity. The trial by jury is the birthright of the citi 
 zen, and a dearer right than that secured by the habeas 
 corpus, and yet the judicial pow r er sets this right at defi 
 ance, and punishes for contempt, without the intervention 
 of a jury, upon the ground of legal necessity. In viola 
 tion of the same right, our legislative bodies punish ar 
 bitrarily any citizen who may attempt an abuse of their 
 dignity or privileges. The truth is, these anomalies must 
 be tolerated even in our fair and effective system, on the 
 ground of necessity. They are essential to the principles 
 they seem to oppose. The inconsistency of military 
 power with the spirit of our institutions, arises from 
 the nature of thing s not from the character of this or 
 
132 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 that commander from the opposite characters of peace 
 and war, and the adverse dispositions of mind on which 
 the conditions of society are founded. Force is the prin 
 ciple of war equity the spirit of peace. These two ele 
 ments, however, elaborated by civilization, or ramified 
 into consequences, cannot be divested of their original 
 discordance. The prudence of our magistrates, and the 
 patriotism of our citizens, have in most instances prevent 
 ed their collision. Every thing considered, General Jack 
 son was persuaded that the country would be lost, unless 
 he sacrificed himself, and risked what he valued infinitely 
 more than life risked his reputation for patriotism, and 
 regard to the constitution of his country, for its preserva 
 tion. He did this deliberately. He knew the risk ; God 
 knew his purpose, and his own conscience approved it. 
 
 Having taken this important step, General Jackson 
 incessantly engaged himself in erecting fortifications, and 
 disciplining his soldiers for defence. Fort St. Philips was 
 selected as an eligible position, and Major Overton was 
 appointed to the command of it. The naval force near 
 New Orleans, consisted of small gun- vessels, under the 
 command of Captain Patterson. 
 
 On the 21st of December, General Coffee arrived with 
 thirteen hundred Tennesseans ; and about the same time 
 Colonel Hinds came with a hundred and eighty of the 
 Mississippi dragoons, and was soon followed by General 
 Carroll with the remainder of the reinforcements from 
 Tennessee. These brave men had marched a distance of 
 eight hundred miles under the endurance of privations 
 and hardships, which they met with a spirit of fortitude 
 that redounded to their immortal honor, and gave an ear 
 nest of future success. The Kentucky troops, raised by 
 the order of Governor Shelby, and commanded by General 
 Thomas, had not yet arrived. 
 
 At length the storm which had been gathering, and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 133 
 
 of which General Jackson and his little band had calm 
 ly awaited the approach, burst over them. The little na 
 val force at New Orleans after a most gallant defence, fell 
 into the hands of the enemy, and facilitated their opera 
 tions ; an outpost, which guarded one of the principal 
 inlets, was surprised, and advancing through an uninha 
 bited and uninhabitable country, the enemy was within 
 seven miles of the city, on the banks of the river, before 
 he was discovered. This was at two o clock in the af 
 ternoon of the 23d December, one of the shortest days in 
 the year. All the disposable force from different points 
 was immediately collected. Before the sun had set, fif 
 teen hundred men, the greater part of whom were militia, 
 some of whom were armed only with pikes, were on their 
 march, with a perfect knowledge that they were about to 
 attack, in the open field, three times their number, of the 
 best disciplined, the best appointed troops in the world. 
 They advanced as gaily, and cheerfully, as if they were 
 going to a convivial feast, and before it was well night, they 
 were in the midst of the enemy s camp. The remains of 
 the gallant little navy, a single schooner, under the brave 
 Patterson, who himself took command of this small force, 
 poured destruction into the ranks of the enemy. This 
 was the signal of attack for the army on land. 
 
 The following is a description of the battle, as detailed 
 to James Monroe by General Jackson : 
 
 The loss of our gun-boats near the pass of the Rigolets, 
 having given the enemy command of Lake Borgne, he 
 was enabled to chose his point of attack. It became there- 
 fore an object of importance, to obstruct the numerous 
 bayous and canals, leading from that lake to the highlands 
 on the Mississippi. This important service was commit 
 ted, in the first instance, to a detachment of the seventh 
 regiment, afterwards to Col. De Laronde, of the Louisi 
 ana militia, and lastly, to make all sure, to Mai. Gen. Vil- 
 12 
 
134 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 lere, commanding the district between the river and the 
 lakes, and who being a native of the country, was pre 
 sumed to be best acquainted with all those passes. Un 
 fortunately, however, a picquet which the general had es 
 tablished at the mouth of the Bayou Bienvenue, and which, 
 notwithstanding my orders, had been left unobstructed, 
 was completely surprised, and the enemy penetrated 
 through a canal leading to his farm, about two leagues 
 below the city, and succeeded in cutting off a company of 
 militia stationed there. This intelligence was communi 
 cated to me about twelve o clock of the twenty-third. My 
 force, at this time, consisted of parts of the seventh and 
 forty-fourth regiments, not exceeding six hundred together, 
 the city militia, a part of General Coffee s brigade of 
 mounted gunmen, and the detached militia from the west 
 ern division of Tennessee, under the command of Maj. 
 Gen. Carroll. These two last corps were stationed four 
 miles above the city. Apprehending a double attack by 
 the way of Chief-Menteur, I left General Carroll s force 
 and the militia of the city posted on the Gentilly road ; 
 and at five o clock P. M. marched to meet the enemy, 
 whom I was resolved to attack in his first position, with 
 Major Hinds dragoons, General Coffee s brigade, parts 
 of the seventh .and forty-fourth regiments, the uniformed 
 companies of militia, under the command of Major Planche, 
 two hundred men of color, chiefly from St. Domingo, 
 raised by Colonel Savery, and acting under the command 
 of Major Dagwin, and a detachment of artillery under 
 the direction of Colonel M Rhea, with two six pounders, 
 under the command of Lieutenant Spotts ; not exceeding, 
 in all, fifteen hundred. I arrived near the enemy s en 
 campment about seven, and immediately made my dispo 
 sitions for the attack. His forces, amounting at that time 
 on land to about three thousand, extended half a mile on 
 that river, and in the rear nearly to the wood. General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 136 
 
 Coffee was ordered to turn their right, while with the re 
 sidue of the force, I attacked his strongest position on the 
 left, near the river. Commodore Patterson, having dropped 
 down the river in the schooner Caroline, was directed 
 to open fire a upon their camp, which he executed at 
 about half past seven. This being a signal of attack, 
 General Coffee s men, with their usual impetuosity, rush 
 ed on the enemy s right, and entered their camp, while 
 our right advanced with equal ardor. There can be but 
 little doubt, that we should have succeeded on that occa 
 sion, with our inferior force, in destroying or capturing 
 the enemy, had not a thick fog, which arose about eight 
 o clock, occasioned some confusion among the different 
 corps. Fearing the consequence, under this circum 
 stance, of the further prosecution of a night attack, with 
 troops then acting together for the first time, I contented 
 myself with lying on the field that night ; and at four in 
 the morning assumed a stronger position, about two miles 
 nearer the city. At this position I remained encamped, 
 waiting the arrival of the Kentucky militia and other re 
 inforcements. As the safety of the city will depend on 
 the fate of this army, it must not be incautiously exposed. 
 In this affair the whole corps under my command de 
 serve the greatest credit. The best compliment I can pay 
 to General Coffee and his brigade, is to say, they have 
 behaved as they have always done, while under my com 
 mand. The seventh, led by Major Pierre, and forty- 
 fourth, commanded by Colonel Ross, distinguished them 
 selves. The battalion of city militia, commanded by Major 
 Planche, realized my anticipations, and behaved like ve 
 terans. Savary s volunteers manifested great bravery ; 
 and the company of city riflemen, having penetrated into 
 the midst of the enemy s camp, were surrounded, and 
 fought their way out with the greatest heroism, bring 
 ing with them a number of prisoners. The two field- 
 
I36> BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 pieces were well served by the officers commanding 
 them. 
 
 All my officers in the line did their duty, and I have 
 every reason to be satisfied with the whole of my field 
 and staff. Colonels Butler and Platt, and Major Chotard, 
 by their intrepidity, saved the artillery. Colonel Haynes 
 was every where that duty or danger called. I was de 
 prived of the services of one of my aids, Captain Butler, 
 whom I was obliged to station, to his great regret, in town. 
 Captain Reid, my other aid, and Messrs. Livingston, Du- 
 plissis, and Davizac, who had volunteered their services, 
 faced danger wherever it was to be met, and carried my 
 orders with the utmost promptitude. 
 
 We made one major, two subalterns, and sixty-three 
 privates, prisoners ; and the enemy s loss, in killed and 
 
 wounded, must have been at least . My own loss I 
 
 have not as yet been able to ascertain with exactness, but 
 suppose it to amount to one hundred in killed, wounded, and 
 missing. Among the former, I have to lament the loss of 
 Colonel Lauderdale, of General Coffee s brigade, who 
 fell while bravely fighting. Cols. Dyer and Gibson, of 
 the same corps, were wounded, and Major Kavenaugh 
 taken prisoner. 
 
 Col. De Laronde, Major Villere, of the Louisiana mi 
 litia, Major Latour, of engineers, having no command, 
 volunteered their services, as did Drs. Kerr and Hood, 
 and were of great assistance to me. 
 
 This master-stroke of energy and decision, in its con 
 sequences, saved the country, and led to the more impor 
 tant result which closed this glorious campaign. None 
 but such a leader would have planned such an attack ; 
 none but such troops would have enabled him to execute 
 it with success. This fought the enemy to respect the 
 courage of our troops ; it led him to overrate our num 
 bers ; and made him wait for his decisive attack, until 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 137 
 
 the position so judiciously chosen for the action, was placed 
 in a sufficient state of defence, to become the theatre of a 
 future and signal victory. It was a most encouraging 
 example for those who love the institutions of our coun 
 try. If three thousand three hundred men, with no 
 other discipline than a few weeks could produce, in the 
 simplest line of defence that the art of fortification knows, 
 could prove themselves an over match for four times their 
 number of the best troops in the world, used to conquest, 
 well appointed, and led by experienced officers : to what 
 can we attribute it, but to that moral force which is in 
 spired by love of country, and by that alone ? And it will 
 be found that from Thermopylae to Morad, those asto 
 nishing efforts in which troops without discipline have 
 successfully contended against superior numbers, have 
 been made in defence of liberty.* 
 
 * Livingston s Address. 
 12* 
 
136 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Effects of the battle of the twenty-third Ladies oj 
 New Orleans Their patriotic exertions American 
 lines of defence General Jackson s- exertions Loss 
 of the schooner Caroline Battle of the 2Stk Decem 
 ber Battle of the 1st January Repulsion of the 
 enemy on that occasion Sir Edward Packenham 
 Discoveries made by time. 
 
 The result of the battle of the twenty-third Decem 
 ber, though not decisive, produced the happiest effects. 
 It animated the inhabitants, and encouraged them to pro 
 secute with still greater vigor the measures of defence. 
 Nothing could exceed the ardor with which it inspired 
 the army of General Jackson. His soldiers obeyed his 
 orders with the utmost alacrity and promptitude, and held 
 themselves in readiness, at a moment s warning, to face 
 again their invaders, and add fresh laurels to those they 
 had already won. 
 
 The patriotic exertions of the ladies of New Orleans 
 to render every assistance in their power to the besieged, 
 do honor to their sex. The modest, unobtruding, virtues 
 and excellencies of woman, are too often forgotten, in 
 times of peril and danger. Man s aims are ambitious 
 and aspiring ; he seeks his enemy in the battle-field, and 
 by deeds of desperate daring, in many a fierce encounter, 
 acquires a name that will live till the end of time. But 
 woman acts in a different sphere ; hers is the task of 
 soothing the wounded spirit ; of binding up the broken 
 heart. There is a point of time in the life of every man, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 139 
 
 however lofty may have been his aspirations, or towering 
 his hopes, when the world and all its seductive pageantry- 
 pall upon his spirit when the plaudits of the multitude 
 fall tuneless upon his ear ; it is in the hour of nature s 
 agonizing conflict with dissolution ; then it is that wo 
 man s excellences are called into exercise ; then her 
 enduring virtues her watchful vigils her ceaseless 
 solicitudes her untiring patience, and ever watchful sym 
 pathies, are felt and acknowledged ; and although her 
 name may not be trumpeted by the clarion of fame 
 throughout the universe, or encircled in the halo of glory 
 that illumines the pathway of the conqueror, yet she 
 reaps a rich reward from the gratitude, the blessings, and 
 benedictions of thousands of the children of misery and 
 misfortune, who have been made the recipients of her 
 soothing kindnesses, and bountiful benefactions. The 
 ladies of New Orleans admirably sustained those virtues 
 which do honor to their sex. With their own hands they 
 manufactured clothing for distribution among their brave 
 defenders, and the sick and \vounded received from them 
 those soothing attentions and kindnesses which are so 
 peculiarly acceptable to the debilitated and war-worn 
 soldier. The hospitals were abundantly supplied with all 
 attainable comforts ; the nunnery was converted into an 
 extra hospital for the wounded, and the surgeons and phy 
 sicians exerted themselves without fee or reward. 
 
 After the battle of the 23d, General Jackson encamped 
 his army near the field of battle, intending in the morning 1 
 to renew the engagement. But the disadvantages of his 
 situation, and the numerical superiority of the enemy, 
 induced him to change his plan. 
 
 It has already been mentioned, that the gun-boats, 
 commanded by Lieutenant Jones, were captured upon the 
 14th, and the commander severely wounded. His force 
 consisted of a few gun-boats, the whole mounting twenty- 
 
140 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 three guns, and having one hundred and eighty-three men 
 on board. The British force that attacked this little gal 
 lant flotilla, consisted of forty-five boats, forty-two guns, 
 and twelve hundred men, commanded by Captain Lock- 
 yer, whose loss in killed and wounded exceeded three 
 hundred men ; and he received three severe wounds him 
 self. Upon Lieutenant Jones, Captain Patterson bestows 
 the highest applause, and most deservedly too ; for con 
 sidering the species of force he had under his command, 
 and the great superiority of the enemy, his gallantry is 
 scarcely exceeded by any officer in our navy. 
 
 The various passes at the mouth of the Mississippi 
 were guarded in the best possible manner, by different 
 forts ; and considering the short time allowed to construct 
 them, and the few men only who could be spared to gar 
 rison them, their defences entitle the garrisons to the 
 highest applause. Major Overton, at Fort St. Philips, 
 determining never to surrender, nailed the American flag 
 to his standard, and resolved that it should triumphantly 
 wave over that of Britain, as long as a living man re 
 mained in the fort to defend it. The troops at the mouths 
 of the river, were as much inspired with fortitude by the 
 addresses and examples of General Jackson, as those 
 under his immediate command. Having these forts, as 
 well as the current of the Mississippi to oppose, the British 
 admiral was prevented from bringing any of his larger 
 vessels, to co-operate with the land forces, in their various 
 attacks upon the American lines. Had he been enabled 
 to effect this, it is difficult to conceive how the city could 
 have been saved. 
 
 On the 24th, General Jackson took his final position. 
 It extended in a direct line from the east bank of the Mis 
 sissippi, into the edge of the Cypress Swamp, a distance 
 exceeding a mile. For the whole distance, the troops 
 almost incessantly labored, and with a vigor worthy of the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 141 
 
 cause that called forth their laborious exertions, in throw 
 ing up a strong breastwork, under the protection of 
 which they were to be intrenched. From the bank of 
 the river to the edge of the Cypress Swamp, a distance of 
 very near a mile, the country was a perfect plain. The 
 small force under General Jackson were in full view of 
 the greatly superior force in the British camp. Although 
 they had received a check in the brilliant affair of the 23d, 
 it would seem to be the result of infatuation itself, that they 
 remained unmoved spectators of the measures of defence 
 the American commander was taking, which, if prosecuted 
 to completion, would render them hopeless of success. 
 
 Adjoining the river, and in advance of the main work, 
 a redoubt was formed to protect the right wing of the 
 army, upon which were mounted a number of pieces of 
 heavy artillery. Through the whole line were mounted, 
 at proper distances, cannon from six to thirty -two pound 
 ers. The breastwork was extended from four hundred 
 and fifty to five hundred yards into the swamp, to prevent 
 the enemy from turning the left wing of the army. This 
 part of the intrenchment, was constructed with extreme 
 difficulty, and with excessive fatigue ; being erected in a 
 morass, almost impassable from the depth of the mud and 
 water. It was wisely supposed that the British com 
 mander would conclude that the American intrenchment 
 reached only to the edge of the swamp ; and that he would 
 endeavor to force a passage through it, and gain the rear 
 of the American army. At the immediate edge of the 
 swamp, an angular indent was made in the intrenchment, 
 upon which heavy pieces of artillery were placed so as to 
 rake the enemy in the swamp, from one side of it, and in 
 the open field, from the other. Every hour s labor in 
 creased the strength of the intrenchment, and every event 
 that transpired, augmented the confidence of the troops. 
 Notwithstanding the rapidly increasing security of his 
 
142 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 small, and to a very considerable amount unarmed troops, 
 General Jackson endeavored to provide against every 
 event that could endang er their safety, or that of the city. 
 Admitting the possibility that the British army, from their 
 great superiority in numbers, and from the numerous 
 pieces of heavy ordnance they were constantly transport 
 ing in barges, from their shipping to their encampment, 
 might force his lines, he dispatched the whole of his un 
 armed men two miles in his rear, to erect another breast 
 work, as a rallying point, at no great distance from the 
 city. In this way, he furnished constant employ for all 
 his men, prevented their despondency, and aroused their 
 courage. - ^\ v 
 
 General Jackson was aware that the enemy s main 
 army had not yet (December 24) landed, and wholly 
 uncertain where they would make a descent, he took the 
 same measures to fortify the country on the west, or right 
 bank of the river, as he had upon the east, or left bank. 
 An intrenchment was there thrown up from the bank of 
 the river, extending west to a swamp, which approaches 
 nearer to the river than that upon the east side. Governor 
 Claiborne and the Louisiana militia, being more perfectly 
 acquainted with the country, were stationed on the right 
 bank of the river. Captain Patterson and his crew had 
 erected a battery near the bank of the river, and to the 
 main intrenchment. This intrenchment was about three 
 quarters of a mile below that on the left bank ; and being 
 supported by Patterson s battery and his crew, whose 
 skill in gunnery was evinced in the battle of the 23d, it 
 was supposed as capable of sustaining and repelling an 
 assault as that on the left. The command of the right 
 bank of the river, was intrusted to General Morgan, and 
 a force placed under his command sufficient to render it 
 as secure as the left. 
 
 General Jackson made the most unwearied exertions 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 143 
 
 in strengthening this important position ; and his industry, 
 perseverance, and fortitude, set before his soldiers a noble 
 example, which proved most happy in its results. On 
 the 27th, his line of defence was completed ; and from 
 its commencement till that time, he allowed himself 
 neither sleep nor relaxation from toil. The activity, 
 patience, and spirit, of his troops, who kept their wet, un 
 wholesome ground, at this inclement season, and labored 
 with such incessant zeal till the completion of the fortifi 
 cations, is above all praise. The schooner Caroline, after 
 the battle of the 23d, had kept her position opposite the 
 British encampment. Her commander, Commodore Pat 
 terson, could have left his dangerous position, by dropping 
 down below ; but he could not think of depriving the 
 army of her assistance in case of an attack. He therefore 
 waited for a wind to take her up to the American line of 
 defence. On the morning of the 27th, the enemy, from 
 a land battery which had been thrown up the previous 
 night, opened a fire upon her with red-hot shot. They 
 soon succeeded in firing her, which compelled the crew 
 to abandon her ; and scarcely had they time to reach the 
 shore, before she blew up. 
 
 Emboldened by this event, the enemy put his forces in 
 motion in order to storm the American works. With a 
 view of driving our troops from their position, the British 
 forces, at the distance of half a mile, opened upon them a 
 copious shower of shot, bombs, and rockets. While their 
 artillery were thus employed, their columns moved in 
 order of battle, till our batteries opened upon them a 
 destructive cannonade, which compelled them to retreat 
 with a loss of about one hundred and twenty killed ; while 
 the loss sustained by the Americans did not exceed 
 twenty-five in killed and wounded. 
 
 Considerable skirmishing took place, after this affair, 
 between the pickets, but no serious engagement was im 
 mediately commenced. 
 
144 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 It was a subject of regret to General Jackson, that 
 he had not, at this time, the means of carrying on more 
 offensive operations ; the troops from Kentucky had not 
 arrived, and his effective force at this point did not exceed 
 three thousand. The force of the enemy must at least 
 have been twice the number of ours, as prisoners and de 
 serters agreed in the statement that seven thousand landed 
 from their boats. 
 
 These unsuccessful essays of the enemy, were far from 
 affording him the satisfaction he had anticipated from an 
 easy victory. The British forces were not deterred, how 
 ever, from making every effort in their power to augment 
 their force, and strengthen their position, by transporting 
 their heavy artillery from their shipping to their lines ; 
 nor were the Americans less assiduously engaged in pre 
 paring themselves for a gallant reception of their foes, 
 however imposing and formidable might be the method of 
 their visit. 
 
 On the first of January, the British forces placed them 
 selves in a hostile attitude, pushed forward their heavy 
 artillery, commencing at the same time an attack with 
 bombs and rockets upon the whole American line, from 
 the Cypress Swamp to the Mississippi. The charge 
 was returned with much gallantry and spirit by the Ameri 
 can troops ; the musketeers and riflemen, together with 
 the artillery planted upon the intrenchments, opened upon 
 them a flood of death, and the battle raged till the approach 
 of darkness put an end to the conflict, and induced the 
 British assailants to retire to their lines. 
 
 Great loss was sustained by the en my in this conflict, 
 the number of which could not be ascertained, as their 
 dead were carried from the field. The American loss 
 was eleven killed and twenty-three wounded. 
 
 Despairing of ultimate success in their attack upon the 
 whole line, the enemy, in the course of the night, erected 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 145 
 
 a battery on the margin of the morass, for the purpose of 
 turning- the left wing of our army. They had much con 
 fidence in the successful result of this plan of operation : 
 but the sun, which dissipated the fog the following morn 
 ing, discovered to them, also, the futility of their hopes. 
 To their astonishment, they found the American intrench- 
 ment completed three hundred yards beyond their battery 
 in the morass, and General Coffee, with his brave Ten- 
 nesseans, ready to give them an unwelcome reception. 
 They opened upon our troops with their eighteen pound 
 ers, but the return fire from our lines, poured upon them 
 with a most destructive effect. The battle raged till the 
 enemy, no longer able to sustain the fire of our batteries, 
 discontinued the contest in much confusion. 
 
 On the following morning, General Jackson ordered a 
 sortie of four hundred men, two hundred of whom were 
 mounted, to reconnoitre their camp ; and by them it was 
 ascertained, that their artillery had been dismounted by 
 our guns; that they had been carried off; that they had 
 razed their redoubts, and had retreated on their first lines 
 towards Lake Bienvenue. 
 
 These repeatedly unsuccessful attempts of Sir Edward 
 Packenham, to storm the American lines, and reduce the 
 city of New Orleans by a coup de main, brought at 
 length to his mind the unwelcome conviction, that to meet 
 and vanquish our armies in the field ; to capture our cities ; 
 to plunder them of their " beauty and booty," for the 
 gratification of the avarice and licentiousness of his sol 
 diers ; to plant there the standard of his nation, and 
 extend over our countrymen the sceptre of its power, were 
 matters that could not be performed as the pastime of an 
 idle hour ; not things that could be done or left undone, 
 as the good will and pleasure of him or his sovereign 
 master should dictate. He was, however, a brave man, 
 and resolved not to despair, but concentrate his forces, 
 13 
 
146 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and by one powerful effort to accomplish the object of his 
 expedition, by defeating the American army, and destroy 
 ing New Orleans ; thus fulfilling the expectations of his 
 countrymen, and winning for himself another and a 
 greener wreath of laurel. Of the success of his opera 
 tions, we shall soon have occasion to remark. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 147 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Belligerent preparations Arrival of Kentucky rein 
 forcements Operations of General Pakenham 
 Advances upon the American works BA TTLE OF 
 NEW ORLEANS Result of the battle Retreat 
 of the army Fort St. Philips Major Overtones 
 gallant defence of it Consequences of the victory of 
 New Orleans General Jackson addresses his sol~ 
 diers. 
 
 THE notes of preparation were now every where heard 
 along the lines of the belligerent armies, which indicated 
 the approach of a bloody encounter. Sir Edward Paken 
 ham, the commander-in-chief of the British forces at New 
 Orleans, had many powerful motives that urged him to 
 risk a decisive battle. It is true, he was not upon his 
 own native soil, struggling for the preservation of his 
 country s liberty and honor ; for the safety of his family, 
 his friends, his fireside, and home ; his arm was not 
 raised to check high-handed oppression, or crush a tyrant 
 who trampled with impunity upon the lives and privileges 
 of his subjects ; but he was a veteran who had acquired 
 much reputation by his prowess on the bloody battle 
 fields of Europe ; he was a favorite and distinguished 
 officer under Wellington, and shared in the honors which 
 were lavished upon those who had been instrumental in 
 completing the wreck of the fallen fortunes of the most 
 consummate general that the world ever saw : he knew 
 that for these considerations his government had placed 
 
148 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 an army of fifteen thousand of the best disciplined troops, 
 most of whom had been his former companions in glory, 
 under his command, and intrusted to him the care of this 
 expedition against New Orleans, and that they were san 
 guine in their expectations of his success. He therefore 
 determined to strike a decisive blow, and meet the antici 
 pations of his countrymen. General Jackson, on the 
 other hand, though impelled by widely different motives 
 from those of his distinguished rival, was nevertheless 
 determined to repel with firmness every aggression of the 
 enemy. 
 
 On the fourth of January, the Kentucky militia, to the 
 amount of two thousand five hundred, under the com 
 mand of General Adair, arrived at New Orleans, and 
 joined the army of General Jackson. Their arms were 
 in very bad order on their arrival, in consequence of 
 which, and the scarcity of good muskets with bayonets, 
 four companies of regulars gave up their arms to the 
 newly arrived troops, and armed themselves with fowling 
 pieces and pikes in their stead. The American force con 
 sisted of about six thousand, chiefly composed of inex 
 perienced militia, many of them unarmed, in consequence 
 of the delay in forwarding munitions, which were ex 
 pected, as they were known to be in the Mississippi. 
 The enemy s force consisted of more than fourteen 
 thousand of the best disciplined troops, and commanded 
 by officers of acknowledged skill and courage. 
 
 General Pakenham was prepared for a serious attempt 
 upon the American works. During the days of the sixth 
 and seventh, he employed himself with much activity in 
 making preparations for battle. With infinite labor he 
 was enabled, on the night of the seventh, to complete a 
 canal from the swamp to the Mississippi, by means of 
 which he succeeded in transporting his boats, in which his 
 disembarkation had been effected, from the lake to the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 149 
 
 river. His intentions were to make a simultaneous attack 
 on the main force of General Jackson on the left bank, 
 and crossing the river to attack the batteries on the right. 
 The works of General Jackson were now cpmpleted, his 
 front was a straight line of one thousand yards, defended 
 by upwards of three thousand infantry and artillerists. 
 The ditch contained five feet water ; and his front, from 
 having been flooded by opening the levees, and frequent 
 rains, was rendered slippery and muddy. Eight distinct 
 batteries were judiciously disposed, amounting in all to 
 twelve guns of different calibers. 
 
 On the opposite side of the river, there was a strong 
 battery of fifteen guns, erected and superintended by 
 Commodore Patterson ; and the intrenchments were occu 
 pied by General Morgan, with the Louisiana militia, and 
 a strong detachment of Kentucky troops. To guard 
 against an attack from any other source, Colonel Kemper, 
 with a few men, encountering great difficulties, had ex 
 plored every pass and bayou, and on this subject had 
 placed at ease the mind of the American commander. 
 
 It had not been in the power of General Jackson to 
 impede the operations of the enemy by a general attack, 
 on account of the nature of his troops, they being com 
 posed mostly of militia, mere novices in the science of 
 war, and wholly unused to military tactics. To have at 
 tempted extensive offensive movements, in an open coun 
 try, against an army of double his numbers, and superior 
 in every respect in point of arms and discipline, would 
 have been extremely hazardous and doubtful policy. 
 His forces had been increased in number, it is true, by 
 the arrival of the Kentucky division, but his effective 
 strength had received no important addition ; a small 
 portion only of that detachment being provided with arms 
 or munitions, that could render them of much service in 
 the approaching contest. He was thus compelled to wait 
 13* 
 
150 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the attack of the enemy, to take every measure to repel 
 it when it should be made, and defeat the object they had 
 in view. 
 
 On the seventh, a general movement and bustle in the 
 British camp, indicated that the contemplated attack was 
 about to be made. Every thing in the American encamp 
 ment was ready for action, when at day-break, on the 
 morning of the memorable eighth, a shower of rockets 
 from the enemy, gave the signal of battle. A detachment 
 of the enemy under Colonel Thornton, proceeded to at 
 tack the works on the right bank of the river, while Ge 
 neral Pakenham with his whole force, exceeding twelve 
 thousand men, moved in two divisions under Generals 
 Gibbs and Kean, and a reserve under General Lambert. 
 Both divisions were supplied with scaling-ladders and 
 fascines, and General Gibbs had directions to make the 
 principal attack. Nothing could exceed the imposing 
 grandeur of the scene. The whole British force advanced 
 with much deliberation in solid columns, over the even 
 surface of the plain in front of the American intrench- 
 ments, bearing with them, in addition to their arms, their 
 fascines and ladders, for storming the American works. 
 All was hushed in awful stillness throughout the Ame 
 rican lines ; each soldier grasped his arms with a fixed 
 ness of purpose, which told his firm resolve to " do, or 
 die ;" till the enemy approached within reach of the bat 
 teries, which opened upon them an incessant and destruc 
 tive tide of death. They continued, however, to advance 
 with the greatest firmness, closing up their lyies as they 
 were opened by the fire of the Americans, till they ap 
 proached within reach of the musketry and rifles ; these, 
 in addition to the artillery, produced the most terrible 
 havoc in their ranks, and threAv them into the greatest 
 confusion. Twice were they driven back with immense 
 slaughter, and twice they formed again and renewed the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 151 
 
 assault. But the fire of the Americans was tremendous, 
 it was unparalleled in the annals of deadly doing ; it was 
 one continued blaze of destruction, before which men 
 could not stand and live. Every discharge swept away 
 the British columns like an inundation M;hey could not 
 withstand it, but fled in consternation and dismay. Vigor 
 ous were the attempts of their officers, to rally them ; 
 General Pakenham in the attempt received a shot, and 
 fell upon the field. Generals Gibbs and Kean succeeded, 
 and attempted again to push on their columns to the at 
 tack, but a still more dreadful fatality met them from the 
 thunders of the American batteries. A third unavailing 
 attempt was made to rally their troops by their officers, 
 but the same destruction met them. The gallantry of the 
 British officers, on this desperate day, was deserving of a 
 worthier cause, and better fate. General Gibbs fell mor 
 tally, and General Kean desperately wounded, and were 
 borne from the field of action. The discomfiture of the 
 enemy was now complete ; a few only, of the platoons, 
 reached the ditch, there to meet more certain death. The 
 remainder fled from the field with the greatest precipitan 
 cy, and no farther efforts were made to rally them. The 
 intervening plain between the American and British for 
 tifications, was covered with the dead ; taking into view 
 the length of time and the numbers engaged, the annals 
 of bloody strife, it is believed, furnish no parallel to the 
 dreadful carnage of this battle. Two thousand, at the 
 lowest estimate, fell, besides a considerable number 
 wounded. The loss of the Americans did not exceed 
 seven killed and six wounded. General Lambert was 
 the only superior officer left on the field ; being unable to 
 check the flight of the British columns, he retreated to 
 his encampment. 
 
 The entire destruction of the enemy s army, would 
 have been now inevitable, had it not been for an unfor- 
 
152 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 tunate occurrence, which at this moment took place on 
 the other side of the river. General Pakenham had 
 thrown over in his boats, upon that side of the stream, a 
 considerable force, under the command of Colonel Thorn 
 ton, simultaneously with his advance upon the main body 
 of the American works. They succeeded in landing at 
 the point of their destination, and advanced to assault the 
 intrenchment, defended by General Morgan. Their re 
 ception was not such as might have been expected, from 
 the known courage and firmness of the troops under his 
 command; at a moment, when the same fate that met 
 their fellows on the opposite side of the river was looked 
 for, with a confidence approaching to a certainty, the 
 American right, believing itself to be outflanked, or some 
 other reason never satisfactorily explained, relinquished 
 its position, while the left, with the batteries of Commo 
 dore Patterson, maintained their ground for some time 
 with much gallantry and spirit, till at length finding 
 themselves deserted by their friends on the right, and 
 greatly outnumbered by the enemy, they were compelled 
 to spike their guns and retreat. 
 
 This unfortunate result, totally changed the aspect of 
 affairs. The enemy were now in occupation of a position 
 from which they might annoy the Americans with little 
 hazard to themselves, and by means of which, they might 
 have been enabled to defeat, in a very considerable degree, 
 the effects of the success of our arms on the other side of 
 the river. It therefore became an object of the first con 
 sequence with General Jackson, to dislodge him as soon 
 as possible. For this object, all the means in his power, 
 which he could use with any safety, were put into imme 
 diate requisition. 
 
 A negotiation, however, for a temporary suspension of 
 hostilities, took place, to enable the enemy to bury their 
 dead, and provide for their wounded. During this inter- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 153 
 
 val, the American commander prepared himself to regain 
 what had been so improvidently lost. To those who had 
 abandoned a station of such importance, he addressed the 
 following language : 
 
 " While, by the blessing of Heaven, one of the most 
 brilliant victories was obtained by the troops under my 
 immediate command, no words can express the mortifica 
 tion I felt, at witnessing the scene exhibited on the oppo 
 site bank. I will spare your feelings and my own, nor 
 enter into a detail on the subject. To all who reflect, it 
 must be- a source of eternal regret, that a few moments 
 exertion of that courage you certainly possess. was alone 
 wanting to have rendered your success more complete, 
 than that of your fellow-citizens in this camp. To what 
 cause was the abandonment of your lines owing? To 
 fear ? no ! You are the countrymen, the friends, the bro 
 thers of those who have secured to themselves, by their 
 courage, the gratitude ojftjtieir country ; who have been 
 prodigal of blood in its defence, and who are strangers to 
 any other fear than disgrace to disaffection to our glo 
 rious cause. No, my countrymen, your general does 
 justice to the pure sentiments by which you are inspired. 
 How then could brave men, firm in the cause in which 
 they were enrolled, neglect their first duty, and abandon 
 the post committed to their care ? The want of discipline, 
 the want of order, the total disregard to obedience, and a 
 spirit of insubordination, not less destructive than coward 
 ice itself, are the causes which led to this disaster, and 
 they must be eradicated, or I must cease to command. I 
 desire to be distinctly understood, that every breach of 
 orders, all want of discipline, every inattention of duty, 
 will be seriously and promptly punished ; that the atten 
 tive officers, and good soldiers, may not be involved in 
 the disgrace and danger, which the negligence of a few 
 may produce. Soldiers ! you want only th^will, in order 
 
154 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 to emulate the glory of your fellow -citizens on this bank 
 of the river you have the same motives for action the 
 same interest the same country to protect : and you have 
 an additional interest, from past events, to wipe off re 
 proach, and show that you will not be inferior, in the day 
 of trial, to any of your countrymen. 
 
 " But remember, without obedience, without order, 
 without discipline, all your efforts are vain. The brave 
 man, inattentive to his duty, is worth little more to his 
 country, than the coward who deserts her in the hour of 
 danger. 
 
 " Private opinions, as to the competency of officers, 
 must not be indulged, and still less expressed. It is im 
 possible that the measures of those who command, should 
 satisfy all who are bound to obey ; and one of the most 
 dangerous faults in a soldier, is a disposition to criticise and 
 blame the orders and characters of his superiors. Sol 
 diers ! I know that many of you have done your duty ; 
 and I trust in future, that I shall have no reason to make 
 any exception. Officers ! I have the fullest confidence 
 that you will, enforce obedience to your commands ; but 
 above all, that by subordination in your differents grades, 
 you will set an example to your men ; and that hereafter, 
 the army of the right will yield to none, in the essential 
 qualities which characterize good soldiers that they will 
 earn their share of those honors and rewards, which their 
 country will prepare for its deliverers." 
 
 All the circumstances considered, which elicited this 
 address, no one, it is confidently believed, can be found 
 who would hazard a censure on it as an unnecessary ex 
 hibition of severity. Their only faults, as their comman 
 der ingenuously told them, w^ere their habits of insubor 
 dination, and impatience under the wholesome restraints 
 of military discipline ; and yet it could hardly be other 
 wise the Kentucky troops, to whom was intrusted the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 155 
 
 defence of this position, had only arrived at New Orleans 
 three days previous to the battle ; they were raw recruits, 
 unversed in military tactics ; but no one ever doubted their 
 courage their leader did not doubt it, nor can it ever be 
 questioned with the least shadow of justice. The iron 
 nerve, and intrepid daring of the Kentuckians, are pro 
 verbial throughout the world ; could they have seen a few 
 weeks discipline, or had their insubordination been 
 checked, and their discordant views concentrated upon 
 the attainment of one object, the British legions could 
 have sooner sent back the Mississippi to its fountain-head, 
 than have driven the Kentuckians from their entrench 
 ments, while a soldier was living to defend them. 
 
 The position which was so unadvisedly abandoned by 
 the Americans, was soon vacated by the British. Dis 
 heartened by such a succession of disasters as had attend 
 ed their expedition against New Orleans, they retired, 
 after a consultation of their officers, to their shipping. 
 This they effected with the utmost secrecy, leaving behind 
 them, under medical attendance, eighty of their wounded ; 
 including two officers, fourteen pieces of their heavy ar 
 tillery, and a quantity of shot, having destroyed much of 
 their powder. Such was the situation of the ground they 
 abandoned, and of that through which they retired, pro 
 tected by canals, redoubts, intrenchments, and morasses 
 on his right, and the river on his left, that General Jack 
 son could not, without encountering great risk, which true 
 policy did not seem to dictate or authorize, attempt to an 
 noy him much on his retreat. 
 
 Whether it was the intention of the British commander 
 to renew his efforts at some other point, or abandon the 
 expedition altogether, could not at this period be ascer 
 tained with positiveness by General Jackson ; his con 
 victions were, however, pretty strong, that his last ex 
 ertions had been made in this quarter. This belief was 
 
156 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 strengthened not only by the severe loss he had sustained 
 at the position he had just abandoned, but also by the 
 failure of his fleet to pass Fort St. Philips. 
 
 This pass was defended by the gallant Major Overton. 
 It was on the first of January that this officer received in 
 formation that the enemy intended passing this fort, to 
 co-operate with their land forces, in the subjugation of 
 Louisiana and the destruction of New Orleans. To ef 
 fect this with more facility, they intended, in the firsfc in* 
 stance, with their heavy bomb-vessels to bombard tVi 
 into subjection. 
 
 On receipt of this information, Major Overton turned 
 his attention to the security of the position under his com 
 mand. He erected small magazines in different parts of 
 the garrison, that if one blew up, he could resort to an 
 other ; built covers for his men, to secure them from the 
 explosion of the shells, and removed the combustible mat 
 ter without the work. Early on the morning of the 8th, 
 he was advised of the approach of the enemy, and on the 
 ninth at a quarter past ten in the forenoon, two bomb- 
 vessels, one sloop, one brig, and one schooner, hove in 
 sight ; they anchored two miles below, and at half past 
 eleven, they advanced two barges, apparently for the pur 
 pose of sounding, within one and a half miles of the fort. 
 Major Overton ordered his water battery, under the com 
 mand of Lieutenant Cunningham of the navy, at this mo 
 ment to open upon them : the command was promptly 
 obeyed, and with an effect that produced a precipitate re 
 treat. At half past three o clock in the afternoon, the 
 enemy s bomb-vessels opened their fire from four sea-mor 
 tars, two of thirteen inches, and two of ten, and much to the 
 chagrin of the American commander, he found they were 
 without the effective range of his shot, as many subse 
 quent experiments proved. They continued their fire with 
 little intermission till the seventeenth. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 15> 
 
 On the evening of that day a heavy mortar prepared 
 by the Americans was in readiness. Major Overton or 
 dered Captain Wolstoncroft of the artillerists, who pre 
 viously had charge of it, to open a fire, which was done 
 with great effect ; it produced much disorder amongst the 
 enemy, and at daybreak on the morning of the 18th, they 
 commenced their retreat, after having thrown upwards of 
 a thousand heavy shells, besides shells from howitzers, 
 round shot, and grape, which they discharged from boats 
 under the cover of the night. 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this encounter was un 
 commonly small, in consequence of the great care taken 
 by the officers to keep their men under cover; as the 
 enemy left scarcely ten feet of the garrison untouched by 
 their artillery. 
 
 The officers and soldiers through this whole affair, 
 although nine days and nights under arms in the different 
 batteries, the consequent fatigue and loss of sleep, mani 
 fested the greatest firmness, and the most zealous ardor to 
 defeat the enemy. 
 
 The evacuation of Louisiana by the enemy was now 
 complete, without having accomplished a single object of 
 their expedition, with a loss of five thousand of their offi 
 cers and men, and the production of extreme mortification 
 to the British government. 
 
 Thus ended a campaign, by the achievement of a victory 
 of the most unparalleled brilliancy and importance. On 
 its consequences it would be unnecessary to enlarge ; they 
 have been known and felt by thousands of our grateful 
 countrymen, and will ever be acknowledged with pride 
 and gratitude by every patriotic American heart. A large 
 and flourishing city saved from pillage ; its inhabitants 
 from the horrors incident to a capture by storm, and the 
 excesses of a licentious soldiery stimulated to deeds of 
 daring, by the watch-word of " beauty and booty ;" a 
 14 
 
158 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 most important commercial portal of our country pre* 
 served from the rude grasp and occupation of a foreign 
 power, and the fruits of the honest industry of our south 
 ern and western brethren, preserved to the owners of the 
 soil ; and more than all this, the production of that glori 
 ous excitement, which, to the latest posterity, will animate 
 our countrymen to the defence of their rights, are indeed 
 circumstances of rare occurrence ; and when we add to 
 the reflection, that these things were achieved by a mere 
 handful of brave men, hastily brought together, composed 
 of discordant materials, ill supplied with the munitions of 
 war, yet led by the energy and talent of a single indi 
 vidual, to a triumph over double their numbers of the 
 best disciplined and best appointed troops in the world, 
 we cannot but consider it one of the greatest deliverances 
 ever achieved by the prowess and courage of man. 
 
 At the close these brilliant events, General Jackson ad 
 dressed his companions in glory, in the following happy 
 and appropriate manner : 
 
 * Citizens, and fellow-soldiers ! The enemy has re 
 treated, and your general has now leisure to proclaim to 
 the world what he has noticed with admiration and pride 
 your undaunted courage, your patriotism, and patience, 
 under hardships and fatigues. Natives of different states, 
 acting together for the first time in this camp ; differing 
 in habits and in language, instead of viewing in these cir 
 cumstances the germ of distrust and division, you have 
 made them the source of honorable emulation, and from 
 the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an 
 honorable union. This day completes the fourth week, 
 since fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your number 
 of men, who had boasted of their discipline and their ser 
 vices under a celebrated leader, in a long and eventful war 
 attacked them in their camp, the moment they had pro 
 faned the soil of freedom with their hostile tread, and in- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 159 
 
 flicted a blow which was a prelude to the final result of 
 their attempt to conquer, or their poor contrivances to di 
 vide us. A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant 
 band, though at the moment they received the welcome 
 order to march, they were separated many leagues, in 
 different directions from the city. The gay rapidity of 
 the march, and the cheerful countenances of the officers 
 and men, would have induced a belief that some festive 
 entertainment, not the strife of battle, was the scene to 
 which they hastened with so much eagerness and hilarity. 
 In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, 
 and my communications to the executive of the United 
 States, have testified the sense I entertained of the merits 
 of the corps and officers that were engaged. Resting on 
 the field of battle, they retired in perfect order on the next 
 morning to these lines, destined to become the scene of 
 future victories, which they were to share with the rest of 
 you, my brave companions in arms. Scarcely were your 
 lines a protection against musket-shot, when, on the 28th, 
 a disposition was made to attack them with all the pomp 
 and parade of military tactics, as improved by those vete 
 rans of the Spanish war. 
 
 " Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an incessant 
 fire ; their rockets illuminated the air ; and under their 
 cover, two strong columns threatened our flanks. The 
 foe insolently thought that this spectacle was too imposing 
 to be resisted, and in the intoxication of this pride, he al 
 ready saw our lines abandoned without a contest. How 
 were these menacing appearances met ? By shouts of 
 defiance, by a manly countenance, not to be shaken by the 
 roar of his cannon, or by the glare of his firework rock 
 ets ; by an artillery served with superior skill, and with 
 deadly effect. Never, my brave friends, can your general 
 forget the testimonials of attachment to our glorious cause, 
 of indignant hatred to our foe, of affectionate confidence 
 
160 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 in your chief, that resounded from every rank, as he pass 
 ed along your line. This animating scene damped the 
 courage of the enemy ; he dropped his scaling ladders 
 and fascines, and the threatened attack dwindled into a 
 demonstTation, which served only to show the emptiness 
 of his parade, and to inspire you with a just confidence in 
 yourselves. 
 
 " The new year was ushered in with the most tremen 
 dous fire his whole artillery could produce : a few hours 
 only, however, were necessary, for the brave and skillful 
 men, who directed our own, to dismount his cannon, de 
 stroy his batteries, and effectually silence his fire. Hi 
 therto, my brave friends, in the contest on our lines, your 
 courage had been passive only ; you stood with calmness 
 a fire that would have tried the firmness of a veteran, and 
 you anticipated a nearer contest with an eagerness which 
 was soon to be gratified. 
 
 " On the 8th of January, the final effort was made. At 
 the dawn of day the batteries opened, and the columns 
 advanced. Knowing that the volunteers from Tennessee 
 and the militia from Kentucky were stationed on your 
 left, it was there they directed their chief attack. 
 
 " Reasoning always from false principles, they expected 
 little opposition from men whose officers even were not 
 in uniform, who were ignorant of the rules of dress, and 
 who had never been caned into discipline. Fatal mis 
 take ! a fire incessantly kept up, directed with a calmness 
 and unerring aim, strewed the field with the bravest offi 
 cers and men of the column which slowly advanced, ac 
 cording to the most approved rules of European tactics, 
 and was cut down by the untutored courage of American 
 militia. Unable to sustain this galling and unceasing fire, 
 some hundreds nearest the intrenchment called for quar 
 ter, which was granted : the rest retreating, were rallied 
 at some distance, but only to make them a surer mark fo? 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 161 
 
 the grape and canister shot of our artillery, which, with* 
 out exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks at every dis 
 charge : and at length they precipitately retired from the 
 field. 
 
 Our right had only a short contest to sustain with a few 
 rash men, who fatally for themselves, forced their entrance 
 into the unfinished redoubt on the river. They were 
 quickly dispossessed, and this glorious day terminated 
 with the loss to the enemy, of their commander-in-chief 
 and one major-general killed, another major-general 
 wounded, the most experienced and bravest of their offi 
 cers, and more than three thousand men killed, wounded 
 and missing, while our ranks, my friends, were thinned 
 only by the loss of seven of our brave companions killed, 
 and six disabled by wounds wonderful interposition of 
 heaven ! unexampled event in the history of war ! 
 
 Let us be grateful to the God of battles, who has directed 
 the arrows of indignation against our invaders, while he 
 covered with his protecting shield the brave defenders of 
 their country. 
 
 After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt,, their 
 spirits were broken, their force was destroyed, and their 
 whole attention was employed in providing the means of 
 escape. This they have effected; leaving their heavy 
 artillery in our power, and many of their wounded to our 
 clemency. The consequences of this short but decisive 
 campaign, are incalculably important. The pride of our 
 arrogant enemy humbled, his forces broken, his leaders 
 killed, his insolent hopes of our disunion frustrated his 
 expectation of rioting in our spoils and wasting our coun 
 try, changed into ignominious defeat, shameful flight, and 
 a reluctant acknowledgment of the humanity and kindness 
 .of those, whom he had doomed to all the horrors and hu 
 miliation of a conquered state. 
 
 On the other side, unanimity established, disaffection 
 14* 
 
162 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 crushed, confidence restored, your country saved from 
 conquest, your property from pillage, your wives and 
 daughters from insult and violation the union preserved 
 from dismemberment, and perhaps, a period put by this de 
 cisive stroke, to a bloody and savage war. These, my brave 
 friends, are the consequences of the efforts you have made, 
 and the success with which they have been crowned by 
 heaven. 
 
 These important results have been effected by the uni 
 ted courage and perseverance of the army ; but which the 
 different corps, as well as the individuals that compose it, 
 have vied with each other in their exertions to produce. 
 The gratitude, the admiration of their country, offers a 
 fairer reward, than that which any praises of the general 
 can bestow, and the best is that of which they can never 
 be deprived, the consciousness of having done their duty, 
 and of meriting the applause they will receive." 
 
 We regret that our limits will not admit of a detail of 
 the correspondence between General Jackson and the offi 
 cers of the British army, which exhibits in so favorable 
 a light, the courtesy and dignity of his intercourse with 
 them on matters of negotiation ; we cannot forbear, how r - 
 ever, transcribing an anecdote illustrative of it. It ex 
 hibits not only his courtesy and dignity in relation to the 
 enemy, but a humane disposition, attentive to the danger 
 of the humblest individuals. 
 
 Among other volunteers who served under him, was a 
 brave man, one distinguished as a general in the armies 
 of the Republican France, Humbert, who, with a hand 
 ful of men, had invaded Ireland, and had nearly penetrated 
 to its capital. This gentleman had obtained permission 
 to raise an independent corps, and in order to fill it, had, 
 by some incorrect representations, induced some of the 
 English prisoners to enlist. When it was known to Ge 
 neral Jackson, he disapproved of the proceeding. A car- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 163 
 
 tel had been signed for the exchange of prisoners, and each 
 one who should be kept under pretence of such enlist 
 ment, would prolong the captivity of one of our Ameri 
 can citizens. Moreover, the English prisoners who had 
 signed their names for enlistment, complained of some 
 deception ; and their act was known to their fellow-sol 
 diers, and they feared punishment if they were exchanged. 
 
 Under these circumstances, General Jackson, confiding 
 in the magnanimity and generosity of the British com 
 mander, and judging of his character and feelings from 
 his own, acquainted him with the circumstance, and said 
 that it would afford him the highest satisfaction to learn 
 that no inquiry should be made to the prejudice of the 
 men, on their return. His confidence was not misplaced. 
 There is an instinct by which brave and honorable men 
 know each other. General Lambert answered him nearly 
 in these words. " On the subject of the prisoners, I have 
 only to remark that feeling and honorable conduct which 
 has characterized every transaction in which I have had 
 the honor to be concerned with you. You may rely 
 upon it, I shall take no retrospective view of the conduct 
 of any of the men returned, and shall find reasons for dis 
 continuing an inquiry, should it be brought before me in 
 any other manner." 
 
 Who is there on reading this correspondence, that does 
 not admire the humane feelings of the one, the courteous 
 compliance and gentleman-like language of the other of 
 these brave men, then at the head of hostile armies ! 
 Who is there who can believe that he who was thus tender 
 of the lives of his enemy s soldiers, would unnecessarily 
 and cruelly take those of his own ! Who is there who 
 loves his country, or his country s honor, that would not 
 spurn the foul calumny which at once would tarnish 
 both ! > 
 
164 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 We have not space here to relate minutely, all the cir 
 cumstances which show the humanity of General Jackson 
 to the wounded prisoners who were taken, to the number 
 that were left to his care when the enemy retired, and his 
 constant, unwearied attention to the men under his com 
 mand. He treated and spoke to them as his children ; 
 and that they "returned his confidence by good conduct, 
 may be inferred from the fact, that not a single punish 
 ment was inflicted for a military offence during the cam 
 paign. 
 
 Another incident, which beautifully illustrates the de 
 voted and patriotic feelings of the females of Louisiana 
 in that trying period, we cannot persuade ourselves to 
 withhold. Many of the citizens of Louisiana profess the 
 Catholic religion. It is well known that those of that 
 faith dedicate almost every day in the year to the honor 
 of some holy person, who has, by a life of piety and cha 
 rity, merited the reputation and title of a saint. This dis 
 tinction is not confined to sex ; and the names of women, 
 as well as men, are placed in the calendar, and claim 
 particular reverence on the day which is consecrated to 
 them. In the city of New Orleans is a convent, in which 
 a number of respectable ladies have dedicated their lives 
 to the practices of piety, to the education of poor children 
 of their own sex, and to works of charity. This pious 
 sisterhood were awakened from their rest, or disturbed in 
 their holy vigils, before the dawn of the 8th of January, by 
 the roar of cannon and volleys of musketry. The calen 
 dar, which pointed out the prayers of the day, was hasti 
 ly opened, and indicated the auspicious name of ST. VIC 
 TORIA. They hailed the omen, and, prostrate on the 
 pavement which " holy knees have worn" implored the 
 God of battles to nerve the arm of their protectors, and turn 
 the tide of combat against the invaders of their country.* 
 * Livingston s Address. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 166 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Retrospection General Jackson appoints a day of thanks 
 giving Dr. Dubourg s address to General Jackson 
 His reply Generals Coffee, Carroll, and Adair 
 Their merits General Jackson still continues to 
 strengthen his measures of defence Treaty of peace 
 between the United States and England General 
 Jackson s. farewell address to his army. 
 
 WE have traced General Jackson and his little band of 
 soldiers through scenes, in which they covered themselves 
 with immortal honors. We have seen them arm with 
 alacrity, and stand forth under their intrepid leader, in 
 defence of themselves, their wives, their children, and their 
 country, with the most unyielding firmness of purpose, to 
 maintain the supremacy of their rights and privileges, or 
 perish in the laudable endeavor. We have seen their 
 glorious success history has recorded it and it will be 
 proudly remembered long after its brave achievers shall 
 have mingled their dust with the soil they defended. 
 
 General Jackson and his little band, although every 
 where received by the acclamations of the grateful and 
 protected Louisianians, did not forget the homage and 
 adoration due to the Ruler of the universe, for the protec 
 tion that had been extended over their country. He ap 
 pointed the twenty-third day of January, as a day of 
 thanksgiving and praise. The rites were performed in 
 the cathedral of New Orleans. The scene was solemn 
 and impressive. The commanding general his com 
 panions in glory the aged, the innocent, the defenceless 
 
166 BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 ones they had protected, knelt together before the altar of 
 their God. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Dubourg, of the diocess of Louisiana, 
 addressed General Jackson on this occasion, in the follow 
 ing appropriate manner : 
 
 " General While the state of Louisiana, in the joyful 
 transports of her gratitude, hails you as her deliverer, and 
 the asserter of her menaced liberties while grateful 
 America, so lately wrapped up in anxious suspense, on 
 the fate of this important city, is re-echoing from shore to 
 shore your splendid achievements, and preparing to in 
 scribe your name on her immortal rolls, among those of 
 her Washingtons while history, poetry, and the monu 
 mental arts, will vie, in consigning to the admiration of 
 the latest posterity, a triumph, perhaps, unparalleled in 
 their records while thus raised by universal acclamation 
 to the very pinnacle of fame, how easy had it been for you, 
 General, to forget the Prime Mover of your wonderful 
 successes, and to assume to yourself a praise which must 
 essentially return to that exalted source, whence every 
 merit is derived. Bat, better acquainted with the nature 
 of true glory, and justly placing the summit of your am 
 bition, in approving yourself the worthy instrument of 
 Heaven s merciful designs, the first impulse of your reli 
 gious heart was, to acknowledge the interposition of Pro 
 vidence your first step, a solemn display of your humble 
 sense of His favors. Still agitated at the remembrance of 
 those dreadful agonies, from which we have been so mi 
 raculously rescued, it is our pride to acknowledge, that 
 the Almighty has truly had the principal hand in our de 
 liverance, and to follow you, General, in attributing to 
 His infinite goodness, the homage of our unfeigned grati 
 tude. Let the infatuated votary of a blind chance, deride 
 our credulous simplicity ; let the cold-hearted atheist look 
 for the explanation of important events, to the mere con- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 167 
 
 catenation of human causes : to us, the whole universe is 
 loud in proclaiming a Supreme Ruler, who, as he holds 
 the hearts of men in his hand, holds also the thread of all 
 contingent occurrences. 
 
 " To Him, therefore, our most fervent thanks are due, 
 for our late unexpected rescue. It is Him we intend to 
 praise, when considering you, General, as the man of his 
 right hand, whom he has taken pains to fit out for the 
 important commission of our defence. We extol that fe 
 cundity of genius, by which, under the most discoura 
 ging distress, you created unforeseen resources raised, as 
 it were, from the ground, hosts of intrepid warriors, and 
 provided every vulnerable point with ample means of de 
 fence. To Him we trace that instinctive superiority of 
 your mind, which at once rallied around you universal 
 confidence ; impressed one irresistible movement to all 
 the jarring elements of which this political machine is 
 composed ; aroused their slumbering spirits, and diffused 
 through every rank the noble ardor which glowed in 
 your bosom. To Him, in fine, we address our acknow 
 ledgments for that consummate prudence, which defeated 
 all the combinations of a sagacious enemy, entangled him 
 in the very snares which he had spread for us, and suc 
 ceeded in effecting his utter destruction, without exposing 
 the lives of our citizens. Immortal thanks be to his Su 
 preme Majesty, for sending us such an instrument of His 
 bountiful designs ! A gift of that value, is the best token 
 of the continuance of His protection the most solid en 
 couragement, to sue for new favors. The first, which it 
 emboldens us humbly to supplicate, as nearest our throb 
 bing hearts, is that you may long enjoy the honor of your 
 grateful country ; of which you will permit us to present 
 you a pledge, in this wreath of laurel, the prize of victory, 
 the symbol of immortality. The next is a speedy and 
 honorable termination of the bloody contest, in which we 
 
168 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 are engaged. No one has so efficaciously labored as 
 you, General, for the acceleration of that blissful period : 
 may we soon reap that sweetest fruit of your splendid and 
 uninterrupted victories." 
 
 General Jackson replied : " Reverend Sir I receive, 
 with gratitude and pleasure, the symbol crown, which 
 piety has prepared. I receive it in the name of the brave 
 men who so effectually seconded my exertions they well 
 deserve the laurels which their country will bestow. 
 
 " For myself, to have been instrumental in the deliver 
 ance of such a country, is the greatest blessing- that Heaven 
 could confer. That it has been effected with so little loss 
 that so few tears should cloud the smiles of our triumph, 
 and not a cypress leaf be interwoven in the wreath which 
 you present, is a source of the most exquisite pleasure. I 
 thank you, reverend sir, most sincerely, for the prayers 
 which you offer up for my happiness. May those your 
 patriotism dictates for our beloved country, be first heard : 
 and may mine, for your individual prosperity, as well as 
 that of the congregation committed to your care, be favor 
 ably received the prosperity, wealth, and happiness of 
 this city, will then be commensurate with the courage 
 and other qualities of its inhabitants." 
 
 If there is any occasion in which a man may be ex 
 cused, if he sh6uld forget the moderation and humility 
 which only accompanies true merit, it is in the moment 
 of triumph, when a conqueror who has led his country 
 men to victory, and saved his country from subjugation, 
 is received by the grateful acclamations of his fellow-citi 
 zens on his return. When his way is strewed with 
 flowers by the hands of those whom he has protected from 
 violation ; when the " pealing anthem swells the note of 
 praise," and the incense of the altar perfumes the air at 
 such a time as this, he must have a large share of self- 
 command who is not intoxicated with popular applause, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 169 
 
 elevated in his own opinion by the praises he receives, 
 and incline to attribute to himself all the merit of an 
 achievement, in which he had the principal, but not the 
 only share. Yet, on such an occasion, the man who has 
 been represented as the proud ferocious warrior, arroga 
 ting all things to himself, regardless of the rights of others, 
 and unmindful of his duty to God or man, when met at the 
 door of the temple by the venerable prelate, who bore 
 witness to the piety with which he had ascribed to the 
 Divine Power the success with which he had been 
 blessed, and presented him with the victor s crown of 
 laurel ; when all things combined to raise his opinion of 
 himself, and make him forgetful of what was due to 
 others ; he did not place on his own brows the crown that 
 was offered, but modestly received it on behalf of the 
 " brave men," whom he honored with the endearing title 
 of his " brethren in arms," and expressed his chief satis 
 faction to be that the victory was obtained with so little 
 loss, and that not a cypress leaf was mingled with the 
 chaplet that was presented to liim. Now as hypocrisy is 
 not one of those vices with which he has been reproached, 
 we must presume these expressions of piety and humility 
 to be sincere, and they do certainly give a new lustre to 
 his merit. 
 
 While General Jackson was receiving the gratulations 
 of his countrymen, his companions in glory were not 
 overlooked. The services of the gallant volunteers of 
 Tennessee, the brave troops from Kentucky and Missis 
 sippi, who aided in those times that " tried men s souls," 
 received their due meed of gratitude. Never will their 
 exploits be forgotten by the Louisianians ; and the names 
 of Coffee, and Carroll, and Adair, will be ever associated 
 with that of Jackson in their memory.* 
 
 General Jackson did not yet deem it expedient to relax 
 
 * Livingston s Address. 
 15 
 
170 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 any of his exertions, to render the country safe. With 
 the assistance of Generals Coffee, Carrol, and Adair, and 
 the troops under their command, he continued to aug 
 ment the strength of his lines on each bank of the Missis 
 sippi. From his uniform language and conduct at this 
 period, it would appear that he supposed the negotiations 
 at Ghent would not terminate amicably. In one of his 
 letters to Mr. Monroe, the secretary of war, he says, " In 
 my own mind, there is but little doubt, that his (the Bri 
 tish commander s) last exertions have been made in this 
 quarter, at any rate for the present season ; and by the 
 next, I hope we shall be fully prepared for him." In 
 another one he says " Wherever I command, such a 
 belief (that the enemy would retire) shall never occasion 
 any relaxation in the measures of resistance. I am but 
 too sensible that the moment when the enemy is opposing 
 us, is not the most proper to provide for him." 
 
 By the 24th of January, every hostile foot was driven 
 from the soil of Louisiana, and General Lambert and his 
 army were compelled to seek for safety in the fleet of 
 Admiral Cochrane, and even that was compelled to keep 
 at a respectful distance from the shores of the Republic. 
 
 Before the 8th February, the British forces had posi 
 tive and certain intelligence, that a treaty of peace be 
 tween America and Great Britain, had been signed by 
 the commissioners of the two governments at Ghent. 
 They were aware, however, that it was not binding until 
 ratifications were exchanged. 
 
 General Jackson, on the 13th of February, was advised 
 of the ratification of the treaty of peace, by an express 
 from the war department. The following is his farewell 
 address to his troops, on their departure from New Or 
 leans to their respective homes : 
 
 " The major general is at length enabled to perform 
 the pleasing task, of restoring to Tennessee, Kentucky, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 171 
 
 Louisiana, and the territory of the Mississippi, the brave 
 troops who have acted such a distinguished part, in the 
 war which has just terminated. In restoring these brave 
 men to their homes, much exertion is expected of, and 
 great responsibility imposed on, the commanding officers 
 of the different corps. It is required of Maj. Gens. Car 
 roll and Thomas, and Brig. Gen. Coffee, to march their 
 commands, without unnecessary delay, to their respective 
 states. The troops from the Mississippi territory and 
 state of Louisiana, both militia and volunteers, will be 
 immediately mustered out of service, paid, and discharged. 
 
 " The major general has the satisfaction of announcing 
 the approbation of the President of the United States, to 
 the conduct of the troops under his command, expressed 
 in flattering terms, through the honorable the secretary 
 of war. In parting with these brave men, whose desti 
 nies have been so long united with his own, and in whose 
 labors and glories it is his happiness and his boast to have 
 participated, the commanding general can neither sup 
 press his feelings, nor give utterance to them as he ought. 
 In what terms can he bestow suitable praise on merit so 
 extraordinary, so unparalleled? Let him, in one burst 
 of joy, gratitude, and exultation, exclaim, These are the 
 saviors of their country these the patriot soldiers who 
 triumphed over the invincibles of Wellington, and con 
 quered the conquerors of Europe ! 
 
 " With what patience did you submit to privations 
 with what fortitude did you endure fatigue what valor 
 did you display in the day oT battle ! you have secured to 
 America a proud name among the nations of the earth 
 a glory which will never perish. Possessing those dis 
 positions, which equally adorn the citizen and the sol 
 dier, the expectations of your country will be met in 
 peace, as her wishes have been gratified in war. Go 
 then, my brave companions, to your homes ; to those ten- 
 
172 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 der connexions, and blissful scenes, which render life so 
 dear full of honor, and crowned with laurels which will 
 never fade. When participating, in the bosoms of your 
 families, the enjoyment of peaceful life, with what happi 
 ness will you not look back to the toils you have borne 
 to the dangers you have encountered ? How will all 
 your past exposures be converted into sources of inexpres 
 sible delight ? Who, that never experienced your suffer 
 ings, will be able to appreciate your joys ? The man 
 who slumbered ingloriously at home, during your painful 
 marches, your nights of watchfulness, and your days of 
 toil, will envy you the happiness which these recollec 
 tions will afford still more will he envy the gratitude of 
 that country, which you have so eminently contributed to 
 save. Continue, fellow-soldiers, on your passage to your 
 several destinations, to preserve that subordination, that 
 dignified and manly deportment, which have so ennobled 
 your character. 
 
 " While the commanding general is thus giving indul 
 gence to his feelings, towards those brave companions 
 who accompanied him through difficulties and danger, 
 he cannot permit the names of Blount, and Shelby, and 
 Holmes, to pass unnoticed. With what generous ardor 
 and patriotism, have these distinguished governors con 
 tributed all their exertions ; and the success which has 
 resulted, will be to them a reward more grateful than any 
 which the pomp of title, or the splendor of wealth, can 
 bestow. 
 
 " What happiness it is to the commanding general, that 
 while danger was before him, he was, on no occasion, 
 compelled to use towards his companions in arms, either 
 severity or rebuke. If after the enemy had retired, im 
 proper passions began their empire in a few unworthy 
 bosoms, and rendered a resort to energetic measures ne 
 cessary for their suppression, he has not confounded the- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 173 
 
 innocent with the guilty the seduced with the seducers. 
 Towards you, fellow-soldiers, the most cheering recollec 
 tions exist, blended, alas ! with regret, that disease and 
 war should have ravished from us so many worthy com 
 panions. But the memory of the cause in which they 
 perished, and of the virtues which animated them, while 
 living, must occupy the place where sorrow would claim 
 to dwell. 
 
 " Farewell, fellow-soldiers. The expression of your 
 general s thanks is feeble, but the gratitude of a country 
 of freemen is yours yours the applause of an admiring 
 world." 15* 
 
174 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Recapitulation Facts relative to the proclamation of 
 martial law Habeas Corpus Louallier Judge Hall 
 Defence of General Jackson s suspension of the writ of 
 habeas corpus He is arrested His reasons showing 
 cause why an attachment for contempt should not be 
 heard against him Consequences that would result from 
 a strict adherence to the civil code in seasons of peril. 
 
 WE must now refer our readers to the transactions 
 previous to the period of those related in the preceding 
 chapter. The declaration of martial law, of which we 
 have before remarked, was generally acquiesced in by 
 most of the citizens of New Orleans, while the danger 
 lasted. When it ceased to press them, the darker pas 
 sions began to work ; and those who had ever been un 
 friendly to the adoption of effective measures for the pre 
 servation of the city, evinced their hostility and contempt 
 for the commanding general s regulations and rules for 
 the preservation of the country. 
 
 On the 18th of February, Admiral Cochrane had writ 
 ten to General Jackson, that he had received from Jamai 
 ca unofficial intelligence of peace. The general received 
 his letter on the 21st, and immediately addressed to him 
 this inquiry, " whether he considered the intelligence as 
 authorizing a cessation of hostilities ?" which inquiry 
 was answered in the negative. But with the retreat of 
 the enemy to their ships, the danger appeared to many to 
 be over ; and the impatience of military duty which this 
 impression created, was the motive upon which the dis- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 175 
 
 affected operated, to create disobedience and mutiny in 
 the general s army. Although in his proclamation, the 
 general had cautioned the citizens " not to be thrown 
 into false alarms by the intelligence of peace," observing, 
 44 that even if it were true that a peace had been signed 
 in Europe, it could not put an end to the war, until it 
 should be ratified by the two governments ;" although 
 . he British, who had been reinforced by a larger body of 
 fresh troops, lay within half a day s sail of New Orleans, 
 by a passage which the batteries at Chef Menteur and 
 Fort Coquilles defended ; yet, one Louallier published a 
 piece in a New Orleans paper, that caused the Louisiana 
 companies, which manned these batteries, to desert, re 
 turn into the city, and leave it exposed. He was arrested 
 for exciting mutiny and desertion in the camp, and for 
 giving intelligence to the enemy ; and to discharge him 
 from arrest, Judge Hall issued his writ of habeas corpus. 
 This writ was resisted by General Jackson. For this 
 act he has been severely censured, and with as little 
 liberality and justice as usual. It has been gravely as 
 serted, that he suspended the habeas corpus, the charter 
 of our liberties, upon his own individual authority. His 
 defence is complete and triumphant. 
 
 It was proved by the testimony of the clerk of the 
 court, before which the process was returnable, that the 
 writ which was granted for the release of Louallier, was 
 actually issued before his arrest, and that the date had 
 been altered by the judge to suit the occasion. This was 
 proof of complicity on his part, that rendered the pro 
 ceeding more objectionable. But General Jackson de 
 clined availing himself of this defect, and met the prin 
 ciple fairly, asserting the necessity of adhering to his 
 plan of defence, and maintaining military power. Nor 
 did he stop to ascertain what statute had conferred on a 
 district judge of the United States, power to issue a pro- 
 
176 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cess, which, touching the liberty of the citizen, and being 
 in its nature the creature of statute, would more properly 
 emanate from the state judiciary. As all other command 
 ers in this Union, on occasions of less necessity, had 
 done, he kept the civil process out of the camp. And 
 would his accusers have had him to yield to the officious 
 judge, and malcontent citizen to suffer his troops to de 
 sert, and his defences to be abandoned, when a superior 
 hostile force, unused to defeat, and intent on " beauty and 
 booty," were hovering within a half day s sail of New 
 Orleans, ready to strike a fatal blow to its liberties when 
 ever a favorable opportunity presented ? Was the tem 
 porary restraint of Louallier, the momentary suppression 
 of his cacoethes scribendi, a greater evil than the perma 
 nent conquest of New Orleans ? General Jackson s ac 
 cusers describe the writ of habeas corpus " as the safe 
 guard of individual liberty ;" but at the crisis referred to, 
 his power was the safeguard of the liberty of thousands, 
 and individual liberty was not to endanger so great a 
 stake. He who brought it into collision with this great 
 object, acted like a bitter foe to his country, and was no 
 more entitled to respect, than he would have been, had he 
 on the 8th of January interposed his person between the 
 American riflemen and the enemy, and insisted on the 
 former not firing for fear of taking his life. The truth 
 is, the judge, the citizen, the army, and the people, were 
 all embarked in the same vessel and in the same storm. 
 Measures, proper for the defence of all, were by the law 
 of necessity obligatory on all and the pilot to whose 
 vigorous arm the helm was consigned, would have been 
 guilty of both crime and folly, had he relinquished it 
 merely because land was in sight. This General Jack 
 son would not do, and his patriotic firmness has ex 
 cited the lasting gratitude of the American people. The 
 sentiments are the reverse of this which the same peo- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 177 
 
 pie entertain for those who rail at him for serving for not 
 permitting his sentinels to be subpoenaed from their posts, 
 or his men removed by writ of habeas corpus from their 
 guns acts which rind ample justification from the cir 
 cumstances which called them into being. But the civil 
 authority, which from its mal-administration, he was obli 
 ged to defend, he propitiated in a manner so signal, as to 
 return it greater strength and sanctity, than the folly of its 
 object and its agent had taken away. 
 
 When peace was announced, he was arrested and 
 brought before Judge Hall, to answer for a contempt of 
 court. The judge refused to hear his defence. But as 
 the answer he had prepared to show cause why a writ of 
 attachment for contempt should not issue against him, 
 does honor to his head and heart, and evinces the purity 
 of the motives under which he acted, we apprehend that 
 injustice would be done him, if we should omit the tran 
 scription of a part of it ; at least and our readers, we ima 
 gine, would be also disinclined to pardon the omission. 
 
 After stating his objections to the proceedings, on the 
 ground of their illegality, and that the offences charged 
 against him were not cognizable by the court before which 
 he was called to appear after recurring to the corres 
 pondence between him and the governor of Louisiania, 
 previous to and after his arrival in this section of the 
 seventh military district, on which we have remarked in 
 a former chapter, he closed his defence as follows : 
 
 " With the impressions this correspondence was calcu 
 lated to produce, the respondent arrived in this city, 
 where, in different conversations, the same ideas were 
 enforced, and he was advised not only by the governor of 
 .he state, but very many influential persons, to proclaim 
 MARTIAL LAW, as the only means of producing union, 
 overcoming disaffection, detecting treason, and calling 
 forth the energies of the country. This measure was 
 
ITS BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 discussed and recommended to the respondent, as he well 
 recollects, in the presence of the judge of this honorable 
 court, who not only made no objection, but seemed, by 
 his gestures and silence, to approve of its being adopted. 
 These opinions, respectable in themselves, derived greater 
 weight from that which the governor expressed of the 
 legislature then in session. He represented their fidelity 
 as very doubtful ; ascribed design to their prolonged ses 
 sion, and appeared extremely desirous that they should 
 adjourn. 
 
 " The respondent had also been informed, that in the 
 house of representatives, the idea, that a very consider 
 able part of the state belonged to the Spanish govern 
 ment, and ought not to be represented, had been openly 
 advocated, and favorably heard. The co-operation of the 
 Spaniards with the English, was, at that time, a prevalent 
 idea. This information, therefore, appeared highly im 
 portant. He determined to examine, with the utmost 
 care, all the facts that had been communicated to him ; 
 and not to act upon the advice he had received, until the 
 clearest demonstration should have determined its pro 
 priety. He was then almost an entire stranger, in the 
 place he was sent to defend, and unacquainted with the 
 language of a majority of its inhabitants. While these 
 circumstances were unfavorable to his obtaining informa 
 tion, on the one hand, they precluded, on the other, a 
 suspicion that his measures were dictated by personal 
 friendship, private animosity, or party views. Uninflu 
 enced by such motives, he began his observations. He 
 sought for information, and, to obtain it, communicated 
 with men of every description. He believed that even 
 then he discovered those high qualities, which have since 
 distinguished those brave defenders of their country ; that 
 the variety of language, the difference of habit, and even 
 the national prejudices, which seemed to divide the inha- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 179 
 
 bitants, might be made, if properly directed, the source 
 of the most honorable emulation. Delicate attentions 
 were necessary to foster this disposition ; and the highest 
 energy, to restrain the effects, that such an assemblage 
 was calculated to produce ; he determined to avail him 
 self of both, and with this view called to his aid the im 
 pulse of national feeling, the higher motives of patriotic 
 sentiment, and the noble enthusiasm of valor. They ope 
 rated in a manner which history will record ; all who 
 could be influenced by those feelings, rallied without de 
 lay round the standard of their country. Their efforts, 
 however, would have been unavailing, if the disaffected 
 had been permitted to counteract them by their treason, 
 and the timid to paralyze them by their example, and both 
 to stand aloof in the hour of danger, and enjoy the fruit 
 of victory without participating in the danger of defeat. 
 
 "A disciplined and powerful army was on our coast, com 
 manded by officers of tried valor and consummate skill ; 
 their fleet had already destroyed the feeble defence, on 
 which, alone, we could rely to prevent their landing on 
 our shores. Their point of attack was uncertain ; a 
 hundred inlets were to be guarded, by a force not suffi 
 cient in number for one ; we had no lines of defence ; 
 .reason lurked among us, and only waited the moment 
 of expected defeat, to show itself openly ; our men were 
 few, and of those few, not all were armed ; our prospect 
 of aid and supply was distant and uncertain ; our utter 
 ruin, if we failed, at hand, and inevitable ; every thing 
 depended on the prompt and energetic use of the means 
 we possessed on calling the whole force of the commu 
 nity into action ; it was a contest for the very existence of 
 the state, and every nerve was to be strained in its defence. 
 The physical force of every individual, his moral facul 
 ties, his property, and the energy of his example, were to 
 be called into action, and instant action. No delay no 
 
180 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 hesitation no inquiry about rights, or all was lost ; and 
 every thing dear to man, his property, life, the honor of 
 his family, his country, its constitution and laws, were 
 swept away by the avowed principles, the open practice 
 of the enemy with whom we had to contend. Fortifica 
 tions were to be erected, supplies procured, arms sought 
 for, requisitions made, the emissaries of the enemy watch 
 ed, lurking treason overawed, insubordination punished, 
 and the contagion of cowardly example to be stopped. 
 
 " In this crisis, and under a firm persuasion that none 
 of those objects could be effected by the exercise of the 
 ordinary powers confided to him under a solemn con 
 viction that the country committed to his care could be 
 saved by that measure only, from utter ruin under a re 
 ligious belief, that he was performing the most important 
 and sacred duty, the respondent proclaimed martial law. 
 He intended by that measure, to supersede such civil 
 powers as, in their operation, interfered with those he was 
 obliged to exercise. He thought, in such a moment, con 
 stitutional forms must be suspended, for the permanent 
 preservation of constitutional rights, and that there could 
 be no question, whether it were best to depart for a mo 
 ment from the enjoyment of our dearest privileges, or 
 have them wrested from us forever. He knew, that if 
 the civil magistrates were permitted to exercise their usual 
 functions, none of the measures necessary to avert the 
 awful fate that threatened us, could be expected. Personal 
 liberty cannot exist at a time when every man is required 
 to become a soldier. Private property cannot be secured 
 when its use is indispensable to the public safety. Un 
 limited liberty of speech is incompatible with the discipline 
 of a camp ; and that of the press more dangerous still, 
 when made the vehicle of conveying intelligence to the 
 enemy, or exciting mutiny among the troops. To have 
 suffered the uncontrolled enjoyment of any of those rights, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 181 
 
 during the time of the late invasion, would have been to 
 abandon the defence of the country : the civil magistrate 
 is the guardian of those rights ; and the proclamation of 
 martial law was, therefore, intended to supersede the ex 
 ercise of his authority, so far as it interfered with the ne 
 cessary restriction of those rights but no further. 
 
 " The respondent states these principles explicitly, be 
 cause they are the basis of his defence, and because a 
 mistaken notion has been circulated that the declaration 
 of martial law only subjected the militia in service to its 
 operation. This would, indeed have been a very useless 
 ceremony, as such persons were already subject to it, with 
 out the addition of any other act. Besides, if the pro 
 clamation of martial law were a measure of necessity, 
 a measure, without the exercise of which the country 
 must unquestionably have been conquered, then does it 
 form a complete justification for the act. If it do not, in 
 what manner will the proceeding by attachment for con 
 tempt be justified ? It is undoubtedly and strictly a cri 
 minal prosecution ; and the constitution declares, that, in 
 all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall have the be 
 nefit of a trial by jury ; yet a prosecution is even now 
 going on in this court, where no such benefit is allowed. 
 Why ? From the alledged necessity of the case, because 
 courts could not, it is said, subsist without a power to pu 
 nish promptly by their own act, and without the interven 
 tion of a jury. Necessity then, may, in some cases, jus 
 tify a departure from the constitution : and if in the doubt 
 ful case of avoiding confusion in a court, shall it be de 
 nied in the serious one of preserving a country from con 
 quest and ruin ? The respondent begs leave to explain, 
 that in using this argument, he does not mean to admit 
 the existence of necessity in the case of attachment ; but 
 to show that the principle of a justification from necessity 
 is admitted, even in the weaker case. If the legislature 
 16 
 
182 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of the United States have given to courts the power to 
 punish contempts, it is no answer to this defence, for two 
 reasons : first, because the words of the law do not ne 
 cessarily exclude the intervention of a jury ; and, second 
 ly, if they do, the lav/ itself is contrary to the words of 
 the constitution, and can only be supported on the plea of 
 necessity ; to which head it is referred by the English 
 writers on the subject. 
 
 " The only responsibility which has been incurred in the 
 present case, is that which arises from necessity. This, 
 the respondent agrees, must not be doubtful ; it must be 
 apparent, from the circumstances of the case, or it forms 
 no justification. He submits all his acts, therefore, to be 
 tested by this rule. 
 
 " To the forcible reasons which he has detailed, as im 
 pelling him to this measure, he ought to add, that he has 
 since, by the confession of the enemy himself, received a 
 confirmation of the opinions, which he had then good reason 
 to believe ; that there were men among us so depraved as 
 to give daily and exact information of our movements, and 
 our forces ; that the number of those persons was consi 
 derable, and their activity unceasing. The names of those 
 wretches will probably be discovered ; and the respondent 
 persuades himself, that this tribunal will employ itself, 
 with greater satisfaction, in inflicting the punishment due 
 to their crimes, than it now does in investigating the mea 
 sures that were taken to counteract them. 
 
 "If example can justify, or the practice of others serve 
 as a proof of necessity, the respondent has ample mate 
 rials for his defence : not from analogous construction, but 
 from the conduct of all the different departments of the 
 state government, in the very case now under discus 
 sion. 
 
 " The legislature of the state, having no constitutional 
 power to regulate or restrain commerce, on the day 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 183 
 
 of December last, passed an act laying an embargo : the 
 executive sanctioned it ; and from a conviction of its ne 
 cessity, it was acquiesced in. The same legislature shut 
 up the courts of justice for four months, to all civil suitors 
 the same executive sanctioned that law, and the judi 
 ciary not only acquiesced, but solemnly approved it. 
 
 " The governor, as appears by one of the letters quoted, 
 undertook to inflict the punishment of exile upon an in 
 habitant, without any form of law, merely because he 
 thought that an individual s presence might be dangerous 
 to the public safety. 
 
 " The judge of this very court, duly impressed with 
 the emergency of the moment, and the necessity of em 
 ploying every means of defence, consented to the discharge 
 of men committed and indicted for capital crimes, without 
 bail, and without recognizance ; and probably under an 
 impression that the exercise of his functions would be use 
 less, absented himself from the place where his court was 
 to be holden, and postponed its session during a regular 
 term. 
 
 " Thus the conduct of the legislative, executive, and 
 judiciary branches of the government of this state, have 
 borne the fullest testimony of the existence of the neces 
 sity on which the respondent relies. 
 
 " The unqualified approbation of the legislature of the 
 United States, and such of the individual states as were 
 in session, ought also to be admitted, as no slight means 
 of defence ; inasmuch as all these respectable bodies were 
 fully apprised of his proclamation of martial law, and 
 some of them seem to refer to it, by thanking him for the 
 energy of his measures. 
 
 " The respondent, therefore, believes he has established 
 the necessity of proclaiming martial law. He has shown 
 the effects of that declaration ; and it only remains to 
 prove, in answer to the rule, that the power assumed from 
 
184 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 necessity, was not abused in its exercise, nor improperly 
 protracted in its duration. 
 
 " All the acts mentioned in the rule, took place after 
 the enemy had retired from the position they had at first 
 assumed, after they had met with a signal defeat, and af 
 ter an unofficial account had been received of the signature 
 
 O 
 
 of a treaty of peace. Each of these circumstances might 
 be, to one who did not see the whole ground, a sufficient 
 reason for supposing that further acts of energy and vi 
 gor were unnecessary. On the mind of the respondent 
 they had a different effect. The enemy had retired from 
 their position, it is true ; but they were still on the coast, 
 and within a few hours sail of the city. They had been 
 defeated, and with a loss ; but the loss was to be re 
 paired by expected reinforcements. Their numbers still 
 much more than quadrupled all the regular forces which 
 the respondent could command ; and the term of service 
 of his most efficient militia force was about to expire. De 
 feat, to a powerful and active enemy, was more likely to 
 operate as an incentive to renewed and increased exertion, 
 than to inspire them with despondency, or to paralyze their 
 efforts. A treaty, it is true, had been probably signed ; 
 yet it might not be ratified. Its contents had not trans 
 pired, and no reasonable conjecture could be formed, that 
 it would be acceptable. The influence which the account 
 of its signature had on the army, was deleterious in the 
 extreme, and showed a necessity for increased energy, 
 instead of a relaxation of discipline. Men, who had 
 shown themselves zealous in the preceding part of the 
 campaign, now became lukewarm in the service. Those 
 whom no danger could appal, and no labor discourage, 
 complained of the hardships of the camp. When the 
 enemy were no longer immediately before them, they 
 thought themselves oppressed, by being detained in ser 
 vice. Wicked and weak men, who, from their situation 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 185 
 
 in life, ought to have furnished a better example, secretly 
 encouraged this spirit of insubordination. They affected 
 to pity the hardships of those who were kept in the field ; 
 they fomented discontent, by insinuating that the merits 
 of those to whom they addressed themselves, had not been 
 sufficiently noticed or applauded ; and to so high a degree 
 had the disorder at length risen, that at one period, only 
 fifteen men and one officer, out cf a whole regiment, sta 
 tioned to guard the very avenue through which the enemy 
 had penetrated into the country, were found at their post. 
 At another point equally important, a whole corps, on 
 which the greatest reliance had been placed, operated 
 upon by the acts of a foreign agent, suddenly deserted 
 their post. 
 
 " If trusting to an uncertain peace, the respondent had 
 revoked his proclamation, or ceased to act under it, the 
 fatal security, by which we were lulled, might have de 
 stroyed all discipline, have dissolved all his force, and 
 left him without any means of defending the country 
 against an enemy, instructed, by the traitors within our 
 own bosom, of the time and place at which he might safely 
 make his attack. In such an event, his life might have 
 been offered up, yet it would have been but a feeble expia 
 tion, for the disgrace and misery, into which, by his cri 
 minal negligence, he had permitted the country to be 
 plunged. 
 
 ** He thought peace a probable, but by no means a cer 
 tain event. If it had really taken place, a few days must 
 bring the official advice of it ; and he believed it better to 
 submit, during those few days, to the salutary restraints 
 imposed, than to put every thing dear to ourselves and 
 country at risk, upon an uncertain contingency. Admit 
 the chances to have been a hundred or a thousand to one 
 in favor of the ratification, and against any renewed at 
 tempts of the enemy, what should we say or think of the 
 16* 
 
186 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 prudence of the man, who would stake his life, his for 
 tune, his country, and his honor, even with such odds in 
 his favor, against a few days anticipated enjoyment of 
 the blessings of peace ? The respondent could not bring 
 himself to play so deep a hazard ; uninfluenced by the 
 clamors of the ignorant and designing, he continued the 
 exercise of that law which necessity had compelled him 
 to proclaim ; and he still thinks himself justified, by the 
 situation of affairs, for the course which he adopted and 
 pursued. Has he exercised this power wantonly or im 
 properly ? If so, he is liable ; not, as he believes, to this 
 honorable court for contempt, but to his government for an 
 abuse of power, and to those individuals whom he has in 
 jured, in damages proportioned to that injury. 
 
 " About the period last described, the consul of France, 
 who appears, by Governor Claiborne s letter, to have 
 embarrassed the first drafts, by his claims in favor of pre 
 tended subjects of his king, renewed his interference ; his 
 certificates were given to men in the ranks of the army ; 
 to some who had never applied, and to others who wished 
 to use them as the means of obtaining an inglorious ex 
 emption from danger and fatigue. The immunity derived 
 from these certificates not only thinned the ranks, by the 
 withdrawal of those to whom they were given, but pro 
 duced the desertion of others, who thought themselves 
 equally entitled to the privilege ; and to this cause must 
 be traced the abandonment of the important post of Chef 
 Menteur, and the temporary refusal of a relief ordered to 
 occupy it. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, to remove the force of an 
 example which had already occasioned such dangerous 
 consequences, and to punish those who were so unwilling 
 to defend what they were so ready to enjoy, the respondent 
 issued a general order, directing those French subjects 
 who had availed themselves of the consul s certificates, to 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 187 
 
 remove out of the lines of defence, and far enough to 
 avoid any temptation of intercourse with our enemy, whom 
 they were so scrupulous of opposing. This measure was 
 resorted to, as the mildest mode of proceeding against a 
 dangerous and increasing evil ; and the respondent had 
 the less scruple of his power, in this instance, as it was 
 not quite so strong as that which Governor Claiborne had 
 exercised, before the invasion, by the advice of his attor 
 ney general, in the case of Colonel Coliel. 
 
 " It created, however, some sensation discontents 
 were again fomented, from the source that had first pro 
 duced them. Aliens and strangers became the most vio 
 lent advocates of constitutional rights, and native Ameri 
 cans were taught the value of their privileges, by those 
 who formerly disavowed any title to their enjoyment. 
 The order was particularly opposed, in an anonymous 
 publication. In this, the author deliberately and wick 
 edly misrepresented the order, as subjecting to removal, 
 all Frenchmen whatever, even those who had gloriously 
 fought in defence of the country : and after many dan 
 gerous and unwarrantable declarations, he closes, by call 
 ing upon all Frenchmen to flock to the standard of their 
 consul thus advising and producing an act of mutiny 
 and insubordination, and publishing the evidence of our 
 weakness and discord to the enemy, who were still in our 
 vicinity, anxious, no doubt, before the cessation of hos 
 tilities, to wipe away the late stain upon their arms. To 
 have silently looked on such an offence, without making 
 any attempt to punish it, would have been formal surren 
 der of all discipline, all order, all personal dignity, and 
 public safety. This could not be done ; and the respon 
 dent immediately ordered the arrest of the offender. A 
 writ of habeas corpus was directed to issue for his en 
 largement. The very case which had been foreseen, the 
 very contingency on which martial law was intended to 
 
188 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 operate, had now occurred : the civil magistrate seemed 
 to think it his duty to enforce the enjoyment of civil 
 rights, although the consequences which have been de 
 scribed would probably have resulted. An unbending- 
 sense of what he seemed to think his station required, 
 induced him to order the liberation of the prisoner. This, 
 under the respondent s sense of duty, produced a conflict 
 which it was his wish to avoid. 
 
 No other course remained, than to enforce the princi 
 ples which he had laid down as his guide, and to suspend 
 the exercise of this judicial power, wherever it interfered 
 with the necessary means of defence. The only way ef 
 fectually to do this, was to place the judge in a situation 
 in which his interference could not counteract the mea 
 sures of defence, or give countenance to the mutinous dis 
 position that had shown itself in so alarming a degree. 
 Merely to have disregarded the writ, would but have in 
 creased the evil ; and to have obeyed it, was wholly repug 
 nant to the respondent s ideas of the public safety, and to 
 his own sense of duty. The judge was therefore confined, 
 and removed beyond the lines of defence. 
 
 " As to the paper mentioned in the rule, which the re 
 spondent is charged with taking and detaining, he answers, 
 that when the writ was produced by the clerk of this ho 
 norable court, the date of its issuance appeared to have 
 been altered from the 5th to the 6th. He was questioned 
 respecting the apparent alteration, and acknowledged it 
 had been done by Judge Hall, and not in the presence of 
 the party who made the affidavit. This material altera 
 tion, in a paper that concerned him, gave the respondent, 
 as he thought, a right to detain it for further investigation, 
 which he accordingly did ; but gave a certified copy, and 
 an acknowledgment that the original was in his posses 
 sion. 
 
 " The respondent avows, that he considered this altera- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 189 
 
 tion in the date of the affidavit, as it was then explained to 
 him by the clerk, to be such evidence of a personal, not 
 judicial, interference, and activity, in behalf of a mar. 
 charged with the most serious offence, as justified the idee 
 then formed, that the judge approved his conduct, and sup 
 ported his attempts to excite disaffection among the troops. 
 
 " This was the conduct of the respondent, and these 
 the motives which prompted it. They have been fairly 
 and openly exposed to this tribunal, and to the world, and 
 would not have been accompanied by any exception or 
 waiver of jurisdiction, if it had been deemed expedient to 
 give him that species of trial, to which he thinks himself 
 entitled, by the constitution of his country. The powers 
 which the exigency of the times forced him to assume, 
 have been exercised exclusively for the public good ; and 
 by the blessing of God, they have been attended with un 
 paralleled success. They have saved the country ; and 
 whatever may be the opinion of that country, or the de 
 crees of its courts, in relation to the means he has used, 
 he can never regret that he employed them." 
 
 This defence requires no comment. At a subsequent 
 day he attended to receive sentence, and when the judge, 
 trembling at the murmurs of the indignant crowd, hesi 
 tated to pronounce it, " Fear not," said the illustrious pri 
 soner, waving the multitude to silence with his hand 
 " fear not, your honor ; the same arm which repelled the 
 invasion of the enemy, shall protect the deliberations of 
 this court." The sublime humility of the patriot general 
 did not end here. The ladies of New Orleans, whose 
 persons had been saved from terror and pollution, not 
 by the habeas corpus, but by his valor, contributed a 
 fund to discharge the fine. But they found he had an 
 ticipated them had paid one thousand dollars out of his 
 small fortune, the whole of which he had pledged to the 
 bank of New Orleans, to raise money for its defence, and 
 
190 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 when their gratitude would force the contribution upon 
 him, he preserved his independence, and displayed his 
 humanity, by requesting that the money should be ap 
 plied to the relief of the widows and orphans of the brave 
 citizens who had fallen in the campaign. 
 
 Could Washington himself have have shown greater 
 respect to the laws, or greater fidelity to the country ? 
 It has been said that Washington never refused to com 
 ply with the civil process. But he was a dictator, and 
 who ever dared to oppose the civil process against his 
 power ? Did he not execute deserters without even a 
 military trial ? Did he not punish mutineers by decima 
 tion and instant death ? Did he not forage in New Jersey 
 as in an enemy s country in each case on the ground of 
 necessity ? He did, and his conscience and his country 
 both approved him : while General Jackson, acting with 
 less rigor, under equal necessity, is denounced as " the 
 agent of illegal enormities." 
 
 General Jackson retired from the court ; and, in spite of 
 his exertions, he was borne in triumph through the streets 
 to his lodgings by the grateful citizens. He seized the 
 first interval, which the expression of their applause would 
 permit, to address them. He told them, that two great 
 lessons might be learned from the events which had hap 
 pened since he had been among them. The first was, 
 however inadequate might be the apparent means, never 
 to despair of their country ; never to refuse any sacrifice 
 that might be necessary for its preservation ; and when 
 ever the danger was past, to submit cheerfully to the ope 
 ration of the laws, even when they punished acts which 
 were done to preserve them. That, for his own part, he 
 knew that what he had done could only be justified by 
 necessity ; and to prevent that necessity from becoming 
 the pretext for oppression, it was perhaps right that he 
 who resorted to it should undergo the penalty of the law, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 191 
 
 and find his indemnity in the approbation of his own con 
 science, and the evidence that his acts were done only to 
 serve his country. 
 
 Thus ended this memorable trial, and it is a subject 
 of regret that many of his countrymen are still to be found, 
 who condemn General Jackson for the measures he 
 adopted from the dictation of the sternest necessity, for 
 raising the reputation of his country, and defending one 
 of its fairest cities from the horrors of assault, by a vic 
 tory as splendid as any recorded in history. There are 
 many yet, who depreciate the consequences of this vic 
 tory ; who would tear from the brows of the brave men 
 who gained it, the laurels which their courage and pa 
 triotism have won; who would blot the bright page of 
 our history in which the achievement is recorded, and 
 would persuade the people of the United States that in 
 saving a populous city from plunder, the wives and daugh 
 ters of its inhabitants from violation, its churches from 
 being profaned, and a whole state from the humiliation of 
 conquest, the brave men who effected it, and the leader 
 by whose courage, energy, and skill, they were animated 
 and directed, had done nothing to deserve the gratitude 
 of their country ; and that the United States had gained 
 neither honor nor advantage from a victory that will pre 
 serve the name of the chief who obtained it, ages after 
 those of his detractors shall cease to be remembered. 
 
 Nor is it enough to snatch from him the honors he has 
 already won the means of acquiring them in future 
 must be destroyed every power exercised by a com 
 mander in defence of his country, must be called an of 
 fence every act of discipline must be considered a viola 
 tion of personal liberty mutiny, desertion, insubordina 
 tion of every kind, must be punished at the hazard of be 
 ing proclaimed a tyrant and murderer. The wretch, 
 who, when called upon to defend his country in the hour 
 
192 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of extreme danger, meanly abandons his post, and sets 
 the authority of his officer at defiance the three times 
 pardoned deserter the instigator and associate of the 
 savage, who butchers unprotected women and children 
 the savage, himself who executes this work of destruction 
 are held up to public commiseration as suffering martyrs, 
 because they were made to pay the penalty of their 
 crimes. If these objections are to have effect, and be con 
 sidered valid, where is the commander, who will dare to 
 enforce discipline, or exercise any powers necessary for 
 the defence of his country : for where is there one that 
 may not be called an invasion of civil rights ? If he en 
 camp his army on the highway, it obstructs its free use ; 
 if he turn aside into a neighboring field, it is trespass ; if 
 he burn a house to save a retreat, it is arson ; if he seizes 
 provisions to feed his famishing troops, it is robbery ; if 
 he punish a deserter, it is murder ; if he prevent judges 
 and lawyers and sheriffs from taking his sentinels from 
 their posts, by writs of habeas corpus, it is a violation of 
 constitutional right ; and if he will not suffer a printer, 
 in a besieged town, to publish intelligence to the enemy, 
 and excite disobedience in his camp, it violates the sacred 
 liberty of the press ! The only mode for those who hold 
 this doctrine, is to contrive some means by which they 
 may clear the country of an invading enemy, by a writ of 
 forcible entry, and make him give up his post by an 
 ejectment. The censures of General Jackson on this 
 ground, are too absurd even for ridicule, and show that 
 the authors of them despise the understanding of those to 
 whom they are addressed. 
 
 This authentic detail, we think, cannot fail of convin 
 cing our readers, that, in the prosecution of this glorious 
 campaign in Louisiana, the commanding general united 
 prudence to energy humanity to the highest exertion of 
 courage a creative genius to provide resources, with 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 193 
 
 wisdom in their employment courtesy with dignity, in 
 his intercourse with the enemy to whom he was opposed ; 
 that, in the moment of triumph and success, his reli 
 gion attributed them to the interposition of Heaven as the 
 great cause, and his modesty and justice acknowledged 
 his brave companions in arms as the means by which 
 they were attained ; and that he cheerfully submitted to 
 the laws of his country, when their operation punished 
 him for acts by which those laws and the constitution 
 were preserved.* 
 
 * Livingston s Address. 
 17 
 
194 BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Nashville Receives the con 
 gratulations of his countrymen He is appointed Com 
 mander-in-chief of the southern military division of 
 the United States Vote of thanks to him, from the 
 Tennessee legislature Repairs to Washington Re 
 ceives the congratulations of the citizens of Lynchburg 
 at a public dinner Returns to Nashville Proceeds 
 from thence to New Orleans Grateful reception from 
 the inhabitants He concludes a treaty with the Indians 
 Issues a general order Defence of it. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON bade adieu to the grateful citizens 
 of New Orleans, and commenced his journey to Nash 
 ville. During his journey, he was received in all the 
 places through which he passed, with every demonstra 
 tion of regard, and greeted as one who had done the most 
 signal services for his countrymen, in protecting them 
 from the horrors of foreign invasion. He arrived at Nash 
 ville on the 18th of May, 1815, and was received with 
 very flattering indications of respect by his fellow-citizens. 
 
 The disbanding of the army, after the declaration of 
 peace, took place. Ten thousand troops were all that 
 constituted the standing army of the United States, which 
 consisted of two divisions, the northern and southern. 
 General Jackson was appointed commander-in-chief of 
 the southern division. His appointment to this command 
 was received with universal approbation. His ability to 
 command had been proved, by his numerous successes 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 195 
 
 over the most warlike nation of savages, and the best ap 
 pointed armies in the world, under the most disadvanta 
 geous circumstances. 
 
 He established his head-quarters at Nashville, where 
 he continued to receive the flattering indications of the 
 gratitude of his countrymen. From various legislatures 
 he received votes of thanks, expressing, in appropriate 
 terms, their approbation of his services. The legislature 
 of Tennessee were among the first to manifest their re 
 gard for the character and achievements of General 
 Jackson. They passed a vote of thanks, and presented 
 him with a gold medal. They also presented elegant 
 swords to Generals Coffee and Carroll, his gallant asso 
 ciates. Toward the close of the autumn of 1815, he re 
 paired to the seat of government. On his journey thither, 
 he was received with those acclamations, which a grate 
 ful people ever bestow upon a distinguished benefactor. 
 Although in time of war, he avoided all parade and cere 
 monies inconsistent with the demands of duty ; yet he 
 felt no disinclination, at this period, to a compliance with 
 the wishes of his countrymen, to mingle with them at the 
 convivial board, and reciprocate their civility and hospi 
 tality. 
 
 A public dinner was given him at Lynchburg, in Vir 
 ginia, at which THOMAS JEFFERSON, the sage of 
 Monticello, was present. The hilarity and good feel 
 ing exhibited on this occasion, was indicative of the 
 high estimation in which these two distinguished patriots 
 were held by their countrymen. It was on this occasion 
 that Mr. Jefferson gave his celebrated toast, " HONOR 
 AND GRATITUDE TO THE MAN WHO HAS 
 FILLED THE MEASURE OF HIS COUNTRY S 
 GLORY." On his arrival at Washington, he was re 
 ceived with much cordial affability by the president, and 
 the heads of the several departments of government. 
 
196 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 After a short sojourn in Washington, he returned again 
 to Nashville. 
 
 In the spring of 1816, General Jackson repaired to 
 New Orleans, the scene of his brilliant military opera 
 tions. Nothing could exceed the joy of the inhabitants, 
 on receiving again into their city the distinguished pro 
 tector of their dearest rights from carnage and violation. 
 After the mutual congratulations of their meeting were 
 past, he reviewed the troops at that station, and finding 
 them unhealthy, resolved to have them removed to the 
 Alabama territory, which was soon after effected. 
 
 The most exposed part of the southern division, was 
 that which bordered on the Spanish provinces of Florida, 
 which was inhabited by the Alabama and Seminole In 
 dians. General Jackson was aware that the stationing of 
 American troops upon their borders, would tend to re 
 strain their barbarity ; and their aggressions could be 
 more promptly punished. Subsequent events showed the 
 wisdom of this measure. 
 
 After regulating and stationing the army in the south 
 ern section of his division, General Jackson, inaccord- 
 ance with previous instructions, entered into negotiations 
 with the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, and Creek 
 nations. The object of the negotiation, was to obtain 
 from them the absolute relinquishment of all the claim 
 they pretended to have to lands within the limits of the 
 United States, and which had previously been ceded by 
 them. This measure evinced the moderation of the 
 American government toward the natives. Although the 
 territory had before been obtained, first by conquest, after 
 a sanguinary war, occasioned by the savages themselves, 
 and afterwards by treaty with them, by which they ac 
 knowledged their gratitude to the government for permit 
 ting them to retain any territory, yet, to pacify them com 
 pletely, for the diminution of their limits, and to extin- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 197 
 
 guish their title, General Jackson concluded a treaty with 
 them, the particulars of which are well known to the 
 public. 
 
 This important measure accomplished, he repaired to 
 Huntsville, in the state of Mississippi, and published an 
 order which was sanctioned by the government, by which 
 all citizens of the United States, were enjoined to abstain 
 from all encroachments upon Indian lands, and ordered 
 such as had, to be removed in a limited number of days. 
 
 In October, 1816, he returned to his head-quarters at 
 Nashville. In the spring of 1817, he issued the follow 
 ing general order to his division : 
 
 " The commanding general considers it due to the 
 principles of subordination, which ought, and must exist 
 in an army, to prohibit the obedience of any order ema 
 nating from the department of war, to officers of this divi 
 sion, who have reported and been assigned to duty, unless 
 coming through him, as the proper organ of communica 
 tion. The object of this order, is to prevent the recur 
 rence of a circumstance, which removed an important 
 officer from the division without the knowledge of the 
 commanding general, and indeed, when he supposed that 
 officer engaged in his official duties, and anticipated 
 hourly the receipt of his official reports, on a subject of 
 great importance to his command ; also to prevent the 
 topographical reports from being made public through 
 the medium of the newspapers, as was done in the case 
 alluded to, thereby enabling the enemy to obtain the be 
 nefit of all our topographical researches, as soon as the 
 general commanding, who is responsible for the division. 
 Superior officers, having commands assigned them, are 
 held responsible to the government, for the character and 
 conduct of that command ; and it might as well be justi 
 fied in an officer, senior in command, to give orders to a 
 guard on duty, without passing that order through the 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 officer of that guard, as that the department of war 
 should countermand the arrangements of commanding 
 generals, without giving their order through the proper 
 channel. To acquiesce in such a course, would be a 
 tame surrender of military rights and etiquette ; and at 
 once subvert the established principles of subordination 
 and good order. Obedience to the lawful commands of 
 superior officers, is constitutionally and morally required : 
 but there is a chain of communication that binds the 
 military compact, which, if broken, opens the door to 
 disobedience and disrespect, and gives loose to the turbu 
 lent spirits, who are ever ready to excite mutiny. All 
 physicians, able to perform duty, who are absent on fur 
 lough, will forthwith repair to their respective posts. 
 Commanding officers of regiments and corps, are ordered 
 to report specially all officers absent from duty, and their 
 cause of absence." 
 
 For issuing this general order, General Jackson has 
 received much severe animadversion. The circumstan 
 ces explaining and justifying this measure, are the follow 
 ing : While General Jackson was in the service of the 
 United States, it occurred several times, and at seasons 
 of the greatest pressure, that officers to whom he had as 
 signed important duties, were silently withdrawn from 
 their posts by orders from some subaltern in the line, 
 stationed as a deputy in the adjutant and inspector gene 
 ral^ office at Washington. On the 1st of October, 1814, 
 for example, just a fortnight after the first attack on Fort 
 Bowyer, and while the whole British armament was 
 hovering between Mobile and New Orleans, an order 
 was issued from the war department, signed John R. 
 Bell, deputy inspector general, directing Colonel Sparks, 
 and the officers of the second regiment, including the gal 
 lant Major Lawrence, to proceed forthwith on the re 
 cruiting service ! This order was received while Gene- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 199 
 
 ral Jackson was effecting the timely expulsion of the 
 British from Pensacola, and had left Mobile in the charge 
 of Colonel Sparks, and Fort Bowyer in that of Major 
 Lawrence. With commendable prudence, these officers 
 declined obedience, and remained at their posts. General 
 Jackson complained of it to the government, pointed out 
 the serious consequences that might have been produced 
 by it, and suggested the propriety of communicating, in 
 future, all orders to his subordinates through him, inas 
 much as his capacity to defend the extensive and defence 
 less line of territory committed to his charge, would be 
 destroyed, if the officers on whose vigilance and exertions 
 he depended, were removed from their stations without 
 his knowledge. 
 
 This representation received no effectual attention from 
 the government, and the anomalous practice it condemned 
 continued at intervals to prevail. A forcible instance oc 
 curred in the person of Major Long, who, having report 
 ed himself under a regular order to General Jackson for 
 duty, was directed by him to the upper Mississippi, for 
 the purpose of sketching the topography of a district in 
 that quarter, upon which a contest with the Indians was 
 then apprehended. The next thing the general heard of 
 his engineer, was, while he was anxiously expecting his 
 report, (through a newspaper in New York,) that the 
 major had sometime since established himself in that city, 
 in obedience to an order from the war department. 
 
 On the 4th March, 1817, General Jackson appealed to 
 Mr. Monroe (the president) on the subject, reiterated his 
 former reasons against the irregularity, and deprecated 
 with much earnestness its prevalence in his division, 
 when no emergencies of war existed to require it, and 
 when his head-quarters were at Nashville, a point of con 
 venient distribution for orders directed by mail to the va 
 rious military stations in the south and west. This com- 
 
300 BIOGRAPHY Or 
 
 munication, like the former, proving ineffectual, and de 
 termined no longer to have more responsibility than 
 power, he took measures to bring the subject before the 
 government, in a way that would admit of no further ne 
 glect. 
 
 On the 22d of April, he issued the general order which 
 has been presented to our readers, forbidding the officers 
 of his division to obey any order from the war depart 
 ment, which did not pass through the office of his adju 
 tant general. About two months after this, the president 
 still declining any decision on the matter, and suffering 
 it to fester by delay, an order was issued from the war 
 department, to General Ripley, then in command at New 
 Orleans ; which, in compliance with General Jackson s 
 general order, he did not obey. Finding one of his of 
 ficers involved in difficulty by an act of military subordi 
 nation and fidelity, General Jackson immediately assumed 
 an attitude which none but a martinet can fail to admire. 
 In a letter to the president, of the 12th August, 1817, he 
 referred to his former communications on this subject, 
 and to the cases which had produced them repeated the 
 substance of his general order, and stated the dilemma of 
 General Ripley, and with his characteristic spirit arid 
 honor, thus relieved him from all responsibility : " This 
 has given rise to proper disobedience of General Ripley, 
 to the order of the department of war above alluded to, for 
 which I hold myself responsible." He adds, " In the 
 view I took of this subject on the fourth of March, I had 
 flattered myself you would coincide, and had hoped to 
 receive your answer before a recurrence of a similar in 
 fringement of military rule rendered it necessary for me 
 to call your attention thereto. None are infallible in 
 their opinions, but it is nevertheless necessary, that all 
 should act agreeably to their convictions of right. My 
 convictions in favor of the course I hare pursued are 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 201 
 
 strong, and, should it become necessary, I will willingly 
 meet a fair investigation before a military tribunal. The 
 good of the service, and the dignity of the commission I 
 hold, alone actuate me. My wishes for retirement have 
 already been made known to you ; but, under existing cir 
 cumstances, my duty to the officers of my division forbids 
 it, until this subject is fairly understood." The final de 
 cision, when it came, was, that orders to inferiors should 
 pass through the commanding officer of the division, al 
 ways thereafter, unless in case of necessity ; thus admit 
 ting a principle contended for by General Jackson, and 
 terminating a practice, which, under the aspect of legal 
 authority, was subversive of discipline, injurious to ser 
 vice, and repugnant to justice. 
 
 It is true that by the constitution, the president is com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army, and that, by a custom almost 
 equivalent to law, the orders of the secretary are consi 
 dered the orders of the president, and that, among the 
 illegitimate descendants of this custom, was the practice 
 of confiding the power of the department to lieutenants of 
 the line, whose enormous deviations from propriety, as 
 in the order to Colonel Sparks, brought it into question 
 and disrepute. But the president is commander-in-chief, 
 only in the same sense in which the general is comman 
 der of his division, and has no stronger claim to the obe 
 dience of the general, than the latter has to the obedience 
 of the colonel ; and his orders, whether issued under his 
 sign manual, or through the secretary of war, or the im 
 posing instrumentality of a subaltern, are to be restrained 
 by the laws of congress and the principles of the constitu 
 tion. No man will contend, that his authority in the 
 army is absolute that he can of his own accord inflict 
 capital punishment on a soldier can make a lieutenant 
 command a captain a colonel a general, or exact duty 
 from either without allowing him his proper rank. Now 
 
202 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the essence of rank consists in the superiority of com 
 mand, which it confers ; and any order of the president 
 making an inferior disobey the orders of his superior, is 
 a derogation of the rank of that superior, and produces a 
 disorder, the removal of which necessarily exposes to dis 
 turbance, in a similar and equivalent degree, the authority 
 of the president over the superior. 
 
 The order to Colonel Sparks required a direct and vio 
 lent disobedience to General Jackson s command, as that 
 to Major Long effected it. To have rendered these 
 orders entirely legal and expedient, they should have been 
 communicated through the commanding general. They 
 would then have preserved the just equality between re 
 sponsibility and power, which the nature of delegated 
 authority requires. And instead of causing one act of 
 obedience, and one of disobedience, they would have pro 
 duced two acts of perfect obedience, through agents re 
 lated in due subordination to each other. The course 
 pursued by the government, moreover, involved the sig 
 nal injustice of fixing publicly the proportion of General 
 Jackson s power and responsibility, upon which propor 
 tion, it must be presumed, he consented to assume the 
 latter ; and then privately, and without his knowledge, 
 reducing the former below that proportion, by a proceed 
 ing much in the nature of an ex post facto law. The 
 silence and hesitation persevered in, respecting his re 
 monstrances, while they tended to produce an impression 
 that the reasons he advanced were not disapproved, cre 
 ated a strong demand for the decisive measures he adopt 
 ed, and the fact which is but too apparent that the irregu 
 larity he complained of, was calculated, if continued, to 
 disappoint the department, as well as the general, as it 
 might be retorted by the latter in various perplexing 
 ways, furnishes another strong objection to it. Its only 
 excuse is a complete justification of it, where it can be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 203 
 
 shown, and a marked condemnation of it, where it cannot 
 be shown ; viz. necessity. To this fair adjustment and 
 full redress, General Jackson brought this abuse in the 
 service, and for the spirit and judgment he displayed on 
 that occasion alone, he deserves the gratitude of the army, 
 and the respect of his fellowrcitizens. 
 
 
204 
 
 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Causes that led to the Seminole war General Jackson 
 invades Florida Is censured for it Defence of the 
 measure His letter to the governor of Georgia De 
 tail of the causes which elicited it Destruction of the 
 Chehaw village, and its consequences. 
 
 OUR readers will recollect that in the month of August, 
 1814, while a war existed between the United States and 
 Great Britain, to which Spain had formally declared her 
 self neutral, a British force, not in the fresh pursuit of a 
 defeated and flying enemy, not overstepping an imagi 
 nary and equivocal boundary between their own territo 
 ries, and those belonging, in some sort, as much to their 
 enemy as to Spain ; but approaching by sea, and by a 
 broad and open invasion of the Spanish province, at a 
 thousand miles, or an ocean s distance from any British 
 territory, landed in Florida, took possession of Pensacola, 
 and the fort of Barrancas, and invited by public procla 
 mations all the runaway negroes, all the savage Indians, 
 all the pirates, and all the traitors to their country, whom 
 they knew, or imagined to exist, within reach of their 
 summons, to join their standard, and wage an extermina 
 ting war against the portion of the United States, imme 
 diately bordering upon this neutral, and thus violated 
 territory of Spain. The land commander of this British 
 force, it will be recollected, was the famous Colonel Ni- 
 choll, of proclamation memory, who, driven from Pensa 
 cola by the approach of General Jackson, actually left, 
 to be blown up, the Spanish fort of Barrancas, when he 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 205 
 
 found it could not afford him protection ; and evacuating 
 that part of the province, landed at another, established 
 himself on the Apalachicola river, and there erected a 
 fort, from which to sally forth with his motley tribe of 
 black, white, and red combatants, against the defenceless 
 borders of the United States, in that vicinity. A part of 
 this force consisted of a corps of colonial marines, levied 
 in the British colonies, in which George Woodbine was 
 a captain, and Robert Christie Ambrister was a lieute 
 nant. 
 
 As between the United States and Great Britain, this 
 transaction would have been buried in the same grave of 
 oblivion, with other transactions of that war, had the hos 
 tilities of Colonel Nicholl terminated with the war. But 
 he did not consider the peace which ensued between the 
 United States and Great Britain, as having put an end, 
 either to his military occupations, or to his negotiations 
 with the Indians against the United States. Several 
 months after the ratification of the treaty of Ghent, he re 
 tained his post, and his party-colored forces, in military 
 array. By the ninth article of that treaty, the United 
 States had stipulated to put an end, immediately after its 
 ratification, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of 
 Indians, with whom they might be at war at the time of 
 the ratification, and to restore to them all the possessions 
 which they had enjoyed in the year 1811. This article 
 had no application to the Creek Nation, with whom the 
 United States had already made peace, by a treaty con 
 cluded on the ninth day of August, 1814, more than four 
 months before the treaty of Ghent was signed. Yet Co 
 lonel Nicholl not only affected to consider it as applying 
 to the Seminoles of Florida, and the outlawed Red Sticks, 
 whom he had induced to join him there, but actually per 
 suaded them that they were entitled, by virtue of the treaty 
 of Ghent, to all the lands which had belonged to the 
 18 
 
206 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Creek nation, within the United States, in the year 1811, 
 and that the government of Great Britain would support 
 them in that pretension. He asserted also this doctrine 
 in a correspondence with Colonel Hawkins, then the 
 agent of the United States with the Creeks, and gave him 
 notice in their name, with a mockery of solemnity, that 
 they had concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and de 
 fensive, and a treaty of navigation and commerce, with 
 Great Britain, of which more was to be heard after it 
 should be ratified in England. Colonel Nicholl then 
 evacuated his fort, and took with him the white portion 
 of his force, and embarked for England with several of 
 the wretched savages, whom he was thus deluding to 
 their fate, among whom was the prophet Francis or Hil- 
 lis Hadjo, and left the fort, amply supplied with military 
 stores and ammunition, to the negro department of his 
 allies. It afterwards was known by the name of the Ne 
 gro Fort. 
 
 Colonel Hawkins immediately communicated to our 
 government the correspondence between him and Nicholl, 
 upon which, Mr. Monroe, then secretary of state, address 
 ed a letter to Mr. Baker, the British charge d affaires at 
 Washington, complaining of Nicholl s conduct, and 
 showing that his pretence, that the ninth article of the 
 treaty of Ghent could have any application to his Indians, 
 was utterly destitute of foundation. Copies of the same 
 correspondence were transmitted to the minister of the 
 United States, then in England, with instructions to re 
 monstrate with the British government against these pro 
 ceedings of Nicholl, and to show how incompatible they 
 were with the peace which had been concluded between 
 the two nations. These remonstrances were accordingly 
 made, first in personal interview with Earl Bathurst and 
 Lord Castlereagh, and afterwards in written notes ad 
 dressed successively to them, together with extracts from 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 207 
 
 the dispatches of the American ministers to the secretary 
 of state, reporting what passed at those interviews. 
 Lord Bathurst, in the most unequivocal manner, confirm 
 ed the facts, and disavowed the misconduct of Nicholl ; 
 declared his disapprobation of the pretended treaty of alli 
 ance, offensive and defensive, which he had made, assured 
 the American minister that the British government had 
 refused to ratify that treaty, and would send back the In 
 dians, whom Nicholl had brought with him, with advice 
 to make their peace on such terms as they could obtain. 
 Lord Castlereagh confirmed the assurance that the treaty 
 would not be ratified ; and if at the same time that these 
 assurances were given, certain distinctions of public no 
 toriety were shown to the prophet Hillis Hadjo, and he 
 was actually honored with a commission as a British of 
 ficer, it is to be presumed that these favors were granted 
 him as rewards of past services, and not as encourage 
 ment to expect any support from Great Britain, in a con 
 tinuance of savage hostilities against the United States ; 
 all intention of giving any such support having been re 
 peatedly and earnestly disavowed. 
 
 The negro fort, however, abandoned by Colonel Ni- 
 ehoil, remained on the Spanish territory, occupied by the 
 banditti to whom he had left it, and held by them as a 
 post from whence to commit depredations, outrages, and 
 murders, and as a receptacle for fugitive slaves and male 
 factors, to the great annoyance both of the United States 
 and of Spanish Florida. 
 
 In the year 1817, Alexander Arbuthnot, of the Island 
 of New Providence, a British subject, first appeared as 
 an English trader in Spanish Florida, and as the succes 
 sor of Colonel Nicholl in the employment of instigating 
 the Seminole and outlawed Red Stick Indians to hostili 
 ties against the United States, by reviving the pretence 
 that they were entitled to all the lands which had been 
 
208 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 ceded by the Creek nation to the United States, in Au 
 gust, 1814. As a mere Indian trader, the intrusion of 
 this man into a Spanish province was contrary to the po 
 licy observed by all the European powers in this hemi 
 sphere, and by none more rigorously than by Spain, of 
 excluding all foreigners from intercourse with the Indians 
 within their territories. It must be known to the Spanish 
 government whether Arbuthnot had a Spanish license for 
 trading with the Indians in Spanish Florida, or not ; but 
 they also know that Spain was bound by treaty to re 
 strain by force all hostilities on the part of those Indians, 
 against the citizens of the United States ; and it is for 
 them to explain, how, consistently with those engage 
 ments, Spain could, contrary to all the maxims of her or 
 dinary policy, grant such a license to a foreign incendiary, 
 whose principal if not his only object, appears to have 
 been, to stimulate those hostilities which Spain had ex 
 pressly stipulated by force to restrain. In his infernal 
 instigations he was but too successful. No sooner did he 
 make his appearance among the Indians, accompanied by 
 the prophet Hillis Hadjo, returned from his expedition to 
 England, than the peaceful inhabitants on the borders of 
 the United States were visited with all the horrors of 
 savage war ; the robbery of their property, and the bar 
 barous and indiscriminate murder of woman, infancy, and 
 age. 
 
 After the repeated expostulations, warnings, and offers 
 of peace, through the summer and autumn of 1817, on 
 the part of the United States, had been answered only by 
 renewed outrages, and after a detachment of 40 men, 
 under Lieutenant Scott, accompanied by seven women, 
 had been waylaid and murdered by the Indians, orders 
 \vp-re given to General Jackson, and an adequate force 
 was placed at his disposal, to terminate the war. It was 
 ascertained, that the Spanish force in Florida was inade* 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 209 
 
 quate for the protection even of the Spanish territory it 
 self, against this mingled horde of lawless Indians and 
 negroes ; and although their devastations were committed 
 within the limits of the United States, they immediately 
 sought refuge within the Florida line, and there only 
 were to be overtaken. The necessity of crossing the line 
 was indispensable ; for it was from beyond the line that 
 the Indians made their murderous incursions within that 
 of the United States. It was there that they had their 
 abode ; and the territory belonged in fact to them, al 
 though within the borders of the Spanish jurisdiction. 
 
 Of all the sins that have been laid to General Jackson s 
 charge, none have been branched out into the crimina 
 ting counts of an indictment, and reiterated with more 
 spiteful tautology, than those relative to his conduct of the 
 Seminole war. It has been said, in relation to it, that 
 " he invaded a neutral country in defiance of orders, and 
 in violation of that provision of the constitution, which 
 intrusts the power of peace and war to the president of 
 the United States." 
 
 How far the invasion of Florida was in defiance of 
 orders, may be determined by reference to the following 
 documentary abstract. On the 9th of December, 1817, 
 the secretary of war ordered General Gaines, * should 
 the Indians assemble in force on the Spanish side of the 
 line, and persevere in committing hostilities, within the li 
 mits of the United States, in that event, to exercise a 
 sound discretion, as to the propriety of crossing the. line 
 for the purpose of attacking them, and breaking up their 
 towns" On the 16th December, he writes to the same : 
 " Should the Seminole Indians still refuse to make repa 
 ration for their outrages and depredations on the citizens 
 of the United States, it is the wish of the president, that 
 you consider yourself at liberty to march across the Flo 
 rida line, and attack them within its limits." Soon after 
 18* 
 
210 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 this last order, the president received intelligence of the 
 massacre of Mrs. Garrett and her family, and the shock 
 ing 1 butchery of Lieutenant Scott and his detachment of 
 forty men. Under the melancholy impression of these 
 events, he had recourse to the well known energy and 
 talent of General Jackson, and called upon him to repair 
 to the scene of danger, and " terminate the conflict." 
 
 The first order he received, dated the 26th December, 
 1817, recited " the increasing display of hostile inten 
 tions by the Seminole Indians," and authorized him to 
 call on the executives of the adjoining states, for a mili 
 tary force sufficient " to beat the enemy." It also in 
 formed him, that General Gaines, his second in com 
 mand, had been directed " to penetrate from Amelia 
 Island through Florida to the Seminole towns. With 
 this view you may be prepared to concentrate your force, 
 and to adopt the necessary measures, to terminate the 
 conflict." It cannot be disputed that these orders, not 
 only authorized General Jackson, but actually command 
 ed him, to invade Florida. 
 
 He is informed that since the orders authorizing Ge 
 neral Gaines to " march across the Florida lines, and at- 
 tack the Indians within its limits," were issued, the go 
 vernment had learnt " their increasing display of hostile 
 intentions," in the murder of Mrs. Garrett and family, 
 and Lieutenant Scott and his men, and therefore General 
 Gaines had been "directed to penetrate from Amelia 
 Island, through Florida, and co-operate in an attack on 
 the Seminole towns, if his force were sufficient for that 
 offensive operation ; and that with this view" he himself 
 was expected " to concentrate his force and adopt the ne 
 cessary measures to terminate the conflict." With what 
 view then, would we ask, was General Jackson " to con 
 centrate his force and adopt his measures ?" The only 
 answer that can be made is, with the view of " penetrating 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 211 
 
 into Florida," and carrying on within its limits such mili 
 tary operations as would be " necessary to terminate the 
 conflict." What justification, rather what apology, can 
 be offered by General Jackson s accusers, against the in 
 dignation of the American people, and the reproaches of 
 truth, for declaring that this act of his was in " defiance 
 of orders ?" The orders themselves correspond with the 
 act, and the act conforms to the interpretation given to 
 the orders by the government that issued them. On the 
 25th of March, 1818, the president, in a message to con 
 gress, adverting to the course and spirit of the Indian hos 
 tilities, says, " General Jackson was ordered to the theatre 
 of action, charged with the management of the war, and 
 vested with the powers necessary to give it effect." And 
 on the 13th May folloAving, the secretary of war writes 
 to Governor Bibb, " General Jackson is vested with full 
 powers to conduct the war in the manner Le may judge 
 best." Now how could General Jackson s discretion, 
 which was intrusted with these full powers, fail to deter 
 mine on crossing the Florida line, in order to comply 
 with his instructions, to "beat the enemy," and to "ter 
 minate the conflict," when that enemy was situated within 
 the limits of Florida ? It was totally impossible. 
 
 As this act of General Jackson was authorized and 
 commanded by the president of the United States, whom, 
 as a major general in the service, he was bound to obey, 
 it is no part of his defence to disprove the allegation of its 
 being a violation of a provision of the constitution. This 
 charge, were it sustainable, would evidently miss Gene 
 ral Jackson and hit Mr. Monroe. But it was debated in 
 the house of representatives with intense eagerness for 
 about three weeks ; was discussed by thirty-two members, 
 and enforced by all the boasted management and eloquence 
 of Mr. Clay, and yet was decided in the negative by a 
 vote of one hundred to seventy. We have only to remark, 
 
212 BIOGRAPHY Or 
 
 that the entrance of the American army into Florida, and 
 their provisional assertion of our belligerent rights, in 
 the place of the abused or the derelict authority of Spain, 
 was no violation of neutrality, much less an act of war, 
 but strictly defensive ; authorized by the principle of self- 
 preservation, which is derived from the law of nature it 
 self; is recognized by the law of nations, and conduces to 
 their mutual safety ; and under the obligations of which, 
 the president, to whom the constitution commits the de 
 fence of the nation, and the assertion of its rights, was 
 bound to prosecute the war with the Seminole Indians to 
 a speedy and successful issue. 
 
 The right of self-defence, belonging to the nation, and 
 committed to the president, carried with it a right to the 
 means of its exercise. The inability of the Spanish 
 authorities, or their unwillingness to preserve towards us 
 the general obligations of neutrality, or to comply with 
 the positive obligations of a treaty, binding them to restrain 
 the Indians within their limits from hostilities against the 
 citizens of the United States, brought General Jackson s 
 military operations in Florida strictly within the number 
 of these means. But whether regarded as they relate to the 
 constitution of this country, or as they affected the rights of 
 Spain, they are equally insufficient to inculpate General 
 Jackson. He acted, like other commanders, under the 
 orders of his government, and these order? he executed 
 with his usual energy and address. He was not respon 
 sible for their nature, or for the extent of operations which 
 they commanded, and therefore needed no defence. 
 
 Presuming that our readers are convinced that the 
 invasion of Florida by General Jackson was not in 
 " defiance of orders," or a violation of any provision of 
 the constitution, we will proceed in the detail of the subse 
 quent events of this memorable campaign. Soon after 
 the arrival of General Jackson in Georgia, preparatory to 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 213 
 
 his expedition into Florida, a highly impolitic measure 
 adopted by the governor of that state elicited censure 
 from General Jackson. His accusers assert, that a " spi 
 rit of domination, fiery misrule, and impetuosity of tem 
 per," is displayed, in his celebrated letter to Governor Ra- 
 bun, where he is made to say, " When I am in the field, you 
 have no authority to issue a military order." The un 
 fairness of the extract, and the circumstances which eli 
 cited the expression from General Jackson, will appear in 
 the following detail of events : 
 
 " When General Jackson assumed the direction of the 
 Seminole war, he found General Gaines near Hartford, 
 in Georgia, at the head of the contingent force of that 
 state, which he speedily put into motion. Advancing 
 with his raw force of one thousand mefi, in the direction 
 of Fort Scott, he passed on rude rafts and scarcely practi 
 cable routes, the fenny swamps, and flooded rivers of that 
 region, impelled by the energy of his character, and the 
 hope of finding the supplies which had been ordered there, 
 at Fort Early. But when he reached that place, the dan 
 ger of famine was not abated, there being only a barrel 
 arid a half of flour, and a few bushels of corn, in the fort, 
 In the neighborhood lived a small tribe of Indians, the 
 Chehaws, whose friendship, though doubted, now proved 
 sincere. To these sons of the forest, in his extremity, he 
 applied, desiring them to bring in such supplies of corn, 
 peas, and potatoes, as they could spare, and promising 
 liberal pay for them. They immediately brought a small 
 supply, and on the general s encamping near their vil 
 lage, which lay directly in his route to Fort Scott, their 
 aged chief, Howard, the survivor of many wars with the 
 kings of the forest and the foes of his tribe, received him 
 as a brother, and the simple-hearted community emptied, 
 almost to exhaustion, to relieve the wants of their guests, 
 the small stock of food which had been collected for their 
 
214 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 subsistence through the winter. Enthusiasm succeeding 
 their kindness the few warriors of the village joined the 
 American standard, and it was only in compliance with 
 Jackson s request, that the grandson of Howard, a youth 
 of eighteen, was left to assist that patriarch of the woods, 
 in attending to the old men, women, and children. Thus, 
 confiding in the honor of General Jackson, and in the faith 
 of the United States, the Chehaw villagers were left in 
 complete exposure. But what had they to apprehend, or 
 what had General Jackson to apprehend for them ? To 
 the commanding officer of the small garrison left at Fort 
 Early, he had given instruction to consider the Chehaws 
 as friends, and there was no power behind him that could 
 be dangerous to the allies of the United States. Having 
 clasped the right hand of Howard in friendship, marshalled 
 the warriors of the tribe, and assured the women of peace 
 and protection, who, with their " young barbarians," wit 
 nessed his departure, he hastened onward to the theatre 
 of war. 
 
 Where the lion walks harmless, the wolf pro\vls most 
 ferociously. A Captain Wright, of the Georgia militia, 
 upon some false information, conceived and communicated 
 to the governor the impression, that after the march of 
 General Jackson from the vicinity of Hartford, hostilities 
 had been committed on that section of the frontier by the 
 Phillimees and Oponees subordinate or rather incorpo 
 rated septs of the Chehaw tribe. The governor, on this 
 erroneous representation, issued a very inconsiderate or 
 der, empowering the Captain to march at the head of two 
 companies of cavalry, and such infantry as could be drawn 
 from the garrison of Fort Early, against the supposed ag 
 gressors. It was in vain that the commanding officer there 
 assured Captain Wright of the friendship and innocence 
 of the Chehaws, and informed him of their recent aid and 
 hospitality to General Jackson. But why prolong the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 215 
 
 dreadful recital ? The governor s party had the power 
 and the will to destroy. They burst like a tempest on the 
 devoted village. Helpless age and unresisting infancy 
 they confounded in one torrent of destruction. The bay 
 onet, red with the blood of the infant, was plunged into 
 the breast of the mother. The aged Howard, supported 
 by his grandson, advanced with a white flag, and was 
 shot with that emblem of faith and peace in his feeble 
 hand. The same cruel volley dispatched his grandson 
 the village was given to the flames the women and chil 
 dren to the edge of the sword, or they fled from instant 
 slaughter, in terror and exile, to famine. Wider scenes 
 of desolation have indeed been spread on the face of the 
 globe, when Hyder descended like a thunder-cloud from 
 the mountains of Mysore, upon the plains of the Carnatic 
 or when Turreau left La Vendee shrouded in soli 
 tude and ashes. But a deeper stain of dishonor, or a 
 more intense visitation of wo, was never seen or inflicted, 
 than at the secluded village of the Chehaws. The mas 
 sacre of Wyoming was mercy to it, and the revenge of 
 Brandt far less cruel than this amity of the United States. 
 It violated, at one blow, humanity, friendship, and the faith 
 of treaties the obligations of justice, gratitude, and honor 
 and involved in its consequences the disgrace of the na 
 tion, the murder of our citizens, and the probable renewal 
 of the war, which was then almost concluded. Against 
 this shameful outrage, the heart of Jackson arose, and he 
 resented it with indignation, but not without dignity ; 
 complaining to the executive of the United States, and re 
 monstrating with that of Georgia. To the former he says, 
 (7th May, 1818,) " The outrage which has been commit 
 ted on the superannuated warriors, women, and children of 
 the Chehaws, whose sons were then in the field, in the 
 service of the United States, merits the severest chastise 
 ment. The interference, too, of the governor of Georgia, 
 
216 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 with the duties imposed on me, claims the early attention 
 of the president. All the effects of my campaign may by 
 this one act be destroyed, and the same scenes of massacre 
 and murder with which our frontier settlements have been 
 visited, again repeated." To the latter, (7th May,) after 
 referring to the massacre as "base and cowardly," and 
 to an inclosed copy of General Glascock s letter detailing 
 it, he observes, " That a governor of a state should make 
 war against an Indian tribe at perfect peace with and un 
 der the protection of the United States, is assuming a re 
 sponsibility that I trust you will be able to excuse to the 
 United States, to which you will have to answer ;" and he 
 adds, " you, as governor of a state within my military divi 
 sion, have no right to give a military order when I am in 
 the field." This last is the phrase which General Jack 
 son s accusers have ** torn from its context," and repeated 
 with an aggravating abbreviation, and in alarming italics. 
 ** When I am in the field you have no right to issue a 
 military order." Now, although the negation may at 
 first appear too general, yet the context plainly limits it 
 to the field of command on which Jackson was then em 
 ployed. It obviously was not his intention to say that the 
 governor had no right to regulate the militia concerns of 
 his state, or to order out quotas in the service of the Uni 
 ted States ; but that he had no right, as governor of Geor 
 gia, to interfere with his duties, by operations extraneous 
 to the sovereignty of the state, and hostile to the Indians 
 at peace with and under the protection of the United States. 
 In this he was perfectly right, and evinced a disposition 
 to preserve rather than to disturb the harmony so desirable 
 between the states and the general government. The 
 power of making war is vested exclusively by the consti 
 tution in the federal government, and the equivalent duty 
 imposed on it of guarantying the integrity and indepen 
 dence of the several states, This duty, the federal go- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 217 
 
 vernment was then in the act of discharging in favor of 
 the state of Georgia; and yet, acccording to General 
 Jackson s accusers, the governor of Geogria was to in 
 terrupt its military operations, and to murder its friends 
 and allies, without the voice of remonstrance or admo 
 nition. Let us suppose, for a moment, that after Ge 
 neral Brown had concluded a friendly agreement with 
 the Buffalo Indians, and with their supplies of provisions 
 and men, had invaded Canada, Governor Tompkins had 
 come on his track, burnt the friendly village, and destroyed 
 or dispersed its inhabitants. Would it have been an un 
 pardonable offence in General Brown to remonstrate 
 against that outrage, and to inform Governor Tompkins 
 that he had transcended his authority ? Would it have 
 displayed a " dangerous spirit of domination," or an ho 
 norable feeling of justice and humanity ? And would it 
 have exposed General Brown to the suspicion and exe 
 cration of his fellow citizens, or entitled him to their ap 
 probation and support ? The acquaintance of those with 
 history who accuse General Jackson should remind them 
 that the taking of Saguntum, while in alliance with the 
 Romans, was the immediate cause of the second Punic 
 war, and that the destruction of that city excited a digni 
 fied resentment in the Roman people, which defeat after 
 defeat, and slaughter after slaughter, could not subdue, 
 and gave a moral interest as well as a political force 
 to the vengeful expression of the elder Cato, " delenda est 
 Carthago." Not to mention other examples of feeling 
 repugnant to the sentiments with which they contemplate 
 the sensibility of General Jackson for the fate of the Che- 
 haws, the pride which on a late occasion England took in 
 stretching forth her power as an aegis over her " ancient 
 ally," may be cited when Mr. Canning, as the organ of 
 his country, declared to the nations in a tone of generous 
 defiance, that when the march of foreign conquest touched 
 19 
 
218 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the frontiers of Portugal, it must stay its haughty step. 
 Yet while we admire the spirit of the Roman people and 
 of. the English statesman, we are persuaded to believe 
 that when our own patriot protested against an outrage on 
 humanity, a violation of faith, and a usurpation of autho 
 rity, acquiescence in which would have stained with dis 
 grace our common sense, our common nature, and our 
 common country, he displayed a " fiery misrule of tem 
 per," and "a dangerous spirit of domination." 
 
 It may, perhaps, be within the extensive circle of 
 their sophistry to contend that the governor of Georgia, 
 as the head of a sovereign state, had a right to make war 
 on the Indians, the right of war being an incident inse 
 parable from sovereignty. Waiving the constitutional 
 pact between the states and the federal government, and 
 the laws of congress placing the Indian tribes under the 
 control and keeping of the United States, which would at 
 once defeat this course of argument, it will be enough to 
 observe, that even if the governor had the right of waging 
 this war, he was bound to prosecute it according to the 
 law of nations and the usages of war. These would 
 have rendered it his duty to ascertain first, whether the 
 injury he complained of was really committed by the 
 Chehaws and if it were, secondly, whether the authori 
 ties of that tribe would make, or refuse proper repara 
 tion. This is the practice of all civilized states is that 
 of the United States and was exemplified in the late dis 
 turbance with the Winnebagoes. So that, conceding the 
 right of war to the governor, his violation of the laws 
 and usages of war to the injury of the Chehaws, justly 
 exposed him to the remonstrances of General Jackson, 
 who, as an officer of the United States, the guest of the 
 venerable Howard, and the commander of the Chehaw 
 warriors, was in strict alliance with that tribe, and bound 
 to protect it. The fact is, that the governor of Georgia 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 219 
 
 was, for a time, so infatuated, as to consider his official 
 dignity invaded, and his power encroached upon by this 
 remonstrance of the general, and under that impression 
 wrote a letter to him, reminding him of Georgia s "bleed 
 ing frontier," and taunting him with affecting " a military 
 despotism." The fact is, too, that this, his letter, made its 
 gasconading appearance in a Georgia journal, before it 
 was received by the general, and fell into disreputable 
 oblivion soon after. And the probability is, that the ge 
 neral s accusers, who, though prodigal in charges, are 
 penurious in proofs, have been guided to this buried slan 
 der by a sense for defamation as keen and creditable as 
 that which leads certain winged gnostics to the carcasses 
 of the dead. But it has as little truth as fragrance. For 
 from the time the Georgia brigade encamped on the Oak- 
 mulgee, and under the conduct of General Jackson, march 
 ed by the way of Fort Early to Fort Scott, up to the close 
 of the war, the southern frontier of that state could neither 
 have bled nor been exposed. A thousand men, either sta 
 tioned on that frontier, or penetrating from it into the In 
 dian country, naturally bore off any thing like hostility ; 
 and accordingly General Jackson met with no opposition 
 until he reached the Mickasuky towns, at least 150 miles 
 south of Hartford. Besides, the Tennessee contingent, 
 consisting also of 1000 men, had marched on 14th of Feb. 
 from Fayetteville, in Tennessee, under the command of 
 Colonel Hayne, of the United States army, and after 
 reaching Fort Mitchell, on their way to join General Jack 
 son at Fort Scott, had information that their rations, which 
 had given out, could not be replenished in the direction of 
 Fort Scott, filed off to the left, and by a route nearly pa 
 rallel to the advance of Jackson, had passed into Georgia, 
 at Hartford; where Colonel Hayne with 400 men re 
 mained for the protection of that frontier, until after the 
 period at which Governor Rabun represented it to be 
 
220 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 "bleeding." There could therefore have been no real 
 cause, as there was no possible justification, for the attack 
 on the Chehaws ; and of this the governor himself was 
 soon sensible, for in a letter of the llth May, from Mill- 
 edgeville, General Glascock says to General Jackson, 
 " I had an interview with the agent and the governor, 
 and they have concluded that a talk will immediately be 
 held with the chiefs of that place ascertain the amount 
 of property destroyed, and make ample reparation for the 
 same. This is at once acknowledging the impropriety of 
 the attack, and not in the least degree throwing oft" the 
 stigma that will be attached to the state." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 221 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 General Jackson arrives at Fort St. Marks Captures it 
 Censures of him for his operations in Florida Cir 
 cumstances justifying- his acts Arbuthnot and Ambris- 
 ter Their agency in producing the Seminole war 
 Justification of their punishment Detail of the particu 
 lars of the Seminole war as given by General Jackson. 
 
 WHILE the unfortunate affair of the Chehaws was 
 transpiring, General Jackson was proceeding in the direc 
 tion of Fort St. Marks. Its situation was in the interior of 
 Florida, on a river of the same name ; and had long been 
 the scene of the most nefarious designs, and the starting 
 point from which marauders, depredators, and murderers, 
 had taken their departure. This place he captured, and 
 from it he directed his operations against the Seminoles 
 yet unsubdued. As every act of C4eneral Jackson during 
 this campaign has been made the subject of the severest 
 animadversion, we have been necessitated to incorporate 
 the detail of it w r ith a defence of his measures, and to 
 render that defence acceptable to our readers, we have 
 availed ourselves of the masterly productions of the wri 
 ter alluded to in our preface, whose admirable defences 
 of General Jackson s public acts on various occasions, we 
 have often made our readers familiar with in the course of 
 this volume. General Jackson is charged with having 
 " decoyed and slaughtered the Indians while at St. 
 Marks." ^-> 
 
 The subject of this charge is indissolubly connected 
 19* 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 with the crimes and fate of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, 
 and blends itself intimately with General Jackson s ope 
 rations in Florida. But the scene of these transactions 
 is so remote and obscure covered by untravelled wilder 
 nesses, unmeasured swamps, and undefined jurisdictions 
 the characters upon which they operate so notorious and 
 yet so unknown, their allegiance so diversified, and their 
 motives so various, that the attention of ever a fair in 
 quirer is often bedimmed and confounded in their study, 
 as the strongest eye is mocked in pursuing the even chang 
 ing reflection from agitated water. In their present state 
 of indigestion, they form a mass of rubbish, behind which 
 every scribbler who chooses to revile General Jackson, 
 and hopes to delude the public, entrenches himself. 
 
 The dramatis personce engaged in the catastrophe 
 which Jackson is accused of producing, were Lieut. 
 Col. Nicholl, of the British artillery Woodbine, an Eng 
 lish adventurer of fine address and desperate morals, 
 trainer of hostile Indians, with the title if not the rank 
 of captain, and in that respect, adjunct and successor of 
 Nicholl Arbuthnot, a Scotchman, who had left his wife 
 in Europe, married a colored one in the West Indies, 
 and with a son by the former taken a trading position in 
 Florida, got himself elected chief of the Indians at war 
 with the United States, and as such had sanctioned the 
 butchery of Lieutenant Scott and his party Ambrister, 
 a half officer and half buccanier, who, with the commis 
 sion of " auxiliary lieutenant of colonial marines," given 
 by Admiral Cochrane during the war with this country. 
 was taken three years after the peace, leading the Indians 
 and fugitive negroes in the battle against the troops of the 
 United States. Hambly and Doyle, subjects of Spain, 
 agents of a commercial firm in Pensacola, driving the 
 Indian trade in an establishment on the Apalachicola, and 
 favorers of peace Cook, clerk to Arbuthnot, also in fa- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 23 
 
 vor of peace Francis or Hillis Hadjo, chief of the pro 
 phets of the Creek Nation, appointed by Tecnmseh in his 
 insurrectional visit to the southern tribes in the fall of 
 1812, an inveterate enemy of the United States, had re 
 fused to unite with his countrymen in the capitulation of 
 Fort Jackson, abandoned his country, and at the head of 
 the outlawed Red Sticks, had taken refuge and protection 
 with the Seminoles in Florida, instigated them to rapine 
 and murder, and had witnessed and encouraged the mas 
 sacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party Hemithlimaco, 
 a Red Stick chief, the principal warrior of the prophet, 
 and principal perpetrator of that massacre. 
 
 The motives and liabilities of these men were as va 
 rious as their names and nations. The motive of Nicholl 
 was success in his profession and service to his country, 
 stained with the design of debasing the chivalry of war, 
 by the employment of savage associates. To this Wood 
 bine added, and in a predominating degree, the infamous 
 desire of plunder and profit. Lucre was the sole object 
 of Arbuthnot, and his means for procuring it were saga 
 cious and unscrupulous proposing to acquire an influ 
 ence over all the surrounding Indian tribes, by means of 
 it to disturb their existing relations with their civilized 
 neighbors, both as to territory and trade, and to engross 
 the entire profits of the latter. A mixed and unprincipled 
 thirst for gain and for fame, seems to have actuated Am- 
 brister. Interest, which incited Arbuthnot and Ambrister 
 to produce confusion, made Hambly and Doyle anxious to 
 preserve peace. Cook was engaged to be married to a 
 girl in New Providence, and felt therefore an inordinate at 
 tachment to life, and little disposition to run the hazards 
 of his employer, Arbuthnot. The "self-exiled" prophet, 
 loving his country less than he hated her enemies, was 
 filled with revenge for the disasters of the Creek war, for 
 the loss of influence which they had occasioned him, for 
 
224 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the severities which his refusal to submit to the capitula 
 tion of Fort Jackson had occasioned him, and for the "ex 
 emplary punishment" denounced against him by the or 
 der of the secretary of war, (16th January, 1818,) which 
 was committed for execution to General Jackson. He 
 was further stimulated by the pride of character, which a 
 late visit to England, and a flattering reception from the 
 prince regent, had inspired, and by the hope of reviving 
 the hostile spirit of the Creeks, and regaining his former 
 influence and possessions. With a hatred to the United 
 States equally passionate and fierce, Hemithlimaco was 
 infuriated by a natural thirst for carnage, superstitious re 
 verence for the prophetical dignity of Francis, and habit 
 ual eagerness to execute his most brutal purposes. 
 
 The agency of these individuals, impelling, moderat 
 ing, or counteracting each other, and deriving more or less 
 encouragement and aid from the Spanish authorities, had 
 kept up a state of hesitating war, but unremitting robbery 
 and bloodshed, on our southern frontier, ever since the ter 
 mination of the Creek war, in August, 1814. In its least 
 offensive but most dangerous form, it was repelled by Ge 
 neral Jackson, when he dislodged the British armament 
 from Pensacola, in November of that year. We have be 
 fore attempted to show how, with more than a mother s 
 care, a patriot s fire, and a statesman s foresight, on the 
 first intelligence of its appearance there, he flew unor 
 dered to the protection of Mobile, and fortified and gar 
 risoned Fort Bowyer. How, while he awakened by dis 
 patches the vigilance of the cabinet, just composed after 
 the capture of Washington he roused the patriotism of 
 the people, and calling on Coffee and his volunteers with 
 a voice in which they heard the trump of fame, he forced 
 the British to abandon Pensacola, and the Spaniards to 
 maintain their neutrality. How, after securing the left 
 flank of his extensive line of defence, penetrable by rivers, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 and accessible by bays, he passed with incredible expedition 
 to the banks of the Mississippi, with little other aid from 
 the government than stale i?itelligence and diplomatic di 
 rections, with arms, flints, and money, collected by him 
 self, with raw, unfurnished, and inferior forces, he van 
 quished both in attack and defence, the most formidable 
 veterans of Europe, and surpassed in skill and courtesy, 
 her renowned and accomplished generals. Since the 
 peace with England, these lawless disturbances had been 
 continued by forays of rapine and murder, principally on 
 the southern borders of Georgia, which, after some move 
 ments of troops, many talks with the Indians, and much 
 diplomacy with Spain, were persevered in until the fall of 
 1817 murder and military execution were committed on 
 our unsuspecting soldiers and helpless women and chil 
 dren. Public opinion now appealed to the government, 
 and the government to General Jackson. He took the 
 field, and with that unerring aim of judgment and courage, 
 which, like the noble instinct of the mastiff, springs right 
 at the heart, he penetrated and destroyed the sources of 
 this cruel and infamous war, with the utmost possible ex 
 pedition and the least practicable bloodshed. Without 
 provisions, and with a force of only 1000 raw militia and 
 Indians, to whom too he was a stranger, he entered Flo 
 rida, built Fort Gadsden, routed the Indians at Micasuky, 
 found in their village near 300 old scalps, and on the pro 
 phet s red pole 50 fresh ones, most of them recognized by 
 the hair to have belonged to the unfortunate party of Lieu 
 tenant Scott. Here, ascertaining from the prisoners that 
 a part of the enemy had fled to St. Marks, and also as 
 certaining the criminal complicity of the commandant, he 
 formed a determination to prevent any further abuse of 
 Spanish neutrality and American rights, and took posses 
 sion of that fortress where he found " the advocate for 
 peace," Arbuthnot, who, with the innocent and vacant 
 
226 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 look peculiar to his countrymen when they meditate 
 shrewd and dangerous designs, sat an unconcerned guest 
 at the table of the commandant. From St. Marks, dis 
 covering that the remnant of the routed Indians and ne 
 groes had retreated down the west coast of East Florida, 
 in the direction of Woodbine s grand depot of Virginia 
 and Georgia runaway slaves, he pursued and overtook 
 them near the Econfinnah swamp, where some were kill 
 ed, many taken, and the only woman who escaped death 
 from the murderers of Lieutenant Scott, recaptured. The 
 enemy retreating to the Suwancy were not allowed time 
 to renew their strength or courage, but were again at 
 tacked and routed, with such a loss and dispersion, that 
 the victors hoped they had finished the war. 
 
 On this occasion Ambrister was made prisoner. The 
 army returned to St. Marks, where the general, having 
 received information from the governor of Alabama, that 
 a large body of hostile Indians who had been committing 
 fresh murders on the Alabama, were assembling near 
 Pensacola, and were there freely admitted and constantly 
 furnished with means of subsistence and war, he deter 
 mined to cut off this last head of the Hydra to supply 
 any defect of will or power that might exist on the part 
 of the governor to observe his neutrality, and to occupy 
 that place for a time also. Marching by the Ocheesee 
 Bluffs, he was confirmed in his intention by finding the 
 navigation of the Escambia occluded to his supplies. He 
 therefore proceeded, and entering Pensacola on the 24th 
 of May, he took Fort Barrancas on the 27th having, in 
 his short campaign of three months, and with an undis 
 ciplined force, varying from one to two thousand, overrun 
 a country larger than Italy forced a Parthian enemy 
 three times to action, and though once inferior in numbers, 
 thrice defeated him ; without any materials for a military 
 bridge, having passed rivers as large and as deep as the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 227 
 
 Po or the Adige without other subsistence frequently 
 than acorns, raw hides and water, having marched more 
 than 800 miles ; with scarce any artillery, having taken 
 by force or intimidation three fortresses, and with little 
 more than the energies of his own great mind terminated 
 forever this savage, servile, and piratical war. It was a 
 subject of glory to Pompey the Great, that after having 
 worsted Sertorius, he should agree to conduct the war 
 against the pirates. When General Jackson undertook 
 the Seminole war, he had defeated the best troops, and 
 among the finest generals of Europe, and terminated the 
 most glorious campaign of the age. Yet he is found as 
 ardent and persevering against these hordes of savages 
 and slaves, as sincerely devoted to the country, as any 
 young aspirant for fame, little dreaming that in the bosom 
 of that country, ingratitude was to hatch a brood of vam 
 pires ! 
 
 During these operations, it happened that the prophet 
 Francis and his instrument Kenhagee, king of the Mis- 
 sissukian, in whose town the 350 scalps were found, had, 
 after the murder of Lieutenant Scott and his party, seized 
 Hambly and Doyle, at the instigation of Arbuthnot, under 
 whose authority as chief, and that of Francis, they were 
 tried in council and sentenced to be tortured to death, for 
 their friendship to the United States. From this wretched 
 fate they were rescued by the spirited interference of a 
 negro, Nero, the commander of 60 other negroes in the 
 service of the hostile chief Bowlegs, and were by his 
 agency conveyed, as prisoners of Arbuthnot, and his In 
 dians, to St. Marks, for safe keeping. Here they were re 
 ceived by the commandant as prisoners, and here they 
 saw numerous evidences of the participation of the Spa 
 nish authorities in the Seminole war, but escaping in a ca 
 noe, they were taken up by Lieutenant M Keever, of the 
 United States navy, in the adjacent bay. With a sort of 
 
228 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 dramatic coincidence, it came to pass that the thirst for blood 
 having risen in the breast of the prophet and his warrior 
 Himithlimaco, they soon repented the rescue of Hambly 
 and Doyle, and came to St. Marks in quest of them, just 
 after they had made their escape. With the ferocious per 
 severance of wolves, they pursued their flight along the 
 coast, hoping that weather or weariness would force them 
 ashore, and soon descried a vessel at anchor, with British 
 colors flying at the mast head. After some reconnoiter- 
 ing they went aboard, were conducted into the cabin where 
 they found Hambly and Doyle, who immediately identi 
 fying them as the murderers of Lieutenant Scott and his 
 party, and their own captors and tormentors, they were 
 put in irons by Lieutenant M Keever. These circum 
 stances being all made known to General Jackson, by a 
 mass of proof and undisputed notoriety, in conformity 
 with the order of the secretary of war " to inflict exem 
 plary punishment on the authors of the atrocities" com 
 mitted on Lieutenant Scott s party, and Mrs. Garrett s fa 
 mily, he had them hung, in accordance with the principles 
 of the law of nations, and in obedience to the dictates of 
 humanity, which their atrocities had outraged, and to 
 which the terror and example of their fate was a just sa 
 crifice, and proved a salutary propitiation. 
 
 The reader will see that the only decoying was prac 
 ticed by Lieutenant M Keever, and before he can agree to 
 censure that, it must be shown that our naval officers had 
 no right to use such stratagems as the officers of other 
 nations practice, although the colors of all nations are fur 
 nished them for this express purpose. These Indians were 
 taken by stratagem and surprise as Andre was, and like 
 that unfortunate officer, who never violated a feeling of 
 humanity, they were " slaughtered" that is, they were 
 hung. In this punishment, as justice, humanity, and the 
 law of nations were satisfied, it is to be observed that they 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 229 
 
 being out of the United States, our own laws were not 
 concerned. Had they been brought within our limits all 
 their crimes must have gone unpunished for they had 
 not violated our municipal, or maritime, or martial laws. 
 But the law of nations vests the right of retaliation in the 
 commanding general, and the imbecility or dishonor of 
 the Spanish authorities having justified the assertion of 
 our belligerent rights, it was the duty of General Jackson 
 to fulfil the instructions of his government and bring these 
 murderers to punishment. 
 
 Let us now come to the case of Arbuthnot. From the 
 recaptured American woman, who was the sole remain 
 ing survivor of Lieutenant Scott s party- from Cook, his 
 clerk from Phenix, his acquaintance from letters and 
 papers found in a vessel of his, captured in the mouth of 
 the Suawney, and others obtained from the Indians by 
 our agent, it was proved incontestibly that " this advocate 
 for peace," by misrepresenting the terms of the treaty of 
 Ghent the conduct of the American and the intentions 
 of the British government, had incited in time of peace 
 the Seminole Indians to hostilities against the United 
 States. That to aid those hostilities, he had applied in 
 behalf of the Indians, to various functionaries of Britain 
 for supplies, and to disguise them for protection. That 
 he had furnished them with intelligence and ammunition, 
 for military purposes, and had given them advice and or 
 ders in the management of the war. That he had directed 
 the seizure and presided at the condemnation of Hambly 
 and Doyle in consequence of their being "th advocates 
 for peace" with the United States. That he had instigated 
 and countenanced the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and 
 his party, consisting of about forty American citizens. 
 That as an Indian chief, he had permitted our gallant 
 officers to be assassinated, our brave soldiers to be butch 
 ered and their helpless wives to be murdered, or with more 
 20 
 
230 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 horrible cruelty spared to see their infants " taken by the 
 heels and their brains dashed out against the sides of the 
 boat." And that when one of the two women who had 
 been spared (the wife of an American Serjeant) was from 
 pregnancy no longer able to keep up with the march of 
 her captors, this " advocate for peace" ordered her to be 
 put to death, and that accordingly she was bayoneted 
 through the womb ! From the same and other sources of 
 proof it was demonstrated that Ambrister had not only in 
 stigated the Indians to war against the United States, but 
 had actually joined them with a party of runaway negroes 
 and led them in battle having used his commission as a 
 British officer (a nation with which we were at peace) to 
 promote his pernicious influence among them, and having 
 endeavored by force to convert a Spanish fortress into a 
 place of savage hostility against the United States. 
 
 These are the men whose crimes had destroyed so ma 
 ny innocent lives, for the sake of otter-skins and runaway 
 slaves, and whose punishment is lamented with such dig 
 nified sorrow by the enemies of General Jackson. The 
 evidence against them satisfied a court of gallant and in 
 telligent officers of their guilt satisfied the representa 
 tives and the government of the nation and convinced 
 the courts of Spain and of England of the justice of their 
 punishment. And yet because it is too voluminous and 
 intricate to be readily examined, they found upon it im 
 putations, which with the rancorous, have the retributive 
 property of injustice, and though aimed at the reputation 
 of another, will only affect their own. (3) 
 
 Should the preceding brief sketch and defence of Gene 
 ral Jackson s conduct, in the Seminole war, prove unsa 
 tisfactory to our readers, we beg leave to invite their 
 perusal of the following detail of the particulars of that 
 campaign as given by the general in his reports to the 
 (3) See Appendix. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 231 
 
 secretary of war. If, however, this addition should be 
 deemed superfluous, the reader will easily avoid it by 
 proceeding forthwith to the commencement of the next 
 chapter. On the 25th of March, 1818, the general reports 
 as follows : 
 
 " On the 9th instant, I reached Fort Scott, with the 
 brigade of Georgia militia, 900 bayonets strong, and some 
 of the friendly Creeks, who had joined me on my march 
 a few days before ; where, finding but one quart of corn 
 per man, and a few poor cattle, which, added to the live 
 pork I brought along, would give us three days rations 
 of meat, determined me at once to use this small supply 
 to the best advantage. Accordingly, having been advised 
 by Colonel Gibson, quartermaster general, that he would 
 sail from New Orleans on the 12th February, with the 
 supplies ; and being also advised, that two sloops with 
 provisions were in the bay, and an officer had been des 
 patched from Fort Scott, in a large keel boat, to bring up 
 a part of their lading ; and deeming that the preservation 
 of those supplies would be to preserve the army, and 
 enable me to prosecute the campaign, I assumed the 
 command on the morning of the 10th, ordered the live 
 stock slaughtered and issued to the troops, with one quart 
 of corn to each man, and the line of march to be taken 
 up at 12 meridian. Having to cross the Flint river, and 
 it being very high, combined with some neglect in re 
 turning the boats during a very dark night, I was unable 
 to move from the opposite bank until nine o clock on the 
 morning of the llth, when I took up my line of march 
 down the east bank of the river for this place, touching 
 the river as often as practicable, looking for the provision 
 boat which was ascending, and which I was fortunate 
 enough to meet on the 13th instant, when I ordered an 
 extra ration to the troops, they not having received a full 
 one of meal or flour since their arrival at Fort Early. 
 
232 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 On that day, my patroles captured three prisoners, and 
 found some hidden corn. On the morning- of the 14th, I 
 ordered the boat down the river to this place, whilst I 
 descended by land, and reached here without interruption 
 on the morning of the 16th. The eligibility of this spot, 
 as a depot, determined me, and I immediately directed 
 my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Gadsden of the engineer 
 corps, to furnish a plan for, and superintend the erection 
 of, a fortification. His talents and indefatigable zeal dis 
 played in the execution of this order, induced me to name 
 it Fort Gadsden, to which he is justly entitled. 
 
 " On my arrival here, I immediately despatched the 
 boat to the bay for the balance of provisions known to be 
 there, and to ascertain whether the flotilla, in charge of 
 Colonel Gibson, had reached there ; and which returned 
 on the 19th, with the unpleasing intelligence that nothing 
 had been heard from the flotilla from New Orleans, since 
 it was seen passing Fort Bowyer. I immediately put 
 the troops on half rations, and pushed the completion of 
 the fort for the protection of the provisions, in the event 
 of their arrival, intending to march forthwith to the heart 
 of the enemy* and endeavor to subsist upon him. In the 
 mean time, I despatched Major Fanning, of the corps of 
 artillery, to take another look into the bay ; whose return, 
 on the morning of the 23d, brought the information that 
 Colonel Gibson, with one gun-boat and three transports, 
 and others in sight, were in the bay. On the same night. 
 I received other information, that no more had arrived. 
 I am, therefore, apprehensive that some of the smaller 
 vessels have been lost, as one gun-boat went to pieces, 
 and another when last spoken had one foot water in her 
 hold. All of the vessels had been spoken after a gale 
 which dispersed them. A north and northwest wind has 
 prevailed for six days, but has fortunately changed this 
 morning. I am now awaiting a boat from the bay, (which 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 233 
 
 is expected to-day) to complete eight days rations for my 
 troops, upon which I mean to march. 
 
 " From information received from Pensacola and New 
 Orleans, I have no doubt but that St. Marks is in posses 
 sion of the Indians. The governor of Pensacola informed 
 Captain Call, of the 1st infantry, (now here) that the In 
 dians had demanded arms, ammunition, and provisions, 
 or the possession of the garrison of St. Marks, of the com 
 mandant, and that he presumed possession would be 
 given from inability to defend it. The Spanish govern 
 ment is bound by treaty to keep the Indians at peace with 
 us ; they have acknowledged their incompetency to do 
 this, and are consequently bound, by the law of nature 
 and nations, to yield us all facilities to reduce them. 
 Under this consideration, should I be able, I will take 
 possession of the garrison as a depot for my supplies, 
 should it be found in the hands of the Spanish garrison, 
 they having supplied the Indians ; but if in the hands of 
 our enemy, I will possess it for the benefit of the United 
 States, as a necessary position for me to hold, to give 
 peace and security to this frontier, and put a final end to 
 Indian warfare in the south. 
 
 " Finding it very difficult to supply Fort Crawford, on 
 the Conecuh river, by land, I have ordered the supplies 
 for that garrison, by water, and written to the governor 
 of Pensacola, that if he interrupts them during the pre 
 sent Indian war, I shall view it as aiding our enemy, and 
 treat it as an act of hostility, and stated to him the pro 
 priety, under existing circumstances, of his affording all 
 facilities to put down their own, as well as our enemies, 
 and that our governments, whilst negotiating, can take 
 this subject under consideration ; but in the mean time, 
 our provisions must pass to Fort Crawford, without in 
 terruption. 
 
 " In mine of the 14th February from Hartford, I in- 
 
334 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 formed you of the measures adopted to procure supplies, 
 and in my last of the 26th, from Fort Early, I informed 
 you of their situation. To those communications I beg 
 leave to refer you. I have only to add, that I left Fort 
 Early for Fort Scott, and subsisted my troops on ground 
 pease, corn, and some pork, that I could occasionally pro 
 cure from the Indians, with some pork that I had on foot, 
 the whole subsistence for man and horse, not costing five 
 hundred dollars. Of all the supplies purchased for the 
 relief of Fort Scott, and the support of the Georgia mili 
 tia, not one pound was received until I passed Fort Scott. 
 I said in my last, that blame rested somewhere ; the 
 cause of those failures, will in due time, be a subject of 
 investigation, and Colonel Brearly has been arrested on 
 the application of General Gaines. 
 
 " By some strange fatality, unaccountable to me, the 
 Tennessee volunteers have not yet joined me. They 
 promptly left their homes, and through the inclement 
 weather, reached Fort Mitchell,, where I had ordered 
 them supplies, and where Colonel Hayne, who led them, 
 met my instructions to pass by Fort Gaines, where he 
 would get a supply of corn, that would enable him to reach 
 Fort Scott ; but the idea of starvation had stalked abroad ; 
 a panic appears to have spread itself every where, and he 
 was told that they were starving at Forts Gaines and 
 Scott, and was induced to pass into Georgia for supplies. 
 His men and officers, as reported to me, were willing to 
 risk the worst of consequences, on what they had, to join 
 me ; however they have been marched from their sup 
 plies, to a country stripped of them, when every consi 
 deration should have induced his advisers to have urged 
 him on to secure the supplies in the bay, and preserved 
 themselves and Fort Scott from starvation. I have a hope 
 that they will join me before I reach St. Marks, or the 
 towns ; this would be desirable, as the troops or- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 235 
 
 dered from New Orleans to protect the supplies, have not 
 reached the bay, and leaving garrisons at Forts Scott and 
 Gadsden weakens my force much, the whole effective 
 strength of the regular being but three hundred and sixty 
 privates. 
 
 " In mine of the 26th ult. from Fort Early, informed 
 you that despatches received by General Gaines on the 
 19th ultimo from the commanding officer at Fort Scott, 
 induced him to set out that night for Fort Scott, to prevent 
 its abandonment, &c. In his passage down the Flint 
 river, he was shipwrecked, by which he lost his assis 
 tant adjutant general, Major C. Wright, and two soldiers, 
 drowned. The general reached me six days after, near 
 ly exhausted with hunger and cold, having lost his bag 
 gage and clothing, and being compelled to wander in the 
 woods four and a half days without any thing to subsist on, 
 or any clothing except a pair of pantaloons. I am happy 
 to have it in my power to say that he is now with me at 
 the head of his brigade in good health. 
 
 " The great scarcity of subaltern officers in the 4th and 
 7th regiments of infantry, has induced me to appoint se 
 veral young men present, as second lieutenants in those 
 regiments, who, from personal knowledge and good re 
 commendations, I have no doubt will prove themselves 
 worthy, and trust the measure will meet the approbation 
 of the president. A list of their names, and the regi 
 ments to which they are attached, will be furnished the 
 adjutant and inspector general by my adjutant general. 
 
 " Since writing the above, I have the pleasure to in 
 form you, that the boat from the bay has arrived with 
 provisions, also Colonel Gibson and Captain M Kever of 
 the navy. I shall move to-morrow, having made the ne 
 cessary arrangements with Captain M Kever for his co 
 operation in transporting my supplies around to the bay 
 of St. Marks, from which place I shall do myself the 
 
236 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 honor to communicate to you. Should our enemy at 
 tempt to escape with their supplies and booty to the small 
 islands, and from thence to carry on a predatory warfare, 
 the assistance of the navy will prevent his escape. Ge 
 neral Wm. M Intosh, commanding the friendly Creeks, 
 who had been ordered to reconnoitre the right bank of the 
 Appalachicola, reported to me on the 19th instant, that he 
 had captured, without the fire of a gun, one hundred and 
 eighty women and children, and fifty-three warriors, of 
 the Red Ground chief s party, with their cattle and sup 
 plies ; the chief and thirty warriors making their escape 
 on horseback : ten of the warriors attempting their escape 
 after they had surrendered, were killed by the general." 
 On the 8th April, the general continues his relation : 
 " I wrote you from Fort Gadsden, communicating the 
 embarrassments under which I had labored previous to 
 my arrival at that post, and my determination, being then 
 in a situation to commence active operations, to penetrate 
 immediately into the centre of the Seminole towns. My 
 army marched on the 26th ultimo, and on the 1st of April 
 was reinforced by the friendly Creek warriors under Ge 
 neral M Intosh, and a detachment of Tennessee volunteers 
 commanded by Colonel Elliot. On the same day, a mile 
 and a half in advance of the Mickasukean villages, a small 
 party of hostile Indians were discovered judiciously loca 
 ted on a point of land projecting into an extensive marshy 
 pond ; the position designated, as since understood, for 
 the concentrating of the negro and Indian forces to give 
 us battle. They maintained for a short period a spirited 
 attack from my advanced spy companies, but fled and 
 dispersed in every direction upon coming in contact with 
 my flank columns, and discovering a movement to encir 
 cle them. The pursuit was continued through the Mic* 
 kasukean towns, until night compelled me to encamp my 
 army. The next day detachments were sent out in every 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 237 
 
 direction to reconnoitre the country, secure all supplies 
 found, and reduce to ashes the villages. This duty was 
 executed to my satisfaction : nearly three hundred houses 
 were consumed, and the greatest abundance of corn, cat 
 tle, &c., brought in. Every indication of hostile spirit 
 was found in the habitations of the chiefs ; in the council 
 houses of Kenhagee s town, the king of the Mickasukians, 
 more than fifty fresh scalps were found ; and in the cen 
 tre of the public square, the old Red Stick s standard, a 
 red pole, was erected crowned with scalps, recognized by 
 the hair as torn from the heads of the unfortunate com 
 panions of Scott. 
 
 " As I had reason to believe that a portion of the hos 
 tile Indians had fled to St. Marks, I directed my march 
 towards that fortress. As advised, I found that the In 
 dians and negroes combined had demanded the surren 
 der of that work : the Spanish garrison was too weak to 
 defend it, and there were circumstances reported, produ 
 cing a strong conviction in my mind, that if not instiga 
 ted by the Spanish authorities, the Indians had received 
 the means of carrying on the war from that quarter. 
 Foreign agents, who have been long practicing their in 
 trigues and villanies in this country had free access into 
 the camp. St. Marks was necessary as a depot to insure 
 success to my operations. These considerations deter 
 mined me to occupy it with an American force : an in 
 ventory of the Spanish property, munitions of war, &c., 
 has been taken and receipted for, and the commandant 
 and garrison furnished with transportation to Pensacola. 
 My correspondence with the Spanish commandant, the 
 evidences under which I acted, and a detailed account of 
 my operations, will be furnished you as early as practi 
 cable. Success depends upon the rapidity of my move 
 ments, and to-morrow, I shall march for the Suwaney 
 liver ; the destroying the establishments on which, will 
 
238 
 
 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 in my opinion put a final close to this savage war. Cap 
 tain M Kever of the navy, cruising at my request on this 
 coast, has been fortunate enough in securing Francis or 
 Hillis Hadjo, the great prophet, and Hemithlimaco, an old 
 Red Stick. They visited his vessels under an impression 
 they were English, from whom, as they stated, supplies 
 of munitions of war, &c., under late promises, were ex 
 pected. Arbuthnot, a Scotchman, and suspected as one 
 of the instigators of this savage war, was found in St. 
 Marks. He is in confinement until evidences of his 
 guilt can be collected." 
 
 On the 20th April, 1818, he continues his detail : 
 " My last communication, dated camp before St. Marks, 
 8th April,- and those to which it referred, advised you of 
 my movements and operations up to that date, and as I 
 then advised you, I marched from that place on the morn 
 ing of the 9th. On the evening of the 10th, I was joined 
 by the rear of the Tennessee volunteers ; also by the In 
 dians under General M Intosh. whom I had left at Mick- 
 asuky, to scour the country around that place. Although 
 the weather has been dry and pleasant, and the waters 
 had subsided in a great degree, our march might be said 
 to have been through water, which kept the infantry wet 
 to the middle, and the depth of the ewamps, added to the 
 want of forage, occasioned the horses to give out daily in 
 great numbers. On the morning of the 12th, near Econ- 
 finnah, or natural bridge, a party of Indians were disco 
 vered on the margin of a swamp, and attacked by Gene 
 ral M Intosh and about fifty Tennessee volunteers, who 
 routed them, killing thirty-seven warriors, and capturing 
 six men and ninety-seven women and children ; also re 
 capturing a white woman who had been taken at the 
 massacre of Scott. The friendly Indians also took some 
 horses, and about 500 head of cattle from the enemy, who 
 proved to be M Queen s party. Upon the application of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 239 
 
 an old woman of the prisoners, I agreed that if M Queen 
 was tied and carried to the commandant at St. Marks, 
 her people should be received in peace, carried to the 
 upper tribes of the Creek nation, and there provisioned 
 until they could raise their own crops. She appeared 
 much pleased with those terms, and I set her at liberty 
 with written instructions to the commandant of St. Marks 
 to that effect. Having received no farther intelligence 
 from M Glueen, I am induced to believe the old woman 
 has complied with her part of the obligation. 
 
 " From St. Marks, I marched with eight days rations, 
 those that joined me having but five ; this was done under 
 the expectation of reaching this place in that time, found 
 ed on the report of my faithful Indian guide, which I 
 should have accomplished, but for the poverty of my 
 horses, and the continued sheets of water through which 
 we had to pass. On the morning of the 15th, my scouts 
 overtook a small party of Indians, killing one man, and 
 capturing the residue, consisting of one man and woman, 
 and two children, and on that evening I encamped, as my 
 guide supposed, within twelve miles of Suwaney. I 
 marched very early on the 16ih, under the hope of being 
 able to encompass and attack the Indian and negro towns 
 by one o clock P. M., but much to my regret, at three 
 o clock, and after marching sixteen miles, we reached a 
 remarkable pond which my guide recollected, and re 
 ported to be distant six miles from the object of my march ; 
 here I should have halted for the night, had not six 
 mounted Indians, (supposed to be spies) who were dis 
 covered, effected their escape ; this determined me to at 
 tempt by a forced movement, to prevent the removal of 
 their effects, and, if possible, themselves from crossing 
 the river, for my rations being out, it was all important 
 to secure their supplies for the subsistence of my troops. 
 Accordingly, my lines of attack were instantly formed 
 
340 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and put in motion, and about sunset, my left flank column, 
 composed of the second regiment of Tennessee volunteers, 
 commanded by Colonel Williamson, and a part of the 
 friendly Indians under Colonel Kanard, having approach 
 ed the left flank of the centre town, and commenced their 
 attack, caused me to quicken the pace of the centre, com 
 posed of the regulars, Georgia militia, and my volunteer 
 Kentucky and Tennessee guards, in order to press the 
 enemy in his centre, whilst the right column, composed 
 of the 1st regiment of Tennessee volunteers under Colo 
 nel Dyer, and a part of the friendly Indians, headed by 
 General M Intosh, who had preceded me, were endea 
 voring to turn his left, and cut off his retreat to the river; 
 they, however, having been previously informed of our 
 force, by a precipitate retreat soon crossed the river, 
 where it is believed, Colonel Kanard with his Indians, did 
 them considerable injury. Nine negroes and two Indians 
 were found dead, and two negro men made prisoners. 
 
 " On the 17th, foraging parties were sent out, who 
 found a considerable quantity of corn, and some cattle. 
 The 18th, having obtained some small craft, I ordered 
 General Gaines across the river with a strong detach 
 ment, and two days provision, to pursue the enemy ; 
 the precipitancy of their flight, was soon discovered by 
 the great quantity of goods, corn, &c., strewed through 
 the swamps, and convinced General Gaines that pursuit 
 was in vain, nine Indians and five negro prisoners were 
 taken by our Indians ; the evidence of haste with which 
 the enemy had fled, induced the general to confine his 
 reconnoisance to search for cattle and horses, both of 
 which were much wanted by the army. About thirty 
 head of cattle were procured; but from the reports ac 
 companying General Gaines, which will in due time be 
 forwarded to you, and the disobedience of his orders, by 
 the Indians, not one pound was brought into camp. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 241 
 
 " As soon as time will permit, I shall forward a de 
 tailed account of the various little affairs with the enemy, 
 accompanied with reports of the commanding officers of 
 the detachment. Suffice it for the present to add, that 
 every officer and soldier under my command, when dan 
 ger appeared, showed a steady firmness which convinced 
 me that in the event of a stubborn conflict, they would 
 have realized the best hopes of their country and general. 
 
 " I believe I may say that the destruction of this place 
 with the possession of St. Marks, having on the night of 
 the 18th captured the late Lieutenant Ambrister, of the 
 British marine corps, and, as represented by Arbuthnot, 
 successor to Woodbine, will end the Indian war, for the 
 present, and should it be renewed, the position taken, 
 which ought to be held, will enable a small party to put 
 it down promptly. 
 
 " I shall order, or take myself M reconnoisance, west, of 
 the Appalachicola, at Pensacola point, where I am in 
 formed, there are a few Red Sticks assembled, who are 
 fed and supported by the governor of Pensacola. My 
 health being impaired, as soon as this duty is performed, 
 the positions taken, well garrisoned, and security given 
 to the southern frontiers, (if the government have not ac 
 tive employment for me) I shall return to Nashville to 
 regain my health. Th*5 health of the troops is much im 
 paired, and I have ordered the Georgia troops to Hart 
 ford, to be mustered, paid, and discharged ; the general 
 having communicated his wishes, and that of his troops, 
 to be ordered dir^.ly there, and reporting that they have 
 a plenty of corn a&d beef, to subsist them to that point, I 
 have written to the governor of Georgia, to obtain from 
 the state, the necessary funds, to pay General Glascock s 
 brigade when discharged, and that the government will 
 promptly refund it. I am compelled to this mode to have 
 them promptly paid, Mr. Hogan, the paymaster of the 7th 
 21 
 
242 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 infantry, (for whom I received from, Mr- Brent an en 
 closure, said to contain $50,000,) not having reached me. 
 
 " From the information received from Arnbrister, and 
 a Mr. Cook, who was captured with him, that A. Arbuth- 
 not s schooner was at the mouth of this river, preparing 
 to sail for the bay of Tamper, my aid-de-camp, Lieute 
 nant Gadsden, volunteered his services with a small de 
 tachment to descend the river and capture her ; the im 
 portance of this vessel to transport my sick to St. Marks, 
 as well as to destroy the means used by the enemy, in 
 duced me to grant his request ; he sailed yesterday, and 
 I expected to have heard from him this morning. 1 only 
 await his report to take up the line of march on my return 
 for St. Marks ; the Georgia brigade, by whom I send 
 this, being about to march, compels me to close it without 
 the report of Lieutenant Gadsden." 
 
 From Fort St. Marks, 26th April, 1818, he continues : 
 
 " I wrote you from Bowlegs Town on the 20th instant. 
 On the night of the same day, I received the expected 
 dispatch from my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Gadsden, com 
 municating the success of his expedition ; and on the 
 next day, as soon as the sick of my army were dispatched 
 down the Suwaney river, to be conveyed in the captured 
 schooner to St. Marks, I took up the line of march for 
 that fort. I arrived at this place last evening, performing 
 a march of 107 miles in less than five days. Lieutenant 
 Gadsden had reached it a few hours before me. He 
 communicates having found, among the papers of Arbuth- 
 not, Ambrister, and Cook, letters, memorials, &c. &c., 
 all pointing out the instigators of this savage war, and, 
 in some measure, involving the British government in 
 the agency. These will be forwarded you in a detailed 
 report, I purpose communicating to you as early as prac 
 ticable. 
 
 " The old woman spoken of in my last communication 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 243 
 
 to you, who promised to use her influence in having 
 M Queen captured and delivered up, has not been heard 
 of. From signs discovered on the opposite shore of the 
 St. Marks river, I am induced to believe, that the Indian 
 party is still in this neighborhood. A detachment will 
 be sent out to reconnoitre the country, to receive them as 
 friends, if disposed to surrender, or inflict merited chas 
 tisement, if still hostile. 
 
 " I shall leave this in two or three days for Fort Gads- 
 den, and after making all necessary arrangements for the 
 security of the positions occupied, and detaching a force 
 to scour the country west of the Appalachicola, I shall 
 proceed direct for Nashville. My presence in this coun 
 try can no longer be necessary. The Indian forces have 
 been divided and scattered, cut off from all communica 
 tion with those unprincipled agents of foreign nations, 
 who had deluded them to their ruin. They have not the 
 power, if the will remains, of again annoying our fron 
 tier." 
 
 From Fort Gadsden, 5th May, 1818, he writes : 
 " I returned to this post with my army on the evening 
 of the 3d instant, and embrace an early opportunity of 
 furnishing you a detailed report of my operations to the 
 east of the Appalachicola river. In the several commu 
 nications addressed you from Hartford, Fort Scott, and 
 this place, I have stated the condition of the army on my 
 assuming the immediate command; the embarrassment 
 occasioned from the want of provisions ; the privations of 
 my troops on their march from the frontiers of Georgia ; 
 and the circumstances which compelled me to move di 
 rectly down the Appalachicola river, to meet with and 
 protect the expected supplies from New Orleans. These 
 were received on the 25th March, and on the next day I 
 was prepared for active operations. For a detailed ac 
 count of my movements from that period to this day, you 
 
344 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 are respectfully referred to the report prepared by my 
 adjutant general, accompanied with Capt. Hugh Youngs 
 topographical sketch of the route and distance performed. 
 This has been principally a war of movements : the enemy, 
 cut off from their strong holds, or deceived in the promised 
 foreign aid, have uniformly avoided a general engage 
 ment. Their resistance has generally been feeble ; and 
 in the partial rencounters, into which they seem to have 
 been involuntarily forced, the regulars, volunteers, and 
 militia, under my command, realized my expectations ; 
 every privation, fatigue, and exposure, was encountered 
 with the spirit of soldiers, and danger was met with a de 
 gree of fortitude calculated to strengthen the confidence I 
 had reposed in them. 
 
 " On the commencement of my operations, I was strong 
 ly impressed with a belief, that this Indian war had been 
 excited by some unprincipled foreign or private agents. 
 The outlaws of the old Red Stick party had been too severe 
 ly convinced, and the Seminoles were too weak in numbers 
 to believe, that they could possibly, alone, maintain a war 
 with even partial success against the United States. 
 Firmly convinced, therefore, that succor had been pro 
 mised from some quarter, or that they had been deluded 
 into a belief that America dare not violate the neutrality 
 of Spain, by penetrating to their towns, I early determined 
 to ascertain these facts, and so direct my movements, as 
 to undeceive the Indians. After the destruction of the 
 Mickasukian villages, I marched direct for St. Marks : 
 the correspondence between myself and the Spanish com,- 
 mandant, in which I demanded the occupancy of that 
 fortress with an American garrison, accompanies this. 
 It had been reported to me, direct from the governor of 
 Pensacola, that the Indians and negroes, unfriendly to the 
 United States, had demanded of the commandant of St. 
 Marks a supply of ammunition, munitions of war, &c., 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 245 
 
 threatening in the event of a noncompliance to take pos 
 session of the fort. The Spanish commandant acknow 
 ledged the defenceless state of his fortress, and his inabi 
 lity to defend it ; and the governor of Pensacola expressed 
 similar apprehensions. The Spanish agents throughout 
 the Floridas had uniformly disavowed having any con 
 nexion with the Indians, and acknowledged the obliga 
 tions of his catholic majesty, under existing treaties, to 
 restrain their outrages against the citizens of the United 
 States. Indeed they declared that the Seminole Indians 
 were viewed as alike hostile to the Spanish government, 
 and that the will remained, though the power was want 
 ing, to inflict merited chastisement on this lawless tribe. 
 It was, therefore, to be supposed, that the American 
 army, impelled by the immutable laws of self-defence, to 
 penetrate the territory of his catholic majesty, to fight his 
 battles, and even to relieve from a cruel bondage, some of 
 his own subjects, would have been received as allies, 
 hailed as deliverers, and every facility afforded to them to 
 terminate speedily and successfully this savage war. 
 Fort St. Marks could not be maintained by the Spanish 
 force garrisoning it. The Indians and negroes viewed 
 it as an asylum, if driven from their towns, and were 
 preparing to occupy it in this event. It wad necessary to 
 anticipate their movements, independent of the position 
 being deemed essential as a depot, on which the success 
 of my future operations measurably depended. In the 
 spirit of friendship, therefore, I demanded its surrender 
 to the army of the United States, until the close of the 
 Seminole war. The Spanish commandant required time 
 to reflect ; it was granted ; a negotiation ensued, and an 
 effort made to protract it to an unreasonable length. In 
 the conversations between my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant 
 Gadsden, and the Spanish commandant, circumstances 
 transpired, convicting him of a disposition to favor the 
 21* 
 
346 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 Indians, and of having taken an active part in aiding and 
 abetting them in this war. I hesitated, therefore, no 
 longer, and as I could not be received in friendship, I 
 entered the fort by violence. Two light companies of the 
 7th regiment infantry, and one of the 4th, under the com 
 mand of Major Twiggs, was ordered to advance, lower 
 the Spanish colors, and hoist the star spangled banner, on 
 the ramparts of Fort St. Marks. The order was executed 
 promptly, no resistance attempted on the part of the Span 
 ish garrison. The duplicity of the Spanish commandant 
 of St. Marks, in professing friendship towards the United 
 States, while he was actually aiding and supplying her 
 savage enemies ; throwing open the gates of his garrison 
 to their free access ; appropriating the king s stores to 
 their use ; issuing ammunition and munitions of war to 
 them ; and knowingly purchasing of them property plun 
 dered from the citizens of the United States, is clearly 
 evinced by the documents accompanying my correspon 
 dence. In Fort St. Marks, as an inmate in the family of 
 the Spanish commandant, an Englishman, by the name 
 of Arbuthnot, was found. Unable satisfactorily to explain 
 the objects of his visiting this country, and there being a 
 combination of circumstances to justify a suspicion that 
 his views were not honest, he was ordered in close con 
 finement. The capture of his schooner, near the mouth 
 of Suwaney river, by my aid-de-camp, Mr. Gadsden, and 
 the papers found on board, unveiled his corrupt transac 
 tions, as well as those of a Captain Ambrister, late of the 
 British colonial marine corps, taken as a prisoner near 
 Bowlegs town. Those individuals were tried, under my 
 orders, by a special court of select officers ; legally con 
 victed as exciters of this savage and negro war, legally 
 condemned, and most justly punished for their iniquities. 
 The proceedings of the court martial in this case, with 
 the volume of testimony, justifying their condemnation, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 247 
 
 presents scenes of wickedness, corruption, and barbarity, 
 at which the heart sickens, and in which, in this enlight 
 ened age, it ought not scarcely to be believed that a 
 Christian nation would have participated ; and yet the 
 British government is involved in the agency. If Ar- 
 buthnot and Ambrister are not convicted as the authori 
 zed agents of Great Britain, there is no room to doubt, 
 but that that government had a knowledge of their as 
 sumed character, and was well advised of the measures 
 which they had adopted to excite the negroes and Indians 
 in East Florida, to war against the United States. I 
 hope the execution of these two unprincipled villains will 
 prove an awful example to the world, and convince the 
 government of Great Britain, as well as her subjects, that 
 certain, if slow, retribution awaits those unchristian 
 wretches, who, by false promises, delude and excite an 
 Indian tribe to all the horrid deeds of savage war. 
 
 " Previous to my leaving Fort Gadsden, I had occa 
 sion to address a communication to the governor of Pen- 
 sacola, on the subject of permitting supplies to pass up 
 the Escambia river to Fort Crawford. This letter, with 
 a second from St. Marks, on the subject of some United 
 States clothing, shipped in a vessel in the employ of the 
 Spanish government, to that post, I now enclose, with his 
 reply. The governor of Pensacola s refusal of my de 
 mand, cannot but be viewed as evincing a hostile feel 
 ing on his part, particularly in connexion with some cir 
 cumstances reported to me from the most unquestionable 
 authority. It has been stated, that the Indians at war 
 with the United States, have free access into Pensacola ; 
 that they are kept advised from that quarter of all our 
 movements ; that they are supplied from thence with am 
 munition and munitions of war, and that they are now 
 collecting in large bodies to the amount of 4 or 500 war 
 riors in that city. That inroads from thence have lately 
 
248 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 been made on the Alabama, in one of which 18 settlers 
 fell by the tomahawk. These statements compel me to 
 make a movement to the west of the Appalachicola, and 
 should they prove correct, Pensacola must be occupied 
 with an American force, and the governor treated according 
 to his deserts, or as policy may dictate. I shall leave 
 strong garrisons in Fort St. Marks, Fort Gadsden, and 
 Fort Scott ; and in Pensacola, should it become necessary 
 to possess it. 
 
 " It becomes my duty to state it as my confirmed opi 
 nion, that so long as Spain has not the power, or will, to 
 enforce the treaties by which she is solemnly bound to 
 preserve the Indians within her territory at peace with 
 the United States, no security can be given to our south 
 ern frontier without occupying a cordon of posts along 
 the sea shore. The moment the American army returns 
 from Florida, the war hatchet will be again raised, and 
 the same scenes of indiscriminate murder, with which 
 our frontier settlers have been visited, will be repeated. 
 So long as the Indians within the territory of Spain are 
 exposed to the delusions of false prophets, and the poison 
 of foreign intrigue ; so long as they can receive ammu 
 nition, munitions of war, &c., from pretended traders, or 
 Spanish commandants, it will be impossible to restrain 
 their outrages. The burning of their towns, the destroy 
 ing of their stock and provisions, will produce but tempo 
 rary embarrassments ; resupplied by Spanish authorities, 
 they may concentrate or disperse at will, and keep up a 
 lasting predatory warfare against the frontiers of the Uni 
 ted States, as expensive as harassing to her troops. The 
 savages, therefore, must be made dependent on us, and 
 cannot be kept at peace without being persuaded of the 
 certainty of chastisement being inflicted on the commis 
 sion of the first offence. 
 
 " I trust, therefore, that the measures which have been 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 pursued will meet the approbation of the president of the 
 United States. They have been adopted in pursuance of 
 your instructions, under a firm conviction that they alone 
 were calculated to insure * peace and security to the 
 southern frontier of Georgia. " 
 
 From Fort Montgomery, June 2d, 1818, he writes": 
 " In a communication to you of the 5th of May, I de 
 tailed at length the operations of my army up to that pe 
 riod. Leaving a strong garrison of regulars in Forts 
 Scott and Gadsden, I resumed my march, with a small 
 detachment of the 4th regiment of infantry, one company 
 of artillery, and the effectives of the Tennessee volunteers, 
 the whole not exceeding twelve hundred men, to fulfill 
 my intentions, communicated to you, of scouring the 
 country west of the Appalachicola river. On the 10th of 
 May, my army crossed that river at the Ochesee village, 
 and after a fatiguing, tedious, and circuitous march of 12 
 days, misled by the ignorance of our pilots, and exposed 
 to the severest of privations, we finally reached and ef 
 fected a passage over the Escambia. On my march, on 
 the 23d of May, a protest from the governor of Pensaco- 
 la was delivered me by a Spanish officer, remonstrating, 
 in warm terms, against my proceedings, and ordering 
 me and my forces instantly to quit the territory of his 
 catholic majesty, with a threat, to apply force, in the 
 event of a non-compliance. This was so open an indica 
 tion of a hostile feeling on his part, after having bren 
 early and well advised of the object of my operations, that 
 I hesitated no longer on the measures to be adopted. I 
 marched for, and entered Pensacola, with only the show 
 of resistance, on the 24th of May. The governor had 
 previously fled to Fort Carlos de Barrancas, where it was 
 said he had resolved upon a most desperate resistance. 
 A correspondence ensued between us, detailing at length 
 my motives for wishing, and demanding, that Pensacola 
 
250 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and its dependencies be occupied with an American gar 
 rison. The package, marked B, are documents substan 
 tiating the charges, in part, against the conduct of the 
 Spanish governor, having knowingly and willingly ad 
 mitted the savages, avowedly hostile to the United States, 
 within the town of Pensacola. The peaceable surrender 
 of the fort at the Barrancas was denied. I marched for, 
 and invested it, on the evening of the 25th of May, and 
 on the same night, pushed reconnoitering parties under 
 its very guns. On the morning of the 26th, a military 
 reconnoisance was taken ; and on the same night, a lodg 
 ment was made, under a fire from the Spanish garrison, 
 by Captain Gadsden, of the engineers, aided by Captains 
 Call and Young, on a commanding position, within three 
 hundred and eighty-five yards of the Spanish work, and 
 a nine pounder mounted. A howitzer battery was simul 
 taneously established on the capitol, and within seven 
 hundred and sixty yards of the fort, at day light on the 
 37th. The Spanish garrison opened their artillery on 
 our batteries ; a parley was sounded, a flag sent in, and 
 the surrender of Fort Carlos de Barrancas again de 
 manded ; the favorable positions obtained were pointed 
 out, and the inutility of resistance urged. Anxious to 
 avoid an open contest, and to save the effusion of blood, 
 the same terms previously offered, were again tendered. 
 They were rejected, and offensive operations recommen 
 ced. A spirited and well directed fire was kept up the 
 greater part of the morning, and at intervals during the 
 afternoon. In the evening, a flag was sent from the 
 Spanish commandant, offering to capitulate, and a sus 
 pension of hostilities was granted, until 8 o clock next 
 day, when articles of capitulation were signed and agreed 
 to. The terms are more favorable than a conquered ene 
 my would have merited ; but, under the peculiar circum 
 stances of the case, my object obtained, there was no 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 251 
 
 motive for wounding- the feelings of those, whose military 
 pride or honor had prompted to the resistance made. 
 The articles, with hut one condition, amount to a com 
 plete cession to the United States, of that portion of the 
 Floridas hitherto under the government of Don Jose 
 Masot. 
 
 " The arrangements which I have made to secure 
 Pensacola, and its dependencies, are contained in the ge 
 neral orders. I deemed it most advisable to retain, for 
 the present, the same government to which the people 
 had been accustomed, until such time as the executive of 
 the United States may order otherwise. It was necessary 
 however, to establish the revenue laws of the United 
 States, to check the smuggling which had been carried 
 on successfully in this quarter, for many years past, and 
 to admit the American merchant to an equal participation 
 in a trade, which would have been denied under the par 
 tial operations of the Spanish commercial code. Captain 
 Gadsden was appointed by me collector, and he has or 
 ganized and left the department in the charge of officers, 
 on whom the greatest confidence may be reposed. 
 
 " Though the Seminole Indians have been scattered, 
 and literally so divided and reduced, as no longer to be 
 viewed as a formidable enemy ; yet as there are still 
 many small marauding parties, supposed to be concealed 
 in the swamps of the Perdido, Choctawhatchey, and Cha- 
 pouley, who might make occasional and sudden inroads 
 on our frontier settlers, massacring women and child 
 ren, I have deemed it advisable to call into service for six 
 months, if not sooner discharged, two companies of vo 
 lunteer rangers, under Captains M Gird and Boyles, 
 with instructions to scour the country between the Mobile 
 and Appalachicola rivers, exterminating every hostile 
 party who dare resist, or will not surrender, and remove 
 with their families above the 31st degree of latitude. 
 
252 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " The Seminole war may now be considered as at a 
 close, tranquillity again restored to the southern frontier 
 of the United States, and as long as a cordon of military 
 posts is maintained along the Gulf of Mexico, America 
 has nothing to apprehend from either foreign or Indian 
 hostilities. Indeed sir, to attempt to fortify, or protect an 
 imaginary line, or to suppose that a frontier on the 31st 
 degree of latitude, in a wilderness, can be secured by a 
 cordon of military posts, while the Floridas lie open to 
 an enemy, is visionary in the extreme. 
 
 " Under this firm belief, I have bottomed all my opera 
 tions. Spain had disregarded the treaties existing with 
 the American government, or had not power to enforce 
 them. The Indian tribes within her territory, and 
 which she was bound to keep at peace, had visited our 
 citizens with all the horrors of savage war ; negro bri 
 gands were establishing themselves, when and where 
 they pleased ; and foreign agents were openly and know 
 ingly practicing their intrigues in this neutral territory. 
 
 " The immutable principles therefore of self-defence, 
 justified the occupancy of the Floridas, and the same 
 principles will warrant the American government in hold 
 ing it, until such time as Spain can guaranty, by an 
 adequate military force, the maintaining her authority 
 within the colony. 
 
 " At the close of a campaign which has terminated so 
 honorably and happily, it gives me pleasure to express 
 my approbation, generally, of the officers and soldiers of 
 every species of corps, which I have had the honor to 
 command. The patience with which they endured fa 
 tigue, and submitted to privations, and the determination 
 with which they encountered, and vanquished every dif 
 ficulty, is the strongest indication of the existence of that 
 patriotic feeling, which no circumstances can change, 
 and of that irresistible ardor in the defence of his country, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 253 
 
 which will prove her strength and bulwark under any 
 experience. I should do violence to my feelings, if I did 
 not particularly notice the exertions of my quartermaster 
 general, Col. George Gibson, who, under the most em 
 barrassing circumstances, relieved the necessities of my 
 army, and to whose exertions was I indebted for the sup 
 plies received. His zeal and integrity, in this campaign, 
 as well as in the uniform discharge of his duties since his 
 connexion with my staff, merits the approbation and gra 
 titude of his country." 
 
254 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 General Jackson returns to Nashville His reception 
 Cession of the Floridas to the United States General 
 Jackson appointed governor of them Delicacy of his 
 situation His proclamation to the people Spanish of 
 ficers Colonel Callava His measures in relation to 
 them justified. 
 
 HAVING closed the Seminole campaign, General Jack 
 son prepared to leave Florida for Nashville. He arrived 
 there in June, and was received by his fellow-citizens 
 with their accustomed cordiality and respect. From this 
 period till the summer of 1821, nothing occurred particu 
 larly worthy of remark. In August of that year, Florida 
 was by treaty to be ceded to the United States. By act 
 of congress of the 3d March of the same year, the presi 
 dent was authorized to appoint a governor of East and 
 West Florida, and the person so appointed was vested 
 with all the military, civil, and judicial powers, exercised 
 by the existing government of the same. In virtue of 
 this act, Mr. Monroe, on the 10th of March, commission 
 ed General Jackson, and vested him with " all the power 
 and authority heretofore exercised by the governor and 
 captain general and intendant of Cuba, and by the gover 
 nors of East and West Florida." 
 
 At the time designated, General Jackson proceeded to 
 Florida, and commenced the duties of his appointment. 
 What were the extent of the powers given him is un 
 known, because they were undefined, and are believed to 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 255 
 
 be limited by the absolute and undisputed will of the go 
 vernor himself. But the general has not left to conjec 
 ture his own opinions of those powers, nor of the manner 
 in which they were exercised ; for in a case which came 
 before the judiciary for decision, during the administra 
 tion of his government, and excited much interest, before 
 the opinion of the court was pronounced on the question of 
 jurisdiction, Governor Jackson, according to Mr. H. 
 Niles, made several remarks worthy of himself, and which 
 deserved to be recorded ; but that the following was so 
 perfectly characteristic, that, as the editor of a public jour 
 nal, he should have been inexcusable in withholding it 
 from his readers. And it does indeed do honor to the 
 lofty patriotism of the American hero. He said. " I am 
 clothed with powers, that no one, under a republic, ought 
 to possess, and which I trust will never again be given to 
 any man. Nothing will afford me more happiness than 
 to learn that congress, in its wisdom, shall have distribu 
 ted them properly, and in such manner as is consonant 
 to our earliest and dearest impressions ; yet as I hold 
 these powers by the authority of an act of congress, and 
 commissioned from the president of the United States, it 
 therefore becomes my imperious duty to discharge the 
 sacred trust imposed on me, according to my best abilities, 
 even though the proper exercise of the powers given, 
 might involve me in heavy personal responsibilities. It 
 has been my fortune to be thus circumstanced, in my va 
 rious relations as a public servant ; yet I never have, nor 
 never will I, shrink from the discharge of my public 
 duties, from any apprehension of personal responsibility." 
 The delicacy of General Jackson s situation, as gover 
 nor of Florida, are discoverable from the foregoing ex 
 tract. Several acts of General Jackson while he was 
 governor of Florida have rendered him obnoxious to cen 
 sure ; particularly his proclamation requiring the Spanish 
 
356 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 officers to leave Pensacola, and his prompt and justifia 
 ble proceedings in the case of Colonel Callava. The 
 persons banished were not citizens of Florida. They 
 were Spanish officers, who, by the treaty negotiated by 
 Mr. Adams, were required to leave the territory. By the 
 courtesy of Governor Jackson, they were permitted to re 
 main in Pensacola after the period designated by the trea 
 ty for their departure, and the cause of the order, com 
 manding them to leave the territory, was a contempt of 
 the judicial character of Governor Jackson in the case of 
 Callava. 
 
 We regret that our limits will not admit of transferring 
 to these pages the letter of Governor Jackson to the se 
 cretary of state, explanatory of his measures in the cases 
 under consideration. The following proclamation, how 
 ever, made by him to the citizens of Florida, is full of in 
 terest, as is also the subjoined defence of Governor Jack 
 son by Mr. Adams, then secretary of state, in his letter to 
 Don Joaquin d Anduaga, and although it is a somewhat 
 lengthy detail, yet our readers will recollect that brevity 
 is a sin of which Mr. Adams was never guilty, and we 
 believe that on a perusal of his admirable defence of Go 
 vernor Jackson, they will not wonder at our disinclination 
 to curtail a production which does him honor. 
 
 Governor Jackson s proclamation to the citizens of the 
 Floridas is as follows : 
 
 " The temporary organization of the government of 
 these provinces, according to the act of congress of the 
 last session, and to the powers conferred on me, by the 
 president of the United States, I have the satisfaction to 
 announce, is now complete. If it possess imperfections, 
 or defects, the reflecting man will make due allowance, 
 when he considers, that its duration will be but short, and 
 that it is the best that circumstances would permit, taking 
 into view the difficulties I have had to encounter. Where 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 257 
 
 the rule or law is certain, I have considered it my duty 
 to follow it strictly, but where this has not been the case, 
 I have endeavored to make the best provisions, in my 
 power, believing that government of some kind was ab 
 solutely necessary. It is my sincere hope, that this sub 
 ject will attract the earliest attention of the congress of the 
 United States, and that the inhabitants of these provinces 
 will be relieved from the state of uncertainty and doubt, 
 which at this moment must necessarily prevail. 
 
 " In the organization of the present temporary govern 
 ment, and its execution, I have kept steadily in view the 
 securing to the inhabitants of the Floridas all the privi 
 leges and immunities guarantied to them by the treaty. 
 
 " The principal of these is the protection of their per 
 sons, property, and religion, until they shall be incorpo 
 rated into the union, and become entitled to all the privi 
 leges and immunities of citizens of the United States. 
 
 " In performing this important part of my functions, I 
 have endeavored to pursue the spirit of our political in 
 stitutions. I have made no discrimination of persons ; 
 my house has been surrounded by no guards ; no one has 
 been kept at a distance by repulsive formalities ; all have 
 had free admission, and found a ready ear when they re 
 quired my aid for the protection of their rights. 
 
 * The American government, at the same time that it 
 is the freest, is perhaps the strongest in the world ; be 
 cause the most wealthy and most powerful in society are 
 as weak in opposition to it, as the most humble and ob 
 scure. It knows no distinction between an ex-governor 
 and a peasant. In the course of my short administra 
 tion, one case has unfortunately occurred, which required 
 the exertion of that authority, which is no respecter of 
 persons. 
 
 " That the necessity should have existed has occasioned 
 me pain and regret ; and especially as it has been misun- 
 22* 
 
258 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 derstood by some of the inhabitants of this country, from 
 a want of a sufficient acquaintance with the facts of the 
 case, as well as with the character and principles of our 
 government. It was my duty, under the treaty, exercis 
 ing the government in the Floridas, to secure to the in 
 habitants all the evidence of their right of property. The 
 improper conduct of the captain general of Havana, in 
 withholding documents, or archives of this nature, from 
 an agent expressly sent to receive them, increased the ne 
 cessity of vigilance on my part. It was made known to 
 me, by satisfactory evidence, that there were documents 
 of this character in the hands of an individual here, and 
 that these documents were necessary to establish the right 
 of property in this country. 
 
 " The fact ascertained, my duty was clear, and no alter 
 native was left me. 
 
 " That individual was ordered to surrender them, so 
 that in pursuance of the second article of the treaty, and 
 of my proclamation, the inhabitants might be secured in 
 their right of property. The individual thus ordered to 
 deliver them, instead of obeying, as he ought, the com 
 mands of the government, under which he was protected, 
 and which could know no superior, excepting the congress 
 or president of the United States, shifted them into the 
 hands of the person who lately administered the govern 
 ment of this province, and who had been authorized by 
 the captain general to surrender the country agreeably to 
 the stipulations of the treaty. This person, whether from 
 misapprehension or from worse motives, considered him 
 self not responsible for any act of his to the government of 
 the. Floridas, and appeared entirely insensible to the im 
 propriety of not having made a delivery of these documents 
 of -his own accord. Whatever diplomatic privileges he 
 might have been entitled to, these privileges had ceased 
 upon the surrender of this country, and he was not known 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 259 
 
 to me, or recognized as having any other rights than those 
 of a common individual. It was not enough for him to 
 consider himself a public agent of the king of Spain, and 
 reside here for the purpose of transacting official business 
 with the agents of the United States, but it was necessary 
 that he should have made known the object and purpose 
 of his stay ; had he done so, he would have been informed 
 at once by me, that my own functions having ceased as 
 commissioner, no one but the president of the United States 
 had any power to give him permission to remain here as 
 a diplomatic agent, enjoying the privileges of a foreign 
 minister. The natural consequences of his conduct are 
 too well known, and need not be detailed. 
 
 " With the exception of this solitary instance, I feel 
 the utmost confidence in saying that nothing has occurred, 
 notwithstanding the numerous cases in which I have been 
 called upon to interpose my authority, either in a judicial 
 or executive capacity, to occasion any thing like distrust, 
 discontent, or want of confidence; and- 1 cheerfully take 
 this occasion to express my satisfaction, with the peaceful, 
 obedient, and orderly conduct of all those, whose allegi 
 ance has been transferred to the United States, by the ces 
 sion of the country. It is true, the recent occurrence, 
 connected with the one referred to, has compelled me to 
 take measures I conceived necessary for the character, 
 dignity, and harmony of the government I administer, 
 and which at the same time, were the mildest the circum 
 stances would admit. I allude to the conduct of a num 
 ber of Spanish officers, remaining here after the cession, 
 without my permission, but which would certainly not 
 have been withheld from them, so long as they demeaned 
 themselves respectfully to the existing authorities, and re 
 frained from any improper interference with the measures 
 of the government. This respect is due from foreign 
 officers in all countries their situation is materially dif- 
 
360 BIOGRAPHY OP 
 
 ferent from that of other aliens, and their conduct ought 
 therefore to be more circumspect. In the United States, 
 those are severely punished, who are guilty of writing in 
 a libelous manner of proceedings in courts of justice. 
 For what tends to bring the judiciary into disrepute, shakes 
 the public confidence in that part of the government that is 
 looked upon as the most sacred depository of individual 
 rights. Hence, in both these points of view, without no 
 ticing the singular conduct of the Spanish officers, acting 
 as if they considered themselves a distinct and separate 
 body an imperium in imperio they were guilty of great 
 indiscretion and impropriety in publishing a most inde 
 cent libel against the judiciary proceedings of the highest 
 tribunal in the Floridas. Had I consulted my personal 
 feelings, having entertained a favorable opinion of some 
 of them, and enmity to none, I should have been disposed 
 to have suffered the act to sink into oblivion. But the 
 dignity and honor of the government forbade that conduct 
 so outrageous should pass unnoticed. I might appeal to 
 those very persons, and ask what would be the conse 
 quences if a band of American officers should offer such 
 an insult to the government of a Spanish province ? But 
 the inhabitants of the Floridas may rest assured that what 
 ever may be the impropriety or imprudence of some, it 
 will have no effect upon my feelings towards the rest 
 the innocent will not be confounded with the guilty, and 
 all will continue to experience the same protection and 
 respect for their rights which has heretofore been extend 
 ed, provided they demean themselves with that propriety 
 which becomes every good citizen and subject : and should 
 any of them, under the influence of momentary passion 
 or feeling, be dissatisfied with the measures I have pursued, 
 on a return of their sober judgment, I feel confident they 
 will be compelled to approve. * 
 
 The following is Mr. Adams defence of General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 261 
 
 Jackson s administration of the government of the Flori- 
 das, in his letter to Don Joaquin d Anduagua : 
 
 " In the letters which I had the honor of writing you, 
 on the 2d of November, and 31st of December last, you 
 were informed that a definitive answer to the complaints 
 against certain proceedings of General Andrew Jackson, 
 while governor of Florida, which were contained in a 
 letter to this department from Don Hilario de Rivas y Sal 
 mon, before your arrival in this country, and in your let 
 ters of the 18th and 22d of November, would be given af 
 ter the substance of those complaints should have been 
 made known to General Jackson, and his explanations of 
 the motives and considerations by which he had been go 
 verned in adopting the measures complained of, should 
 have been received. 
 
 " In performing this promise, I am commanded by the 
 president of the United States to repeat the assurance of 
 his deep regret, that the transactions, which formed the 
 subject of these complaints, should ever have occurred, 
 and his full conviction, upon a review of all the circum 
 stances which have attended them, that they are attributa 
 ble entirely to the conduct of the governor and captain ge 
 neral of Cuba, and of the subordinate officers of Spain, in 
 evading and refusing the fulfillment of the most express 
 and positive stipulations of the treaty, both of evacuating 
 the province within six months from the exchange of the 
 ratifications of the treaty, and of delivering the archives 
 and documents relating directly to the property and sove 
 reignty of the provinces. 
 
 ** At the time of the exchange of the ratifications of the 
 treaty, your predecessor, General Vives, delivered an order 
 from his catholic majesty to the captain general and go 
 vernor of the island of Cuba, and of the Floridas, inform 
 ing him of the cession to the United States of that part of 
 the provinces of which he was the governor, that was 
 
262 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 situated on this continent, and instructing him as fol 
 lows : 
 
 " * I command you, and ordain, that, after the informa 
 tion which shall be seasonably given you by my minister 
 plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary at Washington, 
 of the ratifications having been exchanged, you proceed, 
 on your part, to make the proper dispositions, in order 
 that, at the end of six months, counting from the date of 
 the exchange of the ratifications, or sooner if possible, the 
 Spanish officers and troops may evacuate the territories 
 of both Floridas, and that possession of them to be given 
 to the officers or commissioners of the United States, duly 
 authorized to receive them. You shall arrange, in proper 
 time, the delivery of the islands adjacent and dependent 
 upon the two Floridas, and the public lots and squares, 
 vacant lands, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, and 
 other buildings, which are not private property ; as also 
 the archives and documents which relate directly to the 
 property and sovereignty of the same two provinces, by 
 placing them at the disposal of the commissaries or officers 
 of the United States, duly authorized to receive them. 
 
 " This order, thus clear and explicit, was dispatched, to 
 gether with letters from General Vives, to the governor 
 of Cuba and the Floridas, notifying him of the exchange 
 of the ratifications of the treaty, by Col. James G. Forbes, 
 who was commissioned, * as agent and commissary of the 
 United States, to deliver to him the royal order, to ar 
 range and concert with him, conformably to instructions 
 committed therewith, the execution of the above stipula 
 tions, and to receive from the said governor and from any 
 and every person possessed of the said archives and do 
 cuments, all and every one of the same, and to dispose 
 thereof in the manner prescribed by his instructions. 1 
 Colonel Forbes authority, thus, was to receive the docu 
 ments and archives, and to concert and arrange with the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 263 
 
 governor of the Floridas, the delivery of those provinces, 
 which General Jackson was commissioned to receive, 
 take possession of, and occupy* and of which he was fur 
 ther commissioned to be the governor, when surrendered 
 to the United States. 
 
 " The royal order was delivered by Colonel Forbes to 
 the governor of the Floridas, at the Havana, on the 23d of 
 April, 1821. There has been shown by that governor no 
 cause or reason which could justly have required him to 
 delay the delivery of the documents and archives, and the 
 arrangements for the delivery of the provinces, beyond 
 the term of a single week. There were twenty boxes of 
 those archives and documents ; the whole, or with very 
 few exceptions the w r hole of which, ought, by the posi 
 tive stipulation of the treaty, and by the express order of 
 the king of Spain, to have been immediately delivered to 
 Colonel Forbes. Not one of them was delivered to him ; 
 nor has one of them been delivered to this day. 
 
 " The orders for the surrender of the provinces were 
 delayed from day to day, notwithstanding the urgent and 
 continual solicitations of Colonel Forbes, for the term of 
 six weeks, at the end of which, to avoid further indefinite 
 procrastination, he was compelled to depart without re 
 ceiving the archives and documents, but, with repeated 
 promises of the governor, that they should be transmitted 
 to this government promises which have remained to 
 this day unperformed. 
 
 " The orders for the delivery of the provinces themselves, 
 were not only thus unreasonably withheld, but when made 
 out, though not furnished to Colonel Forbes till the last 
 week in May, were made to bear date on the fifth of that 
 month : nor were they prepared conformably to the stipu 
 lation of the treaty, or to the royal order of his catholic 
 majesty ; for, instead directing the surrender to be made 
 to the commissioners or officers of the United States, duly 
 
264 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 authorized to receive them, the instruction to the comman 
 ders in East and West Florida was to deliver those res 
 pective provinces to Colonel Forbes himself, who had from 
 the United States no authority to receive them. And al 
 though expressly advised of this fact by Colonel Forbes, 
 with the request that the orders of delivery might be 
 amended, and made conformable to the treaty, and to the 
 royal command, Governor Mahy did not so amend it, but 
 reduced Colonel Forbes to the alternative of submitting 
 to further delays, or of departing with an imperfect and 
 ambiguous order of delivery of West Florida, authoriz 
 ing its surrender to the legally constituted authorities of 
 the United States, (that is, as Governor Mahy well knew, 
 to General Andrew Jackson,) only, in case of any accident 
 happening to Colonel Forbes, when he still affected to con 
 sider, notwithstanding his own express declaration to the 
 contrary, as the commissioned agent of the United States 
 to that effect. 
 
 " The twenty boxes of documents and archives, which 
 were at the Havana, as has been mentioned, had been 
 transmitted thither from Pensacola ; and contained all the 
 most important records of property in West Florida. The 
 possession of them was in the highest degree important 
 to the United States, not only as the vouchers of indivi 
 dual property, but as protecting guards against the im 
 posture of fraudulent grants. 
 
 " The same persevering system of withholding docu 
 ments which it was their duty to deliver, has marked, I am 
 deeply concerned to say, the conduct of both the commanders 
 of East and West Florida, who were charged, respective 
 ly, to deliver those provinces to the United States. It is 
 to this cause, and to this alone, as appears from a review 
 of all the transactions of which you have complained, that 
 must be traced the origin of all those severe measures 
 which General Jackson himself was the first, while deem- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 265 
 
 ing them indispensable to the discharge of his own official 
 duties, to lament. Charged as he was with the trust of 
 receiving the provinces in behalf of the United States, of 
 maintaining their rights of property within them, of guard 
 ing them to the utmost of his power from those frauds to 
 which there was too much reason to apprehend they would 
 be liable, and to which the retention of the documents 
 gave so great and dangerous scope ; intrusted, from the 
 necessity of the case, during the interval of time, while 
 the general laws of the United States remained unextended 
 to the provinces, with the various powers which had, un 
 til that time, been exercised by the Spanish governors, 
 and which included the administration of justice between 
 individuals ; it was impossible that he should not feel the 
 necessity of exercising, under circumstances thus exas 
 perating and untoward, every authority committed to him 
 by the supreme authority of his country, to preserve in 
 violate, so far as on him depended, the interests of that 
 country, and the sacred obligations of individual right. 
 
 " In the proceedings connected with the delivery of the 
 province, he had as little reason to be satisfied with the 
 conduct of Colonel Callava, as with that of the captain 
 general. On a plea of indisposition, that officer had, on 
 the day of the surrender, evaded the performance of a 
 solemn promise, which General Jackson had considered 
 an indispensable preliminary to the act ; and afterwards 
 the colonel positively declined its fulfillment. He had, 
 however, completed the surrender of the province with 
 which he had been charged. He had declined producing 
 to General Jackson any credential as a commissioner for 
 performing that act ; but had informed him that he should 
 make the surrender as the commanding officer of the pro 
 vince, by virtue of orders from his superior. Thi s ser 
 vice had been consummated ; and Colonel Callava, whom 
 General Jackson had formerly notified that he had closed 
 23 
 
266 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 with him his official correspondence forever, was bound, 
 by the special stipulations of the treaty, to have evacuated, 
 as one of the Spanish officers, the province, before the 22d 
 of August. If General Jackson had, in courtesy to Co 
 lonel Callava, considered him, notwithstanding his own 
 disclaimer of the character, as a commissioner, for the de 
 livery of the province, there can be no pretence that he 
 was entitled to special privileges under it, after he had 
 avowedly performed all its duties ; after he had been in 
 formed by General Jackson that their official correspon 
 dence was finally closed ; and after the date when, by the 
 positive engagements of the treaty which he was to exe 
 cute, he was bound to have departed from the province. 
 From the time when his functions for the surrender of the 
 province were discharged, he could remain in Pensacola no 
 otherwise than as a private unprivileged individual, ame 
 nable to the duly constituted American authorities of the 
 place, and subject to the same control of General Jackson, 
 as a private citizen of the United States would have been 
 to that of the governor of the Floridas, before the surren 
 der had taken place. 
 
 " That this was the opinion of Colonel Callava himself, 
 and of his friends who applied to Judge Fromentine for the 
 writ of habeas corpus, to rescue him from the arrest under 
 which he was placed by the order of General Jackson, is 
 apparent from their conduct on that occasion. It is stated 
 by Judge Fromentine, that before granting the supposed 
 writ of habeas corpus, he required that Colonel Callava 
 should enter into a recognizance for twenty thousand dol 
 lars, with two securities, each for the amount of ten thou 
 sand dollars ; the condition of which recognizance was, 
 that Colonel Callava should personally be and appear be 
 fore the judge of the United State^ for West Florida, &c., 
 whenever required so to do ; that he should not depart 
 from the city of Pensacola, without the leave of the said 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 267 
 
 court, nor send away, remove, or otherwise dispose of, un 
 known to the said court, any of the papers in question. 
 It was only upon the promise of his friends that this re 
 cognizance should be executed, that Judge Fromentine con 
 sented to issue the writ of habeas corpus ; and this recog 
 nizance renounces in fact every pretension of exemption 
 from the judicial authority of the country; and consequent 
 ly of the diplomatic privileges of a commissioner. 
 
 " It has been seen that the most important documents re 
 lating to the property of West Florida had been transmitted 
 to the Havana ; there remained, however, a portion of 
 them, particularly of judicial records, relating to the titles 
 of individual property. Some of these Colonel Callava 
 did deliver up with the province ; others, of the same de 
 scription and character, indispensable for the administra 
 tion of justice in the province, and useless at the Havana, 
 whither it was his intention to have transported them, 
 were retained ; not in his possession, but in that of Don 
 Domingo Sousa, a Spanish officer, who, by the stipulation 
 of the treaty, ought also to have departed from the province 
 before the 22d of August. 
 
 " The day immediately preceding that date, the alcaid of 
 Pensacola, at the suit of a woman, in a humble walk, in 
 deed, of life, but whose rights were, in the eye of General 
 Jackson, equally entitled to his protection with those of the 
 the highest rank, or the most commanding opulence, had 
 represented to him that a number of documents, belonging 
 to the alcaid s office, and relating to estates at that place, 
 and to suits there instituted, were in the possession of Do 
 mingo Sousa ; that the necessity for obtaining possession 
 of those documents was urgent, and therefore she requested 
 the governor to authorize some one to make a regular de 
 mand of them, and to ascertain what they were. Gover 
 nor Jackson, accordingly, forthwith commissioned the se 
 cretary of the territory, the alcaid of Pensacola himself, 
 
268 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 arid the clerk of the county court of Escambia, to proceed 
 to the dwelling of Sousa, to make demand of all such pa 
 pers or documents, belonging to the alcaid s office, as 
 might be in his possession ; and in case of Sousa s refusal 
 to exhibit or deliver the same, immediately to report the 
 fact to him, the governor, in writing. These commission 
 ers the next day reported to the governor that they had 
 examined the papers in the possession of Sousa ; that they 
 had found among them four sets of papers of the kind 
 which belonged to the office of the alcadi, and among them 
 those in which the woman, from whom the first applica 
 tion had proceeded, was interested ; that they had, both 
 verbally and in writing, demanded of him the delivery of 
 those documents, which no private individual had a right 
 to keep, as they related to the rights of persons holding or 
 claiming property in the province ; but that Sousa had re 
 fused to deliver them, alleging that he was but the servant 
 of- Colonel Callava, and could not deliver them without 
 his order. In the transactions of Sousa, on this occasion, 
 is manifested the same consciousness that the claim of 
 diplomatic privilege, set up by Colonel Callava, to screen 
 him from the operation of the authority of Governor Jack 
 son, was without foundation. For, although he refused 
 to deliver up the papers, conformably to the governor s 
 command, he submitted to the examination of them by 
 the commissioners, in obedience to the same authority ; 
 and though he declined receiving from them the letter de 
 manding the delivery of the papers, he told them, that to 
 relieve himself from the responsibility of keeping them, 
 he should deliver them to Governor Callava himself. 
 They were accordingly sent to the house of Colonel Cal 
 lava, and put into the possession of his steward Fullerat. 
 It is clear, however, that, if the papers, while in Sousa s 
 possession, were privileged from delivering up at the com 
 mand of Governor Jackson* they were equally privileged 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 269 
 
 from examination by the same authority ; and, if they 
 were not lawfully screened from his process in the custody 
 of Sousa, they could not be made so by removing them to 
 the house of Colonel Cailava. The truth is, that the re 
 moval of the documents, at that time, and in such a man 
 ner, was a high and aggravated contempt of the lawful 
 authority of the governor. It not only claimed for Colo 
 nel Cailava diplomatic immunities, but assumed that he 
 was still the governor of the province, and that Sousa was 
 amenable for his conduct only to him. Colonel Cailava 
 might, on the same pretence, have retained the whole body 
 of the Spanish officers and troops under his command at 
 Pensacola, and insistecLon exercising over them all his 
 extinguished authority, as governor and commander in 
 chief, after the 21st of August, as he could to exercise 
 any official authority within the province, over Domingo 
 Sousa, or to extricate him from the lawful jurisdiction of 
 Governor Jackson. 
 
 " It is under these circumstances that the subsequent 
 measures of Governor Jackson are to be considered. He 
 immediately issued an authority to Col. Robert Butler, and 
 Col. John Miller, to seize the body of Sousa, together with 
 the papers, and to bring them before him, that Sousa might 
 answer such interrogatories as might be put to him, and 
 comply with such order and decree, touching the said do 
 cuments and records, as the rights of the individuals, se 
 cured to them by the treaty, might require, and the justice 
 of the case might demand. By virtue of this order, Sousa 
 was brought before Governor Jackson, and again recog 
 nized the authority under which he was taken, by answer 
 ing the interrogatories put to him. But he had already 
 put the papers and documents out of his possession ; and 
 thus, as far as was in his power, baffled the ends of jus 
 tice, and set at defiance the lawful authority of the go 
 vernor. 
 
 23* 
 
270 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " In this transaction, Colonel Callava was avowedly the 
 principal agent ; and altogether unjustifiable as it was, 
 whatever consequences of inconvenience to himself re 
 sulted from it, must be imputed to him. It was an undis 
 guised effort to prostrate the authority of the United 
 States in the province ; nor had Governor Jackson any 
 other alternative to choose, than tamely to see the sove 
 reign power of his country, intrusted to him, trampled 
 under foot, and exposed to derision by a foreigner, remain 
 ing there only upon his sufferance, or by the vigorous ex 
 ercise of his authority to vindicate at once the rights of 
 the United States, and the just claims of individuals to 
 their protection. 
 
 " Governor Jackson could consider Colonel Callava in 
 no other light than that of a private individual, entitled 
 indeed, as the officer of a foreign power, to courtesy, but 
 not to exemption from the process of the law. Notwith 
 standing his improper conduct, Governor Jackson, in 
 the first instance, authorized Col. Butler and Dr. Bro- 
 naugh, accompanied by Mr. Brackenridge, the alcaid, 
 to wait upon him and his steward, and demand from them 
 the specified papers, which Sousa had declared, in his an 
 swer to the interrogatories to have been delivered to the 
 steward at Governor Callava s house. It was only in 
 case of the refusal to give up the papers, that the order 
 extended to the seizure of the person of Colonel Callava, 
 that he might be made to appear before Governor Jackson, 
 to answer interrogatories, and to abide by, and perform, 
 such order and decree as the justice of the case might 
 demand. This demand was accordingly made, and al 
 though at the first moment peremptorily refused, yet, upon 
 Colonel Callava s being informed that his refusal would 
 be considered as setting at defiance the authority of the 
 governor of the Floridas, and of the consequences to him 
 self which must ensue upon his persisting therein, he de- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 271 
 
 sired to be furnished with a memorandum setting forth 
 the documents required, which was accordingly done. 
 But when the delivery of the papers was again demanded 
 of him, he repeated the refusal to deliver them, and at 
 tempted both to avoid the personal approach of Colonel 
 Butler and Dr. Bronaugh r and to exhibit a resistance by 
 force of arms to the execution of the governor s order. 
 And it is not a little remarkable, that among the persons 
 who appeared thus arrayed against the authority of the 
 United States, to accomplish the denial and removal of 
 the papers, was a man against whom the most important 
 of those papers were judicial decisions of Governor Cal- 
 lava himself, in behalf of the orphan children, for the es 
 tablishment of whose rights they were indispensably ne 
 cessary, and at whose application they had been required. 
 
 " Standing thus, in open defiance to the operation of 
 the law, Colonel Callava was taken before the governor ; 
 and there refusing to answer the interrogatories put to 
 him, and asserting the groundless pretension of answering 
 only as a commissioner, and by a protest against the acts 
 of the governor, he was, by his order, committed to pri 
 son, until the documents should be delivered to the alcaid. 
 On the next day, a search warrant for the papers was is 
 sued by the governor, upon which they were actually ob 
 tained, and directed to be delivered to the alcaid ; where 
 upon, Colonel Callava was immediately released. 
 
 " In all these proceedings, you will perceive, sir, that 
 not one act of rigor, or even of discourtesy towards Colonel 
 Callava, was authorized by Governor Jackson, which was 
 not indispensably necessitated for the maintenance of his 
 authority, and the discharge of his official duty, by the 
 unjustifiable and obstinate resistance of Colonel Callava 
 himself. 
 
 " On a review of the whole transactions, I am instructed 
 by the president of the United States to say, that he con- 
 
272 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 siders the documents in question, as among those which, 
 by the stipulation of the treaty, ought to have been deli 
 vered up, with the province, to the authorities of the Uni 
 ted States ; that they were, on the 22d of August, when 
 in the possession of Domingo Sousa, within the jurisdic 
 tion of the United States, and subject to the control of their 
 governor, acting in his judicial capacity, and liable to be 
 compulsively produced by his order ; that the removal of 
 them from the possession of Sousa, after the governor s 
 order to him to deliver them had been served upon him, 
 could not withdraw them from the jurisdiction of Gover 
 nor Jackson, and was a high and aggravated outrage upon 
 his lawful authority ; that, the imprisonment of Colonel 
 Callava was a necessary, though by the president deeply 
 regretted, consequence, of his obstinate perseverance in 
 refusing to deliver the papers, and of his unfounded claim 
 of diplomatic immunities, and irregular exercise even of 
 the authorities of a governor of Florida, after the autho 
 rity of Spain in the province had been publicly and so 
 lemnly surrendered to the United States. 
 
 " That the documents were of the description of those 
 which the treaty had stipulated should be delivered up 
 with the province, is obvious, from the consideration of 
 their character. They related to the property of lands in 
 the province. They were judicial records, directly af 
 fecting the rights of persons remaining in the province ; 
 rights which could not be secured without them ; rights 
 over which the appellate tribunal of the governor of Cuba, 
 to which Colonel Callava proposed to remove the papers, 
 thenceforth could have no authority or control, they hav 
 ing become definitively subject to the jurisdiction of the 
 United States. The only reason assigned by Colonel 
 Callava for the pretension to retain them, is, that they 
 related to the estate of a deceased Spanish officer, and 
 had thereby been of the resort of the military tribunal* 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 273 
 
 But it was for the rights of the living, and not for the pri 
 vileges of the dead, that the documents were to operate. 
 The tribunal of the captain general of Cuba could neither 
 need the production of the papers, nor exercise any au 
 thority over the subject-matter to which they related. To 
 have transferred to the island of Cuba a question of liti 
 gated property, concerning land in Florida, between per 
 sons, all of whom were living, and to remain in Florida, 
 would have been worse than a mockery of justice. In 
 deed Mr. Salmon, in his note, appears to have been aware 
 of the weakness of this allegation, declines the discussion 
 of the question ; and in justification of the refusal of Co 
 lonel Callava to deliver up the documents, merely rests its 
 defence upon the plea, that the papers had not been de 
 manded of him officially. It has been seen, that Colonel 
 Callava had no official character which could then ex 
 empt him from the compulsive process of the governor. 
 But Mr. Salmon alledges that the Spanish constitution, as 
 well as that of the United States, separates the judicial 
 from the executive power exercised by the governor or 
 captain general of a province. 
 
 " Neither the constitution, nor the laws of the United 
 States, excepting those relating to the revenue and its col 
 lection, and to the slave-trade, had at that time been ex 
 tended to Florida. And as little had the Spanish consti 
 tution been introduced there, in point of fact, however it 
 might have been proclaimed. But be this as it may, the 
 cause, in relation to which the documents required in the 
 case of Vidal had been drawn up, and were needed, was 
 one of those which, under the Spanish constitution itself, 
 remained within the jurisdiction of the governor. This 
 is declared by Colonel Callava himself, in the third ob 
 servation of the appendix to his protest, transmitted with 
 the letter of Mr. Salmon. It is the reason assigned by 
 him for having withheld those documents from the al- 
 
274 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 caid. And one of them was a judgment rendered by 
 Colonel Callava himself, after the time when the procla 
 mation of the Spanish constitution in the province is al- 
 ledged to have been made. The cause therefore was, on 
 every hypothesis, within the jurisdiction of the governor ; 
 the papers were indispensable for the administration of 
 justice in the cause ; and when once applied for, by a per 
 son entitled to the benefit of them, it was the duty, the 
 inexorable duty, of Governor Jackson, to put forth all the 
 authority vested in him, necessary to obtain them. 
 
 " Nor less imperative was his obligation to punish, with 
 out respect of persons, that contempt of his jurisdiction, 
 which was manifested in the double attempt of Colonel 
 Callava to defy his power, and to evade the operation of 
 its process. 
 
 " With regard to the proclamation of General Jackson, 
 of the 29th of September, commanding several Spanish 
 officers, who, in violation of the stipulation of the treaty, 
 had remained at Pensacola, after the expiration of the six 
 months from the day of the ratification of the treaty, to 
 withdraw, within four days, from the Floridas, which 
 forms the subject of complaint in your letter of the 18th 
 of November, it might be sufficient to say, that it did no 
 more than enjoin upon those officers to do that which they 
 ought before, and without any injunction, to have done. 
 The engagement of the treaty was, that they should all 
 have evacuated the province before the 22d of August. 
 
 " If they remained there after that time, it could only 
 be as private individuals, amenable in every particular to 
 the law r s. Even this was merely an indulgence, which 
 it was within the competency of General Jackson, at any 
 time, to have withdrawn. From the extract of a letter 
 from him, of w^hich I have the honor of inclosing a copy, 
 it will be seen, that he was far from being disposed to with 
 draw it, had they not, by their abuse of it, and by open 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 276 
 
 outrages upon his authority, forfeited all claims to its con 
 tinuance. 
 
 " This extract furnishes a satisfactory answer to your 
 question, why, if the fulfillment of the article was the ob 
 ject of the proclamation, it was confined to the eight offi 
 cers, by name, and not extended to all other Spanish offi 
 cers in the Floridas. It was because the deportment of 
 the others was as became them, decent, respectful, and 
 friendly towards the government, under the protection of 
 which they were permitted to abide. In the newspaper 
 publication, which gave rise to the proclamation of Ge 
 neral Jackson, the Spanish officers avowedly acted, not 
 as private individuals, but as a distinct body of men, 
 speaking of Colonel Callava as their chief, their superior ; 
 and arrogating to themselves, as a sort of merit, the con 
 descension of knowing what was due to a government 
 (meaning the American government) which was on the 
 most friendly footing with their own. This is language 
 which would scarcely be proper for the embassador of one 
 nation, upon the territory of another, to which he would 
 owe not even a temporary allegiance. From persons si 
 tuated as those Spanish officers were, it was language of 
 insubordination and contempt. 
 
 " In alluding to the fact, that officers of the American 
 squadron, in the Mediterranean, are sometimes received 
 with friendly treatment on the territories of Spain, to make 
 a case parallel with the present, it would be necessary to 
 show, that some superior officer of the said squadron 
 should, while enjoying the hospitality of the Spanish na 
 tion upon their shores, first attempt to evade and to resist, 
 the operation of process from the constituted judicial tri 
 bunals of the country, and then pretend, as an American 
 officer, to be wholly independent of them ; and that some 
 of his subalterns should not only countenance and support 
 him in these attempts, but should affect to consider him, 
 
276 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 while on Spanish ground, as their only superior and chief, 
 and by unfounded and inflammatory publications in the 
 daily journals, to arouse the people of Spain to revolt and 
 insurrection against the judicial tribunal of their own 
 country. 
 
 " If the bare statement of such a case would be suffi 
 cient to raise the indignation of every honorable Spaniard, 
 let it be observed, that even this would be without some 
 of the aggravations of the conduct of these Spanish offi 
 cers at Pensacola. For such outrage would be far less 
 dangerous, committed against old established authorities, 
 which might rely upon the support of the whole people 
 surrounding them, than in the presence of a people, 
 whose allegiance had been just transferred to a new go 
 vernment, and when the revolt to which they were sti 
 mulated would seem little more than obedience to the 
 authorities to which they had always been accustomed to 
 submit. 
 
 " The very power which the Spanish governor and 
 officers had exercised before the surrender of the pro 
 vince, ought to have been a most urgent warning to them 
 to avoid every semblance of authority in themselves, or 
 of resistance to that of the United States, after the trans 
 fer of the province had been completed. 
 
 " In forbearing particularly to reply to that part of 
 your note, in which you think yourself authorized to 
 pronounce the charge of General Jackson against these 
 Spanish officers, of having attempted to excite discontent 
 in the inhabitants, false, I shall barely express the hope, 
 that the term was admitted into your communication inad 
 vertently. The conduct of the officers, at the time of 
 Colonel Callava s conflict with the authority of the go 
 vernor, as well as in their insulting newspaper publica 
 tion, was of a character and tendency too strongly mark 
 ed, to leave a doubt of the truth with which it is described 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 277 
 
 in General Jackson s proclamation, and in passing un 
 noticed this and other mere invectives affainst an officer, 
 whose services to this nation have entitled him to their 
 highest regard, and whose whole career has been sig 
 nalized by the purest intentions and the most elevated pur 
 poses, I wish to be understood as abstaining from obser 
 vations, which, however justified by the occasion, could 
 but add to the unpleasantness of a discussion already suf 
 ficiently painful. 
 
 " That this conduct on the part of the Spanish officers 
 was highly reprehensible, cannot reasonably be denied, 
 and had General Jackson been disposed to animadvert 
 upon it with severity, his course would undoubtedly have 
 been that which you have pointed out as appropriate to 
 the offence. They would have been cited before the pro 
 per tribunal, heard upon specific charges, allowed time 
 and liberty to make their defence, and punished by com 
 mitment to prison. General Jackson preferred a milder 
 a more indulgent measure ; and without prosecuting them 
 as criminals, only withdrew from them the privilege of 
 a protracted infraction of the treaty, by requiring them 
 forthwith to depart from the province. To justify him in 
 this requisition, neither arrest nor judicial trial was ne 
 cessary or proper. The facts were of public notoriety, 
 and could not be denied. The proclamation only requir 
 ed of them the execution of the treaty, by the removal 
 of their persons. Had their conduct even been unexcep 
 tionable, this measure would have been within the un 
 doubted authority of General Jackson. As their deport 
 ment had been, it was the most lenient exercise of his 
 power practicable, to vindicate the insulted honor and jus 
 tice of his country." 
 24 
 
278 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 General Jackson resigns the government of the Floridas 
 Is nominated by the Tennessee legislature for the pre 
 sidency Is elected to the senate of the United States 
 Lafayette visits him at the Hermitage President elect 
 ed by the house of representatives Mr. Adams chosen 
 General Jackson again nominated Resigns his seat 
 in the senate in consequence His address to the Ten 
 nessee legislature on that occasion Visits various 
 towns in Tennessee His replies to addresses made to 
 him by his fellow-citizens Receives an invitation to 
 attend the celebration of the 8th January at New Or 
 leans Description of that celebration. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON had for a long series of years been 
 arduous and unremitting in his endeavors to serve his 
 country, and his success in every attempt must have af 
 forded him the richest consolations, as must also the de 
 monstrations he every where met with, of the respect and 
 gratitude of his countrymen. He wished for retirement, 
 and as his country was in the enjoyment of peace and 
 unrivaled prosperity, to the production of which he had 
 so largely contributed, he could with honor to himself 
 retire to private life, and in seclusion enjoy the fruits of 
 his privations and hardships. This wish he expressed 
 in a letter to the secretary of state. He accordingly re 
 signed his government of the Floridas, and returned to 
 Nashville. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 279 
 
 He was not, however, permitted long to enjoy the re 
 pose he so much needed. In May, 1822, the legislature 
 of Tennessee nominated him a candidate for the presi 
 dency of the United States. He was elected in the au 
 tumn of the same year to the United States senate. A 
 new tariff was enacted the next session, which received 
 his support. 
 
 The second term of office exercised by Mr. Monroe as 
 president of the United States, was approaching its ter 
 mination, and the question of his successor was at this 
 period agitated with much bitterness of party spirit 
 throughout the Union. The candidates were General 
 Jackson and H. Clay, of the west, Messrs. Crawford and 
 Calhoun, of the south, and J. Q,. Adams, of the north. 
 Concerning the merits of General Jackson s competitors 
 for the presidency, it is not our province to comment. 
 But we can say of General Jackson, that he was decided 
 ly the popular candidate. The unyielding integrity of 
 his character the courage, ability, and lofty patriotism 
 exhibited in a life of devotedness to the welfare of his 
 country in seasons of her greatest peril the prosperous 
 security and renown which the energies of his mind and 
 the prowess of his arm had achieved for her, were not 
 without a grateful response from a large majority of his 
 fellow-citizens. The proof of this was found in the re 
 sult of the presidential canvass in 1824. 
 
 While the friends of the several candidates were press 
 ing the claims of their respective favorites, General La 
 fayette made his memorable visit to the United States. 
 The spontaneous bursts of gratitude with which he was 
 every where received, are fresh in the recollection of 
 every reader. The tour which he made of the United 
 States brought him at length to Nashville, Tennessee. 
 Levasseur, secretary to General Lafayette, during his 
 journey through the United States, after speaking of the 
 
380 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cordial reception of the nation s guest by General Jack 
 son and the inhabitants of Nashville, thus happily des 
 cribes the visit of General Lafayette and suite, to the resi 
 dence of General Jackson s upon the banks of the Cum 
 berland. 
 
 " At one o clock, we embarked with a numerous com 
 pany, to proceed to dine with General Jackson, whose 
 residence is a few miles up the river. We there found 
 numbers of ladies and farmers from the neighborhood, 
 whom Mrs. Jackson had invited to partake of the enter 
 tainment she had prepared for General Lafayette. The 
 first thing that struck me on arriving at the general s, 
 was the simplicity of his house. Still somewhat influ 
 enced by my European habits, I asked myself if this 
 could really be the dwelling of the most popular man in 
 the United States, of him whom the country proclaimed 
 one of her most illustrious defenders ; of him, finally, who 
 by the will of the people was on the point of becoming 
 her chief magistrate. One of our fellow-passengers, a 
 citizen of Nashville, witnessing my astonishment, asked 
 me, whether in France, our public men, that is to say, 
 the servants of the public, lived very differently from other 
 citizens ? * Certainly, said I ; thus, for example, the 
 majority of our generals, all our ministers, and even the 
 greater part of our subaltern administrators, would think 
 themselves dishonored, and would not dare to receive any 
 one at their houses, if they only possessed such a resi 
 dence as this of Jackson s ; and the modest dwellings of 
 your illustrious chiefs of the revolution, Washington, 
 John Adams, Jefferson, &c., would only inspire them 
 with contempt and disgust. They must first have in the 
 city an immense and vast edifice, called a hotel, in which 
 two large families could live with ease, but which they 
 fill with a crowd of servants strangely and ridiculously 
 dressed, and whose only employment, for the most part, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 281 
 
 is to insult those honest citizens who come on foot to visit 
 their master. They must also have another large esta 
 blishment in the country, which they call a chateau, and 
 in which they accumulate all the luxuries of furniture, 
 decorations, entertainments, and dress in fact, every thing 
 that can make them forget the country. Then they must 
 have, to enable them to go from one to the other of these 
 habitations, a great number of carriages, horses, and ser 
 vants. Very well, interrupted the Tennessean, sha 
 king his head as if in doubt, * but who provides these 
 public officers with all the money thus swallowed up in 
 luxury, and how do the affairs of the people go on? If 
 you ask them, they will tell you that it is the king who 
 pays them, although I can assure you that it is the nation, 
 which is borne down by taxes for the purpose ; as to busi 
 ness, it is both well and badly attended to, but generally 
 the latter. 4 And why do you submit to such a state of 
 things ? * Because we cannot remedy it. What ! you 
 cannot remedy it ? A nation so great, so enlightened as 
 the French, cannot prevent its officers, magistrates, and 
 servants, from enjoying, at their expense, a scandalous 
 and immoral luxuriousness, and at the same time not at 
 tending to their duties ! whilst we, who have just assumed 
 our name among nations, are enjoying the immense ad 
 vantage of only having for magistrates, men who are 
 plain, honest, laborious, and more jealous of our esteem 
 than solicitous for wealth. Permit me to believe that 
 what you have told is only pleasantry, and that you wish 
 ed to amuse yourself for a moment with a poor Tennes 
 sean who has never visited Europe. But rest assured, 
 that however ignorant we may be of what passes on the 
 other side of the water, it is not easy to make us credit 
 things which militate so strongly against good sense and 
 the dignity of man. Do what I could, I could never 
 make this good citizen of Nashville believe that I was 
 24* 
 
282 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 not jesting, and was obliged to leave him in the belief that 
 we were not worse governed in France than in the United 
 States. 
 
 " General Jackson successively showed us his garden 
 and farm, which appeared to be well cultivated. We 
 every where remarked the greatest order, and most per 
 fect neatness ; and we might have believed ourselves on 
 the property of one of the richest and most skillful of the 
 German farmers, if, at every step, our eyes had not been 
 afflicted by the sad spectacle of slavery. Every body told 
 us that General Jackson s slaves were treated with the 
 greatest humanity, and several persons assured us, that it 
 would not surprise them, if, in a short time, their master, 
 who already had so many claims on the gratitude of his 
 fellow-citizens, should attempt to augment it still more, 
 by giving an example of gradual emancipation to Tennes 
 see, which would be the more easily accomplished, as 
 there are in this state but 79,000 slaves in a population of 
 423,000, and from the public mind becoming more in 
 clined than formerly to the abolition of slavery. 
 
 " On returning to the house, some friends of General 
 Jackson, who probably had not seen him for some time, 
 begged him to show them the arms presented to him in 
 honor of his achievements during the last war ; he ac 
 ceded to their request with great politeness, and placed on 
 a table, a sword, a sabre, and a pair of pistols. The 
 sword was presented to him by congress ; the sabre, I 
 believe, by the army which fought under his command at 
 New Orleans. These two weapons, of American manu 
 facture, were remarkable for their finish, and still more 
 so for the honorable inscriptions, with which they were 
 covered. But it was to the pistols, that General Jackson 
 wished more particularly to draw our attention ; he hand 
 ed them to General Lafayette, and asked him if he re 
 cognized them. The latter, after examining them atten- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 lively for a few minutes, replied, that he fully recollected 
 them, to be a pair he had presented in 1778 to his pater 
 nal friend Washington, and that he experienced a real 
 satisfaction in finding them in the hands of one so worthy 
 of possessing them. At these words the face of old 
 Hickory was covered with a modest blush, and his eye 
 sparkled as in a day of victory. * Yes ! I believe myself 
 worthy of them, exclaimed he, in pressing the pistols 
 and Lafayette s hands to his breast ; 4 if not from what I 
 have done, at least for what I wished to do for my coun 
 try. All the bystanders applauded this noble confidence 
 of the patriot hero, and were convinced that the weapons 
 of Washington could not be in better hands than those of 
 Jackson." 
 
 Mr. Calhoun withdrew from the canvass of 1824, and 
 the contest was maintained between the other candidates, 
 the result of which was, no choice by the people. Gene 
 ral Jackson received 99 electoral votes ; J. Q,. Adams 84 ; 
 W. H. Crawford 41 ; and Henry Clay 37. Consequent 
 ly the choice, by a constitutional provision, devolved on 
 the house of representatives. To this method of election 
 there are many weighty objections. It deprives the peo 
 ple of their legitimate right of suffrage, and places it in 
 the hands of their national representatives ; and as the 
 vote is given by states, the smallest state in point of po 
 pulation has a weight equal to the largest, a circumstance 
 which destroys the equilibrium of suffrage. It also paves 
 the way to bribery and corruption, for the practical effect 
 of the system will often place it in the power of one or 
 two individuals to decide the political destiny of the com 
 petitors for the presidential chair, in a manner that will 
 result in the production of their own emolument or ag 
 grandizement. 
 
 That this influence raised Mr. Adams to the presidency 
 in 1835, has been asserted by a large majority of the 
 
284 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 American people. Whether such was the fact, it is not 
 our purpose to prove ; we shall only state the facts as 
 they existed, so far as they are connected with the history 
 of General Jackson, and our readers, after satisfying them 
 selves of their truth, will be enabled to make their own 
 inferences. The method of election, where no choice is 
 made by the people, is pointed out by the constitution of 
 the United States. The members of the house of repre 
 sentatives are to proceed to a choice, each state being al 
 lowed one vote. A majority of the members from any 
 one state, decide what vote that state shall give. Three 
 candidates only, those who receive the greatest number 
 of electoral votes, can come before the house. On the 
 election of which we speak, Messrs. Jackson, Adams, 
 and Crawford, were the individuals having the greatest 
 number of electoral votes, and therefore, came into the 
 house. It was now that the anti-republican results of the 
 constitutional method of electing a president by the re 
 presentatives of the nation, appeared in their most forbid 
 ding form. Mr. Clay had received the votes of three 
 states ; it therefore became obvious that his vote as a re 
 presentative from Kentucky, would influence a majority 
 of the members of the house from his own state, and also 
 a majority of those from the states of Ohio and Missouri, 
 which states gave him their votes when the election was 
 before the people. Next to Mr. Clay at this period, Ge 
 neral Jackson was the choice of Kentucky. Mr. Clay 
 and his colleagues were advised of this, not only from their 
 own knowledge, but from the instructions of the Kentucky 
 legislature ; yet the vote of that state, contrary to the 
 wishes of a majority of its inhabitants, was given by Mr. 
 Clay to Mr. Adams, and he was elected, and immediate 
 ly appointed Mr. Clay to the office of secretary of state. 
 
 This result of the election, brought against Messrs. 
 Adams and Clay direct charges of bargain and corrup- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 285 
 
 / 
 
 tion. An investigation of the subject took place in the 
 Kentucky legislature, where it was proved by a number 
 of highly respectable individuals, that, after the return of 
 General Metcalfe and Mr. Trimble, of the Kentucky de 
 legation, they avowed their reason for voting for Mr. 
 Adams was, that they had ascertained that he would 
 make Mr. Clay secretary of state, and General Jackson 
 would not. Our readers will ascertain the correctness 
 of this, by a reference to the report of the proceedings of 
 the Kentucky legislature in that investigation. 
 
 In October, 1825, General Jackson was nominated by 
 the Tennessee legislature a candidate for the presidency. 
 The proceedings of the legislature, and General Jack 
 son s resignation of his seat in the United States senate 
 in consequence, are as follows : 
 
 In the senate Mr. Kennedy submitted " that General 
 Andrew Jackson, of this state, be recommended to the 
 freemen of the United States, as a fellow-citizen, who, by 
 his numerous and faithful public services, in the cabinet 
 and in the field, his energy and decision, his political 
 qualifications, and strict adherence to the principles of re 
 publicanism, merits to be elected to the office of chief ma 
 gistrate of this Union, at the next presidential election." 
 
 This resolution was agreed to in both houses, with 
 only one or two dissenting voices. 
 
 " On Friday, October 7th, the house of representatives 
 received from the senate a message informing this house 
 that they had adopted the following resolutions, in which 
 they asked a concurrence : 
 
 * Resolved, as an evidence of the respect and attach 
 ment entertained by this legislature, in common with our 
 fellow-citizens, towards General Andrew Jackson for his 
 high personal qualifications, and numerous and impor 
 tant services rendered to his country, that the two branches 
 of this general assembly will receive him on the day 
 
286 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 next after his arrival at the seat of government, at 12 
 o clock, in the representative hall. 
 
 " Resolved, that one or both of the speakers, on behalf 
 of the two houses, shall deliver, at such time, to General 
 Jackson, an address, expressive of the high personal sa 
 tisfaction they feel in relation to the course he pursued, 
 during the pendency of the late presidential election. 
 
 * Resolved, that a joint select committee be appointed 
 to wait upon General Jackson, on his arrival at the seat 
 of government, to inform him of the foregoing resolutions, 
 and conduct him within the bar of the house of represen 
 tatives, and that Mr. Hall and Mr. Kennedy are appoint 
 ed said committee on the part of the senate. 
 
 " The house of representatives concurred in the fore 
 going resolutions, and appointed Messrs. Gibbs, Desha, 
 Turney, and Fitzgerald, to be of the committee on their 
 part. 
 
 " The general arrived at Murfreesborough on the 13th 
 ultimo, and was immediately waited upon by the commit 
 tee of the legislature. On the 14th, at 12 o clock, he was 
 conducted to the hall and addressed by the speakers of the 
 two houses, to which he made an appropriate reply, and 
 then handed in a resignation of his seat in the senate of 
 the United States." 
 
 The following is General Jackson s resignation to the 
 legislature of Tennessee. 
 
 " Two years ago, by the unsolicited suffrage of the le 
 gislature of Tennessee, I was appointed to the situation of 
 senator in congress. Pursuing the principle by which I 
 had ever been governed, neither to seek after or decline 
 office, the appointment conferred was accepted. Aware 
 of the practice which had long prevailed, of selecting from 
 each extreme of the state, a person for the high and re 
 sponsible situation of senator, I felt regret at being brought 
 forward to disturb a system which had so long obtained ; 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 287 
 
 yet, inasmuch as the legislature, without any knowledge 
 or understanding on my part, had called me to the situa 
 tion, it was impossible to withhold my consent ; and ac 
 cordingly the appointment was, though reluctantly, ac 
 cepted ; not, however, without its being previously pro 
 fessed by my friends, that a longer term of service than 
 one congress would neither be required nor expected. 
 That service has been performed. I was still though, 
 pondering and in doubt, whether exceptions to my re 
 signing might not be taken ; and if it might not be pro 
 per for me to execute the full term which you had assign 
 ed me, when my mind was brought to a conclusion by 
 some late proceedings of your own, and a determination 
 formed to surrender immediately back into your hands 
 the responsible trust you had heretofore confided. 
 
 " One inducement to my determination is, that tra vel- 
 ing to the city of Washington, twice a year, imposes no 
 inconsiderable fatigue ; and, although this is a minor 
 consideration, and one which would have been met with 
 cheerfulness, if business, involving the interest of our 
 happy country, had required the exertion ; yet I am aware 
 of nothing of great national importance which is likely to 
 come before congress, excepting a subject that you have 
 lately had before your body the amending the constitu 
 tion of the United States in relation to the choice of a 
 chief magistrate. Upon this matter I greatly doubted 
 whether it might not be my duty again to appear in the 
 senate, and extend my feeble aid towards producing an 
 alteration in which great interests with the people of the 
 United States exist, and on which the security of our re 
 publican system may depend. But having been advised 
 of a resolution of your honorable body, presenting again 
 my name to the American people, for the office of chief 
 magistrate of this Union, I could no longer hesitate on 
 the course I should pursue ; doubt yielded to certainty, 
 
288 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and I determined, forthwith, to ask your indulgence to 
 be excused from any further service in the councils of the 
 nation. 
 
 " Thus situated, my name presented to the freemen 
 of the United States for the first office known to the con 
 stitution, I could not, with any thing of approbation on 
 my part, consent either to urge or encourage an altera 
 tion, which might wear the appearance of being induced 
 by selfish considerations ; by a desire to advance my own 
 views. I feel a thorough and safe conviction, that impu 
 tation would be ill founded, and that nothing could prompt 
 me to any active course on that subject, which my judg 
 ment did not approve ; yet, as from late events, it might 
 be inferred, that the prospects of your recommendation 
 could be rendered probable only by the people having the 
 choice given to them direct, abundant room would be af 
 forded to ascribe any exertions of mine to causes apper 
 taining exclusively to myself. Imputations, thus made, 
 w r ould be extremely irksome to any person of virtuous 
 and independent feeling: they would certainly prove so 
 to me ; and hence the determination to retire from a situa 
 tion where strong suspicions might, at least, attach, and 
 with great seeming propriety. I hasten, therefore, to 
 tender this, my resignation, into the hands of those who 
 conferred it, that, in the exercise of their constitutional 
 rights, they may confide it to some one deserving their 
 confidence and approbation. 
 
 " Being about to retire again to private life, it is pro 
 bably the last time I shall have an opportunity of address 
 ing you. Permit me, then, to suggest some remarks 
 upon the amendment which you have proposed to the 
 constitution of the United States. Our political fabric 
 being regulated by checks and balances, where experi 
 ence assures us that those which have been resorted to 
 are inefficient ; or that, however well their boundaries 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 289 
 
 have been defined on the parchment of the constitution* 
 some new barrier to the encroachments of power or cor- 
 ruption, in any of the departments of government, is ne* 
 cessary ; a corrective should be applied ; and, under 
 such circumstances, it is the duty of the people to see that 
 one is provided. There is no truth more sacred in poli 
 tics, and none more conclusively stamped upon all the 
 state constitutions, as well as the federal constitution, than 
 that which requires the three great departments of power, 
 the legislative, judicial, and executive, to be kept separate 
 and apart. But simple and manifest as this truth is, the 
 difficulty of arriving at, in practice with constitutional 
 restraints, still remains, and presents a question, whether 
 the wisdom and virtue of the present generation, with a 
 view to amendment in this important matter, may not be 
 usefully employed. Gratitude to the founders of our 
 happy government, cannot be lessened by honest efforts, 
 on our part, to improve, or rather to fortify, the blessings 
 which have been transmitted to us, with such additional 
 guards as experience has proved to be necessary. Upon 
 this principle, I venture fully to accord with you, in the 
 contemplated change proposed to the constitution ; and, 
 indeed, would go further. With a view to sustain, more 
 effectually in practice, the axiom which divides the three 
 great classes of power into independent, constitutional 
 checks, I would impose a provision, rendering any mem^ 
 ber of congress ineligible to office, under the general 
 government, during the term for which he was elected, 
 and for two years thereafter, except in cases of judicial 
 office ; and these I would except for the reason, that va 
 cancies, in this department, are not frequent occurrences, 
 and because no barrier should be interposed in selecting, 
 to the bench, men of the first talents and integrity. Their 
 trusts and duties being of the most responsible kind, the 
 widest possible range should be permitted, that judicioxre 
 25 
 
290 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and safe selections might be made. The politician may 
 err, yet his error may be presently retrieved, and no con 
 siderable injury result ; but with judges, particularly in 
 the last resort, error is fatal, because without a remedy. 
 
 " The effect of such a constitutional provision is ob 
 vious. By it congress, in a considerable degree, would 
 be free from that connexion with the executive department 
 which, at present, gives strong ground of apprehension 
 and jealousy on the part of the people. Members, instead 
 of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating on the 
 great, interests of the nation, through prospects of execu 
 tive patronage, wou\d be more liberally confided in by 
 their constituents ; while their vigilance would be less 
 interrupted by party feelings and party excitements. Cal 
 culations, from intrigue or management, would fail ; nor 
 would their deliberations or their investigation of subjects 
 consume so much time. The morals of the country 
 would be improved, and virtue, uniting with the labors of 
 the representatives, and with the official ministers of the 
 law, would tend to perpetuate the honor and glory of the 
 government. 
 
 " But if this change in the constitution should not be 
 obtained, and important appointments continue to devolve 
 on the representatives in congress, it requires no depth of 
 thought to be convinced, that corruption will become the 
 order of the day ; and that, under the garb of conscien 
 tious sacrifices to establish precedents for the public good, 
 evils of serious importance to the freedom and prosperity 
 of the republic may arise. It is through this channel 
 that the people may expect to be attacked in their consti 
 tutional sovereignty, and where tyranny may well be ap 
 prehended to spring up, in some favorable emergency. 
 Against such inroads every guard ought to be interposed, 
 and none better occurs, than that of closing the suspected 
 avenue with some necessary constitutional restriction. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 291 
 
 We know human nature to be prone to evil: we are 
 early taught to pray, that we may not be led into tempta 
 tion ; and hence the opinion, that, by constitutional pro 
 vision, all avenues to temptation, on the part of our politi 
 cal servants, should be closed. 
 
 " My name having been before the nation for the office 
 of chief magistrate during the time I served as your se 
 nator, placed me in a situation truly delicate ; but delicate 
 as it was, my friends do not, and my enemies cannot, 
 charge me with descending from the independent ground 
 then occupied, with degrading the trust reposed on me, 
 by intriguing for the presidential chair. As, by a reso 
 lution of your body, you have thought proper again to 
 present my name to the American people, I must entreat 
 to be excused from any further service in the senate ; and 
 to suggest, in conclusion, that it is due to myself to prac 
 tice upon the maxims recommended to others ; and hence, 
 feel constrained to retire from a situation where tempta 
 tions may exist, and suspicions arise, of the exercise of an 
 influence tending to my own aggrandisement* 
 
 "Accept, &c. &c. ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
 After the resignation of his seat in the United States 
 senate, General Jackson retired again to the Hermitage, 
 on the banks of the Cumberland. Business, however, 
 called him occasionally abroad. On one occasion, the 
 inhabitants of Jackson, Tennessee, addressed him, to 
 which address he made the following characteristic reply : 
 
 " If, in my march through life, it has been my good 
 fortune to be an actor in scenes which eventuated benefi 
 cially, my greatest satisfaction is in knowing that, at this 
 day, they are considered as they w r ere intended, for the 
 benefit and advancement of our common country. The 
 last spot on the globe where liberty has found a resting 
 place, will not, I hope, want defenders, and sincere ones, 
 whenever an assault may come, The world cannot re- 
 
292 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 main at peace. Human nature is restless and man, as 
 he ever has been, is ambitious. Because our govern 
 ment is formed upon new principles, we must not trust 
 alone to that ; but mark, with care and caution, the secret 
 and silent inroads, which intrigue, ambition, and cunning, 
 from time to time, may originate. In selecting, at any 
 time, any agent to discharge those important functions, 
 which, under our form of government, must necessarily 
 be confided to him who represents us, let mind be one 
 great consideration ; but, above all, let it be ascertained 
 that virtue and purity have, with him, taken up their 
 abode, dwelling with him, and he with them. By this 
 means, and only this, can our government go down un 
 impaired to posterity. Mere form and ceremony in the 
 guidance of our affairs, can avail but little. We must be 
 careful and vigilant to adhere to those great principles, 
 which characterize and mark the government we possess." 
 
 In May, 1826, General Jackson was nominated for the 
 presidency, by a meeting of citizens in Philadelphia ; 
 and it now became evident that he would be the only 
 competitor with Mr. Adams for that station. His popu 
 larity increased rapidly, and many observers of the signs 
 of the times were sanguine of his success. At an anniver 
 sary of our independence at Fayetteville, Tennessee, in 
 July following, he was present ; and in reply to an ad 
 dress made to him, said : 
 
 " Your cordial welcome is grateful to my feelings. It 
 recalls to my recollection the urbanity and hospitality 
 which were extended to me and my troops by the citizens 
 of this town and country, 1813, while encamped in its 
 vicinity, on their march to protect our southern frontier 
 from the ruthless savage. Sir, the orderly conduct of the 
 brave men I had the happiness then to command, was 
 honorable to them, to me, and to their country. Those 
 high-minded men, whom patriotism alone had led to the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 293 
 
 tented field, to defend their country and their country s 
 rights, could not trespass on, or infringe the rights and 
 privileges of their fellow-citizens of Fayetteville and of 
 Lincoln county. These were the wealth and sinew of 
 your country they were the citizen-soldiers, who appre 
 ciated, ahove all earthly blessings, their liberties achieved 
 by their forefathers, and had sworn to hand them down, 
 unimpaired, to their children, or die in the attempt. With 
 such an army your rights could not be infringed, nor your 
 property molested. In the ranks of such men, order, 
 discipline, and strict subordination, were easily introduced 
 and maintained. It was the prowess of those citizen-sol 
 diers that enabled me so promptly and effectually to ter 
 minate a savage war to meet and vanquish their more 
 savage allies, the British, at New Orleans, which gave 
 security to your borders, and peace to the nation. I, sir, 
 was only a humble instrument in the hands of a wise 
 and superintending Providence, for the accomplishment 
 of those important and beneficial objects. 
 
 " My humble efforts in the service of my country, 
 whether in the field or cabinet, I am fearful, are too high 
 ly appreciated by you. I can with candor, however, de 
 clare, that in every situation, to which I have been called 
 by my fellow-citizens, my best judgment has been exer 
 cised, and unceasing exertions been employed, to promote 
 the best interests of my country. How far I have suc 
 ceeded, is evidenced by your approbation. 
 
 " You, sir, have been pleased to pass in review my 
 conduct in the late presidential contest. I trust you will 
 believe me candid, when I assure you, that I have too 
 long practiced the pure principles of republicanism to 
 abandon them at this late period of my life. I have al 
 ways been taught to believe that ours is a government 
 based upon the will of the people, and established for their 
 prosperity and happiness exclusively. In the adoption 
 25* 
 
294 BiocKApftv or 
 
 of our constitution, the people secured to themselves thtf 
 right of choosing their own agents to administer the go 
 vernment agreeably to their own will, as expressed by the 
 voice of a majority. Surely, then, in the exercise of these 
 important rights, they ought to be left to the dictates of 
 their own unbiassed judgments. Acting, sir, in accord 
 ance to these fundamental principles of our government, 
 and having laid it down as a rule from which I have 
 never departed, neither to seek, nor decline office, when 
 freely offered by the people, I could not interfere, in any 
 manner whatever, in that contest, while either before the 
 people, or the people s representatives. Your approbation 
 of my course is, therefore, truly gratifying, and particu 
 larly so, as my conduct on that occasion was dictated by 
 my best judgment. 
 
 " For the kind solicitude you have expressed for my 
 promotion in the estimation of my fellow-citizens, I tender 
 you my sincere thanks." 
 
 On another public occasion, in reply to the address of 
 one of his fellow-statesmen of Giles County, Tennessee, 
 who was delegated for that purpose, he said : 
 
 " Sir I am at a loss for words to express the feelings 
 which have been excited by the remarks you have just 
 addressed to me. The return of this joyous day to our 
 country, and the privilege of uniting in its celebration 
 with so many of my old associates in arms, and this 
 large and respectable assemblage of my fellow-citizens, 
 by whom I am so much honored ; all concur to heighten 
 those emotions of gratitude and joy with which this me 
 morable era never fails to fire the bosom of every friend 
 and lover of his country. 
 
 " In the retrospect, sir, which you have taken of our 
 revolutionary war, allow me to thank you for the natter 
 ing notice of my youthful efforts, although I cannot but 
 be sensible that your kindness has given them too much 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 295 
 
 importance. The humble part which I acted in that 
 eventful struggle, served to impress upon my mind the 
 great principles which were secured by it and to the 
 support of which, if my subsequent labors in the cause of 
 my country have at all contributed, the pains and 
 privations endured are more than compensated. The 
 spirit, sir, which blazed through the deeds of these revo 
 lutionary fathers, was the inspiration of Deity to a just 
 cause, and needed not the unforgiving and ruthless bar 
 barity of the foe to make it unconquerable, even on the 
 field of repeated defeats and disaster : no, sir, cherished 
 by the Author of all good, supporting and supported by 
 the love of liberty and virtue, it achieved more than could 
 have been, more than ever was done, by the unaided 
 powers of man the establishment of a free and happy 
 government, dependent alone upon the will of the people. 
 Let it then be our solemn duty to perpetuate this govern 
 ment by recurring often to the first sacrifices with which 
 it was obtained, and to the lessons of wisdom with which 
 its sages have stamped its history. 
 
 " The second war of our independence grew out of a 
 system of outrage and insult renewed by the same enemy, 
 and, no doubt, with the hope of annihilating the fair fa 
 bric which the first had erected : but how vain were his 
 hopes ! Our sons proved worthy of their fathers, many 
 of whom witnessed the struggle, and in the accomplish 
 ment of their prayers, saw their independence gloriously 
 confirmed and re-established, and hailed us worthy the 
 sacred heritage commemorated by this day. To the brave 
 officers and soldiers, sir, a part of whom are now before 
 me, who aided in this struggle, the deserved gratitude of 
 our country has been freely offered ; and with them, as 
 with me, I know that no higher reward could be received 
 or desired. 
 
 " I tender to you, sir, my most sincere thanks for the 
 
296 BIOGRAPHY or 
 
 favorable manner with which you have been pleased to 
 speak of my services in the various civil stations to which 
 I have been called by my country, and particularly by 
 this state. In these, as in all situations of my public life, 
 I am much indebted to the liberality and indulgence of 
 my fellow-citizens ; and I beg leave once more to assure 
 them of the consolation which their cheering approbation 
 has always afforded me." 
 
 These spontaneous responses of General Jackson to the 
 congratulatory addresses of his fellow-citizens, exhibit, in 
 the most interesting point of view, the purity and disin 
 terestedness of the motives which had been the governing 
 principles of the acts of his eventful life ; they were the 
 generous outpourings of his mind delightfully agitated by 
 the recollections of the perils and dangers, which his 
 courage and energy had averted from the land of his 
 birth, in a manner so signally glorious to himself and be 
 neficial to his country! 
 
 The discussion of the question of succession to the pre 
 sidency increased in bitterness, as it approached the crisis 
 for decision ; but General Jackson, with his characteris 
 tic delicacy and sense of propriety, kept aloof from every 
 act that might possibly be construed into an aim towards 
 his own aggrandizement. Towards the close of the 
 summer of 1826, he received a letter from a distinguished 
 gentleman in Kentucky, requesting him to visit that state 
 for the purpose of counteracting the intrigue and manage 
 ment of certain prominent individuals against him. The 
 following is his reply, which does him honor : 
 
 " Hermitage, July 31, 1826. 
 
 41 My dear sir Your favor of the 21st instant is re 
 ceived, reassuring me of the wish of many of my friends 
 in Kentucky that I should visit the Harrodsburg Springs. 
 I had spoken early in the spring of this visit, because 
 those waters had been recommended as necessary to the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 297 
 
 restoration of Mrs. Jackson s health, and there was addi 
 tional gratification derived from the hope that I would 
 see many of my old friends in Kentucky, whose company 
 at all times would be pleasing to me. But inasmuch as 
 Mrs. Jackson is lately so far improved as not to render 
 this trip necessary, it seems to me very questionable 
 whether, without this necessity, I ought to yield to the 
 other considerations, at this juncture. I know that so 
 far as Kentucky is concerned, the unjust imputations 
 which it is my wish to avoid, would never be raised ; or 
 rather, that a great proportion of her citizens would attri 
 bute to their proper origin, the objects of my visit ; yet, 
 when I reflect upon the management and intrigue which 
 are operating abroad, the magnitude of the principles 
 which they are endeavoring to supplant, and the many 
 means which they can draw to their assistance from the 
 patronage of the government, I feel it is not less due to 
 myself and to principle, than to the American people, par 
 ticularly so far as they have sanctioned my political creed, 
 to steer clear of every conduct out of which the idea 
 might arise that I was manoeuvring for my own aggran 
 dizement. If it be true, that the administration have 
 gone into power contrary to the voice of the nation, and 
 are now expecting, by means of this power, thus acquired, 
 to mould the public will into an acquiescence with their 
 authority, then is the issue fairly made out shall the 
 government or the people rule ? and it becomes the man 
 whom the people shall indicate as their rightful represen 
 tative in this solemn issue, so to have acquitted himself, 
 that, while he displaces these enemies of liberty, there 
 will be nothing in his own example to operate against the 
 strength and durability of the government. 
 
 " With this candid expression of my feelings on this 
 subject, I hope you will recognize nothing inconsistent 
 with the claims which my friends in Kentucky have upon 
 
298 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 me. Were I unconnected with the present contest, you 
 may rest assured that wherever my presence or my labor 
 would be useful in arresting the efforts of intrigue and 
 management, I should not hesitate to repair to the post 
 which my friends might indicate as the most exposed. 
 It is a source of much regret to disappoint your wishes, 
 and others, our mutual friends in Kentucky, but as things 
 are, unless Mrs. Jackson s health should render it ne 
 cessary, I think you will coincide with me, that a visit to 
 Kentucky would be improper at this period. I shall be 
 happy to hear from you on the receipt of this. 
 
 " Hastily, your friend, ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
 In the spring of 1827, General Jackson received a let 
 ter from H. Johnson, Esq., transmitting a copy of a reso 
 lution, in which the legislature of Louisiana, expressed a 
 wish that the illustrious defender of New Orleans, should 
 participate in the celebration at that city, of the next an 
 niversary of the glorious victory achieved under his aus 
 pices. His presence there, the gentleman added, on the 
 return of that auspicious day, would be hailed with en 
 thusiasm by the whole population of Louisiana. The 
 general replied, by requesting, that to the legislature of the 
 state of Louisiana might be conveyed the expression of 
 the great pleasure it would afford him to comply with 
 their wish on this occasion, and to assure them that no 
 thing but the interposition of Divine Providence would 
 prevent him from uniting with them and the citizens of 
 Louisiana, his associates in arms and in those privations 
 and dangers which rendered glorious the day intended 
 to be celebrated. 
 
 In accordance with the intentions, expressed in his leN 
 ter, General Jackson several days previous to the 8th of 
 January, 1828, commenced his journey to New Orleans, 
 the scene of his former exploits the spot where his valor 
 had achieved so much honor for himself and glory for his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 209 
 
 country. The description of the celebration to which 
 he was invited, is thus given by one who witnessed the 
 scene : 
 
 The steamboat Courtland, with the committee appointed 
 to meet the guest of Louisiana, left New Orleans on the 
 28th ult. It was pleasing to observe, as we proceeded on 
 our way, that the enthusiasm kindled in the city was felt 
 intensely in distant parts of the state. In Concordia, as 
 well as in the city of New Orleans, the people knew their 
 deliverer ; every heart palpitated at the sound of his name, 
 and the anticipation of his arrival. We reached Natchez 
 on the first of January, an auspicious day* and pregnant 
 with glorious remembrances. That city was filled with 
 a vast multitude, impatiently waiting for our guest. On 
 the morning of the fourth, the day he had fixed for reach 
 ing Natchez, the heights on the river were filled with 
 spectators ; all eyes were turned upon the stream in breath 
 less expectation. At last a white smoke, curling like a 
 mist over the tops of the cypress trees, proclaimed the ap 
 proach of the Pocahontas. The surrounding hills rang 
 with loud huzzas, greeting their arrival. I cannot dwell 
 with minuteness on the pleasing scenes which followed. 
 A procession along the picturesque margin of the river ; 
 a dinner, at which ardent devotion was guided and tem 
 pered by decorum and politeness, and a ball at which the 
 beauty of Mississippi was exhibited with all that taste 
 could add to natural charms and native grace : the enthu 
 siasm of the whole population, the shouts of the multitude, 
 proclaimed that Louisiana and Mississippi were united by 
 ennobling sympathies. 
 
 At twelve o clock at night, General Jackson re-em 
 barked in the Pocahontas ; some hours afterwards, the 
 committee of Louisiania followed in the Courtland ; and 
 then both boats, united together, descended the stream, 
 checking occasionally their velocity, as it was intended to 
 
300 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 reach New Orleans on the 8th. On the 7th, the weather 
 portended a storm for the morrow ; it rained several times 
 throughout the day, and frequent rainbows gave us no fa 
 vorable signs for the great day. The boats anchored above 
 the city about seven in the evening. We were crowded 
 with visitors during the night. We learnt that the legis 
 lature had met in the morning, and the governor had an 
 nounced the arrival of their invited guest ; and the legis 
 lature of the state, in obedience to public sentiment, had 
 appointed a joint committee to act in conjunction with that 
 of the people. Every thing was done that the honor of 
 Louisiana demanded in haste, it is true but still it was 
 done : and it was sufficient ; the enthusiasm of the people 
 filled up the outline, imperfectly sketched by their repre 
 sentatives. 
 
 At last the morning of the auspicious day dawned upon 
 New Orleans. A thick mist covered the water and the 
 land, and at ten o clock began to rise into clouds ; and 
 when the sun at last appeared, it served only to show the 
 darkness of the horizon, threatening a storm in the north. 
 It was at that moment the city became visible, with its 
 steeples and the forest of masts rising from the waters. At 
 that instant too a fleet of steamboats was seen advancing 
 towards the Pocahontas, which had now got under way, 
 with twenty-four flags waving over her lofty decks. Two 
 stupendous boats, lashed together, led the van. The 
 whole fleet kept up a constant fire of artillery, which was 
 answered from several ships in the harbor and from the 
 shore. General Jackson stood on the back gallery of the 
 Pocahontas, his head uncovered, conspicuous to the whole 
 multitude which literally covered the steamboats, the ship 
 ping, and the surrounding shores. The van which bore 
 the revolutionary soldiers and the remnant of the old Or 
 leans battalion, passed the Pocahontas, and, rounding to, 
 fell down the stream, while acclamations of thousands of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 301 
 
 spectators rang from the river to the woods, and back to 
 the river. 
 
 In this order the fleet, consisting of eighteen steam 
 boats of the first class, passed close to the city, directing 
 their course towards the field of battle. When it was first 
 descried, some horsemen only, the marshals of the day, 
 had reached the ground. But in a few minutes it seemed 
 alive with a vast multitude, brought thither on horseback 
 and in carriages, and poured forth from the steamboats. 
 A line was formed by Generals Planche and Labaltat, and 
 the committee repaired on board the Pocahontas, in order 
 to invite the general to land and meet his brother-soldiers 
 and fellow-citizens. I have no words to describe the scene 
 which ensued. It would require a bolder pencil than 
 mine. The addresses delivered to the general, and his an 
 swers, may be given ; but that which cannot be given, is 
 the expression of his venerable features, and the intense 
 feelings of his heart, portrayed in every look. It would 
 be equally difficult to depict the joy and pride of the peo 
 ple in again beholding their " country s great benefac 
 tor." Strangers, who had come from afar to behold the 
 scene, caught the contagious sympathy. When he be 
 gan to speak, the noise was hushed every one seemed 
 eager to catch the sound of his voice. He spoke of his 
 own deeds with modesty, of his surviving companions 
 with affection, and of the dead with fond regret. As it 
 grew late, he was harried back to the Pocahontas, and 
 the fleet ascended the river. The general landed oppo 
 site the house of Mr. Marigny. The United States troops, 
 under Colonel Taylor ; the legion, under Colonel Roffig- 
 nac ; a splendid and well disciplined company of volunteers 
 from Natchez, under Lieutenant Walker ; the first brigade 
 of militia, under the command of General Robertson, and 
 Maj. Gen. Lacoste, surrounded by a brilliant staff, were 
 drawn up in line of battle to receive him. The crowd on 
 26 
 
302 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the bank of the river was immense ; the windows, the 
 balconies, even the roofs of the houses, the decks, tops, 
 and rigging of the ships, were covered with spectators. 
 Their shouts, when the general touched the shore, were 
 as loud as the artillery, w T hich thundered from the land and 
 the water ; he marched along the line of the troops with 
 his head uncovered. 
 
 The procession was then formed the general on foot 
 and after moving through the principal streets in the city, 
 reached the government-house, where the governor in 
 troduced him to the same legislature who had invited him 
 to Louisiana. The governor s address was concise and 
 pertinent ; the general answered him with frankness and 
 energy, no less remarkable in his language than in his 
 actions ; each member was presented to him in turn ; and 
 all acknowledged the courtesy, the ease, and unaffected 
 dignity of his manners. From the legislature he pro 
 ceeded to review the troops at the invitation of the gover 
 nor ; the procession was again formed and the general, 
 attended by the governor and the legislature, repaired to 
 the Catholic church, where religious exercises were per 
 formed. When the ceremonies were terminated, the ge 
 neral was conducted by the committee to the house pre 
 pared for his residence. He was then informed that he 
 was invited to a dinner at Davis hotel, which was given 
 in commemoration of the day. The tables occupied two 
 rooms of vast dimensions, at which at least two hundred 
 persons sat down. Mr. Marigny was chosen president of 
 the day. General Jackson was placed on his right, Gover 
 nor Houston of Tennessee on his left the venerable Father 
 Antonio and the Abby Monni, sat on the general s left. 
 Generals Carroll and Hends, and Judge Overton, also 
 sat in the vicinity of the president. The gentlemen com 
 posing the deputations of Ohio, New York, Pennsylva 
 nia, Kentucky, and Mississippi, were placed near or op- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 303 
 
 posite General Jackson ; the friends who had accompa 
 nied him sat next to the three vice presidents. Many toasts 
 were drunk they were warm and patriotic nothing va 
 pid in them. When the president announced the name 
 of Jackson, the company rose up, as if moved by one 
 impulse, and rent the air with loud and repeated huzzas. 
 When silence was restored, Mr. Marigny, in a speech de 
 livered with an energy of manner in unison with the ar 
 dor of his feelings, bestowed a merited tribute of praise 
 upon the services and character of the guest of his native 
 state. 
 
 From the dinner I followed the general to the French 
 theatre, where a cantata, composed for the occasion, was 
 sung with admirable taste and effect. When the first act 
 of the opera was over, the general proceeded to the Ame 
 rican theatre, where he was greeted with the same salu 
 tations which had followed him from the battle-ground to 
 the city. At 11 o clock he retired to his house, accompa 
 nied by the committee. 
 
 Mrs. Jackson, who, with several ladies from Tennessee, 
 accompanied her husband on his visit to Louisiana, was 
 met and waited upon, the moment she landed from the 
 Pocahontas, by Mrs. Marigny, and other respectable la 
 dies, who, after having congratulated her on her safe ar 
 rival, conducted her to Mr. Marigny s house, where re 
 freshments had been prepared, and where she received 
 the salutations of a large and brilliant circle. 
 
 The following address, while the general was upon the 
 battle-ground, was made to him by Mr. John R. Grymes, 
 one of his aids during the invasion : 
 
 " General I have been deputed by the citizens of New 
 Orleans, and your old companions in arms, to receive you 
 on this spot, consecrated to the honor and glory of our 
 country, and in their name to testify to you their feelings 
 on the occasion, which has again brought us together. 
 
BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " To do this, no language at my command, is adequate. 
 But you, sir, will be able fully to appreciate them, when 
 I declare our solemn conviction, that to your conduct on 
 the memorable day, whose anniversary we celebrate, we 
 are indebted for our homes, our liberties, our all. Accept 
 then, sir, every sentiment of gratitude, which a devoted 
 and patriotic people can feel towards him, who has pre 
 served to them the inestimable blessings of our constitu 
 tion, and the sacred institutions of our country : and our 
 fervent prayers, that your deeds may meet with their just 
 reward from the present generation, and that their re 
 membrance may extend to our latest posterity." 
 
 The general replied as follows : 
 
 " Sir Thirteen years have revolved since, fellow-citi 
 zens, and fellows in arms, we met on these plains. Our 
 country was then shaken by the storms of war, and we 
 had repaired hither to resist its rudest shock. This lovely 
 land, rich in its present aspect, and far richer in its future 
 destinies the pride of western commerce and the key of 
 western independence was insulted by invasion, and 
 threatened by conquest. An army, strong in renown and 
 powerful in numbers, haughty from success and eager for 
 spoil, came from amidst distant seas to pour its pride and 
 fury upon Louisiana. This formidable foe we met ; and 
 though inferior in number and discipline ; though not 
 furnished with the regular means of defence; though 
 hastily assembled from various states ; we were determined 
 to live or to die free ; we acted with concert, we fought 
 with confidence, and we conquered. The justice of our 
 cause gave us courage, and the favor of Heaven granted 
 us victory, and requited our days of toil, and nights of 
 watching, with the glory of giving deliverance to our 
 country and security to our fellow-citizens. In common 
 with them we have since enjoyed the fruits of peace, and 
 pursuing the various callings of life, have been dispersed 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 305 
 
 over different regions. But though separated by time 
 and space, the bond of fraternity cemented on this field 
 has not been weakened our countrymen hallowed it with 
 their gratitude. With what pleasure do I embrace you 
 again ! In what language shall I express my emotions ? 
 Must I not regard this assemblage of my martial brothers 
 as a peculiar mark of the goodness of Providence ? Shall I 
 not esteem this concourse of my fellow-citizens, collected 
 from different quarters of the union, as evidence, that the 
 nation accepts it as worthy of commemoration, and rejoices 
 in bestowing its honors on those who shared its dangers ? 
 What greater good than this, within the sphere of human 
 events, can fall to the lot of man ? what higher incentive 
 to the discharge of his duty as a citizen and a soldier ? 
 And what an inspiring theme does it afford for our sup 
 plications to that God, in the hollow of whose hand is the 
 fate of man and the destiny of nations ! These conside 
 rations prepare me to receive the cordial welcome with 
 which I am honored, and in behalf of the valiant men, to 
 whose perseverance and undaunted spirit, I owed my sue* 
 cess, I receive it with pride and joy. 
 
 " I thank you, sir, for the kind assurance of the regard 
 of my fellow-citizens. My conduct in defending your 
 city has been misunderstood by some, and misrepresented 
 by others ; but this day s testimony in its favor repays 
 me for injury and injustice ; and it is far more valuable 
 than any gratification, which the pride of power or the 
 pomp of office can confer. Most of you were witnesses 
 of the scene in which I was engaged, and know the mea 
 sures which I adopted to destroy the proud foe, and pro 
 tect this fair city. From the part you acted, and the re 
 lations you sustained, you are competent to weigh the cir 
 cumstances by which I was surrounded, and to estimate 
 the motives by which I was governed. Your approba 
 tion, therefore, gives me consolation, and satisfies me that 
 26* 
 
306 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the course which I pursued was required by the interest 
 and honor of the country. In that perilous crisis I thought 
 it my duty to obey, in favor of my country, the great law 
 of necessity, the great principle of self-defence to sacri 
 fice this shadow for the substance, and to save the consti 
 tution by suspending, within the compass of sentinels, the 
 impending action of certain legal forms. This step I 
 took, neither without reflection, nor without advice, nor 
 without example. And when I review it, my mind ad 
 heres to the judgment, which I have formed. Your appro 
 bation, I repeat, confirms this opinion. It will, I believe, 
 signalized as it is by this public solemnity, have a higher 
 effect. It will exhibit to posterity a salutary example of 
 patriotism and justice, and thus be instrumental in secur 
 ing our country from future dangers. Like the glory of 
 that bright day which saw us rise into national existence, 
 it may blaze on the altars of liberty, and rekindle from 
 age to age the sacred love of freemen for their country. 
 
 " I salute you, fellow-citizens, and embrace you, my 
 brothers in arms, and offer my prayers to Heaven for 
 your individual happiness, and for your country s glory." 
 
 Mr. Davezac, also one of his aids, then addressed him 
 as follows : 
 
 " General I should be insensible indeed, if I could 
 express the deep feelings which crowd on my mind, when, 
 after viewing the surrounding scene, I cast my eyes on 
 him whom I now address ; this ground, made holy by 
 deeds of eternal renown ; this plain, where patriotism and 
 valor triumphed over numbers and discipline. What no 
 ble subjects can be offered to the meditation of philoso 
 phy ? What nobler theme can excite the genius of an 
 orator ? But when to these are now superadded the 
 shouts of an enthusiastic multitude, the roar of artillery, 
 and the magnificent spectacle of so many floating palaces, 
 displaying lo the winds, as they glide along, the striped 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 307 
 
 banners on which shine so bright the auspicious stars, 
 the happy emblems of new-born republics ; I may be al 
 lowed to hope, that the inspiration of the scene may sup 
 ply the talent which ought to have been possessed by him, 
 on whom devolves the task of expressing the gratitude oi 
 his brother-soldiers. It was a happy conception of the 
 legislature of our country, to invite the conqueror of the 
 8th of January, to the field of his glory ; there to gladden 
 his eyes by the spectacle of a nation s gratitude ; to offer 
 to his sight, after thirteen years had elapsed, crowned 
 with the choicest gifts of nature, enriched by the tributes 
 of commerce, of industry, and of the arts, Louisiana, 
 whom he had beheld in the days of her mourning, in the 
 hour of calamity. 
 
 " Prosperity does not harden the hearts of freemen, foi 
 it is in the midst of all the felicity which Providence car 
 bestow on a favored people, that Louisianians delight tc 
 look back to an epoch marked by dread portents and ac> 
 tual perils ; and it is at the very moment when they fee 
 most intensely their present happiness, that they recal 
 the remembrance of the day when you appeared amon 
 them for the first time. You found them ready to poui 
 out their hearts blood in defence of their country ; bu 
 they had been waiting for a chief, for one firm of purpose 
 capable of breasting the approaching tempest. The) 
 were aware, that at such a crisis, unity of command wai 
 their only safety, and that you alone could collect the scat 
 tered reeds, bind them together, and give them, thus united 
 a force that would defy all hostile efforts. You called oj 
 the brave, wherever born, and you uttered the sacred word; 
 Honor ! Country ! All hearts vibrated at the sound 
 what once was rivalry became emulation what had beei 
 envy was changed into a noble jealousy of fame. Vari 
 ous languages were spoken at these memorable times 
 
308 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 You had inspired all your warriors with your own pre 
 saging hopes. 
 
 " We have come this day to salute, at the very instant 
 when he treads again this hallowed ground, the hero of 
 this great anniversary. We come too, like the Greeks of 
 old, when they visited the field of Marathon, to honor the 
 warriors whom fate forbade to join in the triumph they 
 purchased at the price of their lives. But why do I de 
 tain you so long, even on this field of your fame ? While 
 these veteran soldiers press the hand of their chief, a 
 whole city waits the return of the vessel which bears the 
 guest of Louisiana. The legislators of our state have 
 suspended their deliberations ; the multitude cover the 
 banks of this great river, the temples are opened, the in 
 cense ascending to heaven, together with the blessings of 
 a grateful people. Go, happy conqueror ! Go, and hear 
 the voice of mothers greeting the hero who brought them 
 back their sons. Go, and hear the cheerings of the wives 
 and daughters from whom you averted the insults of a 
 lawless soldiery. Go, and meet the kind, the rapturous 
 welcome of the new generation ; the children born since 
 1815, the future men of Louisiana, await also the deli 
 verer of their fathers." 
 
 General Jackson thus replied : 
 
 " Sir Your language arid imagination, attest the 
 fervor of the clime you inhabit, and do justice to the ge 
 nerous people you represent. They do justice also to my 
 brave associates, who enriched the field before us with 
 glory, and filled it with recollections which so powerfully 
 excite your enthusiasm, and are regarded with such li 
 beral interest by your state. While I rejoice with you in 
 the prosperity of Louisiana, which smiles on the banks 
 and floats on the current of its majestic river, I take 
 pleasure in reflecting that it is the just reward of the 
 valor and patriotism she displayed under a pressure 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 309 
 
 of danger, which valor and patriotism alone have sup 
 ported. 
 
 " In this assembly, I see many of her sons, whose 
 swords opposed a rampart to the powerful foe, and whose 
 lives were preserved in honor, because they were offered 
 a sacrifice to glory. You, sir, are one of this chivalric 
 band, and doubtless, when you witness this scene, you are 
 filled with those emotions, which your fancy compares to 
 the feeling s of the soldiers of Miltiades, when they re 
 visited the field of their victory. Here 1 rejoice to meet 
 you, and to mingle my exultation \vith yours in the pros 
 perity and glory of our common country." 
 
 Many other details of this highly interesting celebration 
 might be given, but we are necessitated to omit them. On 
 the 12th of January, General Jackson and suite left New 
 Orleans, on his return to the Hermitage. After his arri 
 val, he addressed a letter to one of the members of the 
 Louisiana legislature, expressive of his sentiments rela 
 tive to the cordial reception he there met with, of which 
 the following is an extract : 
 
 " 1 seize upon this occasion to make to you and the 
 other members of the committee of the legislature of 
 Louisiana, a tender of my sincere thanks for your very 
 kind and polite attention while I was in your hospitable 
 city. The liberality and politeness of the governor and 
 legislature of Louisiana, bestowed upon me during my 
 late visit, are treasured up with the most lively recollec 
 tions of gratitude, and will be cherished through life with 
 the warmest emotions." 
 
310 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Violence of party spirit General Jackson elected presi 
 dent of the United States Death of Mrs. Jackson 
 General Jackson declines the accepta?ice of invitations 
 to public entertainments, on his way to Washington 
 He repairs to the. seat of government His reception 
 Inauguration Inaugural address His cabinet Re 
 movals from office Defence of the measure His first 
 message to congress. 
 
 As the presidential election approached, the hostility 
 of the political parties towards each other increased. 
 Never, it is believed, has a political contest heen waged 
 with such a bitter uncompromising spirit such a total 
 disregard of those principles which almost invariably 
 govern the contests of honorable men for place or pow 
 er, as that of 1828. General Jackson was the candi 
 date of the people ; he had devoted his whole life to 
 the advancement of the prosperity and glory of his coun 
 try, and his fellow-citizens were ready to bestow their 
 favors upon him with a willing hand. His opponents 
 were aware of this, and resolved, if possible, to counteract 
 their intentions. With this end in view, almost every act 
 of his life, either public or private, was represented as 
 embodying some crime which degrades and dishonors our 
 common nature. But his fame passed every ordeal with 
 a renovated brilliancy. In the autumn of 1828, the elec 
 tion took place which resulted in the choice of General 
 Jackson, by a large majority. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 311 
 
 In December, he met with a severe affliction, in the 
 death of Mrs. Jackson. She was an amiable and excel 
 lent woman, and was greatly beloved by all within the 
 extensive circle of her acquaintance. This melancholy 
 event happened on the evening of the 22d, and the intel 
 ligence spread a deep gloom throughout the vicinity of 
 the Hermitage. The following day, being the anniver 
 sary of an interesting and important event in the last war, 
 had been appropriately selected to testify the respect and 
 affection of his fellow-citizens and neighbors to the man 
 who was so soon to leave his sweet domestic retirement, 
 to assume the responsibilities and discharge the important 
 duties of chief magistrate of the nation. Preparations 
 had been made the table well nigh spread, at which all 
 was expected to be hilarity and joy ; the citizens of Nash 
 ville had sallied forth on the happy morning with spirits 
 light and buoyant, and countenances beaming with ani 
 mation and hope when suddenly the scene was changed ; 
 congratulations were converted into expressions of con 
 dolence, tears were substituted for smiles, and a general 
 mourning pervaded a community, where, but a moment 
 before, universal happiness and public rejoicing prevailed. 
 
 The funeral of Mrs. Jackson, was attended by an im 
 mense concourse of people. Her remains were interred 
 in the lower part of the garden of the Hermitage. The 
 general was supported to the grave by General Coffee 
 and Major Rutledge. It is said by those w T ho witnessed 
 the scene, that the exhibition of grief on the part of the 
 relatives and friends of the deceased was excessive be 
 yond description. Some of her domestics seemed stupi- 
 fied by the event, others wrung their hands and shrieked 
 aloud. These were testimonials of the worth and excel 
 lence of the departed, which are seldom discoverable in 
 the solemn pomp and heartless mummery that often attend 
 the obsequies of the illustrious dead. 
 
312 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The severity of the blow upon her partner was heavy 
 beyond conception. A gentleman from Philadelphia who 
 was present at the funeral, wrote thus to his brother : 
 
 " After the funeral, the general came up to me, took 
 my hand and shook it. Some of the gentlemen men 
 tioned my name. He again caught my hand with a fer 
 vent pressure, but could not speak. I never shall forget 
 his look of grief." 
 
 The time was now at hand when it would be necessary 
 for General Jackson to repair to the seat of government. 
 Previous to his departure, he received numerous invita 
 tions to pass through various places on his route, and 
 partake of the hospitalities of his friends. The following 
 is a reply to a letter from a committee of the citizens of 
 Lynchburg who invited him to pass through that place, 
 and receive the respects of its inhabitants : 
 
 Hermitage, Dec. 9th, 1828. 
 
 " Gentlemen I have received your letter of the 22d 
 ultimo, presenting to me the congratulations of my friends 
 in Lynchburg, and its vicinity, and inviting me in their 
 name to pass through that section of country, on my way 
 to Washington, in the event of my election. So lively an 
 expression of regard for my character and services, as 
 that, gentlemen, which you have been pleased to convey 
 on this occasion, is received with every sentiment of res 
 pect : and I beg leave to offer, in return for it, the grate 
 ful assurance that it would afford me great satisfaction to 
 accept the invitation, were it probable that I could comply 
 with it. But as I shall feel myself bound to aAvait the 
 complete ascertainment of the election, before I make any 
 arrangement on this result ; and then, in event of my 
 election, would be compelled to take the most expeditious 
 route in order to reach the city by the 4th of March, the 
 pleasure of paying you my personal respects, must be 
 postponed to some future period. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 313 
 
 " I pray you to accept for yourselves, and present to 
 those you represent, the assurance of my respect and high 
 consideration, and believe me, very sincerely, your obe 
 dient servant, ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
 In reply to an invitation from the members of the Penn 
 sylvania legislature, received after the afflictive event of 
 Mrs. Jackson s death, to visit Harrisburgh on his way to 
 Washington, he said : " It having pleased the Author of 
 all mercies, by a late dispensation of his providence, to 
 remove from this world the stay and solace of my life, 
 feelings, of which I need not attempt the description, 
 compel me to decline the invitation with which the mem 
 bers of the Pennsylvania legislature, friendly to my elec 
 tion, have honored me. I am not, however, even in this 
 hour of affliction, insensible to your kindness ; and I can 
 not but feel obliged to you, gentlemen, for the polite and 
 favorable terms in which you have communicated it to me 
 in your letter of the 8th inst. The obligations I owe to 
 the people and legislature of Pennsylvania, for repeated 
 evidences of genuine partiality and support, impress me 
 with a sense of gratitude and deference for that great and 
 patriotic state, which in every vicissitude of life I shall 
 cherish, and which, under less mournful circumstances, I 
 should be proud to manifest by attending her capital, and 
 paying respects in person to her citizens." 
 
 Towards the close of January, 1829, General Jackson 
 and suite left the Hermitage for the seat of government. 
 The inhabitants of the places through which he passed 
 assembled and paid him their congratulations ; his recent 
 bereavement, however, made him desirous of dispensing 
 with all unnecessary ceremony, a wish which was com 
 plied with on the part of his friends, by a delicate forbear 
 ance, evincive of their respect for his character, and sym 
 pathy in his affliction. 
 
 He arrived in Washington early in February, in a 
 27 
 
314 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 plain carriage, and escorted by only ten or twelve horse 
 men, and was received with very little ceremony, at his 
 own particular request. It is the great glory of our 
 institutions, that one president retires from and another 
 enters upon the duties of the office, as if without effort 
 or as a natural effect of our republican establishments. 
 It is this more than any thing, that excites the astonish 
 ment of king-ridden Europeans. They wonder at the 
 operation of the laws, without the exhibition of force. 
 
 After counting the electoral votes, and ascertaining that 
 General Jackson was elected, a committee, consisting of 
 Mr. Tazewell from the senate, and Messrs. Hamilton and 
 Bell of the house, were appointed to notify General Jack 
 son of his election. Soon after they were ushered into the 
 drawing-room, the president elect also came in, when Mr. 
 Tazewell, the chairman, met him, and addressed him to the 
 following effect : 
 
 * Sir In obedience to the orders of the senate and 
 house of representatives of the United States, and by the 
 direction of their joint committee, appointed for that spe 
 cial purpose, it is my duty to notify you, that you have 
 been duly elected president of the United States, for the 
 term of four years, to commence with the 4th day of March 
 next. While performing this act of duty, I beg leave 
 to offer you my own and the cordial congratulations of 
 each of my associates of this committee, on this event, 
 an event which we all very confidently believe, will re 
 dound not less to your fame, and to the future benefit of 
 our common country, than any other of those occurrences 
 which have signalized your past life, and secured to you 
 that respect, and esteem, and confidence of your fellow- 
 citizens, which have been so fully illustrated in your re 
 cent election. The particulars of this election will be 
 made known to you by the record which I now have the 
 honor to place in your hands." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 315 
 
 Mr. Tazewell then handed him a transcript of the jour 
 nal of the two houses, containing their proceedings on 
 the day of opening and counting the ballots. 
 
 To this address General Jackson very appropriately 
 and feelingly replied : " Sir The notification that I have 
 been elected president of the United States for four years 
 from the fourth of March next, by the directions of the se 
 nate and house of representatives, you have so politely pre 
 sented, is received with feelings of the deepest sensibility. 
 
 " I desire you to communicate to the respective houses 
 of congress, my acceptance of the high trust, which has 
 been conferred by my fellow-citizens, with an acknow 
 ledgment of the responsibility which it enjoins ; and that 
 I can make no suitable return for so flattering a proof of 
 their confidence and attachment. All that I can offer, 
 is my willingness to enter upon the duties which they 
 have confided to me, with an earnest desire to execute 
 them in a manner the best calculated to promote the pros 
 perity and happiness of our common country, and to the 
 attainment of these objects, shall my unceasing efforts be 
 directed. I beg you, sir, to convey to the senate and 
 house of representatives, assurances of my respect and 
 regard." 
 
 On the fourth of March, the ceremony of his inaugu 
 ration took place in the senate-chamber. General Jack 
 son entered it at half past eleven o clock, attended by the 
 marshal of the district, and the committee of arrange 
 ments, and took his seat immediately in front of the se 
 cretary s desk. The chief justice of the United States, 
 and associate judges, entered soon after, and occupied the 
 seats assigned for them on the right of the president s chair. 
 The foreign ministers and their suites, in their splendid 
 official costumes, occupied seats on the left of the chair. 
 A large number of ladies were present, and occupied 
 seats in the rear of the senators, and the lobby under the 
 
316 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 eastern gallery. The western gallery was reserved for 
 the members of the house of representatives. 
 
 The senate adjourned at twelve o clock, and a proces 
 sion was formed to the eastern portico of the capitol, 
 where, in presence of an immense concourse of spectators 
 filling the portico, the steps, and the inclosure, the presi 
 dent of the United States delivered his inaugural address 
 as follows : 
 
 " Fellow-citizens : About to undertake the arduous duties 
 that I have been appointed to perform, by the choice of a 
 free people, I avail myself of this customary and solemn 
 occasion, to express the gratitude which their confidence 
 inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability which my 
 situation enjoins. While the magnitude of their interests 
 convinces me that no thanks can be adequate to the honor 
 they have conferred, it admonishes me that the best re 
 turn I can make, is the zealous dedication of my humble 
 abilities to their service and their good. 
 
 " As the instrument of the federal constitution, it will 
 devolve upon me, for a stated period, to execute the laws 
 of the United States ; to superintend their foreign and 
 confederate relations ; to manage their revenue ; to com 
 mand their forces ; and, by communications to the legis 
 lature, to watch over and to promote their interests gene 
 rally. And the principles of action by which I shall en 
 deavor to accomplish this circle of duties, it is now proper 
 for me briefly to explain. 
 
 " In administering the laws of congress, I shall keep 
 steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of the 
 executive power, trusting thereby to discharge the func 
 tions of my office, without transcending its authority. 
 With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve 
 peace, and to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable 
 terms ; and, in the adjustment of any difference that may 
 exist or arise, to exhibit the forbearance becoming a 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 317 
 
 powerful nation, rather than the sensibility belonging to a 
 gallant people. 
 
 " In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in 
 regard to the rights of the separate states, I hope to be 
 animated by a proper respect for those sovereign members 
 of our Union ; taking care not to confound the powers 
 they have reserved to themselves, with those they have 
 granted to the confederacy. 
 
 " The management of the public revenue that search 
 ing operation in all governments is among the most deli 
 cate and important trusts in ours ; and it will, of course, 
 demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude. 
 Under every aspect in which it can be considered, it would 
 appear that advantage must result from the observance of 
 a strict and faithful economy. This I shall aim at the 
 more anxiously, both because it will facilitate the extin 
 guishment of the national debt the unnecessary duration 
 of which is incompatible with real independence and 
 because it will counteract that tendency to public and pri 
 vate profligacy, which a profuse expenditure of money by 
 the government is but too apt to engender. Powerful 
 auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable end, are to 
 be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of 
 congress for the specific appropriation of public money, 
 and the prompt accountability of public officers. 
 
 " With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of 
 impost, with a view to revenue ; it would seem to me that 
 the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, in which 
 the constitution was formed, requires that the great inter 
 ests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, should 
 be equally favored ; and that, perhaps, the only exception 
 to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement 
 of any products of either of them that may be found essen 
 tial to our national independence. 
 
 " Internal improvement, and the diffusion of knowledge, 
 27* 
 
318 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 so far as they can be promoted by the constitutional act ? 
 of the federal government, are of high importance. 
 
 " Considering standing armies as dangerous to free go 
 vernments, in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge 
 our present establishment, nor disregard that salutary 
 lesson of political experience which teaches that the mi 
 litary should be held subordinate to the civil power. The 
 gradual increase of our navy, whose flag has displayed 
 in distant climes, our skill in navigation, and our fame ii 
 arms ; the preservation of our forts, arsenals, and dock 
 yards ; and the introduction of progessive improvements 
 in the discipline and science of both branches of our mili 
 tary service, are so plainly prescribed by prudence, that 
 I should be excused for omitting their mention, sooner 
 than enlarging on their importance. But the bulwark of 
 our defence is the national militia, which, in the present 
 state of our intelligence and population, must render us 
 invincible. As long as our government is administered 
 for the good of the people, and is regulated by their will ; 
 as long as it secures to us the rights of person and of pro 
 perty, liberty of conscience, and of the press, it will be 
 worth defending ; and so long as it is worth defending, a 
 patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable aegis. 
 Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we may be 
 subjected to ; but a million of armed freemen, possessed of 
 the means of war, can never be conquered by a foreign 
 foe. To any just system, therefore, calculated to strength 
 en this natural safeguard of the country, I shall cheer 
 fully lend all the aid in my power. 
 
 " It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe, 
 towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and 
 liberal policy ; and to give that humane and considerate 
 attention to their rights and their wants, which are con 
 sistent with the habits of our government and the feelings 
 of our people. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 319 
 
 " The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes 
 on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to 
 be overlooked, the task of reform ; which will require, 
 particularly, the correction of those abuses that have 
 brought the patronage of the federal government into con 
 flict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction 
 of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course 
 of appointment, and have placed, or continued power, in 
 unfaithful or incompetent hands. 
 
 " In the performance of a task thus generally delineated, 
 I shall endeavor to select men whose diligence and ta- 
 lenta will insure, in their respective stations, able and 
 faithful co-operation depending, for the advancement of 
 the public service, more on the integrity and zeal of the 
 public officers, than on their numbers. 
 
 " A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifica 
 tions, will teach me to look with reverence to the exam 
 ples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, 
 and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind 
 that founded, and the mind that reformed, our system. 
 The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction 
 and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the government, 
 and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens 
 generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that 
 Power whose providence mercifully protected our national 
 infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vi 
 cissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplica 
 tions that he will continue to make our beloved country 
 the object of his divine care and gracious benediction." 
 
 When he had concluded his address, the oath to sup 
 port the constitution of the United States was administer 
 ed to him by Chief Justice Marshall. Salutes were fired 
 by two companies of artillery, stationed in the vicinity of 
 the capitol, which were repeated at the forts, and by de 
 tachments of artillery on the plains. When the president 
 
320 BIOGRAPHY Of 
 
 retired, the procession was re-formed, and he was con 
 ducted to the presidential mansion. He here received 
 the salutations of a large number of persons, who came 
 to congratulate him on his induction to the presidency. 
 
 General Jackson organized his cabinet by appointing 
 Martin Van Buren, of New York, secretary of state; 
 Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the 
 treasury ; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, secretary of 
 war ; John Branch, of North Carolina, secretary of the 
 navy ; and John M. Berrien, of Georgia, attorney gene 
 ral. 
 
 Among some of the first acts of General Jackson s ad 
 ministration, was that of removing from offices, within the 
 executive gift, those incumbents who were considered 
 either incompetent or unworthy of the trusts that had been 
 reposed in them. For this he was censured, as possess 
 ing a spirit of proscription. Each removal made, was 
 blazoned over the country, as evidence of a persecuting 
 and intolerant spirit. Many of the removed officers even 
 appealed to the people, as though their rights had been 
 violated. But when w r e consider the circumstances under 
 which General Jackson was elected, we ought perhaps 
 rather to be astonished at the fewness than at the number 
 of the removals. 
 
 For eight and twenty years, the line of " safe prece 
 dents" had remained unbroken. The supreme magistracy 
 of this country had passed as regularly from the presi 
 dent to his secretary of state, as the crown of Great Bri 
 tain descends from father to son. In the mean time, there 
 had been but few if any changes in the subordinate offi 
 cers at Washington, except such as occurred in the course 
 of nature. Many men had grown gray in office; and 
 their children had been provided for out of the public 
 purse. The people thought it was time to change this 
 order of things. They believed that abuses existed in 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 321 
 
 the executive departments at Washington. They knew 
 that liberty was Hesperian fruit, and ought to be guarded 
 with watchful jealousy. They therefore determined, 
 that the transactions of the federal government should be 
 subjected to a thorough examination, that the light should 
 penetrate the obscure recesses of the different executive 
 departments. In short, they desired to know, in what 
 manner the men who had been in office twenty-eight 
 years had conducted their affairs. This was a principal 
 cause of the changes that were made. 
 
 Had General Jackson continued all the subordinate 
 officers in the department ; had he folded his hands quiet 
 ly, and suffered the concerns of government to flow on in 
 the same unbroken streams ; he would have disobeyed 
 the commands of the people, and would have violated one 
 of the most important trusts ever conferred upon man. 
 The people did not elect him president as a reward for 
 his past services merely, great and distinguished as they 
 were, but because they believed his life had furnished as 
 surances that he possessed sufficient integrity and firm 
 ness to examine and correct all abuses wherever they 
 existed. It was his solemn duty to remove such of the 
 officers as he believed would stand in the way of this in 
 vestigation the public good required it. His adminis 
 tration stood pledged to the people to make this examina 
 tion; and that pledge he meant should be fully redeemed. 
 How then is it possible he could have redeemed this 
 trust, had he continued those very officers in power 
 whose past conduct was to be the subject of examination ? 
 Is it to be supposed that he would employ them to sit in 
 judgment upon themselves?- There is good reason for 
 presumption that he removed such of them only as the 
 public good required.* 
 
 The other acts which marked the commencement of 
 * Buchanan s speech. 
 
322 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 General Jackson s administration, were such as had been 
 expected from the well known energy of his character, 
 and the purity of the motives which had ever been found 
 to govern his public and private life, and they were me. 
 by the approbation of a large majority of the Americar. 
 people. 
 
 On the opening of congress in December, 1829, Gene 
 ral Jackson presented his first message to the representa 
 tives of the nation. It is a very able production ; and as 
 it contains an interesting history of our national relations 
 at that period, and also of the policy that had been com 
 menced, and which was intended to be pursued by Gene 
 ral Jackson in the administration of our government, we 
 transcribe it : 
 
 " Fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of re 
 presentatives : 
 
 " It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings 
 to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of 
 government, to enter upon the important duties to which 
 you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. 
 The task devolves on me, under a provision of the consti 
 tution, to present to you, as the federal legislature of 
 twenty-four sovereign states, and twelve millions of hap 
 py people, a view of our affairs ; and to propose such 
 measures as, in the discharge of my official functions, 
 have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the 
 objects of our union. 
 
 " In communicating with you for the first time, it is, to 
 me, a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual 
 gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that 
 we are at peace with all mankind ; and that our country 
 exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare 
 and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to 
 other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of 
 the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by oui> 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 323 
 
 selves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in 
 social happiness. 
 
 " Our foreign relations, although in their general cha 
 racter pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference 
 between us and other powers, of deep interest, as Avell to 
 the country at large as to many of our citizens. To ef 
 fect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object 
 of my earnest endeavors ; and notwithstanding the diffi 
 culties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend 
 unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is, with 
 every thing which constitutes national strength, she is ful 
 ly adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In 
 discharging the responsible trust confided to the executive 
 in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing 
 that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is 
 wrong ; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other 
 branches of the government, and by the intelligence and 
 patriotism of the people, we shall be able, tinder the pro 
 tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be 
 respected. 
 
 " Of the unsettled matters between the United States 
 and other powers, the most prominent are those which 
 have, for years, been the subject of negotiation with Eng 
 land, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our 
 ministers to those governments left the United States, ren 
 der it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what 
 has been done on the subjects with which they have been 
 respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our 
 views in relation to the points committed to negotiation, 
 and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our 
 intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason 
 to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differ 
 ences. 
 
 ** With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and 
 war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honora- 
 
324 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 ble, and elevated competition. Every thing in the con 
 dition and history of the two nations is calculated to in 
 spire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry convic 
 tion to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve 
 the most cordial relations : such are my own views, and 
 it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing 
 sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time 
 nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development 
 of the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain 
 designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the 
 hope that it will be of a just and pacific character ; and 
 if this anticipation be realized, we may look with confi 
 dence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs. 
 " Under the convention for regulating the reference to 
 arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 
 fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have 
 hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and libe 
 rality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sove 
 reign states, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable 
 means, important and delicate subjects of contention. 
 The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, 
 and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of 
 preparation. This subject has received the attention de 
 manded by its great and peculiar importance to a patrio 
 tic member of this confederacy. The exposition of our 
 rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputa 
 tion of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, 
 we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of 
 the sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition, 
 by assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been 
 committed to a citizen of the state of Maine, whose cha 
 racter, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the sub 
 ject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. 
 With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in 
 the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising indepen- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 325 
 
 dence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to 
 apprehend from the result. 
 
 " From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to ex 
 pect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a power 
 ful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial 
 effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822, 
 limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make 
 a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are 
 charged with the administration of her government. 
 Should this result induce a disposition to embrace, to 
 their full extent, the wholesome principles which consti 
 tute our commercial policy, our minister to that court 
 will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, and 
 to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. 
 The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their 
 property, long since committed under the authority, and, 
 in many instances, by the express direction, of the then 
 existing government of France, remain unsatisfied ; and 
 must, therefore, continue to furnish a subject of unplea 
 sant discussion, and possible collision, between the two 
 governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, found 
 ed as well on the validity of those claims, and the estab 
 lished policy of all enlightened governments, as on the 
 known integrity of the French monarch, that the injuri 
 ous delays of the past will find redress in the equity of 
 the future. Our minister has been instructed to press 
 these demands on the French government with all the 
 earnestness which is called for by their importance and ir 
 refutable justice ; and in a spirit that will evince the re 
 spect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the 
 satisfaction is required. 
 
 " Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been 
 authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to 
 both countries, either by concluding a commercial con 
 vention, upon liberal and reciprocal terms ; or by urging 
 28 
 
326 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually bene 
 ficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been 
 instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, 
 in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations up 
 on our commerce, committed under her authority an 
 appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on 
 our part, and a due confidence in the honor of that go 
 vernment, authorize us to expect will not be made in 
 vain. 
 
 " With other European powers, our intercourse is on 
 the most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her ter 
 ritorial limits, extensive population, and great power, 
 high in the rank of nations, the United States have al 
 ways found a steadfast friend. Although her recent in 
 vasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those 
 who were exposed to the desolations of war, we cannot 
 but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the 
 cause of civilization, and to the progress of human hap 
 piness. The treaty of peace between these powers hav 
 ing been ratified, we cannot be insensible to the great 
 benefit to be derived by the commerce of the United 
 States, from unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea 
 a free passage into which is secured to all merchant ves 
 sels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peace with 
 the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed, upon conditions, by 
 most of the powers of Europe, has hitherto been with 
 held from us. During the past summer, an antecedent, 
 but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it, was renewed under 
 circumstances which promised the most favorable results. 
 Although these results have fortunately been thus in part 
 attained, further facilities to the enjoyment of this new 
 field for the enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, 
 sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous 
 attention. 
 
 " Our trade with Austria, although of secondary impor- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 327 
 
 tance, has been gradually increasing; and is now so ex 
 tended, as to deserve the fostering care of the government. 
 A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that 
 power, by the late administration, has been consummated 
 by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will 
 be laid before the senate. 
 
 ** During the recess of congress, our diplomatic relations 
 with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of 
 things in that country, caused a suspension of the recog 
 nition of the representative who presented himself, until 
 an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ 
 there, information regarding the actual, and as far as prac 
 ticable, prospective, condition of the authority by which 
 the representative in question was appointed. This infor 
 mation being received, the application of the established 
 rule of our government, in like cases, was no longer with 
 held. 
 
 " Considerable advances have been made, during the 
 present year, in the adjustment of claims of our citizens 
 upon Denmark for spoliations ; but all that we have a 
 right to demand from that government, in their behalf, 
 has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, 
 however, upon which this subject has, with the approba 
 tion of the claimants, been placed by the government, to 
 gether with the uniformly just and friendly disposition 
 which has been evinced by his Danish majesty, there is a 
 reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of dif 
 ference will speedily be removed. 
 
 " Our relations with the Barbary powers continue, as 
 they have long been, of the most favorable character. 
 The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediter 
 ranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity, 
 will be persevered in ; as well as a similar one for the 
 protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. 
 
 " The southern republics, of our own hemisphere, have 
 
328 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 not yet realized all the advantages for which they have 
 been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the 
 day is not distant, when the restoration of peace and in 
 ternal quiet, under permanent systems of government, se 
 curing the liberty, and promoting the happiness of the 
 citizens, will crown, with complete success, their long and 
 arduous efforts in the cause of self-government, and ena 
 ble us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly 
 great and glorious. 
 
 " The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby 
 produced upon her domestic policy, must have a controll 
 ing influence upon the great question of South American 
 emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dis 
 sension rebuked, and, perhaps, forever stifled in that re 
 public, by the love of independence. If it be true, as ap 
 pearances strongly indicate, that the spirit of independence 
 is the master spirit, and if a corresponding sentiment pre 
 vails in the other states, this devotion to liberty cannot be 
 without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother 
 country. The adoption, by Spain, of a pacific policy to 
 wards her former colonies an event consoling to human 
 ity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself can- 
 HC! fill! lUTsCly tC participate may be meet leasonaoiy ex 
 pected. 
 
 " The claims of our citizens upon the South American 
 governments, generally, are in a train of settlement ; while 
 the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adjust 
 ed, and a decree in council, ordering bonds to be issued 
 by the minister of the treasury for their amount, has re 
 ceived the sanction of his imperial majesty. This event, 
 together with the exchange of the ratifications of the trea 
 ty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happily terminates 
 all serious causes of difference with that power. 
 
 " Measures have been taken to place our commercial 
 relations with Peru upon a better fpoting than that upon 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 329 
 
 which they have hitherto rested ; and if met by a proper 
 disposition on the part of that government, important be 
 nefits may be secured to both countries. 
 
 " Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our 
 sister republics, and more particularly in that of our im 
 mediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me, were 
 I permitted to say, that the treatment which we have re 
 ceived at her hands has been as universally friendly as the 
 early and constant solicitude manifested by the United 
 States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it 
 becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices, long in 
 dulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against 
 the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of 
 the United States, have had an unfortunate influence upon 
 the affairs of the two countries, and have diminished that 
 usefulness to its own which was justly to be expected from 
 his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great degree, is 
 to be imputed the failure of several measures equally in 
 teresting to both parties ; but particularly that of the Mex 
 ican government to ratify a treaty negotiated and conclud 
 ed in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these 
 circumstances, it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Pom- 
 sett the option either to return or not, as, in his judgment, 
 the interest of his country might require ; and instructions 
 to that end were prepared ; but, before they could be dis 
 patched, a communication was received from the govern 
 ment of Mexico, through its charge d affaires here, request 
 ing the recall of our minister. This was promptly com 
 plied with ; and a representative of a rank corresponding 
 with that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this go 
 vernment was appointed. Our conduct towards that re 
 public has been uniformly of the most friendly character ; 
 and having thus removed the only alledged obstacle to har 
 monious intercourse, I cannot but hope that an advanta 
 geous change will occur in our affairs. 
 28* 
 
330 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " Injustice to Mr. Poinsett, it is proper to say, that my 
 immediate compliance with the application for his recall, 
 and the appointment of his successor, are not to be as 
 cribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper 
 interference by him, in the local politics of Mexico, was 
 well founded ; nor to a want of confidence in his talents 
 or integrity ; and to add, that the truth of that charge has 
 never been affirmed by the federal government of Mexi 
 co, in its communication with this. 
 
 " I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to 
 bring to your attention the propriety of amending that 
 part of our constitution which relates to the election of 
 president and vice president. Our system of government 
 was, by its framers, deemed an experiment ; and they, 
 therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedying its 
 defects. 
 
 " To the people belongs the right of electing their chief 
 magistrate : it was never designed that their choice should, 
 in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention of elec 
 toral colleges, or by the agency confided, under certain 
 contingencies, to the house of representatives. Experi 
 ence proves, that, in proportion as agents to execute the 
 will of the people are multiplied, there is danger of their 
 wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful ; all are 
 liable to err. So far, therefore, as the people can, with 
 convenience, speak, it is safer for them to express their 
 own will. 
 
 " The number of aspirants to the presidency, and the 
 diversity of the interests which may influence their claims, 
 leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance : 
 and, in that event, the election must devolve on the house 
 of representatives, where, it is obvious, the will of the peo 
 ple may not be always ascertained ; or, if ascertained, 
 may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by states, 
 the choice is to be made by twenty-four votes ; and it may 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 331 
 
 often occur, that one of these may be controlled by an in 
 dividual representative. Honors and offices are at the 
 disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings 
 may make it apparent that a single individual holds the 
 cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his re 
 ward ? But even without corruption supposing the pro 
 bity of the representative to be proof against the powerful 
 motives by which he may be assailed the will of the 
 people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One 
 may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents : 
 another, from a conviction that it is his duty to be govern 
 ed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates : 
 finally, although all were inflexibly honest all accurate 
 ly informed of the wishes of their constituents yet, un 
 der the present mode of election, a minority may often 
 elect a president : and when this happens, it may reason 
 ably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of 
 the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their 
 institutions. But although no evil of this character should 
 result from such a perversion of the first principle of our 
 system that the majority is to govern it must be very 
 certain that a president elected by a minority cannot en 
 joy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge 
 of his duties. 
 
 " In this, as in all other matters of public concern, po 
 licy requires that as few impediments as possible should 
 exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, 
 then, endeavor so to amend our system, that the office of 
 chief magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen 
 but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the 
 majority. 
 
 " I would therefore recommend such an amendment of 
 the constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in 
 the election of president and vice president. The mode 
 may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its pre- 
 
332 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 sent relative weight in the election ; and a failure in the 
 first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second 
 to a choice between the two highest candidates. In con 
 nexion with such an amendment, it would seem advisable 
 to limit the service of the chief magistrate to a single 
 term, of either four or six years. If, however, it should 
 not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a 
 provision disqualifying for office the representatives in 
 congress on whom such an election may have devolved, 
 would not be proper. 
 
 " While members of congress can be constitutionally 
 appointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the prac 
 tice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, 
 to select them for such stations as they are believed to be 
 better qualified to fill than other citizens ; but the purity 
 of our government would doubtless be promoted by their 
 exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the presi 
 dent in whose election they may have been officially con 
 cerned. The nature of the judicial office, and the neces 
 sity of securing in the cabinet and in diplomatic stations 
 of the highest rank, the best talents and political experi 
 ence, should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion. 
 
 " There are perhaps few men who can for any great 
 length of time enjoy office and power, without being more 
 or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to a 
 faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity 
 may be proof against improper considerations immediate 
 ly addressed to themselves ; but they are apt to acquire a 
 habit of looking with indifference upon the public inter 
 ests, and of tolerating conduct from which an unpractised 
 man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of 
 property ; and government, rather as a means of promot 
 ing individual interests, than as an instrument created 
 solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some, 
 and in others, a perversion of correct feelings and princi- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 333 
 
 pies, divert government from its legitimate ends, and make 
 it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the 
 many. The duties of all public officers are, or, at least, 
 admit of being made, so plain and simple, that men of 
 intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their per 
 formance ; and I cannot but believe that more is lost by 
 the long continuance of men in office, than is generally to 
 be gained by their experience. I submit therefore to your 
 consideration, whether the efficiency of the government 
 would not be promoted, and official industry and integrity 
 better secured, by a general extension of the law which 
 limits appointments to four years. 
 
 * In a country where offices are created solely for the 
 benefit of the people, no one man has any more intrinsic 
 right to official station than another. Offices were not es 
 tablished to give support to particular men, at the pnblic 
 expense. No individual wrong is therefore done by re 
 moval, since neither appointment to, nor continuance in, 
 office, is matter of right. The incumbent became an offi 
 cer with a view to public benefits ; and when these require 
 his removal, they are not to be sacrificed to private inter 
 ests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right 
 to complain, when a bad officer is substituted for a good 
 one. He who is removed has the same means of obtain 
 ing a living, that are enjoyed by the millions who never 
 held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the 
 idea of property, now so generally connected with official 
 station ; and although individual distress may be some 
 times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which 
 constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, 
 give healthful action to the system. 
 
 " No very considerable change has occurred, during 
 the recess of congress, in the condition of either our agri 
 culture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of 
 the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former, or 
 
334 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importa 
 tions of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished ; 
 while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, 
 has increased the production much beyond the demand 
 for home consumption. The consequences have been 
 low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. 
 That such of our manufacturing establishments as are 
 based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will sur 
 vive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no 
 good reason to doubt. 
 
 " To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the 
 prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the 
 most difficult tasks of government ; and it may be regret 
 ted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass 
 the intercourse of nations, could not by common consent 
 be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those 
 channels to which individual enterprise always its su 
 rest guide might direct it. But we must ever expect 
 selfish legislation in other nations ; and are therefore com 
 pelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the man 
 ner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to har 
 monize the conflicting- interests of our agriculture, our 
 commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impres 
 sions, 1 invite your attention to the existing tariff, believ 
 ing that some of its provisions require modification. 
 
 " The general rule to be applied in graduating the du 
 ties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is 
 that which will place our own in fair competition with 
 those of other countries ; and the inducements to advance 
 even a step beyond this point, are controlling in regard to 
 those articles which are of primary necessity in time of 
 war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy 
 of this operation, it is important that it should never be 
 attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legisla 
 tion in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its va 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 335 
 
 iue, and by which its capital may be transferred to new 
 channels, must always be productive of hazardous specu 
 lation and loss. 
 
 " In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting sub 
 jects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in 
 the patriotic determination to promote the great interests 
 of the whole.. All attempts to connect them with the 
 party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and 
 should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should 
 be under the control of higher and purer motives. Le 
 gislation, subjected to such influence, can never be just ; 
 and will not long retain the sanction of a people, whose 
 active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor 
 insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance, 
 which gave life to our political compact, and still sustains 
 it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, 
 the north, the south, the east, and the west, should unite 
 in diminishing any burthen, of which either may justly 
 complain. 
 
 " The agricultural interests of our country is so essen 
 tially connected with every other, and so superior in im 
 portance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite 
 to it your particular attention. It is principally as manu 
 factures and commerce tend to increase the value of agri 
 cultural productions, and to extend their application to the 
 wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the foster 
 ing care of government. 
 
 " Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a 
 sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those 
 articles of importation which cannot come in competition 
 with our own productions, are the first that should engage 
 the attention of congress in the modification of the tariff 
 Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent : they 
 enter largely into the consumption of the country, and 
 have become articles of necessity to all classes. A re- 
 
336 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 duction, therefore, of the existing duties, will be felt as a 
 common benefit ; but, like all other legislation connected 
 with commerce, to be efficacious, and not injurious, it 
 should be gradual and certain. 
 
 " The public prosperity is evinced in the increased re 
 venue arising from the sales of the public lands ; and in the 
 steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and ton 
 nage, notwithstanding the additional duties imposed by 
 the act of 19th May, 1828, and the unusual importations 
 in the early part of that year. 
 
 " The balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January, 
 1829, was five millions nine hundred and seventy -two 
 thousand four hundred and thirty-five dollars and eighty- 
 one cents. The receipts of the current year are estimated 
 at twenty-four millions six hundred and two thousand two 
 hundred and thirty dollars, and the expenditures for the 
 same time, at twenty-six millions one hundred and sixty- 
 four thousand five hundred and ninety-five dollars ; leav 
 ing a balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January next, 
 of four millions four hundred and ten thousand and seventy 
 dollars and eighty-one cents. 
 
 " There will have been paid, on account of the public 
 debt, during the present year, the sum of twelve millions 
 four hundred and five thousand and five dollars and eigh 
 ty cents ; reducing the whole debt of the government, on 
 the first of January next, to forty-eight millions five hun 
 dred and sixty-five thousand four hundred and six dollars 
 and fifty cents, including seven millions of five per cent, 
 stock, subscribed to the bank of the United States. The 
 payment on account of the public debt, made on the first 
 of July last, was eight millions seven hundred and fifteen 
 thousand four hundred and sixty-two dollars and eighty- 
 seven cents. It was apprehended that the sudden with 
 drawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was 
 deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 337 
 
 market, might cause much injury to the interests depend 
 ent on bank accomodations. But this evil was wholly 
 averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury, aid 
 ed by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the bank 
 of the United States. 
 
 " This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the 
 nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry ; and 
 auspicious of the ability of government, in a very short 
 time, to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be 
 done, our population will be relieved from a considerable 
 portion of its present burthens ; and will find, not only 
 new motives to patriotic affection, but additional means 
 for the display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power 
 of the states will also be increased ; and may be more ex 
 tensively exerted in favor of education and other public 
 objects : while ample means will remain in the federal go 
 vernment to promote the general weal, in all the modes 
 permitted to its authority. 
 
 " After the extinction of the public debt, it is not pro 
 bable that any adjustment of the tariff, upon principles sa 
 tisfactory to the people of the union, will, until a remote 
 period, if ever, leave the government without a consider 
 able surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be requi 
 red for its current service. As then the period approaches 
 when the application of the revenue to the payment of 
 debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present 
 a subject for the serious deliberation of congress ; and it 
 may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. 
 Considered in connexion with the difficulties which have 
 heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of inter 
 nal improvement ; and with those which this experience 
 tells us will certainly arise, whenever power over such 
 subjects may be exercised by the general government ; 
 it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan 
 which will reconcile the diversified interests of the states, 
 
338 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every 
 member of the union, in peace and in war, will be bene 
 fited by the improvement of inland navigation and the 
 construction of highways in the several states. Let us 
 then endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode which will 
 be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted, has, by many 
 of our fellow-citizens, been deprecated as an infraction 
 of the constitution ; while by others it has been viewed as 
 inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the ex 
 pense of harmony in the legislative councils. 
 
 " To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most 
 safe, just and federal disposition which could be made of 
 the surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among 
 the several states according to their ratio of representa 
 tion ; and should this measure not be found warranted by 
 the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to 
 the states an amendment authorizing it. I regard an 
 appeal to the source of power, in cases of real doubt, and 
 where its exercise is deemed indispensable to the general 
 welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. 
 Upon this country, more than any other, has, in the pro 
 vidence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the 
 great principle of adherence to written constitutions. If 
 it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished. 
 That this was intended to be a government of limited and 
 specific, and not general powers, must be admitted by all ; 
 and it is our duty to preserve for it the character intended 
 by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for 
 an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those 
 for whose benefit it is to be exercised ; and not undermine 
 the whole system by a resort to overstrained constructions. 
 The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes 
 of those who devised it, and become an object of admira 
 tion to the world. We are responsible to our country, 
 and to the glorious cause of self-government, for the pre- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 339 
 
 servation of so great a good. The great mass of legisla 
 tion relating to our internal affairs, was intended to be left 
 where the federal convention found it, in the state go 
 vernments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we 
 are chiefly indebted for the success of the constitution un 
 der which we are now acting, to the watchful and auxili 
 ary operation of the state authorities. This is not the re 
 flection of a day, but belongs to the most deeply rooted 
 convictions of my mind. I cannot therefore, too strongly 
 or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn 
 you against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere 
 of state sovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invi 
 gorating influence, the federal system can never fall. 
 
 " In the collection of the revenue, the long credits au 
 thorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of 
 Good Hope are the chief cause of the losses at present 
 sustained. If these were shortened to six, nine, and 
 twelve months, and warehouses provided by government, 
 sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposite for se 
 curity and for debenture ; and if the right of the United 
 States to a priority of payment out of the estates of its in 
 solvent debtors were more effectually secured, this evil 
 would, in a great measure, be obviated. An authority to 
 construct such houses is, therefore, with the proposed al 
 teration of the credits, recommended to your attention. 
 
 " It is worthy of notice, that the laws for the collection 
 and security of the revenue arising from imposts, were 
 chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods 
 presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at 
 present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws 
 are, in some respects, quite insufficient for the proper se 
 curity of the revenue, and the protection of the interests 
 of those who are disposed to observe them. The injuri 
 ous and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of 
 smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment, and 
 
340 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 cannot be too carefully guarded against. I therefore sug 
 gest to congress the propriety of adopting efficient mea 
 sures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much as 
 possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual 
 liberty, and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. 
 
 " On an examination of the records of the treasury, I 
 have been forcibly struck with the large amount of pub 
 lic money which appears to be outstanding. Of the sum 
 thus due from individuals to the government, a consi 
 derable portion is undoubtedly desperate ; and, in many 
 instances, has probably been rendered so by remissness 
 in the agents charged with its collection. By proper ex 
 ertions, a great part, however, may yet be recovered ; and, 
 whatever may be the portions respectively belonging to 
 these two classes, it behooves the government to ascertain 
 the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the 
 prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection 
 of such as may be made available. It is believed that a 
 very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy 
 of the means provided for the collection of debts due to 
 the public ; and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the 
 want of legal skill, habitually and constantly employed in 
 the direction of the agents engaged in the service. It 
 must, I think, be admitted, that the supervisory power 
 over suits brought by the public, which is now vested in 
 an acco-unting officer of the treasury, not selected with 
 a view to his legal knowledge, and incumbered as he is 
 with numerous other duties, operates unfavorably to the 
 public interest. 
 
 " It is important that this branch of the public service 
 should be subjected to the supervision of such profession 
 al skill as will give it efficiency. The expense attendant 
 upon such a modification of the executive department, 
 would be justified by the soundest principles of economy. 
 I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now as- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 341 
 
 signed to the agent of the treasury, so far as they relate to 
 the superintendence and management of legal proceed 
 ings, on the part of the United States, be transferred to 
 the attorney general ; and that this officer be placed on 
 the same footing, in all respects, as the heads of the other 
 departments, receiving like compensation, and having 
 such subordinate officers provided for his department, as 
 may be requisite for the discharge of these additional du 
 ties. The professional skill of the attorney general, em 
 ployed in directing the conduct of marshals and district 
 attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in 
 suit, and hereafter save much to the government. It might 
 be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal 
 proceedings, for offences against the United States. In 
 making this transfer, great care should be taken, however, 
 that the power necessary to the treasury department be not 
 impaired : one of its greatest securities consisting in a 
 control over all accounts, until they are audited or report 
 ed for suit. 
 
 ** In connexion with the foregoing views, I would sug 
 gest, also, an inquiry, whether the provisions of the act 
 of congress, authorizing the discharge of the persons of 
 debtors to the government, from imprisonment, may not, 
 consistently with the public interest, be extended to the 
 release of the debt, where the conduct of the debtor is 
 wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud. Some more 
 liberal policy than that which now prevails, in reference 
 to this unfortunate class of citizens, is certainly due to 
 them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The 
 continuance of the liability, after the means to discharge 
 it have been exhausted, can only serve to dispirit the debt 
 or ; or, where his resources are but partial, the want of 
 power in the government to compromise and release the 
 demand, instigates to fraud, as the only resource for se 
 curing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a state 
 29* 
 
342 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society, or a 
 vicious member of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor 
 and inhumanity of his country. All experience proves, 
 that oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise ;. and it 
 should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding 
 power over misfortune and poverty. 
 
 " Since the last session of congress, numerous frauds 
 on the treasury have been discovered, which I thought it 
 my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United 
 States court for this district, by a criminal prosecution. 
 It was my opinion, and that of able counsel who were 
 consulted, that the cases came within the penalties of the 
 act of the 17th congress, approved 3d March, 1823, pro 
 viding for the punishment of frauds committed on the 
 government of the United States. Either from some de 
 fect in the law, or in its administration, every effort to 
 bring the accused to trial, under its provisions, proved in 
 effectual ; and the government was driven to the necessi 
 ty of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of 
 the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your at 
 tention to the laws which have been passed for the pro 
 tection of the treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision 
 by which those who may be unworthily intrusted with its 
 guardianship, can be punished for the most flagrant vio 
 lation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent ap 
 propriation of the public funds to their own use ; it is time 
 to remedy so dangerous an omission. Or, if the law has 
 been, perverted from its original purposes, and criminals, 
 deserving to be punished under its provisions, have been 
 rescued by legal subtleties ; it ought to be made so plain, 
 by amendatory provisions, as to bafile the arts of perver 
 sion, and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. 
 
 " In one of the most flagrant cases, the court decided 
 that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits 
 prosecution f or fraud to two years. In this case all the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 343 
 
 evidences of the fraud, and indeed all knowledge that a 
 fraud had been committed, were in possession of the party 
 accused, until after the two years had elapsed. Surely 
 the statute ought not to run in favor of any man, while he 
 retains all the evidences of his crime in his own posses 
 sion ; and, least of all, in favor of a public officer who 
 continues to defraud the treasury, and conceal the trans 
 action for the brief term of two years. I would therefore 
 recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the 
 injured party and the government two years after the dis 
 closure of the fraud, or after the accused is out -of office, 
 to commence their prosecution. 
 
 * In connexion with this subject, I invite the attention 
 of congress to a general and minute inquiry into the con 
 dition of the government ; Avith a view to ascertain Avhat 
 offices can be dispensed with, what expenses retrenched, 
 and \vhat improvements may be made in the organization 
 of its various parts, to secure the proper responsibility of 
 public agents, a-nd promote efficiency and justice in all its 
 operations. 
 
 " The report of the secretary of war will make you ac 
 quainted with the condition of our army, fortifications, 
 arsenals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of 
 the army, the training and equipment of the militia, the 
 education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation 
 of the means of defence, applicable to the naval force ; 
 will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which 
 every good citizen more especially those who have felt 
 the miseries of even a successful warfare must ardently 
 desire to perpetuate. 
 
 " The returns from the subordinate branches of this ser 
 vice, exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its 
 character ; both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a 
 proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of ex 
 act discipline^ with that cheerfulness which becomes the 
 
344 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 profession of arms. There is need, however, of further 
 legislation, to obviate the inconveniences specified in the 
 report under consideration ; to some of which it is proper 
 that I should call your particular attention. 
 
 " The act of congress of the 2d March, 1821, to reduce 
 and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted 
 as it regards the command of one of the regiments of ar 
 tillery, cannot no\v be deemed a guide to the executive in 
 making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, 
 designating the class of officers out of which this grade 
 is to be filled whether from the military list, as existing 
 prior to the act of 1821, or from it, as it has been fixed 
 by that act would remove this difficulty. It is also im 
 portant that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments 
 of officers generally, should be more specific than they 
 now are. Those, for example, in relation to the pay 
 master and surgeon general, assign to them an annual 
 salary of two thousand five hundred dollars, but are si 
 lent as to allowances, which, in certain exigencies of the 
 service, may be deemed indispensable to the discharge of 
 their duties. This circumstance has been the authority 
 for extending to them various allowances, at different 
 times, under former administrations : but no uniform rule 
 has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences 
 exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon 
 the laws, by the public accountants, may operate unequal 
 ly, produce confusion, and expose officers to the odium, 
 of claiming what is not their due. 
 
 " I recommend to your fostering care, as one of your 
 safest means of national defence, the military academy. 
 This institution has already exercised the happiest influ 
 ence upon the moral and intellectual character of our ar 
 my ; and such of the graduates as, from various causes, 
 may not pursue the profession of arms, will be scarcely 
 less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the military 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 345 
 
 art will be advantageously employed in the militia ser 
 vice ; and in a measure, secure to that class of troops the 
 advantages which, in this respect, belong to standing ar 
 mies. 
 
 " I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for 
 the purpose of extending its benefits to every revolution 
 ary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and 
 who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. These 
 relics of the war of independence have strong claims 
 upon their country s gratitude and bounty. The law is 
 defective, in not embracing within its provisions all those 
 who were, during the last war, disabled from supporting 
 themselves by manual labor. Such an amendment would 
 add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for 
 by the sympathies of the people, as well as by considera 
 tions of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large 
 addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by 
 an order of the late administration, departing materially 
 from the rules which had previously prevailed. Consi 
 dering it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation 
 as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Be 
 fore this period, however, applications under the new re 
 gulation had been preferred, to the number of one hun 
 dred and fifty-four : of which, on the 27th March, the 
 date of its revocation, eighty-seven were admitted. For 
 the amount, there was neither estimate nor appropriation; 
 and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, ac 
 cording to the rules which have heretofore governed the 
 department, exceed the estimate of its late secretary, by 
 about fifty thousand dollars : for which an appropriation 
 is asked. 
 
 " Your particular attention is requested to that part of 
 the report of the secretary of war, which relates to the 
 money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It 
 will be perceived that, without legislative aid, the execu- 
 
346 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 tive cannot obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the 
 diminution of the dividends on that fund ; which origi 
 nally amounted to one hundred thousand dollars, and 
 has recently been vested in United States three per cent, 
 stock. 
 
 " The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes 
 within the limits of some of our states, have become ob 
 jects of much interest and importance. It has long- been 
 the policy of government to introduce among them the 
 arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming 
 them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, 
 been coupled with another, wholly incompatible with its 
 success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, 
 we have, at the same time, lost no opportunity to pur 
 chase their lands, and thrust them further into the wil 
 derness. By this means they have not only been kept in 
 a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust 
 and indifferent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in its 
 expenditures upon the subject, government has constantly 
 defeated its own policy ; and the Indians in general, rece 
 ding further and further to the west, have retained their 
 savage habits. A portion, however, of the southern 
 tribes, having mingled much with the whites, and made 
 some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately 
 attempted to erect an independent government, within the 
 limits of Georgia and Alabama. These states, claiming 
 to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended 
 their laws over the Indians ; which induced the latter to 
 call upon the United States for protection. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, the question presented 
 was, whether the general government had a right to sus 
 tain those people in their pretensions? The constitution 
 declares, that no new state shall be formed or erected 
 within the jurisdiction of any other state, without the 
 consent of its legislature. If the general government is 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 347 
 
 not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate state 
 within the territory of one of the members of this union, 
 against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and 
 independent government to establish itself there. Georgia 
 became a member of the confederacy which eventuated in 
 our federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting 
 her claim to certain limits ; which having been originally 
 defined in her colonial charter, and subsequently recog 
 nized in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued 
 to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her 
 own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the 
 United States, in the articles of cession of 1802. Alaba 
 ma was admitted into the union, on the same footing with 
 the original states, with boundaries which were prescribed 
 by congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or 
 legal provision, which allows them less power over the 
 Indians within their borders, than is possessed by Maine 
 or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the 
 Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government with 
 in their state ? and unless they did, would it not be the 
 duty of the general government to support them in resist 
 ing such a measure ? Would the people of New York 
 permit each remnant of the Six Nations within her bor 
 ders, to declare itself an independent people under the 
 protection of the United States ? Could the Indians esta 
 blish a separate republic on each of their reservations in 
 Ohio ? and if they were so disposed, would it be the duty 
 of this government to protect them in the attempt ? If the 
 principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions 
 be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this govern 
 ment are reversed ; and that it has become a part of its 
 duty to aid in destroying the states which it was establish 
 ed to protect. 
 
 "Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the 
 Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that 
 
348 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 their attempt to establish an independent government 
 would not be countenanced by the executive of the United 
 States ; and advised them to emigrate beyond the Missis 
 sippi, or submit to the laws of those states. 
 
 " Our conduct towards these people is deeply interest 
 ing to our national character. Their present condition, 
 contrasted with what they once were, makes a most 
 powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found 
 them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. 
 By persuasion and force, they have been made to retire 
 from river to river, and from mountain to mountain ; 
 until some of the tribes have become extinct, and others 
 have left but remnants to preserve, for a while, their once 
 terrible names. Surrounded by the whites, with their 
 arts of civilization, which, by destroying the resources of 
 the savage, doom him to weakness and decay ; the fate 
 of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware, is 
 fast overtaking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the 
 Creek. That this fate surely awaits them, if they remain 
 within the limits of the states, does not admit of a doubt. 
 Humanity and national honor demand that every effort 
 should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too 
 late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to 
 include them and their territory within the bounds of 
 new states whose limits they could control. That step 
 cannot be retraced. A state cannot be dismembered by 
 congress, or restricted in the exercise of her constitutional 
 power. But the people of those states, and of every state, 
 actuated by feelings of justice, and regard for our national 
 honor, submit to you the interesting question, whether 
 something cannot be done, consistently with the rights of 
 the states, to preserve this much injured race ? 
 
 " As a means of effecting this end, I suggest for your 
 consideration, the propriety of setting apart an ample 
 district west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 349 
 
 any state or territory, now formed, to be guaranteed to 
 the Indian tribes, as long as they shall occupy it : each 
 tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated 
 for its use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment 
 of governments of their own choice, subject to no other 
 control from the United States, than such as may be 
 necessary to preserve peace on the frontier, and between 
 the several tribes. There the benevolent may endeavor 
 to teach them the arts of civilization ; and by promoting 
 union and harmony among them, to raise up an interest 
 ing commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race, and 
 to attest the humanity and justice of this government. 
 
 " This emigration should be voluntary : for it would 
 be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon 
 the graves of their fathers, and seek a home in a distant 
 land. But they should be distinctly informed, that if they 
 remain within the limits of the states, they must be sub 
 ject to their laws. In return for their obedience, as indi 
 viduals, they will, without doubt, be protected in the en 
 joyment of those possessions which they have improved 
 by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to sup 
 pose, that, in this state of things, claims can be allowed 
 on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt 
 nor made improvements, merely because they have seen 
 them from the mountain, or passed them in the chase. 
 Submitting to the laws of the states, and receiving, like- 
 other citizens, protection in their persons and property, 
 they will, ere long, become merged in the mass of our 
 population. 
 
 " The accompanying report of the secretary of the navy 
 will make you acquainted with the condition and useful 
 employment of that branch of our service, during the pre 
 sent year. Constituting, as it does, the best standing se 
 curity of this country against foreign aggression, it claims 
 the especial attention of government. In this spirit, the 
 
350 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 measures which, since the termination of the last war, 
 have been in operation for its gradual enlargement, were 
 adopted ; and it should continue to be cherished as the 
 offspring of our national experience. It will be seen, 
 however, that, notwithstanding the great solicitude which 
 has been manifested for the perfect organization of this 
 arm, and the liberality of the appropriations which that 
 solicitude has suggested, this object has, in many import 
 ant respects not been secured. 
 
 " In time of peace, we have need of no more ships of 
 war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. 
 Those not wanted for this object, must lay in the harbors, 
 where, without proper covering, they rapidly decay; and, 
 even under the best precautions for their preservation, 
 must soon become useless. Such is already the case with 
 many of our finest vessels ; which, though unfinished, will 
 now require immense sums of money to be restored to 
 the condition in which they were when committed to 
 their proper element. On this subject there can be but 
 little doubt that our best policy would be to discontinue 
 the building of ships of the first and second class, and 
 look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared 
 for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels 
 which we can float in a season of peace, as the index of 
 our naval power. Judicious deposites in navy yards, of 
 timber and other materials, fashioned under the hands of 
 skillful workmen, and fitted for prompt application to their 
 various purposes, would enable us, at all times, to con 
 struct vessels as fast as they can be manned ; and save the 
 heavy expense of repairs, except to such vessels as must 
 be employed in guarding our commerce. The proper 
 points for the establishment of these yards, are indicated 
 with so much force in the report of the navy board, that, 
 in recommending it to your attention, I deem it unneces 
 sary to do more than express my hearty concurrence in 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 351 
 
 their views. The yard in this district, being already fur 
 nished with most of the machinery necessary for ship 
 building, will be competent to the supply of the two se 
 lected by the board as the best for the concentration of 
 materials ; and, from the facility and certainty of com 
 munication between them, it will be useless to incur, at 
 these depots, the expense of similar machinery, especial 
 ly that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden 
 furniture of vessels. 
 
 * Another improvement would be effected by dispens 
 ing altogether with the navy board, as now constituted, 
 and substituting, in its stead, bureaus similar to those al 
 ready existing in the war department. Each member of 
 the board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau, 
 charged with specific duties, would feel, in its highest 
 degree, that wholesome responsibility which cannot be di 
 vided without a far more than proportionate diminution of 
 its force. Their valuable services would become still more 
 so, when separately appropriated to distinct portions of the 
 great interests of the navy ; to the prosperity of which each 
 wo ld bo impelled to devote himself by the strongest mo 
 tives. Under such an anaiigcmcut, every branch of this 
 important service would assume a more simple and precise 
 character , its efficiency would be increased, and scrupu 
 lous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted. 
 
 " I would also recommend that the marine corps be 
 merged in the artillery or infantry, as the best mode of 
 curing the many defects in its organization, But little 
 exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry, that 
 corps has, besides its lieutenant colonel commandant, five 
 brevet lieutenant colonels, who receive the full pay and 
 emoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering pro 
 portionate service. Details for marine service could as 
 well be made from the infantry, or artillery there being 1 
 no peculiar training requisite for it, 
 
352 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 " With these improvements, and such others as zeal 
 ous watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest, 
 there can be little doubt that, under an energetic ad 
 ministration of its affairs, the navy may soon be made 
 every thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency 
 in the suppression of piracy in the West India seas, and 
 wherever its squadrons have been employed in securing 
 the interests of the country, will appear from the report 
 of the secretary, to which I refer you for other interest 
 ing details. Among these, I would bespeak the atten 
 tion of congress for the views presented in relation to 
 the inequality between the army and navy as to the pay 
 of officers. No such inequality should prevail between 
 these brave defenders of their country ; and where it does 
 exist, it is submitted to congress whether it ought not to 
 be rectified. 
 
 " The report of the postmaster general is referred to as- 
 exhibiting a highly satisfactory administration of that de 
 partment. Abuses have been reformed ; increased ex 
 pedition in the transmission of the mail secured; and its 
 rcventiK muck improved. Tn a political ponH of vleu, 
 this department ic uki^flj ^u^uiium as affording the 
 means of diffusing- knowledge. It is to the body politic 
 what the veins and arteries m*- in t]\f. n.uuial,- -^uji\e\ iuy 
 rapidly and regularly, to the remotest parts of the sys 
 tem, correct information of the operations of the govern 
 ment, and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of 
 the people. Through its agency, we have secured to 
 ourselves the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free 
 press. 
 
 " In this general survey of our affairs, a subject of high 
 importance presents itself in the present organization of 
 the judiciary. A uniform operation of the federal go 
 vernment in the different states is certainly desirable ; 
 and, existing as they do in the union, on the basis of per- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 353 
 
 feet equality, each state has a right to expect that the 
 benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be ex 
 tended to hers. The judicial system of the United States 
 exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the 
 union : to three others, the circuit courts, which consti 
 tute an important part of that system, have been imper 
 fectly extended : and to the remaining six, altogether de 
 nied. The effect has been to withhold from the inhabi 
 tants of the latter the advantages afforded (by the supreme 
 court) to their fellow citizens in other states, in the whole 
 extent of the criminal, and much of the civil authority of 
 the federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to 
 be remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public 
 welfare, is not to be doubted ; neither is it to be disguised 
 that the organization of our judicial system is at once a 
 difficult and delicate task. To extend the circuit courts 
 equally throughout the different parts of the union, and, 
 at the same time, to avoid such a multiplication of mem 
 bers as would incumber the supreme appellate tribunal, 
 is the object desired. Perhaps it might be accomplished 
 by dividing the circuit judges into two classes, and provi 
 ding that the supreme court should be held by those classes 
 alternately the chief justice always presiding. 
 
 " If an extension of the circuit court system to those 
 states which do not now enjoy its benefits, should be de 
 termined upon, it would, of course, be necessary to re 
 vise the present arrangement of the circuits ; and even if 
 that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is 
 recommended. 
 
 " A provision for taking the census of the people of 
 the United States will, to ensure the completion of that 
 work within a convenient time, claim the early attention 
 of congress. 
 
 " The great and constant increase of business in the 
 department of state, forced itself, at an early period, upon 
 30* 
 
354 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the attention of the executive. Thirteen years ago, it 
 was, in Mr. Madison s last message to congress, made 
 the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has 
 been repeated by both of his successors ; and my compa 
 ratively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. 
 It has arisen from many causes, not the least of which is 
 the large addition that has been made to the family of 
 independent nations, and the proportionate extension of 
 our foreign relations. The remedy proposed was the 
 establishment of a home department a measure which 
 does not appear to have met the views of congress, on 
 account of its supposed tendency to increase gradually, 
 and imperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the 
 federal system towards the exercise of authority not de 
 legated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the 
 recommendation ; but am not the less impressed with the 
 importance of so organizing that department, that its secre 
 tary may devote more of its time to our foreign relations. 
 Clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted 
 by some suitable provision on the subject, I respectfully 
 invite your attention to it. 
 
 " The charter of the bank of the United States expires 
 in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply 
 for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the 
 evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving 
 such important principles, and such deep pecuniary in 
 terests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties in 
 terested, too soon present it to the deliberate considera 
 tion of the legislature and the people. Both the consti 
 tutionality and the expediency of the law creating this 
 bank, are well questioned by a large portion of our fel 
 low citizens ; and it must be admitted by all, that it has 
 failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and 
 sound currency. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, if such an institution is 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 355 
 
 deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the govern 
 ment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether 
 a national one, founded upon the credit of the government 
 and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid 
 all constitutional difficulties, and at the same time secure 
 all the advantages to the government and country that 
 were expected to result from the present bank. 
 
 "I cannot close this communication without bringing 
 to your view the just claim of the representatives of Com 
 modore Decatur, his officers and crew, arising from the 
 re-capture of the frigate Philadelphia, under the heavy 
 batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general 
 rule, of the impropriety of executive interference under 
 a government like ours, where every individual enjoys 
 the right of directly petitioning congress ; yet, viewing 
 this case as one of a very peculiar character, I deem it 
 my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. 
 Besides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those 
 which have been since recognized and satisfied, it is the 
 fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring, which 
 infused life and confidence into our infant navy, and con 
 tributed, as much as any exploit in its history, to elevate 
 our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps 
 her seal upon it ; and the meed should not be withheld 
 which may hereafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant 
 tars. 
 
 " I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance 
 of Almighty God, with a full reliance on his merciful 
 Providence for the maintenance of our free institutions ; 
 and with an earnest supplication, that, whatever errors 
 it may be my lot to commit, in discharging the arduous 
 duties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in 
 the harmony and wisdom of your counsels. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
356 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Approbation of the Message Maysville Road Bill 
 Returned to the House by General Jackson, with his 
 objections Mr. Barbour 1 s defence of this official act 
 Meeting of Congress in 1830 General Jackson 1 s 
 Message Remarks upon it Correspondence between 
 him and Mr. Calhoun Developments made by that cor 
 respondence Its beneficial results to General Jackson. 
 
 THE message of President Jackson met with a more 
 gracious reception, from the political party which opposed 
 his election, than could have been anticipated, from the 
 violent animosity they had uniformly manifested against 
 him and his acts. It was indeed a production of distin 
 guished ability ; it developed with clearness the policy 
 that would be pursued by the administration, and the 
 principles on which its measures were based. General 
 Jackson, as the head of that administration, had acquired 
 for himself a brilliant reputation in serving his country; 
 but was in retirement when the people besought him to 
 return to public life. He had yielded to their ardent 
 wishes ; but his election had been resisted by all the 
 energies that could be put in motion by a bold, active 
 opposition party in power, determined on the prolongation 
 of it. This resistance had been met and overcome by 
 the combined efforts of a large majority of the American 
 people, acting under the influence which had enabled 
 them, in 1801, to achieve a similar triumph by the elec 
 tion of Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 Thus far had General Jackson s administration answer- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 357 
 
 ed the anticipations of its friends ; the work of reform 
 had been auspiciously commenced ; corruption, which 
 had found its way into official stations, had been exposed 
 and punished ; the work of retrenchment had been be 
 gun ; the constitution, as far as it regarded the executive 
 power, was correctly expounded ; in short, most that had 
 been cherished and admired in the fortunate administra 
 tion of Jefferson, was renewed in that of Jackson. 
 
 Many questions, of deep interest to the American union, 
 came before this session of our national congress. But no 
 one act of national legislation was more deeply inter 
 esting to the people of the United States, or served more 
 admirably to show the firmness, patriotism, and regard 
 to the constitution, by General Jackson, than the bill 
 which originated in the house of representatives, and 
 passed that house, and also the senate, for authorizing a 
 subscription of the stock of the Maysville and Washing 
 ton Turnpike Road Company, in Kentucky. This bill 
 was returned to the house from which it originated, with 
 the objections of the president, detailed at length, against 
 
 ito p*ootxg-o. Iliu J.^o.*;g.o. ol-xvrlj- oTinood tko VlliCOn- 
 
 si iiutninnlily of thf. hill, anrl flip, injurious tendency of its 
 practical operations, and tk<vy i received a COrdiai ucijui- 
 
 esr.enr.p. from a large majority of the American people. 
 
 On the reconsideration of the bill, by the house, several 
 distinguished members ably defended this official act of 
 the president. We have room only for an extract from 
 a speech of Mr. P. P. Barbour, on that occasion. 
 
 " Mr. Speaker, I feel impelled, by an imperative sense 
 of justice, to say something in vindication and justifica 
 tion of the chief magistrate of the union, against the 
 strong animadversions in which gentlemen have indul 
 ged towards him, because he has dared to do his duty. 
 If, in doing this, I shall use the language of commenda 
 tion, let no man suppose that it is in the spirit of personal 
 
358 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 adoration. I never have been, and trust in God I never 
 shall be, a worshipper of men. I never have felt the in 
 fluence of a single ray of executive patronage. 
 
 " But when a public functionary, at a period of great 
 political excitement, like the present, has advanced with 
 a firm and fearless step, to the discharge of his public 
 duty, as the president in this case has done, uncaring 
 consequences, as they regarded himself, when, by this 
 manly and independent course, he has contributed essen 
 tially to promote the happiness, the prosperity, and the 
 best interests of a mighty community of states whilst I 
 will do no homage to the man, I must, I will do justice 
 to the rare and distinguished merit of the officer ; and if 
 this cannot be done, without ascribing to him even the 
 highest degree of praise, then that praise is a tribute justly 
 due to him, and which I most cheerfully pay. 
 
 " But let us inquire, what has the president done which 
 calls forth this loud complaint ? Why, forsooth, he has 
 dared to put his veto upon a bill, passed by both houses of 
 congress, and has returned it with his objections. And 
 
 has it r>nmo to tViic. t>int if ij ^onco o^ ~ploiv>f, tkcxt tl\o 
 
 chief executive magistrate, constituting, as he does, a co- 
 vjidiiiciie brancn oi tiie lu^i^lat-urc, luta vcnt urcd to perform 
 his constitutional function, in dissenting from a law, \vhirh, 
 in his judgment, would be ruinous in its consequences. 
 Was it in the contemplation of those who framed the con 
 stitution, that the president should be set up as a mere 
 pageant, with powers possessed in theory, but never to be 
 reduced to practice ; or was it intended that this veto upon 
 legislation, like every other power, should be exercised, 
 whensoever the occasion should occur to make it neces 
 sary ? Do not gentlemen perceive that they might, with 
 as much reason, complain, that the senate had negatived 
 one of our bills ? for they, too, are only a co-ordinate branch 
 of the legislature, as is the executive magistrate, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 359 
 
 " Sir, each department, and every branch of each de 
 partment of the government, has its appropriate functions 
 assigned. The country expects and requires every one 
 to do his duty, whether it consists of one man or a plu 
 rality of men. And whosoever shall fail to do so, though 
 he may hope to consult his own safety, by an avoidance 
 of responsibility, will find that he has forfeited the es 
 teem and confidence which are inevitably awarded by 
 public opinion, to firmness and fidelity in the perform 
 ance of public trusts. The constitution proceeds upon 
 the idea that congress, composed of the senate and house 
 of representatives, is not infallible. It has, therefore, 
 erected the additional barrier of the executive veto, against 
 hasty or injudicious action. It contemplates that veto as 
 countervailing the opinion of one third of both houses, 
 because its interposition makes the concurrence of two 
 thirds of both houses necessary. To complain, then, of 
 its exercise, is to quarrel with the form of government 
 under which we live. It is the precise reverse of a com 
 plaint which we have often heard of in a European mo 
 narchy. There the king complained whenever the par 
 liament refused to register his edicts. Here the congress 
 are to complain, whenever the chief magistrate declines 
 to register their will. 
 
 " I rejoice, sir, that he has so declined. I congratu 
 late my country, that, in this instance, the chief magis 
 trate has displayed as much of moral, as he heretofore 
 did of physical courage, as much decision and energy 
 in the cabinet, as he heretofore did in the field ; by which 
 he will, in some degree at least, arrest the progress of a 
 system, which, in its unrestrained career, threatens to 
 produce more mischief than any man, either in or out of 
 congress, can pretend even to estimate. 
 
 " Mr. Speaker, I heard with surprise, nay, with asto 
 nishment, the bitter, the acrimonious, and I must add, the 
 
360 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 unjustifiable invective, which the member from Ohio pour 
 ed forth, in a torrent, against the chief magistrate upon 
 this occasion. The main purpose of the gentleman seem 
 ed to be, to inculcate the opinion that the rejection of the 
 bill in question was with a view to acquiring popularity. 
 What, sir, an attempt at popularity ! Look for a moment 
 at the circumstances of the case, and then tell me if this 
 opinion can be sustained. 
 
 " The bill was not only carried by a majority, as it 
 must have been, but by a decisive majority of both houses 
 of congress. Can any man suppose that a president, who 
 set out on an adventure in quest of popularity, would 
 make his first experiment against a question, which, by 
 passing both houses of congress, seemed to carry with it 
 the approbation of the states and the people of the states ? 
 On the contrary, if he were going for himself, rather 
 than for his country, would he not, by approving the bill, 
 have just floated down the current of apparent public 
 opinion, without encountering the least impediment in his 
 course? Instead of this, sir, what has he done? Regard 
 ing his country more than himself looking, with an eye 
 that never winked, to the public good, and not his personal 
 aggrandizement he has withholden his approval from this 
 bill, which was a favorite bantling with a majority of con 
 gress ; he has thus placed himself in a position where he 
 has to win his way to public approbation, in this respect, 
 under adverse circumstances, as the mariner who has to 
 row up stream against wind and tide. And this is said to 
 be seeking after popularity ! Credat Judccus Apclla. 
 Sir, it is any thing but seeking after popularity, in the 
 obnoxious sense in which that expression has been appli 
 ed to him. But if I know any thing of the character of 
 my countrymen, if a rare example of political integrity 
 and firmness will constitute a claim to their esteem, if 
 disinterestedness and self-denial be any evidence of virtue 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 361 
 
 in public men, then, indeed, without seeking, will he 
 have found popularity, not of that mushroom kind which 
 is acquired without merit, and lost without a fault, but 
 that, more noble kind which is always bestowed by all 
 good men, as the just reward of virtuous actions, and is 
 always withholden from those who, without deserving it, 
 endeavor to acquire it." 
 
 On the assembling of congress in December, 1830, 
 General Jackson presented his second message to the 
 representatives of the nation. It was a production which 
 admirably sustained the high reputation of its immediate 
 predecessor, before presented to the reader. It elicited 
 general commendation from political supporters and op 
 ponents. In the language of another, " it abounds with 
 important suggestions some of them new all of them 
 interesting and most of them admirably adapted to the 
 interests and institutions of our country. It presents a 
 most pleasing and brilliant sketch of our foreign rela 
 tions. Its views of the Indian question, are, like those 
 of the former message, just and powerful in their con 
 ception ; beautiful and eloquent in their expression. He 
 has explained and expanded the principles of the veto 
 message his views of the tariff are similar to those he 
 has previously expressed asserting the constitutionality 
 of the measure, and recommending its review, modifica 
 tion, and the most practicable equalization of its burthens. 
 He objects to the present bank of the United States, and 
 explains the principles of the institution, to which he al 
 luded in his former message. There are just and elo 
 quent eulogiums interspersed through the message, both 
 upon the rights of the states, and the value of the union." 
 
 It was before the close of this congressional session, that 
 
 the controversy between General Jackson and Mr. Cal- 
 
 houn, vice president of the United States, took place, which 
 
 brought out on the part of the latter, a voluminous corres- 
 
 31 
 
362 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 pondence between the parties, interested in the subject mat 
 ter of dispute. 
 
 " It was a matter of general wonder, that a man pos 
 sessing Mr. Calhoun s tact and prudence, should have 
 brought a subject of the nature of this correspondence 
 before the public. The only point in the discussion, ex 
 cept such as Mr. Calhoun had himself created, was alto 
 gether personal. By his private letters, and by those of 
 Mr. Monroe, by his whole public conduct, and by pub 
 lications in the newspapers, General Jackson had been 
 led to believe, that Mr. Calhoun had been uniformly his 
 friend, in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe as well as out of it, 
 vindicating all his conduct in the Seminole campaign. 
 Under this impression, he had given Mr. Calhoun his 
 warmest friendship and firmest confidence ; compelled, at 
 length, by facts and circumstances, to doubt the sincerity 
 of his supposed ancient friend, he determined to know 
 the truth ; with this view, he obtained, in an authentic 
 shape, the charges which had been made of Mr. Cal 
 houn s course in the cabinet, so different from what he 
 had supposed, submitted them directly to the person im 
 plicated, and asked, whether they were true ? Mr. Cal 
 houn admitted their truth. General Jackson expressed 
 his surprise at the admission, and said that Mr. Calhoun 
 had pursued a course of duplicity towards him. The 
 latter declared the charge of duplicity to be unfounded. 
 With this issue the correspondence closed. What was 
 there in this which required an appeal to the public ? It 
 was a mere private difference. It concerned only the 
 bearing of the two gentlemen towards each other." 
 
 But the matter has been brought before the world, and 
 is, therefore, entitled to notice, which will be given as 
 briefly as the subject will admit. 
 
 " Sometime in the year 1826, General Jackson was 
 furnished by a member of congress, with a statement 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 363 
 
 signed by Dr. Wallace of Fredericksburg, Virginia, in 
 which Mr. Southard, the secretary of the navy, was re 
 presented as having remarked in that place, that General 
 Jackson deserved no credit for the defence of New Or 
 leans that he had left the army without orders, and was 
 returning home, when he was met by a positive order 
 from Mr. Monroe, then secretary of war, to return forth 
 with to his command that it was owing to his order, 
 and the active preparations made by Mr. Monroe, for the 
 security of that portion of the country, that General Jack 
 son was able to make the defence he did ; and therefore, 
 that the merit of that defence was due to Mr. Monroe, 
 and not to General Jackson. These remarks were so 
 injurious to the character of the general, and unfounded 
 in fact, that he felt himself bound to submit them to Mr. 
 Southard, and if they had not been erroneously stated, 
 to inquire respectfully on what authority he had taken 
 the liberty to make them. The secretary replied in a 
 very long, labored, and diplomatic letter, admitting sub 
 stantially the statement of Dr. Wallace, and appealing to 
 what he called the history of the times, written, printed, 
 and verbal, as his authority for making it. The general 
 having never left the army commanded by him at New 
 Orleans, or slept out of his camp when he had one, gave 
 Mr. Southard such an answer as he thought truth and 
 justice warranted : it exposed him, however, to the bitter 
 est assaults from his political opponents, and in connexion 
 with the conduction of the Seminole war, became the 
 text of denunciations against him, as having violated his 
 orders and the constitution of his country in both cam 
 paigns. A confidential letter written to Mr. Monroe, had 
 also a place in the subsequent array of authority, written, 
 printed, and verbal, against him. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, the presses still violent 
 against him, General Jackson was toasted at the celebra- 
 
364 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 tion of the 8th January, 1827, by the republicans in the 
 city of Washington. His friend, Judge White of the 
 senate, being present, rose, and with the expression of his 
 thanks to the meeting, added a few remarks upon the 
 character and services of the general as a response to the 
 favorable notice which had been taken of them. These 
 remarks gave offence to Mr. Monroe, as was manifested 
 by the correspondence on the subject which he originated 
 with Judge White ; of which General Jackson was ad 
 vised. The expression was also public and common soon 
 after, that Mr. Monroe was in the composition of a book, 
 the tendency of which would confirm the prejudices so 
 industriously circulated against General Jackson at that 
 time for political purposes." 
 
 " About this period, a member of congress enclosed to 
 General Jackson a copy of a letter, purporting to be from 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Calhoun (confidential,) the object, of 
 which was to induce Mr. Calhoun to enter into a friendly 
 correspondence with the general, and draw from him an 
 acknowledgment that in his operations in Florida, he 
 had transcended his orders. This letter declared at the 
 same time, that the g-eneral maintained that he had not 
 transcended his orders, and that there was nothing on re 
 cord in the department to shew that he had. It also ad 
 verted to a confidential letter which he, Mr. Monroe, pro 
 posed to address General Jackson on the subject, and 
 which Mr. Calhoun was authorized to forward if he ap 
 proved it this was received. 
 
 " The member of congress, who enclosed to General 
 Jackson the copy of this letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. 
 Calhoun, at the same time informed him that he under 
 stood it was done with the consent of Mr. Calhoun ; and 
 that the original would be placed in his hands by the 
 same person who had handed him the copy. General 
 Jackson afterwards received the original from the hands 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 365 
 
 of a friend as he had always understood of Mr. Calhoun, 
 as advised in the letter of the member of congress. 
 
 " General Jackson having always understood Mr. Cal 
 houn to have been his supporter, throughout the proceed 
 ings of the Seminole war, and believing him a high 
 minded and honorable man, naturally inferred that this 
 disclosure of Mr. Monroe s feelings was made as an act 
 of justice, and intended to guard him against the effects 
 of the book, which Mr. Monroe was about writing. As 
 there never had been an intimation from,the president or 
 himself until the campaign was ended, that the general 
 had transcended his orders, it seemed to General Jackson 
 perfectly consistent with the claims of friendship, and 
 honor, that Mr. Calhoun in 1827, finding that new views 
 had been taken of the Seminole war, and that the fair 
 interpretation of his orders were about to be grossly 
 evaded, felt himself at liberty to defeat the object of those 
 who were thus employed, by exposing the letter which 
 has been referred to." 
 
 " Some short time after the original letter just spoken of, 
 was handed to the General in 1827, he received a letter 
 from Mr. Calhoun, stating that he had been informed that 
 a confidential letter from Mr. Monroe to him, had been 
 placed in his hands, and desiring to know if such were 
 the fact, through what channel it had been received ; well 
 assured that no person near him could have given this 
 information to Mr. Calhoun. General Jackson replied 
 to him, that such a letter was in his possession that 
 first a copy, and afterwards an original, as has been 
 stated, was placed in his hands, with the declaration 
 that it was done with the consent of Mr. Calhoun ; 
 and, that if he would inquire of those who informed him 
 that such a letter was in his hands, they could give 
 him more information than he knew, of the channel in 
 which it came. Mr. Calhoun requested a return of the 
 31* 
 
366 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 letter, denying that he had any knowledge of the man 
 ner by which it got out of his possession, and protest 
 ing that it would have been dishonorable in him to have 
 violated the confidence, reposed by Mr. Monroe. The 
 original letter was forthwith returned to him. The ge 
 neral knew not how the letter was obtained from Mr. 
 Calhoun, unless the statement of the member of congress 
 accounts for it, whose situation was not such as to make it 
 probable that he could have had any other agency in the 
 affair, than that of a mere receiver. This statement was 
 besides strongly confirmed by the fact that the gentleman 
 \vho handed the original was well known as the friend 
 of Mr. Calhoun, and possessed too much character for 
 justice and honor, to be suspected of resorting to improper 
 means to obtain it, or even under any circumstances -to 
 use it, without having reasons to believe that Mr. Cal 
 houn himself had authorized such use." 
 
 " It was the controversy with Mr. Southard, and the 
 subsequent correspondence between Mr. Monroe and 
 Judge White, connected with the intimations contained 
 in the comments of the presses inimical to General Jack 
 son, that his confidential letter to Mr. Monroe, in relation 
 to the Seminole war, would be published, that suggested 
 to the friends of General Jackson, the propriety of ascer 
 taining what had occurred, on the latter subject, in Mr. 
 Monroe s cabinet. This suggestion could not have been 
 dictated by hostility to Mr. Calhoun, because none of 
 General Jackson s confidential friends had ever entertain 
 ed a doubt of the part he acted. The minds of all were 
 firmly impressed with the belief that he had been the ad 
 vocate and friend of the General throughout. But it was 
 otherwise with Mr. Crawford, who was almost as gene 
 rally believed to have taken the opposite course, notwith 
 standing Mr. Monroe s declaration, that no movement 
 had been irade in cabinet council to arrest or punish 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 367 
 
 General Jackson for a violation of orders. For the pur 
 pose of ascertaining therefore, the justice of the imputa 
 tions or the charges made against Mr. Crawford on 
 this subject, was the enquiry made of him, which being 
 answered, was submitted to Mr. Calhoun, and produced 
 the correspondence between him and General Jackson, 
 and which was by the former made public." 
 
 " General Jackson had no wish to excite public feeling, 
 or produce political effect through it, and did not, there 
 fore, desire that publicity should be given to it. But he 
 felt it due, both to Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Crawford, and 
 also to himself, that an explanation should take place, and 
 the difficulties arising from conflicting statements become 
 thoroughly understood. General Jackson and Mr. Craw 
 ford had been alienated in friendship before the Seminole 
 war. Mr. Crawford had predicated an article in an In 
 dian treaty, and made grants to the Indians, upon the sup 
 position that they had been despoiled of their property by 
 the army commanded by General Jackson. No such in 
 justice had been committed, and General Jackson resent 
 ed the wrong done to himself and the army by a treaty 
 implicating their character, without, as he thought, suf 
 ficient care being taken to obtain proof of the real state 
 of the facts. When the Seminole question arose, General 
 Jackson was the more readily induced to attribute the 
 attacks made upon him to Mr. Crawford, because of his 
 previous difference. Notwithstanding this, the wife of 
 General Jackson had still maintained an intercourse of 
 kindness with the family of Mr. Crawford, and after the 
 election of 1825 in the house of representatives, for presi 
 dent, had taken place, and while Mr. Crawford was pros 
 trated by disease, General Jackson was prevailed upon 
 to pay a visit to him, as an earnest that he was willing 
 to forget the dissensions which had produced enmity be 
 tween them. There was, however, no explanations or 
 
368 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 conversations with regard to the causes which had sepa* 
 rated them. The meeting was in the presence of a num 
 ber of friends, and marked, on the part of Mr. Crawford, 
 by the deepest sensibility. 
 
 By a recent letter, received" by General Jackson from 
 Mr. Crawford, a state of facts was presented, going to 
 show on the one hand, that the General had long con 
 demned in his heart, an innocent man for the efforts made 
 to destroy his character as a patriot, and tarnish his lau 
 rels as a soldier. On the other hand, one whom he sup 
 posed always to have been his friend, and his most zealous 
 vindicator in this particular instance, stood charged with 
 having been the man who impeached him in the cabinet 
 for a violation of orders. If this were the true state of 
 things, the General felt that he owed to his own and the 
 feelings of Mr. Crawford, reparation for having wronged 
 him in his opinions, and felt bound also to reject from his 
 mind any conclusion as to the conduct of his long pro 
 fessed friend, Mr. Calhoun, until he had an opportunity 
 for explanation. For these reasons the letter of Mr. 
 Crawford was submitted to him by General Jackson. In 
 his letter accompanying that submission, he says : " The 
 submission you perceive is authorized by the writer. 
 The statements and facts it presents being so different 
 from what I had heretofore understood to be correct, re 
 quires that it should be brought to your consideration. 
 They are different from your letter to Governor Bibb, of 
 Alabama, of 13th May, 1818, where you state, General 
 Jackson is vested with full power to conduct the war in 
 the manner he may judge best, and different too, from 
 your letters to me at that time, which breathe throughout 
 a spirit of approbation and friendship, and particularly 
 the one in which you say, I have the honor to acknow 
 ledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th ultimo, to ac 
 quaint you with the entire approbation of the president of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 369 
 
 all the measures you have adopted to terminate the rupture 
 with the Indians. My object in making this communi 
 cation, is to announce to you the great surprise which I 
 felt, and to learn of you whether it be possible that the 
 information given is correct ; whether it can be, under 
 all the circumstances of which you and I are both in 
 formed, that any attempt seriously to affect me was moved 
 and sustained by you in the cabinet council, when, as is 
 known to you, I was but executing the wishes of the go 
 vernment, and clothed with the authority to conduct the 
 war in the manner I might judge best. " 
 
 The reply of Mr. Calhoun to General Jackson s letter 
 was not the frank yea or nay which was all that was re 
 quired. He commenced an answer of great length, by 
 denying his responsibility to General Jackson for what 
 passed in Mr. Monroe s cabinet. This was entirely un 
 called for ; the president, nor any one else, ^)^ng claim 
 ed such responsibility on the part of Mr. Calhoun. He 
 also stated that it was not his intention to offer any apo 
 logies or excuses for his conduct. General Jackson re 
 quired no apologies or excuses. He only asked what 
 that conduct was ? 
 
 Mr. Calhoun then affected not to understand the presi 
 dent, but supposed he meant that they did not put the 
 same construction upon his orders in the Seminole cam 
 paign, and that he had been guilty of some duplicity in 
 that respect. The president s letter was a direct inquiry 
 of Mr. Calhoun, whether his course had been hostile to 
 him in Mr. Monroe s cabinet, as was represented. He 
 did not ask how Mr. Calhoun understood his orders, or 
 whether they understood them alike. He only desired 
 to know, whether he had been secretly hostile, while pro 
 fessedly and publicly his friend. But Mr. Calhoun, in 
 stead of answering directly, led off into a long discus 
 sion about the orders and the manner in which they were 
 
370 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 understood, points, which were not at all involved in the 
 inquiry to which he was replying. 
 
 The disappointment of General Jackson in not receiv 
 ing a direct reply to the inquiry made in his letter, is 
 evinced in the following extract from his reply to the 
 answer of Mr. Calhoun : " I regret to find that you have 
 entirely mistaken my note of the 13th instant. There is 
 no part of it which calls in question either your conduct 
 or your motives in the case alluded to. Motives are to 
 be inferred from actions, and judged of by our God. It 
 had been intimated to me many years ago, that it was 
 you and not Mr. Crawford, who had been secretly en 
 deavoring to destroy my reputation. These insinuations 
 I indignantly repelled, upon the ground that you, in all 
 of your letters to me, professed to be my personal friend, 
 and approved entirely of my conduct in the Seminole 
 campaign, X T had too exalted an opinion of your honor 
 and frankness, to believe for one moment that you could 
 be capable of such deception. Under the influence of 
 these friendly feelings, (which I always entertained for 
 you) when I was presented with a copy of Mr. Craw 
 ford s letter, with that frankness which ever has, and I 
 hope ever will characterize my conduct, I considered it 
 due to you and to the friendly relations which had always 
 existed between us, to lay it forthwith before you, and 
 ask if the statements contained in that letter could be true? 
 I repeat, I had a right to believe that you were my sin 
 cere friend, and until now, never expected to have occa 
 sion to say of you in the language of Caesar, Et tu Brute? 
 The evidence which brought me to this conclusion is 
 abundantly contained in your letter now before me. In 
 your and Mr. Crawford s dispute, I have no interest 
 whatever ; but it may become necessary for me hereafter 
 when I shall have more leisure, and the documents at 
 hand, to place the subject in its proper light, to notice the 
 
. \NDREW JACKSON. 371 
 
 historical facts and references in your communication, 
 which will give a very different view of the subject. It 
 is due to myself, however, to state that the knowledge of 
 the executive documents and orders in my possession 
 will show conclusively, that I had authority for all I did, 
 and that your explanation of my powers as declared to 
 Governor Bibh, shows your own understanding of them. 
 Your letter to me of the 29th, handed to-day, and now 
 before me, is the first intimation to me that you ever en 
 tertained any other opinion or view of them. Your con 
 duct, words, actions, and letters, I have ever thought 
 show this. Understanding you now, no further commu 
 nication on this subject is necessary." 
 
 After much unnecessary verbosity and circumlocution, 
 Mr. Calhoun at length admitted that Mr. Crawford s 
 statement was substantially true ! He said to the presi 
 dent, " / was of the impression ihat you had exceeded 
 your orders / came to the meeting of the cabinet under 
 the impression that the usual course ought to be pursued in 
 this case, which I supported by presenting fully and freely 
 all the arguments that occurred to me." 
 
 Here the charge, so far as General Jackson was con 
 cerned, was admitted to be true. No room for controver 
 sy was left, except in relation to Mr. Calhoun s conduct 
 towards General Jackson. The general says to him, 
 " in all your letters to me, you professed to be my perso 
 nal friend, and approved entirely my conduct in relation 
 to the Seminole campaign." 
 
 But this correspondence convinced the General of the 
 aggravated nature of the deception that had been prac 
 tised upon him, and in his last communication to Mr. 
 Calhoun, after repeating, that he had always met the in 
 timations of Mr. Calhoun s having made injurious move 
 ments before the cabinet, in secret council against him, 
 with flat and positive denial after stating that he had 
 
372 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 rebutted every insinuation against Mr. Calhoun for hav 
 ing thus conducted, by bringing into view his uniform 
 and full approval of the conduction of the Seminole cam 
 paign after stating that the high character that Mr. 
 Calhoun had sustained for fair, open, and honorable con 
 duct in all things, was entirely opposed to the secret, un- 
 candid, and unmanly course ascribed to him, and that he 
 had ever banished from his mind what he conceived to be 
 unjust imputations upon that gentleman s honor, by as 
 cribing duplicity to him, until he had learned the import 
 of the written statement of Mr. Crawford, and had re 
 quested to see it with the object of laying it before Mr. 
 Calhoun, supposing it would meet his prompt and posi 
 tive negative, he concluded as follows : " But I regret 
 that instead of a negative, which I had a right to expect, 
 I had the poignant mortification to see in your letter an 
 admission of its truth. Understanding the matter now, I 
 feel no interest in this altercation, and leave you and Mr. 
 Crawford, arrd all concerned, to settle the affair in your 
 own way, and now close this correspondence for ever." 
 
 A defence of General Jackson s measures in the Semi 
 nole campaign, has before been given to the reader : 
 nothing further on that subject will therefore be necessa 
 ry. This correspondence resulted to the benefit of no 
 one except General Jackson, he learned from it, that the 
 man whom he had ever supposed to be his firm friend 
 and defender from the assaults of his enemies, was his 
 secret and inveterate foe ; and on the other hand, the in 
 dividual who he had been led to believe was his enemy, 
 who in secret had endeavored to blight his reputation as 
 a soldier and a patriot, was innocent of the imputations 
 which reflected upon his ingenuousness and honor. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 373 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Dissolution of the cabinet Letter of resignation from the 
 secretary of state General Jackson s reply Causes 
 which led to the dissolution Its effects Reorganiza 
 tion of the cabinet Meeting of the 22d congress 
 President s message Remarks upon it Rejection by 
 the senate of Mr. Van Buren s nomination Motives 
 that led to it Bill for re-chartering the United States 
 bank, passes both houses of congress Is presented to the 
 president He returns it with his veto Veto message 
 Its effects His honor and character Anecdotes Con 
 clusion. 
 
 AN interesting crisis was now approaching in the cabi 
 net, which General Jackson had selected to aid him in the 
 discharge of the arduous duties of government. This 
 was its dissolution. The causes which led to this result, 
 were clearly and concisely developed in the letter of Mr. 
 Martin Van Buren, secretary of state, tendering his resig 
 nation to the president. The subsequent detail of Major 
 Eaton entered more minutely into the particulars, and 
 gave a clear, consistent, and satisfactory relation of the 
 primary, and other causes, which produced the dissolution. 
 
 The following is the letter of Mr. Van Buren tendering 
 his resignation of the department of state ; in which the 
 grounds for taking the step, are fully and distinctly stated. 
 Washington, April llth, 1831. 
 
 " Dear Sir I feel it to be my duty to retire from the 
 32 
 
374 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 office to which your confidence and partiality called me. 
 The delicacy of this step, under the circumstances in 
 which it is taken, will, I trust, be deemed an ample 
 apology for stating- more at large, than might otherwise 
 have been necessary, the reasons by which I am influ 
 enced. 
 
 " From the moment of taking my seat in your cabinet, 
 it has been my anxious wish and zealous endeavor to pre 
 vent a premature agitation of the question of your succes 
 sor ; and, at all events, to discountenance, and if possible 
 repress the disposition, at an early day manifested, to con 
 nect my name with that disturbing topic. Of the since 
 rity and the constancy of this disposition, no one has had 
 a better opportunity to judge than yourself. It has, how 
 ever, been unavailing. Circumstances, not of my crea 
 tion, and altogether beyond my control, have given to this 
 subject a turn which cannot now be remedied, except by 
 a self-disfranchisement which, even if dictated by my in 
 dividual wishes, could hardly be reconcilable with pro 
 priety or self-respect. 
 
 " Concerning the injurious effects which the circum 
 stance of a member of the cabinet s occupying the rela 
 tion towards the country to which I have adverted, is 
 calculated to have upon the conduct of public affairs, there 
 cannot, I think, at this time, be room for two opinions. 
 Diversities of ulterior preference among the friends of 
 an administration are unavoidable ; and even if the res 
 pective advocates of those thus placed in rivalship be 
 patriotic enough to resist the temptation of creating obsta 
 cles to the advancement of him to whose elevation they 
 are opposed, by embarrassing the branch of public service 
 committed to his charge, they are, nevertheless, by their 
 position, exposed to the suspicion of entertaining and en 
 couraging such views : a suspicion which can seldom fail 
 in the end, to aggravate into present alienation and hos- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 375 
 
 tility the prospective differences which first gave rise to 
 it. Thus, under the least unfavorable consequences, in 
 dividual injustice is suffered, and the administration em 
 barrassed and weakened. Whatever may have been the 
 course of things under the peculiar circumstances of the 
 earlier stage of the republic, my experience has fully 
 satisfied me that, at this day, when the field of selection 
 has become so extended, the circumstance referred to, by 
 augmenting the motives and sources of opposition to the 
 measures of the executive, must unavoidably prove the 
 cause of injury to the public service, for a counterpoise 
 to which we may in vain look to the peculiar qualifica 
 tions of any individual ; and even if I should in this be 
 mistaken, still I cannot so far deceive myself as to believe 
 for a moment that I am included in the exceptions. 
 
 " These obstructions to the successful prosecution of 
 public affairs, when superadded to that opposition which 
 is inseparable from our free institutions, and which every 
 administration must expect, present a mass to which the 
 operations of the government should at no time be volun 
 tarily exposed : the more especially should this be avoid 
 ed at so eventful a period in the affairs of the world, when 
 our country may particularly need the utmost harmony 
 in her councils. 
 
 * Such being my impressions, the path of duty is plain : 
 and I not only submit with cheerfulness to whatever per 
 sonal sacrifices may be involved in the surrender of the 
 station I occupy ; but I make it my ambition to set an 
 example which, should it in the progress of the govern 
 ment be deemed, notwithstanding the humility of its 
 origin, worthy of respect and observance, cannot, I think, 
 fail to prove essentially and permanently beneficial. 
 
 " Allow me, Sir, to present one more view of the sub 
 ject : You have consented to stand before your constitu 
 ents for re-election. Of their decision, resting as it does 
 
376 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 upon the unbought suffrages of a free, numerous, and 
 widely extended people, it becomes no man to speak with 
 certainty. Judging, however, from the past, and making 
 a reasonable allowance for the fair exercise of the intel 
 ligence and public spirit of your fellow citizens, I cannot 
 hesitate in adopting the belief, that the confidence, as well 
 in your capacity for civil duties as in your civic virtues, 
 already so spontaneously and strikingly displayed, will 
 be manifested with increased energy, now, that all candid 
 observers must admit their utmost expectations to have 
 been more than realized. 
 
 " If this promise, so auspicious to the best interests of 
 our common country, be fulfilled, the concluding term of 
 your administration will, in the absence of any prominent 
 cause of discord among its supporters, afford a most fa 
 vorable opportunity for the full accomplishment of those 
 important public objects, in the prosecution of which I 
 have witnessed on your part such steady vigilance and 
 untiring devotion. To the unfavorable influence which 
 my continuance in your cabinet, under existing circum 
 stances, may exercise upon this flattering prospect, I can 
 not, Sir, without a total disregard of the lights of experi 
 ence, and without shutting my eyes to the obvious ten 
 dency of things for the future, be insensible. Having, 
 moreover, from a deep conviction of its importance to the 
 country, been among the most urgent of your advisers 
 to yield yourself to the obvious wishes of the people, and 
 knowing the sacrifice of personal feeling which was in 
 volved in your acquiescence, I cannot reconcile it to my 
 self to be in any degree the cause of embarrassment to 
 you during the period which, as it certainly will be of 
 deep interest to your country, is moreover destined to 
 bring to its close, your patriotic, toilsome and eventful 
 public life. 
 
 " From these considerations, I feel it to be doubly my 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 377 
 
 duty to resign a post, the retention of which is so calcu 
 lated to attract assaults upon your administration, to which 
 there might otherwise be no inducement assaults of 
 which, whatever be their aim, the most important as well 
 as most injurious effect is, upon those public interests, 
 which deserve and should command the support of all 
 good citizens. This duty, I should have discharged at 
 an earlier period, but for considerations, partly of a pub 
 lic, partly of a personal nature, connected with circum 
 stances which were calculated to expose its performance 
 then to misconstruction and misrepresentation. 
 
 " Having explained the motives which govern me in 
 thus severing, and with seeming abruptness, the official 
 ties by which we have been associated, there remains but 
 one duty for me to perform. It is to make my profound 
 and sincere acknowledgments for that steady support 
 and cheering confidence which, in the discharge of my 
 public duties, I have, under all circumstances, received at 
 your hands ; as well as for the personal kindness at all 
 times extended to me. 
 
 " Rest assured, Sir, that the success of your adminis 
 tration, and the happiness of your private life will ever 
 constitute objects of the deepest solicitude with 
 
 Your sincere friend and obedient servant, 
 
 M. VAN BUREN. 
 The President." 
 
 To which letter, the President made the following 
 reply: 
 
 " Washington, April 12th, 1831. 
 
 " Dear Sir, Your letter resigning the office of secre 
 tary of state was received last evening. I could indeed 
 wish that no circumstance had arisen to interrupt the re 
 lations which have, for two years, subsisted between us, 
 and that they might have continued through the period 
 
 during which it may be my lot to remain charged with 
 32* 
 
378 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the duties which the partiality of my countrymen has 
 imposed upon me. But the reasons you present are so 
 strong that, with a proper regard for them, I cannot ask 
 you, on my own account, to remain in the cabinet. 
 
 " I am aware of the difficulties you have had to con 
 tend with, and of the benefits which have resulted to the 
 affairs of your country, from your continued zeal in the 
 arduous tasks to which you have been subjected. To say 
 that I deeply regret to lose you, is but feebly to express 
 my feelings on the occasion. 
 
 " When called by my country to the station which I 
 occupy, it was not without a deep sense of its arduous 
 responsibilities, and a strong distrust of myself, that I 
 obeyed the call ; but, cheered by the consciousness that 
 no other motive actuated me, than a desire to guard her 
 interests, and to place her upon the firm ground of those 
 great principles which, by the wisest and purest of our 
 patriots, have been deemed essential to her prosperity, I 
 ventured upon the trust assigned me. I did this in the 
 confident hope of finding the support of advisers, able 
 and true ; who, laying aside every thing but a desire to 
 give new vigor to the vital principles of our union, would 
 look with a single eye to the best means of effecting this 
 paramount object. In you, this hope has been realized to 
 the utmost. In the most difficult and trying moments of 
 my administration, I have always found you sincere, able 
 and efficient anxious at all times to afford me every aid. 
 If, however, from circumstances in your judgment suffi 
 cient to make it necessary, the official ties subsisting be 
 tween us must be severed, I can only say that this neces 
 sity is deeply lamented by me. I part with you only be 
 cause you yourself have requested me to do so, and have 
 sustained that request by reasons strong enough to com 
 mand my assent. I cannot, however, allow the separa 
 tion to take place, without expressing the hope, that this 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 379 
 
 retirement from public affairs is but temporary ; and that 
 if, in any other station, the government should have occa 
 sion for services, the value of which has been so sensibly 
 felt by me, your consent will not be wanting. 
 
 " Of the state of things to which you advert, I cannot 
 but be fully aware. I look upon it with sorrow, and re 
 gret it the more, because one of its first effects is to dis 
 turb the harmony of my cabinet. It is, however, but an 
 instance cf one of the evils to which free governments 
 must ever be liable. The only remedy for these evils, as 
 they arise, lies in the intelligence and public spirit of our 
 common constituents. They will correct them and in 
 this there is abundant consolation. I cannot quit this 
 subject without adding, that with the best opportunities for 
 observing and judging, I have seen in you no other de 
 sire than to move quietly on in the path of your duties, 
 and to promote the harmonious conduct of public affairs. 
 If on this point you have had to encounter detraction, it 
 is but another proof of the utter insufficiency of innocence 
 and worth to shield from such assaults. 
 
 " Be assured that the interest you express in my hap 
 piness is most heartily reciproca-ted that my most cordial 
 feelings accompany you, and that I anij very sincerely, 
 your friend, ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Martin Van Buren, 
 
 Secretary of State." 
 
 The resignation of Messrs. Eaton, Branch, Ingham, 
 and Berrien, immediately followed that of Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren. The reasons which induced those gentlemen to re 
 sign their stations, were variously stated by each ; thpse 
 however, given by the secretary of war, in connexion 
 with those given by the secretary of state, seem to be en 
 titled to the greatest weight, as faithful and correct expo 
 sitions of the true nature of the facts and circumstances 
 connected with the dissolution of the cabinet. 
 
380 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 From the expose of Major Eaton, it appeared that his 
 own situation in the war department was never sought 
 for by him, but was bestowed upon him by the president, 
 who felt anxious when entering upon the arduous duties 
 to which he had been called, to have near him some one 
 of his long tried personal friends, in whom he could con 
 fide with safety. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren was appointed, because the president 
 had confidence in his talents and integrity, and because 
 he appeared to be the expectation of the country. Mr. 
 ingham was selected for the reason that the president 
 was induced to believe that the democracy of Pennsylva 
 nia desired it. Mr. Barry, from a confidence reposed in 
 him by the president, derived from a personal knowledge 
 of his worth and merits. Mr. Branch and Mr. Berrien 
 were selected as men whose talents and capabilities would 
 insure a faithful discharge of the duties appertaining to 
 the respective stations to which they were called. At 
 the time the cabinet was organized, a]l its members ap 
 parently harmonized, and were seemingly anxious to 
 lend every assistance in their power for facilitating the 
 administration of government. But subsequent events 
 proved conclusively, that such was not the relation in 
 which the respective members of the cabinet stood to 
 each other ; nor were they all solicitous that President 
 Jackson s administration should be such a one, as would 
 promote the complicated and vital interests of this vast 
 republic. 
 
 It appeared from the statements of Messrs. Berrien and 
 Ingham, after making their resignations, that they caine 
 into the cabinet with hostile feelings towards Major Ea 
 ton ; this hostility increased ; covert attacks were made 
 upon him, and the sanctuary of his domestic circle was 
 rudely invaded. 
 
 Time passed and slowly developed the aims of the re- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 381 
 
 spective members of the cabinet. Subsequent events have 
 rendered it clearly manifest, that the vice president, Mr. 
 Calhoun, was well aware that the expiration of his pre 
 sent term of office would complete the length of time, 
 which, by a custom equivalent to a positive law, would 
 prevent him from becoming- a successful candidate for the 
 office he now filled. He was ambitious and fond of power, 
 and could ill brook the reflection that he was so soon to 
 take his leave of the station he occupied, with no very 
 flattering assurances that he should at a subsequent period 
 be able to attain to one more exalted. He therefore re 
 solved by one desperate stroke to attain the object of his 
 ambitious views, by procuring his own elevation to the 
 next presidency, or sink beyond the hope of recovery. 
 
 With this object in view, the first preliminary and im 
 portant step to be taken, was to prevent if possible the re- 
 nomination of General Jackson to the presidency. To 
 supply himself with the necessary aid for producing this 
 important result, he attached Messrs. Ingham, Branch, 
 and Berrien, of the cabinet, and Mr. Duff Green, editor 
 of the Washington Telegraph, to his fortunes. When 
 the subject, therefore, of a candidate for the next presi 
 dency, was agitated by the friends of General Jackson, 
 the editor of the Telegraph manifested his hostility to 
 that gentleman, and his devotion to Mr. Calhoun. The 
 same disposition was evinced in the cabinet by Messrs. 
 Ingham, Branch, and Berrien, added to their hatred of 
 Mr. Eaton. The correspondence between General Jack 
 son and Mr. Calhoun, removed from the latter the mask 
 of pretended friendship and regard, behind which he had 
 so long hidden his enmity and inimical designs the ex 
 plosion of the cabinet soon followed it resolved itself 
 back to its original elements, but its firm and patriotic 
 head stood " unhurt amid the wreck of matter," and no 
 bly triumphed over the machinations of his enemies. 
 
382 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The dissolution of the cabinet was productive of no 
 prejudice to General Jackson ; it did not injure or em 
 barrass the operations of government ; an angry ferment 
 ation only, was for a time produced amongst a portion of 
 its dissolving elements ; when every thing connected 
 with the peace and harmony of the administration assumed 
 its accustomed aspect, and its vigorous and politic mea 
 sures were prosecuted with the same zeal and fidelity 
 that characterized the operations of its energetic head, 
 previous to the dissolution. 
 
 General Jackson re-organized his cabinet by appoint 
 ing Edward Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state ; 
 Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, secretary of the 
 navy ; Louis M Lane, of Delaware, secretary of the 
 treasury; and Louis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war. 
 Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, was appointed to the of 
 fice of attorney general. A more judicious and popular 
 cabinet could not have been formed. Each individual 
 member was well known to the whole Union for eminent 
 talents, sterling patriotism, business habits, and liberal 
 devotion to the public good in every section of the United 
 States. With it, General Jackson proceeded in the ad 
 ministration of the general government with renewed 
 energy. 
 
 The 22d congress of the United States convened in 
 December, 1831, when General Jackson presented to the 
 representatives of the nation his annual message. It 
 was an interesting and valuable document : an able wri 
 ter thus remarks upon it : 
 
 " The condition of our country, as presented by this 
 document, is a source of high and heartfelt gratifica 
 tion. We point to it with equal pride and pleasure. 
 It challenges the admiration of every American citi 
 zen, and of free minds every where, who look to the 
 
&NDREW JACKSON. 
 
 progress of our government as the great experiment of 
 the people. 
 
 " The long pending negotiations with England are ter 
 minated in the recovery of a trade of the highest advan 
 tage to our merchants and agriculturists, and our present 
 minister is charged with the adjustment of every question 
 of possible collision and difficulty. The claims of our citi 
 zens upon France have been acknowledged, and indemni 
 ty obtained. Our claims against Denmark and Sweden 
 have been adjusted by satisfactory compensation on their 
 part, and advantageous treaties of commerce renewed ; 
 the negotiations for the adjustment of our claims against 
 Naples, have been opened under flattering auspices; 
 commercial treaties with Austria, the Hanseatic towns, 
 and Prussia, have opened new and invaluable sources of 
 trade to the enterprise of our countrymen, with the ex 
 tended countries of the north and south of Germany ; a 
 treaty favorable in the highest degree, has been establish 
 ed with the Porte, and our ships, seamen, and pro 
 ducts, find their way to seas and countries, from which 
 they have been hitherto excluded ; our relations with 
 Russia are placed, in all respects, upon a footing with the 
 most favored nations ; precise instructions have been 
 given to bring our unsettled differences with Spain and 
 with the two Sicilies to a speedy issue, and in relation to 
 the former, if at last it shall be of an unfriendly nature, 
 the president will ask the determination of congress in a 
 case where negotiation for redress of injury fails. 
 Our commerce with China and the East Indies is continu 
 ed with increased facilities ; whilst a frigate has been dis 
 patched to demand redress for an outrage committed in those 
 distant seas, on an American merchantman, at Sumatra ; 
 a valuable trade has been opened with the interior pro 
 vinces of Mexico, and the ratification of an advantageous 
 commercial treaty urged with vigor ; our treaty with the 
 
384 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 republic of Central America has been faithfully observed, 
 and promises an extended and beneficial commerce be 
 tween the two countries ; our negotiations with Colom 
 bia have been attended with success, in a considerable re 
 duction of duty on flour, and a stipulation of indemnity 
 for injuries received by our merchants for illegal seizures. 
 Efficient measures have been taken for the protection of 
 our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific Ocean, in re 
 ference to the civil commotions in Chili and Peru ; re 
 dress of injuries, and indemnity for losses, have been 
 promptly demanded of the government of Brazil ; and an 
 armed vessel has been dispatched to the Falkland Islands, 
 and a public functionary to the government of Buenos 
 Ayres will soon follow, to inquire into the nature of the 
 recent depredations upon our commerce, and to protect 
 it from aggression for the future ; indeed, at every foreign 
 court, in all countries, and in every sea, have the public 
 interests been carefully guarded, the rights and interests 
 of our citizens protected, the national honor maintained, 
 and the national faith preserved. 
 
 " Such are the results of the diplomacy of General 
 Jackson s administration. Such are its practical effects, 
 through the entire circle of our foreign relations. Never 
 did the nation stand upon a higher and more commanding 
 eminence. We owe it, not to the subterfuges and eva 
 sions of a mere diplomatic and artificial intercourse, but 
 to a frank, honest, and upright policy, fearlessly adopted 
 and steadily pursued ; and to a rigid adherence to the 
 golden rule with which the present chief magistrate 
 commenced his administration, to ask nothing that was 
 not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that was 
 wrong. 
 
 " The condition of the internal affairs of the country is 
 equally a subject of felicitation. The Indian question is 
 settled an extended trade and increasing revenue re- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 385 
 
 forms in the public offices and in the different departments 
 of the government an annual income of nearly twenty- 
 eight millions, and an expenditure of fifteen millions 
 the payment of upwards of forty millions of the public 
 debt in less than three years a farther modification of 
 the tariff and a diminution of its burdens -a more rapid 
 and extended transportation of the mails and the en 
 tire extinguishment of the national debt within one 
 year, are among the fruits of the policy of this adminis 
 tration." 
 
 This session of congress was remarkable for the tur 
 bulence of party spirit evinced by many members, in their 
 action upon various subjects presented for their delibera 
 tions. While some questions of deep interest, and vital 
 importance to the nation, were adjusted in a manner that 
 is believed will produce the happiest results ; there were 
 others, the decision of which was produced by motives 
 which should never influence the representative acts of 
 high-minded and honorable men. 
 
 A prominent act of the latter description was the rejec 
 tion by the senate, of the nomination of Martin Van Bu- 
 ren, by the president, as minister to England. This gen 
 tleman was selected by General Jackson for his acknow 
 ledged worth, talents, and public services ; and yet the 
 senate rejected the nomination by the casting vote of its 
 presiding officer. The act itself, was a constitutional 
 one, and as such was not obnoxious to censure ; but all 
 delegated powers are in some degree discretionary, and 
 for motives alone, which prompt the exertion of consti 
 tutional privileges, are public servants amenable. When 
 the present period of high political excitement is past, and 
 men can look at this act with unbiassed and unprejudiced 
 minds, in searching for the motives which produced the 
 rejection of the president s nomination of Mr. Van Buren, 
 none, it is confidently believed, will be found, that were 
 33 
 
386 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 not based upon personal or political hostility. As no 
 other reasons were given for rejecting this nomination, 
 that were entitled to any degree of weight, we deemed 
 it important to say thus much in defence of the nomi 
 nation. 
 
 But to pass over minor subjects, we come directly to 
 the question which was agitated in both houses of con 
 gress on the passage of a bill to renew the charter of 
 the present bank of the United States. After much dis 
 cussion this bill passed the house and senate, and was 
 submitted to the president for his sanction or disapproval. 
 His sentiments on the subject of a renewal of the charter 
 of the United States bank, with all its powers and privi 
 leges retained, were well known ; he had early, earnestly, 
 and fearlessly expressed his convictions, that this institu 
 tion was unconstitutional in its origin, and clothed with 
 powers, which no corporation under a republican govern 
 ment ought to possess powers that might be exerted in the 
 overthrow of our free institutions, and the destruction of 
 our liberties. When entering upon the duties appertain 
 ing to the presidency of the nation, some of his friends 
 suggested to him the policy of not embarrassing his ad 
 ministration by an early expression of his views upon this 
 question, which did not call for immediate legislative ac 
 tion ; " No," exclaimed the single-hearted patriot; " my 
 sentiments upon this subject must be expressed ; I could 
 not quietly rest in my grave, were I to die without having 
 performed this duty which I owe to my country." And 
 nobly indeed has that duty been discharged ; he weighed 
 the subject with much deliberation, and gave to it that 
 patient and careful investigation which its importance de 
 manded ; and then, with an eye that looked only to the glo 
 ry and safety of his country, and its invaluable institutions ; 
 regardless alike of his own personal responsibility or in 
 dividual aggrandizement, he returned the bill with a mes- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 387 
 
 sage, detailing his reasons at length for withholding his 
 sanction to its becoming a law. They were powerful, 
 convincing, and unanswerable. No synopsis which we 
 could make, would do justice to this admirable produc 
 tion ; we therefore give it entire : 
 
 Message from the President of the United States, 
 Returning the Bank Bill, with his objections, &c. 
 
 To THE SENATE : 
 
 The bill to " modify and continue" the act, entitled, 
 " an act to incorporate the subscribers of the Bank of the 
 United States," was presented to me on the 4th of July 
 instant. Having considered it with that solemn regard to 
 the principles of the constitution which the day was cal 
 culated to inspire, and come to the conclusion that it 
 ought not to become a law, I herewith return it to the 
 Senate, in which it originated, with rny objections. 
 
 A Bank of the United States is, in many respects, con 
 venient for the government and useful to the people. 
 Entertaining this opinion, and deeply impressed with the 
 belief that some of the powers and privileges possessed 
 by the existing Bank are unauthorized by the constitu 
 tion, subversive of the rights of the states, and dangerous 
 to the liberties of the people, I felt it my duty, at an early 
 period of my administration, to call the attention of Con 
 gress to the practicability of organizing an institution 
 combining all its advantages, and obviating these objec 
 tions. I sincerely regret that, in the act before me, I 
 can perceive none of those modifications of the Bank 
 charter which are necessary, in my opinion, to make it 
 compatible with justice, with sound policy, or with the 
 Constitution of our country. 
 
388 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The present corporate body, denominated the President, 
 Directors, and Company of the Bank of the United States, 
 will have existed, at the time this act is intended to 
 take effect, twenty years. It enjoys an exclusive privilege 
 of banking- under the authority of the General Govern 
 ment, a monopoly of its favor and support, and, as a ne 
 cessary consequence, almost a monopoly of the foreign 
 and domestic exchange. The powers, privileges, and fa 
 vors bestowed upon it, in the original charter, by increas 
 ing the value of the stock far above its par value, operat 
 ed as a gratuity of many millions to the stockholders. 
 
 An apology may be found for the failure to guard 
 against this result, in consideration that the effect of the 
 original act of incorporation could not be certainly fore 
 seen at the time of its passage. The act before me pro 
 poses another gratuity to the holders of the same stock, 
 and, in many cases, to the same men, of at least seven 
 millions more. This donation finds no apology in any un 
 certainty as to the effect of the act. On all hands it is 
 conceded that its passage will increase at least twenty or 
 thirty per cent, more, the market price of the stock, sub 
 ject to the payment of the annuity of $200,000 per year, 
 secured by the act ; thus adding, in a moment, one fourth 
 to its par value. It is not our own citizens only who are 
 to receive the bounty of our government. More than 
 eight millions of the stock of this Bank are held by 
 foreigners. By this act the American republic proposes 
 virtually to make them a present of some millions of 
 dollars. For these gratuities to foreigners, and to some 
 of our own opulent citizens, the act secures no equivalent 
 whatever. They are the certain gains of the present 
 stockholders under the operation of this act, after making 
 full allowance for the payment of the bonus. 
 
 Every monopoly, and all exclusive privileges, are 
 granted at the expense of the public, which ought to re- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Ceive a fair equivalent. The many millions which this 
 act proposes to bestow on the stockholders of the existing 
 Bank, must come, directly or indirectly, out of the earn 
 ings of the American people. It is due to them, there 
 fore, if their government sell monopolies and exclusive 
 privileges, that they should at least exact for them as 
 much as they are worth in open market. The value of 
 the monopoly in this case may be correctly ascertained. 
 The twenty-eight millions of stock would probably be at 
 an advance of fifty per cent., and command in market at 
 least forty-two millions of dollars, subject to the payment 
 of the present bonus. The present value of the mono 
 poly, therefore, is seventeen millions of dollars, and this 
 the act proposes to sell for three millions, payable in fif 
 teen annual instalments of $200,000 each. 
 
 It is not conceivable how the present stockholders can 
 have any claim to the special favor of the government. 
 The present corporation has enjoyed its monopoly during 
 the period stipulated in the original contract. If we must 
 have such a corporation, why should not the government 
 sell out the whole stock, and thus secure to the people 
 the full market value of the privileges granted ? Why 
 should not Congress create and sell twenty-eight millions 
 of stock, incorporating the purchasers with all the powers 
 and privileges secured in this act, and putting the pre 
 mium upon the sales into the Treasury ? 
 
 But this act does not permit competition in the purchase 
 of this monopoly. It seems to be predicated on the erro 
 neous idea, that the present stockholders have a prescrip 
 tive right, not only to the favor but to the bounty of 
 government. It appears that more than a fourth part of 
 the stock is held by foreigners, and the residue is held by 
 a few hundred of our own citizens, chiefly of the richest 
 class : for their benefit does this act exclude the whole 
 American people from competition in the purchase of this 
 
390 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 monopoly, and dispose of it for many millions less than 
 it is worth. This seems the less excusable, because some 
 of our citizens, not now stockholders, petitioned that the 
 door of competition might be opened, and offer to take a 
 charter on terms much more favorable to the government 
 and country. 
 
 But this proposition, although made by men whose ag 
 gregate wealth is believed to be equal to all the private 
 stock in the existing Bank, has been set aside, and the 
 bounty of our government is proposed to be again bestowed 
 on the few who have been fortunate enough to secure the 
 stock, and, at this moment, wield the power of the exist 
 ing institution. I cannot perceive the justice or policy of 
 this course. If our government must sell monopolies, 
 it would seem to be its duty to take nothing less than their 
 full value ; and if gratuities must be made once in fifteen 
 or twenty years, let them not be bestowed on the subjects 
 of a foreign government, nor upon a designated and favor 
 ed class of men in our own country. It is but justice 
 and good policy, as far as the nature of the case will ad 
 mit, to confine our favors to our own fellow citizens, and 
 let each in his turn enjoy an opportunity to profit by our 
 bounty. In the bearings of the act before me upon these 
 points, I find ample reasons why it should not become a law. 
 
 It has been urged as an argument in favor of re-charter 
 ing the present Bank, that the calling in its loans will 
 produce great embarrassment and distress. The time 
 allowed to close its concerns, is ample, and if it has been 
 well managed, its pressure will be light, and heavy only 
 in case its management has been bad. If, therefore, it 
 shall produce distress, the fault will be its own, and it 
 would furnish a reason against renewing a power which 
 has been so obviously abused. But, will there ever be a 
 time when this reason will be less powerful? To ac 
 knowledge its force, is to admit that the Bank ought to be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 391 
 
 perpetual, and as a consequence, the present stockholders, 
 and those inheriting their rights, as successors, be estab 
 lished a privileged order, clothed both with great political 
 power and enjoying immense pecuniary advantages from 
 their connexion with the government. 
 
 The modifications of the existing charter, proposed by 
 this act, are not such, in my view, as make it consistent 
 with the rights of the States or the liberties of the people. 
 The qualification of the right of the Bank to hold real 
 estate, the limitation of its power to establish branches, 
 and the power reserved to Congress to forbid the circula 
 tion of small notes, are restrictions comparatively of little 
 value or importance. All the objectionable principles of 
 the existing corporation, and most of its odious features, 
 are retained without alleviation. 
 
 The fourth section provides, " that the notes or bills of 
 the said corporation, although the same be on the faces 
 thereof, respectively, made payable at one place only, shall, 
 nevertheless, be received by the said corporation at the 
 Bank, or at any of the offices of discount and deposit 
 thereof, if tendered in liquidation or payment of any 
 balance or balances, due to said corporation, or to such 
 office of discount and deposit, from any other incorporated 
 Bank." This provision secures to the State Bank a 
 legal privilege in the Bank of the United States, which 
 is withheld from all private citizens. If a State Bank in 
 Philadelphia, owe the Bank of the United States, and 
 have notes issued by the St. Louis Branch, it can pay the 
 debt with those notes; but if a merchant, mechanic, or 
 other private citizen, be in like circumstances, he cannot 
 by law pay his debt with those notes, but must sell them 
 at a discount, or send them to St. Louis to be cashed. This 
 boon, conceded to the State Banks, though not unjust in 
 itself, is most odious, because it does not measure out equal 
 justice to the high and low, the rich and the poor. To 
 
392 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the extent of its practical effect, it is a bond of union 
 among the banking establishments of the nation, erecting 
 them into an interest, separate from that of the people, and 
 its necessary tendency is to unite the Bank of the United 
 States and the State Banks in any measure which may be 
 thought conducive to their common interest. 
 
 The ninth section of the act recognizes principles of 
 worse tendency than any provision of the present charter. 
 
 It enacts that " the cashier of the Bank shall annually 
 report to the Secretary of the Treasury the names of all 
 stockholders who are not resident citizens of the United 
 States, and on the application of the Treasurer of any 
 state, shall make out and transmit to such Treasurer, a 
 list of stockholders residing in, or citizens of such state, 
 with the amount of stock owned by each." Although 
 this provision, taken in connexion with a decision of the 
 Supreme Court, surrenders, by its silence, the right of the 
 states to tax the banking institutions created by this cor 
 poration, under the name of branches throughout the 
 union, it is evidently intended to be construed as a con 
 cession of their right to tax that portion of the stock 
 which may be held by their own citizens and residents. 
 In this light, if the act becomes a law, it will be under 
 stood by the states, who will probably proceed to levy a 
 tax equal to that paid upon the stock of banks incorpo 
 rated by themselves. In some states that tax is now one 
 per cent., either on the capital or on the shares, and that 
 may be assumed as the amount Avhich all citizens or resi 
 dent stockholders will be taxed under the operation of this 
 act. As it is only the stock held in the states, and not that 
 employed within them, which would be subject to taxation ; 
 and as the names of foreign stockholders are not to be re 
 ported to the Treasurers of the states, it is obvious that 
 the stock held by them will be exempt from this burden. 
 Their annual profits will, therefore, be one per cent. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 393 
 
 more than the citizen stockholders, and as the annual di 
 vidends of the Bank may be safely estimated at seven per 
 cent., the stock will be worth ten or fifteen per cent, more 
 to foreigners than to citizens of the United States. To 
 appreciate the effects which this state of things will pro 
 duce, we must take a brief review of the operations and 
 present condition of the Bank of the United States. 
 
 By documents submitted to Congress at the present ses 
 sion, it appears that on the 1st of January, 1832, of the 28 
 millions of private stock in the corporation, $8,405,500 
 were held by foreigners, mostly of Great Britain. The 
 amount of stock held in the nine western and southwest 
 ern states, is $140,200 ; and in the four southern states, 
 is $5,623,100 ; and in the middle and eastern states, is 
 about $13,522,000. The profits of the Bank in 1831, as 
 shown in a statement to Congress, were about $3,455,598, 
 of this there accrued in the nine western states, about 
 $1,640,048; in the four southern states, about $352,507 ; 
 and in the middle and eastern states, about 1,463,041. 
 As little stock is held in the west, it is obvious that the 
 debt of the people in that section, to the Bank, is princi 
 pally a debt to the eastern and foreign stockholders ; that 
 the interest they pay upon it is carried into the eastern 
 states and into Europe ; and that it is a burden upon their 
 industry and a drain of their currency which no country 
 can bear without inconvenience and occasional distress. 
 To meet this burden, and equalize the exchange opera 
 tions of the Bank, the amount of specie drawn from those 
 states through its branches within the last two years, as 
 shown by its official reports, was about $6,000,000. More 
 than half a million of this amount does not stop in the 
 eastern states, but passes on to Europe to pay the dividends 
 of the foreign stockholders. In the principle of taxation 
 recognized by this act, the western states find no adequate 
 compensation for this perpetual burden on their industry, 
 
394 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 and drain of their currency. The Branch Bank at Mo 
 bile made, last year, $95,140; yet, under the provisions 
 of this act, the state of Alabama can raise no revenue from 
 these profitable operations, because not a share of the 
 stock is held by any of her citizens. Mississippi and Mis 
 souri are in the same condition in relation to the branches 
 at Natchez and St. Louis ; and such, in a greater or less 
 degree, is the condition of every western state. 
 
 The tendency of the plan of taxation which this act pro 
 poses, will be to place the whole U. States in the same 
 relation to foreign countries, which the western states now 
 bear to the eastern. When by a tax on resident stockhold 
 ers, the stock of this bank is made worth ten or fifteen 
 per cent, more to foreigners than to residents, most of it 
 will inevitably leave the country. 
 
 Thus will this provision, in its practical effect, deprive 
 the eastern, as well as the southern and western states, of 
 the means of raising a revenue from the extension of busi 
 ness, and great profits of this institution. It will make 
 the American people debtors to aliens in nearly the whole 
 amount due to this Bank, and send across the Atlantic 
 from two to five millions of specie every year to pay the 
 Bank dividends. 
 
 In another of its bearings this provision is fraught with 
 danger. Of the twenty-five directors of this Bank, five 
 are chosen by the government, and twenty by the citizen 
 stockholders. From all voice in these elections, the fo 
 reign stockholders are excluded by the charter. In pro 
 portion, therefore, as the stock is transferred to foreign 
 holders, the extent of suffrage in the choice of directors is 
 curtailed. Already is almost a third of the stock in foreign 
 hands, and not represented in elections. It is constantly 
 passing out of the country, and this act will accelerate its 
 departure. The entire control of the institutionwould ne 
 cessarily fall into the hands of the few citizen stockholders, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 395 
 
 and the ease with which the object would be accomplish 
 ed, would be a temptation to designing men to secure that 
 control in their own hands by monopolizing the remaining 
 stock. There is danger that a President and Directors 
 would then be able to elect themselves from year to year, 
 and without "responsibility or control, manage the whole 
 concerns of the Bank during the existence of its charter. 
 It is easy to conceive that great evils to our country and 
 its institutions might flow from such a concentration of 
 power in the hands of a few men irresponsible to the people. 
 
 Is there no danger to our liberty and independence in a 
 Bank, that in its nature has so little to bind it to our coun 
 try 1 The President of the Bank has told us, that most 
 of the state banks exist by its forbearance. Should its in 
 fluence become concentrated, as it may under the opera 
 tion of such an act as this, in the hands of a self-elected 
 Directory, whose interests are identified with those of the 
 foreign stockholder, will there not be cause to tremble for 
 the purity of our elections in peace, and for our indepen 
 dence in war ? Their power would be great whenever they 
 might choose to exert it ; but if this monopoly were regu 
 larly renewed every fifteen or twenty years, on terms pro 
 posed by themselves, they might seldom, in peace, put 
 forth their strength to influence elections or control the 
 affairs of the nation. But, if any private citizen, or public 
 functionary, should interpose to curtail its powers or pre 
 vent a renewal of its privileges, it cannot be doubted that 
 he would be made to feel its influence. 
 
 Should the stock of the Bank principally pass into the 
 hands of the subjects of a foreign country, and we should 
 unfortunately become involved in a war with that country, 
 what would be our condition ? Of the course which would 
 be pursued by a Bank almost wholly owned by the sub 
 jects of a foreign power, and managed by those whose in 
 terests, if not affections, would run in the same direction, 
 
396 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 there can be no doubt. All its operations within, would 
 be in aid of the hostile fleets and armies without : control- 
 ing our currency ; receiving our public moneys, and hold 
 ing thousands of our citizens in dependance, it would be 
 more formidable and dangerous than the naval and mili 
 tary power of the enemy. 
 
 If we must have a Bank with private stockholders, 
 every consideration of sound policy, and every impulse of 
 American feeling, admonish that it should be purely 
 American. Its stockholders should be composed exclu 
 sively of our own citizens, who, at least, ought to be friend 
 ly to our government, and willing to support it in times of 
 difficulty and danger. So abundant is domestic capital, that 
 competition, in subscribing for the stock of local banks, 
 has recently led almost to riots. To a Bank, exclusively 
 of American stockholders, possessing the powers and pri 
 vileges granted by this act, subscriptions for two hundred 
 millions of dollars could be readily obtained. Instead of 
 sending abroad the stock of the Bank, in which the go 
 vernment must deposit its funds, and on which it must rely 
 to sustain its credit in times of emergency, it would ra 
 ther seem to be expedient to prohibit its sales to aliens 
 under penalty of absolute forfeiture. 
 
 It is maintained by the advocates of the Bank that its con 
 stitutionality in all its features ought to be considered as 
 settled by precedent, and by the decision of the Supreme 
 Court. To this conclusion, I cannot assent. Mere pre 
 cedent is a dangerous source of authority, and should not 
 be regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power, 
 except where the acquiescence of the people and the States 
 can be considered as well settled. So far from this being 
 the case on this subject, an argument against the Bank 
 might be based on precedent. One Congress in 1791 de 
 cided in favor of a Bank ; another in 1811 decided against 
 it. One Congress in 1815, decided against a Bank; ano- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 397 
 
 ther in 1816 decided in its favor. Prior to the present 
 Congress, therefore, the precedents drawn from that 
 source were equal. If we resort to the States, the expres 
 sions of Legislative, Judicial, and Executive opinions 
 against the Bank, have been probably to those in its fa 
 vor, as four to one. There is nothing in precedent, there 
 fore, which, if its authority were admitted, ought to weigh 
 in favor of the act before me. 
 
 If the opinion of the Supreme Court covered the whole 
 ground of this act, it ought not to control the co-ordinate 
 authorities of this government. The Congress, the Exe 
 cutive, and the Court, must each for itself be guided by its 
 own opinion of the constitution. Each public officer, who 
 takes an oath to support the constitution, swears that he 
 will support it as he understands it, and not as it is under 
 stood by others. It is as much the duty of the house of 
 representatives, of the senate, and of the President, to de 
 cide upon the constitutionality of any bill or resolution 
 which may be presented to them for passage or approval, 
 as it is of the supreme judges, when it may be brought be 
 fore them for judicial decision. The opinion of the judg 
 es has no more authority over Congress than the opinion 
 of Congress has over the judges, and on that point the Pre 
 sident is independent of both. The authority of the Su 
 preme Court must not, therefore, be permitted to control 
 the Congress or the Executive, when acting in their le 
 gislative capacities, but to have only such influence as the 
 force of their reasoning may deserve. 
 
 But in the case relied upon, the Supreme Court have 
 not decided that all the features of this corporation are 
 compatible with the constitution. It is true that the Court 
 have said that the law incorporating the Bank is a consti 
 tutional exercise of power by Congress. But, taking into 
 view the whole opinion of the Court, and the reasoning 
 by which they have come to that conclusion, I understand 
 34 
 
398 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 them to have decided that, inasmuch as a bank is an ap 
 propriate means for carrying into effect the enumerated 
 powers of the general government, therefore, the law in 
 corporating it is in accordance with that provision ,of 
 the constitution which declares that Congress shall "have 
 power to make all laws which shall be necessary and pro 
 per for carrying those powers into execution." Having 
 satisfied themselves that the word " necessary ," in the 
 constitution, means "needful" " requisite" "essential" 
 " conducive to" and that " a bank" is a convenient, a 
 useful and essential instrument in the prosecution of the 
 government s " fiscal operations," they conclude, that to 
 " use one must be within the discretion of Congress," and 
 that " the act to incorporate the Bank of the U. States is a 
 law made in pursuance of the constitution :" "but," say 
 they, "where the law is not prohibited, and is really 
 calculated to effect any of the objects entrusted to the 
 government, to undertake here to inquire into the de 
 gree of its necessity, would be to pass the line which 
 circumscribes the judicial department, and to tread on 
 legislative ground." 
 
 The principle here affirmed is, that " the degree of its 
 necessity," involving all the details of a banking institu 
 tion, is a question exclusively for legislative consideration. 
 A bank is constitutional ; but it is the province of the le 
 gislature to determine whether this or that particular 
 power, privilege or exemption is " necessary and proper" 
 to enable the Bank to discharge its duties to the govern 
 ment, and from their decision there is no appeal to the 
 courts of justice. Under the decision of the Supreme Court, 
 therefore, it is the exclusive province of Congress and the 
 President to decide, whether the particular features of this 
 act are " necessary and proper," in order to enable the 
 Bank to perform conveniently and efficiently the public 
 duties assigned to it as a fiscal agent, and therefore consti- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 390 
 
 tutional, or unnecessary and improper , and therefore un 
 constitutional. 
 
 Without commenting on the general principle affirmed 
 by the Supreme Court, let us examine the details of this act 
 in accordance with the rule of legislative action which they 
 have laid down. It will be found that many of the powers 
 and privileges conferred on it, cannot be supposed necessary 
 for the purpose for which it is proposed to be created, and 
 are not therefore means necessary to attain the end in view, 
 and consequently not justified by the constitution. 
 
 The original act of incorporation, section 21 , enacts " that 
 no other Bank shall be established by any future law of 
 the United States during the continuance of the corporation 
 hereby created, for which the faith of the United States is 
 hereby pledged, Provided, Congress may renew existing 
 charters for Banks within the District of Columbia, not 
 increasing the capital thereof, and may also establish any 
 other Bank or Banks in said district, with capitals not ex 
 ceeding in the whole six millions of dollars, if they shall 
 deem it expedient." This provision is continued in force, by 
 the act before me, fifteen years from the 3d of March, 1836. 
 
 If Congress possessed the power to establish one Bank, 
 they had power to establish more than one, if, in their 
 opinion, two or more bank, had been " necessary" to faci 
 litate the execution of the powers delegated to them in the 
 constitution. If they possessed the power to establish a 
 second bank, it was a power derived from the constitution, 
 to be exercised from time to time, and at any time when 
 the interests of the country or the emergencies of the 
 government might make it expedient. It was possessed 
 by one Congress as well as another, and by all Congresses 
 alike, and alike at every session. But the Congress of 
 1816 has taken it away from their successors for twenty 
 years, and the Congress of 1832 proposes to abolish it for 
 fifteen years more. It cannot be " necessary" or "proper" 
 
400 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 for Congress to barter away or divest themselves of any of 
 the powers, vested in them by the constitution, to be exer 
 cised for the public good. It is not "necessary" to the 
 efficiency of the Bank, nor is it "proper" in relation to 
 themselves and their successors. They may properly use 
 the discretion vested in them ; but they may not limit the 
 discretion of their successors. This restriction on them 
 selves and grant of a monopoly to the Bank, is, therefore, 
 unconstitutional. 
 
 In another point of view, this provision is a palpable at 
 tempt to amend the constitution by an act of legislation. 
 The constitution declares that the " Congress shall have 
 power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what 
 soever," over the District of Columbia. Its constitutional 
 power, therefore, to establish Banks in the District of 
 Columbia, and increase their capital at will, is unlimited 
 and uncontrollable by any other power than that which 
 gave authority to the constitution. Yet this act declares 
 that Congress shall not increase the capital of existing 
 Banks, nor create other Banks with capitals exceeding in 
 the whole six millions of dollars. The Constitution de 
 clares, that Congress shall have power to exercise exclu 
 sive legislation over this District, " in all cases whatso 
 ever ;" and this act declares they shall not. Which is the 
 supreme law of the land ? This provision cannot be 
 " necessary," or "proper," or constitutional, unless the 
 absurdity be admitted, that whenever it be " necessary and 
 proper," in the opinion of Congress, they have a right to 
 barter away one portion of the powers vested in them by 
 the Constitution as a means of executing the rest. 
 
 On two subjects only does the Constitution recognise in 
 Congress the power to grant exclusive privileges or mono 
 polies. It declares that " Congress shall have power to 
 promote the progress of science and useful arts, by secur 
 ing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the ex* 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 401 
 
 elusive right to their respective writings and discoveries." 
 Out of this express delegation of power, have grown our 
 laws of patents and copyrights. As the Constitution ex 
 pressly delegates to Congress the power to grant exclusive 
 privileges in these cases as the means of executing the 
 substantive power " to promote the progress of science and 
 useful arts," it is consistent with the fair rules of construe* 
 tion to conclude that such a power was not intended to be 
 granted as a means of accomplishing any other end. On 
 every other subject which comes within the scope of Con 
 gressional power, there is an ever living discretion in the 
 use of proper means which cannot be restricted or abolished 
 without an amendment of the Constitution. Every act of 
 Congress, therefore, which attempts by grants of mono 
 polies, or sale of exclusive privileges for a limited time, 
 or a time without limit, to restrict or extinguish its own 
 discretion in the choice of means to execute its delegated 
 powers, is equivalent to a legislative amendment of the 
 constitution, and palpably unconstitutional. 
 
 This act authorises and encourages transfers of its stock 
 to foreigners, and grants them an exemption from all state 
 and national taxation. So far from being "necessary and 
 proper" that the bank should possess this power, to make 
 it a safe and efficient agent of the Government in its fiscal 
 operations, it is calculated to convert the Bank of the 
 United States into a foreign bank, to impoverish our peo 
 ple in time of peace, to disseminate a foreign influence 
 through every section of the republic and in war, to en 
 danger our independence. 
 
 The several States reserved the power at the formation 
 of the constitution, to regulate and control titles and trans 
 fers of real property, and most, if not all of them, have 
 laws disqualifying aliens from acquiring or holding lands 
 within their limits. But this act, in disregard of the un 
 doubted rie^ht of the States to prescribe such disqualifica- 
 34* 
 
402 BIOGRAPHY Or 
 
 tions, gives to aliens, stockholders in this Bank, an interest 
 and title, as members of the corporation, to all the real 
 property it may acquire within any of the States of this 
 Union. This privilege granted to aliens is not " neces 
 sary" to enable the Bank to perform its public duties, nor 
 in any sense "proper" because it is vitally subversive of 
 the rights of the States. 
 
 The government of the United States have no constitu 
 tional power to purchase lands within the States, except 
 " for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, 
 and other needful buildings," and even for these objects 
 only " by the consent of the legislature of the state in 
 which the same shall be." By making themselves stock 
 holders in the Bank, and granting to the corporation the 
 power to purchase lands for other purposes, they assume 
 a power not granted in the constitution, and grant to others 
 what they do not themselves possess. It is not necessary 
 to the receiving, safe keeping, or transmission of the funds 
 of the government, that the Bank should possess this 
 power, and it is not proper that Congress should thus 
 enlarge the powers delegated to them in the constitution. 
 
 The old Bank of the United States possessed a capital 
 of only eleven millions of dollars, which was found fully 
 sufficient to enable it, with despatch and safety, to perform 
 all the functions required of it by the government. The 
 capital of the present Bank is thirty-five millions of dol 
 lars at least twenty-four more than experience has 
 proved to be necessary to enable a bank to perform its 
 public functions. The public debt which existed during 
 the period of the old Bank, and on the establishment of 
 the new, has been nearly paid off, and our revenue will 
 soon be reduced. This increase of capital is, therefore, 
 not for public, but for private purposes. 
 
 The government is the only " proper" judge where its 
 agerits should reside and keep their offices, because it best 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 403 
 
 knows where their presence will be " necessary." It can 
 not, therefore, be necessary or proper to authorize the 
 Bank to locate branches where it pleases, to perform the 
 public service, without consulting the government, and 
 contrary to its will. The principle laid do\vn by the Su 
 preme Court concedes, that Congress cannot establish a 
 bank for purposes of private speculation and gain, but only 
 as a means of executing the delegated powers of the gene 
 ral government. By the same principle, a branch bank 
 cannot constitutionally be established for other than public 
 purposes. The power which this act gives to establish 
 two branches in any State without the injunction or request 
 of the government, and for other than public purposes, is 
 not * necessary 1 to the due execution of the powers delegat 
 ed to Congress. 
 
 The bonus which is exacted from the Bank is a confes 
 sion upon the face of the act, that the powers granted by 
 it are greater than are necessary to its character of a 
 fiscal agent. The government does not tax its officers and 
 agents for the privilege of serving it. The bonus of a 
 million and a half, required by the original charter, and 
 that of three millions proposed by this act, are not exacted 
 for the privilege of giving " the necessary facilities for 
 transferring the public funds from place to place, within 
 the United States, or the territories thereof, and for dis 
 tributing the same in payment of the public creditors, 
 without charging commission or claiming allowance on ac 
 count of the difference of exchange" as required by the act 
 of incorporation, but for something more beneficial to the 
 stockholders. The original act declares, that it (the bonus) 
 is granted "in consideration of the exclusive privileges 
 and benefits conferred by this act upon the said Bank," 
 and the act before me declares it to be, " in consideration 
 of the exclusive benefits and privileges continued by this 
 act to the said corporation for fifteen years as aforesaid." 
 
404 BIOGRAPHY or 
 
 It is, therefore, for "exclusive privileges and benefits" 
 conferred for their own use and emolument, and not for 
 the advantage of the government, that a bonus is exacted. 
 These surplus powers, for which the Bank is required to 
 pay, cannot surely be " necessary," to make it the fiscal 
 agent of the treasury. If they were, the exaction of a 
 bonus for them would not be "proper." 
 
 It is maintained by some, that the Bank is a means of 
 executing the constitutional power " to coin money and 
 regulate the value thereof." Congress have established 
 a mint to coin money, and passed laws to regulate the 
 value thereof. The money so coined, w r ith its value so 
 regulated, and such foreign coins as Congress may adopt, 
 are the only currency known to the constitution. But if 
 they have other power to regulate the currency, it was 
 conferred to be exercised by themselves and not to be 
 transferred to a corporation. If the Bank be established 
 for that purpose, with a charter unalterable, without its 
 consent, Congress have parted with their power for a term 
 of years, during which the constitution is a dead letter. 
 It is neither necessary nor proper to transfer its legisla 
 tive power to such a Bank, and therefore unconstitutional. 
 
 By its silence, considered in connexion with the de 
 cision of the Supreme Court in the case of McCulloch 
 against the state of Maryland, this act takes from the states 
 the power to tax a portion of the banking business carried 
 on within their limits, in subversion of one of the strong 
 est barriers which secured them against federal encroach 
 ments. Banking, like farming, manufacturing, or any 
 other occupation or profession, is a business, the right to 
 follow which is not originally derived from the laws. 
 Every citizen and every company of citizens in all our 
 states, possessed the right until the state legislatures 
 deemed it good policy to prohibit private banking by law. 
 If the prohibitory state laws were now repealed, every 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 406 
 
 citizen would again possess the right. The state banks are 
 a qualified restoration of the right which has been taken 
 away by the laws against banking, guarded by such pro 
 visions and limitations as in the opinion of the state legis 
 latures, the public interest requires. These corporations, 
 unless there be an exemption in their charter, are, like 
 private bankers and banking companies, subject to state 
 taxation. The manner in which these taxes shall be laid 
 depends wholly on legislative discretion. It may be upon 
 the bank, upon the stock, upon the profits, or in any 
 other mode which the sovereign power shall will. 
 
 Upon the formation of the constitution, the states 
 guarded their taxing power with peculiar jealousy. They 
 surrendered it only as it regards imports and exports. In 
 relation to every other object within their jurisdiction, 
 whether persons, property, business or profession, it was 
 secured in as ample a manner as it was before possessed. 
 All persons, though United States officers, are liable to a 
 poll tax by the states within which they reside ; the lands 
 of the U. States are liable to the usual land tax, except in 
 the new states, from whom agreements, that they will not 
 tax unsold lands, are exacted when they are admitted into 
 the Union : horses, wagons, any beasts or vehicles, tools 
 or property, belonging to private citizens, though employ 
 ed in the service of the U. S., are subject to state taxation. 
 Every private business, whether carried on by an officer 
 of the general government or not, whether it be mixed 
 with public concerns or not, even if it be carried on by the 
 government of the U. S. itself, separately or in partner 
 ship, falls within the scope of the taxing power of the 
 state. Nothing comes more fully within it than banks and 
 the business of banking, by whomsoever instituted and 
 carried on. Over this whole subject matter, it is just as 
 absolute, unlimited, and uncontrollable, as if the constitu 
 tion had never been adopted, because in the formation of 
 that instrument, it was reserved without qualification, 
 
406 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 The principle is conceded, that the states cannot right 
 fully tax the operations of the general government. They 
 cannot tax the money of the government deposited in the 
 state Banks, nor the agency of those Banks in remitting it ; 
 but will any man maintain that their mere selection to 
 perform this public service for the general government, 
 would exempt the state Banks and their ordinary business 
 from state taxation ? Had the United States, instead of 
 establishing a Bank at Philadelphia, employed a private 
 Banker to keep and transmit their funds, would it have 
 deprived Pennsylvania of the right to tax his Bank and 
 his usual Banking operations ? It will not be pretended. 
 Upon what principle, then, are the banking establish 
 ments of the Bank of the United States and their usual 
 banking operations, to be exempted from taxation. It is 
 not their public agency or the deposits of the government 
 which the states claim a right to tax, but their banks and 
 their banking powers, instituted and exercised within state 
 jurisdiction for their private emolument those powers and 
 privileges for which they pay a bonus, and which the 
 states tax in their own banks. The exercise of these 
 powers within a state, no matter by whom, or under 
 what authority, whether by private citizens in their 
 original right, by corporate bodies created by the states, 
 by foreigners or the agents of foreign governments 
 located within their limits, forms a legitimate object of 
 state taxation. From this, and like sources, from the 
 persons, property, and business, that are found residing, 
 located, or carried on under their jurisdiction, must the 
 states, since the surrender of the right to raise a revenue 
 from imports and exports, draw all the money necessary for 
 the support of their governments, and the maintenance of 
 their independence. There is no more appropriate subject 
 of taxation than banks, banking and bank stock, and none 
 to which the states ought more pertinaciously to cling, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 407 
 
 It cannot be necessary to the character of the bank, as a 
 fiscal agent of the government, that its private business 
 should be exempted from that taxation to which all the 
 state banks are liable ; nor can I conceive it " proper" 
 that the substantive and most essential powers reserved 
 by the states shall be thus attacked and annihilated as a 
 means of executing the powers delegated to the general 
 government. It may be safely assumed that none of 
 those sages who had an agency in forming or adopting 
 our constitution ever imagined that any portion of the 
 taxing power of the states, not prohibited to them nor 
 delegated to Congress, was to be swept away and anni 
 hilated as a means of executing certain powers delegated 
 to Congress. 
 
 If our power over means is so absolute that the Supreme 
 Court will not call in question the constitutionality of an 
 act of Congress, the subject of which is " not prohibited, 
 and is really calculated to effect any of the objects entrust 
 ed to the government," although, as in the case before me, 
 it takes away powers expressly granted to Congress, and 
 rights scrupulously reserved to the States, it becomes us 
 to proceed in our legislation with the utmost caution. 
 Though not directly, our own powers and the rights of 
 the states may be indirectly legislated away in the use of 
 means to execute substantive powers. We may not enact 
 that Congress shall not have the power of exclusive legis 
 lation over the district of Columbia, but we may pledge 
 the faith of the United States that, as a means of executing 
 other powers, it shall not be exercised for twenty years or 
 forever. We may not pass an act prohibiting the states 
 to tax the banking business carried on within their limits, 
 but we may, as a means of executing our powers over 
 other objects, place that business in the hands of our 
 agents, and then declare it exempt from the state taxa 
 tion in their hands. Thus may our own powers and ihe 
 
409 
 
 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 rights of the states, which we cannot directly curtail 
 or invade, be frittered away and extinguished in the use 
 of means employed by us to execute other powers. 
 
 That a bank of the U. States, competent to all the duties 
 which may be required by the Government, might be 
 so organized as not to infringe on our own delegated 
 powers, or the reserved rights of the states, I do not enter 
 tain a doubt. Had the Executive been called upon to 
 furnish the project of such an institution, the duty would 
 have been cheerfully performed. In the absence of such 
 a call, it was obviously proper that he should confine 
 himself to pointing out those prominent features in the act 
 presented, which, in his opinion, make it incompatible 
 with the Constitution and sound policy. A general dis 
 cussion will now take place, eliciting new light and 
 settling important principles ; and a new Congress, 
 elected in the midst of such discussion, and furnishing an 
 equal representation of the people according to the last 
 census, will bear to the Capitol the verdict of public 
 opinion, and I doubt not bring this important question to 
 a satisfactory result. 
 
 Under such circumstances, the Bank comes forxvard 
 and asks a renewal of its charter for a term of fifteen 
 years, upon conditions which not only operate as a gra 
 tuity to the stockholders of many millions of dollars, but 
 will sanction any abuses, and legalize any encroachments. 
 
 Suspicions are entertained, and charges are made, of 
 gross abuse and violation of its charter. An investiga 
 tion, unwillingly conceded, and so restricted in time as 
 necessarily to make it incomplete and unsatisfactory, 
 discloses enough to excite suspicion and alarm. 
 
 In the practices of the principal Bank partially un 
 veiled, in the absence of important witnesses, and in 
 numerous charges, confidently made, and as yet wholly 
 uninvestigated, there was enough to induce a majority of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 409 
 
 the committee of investigation, a committee which was 
 selected from the most able and honourable members 
 of the house of representatives, to recommend a suspension 
 of further action upon the bill, and a prosecution of the 
 inquiry. A s the charter had yet four years to run, and 
 as a renewal now was not necessary to the successful 
 prosecution of its business, it was to have been expected 
 that the Bank itself, conscious of its purity and proud of 
 its character, would have withdrawn its application for 
 the present, and demanded the severest scrutiny into all its 
 transactions. In their declining to do so, there seems to 
 be an additional reason why the functionaries of the 
 government should proceed with less haste and more 
 caution in the renewal of their monopoly. 
 
 The bank is professedly established as an agent of the 
 Executive branches of the government, audits constitution 
 ality is maintained on that ground. Neither upon the pro 
 priety of the present action nor upon the provisions of this 
 act was the Executive consulted. It has had no opportu 
 nity to say that it neither needs nor wants any agent clothed 
 with such powers, and favored by such exemptions. There 
 is nothing in its legitimate functions which make it ne 
 cessary or proper. Whatever interest or influence, 
 whether public or private, has given birth to this act, it 
 cannot be found either in the wishes or necessities of the 
 Executive Department, by which present action is deemed 
 premature, and the powers conferred upon its agent not 
 only unnecessary, but dangerous to the government and 
 country. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often 
 bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes. 
 Distinctions in society will always exist under every 
 just government. Equality of talents, of education, 
 or of wealth, cannot be produced by human institutions. 
 In the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven, and the fruits 
 35 
 
410 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is 
 equally entitled to protection by law. But when the laws 
 undertake to add to these natural and just advantages, ar 
 tificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive 
 privileges, to make the rich richer, and the potent more 
 powerful, the humble members of society, the farmers, 
 mechanics, and labourers, who have neither the time nor 
 the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a 
 right to complain of the injustice of their government. 
 
 There are no necessary evils in government. Its evils 
 exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal 
 protection, and, as Heaven does its rains, shower its fa 
 vors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor: 
 it would be an unqualified blessing. In the act before me, 
 there seems to be a wide and unnecessary departure from 
 these just principles. Nor isour government to be maintain 
 ed, or our Union preserved, by invasions of the rights and 
 powers of the several States. In thus attempting to make 
 our general government strong, we make it weak. Its true 
 strength consists in leaving individuals and states, as much 
 as possible, to themselves in making itself felt, not in its 
 power but in its beneficence, not in its control but in its pro 
 tection, not in binding the States more closely to the centre, 
 but leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper orbit. 
 
 Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the diffi 
 culties our government now encounters, and most of the 
 dangers which impend over our Union, have sprung from 
 an abandonment of the legitimate objects of government by 
 our national legislation, and the adoption of such princi 
 ples as are embodied in this act. Many of our rich men 
 have not been content with equal protection and equal be 
 nefits ; but have besought us to make them richer by acts 
 of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires, we 
 have in the results of our legislation, arrayed section 
 against section, interest against interest, and man against 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 411 
 
 man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the 
 foundations of our Union. It is time to pause in our ca 
 reer, to review our principles, and if possible to revive 
 that devoted patriotism and spirit of compromise, which 
 distinguished the sages of the revolution, and the fathers 
 of our Union. If we cannot at once, in justice to inter 
 ests vested under improvident legislation, make our go 
 vernment what it ought to be, we can at least take a stand 
 against all new grants of monopolies, and exclusive privi 
 leges, against any prostitution of our government, to the 
 advancement of the few at the expense of the many, and 
 in favor of compromise and gradual reform in our code 
 of laws and system of political economy. 
 
 I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained 
 by my fellow-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy ; if not 
 I shall find in the motives which impel me, ample grounds 
 for contentment and peace. In the difficulties which sur 
 round us, and the dangers which threaten our institutions, 
 there is cause for neither dismay nor alarm. For relief 
 and deliverance, let us firmly rely on that kind Provi 
 dence which, I am sure, watches with peculiar care over 
 the destinies of our republic, and on the intelligence and 
 wisdom of our countrymen. Through His abundant 
 goodness and their patriotic devotion, our liberty and 
 Union will be preserved. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 Washington, July 10, 1832. 
 
 The sensations produced throughout the union on the 
 promulgation of the veto message, were such as were 
 never before created, by the exercise of a similar execu 
 tive power. A large majority of the American people, 
 it is believed, wished for it, and expected it ; and yet, when 
 it came, they were struck with wonder and admiration at 
 the fearlessness, purity, and patiotism of the man, who, 
 under such circumstances, had dared to perform so much 
 
412 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 for his country. The following- remarks on the subject 
 of the veto message, by the conductor of a public journal, 
 politically opposed to General Jackson, are magnanimous 
 and just : 
 
 " It is a remarkable state paper, and its production will 
 long be remembered by the people of the United States, 
 and will, as we hope and trust, teach many of them that 
 we have one man among us at least, who is resolved to 
 preserve the constitution, and who is not ready to grant 
 monopolies to the few, in defiance of the constitution, to 
 the deep injury of the many, and the total subversion of 
 the legitimate principles of republican independence. 
 
 " The hostility of General Jackson to the present bank 
 of the United States, is not only remarkable for its ardor, 
 but for its lofty carriage, and manly independence. Any 
 other man than Andrew Jackson, standing in the relation 
 of a candidate for the presidency of the United States, 
 would have supported the bank bill from pure fear of con 
 sequences ; and it is not improper to add, in this place, 
 that more than one public personage, on the catalogue of 
 candidates for high offices, has supported the bank of the 
 United States, from an impression and firm belief that the 
 influence of a monied power, the influence of a mighty 
 bank, would accelerate his march towards the political 
 goal at which he aimed. If General Jackson was not a 
 bold and fearless man, he would not venture to assail an 
 institution possessing the immense wealth and patronage 
 that the United States bank does ; if he was not honest, 
 he would not dare expose its iniquity, its corruption, and 
 its base designs upon the constitution of the country. If 
 Andrew Jackson was not an honest man, a man who looks 
 to the happiness of his fellow-citizens, before he stops to 
 count the effect w r hich this or that step will have on his 
 popularity, he would have favored the bank bill, and thus 
 secured its patronage, and the friendship of its ten thou* 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 413 
 
 sand hangers on and partisans. If he had advocated and 
 sanctioned its re-charter, he would have secured the vote 
 of every president, stockholder, cashier, under officer, 
 and porter ; but with an independence of mind, which 
 would seem to scorn to purchase popularity at the expense 
 of the true interest of the people, he has opposed the pro 
 ject of re-chartering the bank of the United States, and 
 has thus nobly and manfully discharged his duty. We 
 admire him for the design, and we honor him for the com 
 pletion of the act. 
 
 " The effect of the veto cannot be mistaken, nor can its 
 consequences fail to find a timely appreciation in the bosom 
 of every patriot, every friend of the union. It will place 
 the banking operations of the country on their proper 
 footing it will sustain the states in the free exercise of 
 their rights, and it will teach foreign capitalists that they 
 cannot place their funds in this country, without their 
 being subject to the same burdens and taxations that are 
 endured by the American people. It will teach all, that 
 monopolies will not be granted, and that the few shall not 
 be favored at the expense of the many, and that this is a 
 country where equal rights and equal liberty is alike se 
 cured to all classes of human society. 
 
 " The rigid demands upon the dimensions of our columns 
 by another subject, forbid that we should indulge in these 
 remarks to the extent that we contemplated, and we must 
 dismiss the message of General Jackson, with the hope 
 that a document so able and so important, will be found in 
 the hands of every citizen of the United States. It is a 
 production that the American people have just cause to be 
 proud of; it reflects immortal honor on the head and 
 hand of the president, and in future ages will be hailed 
 as the proudest eminence in the landmarks of pre-emi 
 nence and patriotic devotion. In saying this much, we 
 do ample and exact justice to the president ; we yield to 
 35* 
 
414 BIOGRAPHY Of 
 
 him what his conduct has merited, and offer to him the in 
 cense of individual and humble approbation. The message 
 cannot be successfully assailed by any of the master spirits 
 of the United States congress ; indeed they have not at 
 tempted any thing of the kind, but beholding with wonder 
 the splendor of the document, and the majesty of mind and 
 purity of patriotic devotion, which it so ardently breathes, 
 they look around them with amazement and wonder at 
 their own insignificance and puerility." 
 
 Of the person and character of General Jackson, we 
 give what has been heretofore faithfully delineated. In 
 person he is remarkably tall, erect, and thin. His weight 
 bears proportion to his height, and his conformation ap 
 pears to disqualify them for hardship ; yet, accustomed 
 to it from early life, few are capable of enduring fatigue 
 to the same extent, or with less injury. His dark blue 
 eyes, with brows arched, and slightly projecting, possess 
 a marked expression ; but when from any causes excited, 
 they sparkle with peculiar lustre and penetration. In his 
 manners he is pleasing in his address commanding ; 
 while his countenance, marked with firmness and deci 
 sion, beams with a strength and intelligence that strikes 
 at first sight. In his deportment, there is nothing repul 
 sive. Easy, affable, and familiar, he is accessible to all. 
 Influenced by the belief that merit should constitute the 
 only difference in men, his attention is equally bestowed 
 on honest poverty, and titled consequence. No man, 
 however inconsiderable his standing, ever approached him 
 on business, that he did not patiently listen to his story, 
 and afford him all the information in his power. His mo 
 ral character is without reproach, and by those who know 
 him most intimately, he is most esteemed. Benevolence 
 in him is a prominent virtue. He was never known to pass 
 distress without seeking to relieve it. The tiuth of this re 
 mark is admirably illustrated in the following anecdotes : 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 415 
 
 A young- missionary, from the Dutch reformed church, 
 while on his way some years ago to his station among 
 some of the western Indians, fell sick near Nashville, 
 Tennessee. His funds were small, and the Classis of 
 Albany, or thereabouts, from which he came, were slow 
 in remittances. His money soon went away for medicine 
 and boarding* ; his horse followed ; and after a while he 
 had little remaining of the things of this world but a re 
 lapsed bilious fever, and a scanty pair of saddle bags. 
 He called his landlord, and announced his condition : his 
 remnant of clothing, he said, would scarcely defray the 
 expenses of his burial : and if he continued longer a liv 
 ing inmate of the tavern, it must be without the hope of 
 compensation to those around him. The innkeeper was 
 embarrassed ; for his own slender means did not invite 
 to the exercise of costly hospitality ; yet his conscience 
 refused to turn the sick stranger from his house. A plan 
 at last struck him for the relief of both parties : " You 
 must be carried," he said, " to the Hermitage, to General 
 Jackson s." It was, indeed, a severe trial for the young 
 missionary, to become the volunteer guest of so formida 
 ble a personage, one of whose dark and bloody deeds 
 such frightful relations had been made. But there was 
 no alternative : he had no right to remain where he was ; 
 and when the general s carriage arrived to convey him 
 away, he entered it with a determined feeling of a mar 
 tyr. His disease was violent and obstinate ; but after a 
 fortnight of almost unremitting delirium, during which 
 his imagination was busy with scalps, and tomahawks, 
 and deeds of blood, his constitution triumphed. Awak 
 ing to a consciousness of his situation, he found himself 
 in an airy, comfortable apartment, where every thing was 
 quiet, simple, and unostentatious. The elderly matron, 
 who sat watching silently by his pillow, might have serv 
 ed for a model of that charity, which suffereth long and 
 
416 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 is kind ; and her venerable partner, who came in soon 
 after, had nothing about him of the fierce and vindictive 
 expression, with which a morbid fancy had painted him. 
 As his strength returned, the stranger had many oppor 
 tunities of studying the character of his host, and of ob 
 serving the estimation in which others held him. He saw 
 him frank, intelligent, and kind-hearted; the guardian 
 of the orphan, the adviser of the friendless, and the favo 
 rite depository of all those trusts, which are considered 
 most responsible and sacred among men. He found his 
 house the refuge of the widow and the poor, and his table 
 the pattern of the simple but cordial hospitality of the 
 west. He stood with him in the morning and evening- 
 circle of family devotion, and heard him pray for the for 
 giveness of his enemies. He smiled at his own delusion, 
 as he contrasted the excellent old chief with the portrait 
 which his imagination had delineated. Some four weeks 
 afterwards, the young clergyman was seen, renewed in 
 health, well mounted, and his purse well filled by the ge 
 neral s liberality, plodding his way to the missionary sta 
 tion. His first letter to his friends told of all these things, 
 and invoked the blessings of Heaven on the good Samari 
 tan who had relieved, him in his hour of need. 
 
 Another illustration of the warmth and benevolence of 
 his heart is exhibited in his visit to the orphan asylum at 
 Washington, soon after he assumed the duties of chief 
 magistrate. This asylum is under the supervision of a 
 most amiable order of religious women, denominated the 
 " sisters of charity." They are chiefly known for their 
 maternal care of the sick, but the instruction of youth 
 forms a prominent object in their beneficent vocation. 
 This institution, at which twenty-three orphan girls were 
 supported and educated, and about thirty day scholars re 
 ceived instruction, being considerably in debt, a number 
 of pious ladies undertook the conduct of a fair for its re- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 41? 
 
 lief. It being ascertained that the president elect intend 
 ed to assist at the charitable enterprise, the little suppli 
 cants for the bounty of the public, determined to prepare 
 for him an appropriate reception. Accordingly, as in his 
 progress through the crowded rooms he approached the 
 principal table, about fifty young female voices burst 
 forth in the following stanzas, which, if they may not be 
 of the highest order of poetry, yet are duly characterized 
 by two of its essential attributes, truth and appropriate 
 feeling. 
 
 He comes ! the chief his country s defender 
 The boast of the free and the pride of the brave 
 Hist ry has written his name in splendor, 
 The hero who fought his country to save. 
 
 Then weave for his brow the laurel s green leafj 
 For deeds in the field his valor has won 
 Then weave for his brow the oak s civic wreath 
 For the hero, the sage, Columbia s son. 
 
 Ah ! check d is our joy the tender vine s gone, 
 So sweetly that hung on the boughs of the pine 
 The mother of orphans for ever we ll mourn, 
 Sorrow in cypress our hearts shall entwine ! 
 
 At this sudden and delicate allusion to his deceased 
 partner, the veteran s firmness failed he burst into tears. 
 That voice which had often swelled upon the roar of bat 
 tle, inciting his soldiers to victory, was choked with deep 
 emotion. At length, subduing his feelings with a power 
 ful effort, he grasped the hand of the nearest orphan and 
 exclaimed, " Yes my child, I will be a father to you." 
 A liberal benefaction afforded proof of his sincerity. 
 
 It is imputed to General Jackson, that he derives from 
 his birth a temper irritable and hasty, which has had the 
 effect to create enemies, and involve him in disputes. In 
 him, however, these defects of character exist to an ex 
 tent as limited as with most men ; and the world is in 
 error in presuming him under a too high control of feel- 
 
418 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 ing and passion. A fixed devotion to those principles 
 which honor sanctions, renders him scrupulously atten 
 tive to his promises of every description. 
 
 No man has been more misconceived in character. 
 Many, on becoming acquainted with him, have been heard 
 to admit the previous opinions which they had entertain 
 ed, and how great had been their mistake. Rough in 
 appearance, positive and overbearing in his manner, are 
 what all, upon a first introduction, expect to find ; and yet 
 none are possessed of milder manners, or of more conci 
 liating address. The public situations in which he has 
 been placed, and the circumstances which surrounded 
 him, are doubtless the cause that those opinions have 
 become so prevalent ; but they are opinions which an 
 acquaintance with him tends to remove. The difficul 
 ties under which he labored at New Orleans, were such 
 as might well have perplexed, and thrown the mind aside 
 from every thing of mildness. 
 
 Light and trifling pleasantries often mark character as 
 distinctly as things of consequence. General Jackson 
 one day, during the siege of New Orleans, was approach 
 ed by an officer of the militia, who stated his desire to 
 leave the service, and return home ; for that he was made 
 game of, and called by the company, pewter foot. He ma 
 nifested great concern, and an anxious desire to be relieved 
 from his unpleasant situation. The general, with much 
 apparent sympathy for him, replied, that he had ascertained 
 there was a practice in the camp of giving nicknames ; and 
 had understood too, that very many had dared to call him 
 Old Hickory ; " Now," said he, " if you prefer mine, I 
 am willing to exchange ; if not, remain contented, and 
 perform your duty faithfully, and, as soon as we can get 
 clear of those troublesome British, our wrongs shall bo 
 inquired into by a court-martial, and the authors punish 
 ed ; for then, and not till then, shall we have an end of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 419 
 
 those insults." The effect was happy, and induced the 
 complaining officer to retire, perfectly satisfied to learn, 
 that his grievance would be united with the general s, 
 and both ere long be effectually redressed. 
 
 General Jackson possesses ambition, but it rests on 
 virtue ; an ambition which, regulated by a high sense of 
 honorable feeling, leads him to desire that " applause 
 which follows good actions not that which is run after/ 
 No man is more ready to hear and respect the opinions 
 of others, and none, where much is at stake, and in con 
 flict with his own, less disposed to be under their influ 
 ence. He has never been known to call a council of 
 war, whose decisions, when made, were to shield him 
 from censure. His council of war, if doubting himself, 
 was a few officers, in whom he fully confided, whose ad 
 vice was regarded if their reasons were conclusive ; but, 
 these not being satisfactory, he at once adopted and pur 
 sued the course suggested by his own mind. 
 
 It is well known, many apprehended that our govern 
 ment, under the administration of General Jackson, would 
 pass to a military despotism. No fears were ever more 
 groundless. Mr. Robertson, an eminent foreign writer, 
 from whom, when he expresses sentiments commendatory 
 of our institutions and distinguished characters, we may 
 look with confidence for impartiality, in closing his 
 sketch of General Jackson, remarks : " He has now ad 
 ministered the government for nearly three years, and 
 has shown nothing of the disposition to act the military 
 chieftain. No gens d arms guard his door, no halber 
 diers his person. He has never as yet amused the good 
 citizens of Washington with a military execution, himself 
 preceded by laurelled lictors with their fasces and axes, 
 and with the master of the horse at his heels. If the ap 
 prehensions of those who foretold such things were ho 
 nest, they are happily disappointed. If they mistook not 
 
420 BIOGRAPHY OF 
 
 the man, as I believe they did, they certainly misunder 
 stood the genius of the people. They forgot the omnipo* 
 tence of public opinion in a great and a free country. 
 Every thing political must be shaped by it, every thing 
 exist by it. Public opinion may be as volatile as the air 
 around us, but nevertheless as vital to republican institu 
 tions as that is to animal life. Mind in this country is 
 operating upon mind, and opinion struggling with opi 
 nion for light and knowledge. Every faculty of man is 
 in a state of improvement. Intelligence meets with, and 
 combats ignorance, and ignorance becomes illumined by 
 the conflict, infidelity is overcome by faith, and truth 
 elicited by error. In such a state, while every man i* 
 testing his own powers, and examining the rights and ca 
 pacities of others, and attempting to place all things on 
 the basis of philanthropy and justice, although there may 
 be a good share of evil abroad, yet the dread of the talents, 
 fame, or influence of any one man, is not one of these 
 evils. 
 
 " If military ambition once burned in the breast of Ge 
 neral Jackson, it should be recollected that he has reached 
 that period of life, when- the flame would begin to dimi 
 nish. He is more than double the age of Alexander 
 when he died, and much older than Caesar when he fell. 
 Age always holds on what it has gained, but seldom de 
 sires to make exertions for new honors, particularly mili 
 tary ones. I have entered into this subject more particu 
 larly, not that I ever thought he would give the nation a 
 military cast of character, any more than a civilian, but 
 because the politicians of England ; and in fact in all Eu 
 rope, affected to believe that this nation was rapidly pass 
 ing to a military despotism, because they had elected 
 General Jackson for their president, and argued from it 
 the downfall of the liberties of the country, citing ancient 
 instances of the insatiable appetite of military chieftains. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 421 
 
 There is no parallel in the cases there is no force in the 
 argument." 
 
 The exalted reputation acquired by General Jackson 
 in the field, has been admirably sustained in the cabinet. 
 It has been remarked with much truth, that, "under his 
 administration, frauds have been detected and purged 
 extravagances have been suppressed monopolies ruined 
 privileged orders exposed the national debt reduced 
 the authority of the state governments, and the rights of 
 individuals, have not been invaded interference in re 
 ligions avoided advantageous treaties with civilized 
 powers, and with the Indian tribes, have been negotiated 
 and ratified and the constitution reverenced." 
 
 Having thus imperfectly sketched the prominent inci 
 dents in the career of this remarkable individual, we are 
 now arrived at that point where our relation must cease. 
 We have seen him in every varied scene that checkers 
 the course of human existence in every situation that 
 develops the energies of the human mind tries its firm 
 ness tests its fortitude, and reveals its hidden springs of 
 action. From the undaunted stripling in the ranks of our 
 revolutionary fathers the sole survivor of his kindred 
 who fell in that sanguinary conflict, we have seen the 
 insulated, unfriended child of fortune, rise by his own 
 energies to the acme of military renown ; thence onward 
 to the period when the confidence and gratitude of his 
 country made him the recipient of the choicest favor in 
 her bestowment ; and his stern integrity, firmness of pur 
 pose, unwavering courage, soundness of judgment, up 
 rightness of heart, and love of his country, have been ad 
 mirably manifested in all the leading incidents of his 
 eventful life, and have proclaimed him the fearless as- 
 serter and defender of the rights of man. 
 
 He still presides over our united country, and a brief 
 period only is t& ,/elapse, before it will be decided whether 
 3(5 
 
422 BIOGRAPHY, &C. 
 
 he will again be called to the station he now occupies, or 
 retire to the Hermitage on the banks of the Cumberland, 
 and in the quietude of that delightful seclusion, await, in 
 the calmness of conscious rectitude and honor, the close 
 of his brilliant and eventful day. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
14 DAY USE 
 
 RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED 
 
 LOAN DIPT. 
 
 This book is due on the last date stamped below, or 
 
 on the date to which renewed. 
 Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 
 
 w 
 
 4^ 
 
 
 
 Jlll5 6689RC& 
 
 
 T r 01 A r i f\ >r General Library 
 
 I ?maffi>*fti! i UniveK g r ^ uforoia 
 
 
I D O 
 
 M374-U 
 HCK-tu. 3 
 
 . G& 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA UBRARY