RECORD 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH REGIMENT 
 
 OHIO INFANTRY VOLUNTEERS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 WAR OF THE REBELLION 
 
 BY THOS. F. WILDES, 
 h 
 
 Late Lieutenant Colonel oi the Regiment, and Brevet Brigadier General 
 U. S. Volunteers. 
 
 The world is cold to him who -pleads ; 
 The world bows low to knightly deeds" 
 
 SANDUSKY, O. 
 
 I. F. MACK & BRO., PRINTERS- 
 
 1884. 
 
. 5 
 W5 
 
 
$a ttu lUtatiw m& 
 
 OF ITS HEROIC DEAD, 
 
 AND TO THE 
 SURVIVING OFFICERS AND V >ENLIS(ED MEN 
 
 OF THE 
 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH REGIMENT, 
 
 THIS RECORD 
 IS HUMBLY DEDICATED. 
 
 The Author. 
 
NOTE. 
 
 General Wildes had, as he thought, the manuscript of 
 this work ready for the publishers, and, in fact, had par 
 tially arranged for its publication, but delayed it to make 
 some necessary corrections, which he was engaged in doing, 
 when he was so suddenly called from his labors. Some of 
 the changes, he anticipated making, had been so far ad 
 vanced, as to enable those, into \vhose hands the result of 
 his labors was entrusted, to carry out his plans, while some 
 additions which he proposed making had to be abandoned. 
 Every page of the original manuscript bears witness to the 
 care taken by the author to avoid mistakes, while the vol 
 uminous correspondence pertaining to this work shows 
 how earnestly and faithfully he labored in its preparation. 
 The writer knows whereof he speaks when he says the 
 men of the n6th had no truer friend than the author of 
 this work. Many times subsequent to his leaving the regi 
 ment, did he express himself in no measured terms as to 
 the bravery, efficiency and soldierly bearing of the regi 
 ment, and said it was an honor for any man to be able to 
 say, "I belonged to the n6th." 
 
AUTHOR S PREFACE. 
 
 In entering upon the work of writing the History of the 
 One Hundred and Sixteenth Regiment, I am forced to con 
 fess that I have considerable faith in what Oliver Wendell 
 Holmes once said: "I would not give a rig for a mar, 
 every one of whose geese is not better than any other 
 man s swans." I always felt some such partiality as this 
 sentiment expresses, for the regiment, and while I shall 
 strive to make its history appear as it really is, it is quite 
 possible that my own feelings may color some parts of it 
 too highly. Shortly after the appearance of the history of 
 the 34th Massachusetts regiment, General Lincoln, who 
 wrote it, was asked "if there was any other regiment be 
 sides the 34th Massachusetts in the service." Perhaps the 
 same criticism may be made of the history of the n6th, 
 but, if so, it shall be regarded as a compliment, for every 
 thing stated in these pages will be verified by reports, 
 records and data, concerning the accuracy of which there 
 can be no question. I have depended upon my recollection, 
 or impressions, for very little, but have relied upon official 
 records and diaries, letters and memoranda written at the 
 time by myself and others. Through the kindness of the 
 Adjutant General of the War Department, the Adjutant 
 General of Ohio, and Ex-President Hon. R. B. Hayes, I 
 have been furnished with copies of the reports of all the 
 
vin AUTHOR s PRP:FACE. 
 
 battles in which the regiment was engaged. From the 
 same and other sources, I have received many other valu 
 able records, such as official lists of casualties, burial places 
 of those dying in rebel prisons and elsewhere, promotions of 
 officers, the names of enlisted men awarded " Medals of 
 Honor," and promoted for special good conduct. I am 
 greatly indebted for valuable assistance and information to 
 Colonel Washburn; Majors Morris, Hull and Karr; Cap 
 tains Mann, Henthorn, Chancy, Welch, Frame, Knowles 
 and Mosely; Lieutenants Cline, Walker, Heald, Sibley, 
 Knight and Myers; Sergeants King, Hoyt, Drake and 
 Bartley; Corporals Campbell and Thompson, and to a 
 great number of private soldiers, notably to Charles L. 
 Eberle, of C, for a valuable diary covering nearly the 
 whole term of three years; Leroy D. Brown, of H, for a 
 paper prepared by him on "Sheridan in the Shenandoah 
 Valley"; Edward H. Bradley, of G, for a correct list of G, 
 the rolls of which were very imperfect; John W. Reusser, 
 of E, and Jacob L. Gregg, of H. As will be seen, I have 
 quoted freely from official reports and records, giving some 
 of the most important in full, and made free use of diaries, 
 memoranda and letters. Fortunately all my own letters 
 written during the war were preserved by my wife. A 
 very serious obstacle in the way of accuracy was met in 
 the imperfect condition in which I found the rolls in the 
 Adjutant General s office at Columbus. This involved a 
 great deal of correspondence, and finally a resort to the 
 Adjutant General of the War Department. There may 
 yet remain some errors and omissions in the record of en 
 listed men, but I trust not many. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 In letters to the undersigned, received many months 
 ago, General Wildes thus writes: "I am now engaged in 
 writing the history of my own regiment, the n6th Ohio, of 
 our own gallant first brigade, and intend making it suffi 
 ciently cosmopolitan to include a general history of our own 
 campaign and a particular history of the first brigade, our 
 own military family. If I could send you enough proof 
 matter, or give you a general enough idea of it in any other 
 way, I would ask you to write an introduction. The n6th 
 Ohio and the 34th Massachusetts served together in the 
 same brigade in many of the decisive battles of the war, 
 and were side by side during the whole of the last year. I 
 can see a fitness in you of Massachusetts doing this for us 
 of Ohio. You must see at once how much pleasure it 
 would give our whole regiment to see the book introduced 
 by one of their old comrades of the gallant 34th Massachu 
 setts." What was thus lightly undertaken then, was ren 
 dered a duty when information was afterwards received 
 that the warm friend and gallant officer had been removed 
 from earth s labors, his task but partially completed. " It is 
 an awful big job," continues the General, u to do the work 
 in a way that will not class it with the hundreds of useless, 
 utterly silly, bombastes furioso books issued and called his- 
 
X INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 tories of regiments. But with all the battle reports in the 
 Valley in 1864 and around Richmond, added to Pond s and 
 Humphrey s works, I think I ought to get some things 
 right. You see I will have many advantages over you." 
 
 In entering upon his work, General Wildes aimed to 
 make it a history in fact ; one wherein should be given the 
 minute incidents of interest to each man, as well as the 
 more general matter in which the regiment as a whole was 
 concerned. He knew, if in no other way, by correspond 
 ence with those who with more or less success had been 
 engaged in similar works, how almost entirely he must rely 
 upon himself; how little aid he would receive from even 
 those of his old associates from whom he might expect as 
 sistance. It is fortunate that his work has been delayed to 
 this day, because thereby he has had access to sources 
 of information denied to others who preceded him. In 
 another respect he has been fortunate that almost to the 
 last he was with his command, actively engaged in its or 
 ganization, going with it into its first rendezvous, being its 
 first commissioned field officer (having been appointed its 
 Lieutenant Colonel in August, 1862) being for a long time 
 from various causes, its actual commander, and remaining 
 with it until February, 1865, when he received promotion 
 to the full Colonelcy of the i86th, a new regiment of Ohio 
 infantry. So that he had that full knowledge of the military 
 life of his regiment which intimate association only could 
 give. He is said to have had no previous military training. 
 Indeed, the condition of himself, his brother officers and his 
 men can only be appreciated by his own amusing de 
 scription of it when marching orders were first received. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. XI 
 
 " With little preliminary drill, not even once having been in 
 line as a regiment, the men armed with old Belgian rifles, 
 rusty and in demoralized condition generally, without an 
 adjutant, and only one field officer; scarcely an officer hav 
 ing a sword or even a shoulder strap, and none with an 
 uniform, no one knowing how to form a battalion, how to 
 move it after it was formed, what orders to give or how 
 to give them," they suddenly " were directed to hasten to 
 Parkersburg." Loyal men that they were, they rose to 
 the emergency like good soldiers, and "concluded to let 
 Captain Teters go ahead and the rest follow as best they 
 could." Within an hour they were on their way. Here 
 going into camp, u the whole regiment was busy as a 
 hive in learning the art of war." In one branch, at least, 
 they were apt scholars, as is proved by the fact that upon a 
 march which soon followed they could burn "wet rails" 
 and have for breakfast "roast pig and turkey," and "on 
 reaching Buckhannon were followed by a train of twenty- 
 seven loaded wagons and a cloud of citizens loaded with 
 complaints against us for pressing horses, etc., into service," 
 drawing from General Milroy the remark that from what 
 he knew of them "they could take care of themselves." 
 Of all the scoutings and skirmishes; the hurried marches 
 up, and sometimes the more hurried marches down, the 
 Valley of the Shenandoah; of the battle of Piedmont, where 
 "every color bearer and every man of the color guard was 
 wounded"; of that before Lynchburg, where its "colors 
 were the only ones of the whole army that waved over the 
 enemy s works"; of that at Opequan, where "Early was 
 sent whirling thro Winchester"; of that at Fisher s Hill, 
 
Xll INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 where the n6th "received the fire of a battery when only 
 100 yards from it, and captured it in the very smoke of its 
 discharge"; of Cedar Creek, (where now by the death of 
 Colonel Wells, Colonel Wildes succeeded to the command 
 of the brigade) "where the army that had swept in tri 
 umph at dawn, was a mass of fugitives at night," General 
 Wildes is enabled from his active participation to give full 
 and vivid descriptions. His words burn with the pride he 
 feels in the splendid record his men had made. Having no 
 fear of the "rules and regulations," he expresses with great 
 plainness of language the contempt in which he, in common 
 with others, held " General Sigel and the crowd of foreign 
 adventurers" who surrounded that officer during his short 
 command; for whom, as he writes, "not an officer or a 
 man retained a spark of respect or confidence." And with 
 equal directness and justice he comments upon the "blun 
 dering and blind pursuit of Early by Wright from Washing 
 ton and Hunter from Harper s Ferry, over which the evil 
 genius of Halleck hovered, making it the worst handled 
 and most fruitless campaign of the war." The movement 
 to the James in response to General Grant s call for the 
 "best division in the Army of West Virginia," to which the 
 1 1 6th belonged, and the life at the winter cantonment there 
 is passed over rapidly. Here Colonel Wildes received 
 his well-earned promotion and left his old command. He 
 shows, however, his love for his old boys in the glowing 
 language, in which he describes their after service; their 
 gallant charge on Fort Gregg, and hand-to-hand struggle 
 for its possession; their long and rapid marches to head off 
 Lee in his retreat, spoken of in General Gibbon s order 
 
INTRODUCTORY. Xlll 
 
 from "behind Richmond" as being "superior to anything 
 of the kind heretofore witnessed," and leading Crook, the 
 loved leader of their Valley campaign, to exclaim that 
 "there was little use for his cavalry while this division was 
 present"; their triumphal entry into Richmond, and inglo 
 rious ease in quiet encampment there, followed soon after 
 by their muster out of service, and welcome home. Here 
 ends the narrative of the service of the regiment. Some 
 chapters follow containing a sketch of prison life, notice of 
 deceased officers, the death roll and roster, the whole 
 closed by an eulogy of the General from the pen of an old 
 friend. Too much cannot be said in praise of the manner 
 in which the work is done. Sub-divided into chapters, each 
 is occupied by descriptions of particular campaign or battle, 
 and what is of especial value is the list of killed, and 
 wounded (in which is given the name and nature of the 
 wound) and of the missing. One word of a personal na 
 ture before conclusion. In letters, hurriedly written at the 
 time, after only a short observation of the troops brigaded 
 with the 34th Massachusetts, I thus wrote: "Except the 
 34th Massachusetts, these troops are neither drilled nor dis 
 ciplined, this, however, from no fault of their own. The 
 rank and file of the commands were captured at Milroy s 
 defeat last summer. They were paroled soon after, and 
 have been scattered in small squads along the B. & O. Rail 
 road as picket guard. The officers, however, were retained 
 as prisoners, and many are in fact still in rebel hands. It 
 looks as if we were to suffer from the connection." Almost 
 twenty years later, extracts from these letters, without re 
 vision, were taken to make the history of that body, and a 
 
XIV INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 copy sent to General Wildes. He, perhaps slightly dis 
 turbed by the apparent depreciation of his own command, 
 now writes. u The fact is, the 34th then regarded itself as 
 badly mismated with us. True enough, they had per 
 formed garrison and patrol duty in Washington from their 
 enlistment up to 63. It had a well trained brass band and 
 was in every way prepared for serenades, parades and re 
 views, while we poor fellows, with constant marching, scout 
 ing and picketing, to say nothing of now and then a little 
 fighting, would make a sad display in either of these three 
 ornamental positions. But before we separated in Rich 
 mond, the 34th felt as much pride in the history the first 
 brigade had made for itself as was felt by any regiment in 
 it. It was not then ashamed of the connection formed four 
 teen months before, nor was there an officer or man in it 
 who felt he had suffered by the connection." To all of 
 which by General Wildes, the present writer cheerfully 
 assents, and without at all qualifying the statements then 
 made, rejoices in the present opportunity of stating that the 
 n6th Ohio, if not then thought to bear comparison with 
 the 34th Massachusetts in "drill" and discipline," and if, as 
 General Wildes writes, "it could claim to have no orna 
 ments," did on actual trial, prove to have what was of far 
 greater value, men of willing hands and fearless hearts, and 
 gallant souls, who in all the essential qualities of a true sol 
 dier were the peers of the noblest in the service. 
 
 WM. S. LINCOLN, 
 
 Late Colonel 34th Massachusetts Infantry, and 
 Brevet Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers. 
 
THOMAS F. WILDES, 
 
 THE writer of the following regimental history, was born at 
 Racine, Canada West, on the first day of June, 1834. He 
 died at his home in Akron, Ohio, Wednesday, March 28, 
 1883, and was therefore unable to see his work to him 
 purely a labor of love in print. His modesty respecting 
 his own services as a Union soldier is so marked in what he 
 has here written, as in itself to call for a brief sketch of his 
 career. The general worth of the man also so emphasizes 
 this demand that the volume would be incomplete without 
 some account of its deceased author. As the tribute, there 
 fore, of a "comrade" who knew General Wildes as a man, 
 soldier, lawyer, 1 offer this, imperfect as it must be, in the 
 limited space at my disposal to be published as a preface 
 to the book which he has left a gift of his heart and 
 brain to the members of the regiment yet surviving, and re 
 cord, so far as it can be made, of the honored dead who 
 went with it to the field, no more to return. 
 
 General Wildes was of pure Irish blood. His grand 
 father was an ardent revolutionist, who suffered loss of 
 property and home for his love of liberty. The General s 
 parents came to Portage County, Ohio, in 1839. ^ e a ^ 
 once sought the advantages of liberal education, and after 
 great effort spent two years at Wittenberg College, Spring 
 field, Ohio. He was also two years 1859-60 superin 
 tendent of the graded schools in Wooster. Hence, while 
 he did not complete a collegiate course, he reached a posi 
 tion in scholarship which was highly respectable in itself, 
 
XVI THOMAS F. WILDES. 
 
 and was of great aid to him in the further work of his life. 
 During his struggle for educational training, he became ac 
 quainted with Miss Eliza M. Robinson, a refined and intel 
 lectual lady, to whom he was married in 1860, and who 
 survives to mourn in his death a loss irreparable. 
 
 General Wildes public life began with his purchase of 
 that always able and influential paper, the Athens, Ohio, 
 Messenger, in 1861. He at once assumed editorial charge, 
 and showed himself eminently able and fit for the position. 
 Hardly was he established in this new field when the out 
 break of treason against the Union of slavery against 
 freedom occurred. An ardent Republican, he became of 
 necessity an equally ardent advocate of liberty and Union. 
 And it was not long until his hot Irish blood drove him 
 from the pen to the sword in defending American freedom, 
 and the Union, which is its safeguard, against the treason 
 and slavery he so thoroughly understood and hated. Hence 
 August, 1862, found him in military service, active and en 
 ergetic, as was his wont. There I first saw him. He was 
 made Lieutenant Colonel of the u6th Ohio Infantry. 
 
 "With this command he served in Virginia at Moore- 
 " field, Romney, in the Shenandoah Valley under Sigel, par 
 ticipating in the battles of Piedmont, Snicker s Gap, Ber- 
 " ryville, Opequan, Fisher s Hill and Cedar Creek. During 
 "all this time Colonel Wildes was with his regiment in 
 "every march, skirmish and battle in which it was en- 
 " gaged. At the battle of Piedmont, by concussion from 
 "a shell, and at Winchester he was seriously hurt by being 
 "thrown from a horse. During a portion of the Shenan- 
 "doah campaign, including the battle of Cedar Creek, and 
 "other minor engagements, he commanded the First Bri- 
 "gade, First Division of the Army of West Virginia. He 
 "retained this command until February, 1865, when he was 
 "promoted to Colonel of the i86th Ohio. With this regi- 
 
THOMAS F. WILDKS. XVH 
 
 a ment he went to Nashville, and af:eward to Cleveland, 
 "Tennessee, where he received his commission as Brevet 
 "Brigadier General for gallant conclact at Cedar Creek, 
 "Virginia, October 19, 1864, to date from March n, 1865. 
 " He was appointed to the command of a brigade at Chat- 
 "tanooga, which he retained until his muster out in Sep- 
 "tember, 1865." Ohio in the War. V. L 951. 
 
 As a soldier, General Wildes was able, brave, energetic, 
 active, always ready and willing for duty. His patriotism 
 never cooled. War meant to him the finding and hurting 
 of the enemy. He believed thoroughly in crushing treason 
 by force, and at all times was ready to act upon that con 
 viction. No one entered the great conflict through which 
 he passed, more fully devoted to the cause which called 
 those who loved the Union and human liberty to the field 
 of battle, than himself. His tongue, pen, sword, the man in 
 all his powers, was for the time wholly given to that cause. 
 
 In 1866 General Wildes graduated at the Cincinnati 
 Law School. He at once entered upon the practice of law 
 at Athens, Ohio, with Judge Brown, an old and distin 
 guished member of the bar of that city. From there he re 
 moved to Akron, where he had made a high position for 
 himself as a man and as a lawyer at the time of his death. 
 With his powers of application and the abilities which he 
 always manifested, that he would have made his mark 
 among able men, had another decade of life been granted 
 him, none doubt, I think, who knew the man. Cut off in 
 the prime of his strength, we can only sorrow as we think 
 of his loss to friends and to the community in which he was 
 making the way to distinction. In temper he was warm 
 and impulsive, a fast friend, and open, active opponent. 
 The man he did not like was quite sure to find it out. 
 Plain, sometimes severe, in speech, it was impossible that 
 his energetic life should not at times create personal oppo- 
 
Xviii THOMAS F. WILDES. 
 
 sition and resentments. And so, in fact, in some instances 
 it did. Yet when the heat cooled and the real disposition 
 of the man was felt, I think in most cases ill-feeling was re 
 moved, and often warm friendship took its place. General 
 Wildes was possessed of a vigorous intellect, which he could 
 make felt with tongue and pen. To me it seemed natural 
 for him to express himself in written discourse. But in the 
 one way or the other, he was clear, forcible, convincing, 
 often able. His work was always with a definite purpose, 
 which came clearly out, and for which he seemed to care 
 more than for mere graces of style. Terse force was his 
 characteristic as a speaker and writer. He had something 
 to say, and he said it in a way that " plain people " never 
 failed to understand. The living members of "the old 
 n6th," as he used proudly to call our regiment, will join 
 me, I know, in expression of common sorrow at the loss of 
 our old commander, so suddenly and unexpectedly cut down 
 by death. 
 
 " A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave, 
 Man passeth from life to his rest in the grave." 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Preliminaries Esprit de Corps of The Regiment 
 Recruiting Military Committees Patriotism of 
 The People of The District Remembrance of The 
 Dead John Frame and Elmer Armstrong- Hon. 
 John R. Morris and Others- Woman s Work for 
 The Soldiers. , i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Organization To the Rescue of Parkersburg, 
 Then of Gallipolis- Mustered into The U. S. Ser 
 vice Into West Virginia Our First Fight We 
 Defeat General Jones and 4,000 Cavalry at Moore- 
 field- -General Milroy s Congratulations. . 13 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The March to Romney The Winter at Romney A 
 Forage Train Under Captain Brown Captured 
 Paroles A Bad State of Feeling Patriotic Action 
 of The Regiment March to Winchester. . . 40 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 At Winchester A New Brigade Commander -Scouts 
 and Marches Death of Dr. Gilkey Battle of 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Winchester, June i2th, i v 3th and i4th, and Bunker 
 Hill, June 1 3th -The Retreat and Battle in The 
 Night Escape of Milroy s Army from Lee- 
 Over in Pennsylvania and Maryland List of 
 Killed, Wounded and Prisoners- Back to Martins- 
 burg- A Word in Defense of General Milroy. . 50 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Fall and Winter at Martinsburg Along The 
 B. & O. R. R. Preparing for the Campaign of 
 1864- Regiment Ordered to Harper s Ferry 
 Brigaded Anew- General Sigel takes Command 
 Up The Valley A Sham Battle- Battle of New 
 Market Retreat. . . . . . .72 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Hunter Relieves Sigei His Order on Assuming Com 
 mand Short of Rations for the First Time 
 Battle of Piedmont Bravery of The Regiment 
 List of Casualties One or Two Amusing Inci 
 dents, and Some not so Amusing, Connected with 
 The Battle On to Staunton. . . . .89 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Destruction of Property at Staunton On The Move, 
 Still Going South Return to Staunton to Meet a 
 Supply Train Hard Marching to Overtake The 
 Army To Lexington Destruction of Rebel Prop 
 erty and of Washington College And on we go 
 Regular Army Engineering Superseded by West 
 ern Ideas -Lynchburg Battle of Lynchburg- 
 
CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 A Gallant Charge Reports- Retreat to Gauley 
 Bridge At Parkersburg At Martinsburg again. 101 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Early in The Valley His Advance into Maryland and 
 upon Washington March to Harper s Ferry 
 To Hillsboro Snicker s Gap Battle of Snicker s 
 Ferry Wounding of Colonel Washburn Hard 
 Fight of The Regiment on The Right Brave 
 Conduct of Officers and Men List of Casualties. 126 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 To Winchester Battle of Kerntown List of Casu 
 alties Retreat Report of General Crook At 
 Harper s Ferry Again A Hot, Hard March At 
 Monocacy Junction Back to Bolivar Heights 
 Arrival of General Sheridan, 6th and ipth Corps, 
 and Torbert s Cavalry- Dawn of A New Era in 
 The Valley. . . . . . 1 . . 140 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Sheridan in Command For The First Time We Are 
 Part of An Army Equal in Numbers to The Op 
 posing Enemy March to Cedar Creek Skirmish 
 on Three Top March Back again Battle of 
 Halltown, August 26th List of Casualties Bat 
 tle of Berry ville, September 3d List of Casualties. 150 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 An Ambulance Train Captured and Re-captured 
 Action Taken by The Officers on Learning of The 
 
XX11 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Death of Captain Keyes Another Accident in 
 the Regiment Sheridan s Opportunity -Getting 
 Ready for A Fight -Battle of Opequan, September 
 i pth Another Gallant Charge- -List of Casual 
 ties - A Major s Report of Our Charge. .. .165 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Still Going Forward Enemy at Fisher s Hill Bat 
 tle of Fisher s Hill Another Charge List of 
 Casualties Extracts from Reports of Colonel 
 Wells, Generals Sheridan and Crook Also Gen 
 eral Early Tardy Justice Done to Captain Varley 
 of Company E March to Harrisonburg Death 
 of Lieutenant Meigs -Buildings Ordered Burned 
 
 Order Revoked as to Dayton. . . . .180 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 March Back to Cedar Creek Destruction in The Val 
 ley Election Day at Cedar Creek Battle of 
 Stickney Farm Death of Colonel Wells List of 
 Casualties Colonel Wildes in Command of the Bri 
 gade A Reconnoisance Battle of Cedar Creek, 
 October ipth Defeat of The Morning Sheri 
 dan s Arrival We "Go for Them" A Glorious 
 Victory List of Casualties Reports of Colonel 
 Wildes and General Crook A Rest Promotions 
 -At Opequan Crossing Thanksgiving Turkeys 
 
 Ordered to The Army of The James. . . 193 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Good-bye Shenandoah Valley On the Cars to Wash 
 ington Ride on the Water Arrival at Deep 
 
CONTENTS. XX111 
 
 PAfiE. 
 
 Bottom Promotions -Drilling and Inspections 
 High Standing of the Regiment in the 24th Corps 
 
 Rebel Rams and Gunboats Create An Excite 
 ment More Promotions. . .* . . -225 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Off for Petersburg Continuous Hard Marching 
 Hatcher s Run Skirmishing List of Casualties 
 
 A Narrow Escape for Captain Mann and Forty 
 Men Fort Gregg Carried by Assault Some In 
 cidents Connected with The Charge- Report of 
 Lieutenant Colonel Potter Casualties of The Reg 
 iment After Lee Farmville and Rice s Station 
 
 List of Casualties A Good Day s March 
 Lee s Retreat Cut Off Appomattox The White 
 Flags Surrender General Gibbon s Order. . 235 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 March to Lynchburg Back to Richmond -Tri 
 umphal Entry of The Rebel Capital Preparing to 
 go Home Mustered Out- Transfers to the 62d 
 Ohio Regiment Off for Home Home. . . 260 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Prison Life The Cruelty of Rebels to Prisoners 
 Barbarities of Prison Keepers The Experiences 
 of Several of our Officers and Men The Death 
 Roll. . . . . . . . . . .272 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Sketches of Deceased Officers Captain F. H. Arcke- 
 noe Captain E. Keyes Lieutenant Robert Wil- 
 
XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 son Lieutenant Levi Lupton Surgeon Thomas 
 J. Shannon Captain Alexander Cochran Cap 
 tain Edward Fuller Captain William Myers 
 Surgeon Walter R. Gilkey Hospital Steward 
 James T. Moran Lieutenant M. A. Ellis Major 
 John Hull. . . . . . . . . 305 
 
 ROSTER OF THE REGIMENT 
 
 Field and Staff, . . . . . . 322 
 
 Company A, . 323 
 
 Company B, . , . . . . .327 
 
 Company C, . . . . . . . 331 
 
 Company D, ... . . . . 336 
 
 Company E, . ; . . . . . . 340 
 
 Company F, ~ . .. . . .. .- . 344 
 
 Company G, . . . . . .- 349 
 
 Company H, . 353 
 
 Company I, . . . .... . 358 
 
 Company K, . . . . . . . 362 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 PRELIMINARIES ESPRIT DE CORPS OF THE REGIMENT RE 
 CRUITING MILITARY COMMITTEES PATRIOTISM OF THE 
 
 PEOPLE OF THE DISTRICT REMEMBRANCE OF THE DEAD 
 
 JOHN FRAME AND ELMER ARMSTRONG HON. JAMES R. 
 
 The One Hundred and Sixteenth Ohio Regiment made 
 a history during the war of the rebellion worthy of preser 
 vation, and I have long felt that some one ought to under 
 take the task of writing it out for publication. I appreciate 
 that the history of the regiment ought to be fair and impar 
 tial to be of any value to any one, and so start out with the 
 purpose to make it as nearly so as possible. If ever such a 
 history is to be written, it ought to be possible to write it 
 now- eighteen years after its return from the war. 
 
 From the outset of its services, the n6th had faith in 
 itself. Its officers and men had faith in each other, and the 
 people of the group of counties from which it was recruited 
 had faith in it, and have always felt a pride in its career. 
 But unless the permanency of history be soon given to its 
 services, there will be little left beside tradition, camp stories, 
 and the fireside recollections of its few survivors. At first 
 it would seem an easy task to write its history, but when it 
 is considered that a regiment in active service forms an in 
 tegral part of an army, and perhaps of many armies, and 
 that to give a comprehensive history of a regiment is neces 
 sary to give much of the history of the armies with which 
 it served, a different estimate of the task will soon be formed. 
 When the war-worn regiments of the Union Army returned 
 from the field in 1865, there was a feeling among the soldiers 
 and their friends that it would be a pleasing luxury to for- 
 
2 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 get the long story of their perils and sufferings. The blessed 
 benediction of peace shut out forever the anxieties of war, 
 and in a contest in which whole armies had done so nobly, 
 the achievements of particular regiments did not seem, either 
 to the soldiers or to their friends, to demand special mention 
 or record. 
 
 But as the years went by, the vast importance of the re 
 sults attained by the war began to grow more and more ap 
 parent. Then there arose a new interest in the minor actors 
 in the struggle. Time had healed the wounds which the 
 close of hostilities had left bleeding, and the lengthening 
 vista of years had exalted the sufferings of the people and 
 their army to the dignity of a holy sacrifice. Each recur 
 ring May had seen the church yards and cemeteries of the 
 whole country visited by the people, who, with reverence 
 and regard, scattered the sweet flowers of spring upon the 
 graves of their soldiers, and consecrated their graves anew 
 with prayer, eulogy, and sacred and patriotic song. Every 
 where the people sang 
 
 " From the lily of love that uncloses 
 
 In the glow of a festival kiss, 
 On the wind that is heavy tvith roses 
 
 And shrill with the bugles of bliss, 
 Let it float o er the mystical ocean 
 
 That breaks on the kingdom of night 
 Our oath of eternal devotion 
 
 To the heroes who died for the right! 
 
 " Ah, grander in doom-stricken glory 
 
 Than the greatest that linger behind, 
 They shall live in perpetual story, 
 
 Who saved the last hope of mankind ! 
 For their cause was the cause of the races 
 
 That languished in slavery s night; 
 And the death that was pale on their faces 
 
 Has filled the whole world with its light ! 
 
 "To the clouds and the mountains we breathe it, 
 
 To the freedom of planet and star ; 
 Let the tempests of ocean enwreath it, 
 
 Let the winds of the night l>ear it far 
 Our oath, that, till manhood shall perish, 
 
 And honor and virtue are sped, 
 We are true to the cause that they cherish, 
 
 And eternally true to the dead!" 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 3 
 
 So during these years, there has arisen a new interest in 
 the more minute details of the great conflict. The history 
 of the great leaders is familiar to us all, but only in the de 
 tails of a regimental history can we see and learn the record 
 of the private soldier, to whom, after all, is due the glory of 
 the victory. 
 
 It is true that the history of the regiment in the concrete 
 belongs to the State and the Nation, and nothing that can 
 now be said or done can add to, or take from, the record it 
 has made. But while this is true, the individual history of 
 its officers and men is the home history of each fireside that 
 contributed to its ranks; and it is due to the memory of its 
 noble dead, to the mothers, fathers, wives and friends of 
 both living and dead, that, while opportunity lasts, the story 
 of the regiment be written and its lessons of heroism, pa 
 triotism and devotion to country be preserved. 
 
 It shall not be claimed for the n6th that either its officers 
 or its enlisted men possessed greater courage or patriotism 
 than inspired other regiments of Ohio soldiers. All we shall 
 claim is that it marched and fought when and where duty 
 called; that from Moorefield, where it first met the enemy 
 in battle, to Appomattox, where the white flags of the re 
 bellion wii*e thrown to the breeze before its skirmishers, it 
 never wavered or faltered in its duty or failed to perform the 
 part assigned it in the work of destroying treason to the flag, 
 and planting the imperilled nation anew upon the firm rock 
 of peace. 
 
 The sacrifices made, the sufferings endured, the weary 
 marches, the lonely night vigils, the days and nights of hun 
 ger and fatigue, wounds, sickness, death in battle and in 
 hospital, and that worse than death long lingering in South 
 ern prison pens- the thrill of the bayonet charge, the steady 
 tread of brave men advancing to the battle shock, the gloom 
 of disaster and defeat and the loud peans of victory, these 
 constitute the material out of which the history of a regi- 
 
4 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 ment is made. To portray these properly we must follow 
 the trail of the men in the ranks. Some of this we approach 
 with pleasure and pride, much of it with hesitation and pain. 
 To how many is "the n6th" the synonym of woe. How 
 many hearts are made to bleed at the sad recollections its 
 mention revives? And yet to these bleeding hearts may it 
 not be a solace and a balm to feel and know that their 
 heroic dead are not forgotten by their surviving comrades; 
 that it is in their honor we write; that had we no dead there 
 would be no honor, no glory, no fame, no history worth 
 recording, and that with us, as with them, reverence for our 
 dead 
 
 " Is never old and never new, 
 Because it is eternal." 
 
 The history of the n6th would not be properly begun 
 without referring to the noble men who exerted themselves 
 in recruiting it, who gave their time, their money, their 
 voices and their influence to filling its ranks. To the mili 
 tary committees of the different counties very great credit is 
 due, and that they may be known to all the friends of the 
 regiment they are given below : 
 
 ATHENS COUNTY M. M. Greene, Hon. J. W. Bayard, H. T. Brown, 8. W. Pickering, 
 Hon. L. L. Smith, Capt. J. M. Dana, E. H. Moore, W. R. Golden, T. P. Wildes. 
 
 MONROE COUNTY Hon. Wm. F. Hunter, Hon. J. A. Davenport, John Kerr, Stephen 
 S. Ford, J. M. Kirkbridge, Nathan Hollister. 
 
 NOBLE COUNTY J. Belford, E. G. Dudley, John M. Rounds, B. F. Spriggs, Wm. 
 H. Fra/er, John W. Tipton, Dr. M. Marl in. 
 
 MEIGS COUNTY Hiram G. Daniels, David R. Jacobs, J. V. Smith, Ed. Tiffany, N. 
 Sianberry, Geo. Eiselstein, G. W. Cooper. 
 
 WASHINGTON COUNTY Col. W. R. Putnam, Geo. W. Barker, S. F. Cooke, Mark 
 Greene, John Newton. 
 
 All of these men took a very active part in raising the 
 regiment, but many others helped. In Athens County 
 Elmer Armstrong, Joseph Herrold, Elza Armstrong, N. O. 
 Warren, John Frame, W. F. Pilcher, A. D. Jaynes, the 
 Glaziers, the Postons, William Golden, Hon. W. Reed 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 5 
 
 Golden and many others, took an active part. Conspicuous 
 in the work was Elmer Armstrong. He organized the 
 "amen corner " at the meetings, to which he especially in 
 vited all the "Bible Democracy." 
 
 The p2d was full on August i5th. The call of the 
 Governor for two full regiments from the district was is 
 sued July pth. The p2cl was raised in two weeks after the 
 work of recruiting was begun. As soon as the p2d was 
 full, every one kept at work to raise the n6th. In Mon 
 roe County, prominent in the work of recruiting was Hon. 
 James R. Morris, Democratic member of Congress. There 
 never was in Ohio such a deep-seated, universal feeling of 
 patriotism, as was witnessed during the months of July and 
 August, 1862. The women took as deep interest in the 
 work of recruiting the 920! and n6th as did the men. 
 They attended the meetings. Many "basket" meetings 
 were held at which the women furnished excellent meals, 
 and no troops passed on the railroads without being well 
 fed. The enthusiasm was unbounded everywhere all over 
 the district. But great as was the enthusiasm in the other 
 parts of the district, it was excelled in Monroe. Tha.t 
 county had seven companies to raise under the quota. 
 Such men as Hon. James R. Morris, Hon. Wm. Okey, 
 Jacob Mitchell, S. L. Mooney, J. B. Noll and William 
 Read, in connection with the military committee which we 
 have named, took the work in hand. After all arrange 
 ments were perfected for the work of recruiting, these 
 gentlemen, with many others, took the county by storm, 
 and in less than three weeks the quota of Monroe County 
 was full, two companies going into the p2d and five into 
 the 1 1 6th; and the people of Monroe County have ever 
 since availed themselves of every opportunity to do honor 
 to the 1 1 6th regiment. 
 
 Very few regiments from Ohio exceeded the n6th in 
 personnel. It was composed of the very best men of the 
 
O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 counties from which it was recruited. They had not gone 
 out in the first hot flush excited by the firing on of Fort 
 Sumter and the opening of hostilities, but the necessities of 
 the Government, now so pressing and so apparent, appealed 
 to their judgment as well as to their patriotism, and with 
 equal alacrity and determination with those who had gone 
 before, they stepped into the ranks and went forth to fight 
 the battles of their country against the gigantic conspiracy 
 which threatened its existence. There was now real dan 
 ger, which was not clear until now, of the dissolution of the 
 union between the States, of the arresting of the progress, 
 the paralyzing of the energies of the whole country, and 
 the destruction of the peace of the Nation forever. The 
 whole people felt the imminence of the danger which now 
 threatened their liberties in the destruction of not only the 
 form, but of the very framework, of their republican insti 
 tutions. The conspirators had been in deadly earnest from 
 the outset, while we had not been more than half in earnest. 
 Till now Nation and people had been half tampering, half 
 pleading with treason, but now both had determined hence 
 forth to battle against it in earnest, 
 
 " And taking counsel but of common sense, 
 To strike at cause as well as consequence." 
 
 The stake in the contest was now seen to be human 
 rights and civil liberty. No man who loved his country, on 
 whose soil and under whose flag had grown the perfect 
 embodiment of liberty, could turn a deaf ear to this appeal. 
 Beneath the beneficent influences of the government es 
 tablished under our constitution, humanity had asserted its 
 dignity and its truth; intelligence had become the birthright 
 of all; peace had reigned supreme; and over boundless 
 states, territories, hills, valleys, plains, rivers and lakes, the 
 jubilant bells of a happy people rang out their never ending 
 praises of the perfect freedom they enjoyed. All this was 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 7 
 
 put in joepardy by a ruthless and treasonable faction now 
 advanced so far in its purpose that naught but its utter an 
 nihilation would save the country. The alternative thus 
 presented to the people was soon chosen. To hesitate now 
 was to perish. The American pro-slavery rebellion never 
 had any foundation in truth, no defense in law, no justifi 
 cation in equity or good conscience. Even had the ends 
 proposed and promised been attained it could not justify 
 itself before a single nation in Christendom. With "slavery 
 as the cornerstone" it would have been a blotch upon the 
 face of the earth and a disgrace to the nineteenth century. 
 But the war into which this causeless rebellion plunged the 
 country could not end in its success without resulting in the 
 downfall of the civil liberties of the people of the whole 
 country. In its triumph slavery, with all its attendant 
 curses, would have been the rule and freedom the exception 
 all over the country, and the proud name of American, so 
 far from being an honor above title of nobility or stars of 
 an emperor s decoration, would be the object of the scorn 
 and derision of the civilized world. It was to this peril the 
 country was approaching when the President called for 
 twice 300,000 men in the summer of 1862, and it was to 
 thwart this that a half million of our people were inspired 
 to step into the ranks of the Union Army. War had no 
 charms or allurements for them, else they had seized the 
 sword at the first alarum of war. They were rather of 
 those who suffer much before resenting insult, but who, 
 when aroused, are the more formidable antagonists. 
 
 The war had now assumed the character of a revolt of 
 the union-loving, freedom-loving people of the republic 
 against the insolence of treason and slavery. This now 
 was not only_/W/, but it was seen. It was either an inglori 
 ous peace and disgraceful submission, or a complete crush 
 ing out of the military power of the rebellion. The whole 
 people, with very rare ignoble exceptions, had determined 
 
8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 upon the latter conclusion of the contest. And so, without 
 thought or respect of party, in every county of our military 
 district, as well as all over the State, there was a unanimity 
 in the work of recruiting for the new regiments never 
 before seen. 
 
 Two men in Athens County, both Democrats in politics, 
 were so conspicuous in the work that we feel it due to 
 them to make special mention of their services. We refer 
 to John Frame, of Coolville, and Elmer Armstrong, of Hib- 
 bardsville. They were men of considerable wealth and 
 prominence, and peculiarly enthusiastic in their method of 
 doing everything they took hold of. Throwing their whole 
 strength and power into the canvass for recruits, there was 
 soon aroused all over Athens County the highest state of 
 excitement and enthusiasm. They traveled, talked and 
 worked day and night, until their county s quota was full; 
 and when our regiment was organized thev were both 
 strenuously urged to take charge of the sutler s depart 
 ment, where we knew they would be of great service to 
 the men. Mr. Frame felt himself too old and infirm to at 
 tempt it, but Mr. Armstrong accepted the appointment, 
 which he soon shared with A. J. Frame, a son of John 
 Frame. Another son, A. B. Frame, was a lieutenant in 
 company "-I." Of the military committees we have named, 
 it would be invidious to speak of one in more flattering 
 terms than of another. They each and all did all that men 
 could do, not only before, but after the regiment went to 
 the field, continuing their kind offices and interest in its 
 welfare until the expiration of its term of service. 
 
 It will not, I hope, be considered foreign to the the pur 
 pose of this volume to mention that great popular work 
 which made care for the soldiers and their families the 
 business of life for our tenderest and best at home while the 
 war lasted. Of much of it no man may speak. Like 
 charity it recoils from publicity. It would be intruding to 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 9 
 
 attempt to measure the love of the mothers, sisters and 
 wives at home for the soldiers in the field. But who could 
 attempt it? Who can chronicle the prayers and the labors 
 to shield them from death and disaster? Who can find 
 words to describe the womanly fervor which counted loss, 
 suffering, self-denial and even life as nothing so that God 
 might give victory to the Union arms in the battle for lib 
 erty and the right? But to the soldiers in the field the tan 
 gible results of the great work for their relief carried on by 
 the women at home were so many, so varied, so valuable, 
 so life-saving, that no regimental history would be complete 
 without their mention and their grateful acknowledgment. 
 In fact, it would be cruel thoughtlessness and deep ingrati 
 tude for any regiment to overlook woman s work during 
 the war. No soldier could turn in any direction without 
 meeting with something that bespoke her thought, her 
 care, her love and her constant effort to lighten the bur 
 dens, and soften the hardships of his lot. 
 
 Immediately after the organization of the "Cincinnati 
 Branch of the Sanitary Commission" in November, 1861, 
 branch "Soldiers Aid Societies" were organized in all 
 the counties. Early in May a "Soldiers Aid Society" 
 had been organized in Athens with Mrs. E. M. Wildes as 
 president. About the same time similar societies were or 
 ganized in Pomeroy, Marietta, Coolville and surrounding 
 towns. These societies connected themselves with the 
 Sanitary Commission at Cincinnati as soon as it was estab 
 lished, thus gathering into one receptacle the fruits of all 
 their joint labors. "Camp Jewett" being established at 
 Athens early in 1861 brought to the very doors of the kind 
 hearted women of Athens the care of many sick soldiers. 
 The entire county was soon after organized for relief work 
 through the efforts of the society at Athens, and it so re 
 mained through the war. It would be impossible to re 
 count the work done there, much less throughout the other 
 
IO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 counties of the military district. Hundreds of sick, and 
 hungry, and wounded soldiers were cared for through the 
 instrumentality of these aid societies. Every battle was the 
 signal for sending forward large stores for the relief of the 
 wounded. After very many of the more serious engage 
 ments, urgent calls for relief came from the battle fields and 
 these were responded to with the greatest promptness and 
 generosity. After the battle of Shiloh, a strong appeal for 
 help came. Several large boxes of hospital and camp* sup 
 plies were sent off on the 7th of April, the last day of the 
 battle, in charge of a committee, Messrs. Twombly, F. L. 
 Ballard and the writer. Day and night the women of all 
 the societies in the county worked, and on the pth, the loth 
 and the nth, other supplies were sent to the Sanitary Com 
 mission at Cincinnati. Among the old files of the u Athens 
 Messenger" we find, among many others, the following let 
 ter of acknowledgment : 
 
 CINCINNATI, April, 14th, 1802. 
 
 Mrs, E. M. Wildes, P>~es. Soldier s Aid Society, Athens, Ohio: 
 
 DEAR MADAM : On behalf of our Commission, I acknowledge the receipt of your 
 present, as well as of former contributions. Please accept our thanks lor the same. 
 The demands now made upon us are very great and pressing, and we welcome aid 
 from every quarter. Very Respectfully, 
 
 CHAS. E. CIST, Cor. Sec y pro tern. 
 
 Not a person connected with all these aid societies re 
 ceived a farthing for her untiring, constant work. Every 
 dollar and every dollar s worth went to the soldiers in some 
 needed form. In short, it was Christian integrity and 
 scrupulous fidelity in charge of the people s contributions 
 for their men in the ranks. The good thus done can never 
 be written, and perhaps never ought to be written, for it 
 was the work of the heart. In every hospital, in every 
 camp, on every march, on every battle field, the soldier was 
 met by the agents ot the Sanitary Commission with the 
 fruits of these hard worked women s toil and care. How 
 much suffering was Alleviated, how much prevented, how 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. II 
 
 much comfort afforded, how many sick beds made easy, 
 how many wounds healed, how many precious lives saved 
 through the instrumentality of woman s work in these so 
 cieties, can never be told on earth. Like the gentle dew 
 their kind charity fell and like it disappeared, leaving a 
 memory only that shall blossom into blessings in the im 
 mortality of their beneficent results. 
 
 But this was not all of woman s good works to the sol 
 diers in the field. Our regiment was a great portion of its 
 time engaged in active campaigning. After we were free 
 from our "base of supplies" and often, too, our " commun 
 ications were cut off," no one who has not seen it can im 
 agine the joy of "meeting a mail" and reading a "letter 
 from home" from a mother, a father, a wife, a sister, or 
 a sweetheart after such a time, and no one would, if he 
 could, describe the sore disappointment of some boy when 
 he found after waiting expectantly until the last letter was 
 handed out by the chaplain that there was none for him. 
 
 The women old, middle-aged and young earned 
 many a " God bless you " for the encouraging letters they 
 wrote to the soldiers. Many a letter from a mother, wife 
 and sister, written to cheer and comfort a son, husband or 
 brother, bore the marks of scalding tears, and required a 
 braver heart to write than it did to face the storm of battle. 
 The agonizing sufferings in the homes out of which the 
 light had gone, and the long, dark days and nights of wait 
 ing and watching for its return, could only be endured by 
 the patient heart and strong hope of woman. It would 
 have killed more men than it did women. The aid socie 
 ties and every act done and word written by the women 
 were a power of good for loyalty. While the union senti 
 ment of a town was sure to crystallize around its " Aid So 
 ciety," the hearts of the soldiers in the field were cheered 
 and strengthened by the knowledge of the agencies em 
 ployed at home for their comfort. 
 
12 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 When the future historian writes the true history of the 
 War of the Rebellion, woman will be given a first place in 
 the great work of crushing treason and restoring peace and 
 union. No better expression has ever been given to the 
 noble work, the silent pain and courageous suffering of wo 
 man, in that great struggle for civil liberty, than that found 
 in the following beautiful poem by T. Buchanan Read, 
 entitled 
 
 " The maid who binds her warrior s sash 
 
 With smile that well her pain dissembles, 
 The while, beneath her drooping lash, 
 
 One starry tear-drop hangs and trembles. 
 Though Heaven alone regards the tear, 
 
 And Fame shall never know her story, 
 Her heart has shed a drop as dear 
 
 As ever dewed the field of glory. 
 
 " The wife who girds her husband s sword, 
 
 Mid little ones who weep and wonder, 
 And bravely speaks the cheering word 
 
 What though her heart be rent asunder ? 
 Doomed, nightly in her dreams, to hear 
 
 The bolts of war around him rattle, 
 Hath shed as sacred blood as e er 
 
 Was poured upon the plain ol battle. 
 
 " The mother who conceals her grief, 
 
 While to her breast her son she presses, 
 Then breathes a few brave words and brief, 
 
 Kissing the patriot brow she blesses ; 
 With no one but her secret God 
 
 To know the pain that weighs upon her, 
 Sheds holy blood as e er the sod 
 
 Received on Freedom s field of honor." 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE ORGANIZATION TO THE RESCUE OF PARKERSBURG, 
 THEN OF GALLIPOLIS MUSTERED INTO THE U. S. SER 
 VICE INTO WEST VIRGINIA OUR FIRST FIGHT WE 
 
 DEFEAT GENERAL JONES AND 4,OOO CAVALRY AT MOORE- 
 FIELD GEN. MILROY S CONGRATULATIONS. 
 
 The One Hundred and Sixteenth Ohio rendezvoused at 
 Camp Putnam, Marietta, on the 25th of August, 1862. 
 Several of its companies had for some days been guarding 
 the Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad, then supposed to be 
 in danger of destruction by rebel raids from the Virginia 
 side of the Ohio river. Some of the road s bridges had 
 been burned and others set on fire. 
 
 But three or four officers of the n6th had ever seen 
 any military service. The military committees of the sev 
 eral counties, in which the companies composing the regi 
 ment had been raised, met at Marietta on the iyth of 
 August and selected the following field and staff officers for 
 recommendation to the Governor: James Washburne, of 
 Monroe County, Colonel; Thos. F. Wildes, of Athens 
 County, Lieutenant Colonel; W. Thomas Morris, of Mon 
 roe County, Major; W. Reed Golden, of Athens County, 
 Adjutant; Artemus W. Williams, of Meigs County, Quar 
 termaster. Subsequently Frederick L. Ballard, of Athens 
 County, was selected Adjutant, vice Golden, whom the 
 Governor declined to receive because he was lame. These 
 officers were all commissioned by Governor Tod. At a 
 later date the officers held a meeting and elected Rev. E. 
 W. Brady Chaplain and Elmer Armstrong Sutler. Dr. 
 
14 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 Walter R. Gilkey was assigned to the regiment as sur 
 geon, Dr. J. Q. A. Hudson, first assistant surgeon and Dr. 
 James Johnson second assistant surgeon. Milton A. Ellis 
 was appointed Sergeant Major, William J. Lee Quarter 
 master Sergeant, and Ezra L. Walker Commissary Ser 
 geant. Colonel Washburne had been a captain in the 25th 
 Ohio, from which he came with an excellent record for 
 bravery and efficiency. The date of rank of these officers 
 was: Washburne, August 22; Wildes, August 18; Morris, 
 August 19; Ballard, September 8; Williams, September 3. 
 Companies A, C, D, E and F were raised in Monroe 
 County, Companies B and G in Meigs County, Companies 
 I and K in Athens County, and Company H in Noble 
 County. Some drilling was done at Camp Putnam by 
 squad and company, but the regiment was never in line 
 there. Lieutenant Colonel Wildes joined the regiment on 
 the 25th of August. On the ist of September the regi 
 ment was ordered to Parkersburg to watch the movements 
 of Jenkins, who was supposed to be threatening that 
 place. At this time neither officers nor men had been mus 
 tered in. All were without uniforms, accoutrements, blan 
 kets, cooking untensils and camp equipage except that 
 belonging to Camp Putnam. The men were armed with 
 an old Belgian rifle, intended more for show than use, and 
 they did not even make a good show, being rusty and out 
 of order, and in a demoralized condition generally. The 
 men had been in camp and doing duty of various kinds for 
 several days without a change of clothing. There was 
 yet no Adjutant with the regiment and only one field officer; 
 scarcely an officer had a sword or even a shoulder strap, 
 and none had uniforms; there was not a horse in the regi 
 ment; not an officer with the regiment knew how to form a 
 battalion, how to move it after it was formed, what com 
 mands to give or how to give them. Such was the situa 
 tion of affairs when Col. Putnam hurried into camp late in 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 15 
 
 the afternoon of September ist, with orders from Gov. Tod, 
 directing the n6th to hasten to Parkersburg. Imagine the 
 surprise and indignation of officers and men on the recep 
 tion of this order under the circumstances! Had any one 
 in camp known anything of war or its regulations there 
 would without doubt have been loud murmurings, if not a 
 mutiny then and there, but there was nothing of the kind. 
 On the contrary, the order was obeyed with as much alac 
 rity, as the regiment ever afterwards obeyed an order, and 
 within an hour we were on the march to Parkersburg. 
 There was no pageant in that march from Camp Putnam 
 to the depot that evening. No banners waved over those 
 men, no music cheered them, no bugle stirred their souls 
 with its flaring blast. As we have said, there was not 
 even a uniform among them. The farmer, the professor, 
 the student, the smith and the miner were in that line. 
 The farmer marched in the garments he brought from the 
 furrow, the professor and student in those they had worn in 
 the school-room, the smith and the miner were attired as 
 they had been in the shop and the mine. Here were the 
 sturdy yoemanry of Southeastern Ohio marching to the 
 scenes of war. From the hills and quiet fields of Monroe, 
 were five hundred of her hardy sons of toil; from Meigs 
 two hundred, at the head of one a farmer, and at the head 
 of the other a professor, and behind him marched his whole 
 academy; from little Athens, two hundred, at the head of 
 one a jolly business man, and behind him the very flower 
 of the village of his residence, at the head of the other " a 
 good carpenter but not much of a soldier," as he often used 
 to say of himself, and following him were the stoutest and 
 hardiest of the miners of the Hocking Valley; from Noble, 
 one hundred, headed by an intrepid and dauntless wounded 
 soldier, followed by the pick of her chivalric youth, and by 
 the irrepressible "Private Dalzell." And these thousand 
 true men, loved well at home, and made of sterling stuff, 
 
1 6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEETH O. V. I. 
 
 were on their way to war, to actual war. And their un 
 taught, uncouth and unprepared condition made the specta 
 cle of their march to the front as the sun was going down 
 the sky that evening more interesting and more impressive, 
 than if they had been clothed in all the panoply of war. It 
 was long after dark when we were ferried over the Ohio 
 to the trembling city of Parkersburg. Of course it rained! 
 What soldier ever knew it not to rain when he was least 
 prepared for it? And so now it fairly poured as though 
 the Heavens were baptizing us with their waters, prepara 
 tory to the baptism of fire which we were for years to re 
 ceive in that State of Virginia, to whose shores we were 
 being slowly ferried across the beautiful Ohio, which ran 
 neutral between its loyal and disloyal banks. 
 
 Without tents or blankets and without quarters, we took 
 possession of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad depot, and 
 after satisfying ourselves that Jenkins was not likely to 
 burn the town before morning, we spread out a great quan 
 tity of sacked grain, with which the depot was stored, and 
 lying down, slept soundly until morning. The town and 
 the roads leading into it were picketed by some of the 
 officers of the regiment most of the night. Before daylight 
 next morning we were up and ready to move to a camping- 
 place selected a mile or more out of town. Here we found 
 rations enough prepared for four regiments. A company 
 in command of Captain J. H. Dickey stationed there, know 
 ing our condition and expecting more in the same plight, 
 had been cooking nearly all night, and now we partook of 
 an excellent breakfast. As we were preparing to leave the 
 depot that morning the old freight agent arrived, and see 
 ing the use we had made of his freight during the night, 
 was the maddest man for a few minutes any of us ever 
 saw. He actually knocked do\vn a couple of men who had 
 the impudence to laugh at his rage, and to avoid further 
 demonstrations of that sort the men tied him to a post, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1 7 
 
 where he securely remained whilst the regiment was mak 
 ing its escape to camp. 
 
 About the streets were a good many old soldiers, some 
 on furlough and more who were stragglers from the recent 
 engagements in that part of Virginia. We felt uncomfort 
 able in their presence and when we began to prepare to 
 move out to camp we realized more than ever our untaught 
 condition. How to form we did not know, so we con 
 cluded to let Captain Teters go ahead and the rest to fol 
 low him as best they could. How we got out to camp 
 none of us ever knew, but when we got there and found 
 breakfast ready, we knew just what to do. Here was 
 something, after all, that we had done before. That day 
 Colonel Mulligan s "Irish Brigade" and other troops ar 
 rived and we did our first guard and picket duty. The 
 loyal Governor Boreman was in Parkersburg at that time, 
 and an order was issued, that no citizen could pass in or out, 
 until recognized as a Union man by him. It gave the Gov 
 ernor plenty of work to do for a couple of days. Colonel 
 Mulligan s men camped beside us, and seeing our destitute 
 condition, generously loaned us their cooking utensils, and 
 gave our men a great many useful lessons in army life. 
 Our men never forgot this kindness, and whenever they 
 afterwards caught sight of the green flags of those gallant 
 and whole-souled Irishmen, they gave them "three cheers 
 and a tiger." 
 
 One of the first things w r e did was, to tear down a 
 whisky shanty and empty the filthy contents of several bar 
 rels, kegs and bottles into the gutters. We found the 
 keepers of the place to be old acquaintances from Athens, 
 who had been treated the same way there by some soldiers 
 from Camp Jewett and compelled to leave the town. They 
 would sell whisky to soldiers wherever they were, orders 
 or no orders, and none but extreme measures were appre 
 ciated by them, so we broke up their business. 
 
1 8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH 6. V. f. 
 
 On the 4th, Colonel Washburn and Major Morris ar 
 rived in camp. Sometime before our appearance in Park- 
 ersburg, General Cox left the Kanawha Valley with all the 
 available troops to join the Army of the Potomac, in which 
 he performed gallant services, as will be remembered, in 
 the battles of South Mountain and Antietam. He had left 
 Colonel Lightburn in command, whose force was soon 
 driven to the Ohio River. On the 2d, Colonel Rathbone 
 surrendered the nth West Virginia regiment to Jenkins, at 
 a point a few miles from Parkersburg. He and his officers 
 were paroled and came into Parkersburg on the 3rd. 
 About the same time General Morgan began his retreat 
 from Cumberland Gap to the Ohio River at Gallipolis, 
 which he reached about the 4th. On the 6th of September, 
 we were ordered, with about the same haste as from Mari 
 etta, to Gallipolis. As we passed through Athens early in 
 the morning of the 7th M. M. Greene, who happened to be 
 at the depot, said if we would wait fifteen minutes the citi 
 zens would give us our breakfasts. We waited and they 
 did not disappoint us. Before the time was up the road 
 leading to the depot was thronged with men, women and 
 children bringing coffee, bread, meat, pies, cakes, etc. 
 Many were at their breakfasts and brought all they had on 
 their tables. The entire regiment was fed bountifully. 
 Some of the companies from the other counties were sur 
 prised at this swift way of doing things. We landed at 
 Oak Hill that evening, and, after supper, marched to Cen- 
 terville, where we went into camp about 10 P. M. Arrived 
 at Gallipolis early next day and went into camp in the Fair 
 Grounds. Some of General Morgan s troops on arriving 
 here looked about as hard as we did after the Lynchburg 
 raid. All the Union forces in West Virginia and Eastern 
 Kentucky were now lying along or near the Ohio River 
 and the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, most of 
 them on the Ohio side. The "Home Guard" and militia 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1C) 
 
 in all the counties bordering on the Ohio were called out 
 and ordered to Gallipolis, and when we arrived there the 
 country about the city was full of soldiers. A very large 
 force of militia was here, among them a company of 130 
 men from Athens County in command of Captain A. D. 
 Jaynes. Two other companies from Athens were also 
 there, one under Captain F. H. Hackman, the other under 
 Captain Silas Pruden. Adjutant Ballard went to Cincin 
 nati from here on business for the regiment, and Lieutenant 
 H. L. Karr acted as Adjutant in his absence. On the I2th 
 Colonel Washburn was sent up the Kanawha, with the 
 three companies of the p2d O. V. I. and some other troops, 
 to reinforce Colonel Lightburn, who was fighting above 
 Charleston and falling back toward the Ohio before a 
 vastly superior force of rebels. He was gone three days, 
 Lightburn s forces, in the meantime, having reached the 
 Ohio at Point Pleasant, where he fortified. General Mor 
 gan soon organized the miscellaneous companies and regi 
 ments into a formidable army. In a few days after our 
 arrival General Cox arrived and assumed command. Our 
 first camp was some distance above Gallipolis, where w r e 
 entered upon the work of drilling in real earnest. Upon 
 the arrival of General Cox we were moved three miles be 
 low Gallipolis. From our first camp we could occasionally 
 see the rebels on the opposite side, seemingly content with 
 having driven the " Yanks " off the " sacred soil." Colonel 
 Lightburn s forces arrived at Point Pleasant from Charles 
 ton on the 2Oth. On the i6th and iyth of September, the 
 regiment, excepting companies K and F, which were not 
 quite full, owing to some desertions and some rejections 
 which reduced them below the minimum, was mustered 
 into the United States service, and we received clothing, 
 camp and garrison equipage, and better arms. Over forty 
 of Captain Hull s men refused to be mustered and left camp 
 as deserters. This conduct was very disgraceful and left 
 
20 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 company K with less than the minimum, so that it could 
 not be mustered. One of his lieutenants, Miers, also re 
 fused to be mustered. General George B. Wright paid us 
 a visit shortly after our arrival at Gallipolis, and made a 
 speech to the regiment, in which he complimented us very 
 highly on our willingness and promptness in obeying orders 
 in moving from point to point to defend the border before 
 we were mustered in, or properly equipped. 
 
 The officers and men rapidly improved in the manual of 
 arms and in squad and company drill. We had now a fine 
 looking regiment. Most of the men were very large, 
 healthy, strong fellows, giving promise of great endurance 
 and a capability of making their regiment and themselves a 
 record in whatever field of service they might be called to 
 act. Officers school was also established, and the whole 
 regiment was soon as busy as a hive in learning the art of 
 war. Some battalion drill was also indulged in, but it was 
 not performed with much skill and generally ended in dis 
 gust all round. 
 
 Among the troops we met at Gallipolis was the 4Oth 
 Ohio. Very strict orders were in force, at one time, in re 
 gard to passing any one in or out. One day, as Captain 
 Teters was on duty on the river road east of Gallipolis, 
 Colonel Taylor of that regiment rode up to the guard and 
 attempted to pass out. He had on a "linen duster" and no 
 sign of his rank was visible. Captain Teters ordered him 
 to halt. This he declined to do, until the Captain caught 
 his horse by the bridle and stopped him. He made a mo 
 tion to draw a revolver from his holster, when the Captain 
 drew his from a holster on his sword belt, and getting the 
 " drop " on him ordered the Colonel to " dismount and sur 
 render." The Colonel obeyed promptly. Colonel Taylor 
 then told who he was and again demanded to be passed 
 through the lines. Teters mettle was up by this time, and 
 he held the Colonel a prisoner, refusing to recognize his 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 21 
 
 rank or his right to pass his guard without authority from 
 General Cox s headquarters. High words ensued, and the 
 Captain was about ordering his prisoner under guard to 
 the Provost Marshal, when General Cox, with some mem 
 bers of his staff, happened to .ride up. Explanations fol 
 lowed and the Colonel rode off a wiser if not a better 
 officer. General Cox personally thanked Captain Teters 
 for his care in enforcing orders and reproved Colonel 
 Taylor for his conduct. 
 
 While we lay here was probably the darkest and 
 gloomiest period of the war. A despondent feeling over 
 spread the whole North. Union men were discouraged 
 and the disloyal element was correspondingly jubilant. 
 President Lincoln had on the 22d of September issued his 
 proclamation "that on the first day of January, 1863, all 
 persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part 
 of any State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion 
 against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and 
 forever free." Partisan feeling ran high, even in the army. 
 Many officers resigned, declaring they would no longer 
 serve in an " abolition war." The newspapers, according 
 to their partisan bias, applauded or denounced the proclam 
 ation. The large enlistments during the months of July, 
 August and September, had drained the country of many of 
 the warmest supporters of the Government at home, and 
 at the October elections, many of the Northern States, in 
 cluding Ohio, seemed to manifest their disapproval of the 
 proclamation and the conduct of the war by voting for the 
 Democratic party, which refused its sanction to any scheme 
 of emancipation. In the army, and especially in the Army 
 of the Potomac, the predominant feeling was suspected to 
 be adverse to the proclamation. If the October elections 
 could be taken as an expression, the majority of the North 
 ern people were also adverse to it. Many efforts were 
 made to turn the tide of discontent and re-establish the con- 
 
22 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 fidence of the country. The meeting of the " Governors of 
 the Loyal States" at Altoona, Pa., was a notable effort in 
 this direction. Among other things done by this meeting 
 was the adoption of an address to President Lincoln and 
 the country, in which, among other things, they said: 
 " We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hopes 
 the proclamation issued on the 22d instant, declaring eman 
 cipated from their bondage all persons held to service or 
 labor as slaves in the rebel States where rebellion shall last 
 until the first day of January ensuing." With a view to 
 suppressing the disloyal tendencies of many and to restrain 
 their interfering with and discouraging enlistments, Presi 
 dent Lincoln issued another proclamation on the 24th of 
 September. We quote from it as follows: 
 
 "WHEREAS, It has become necessary to call into service 
 not only volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the 
 States by draft in order to suppress the insurrection exist 
 ing in the United States, and disloyal persons are not ad 
 equately restrained by the ordinary processes of the law 
 from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and com 
 fort in various ways to the insurrection, 
 
 Now, THEREFORE, be it ordered: 
 
 First, That during the existing insurrection, and as a 
 necessary measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and 
 insurgents, their aiders and abettors, within the United 
 States, and all persons discouraging volunteer enlistments, 
 resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practices, 
 affording aid and comfort to the rebels against the author 
 ity of the United States, shall be subject to martial law and 
 liable to trial and punishment by court martial or military 
 commissioners." 
 
 The address of the Governors and the latter proclama 
 tion by the President had the effect to restore, in a great 
 measure, the confidence of the loyal people, and to suppress 
 open demonstrations of hostility to the Government on the 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 23 
 
 part of those opposing enlistments, the draft, the suppres 
 sion of the rebellion by force of arms, and the emancipation 
 of the slaves of the South. But while this was true as to 
 open opposition, there were organized immediately after 
 wards secret political societies all over the North, promi 
 nent among which was the one known in history as the 
 u Order of the Knights of the Golden Circle," all of which 
 were notoriously disloyal in character and design. These 
 two proclamations of the President sharply defined the fu 
 ture policy of the Government, and as sharply developed 
 the antagonisms and prejudices of the people in relation to 
 the vexed question of slavery. The anti-slavery element of 
 the country regarded the emancipation proclamation as a 
 blow at the root of the rebellion, and believed that it would 
 lend new vigor to the efforts to suppress it and new life and 
 hopes to the hearts of the people. To this element had 
 been added by this time a vastly more numerous one com 
 posed of patriotic people, regardless of party in all parts of 
 the country, \vho had come to believe that slavery was an 
 element of strength to the rebellion and who favored its de 
 struction as a means of destroying and suppressing the re 
 bellion. To this latter class belonged Governor Tod, of 
 Ohio, Governor Pierpont, of Virginia, Governor Bradford, 
 of Maryland, Governor Morton, of Indiana, what was 
 known as the "Douglass Democracy," and, in short, the 
 great body of the loyal people of the country. Among 
 them now there was but little division of opinion on the im 
 portance of slavery to the rebellion, and hence their hearty 
 endorsement of the emancipation proclamation. And so it 
 followed that they also endorsed the proclamation which 
 aimed at those who discouraged enlistments and resisted the 
 draft as a necessary war measure. But with the opponents 
 to the proclamation, with the lukewarm supporters of the 
 Union, and with the avowed opponents of the war, the two 
 measures were denounced as "arbitrary interferences of the 
 
24 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Government with the personal rights of a citizen," and the 
 feeling aroused by their discussion was bitter and vindic 
 tive beyond anything ever before, or since, witnessed in this 
 country. The feeling ran so high, and discussion became so 
 bitter and hostile in the Army of the Potomac, that General 
 McClellan on the 7th of October issued an order forbidding 
 discussion of the proclamation. Other army commanders 
 found it necessary to follow his example in this respect. 
 Our own regiment was not free from this feeling, and it did 
 not entirely abate until after the action taken at Romney 
 in January following. Enlistments were almost entirely 
 checked, as Colonel Washburn found, who, taking com 
 panies K and F back to Camp Putnam, tried to fill them 
 up. Such, then, was the state of public affairs, when the 
 n6th entered the service in the fall of 1862. 
 
 On the 1 6th of October the regiment left Gallipolis for 
 Parkersburg. On the march we passed through Meigs 
 and Athens Counties, the homes of many of our men. 
 The first night we stopped at Cheshire, in Gallia County. 
 The next day we passed through Pomeroy and that night 
 camped at Chester. The next day we took dinner at 
 T upper s Plains, the home of Captain Keyes and most of 
 his company, and that night we camped at Coolville, the 
 home of Captain Fuller and most of his company. We 
 met with grand receptions at all these places, the people 
 turning out en masse to greet us, having everything pre 
 pared in most lavish abundance for our comfort on our ar 
 rival at each place of stopping. We arrived at Belpre, op 
 posite Parkersburg, on the ipth, from which point Colonel 
 Washburn went to Camp Putnam with companies K and 
 F. He did not succeed in filling them until the 28th of 
 October, when they were mustered into the service. It 
 required more hard work to secure about a dozen men each 
 for those two companies, than it did to recruit all the rest of 
 the regiment. On the 22d, the balance of the n6th crossed 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 25 
 
 the river to Parkersburg and took the cars to Clarksburg, 
 arriving there the following morning. That night ride to 
 Clarksburg was a terribly disagreeable one. It was very 
 cold, and there being no fire or means of making fire in the 
 old rickety cattle cars in which we were being moved, the 
 men were in imminent danger of freezing. Finally, as the 
 men expressed it, a "council of war" was held and this 
 plan adopted to warm the cars: The lining of the cars 
 was torn off, whittled or broken up, the doors closed and 
 fires built on the board seats. When in danger of burning 
 through a seat it would be moved to another spot, and so 
 on during the night, \vith regular guards detailed to keep 
 up the" fire and watch it. Of course the smoke had to be 
 disposed of. This was done by standing it as long as they 
 could, when the doors would be opened on both sides of the 
 cars to allow the smoke to blow out. Looking forward 
 from the rear car the train appeared almost entirely envel 
 oped in smoke. But when we arrived in Clarksburg the 
 next morning, the charred seats, the absent lining of the 
 cars, and the blackened han<js and faces of the men showed 
 pretty plainly, how they had spent the night in fighting the 
 cold. At Parkersburg, we were put into a brigade com 
 manded by Colonel Latham, and Lieutenant Sibley was de 
 tached from the regiment and assigned as an aide on his 
 staff. At Clarksburg, we met the 36th, 23d and some 
 other regiments just returned from making for themselves a 
 glorious record on the South Mountain and Antietam battle 
 fields. We met many acquaintances among them, and were 
 deeply interested in their stirring accounts of those battles, 
 and especially of the desperate stand made by General 
 Cox s Kanawha Division, the left of the army during the 
 first day s fight at South Mountain. Now that we were 
 soldiers, we found ourselves taking a sort of family interest 
 in the deeds of other soldiers never so strongly felt by us 
 before. Here we also met General Milroy, who had just 
 
26 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 been assigned to command the " Cheat Mountain Division," 
 of which we were to form a part. General Crook, who 
 had won his star in the battles named, was also there. At 
 Clarksburg, we received further equipments in the way of 
 teams and Sibley tents. On the 26th we started on the 
 march for Buckhannon, reaching there on the 27th. The 
 roads could hardly have been worse, if made to order, and 
 added to this, it rained hard from almost the moment of 
 starting from Clarksburg. That night it continued to rain 
 even harder than during the day. " Sibley stoves " had not 
 yet been issued and the boys complained terribly because 
 they had nothing to burn but " wet rails." Sibley tents did 
 not draw very well, and the fires built in them soon filled 
 them with dense volumes of smoke. For raw soldiers, that 
 was a very uncomfortable night, but dismal as it was, some 
 of the men went out "foraging" and next morning several 
 had breakfast of roast pig and turkey. On reaching 
 Buckhannon that day, the regiment was followed by a train 
 of twenty-seven loaded wagons, and a cloud of citizens load 
 ed with complaints against us fgr "pressing" their horses, 
 etc., into the service. General Milroy was hard pressed for 
 an apology for us, but finally getting all the citizens horses 
 and wagons together, he dismissed them for their homes, 
 each with his own vehicle and enough good army rations 
 to keep them in good cheer on their journev. From what 
 he knew of the n6th on the train from Parkersburg, and 
 this, too, he said he thought the n6th Ohio would take 
 care of itself. We thought so, too. 
 
 On the 3Oth, the I23d Ohio joined us with the same 
 teams again, they having even a larger train than we had. 
 By this time, Milroy s stock of patience began to give out, 
 and he issued an order forbidding the army to molest the 
 property of citizens, unless we had satisfactory evidence of 
 their disloyalty, which "evidence" was not hard to get, 
 when we wanted anything. There never was much trou- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 27 
 
 ble in getting this kind of "evidence," whenever we found 
 ourselves in want of transportation, and we were always in 
 want of it, for every soldier, now, had three times as much 
 stuff as he ought to have in active field service. Colonel 
 Washburn joined us on the 3ist with companies K and F, 
 and now we had a full regiment, completely equipped, 
 rather too completely, in fact, and ready, as we thought, 
 for any service assigned us. We were now brigaded with 
 the i22d and 12 3d Ohio regiments, with Colonel Washburn 
 as Brigade Commander. Colonel Washburn made Adju 
 tant Ballard his Assistant Adjutant General, and Quarter 
 master Williams his A. A. Q. M. Quartermaster Ser 
 geant W. J. Lee accompanied the Quartermaster. Lieu 
 tenant Hiram L. Siblev, of company B, was detailed as 
 Acting Adjutant. What became of our other brigade no 
 one seems to know and but few remember ever having even 
 seen our first brigade commander. At any rate Lieutenant 
 Sibley came back to us at Buckhannon, just in time to 
 assume the duties of his new position of Adjutant of his 
 regiment. Lieutenant Alexander Cochran, of company I, 
 was detailed as Acting Quartermaster of the regiment, and 
 Corporal George K. Campbell, of B, was appointed Acting 
 Quartermaster Sergeant. We kept up our drilling with 
 great diligence, and were every day improving in the tac 
 tics, while the discipline was strict, and as the men some 
 times thought, severe. Lieutenant Robert Wilson, of com 
 pany A, an officer who gave bright promise of being one of 
 the best in the regiment, was here stricken down with 
 fever, was sent home, and soon afterward died. His was 
 our first death. We found General Milroy a very kind and 
 courteous officer, full of energy and loyalty. No slave was 
 ever turned back from his lines, for he ardently supported 
 the policy of the Administration, embodied in the emancipa 
 tion proclamation. 
 
 The enemy was quite active in guerilla warfare in all 
 
28 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 West Virginia, and we had plenty of scouting and picketing 
 to do, all of which was teaching our men the value of disci 
 pline and strict obedience to orders in and out of camp. 
 But, notwithstanding, there would sometimes occur grave 
 misconduct and violation of orders. One night it was dis 
 covered that quite a number of men were out of camp and 
 away in the country foraging on their own account. 
 Strong guards were placed at different points about the 
 camp, and a detail sent out after the foragers. They were 
 met some distance out, returning to camp loaded down 
 with honey and fresh meat of different kinds, and marched 
 to headquarters. It was afterwards learned that another 
 party had been out earlier the same night which had gotten 
 safely back to camp with their plunder. Search was at 
 once made and most of the plunder, and the men who had 
 it, discovered. Colonel Washburn was just about assuming 
 command of the brigade, having received his orders, but 
 discovering this, he stopped awhile to discipline these unruly 
 fellows. The boys never forgot the short, sharp lecture he 
 delivered to them, and going out of camp after plunder 
 during the night was put a stop to for some time after 
 wards. Nobody was punished and all agreed to be good 
 boys in the future, and they kept their word. 
 
 November pth, we broke camp and started for Beverly. 
 That night we camped at the middle fork of the Tygart 
 Valley River. Just as we stacked arms, a team ran away. 
 The wagon was upset and a general smashup made of 
 everything. The soldiers made a rush for the wreck with 
 the double purpose of catching the runaway team and help 
 ing the unfortunate mule driver. The wagon proved to be 
 loaded with medical stores, among which was a large quan 
 tity of bottled wine, whisky and brandy, and observing the 
 contents of the dilapidated wagon, the soldiers very soon 
 captured "the bottles with corks out," as they afterward 
 said, when called to account, but it was more than suspected 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2p 
 
 that they also captured all the bottles whose "corks" could 
 be -pulled out. It was, however, always claimed by the 
 men of the n6th that the i23d appropriated the bottles 
 whose corks could be pulled out, and that they, acting sim 
 ply on the maxim " waste not, want not," took only the bot 
 tles with corks out. It was too intricate a question to settle 
 off hand in the conflicting state of the proof, and was 
 dropped as one of those things "no fellow can find out." 
 Major Morris, to whom an investigation of the matter was 
 referred, was found next morning with several bottles with 
 "corks out," which he said "had been offered in evidence." 
 We reached Beverly next day, passing over the battle 
 ground of Rich Mountain, and through some of the most 
 beautiful mountain scenery in Virginia. While lying here, 
 we were the recipients of many kindnesses from Mrs. 
 Arnold, the only surviving sister of Stonewall Jackson. 
 She was a thoroughly loyal woman, and kept the stars and 
 stripes constantly flying over her house. She was, besides, 
 kind-hearted and attentive, beyond the power of pen to tell 
 to the Union soldiers, many and many an one owing his life 
 to her care. Colonel Washburn went from here to Clarks 
 burg and thence to Columbus for a better class of arms. 
 On the night of the loth, for the first time, our men "slept 
 on their arms," our post being threatened with an attack. 
 Our stay at Beverly was an enjoyable season, if we may 
 believe the statements contained in a letter before us, dated 
 November i2th, 1862: "It would do you good to look in 
 upon us to-night. We ate our supper a good one just 
 before dark, after which the Major, Doctor Johnson, Lieu 
 tenant Cochran, Lieutenant Sibley and a few others came 
 in and seated themselves around as charming a fire as you 
 ever saw in civilization. Then we ate apples and drank 
 cider! What do you think of that? Let me explain. The 
 apples and cider were foraged to-day. Then we smoked 
 and chatted, and finally the Major led off in a song. What 
 
3O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEETH O. V. 1. 
 
 a splendid bass voice he has! Our fire is built in a chim 
 ney all that remains of a house that once stood here. 
 Our tent is put up close to the chimney, the fire-place open 
 ing into the tent. Orderly Morrison says he will put a 
 mantle-piece up to-morrow, and decorate it with plaster of 
 Paris angels, birds, dogs, squirrels, etc. But the mail has 
 arrived, and though it is raining quite hard, the men are 
 running about through the camp following the postmas 
 ter. Commissary Sergeant Walker has just come dancing 
 in, exclaiming a letter from my wife. Here comes the 
 Orderly now with headquarters mail, and a letter is an 
 nounced for the Colonel, another for the Major, and 
 so on until nearly all of us are supplied. Then one after 
 another went to his own quarters to read his letters from 
 home, and we are alone with Waterman and the Orderly 
 again. Nothing does a poor, forlorn soldier so much good 
 as a cheerful letter from home. A great many of our 
 officers and men left their homes very unceremoniously, and 
 their families were left to do and care for themselves almost 
 without notice or warning, and now, that winter is coming 
 on, I can see that a great many of them are in great trouble 
 about the comfort of their families. A letter, assuring them 
 that all is right and comfortable at home, removes many a 
 dark cloud and heavy trouble. I cart see its effect at once 
 in their countenances and cheerful discharge of duty." 
 
 We lay at Beverly until the i5th, when we took an 
 early start for Webster, marching twenty miles the first 
 day, and twenty-two the next. On this march, we passed 
 over the battle ground of Phillippi. At Webster, our 
 wagon train was left to go overland to New Creek in care 
 of our wagon master, Hiram L. Baker, while we, next day, 
 took the cars on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. A few, 
 days after our arrival at New Creek, the men of the regi 
 ment presented a field glass to Colonel Washburn, Quarter 
 master Sergeant Lee making the presentation speech. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 31 
 
 The Colonel responded briefly, thanking the men for their 
 kindness, and remarking in closing that he hoped soon to 
 have the opportunity of leading the Third Brigade to battle 
 against the enemy. Up to this time the regiment had en 
 joyed excellent health, but now the measles broke out 
 among us and in a short time fully one-fourth of the regi 
 ment was prostrated with the disease. We met our old 
 friends of "The Irish Brigade" here, and acting on the 
 principle that " friends are of no use unless you use them," 
 we induced Colonel Mulligan to detail a number of his best 
 drilled Sergeants to drill our men, and his Adjutant to drill 
 our officers. The result was most satisfactory. On the 
 28th of November, company H, in command of Captain 
 Teters, was sent to St. George, in Tucker County, with in 
 structions to thoroughly scout that vicinity, and clear it of a 
 band of bushwhackers and thieves infesting it. He did the 
 work thoroughly and returned to the regiment on the nth 
 of December. But the measles in their worst form had 
 been among his men also, and he was obliged to leave four 
 teen men in hospital at St. George. We were, also, pretty 
 thoroughly vaccinated at New Creek. 
 
 On the 1 2th of December, \ve broke camp and marched 
 to Burlington, leaving 124 men in hospital at New Creek, 
 who were afterwards sent to the general hospital at Cum 
 berland, Maryland. We lay at Burlington until the i7th, 
 when we started for Petersburg, which we reached on the 
 evening of the i8th, going into camp in a plowed field, on 
 the bank of the south branch of the Potomac. The country 
 was now full of rebel cavalry and guerrillas, and the large 
 trains we had with us had to be heavily guarded at all 
 points to prevent their capture. Fourteen teams were 
 allowed to a regiment, but in addition to these sometimes 
 nearly as many more were "pressed into the service" to 
 carry the heavy knapsacks of the men, and the great quan 
 tities of baggage belonging to the officers. On the march 
 
32 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 to Petersburg, Lieutenant Colonel Hunter, of the 12 3d, 
 becoming separated from his command, was captured by a 
 single rebel who met him with his gun drawn up. The 
 Colonel was, however, recaptured in a few moments after 
 wards, together with his captor. Captain Brown and 
 Lieutenant Cochran went out one day, while we lay at 
 Petersburg, beyond the picket lines foraging and were fired 
 upon by rebel cavalry. It was with the greatest effort 
 they escaped to camp. The boldness and strength of the 
 rebels in our vicinity caused the greatest vigilance in camp 
 and in guarding forage trains. On the 2ist of December 
 Captain Teters and Lieutenant Karr were sent out with 
 100 men on a scout, and returned next day with nineteen 
 prisoners. We had captured quite a number of prisoners, 
 up to this time, and on the 23d, Lieutenant Mallory was 
 sent to escort them to Wheeling. On the 28th, the n6th, 
 a section of battery D, ist West Virginia Light Artillery, 
 Lieutenant Daniels commanding, and a company of cav 
 alry left Petersburg, reaching Moorefield in the afternoon 
 of the same day. There we relieved other troops which 
 were ready to move out on our arrival, accompanied by 
 General Milroy. Colonel Washburn remained at Peters 
 burg with the 1 23d Ohio, a section of the same battery 
 under command of Lieutenant Chalfant and a company or 
 two of cavalry. As the troops bound for Romney were 
 yet in sight of our camp, the rebel Captain McNeil made a 
 descent on their train and cut loose and ran off the horses 
 and mules of thirteen wagons. General Milroy himself 
 was only a short distance in advance of the point where the 
 train was attacked. The rebels, encouraged by the success 
 of their raids and increasing numbers, were constantly 
 threatening our positions at Petersburg and Moorefield. 
 Union people and " contrabands " had conveyed us informa 
 tion that the rebel forces were concentrating under General 
 Jones to capture these two posts. Petersburg was thirteen 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 33 
 
 miles from Moorefield, and the nearest point on the other 
 side of us was Romney, thirty-five miles away. Our posi 
 tion was, therefore, very critical, if attacked by a large 
 force. General Milroy, who had established his headquar 
 ters at Winchester, had nearly 10,000 men, mostly new 
 regiments, in his command, but they were scattered in 
 small bodies over a wide extent of territory, except at Win 
 chester, where the main portion was concentrated, and 
 these very generally not in supporting distance of each 
 other. 
 
 As soon as we were fairly settled in camp at Moorefield, 
 we began scouting the country, entrenching, making our 
 selves acquainted with the roads, and watching the move 
 ments of the enemy, especially in the direction of Stras- 
 burg, where we soon learned quite a large force lay under 
 General Jones. Inquiring by telegraph of General Milroy 
 what rebel force was at Strasburg, he replied as follows: 
 
 " Dec. 30, 1862. 
 " Lt. Col. T. F. Wildes, Moorefleld, Fa. : 
 
 " I will take care of the rebels at Strasburg soon. If you are attacked, fight till 
 the 123d can come to your relief. You can whip any force that comes against you. 
 
 "R. H. MILROY, Maj. Gen." 
 
 This was encouraging, at least. Moorefield and vicin 
 ity was most thoroughly rebel. Only five Union families 
 lived in the place. The women were exceedingly insolent 
 to our soldiers. A great many of the finest houses in the 
 place were vacant, whole families having gone further south 
 to follow the fortunes of the Confederacy. A very fine 
 hotel, with its furniture, carpets and fixtures in place, was 
 transformed into a hospital. General Milroy ordered that 
 we subsist off those who would not take the oath of allegi 
 ance to the United States, and to arrest and confine all who 
 refused to take the oath. Upon notifying him of the cap 
 ture of a notorious rebel bushwhacker living in Moorefield, 
 he telegraphed: 
 
34 NE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I, 
 
 "Good! Stick him in jail and keep him there till you 
 catch a horde of them that are about there, and then send 
 them, with descriptions of their crimes, to Major Darr, at 
 Wheeling, Va." 
 
 The women becoming daily more and more insolent, we 
 determined to administer a little discipline to them. Accord 
 ingly, as one of them tucked her clothes close about her as 
 she was passing one of our officers on the sidewalk, one 
 day, he politely took her by the arm, and escorted her to 
 the Provost Marshal s office, where she was requested to 
 take the oath, w r hich she very reluctantly did. She then 
 departed "with her feathers all adroop like a rained-on- 
 fowl." As she left the office, however, she walked far out 
 into the street to avoid walking under the stars and stripes 
 floating from the Provost Marshal s window. She was at 
 once arrested again and sent to Wheeling. As usual, we 
 found the negroes all loyal, trustworthy and vigilant to ob 
 tain news of importance to us. In a letter written Decem 
 ber 31, 1862, we said: "If we are attacked, it will be 
 within three days, and we are almost sure to be." This 
 shows what was expected. 
 
 On the morning of the 3d of January, 1863, before it 
 was yet quite light, our pickets were fired upon on the 
 Petersburg road, and one officer, Lieutenant Okey, and 
 seventeen men taken prisoners. We were prepared for our 
 visitors. The vigilance maintained and the state of prepar 
 ation kept up since our arrival at Moorefield found us in 
 position for defence. The regiment numbered about 650 
 men. General Jones, who attacked us, had about 4,000 
 cavalry and a battery of artillery. We occupied an excel 
 lent position on rising ground east of the village which was 
 skirted on three sides by woods, or thick underbrush, which 
 formed a good cover for our men and their movements. 
 The enemy first sent a large body of dismounted men un 
 der cover of his artillery, across the open fields from the di- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 35 
 
 rection of the Lost River road, down which he had come. 
 Here he was met by companies B, G and F, and driven 
 back with some loss. In a short time, another attempt to 
 advance upon us was made from the same direction. By 
 this time, one of our cannon had been planted in an open 
 space in the woods, a little in the rear of the infantry. 
 Allowing them to come within a few rods of the foot of the 
 hill, the infantry and our one gun opened upon them a well 
 directed fire, and put them to flight a second time. In a 
 few minutes after this, a large force advanced from the di 
 rection of the Winchester road, where they were met by 
 companies E, C and K, under command of Major Morris. 
 They were again repulsed. About the same time a large 
 body of mounted men advanced on the Petersburg road 
 into the village. Captain Teters, with company H, treated 
 them to some fine, vigorous street firing, and drove them 
 out again on the run. In the meantime, their battery had 
 kept up a rapid exchange of compliments with our two 
 guns, w r hich were manned by a brave and competent officer. 
 About 10 A. M., the rebels drew off, and their battery ceased 
 firing. Shortly after this, quite a large body of cavalry 
 with one gun was seen forming on the opposite side of 
 Moorefield. One of our guns was placed in position to 
 meet this threatened attack, and company I sent down to 
 reinforce H. About noon the enemy fired a shell from the 
 gun on the opposite side of Moorefield. While the smoke 
 was yet curling about it, a shot from our gun dismounted it. 
 This was a most lucky and remarkable shot, and the ser 
 geant \vho fired it was at once promoted to a lieutenancy in 
 the 5th West Virginia regiment, in which we met him at the 
 rebel works in front of Lynchburg in June, 1864. Com 
 pany A was now sent down from the hill to confront a 
 force gathering on the Romney road, on our right, and I 
 and C brought in as a reserve. Our section of battery now 
 selected a well protected spot, and began shelling in earnest 
 
36 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 the rebel battery near the Petersburg road, soon disabling 
 another gun. The artillery duel was not of long duration, 
 before the rebel battery ceased and withdrew. Matters re 
 mained very quiet now until about 3 P. M. Whenever the 
 enemy showed any large number, we would shell them and 
 drive them to shelter, and so we watched their movements 
 closely, every moment expecting a charge from some direc 
 tion, for they were all around us. About this time every 
 thing indicated preparations for a final dash upon us, from 
 all sides, with overwhelming numbers. Their artillery 
 opened fire afresh, and lines of skirmishers advanced care 
 fully towards us. But just as we were expecting their 
 lines, now in plain sight, to charge us, artillery was heard 
 out on the road toward Petersburg, and the rebel lines at 
 once fell back from all sides. "What had happened?" " Is 
 Washburn coming?" every one inquired. Field glasses 
 failed to detect any force in that direction, but the smoke of 
 guns out there could be seen from our hill. Now we saw 
 shells exploding in the vicinity of the rebel battery which 
 we knew we did not throw. We placed our colors on a 
 commanding point in full view of the point from which the 
 firing came on the Petersburg road, for we all concluded 
 these guns were, with reinforcements, coming to our relief. 
 Our own guns were opened afresh on the rebel battery, 
 which was now giving its attention to these new comers, 
 and between us it was silenced and withdrawn. A courier 
 Was now started to try to get through the rebel lines, and 
 ascertain who our friends were, and convey to them a dis 
 patch, containing suggestions of a combined movement for 
 the capture of that portion of the enemy on the opposite 
 side of Moorefield. Several attempts to get through failed. 
 The enemy was in strong force between. Finally the dis 
 patch was given to Hiram L. Baker, and we attempted to 
 clear a way for him with our artillery. He was successful, 
 and at the same time a courier came through to us who an- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 37 
 
 nounced that Colonel Washburn was there with his force 
 from Petersburg. We then moved a portion of our regi 
 ment out to intercept the rebels on the other side of Moore- 
 field, but without attempting to rejoin General Jones on the 
 Lost River road, they retreated over the mountains and es 
 caped, taking with them Elmer Armstrong, our sutler, 
 whom they had captured at the house of Major Harness, 
 where he had gone with the view of concealing some of his 
 money and goods. Major Harness was an old acquaint 
 ance of Mr. Armstrong, they having had dealings in cattle 
 before the war. After taking him away several miles, they 
 released him and the next day he returned to us at Moore- 
 field in a terribly dilapidated condition. Being a " Bible 
 Democrat did not shield Mr. Armstrong from misusage 
 and insult at the hands of his captors. He was listened to 
 with great interest by the men in his relation of the sad ex 
 perience he had in riding a raw-boned, bare-backed horse 
 for several miles on the run, and then being released to find 
 his way back through the mountains on foot. The 12 3d 
 Ohio and the rest of the Petersburg troops joined us at 
 Moorefield before night, the rebels retreating over the Lost 
 River road. They were without tents, blankets or cooking- 
 utensils, and the n6th boys were only too happy to supply 
 them with everything necessary to their comfort during the 
 night, for we felt that they had without doubt saved us 
 either a severe and bloody fight, or capture, and perhaps 
 both. Our loss was three men wounded by fragments -of 
 shell, and twenty prisoners. Corporal Wm. Scott, of com 
 pany I, was wounded in the shoulder by a fragment of shell, 
 being the first man in the regiment wounded in battle- 
 Two others were slightly wounded, whose names we cannot 
 ascertain. The prisoners were Lieutenant Henry Okey, 
 company D; Sergeant Benjamin Sheffield, company K; 
 Rawley Ausburg, company K; Byron Battin, company K; 
 Wm. H, Brown, company K; Abraham Butterworth, com- 
 
38 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 pany K; Joseph Cullison, company K; David Gross, com 
 pany K; Asa Ladd, company K; Isaiah Matheny, company 
 K; William Robinett, company K; George Sigler, company 
 K; Daniel F. Weddle, company K; John Wilkinson, com 
 pany K; Corporal Harrison Cochran, company E; Corporal 
 Andrew W. Henthorn, company E; Adam H. Ollam, com 
 pany E; John J. Walter, company E; Robert J. Hathaway, 
 company E; Samuel Luthey, company E. Lieutenant 
 Henry Okey, who was captured that morning, had tendered 
 his resignation some time before, and it was accepted only 
 the day before his capture. The order for his discharge 
 had not, however, yet reached the regiment. As soon as it 
 did reach it, the information was duly sent to the rebel au 
 thorities, and he was soon after released. Lieutenant Okey 
 was too old a man for the service, and its hardships soon 
 broke down his health. But he was a patriotic, good man, 
 and his heart was in the cause. He would gladly have re 
 mained with us had his health permitted. 
 
 The next day Colonel Mulligan arrived with his "Irish 
 Brigade " and O Rourke s battery, and the day after his ar 
 rival our whole force moved up the Lost River road sev 
 eral miles. We found abundant evidence of the haste with 
 which the enemy retreated on the 3d. Ascertaining that 
 they had moved as far south as Staunton, we returned to 
 Moorefield the same evening. There was no use in infan 
 try trying to catch up with cavalry. General Milroy, Col 
 onel Mulligan and Colonel Washburn commended the n6th 
 very highly for the defense it made of Mooretield against 
 the vastly superior numbers of the enemy, which we after 
 ward learned numbered over 4,000 cavalry and six pieces 
 of artillery. Mr. Armstrong said that when he told them 
 our strength, they called him a "d d old Yankee liar," 
 and claimed that we had at least three regiments of infantry 
 and a battery of artillery. It was fortunate for us that they 
 thought so, fos had their whole force attacked us at once, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 39 
 
 we could not hope to have successfully resisted them. 
 Though this was the first time the n6th was under fire, it 
 behaved splendidly. Up to this time there had been a good 
 deal of grumbling at the strict discipline maintained and the 
 constant drilling kept up. All now hastened to acknowl 
 edge the benefit of this, and from that time on the men of 
 the 1 1 6th were never heard to complain of drill or disci 
 pline. The day following the battle, General Milroy sent us 
 the following message : 
 
 WINCHESTER, VA., Jan. 4, 1863. 
 " Lt. Col. T. F. Wilder Moorefield, Va. : 
 
 " Accept my congratulations and thanks, yourself and your gallant command, 
 tor the courage and skill with which you defended your post against such over 
 whelming numbers of the enemy. I thought I was not mistaken when I told you, 
 Dec. 30th, you can whip any force that cmes against you. I bespeak for you 
 and your noble regiment a glorious record. 
 
 " R. H. MILROY, Maj. Gen l Commanding." 
 
 No compliment paid us during the war was more 
 highly appreciated and none more deserving. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE MARCH TO ROMNEY THE WINTER AT ROMNEY A 
 
 FORAGE TRAIN UNDER CAPTAIN BROWN CAPTURED 
 PAROLES A BAD STATE OF FEELING PATRIOTIC AC 
 TION OF THE REGIMENT THE MARCH TO WINCHESTER. 
 
 On the 2Oth of January we left Moorefield for Romney. 
 Sergeant Charles P. Allison and Carmi Allison, of com 
 pany K, and Sergeant Robert G. Wells and D. J. Haning, 
 of company G, remained behind for some purpose, as we 
 moved out of Moorefield, and were captured by the enemy, 
 who occupied it as soon as our rear guard left, and while it 
 was yet in sight of the town. These men were all paroled. 
 On our march we were accompanied by a great many col 
 ored people fleeing from slavery. The threatened proclam 
 ation, liberating the slaves, had been issued, on the first of 
 January, by President Lincoln, and though West Virginia 
 had been excepted from its provisions, the colored people 
 did not know it. They only knew that an emancipation 
 proclamation had been issued by the President, and, hence 
 they flocked into Moorefield in large numbers during the 
 night before we moved, colored people inside our lines 
 having sent the news of our intended movement next morn 
 ing to a great distance outside. It snowed hard the first 
 day, it was very cold, and the roads were about as bad as 
 they could well be. Toward the middle of the afternoon, 
 two colored women were given a ride by the hospital stew 
 ard. Somehow the incident, which was thought nothing 
 of, got home in the shape that "Colonel Washburn and 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 4! 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wildes had turned sick men out of their 
 ambulances and put niggers in to ride." The story lost 
 nothing by repetition and traveling, and soon assumed very 
 ugly proportions. Finally the officers of the regiment 
 united, in a card to the press, explaining the silly story, 
 which squelched it. We here reproduce the card of the 
 officers: 
 
 Editor Messenger, Athens : 
 
 Our object in addressing you, is to publish an extract from a letter from one of 
 our friends in Athens, and set the matter it contains in its true light before your 
 readers. The extract is as follows : 
 
 "Letters written home, either by the line officers or privates, all have their 
 effect on public opinion. We have had some experimental facts in the case, and 
 some of them I must take the liberty of asking you to give me the truth of, as the 
 stories sent home by one or two writers, and circulated by their friends, demand 
 immediate attention if not true; if true, I would like to know it, as your humble 
 servant and your friends here have pronounced them lies. I have been to!d by 
 Reed Golden that his brother John had written to his father, that while your 
 Regiment was on a march, some three or four contraband negroes were found coming 
 into your lines and asked protection; whereupon Colonel Washburn ordered some 
 sick boys that were riding in an ambulance to get out, and put the contrabands in to ride, 
 and that a private had written home to his father that the contraband negroes were 
 wenches, and that Lieut. Col. Wildes ordered the sick boys out and let the negroes 
 ride." 
 
 The undersigned, officers of the 116th Reg t O. V. I., are acquainted with the 
 circumstances that gave rise to the story above mentioned, and we do hereby 
 pronounce it an unmitigated lie, and we brand any man as an unprincipled liar who 
 would be so lost to every sense of manliness as to construe what did occur, to make 
 it appear as represented by "Reed Golden" and said "private." 
 
 The facts in the case are simply these: When our Regiment left Moorefield two 
 female contrabands, desiring, it seems, to leave their good masters, came within 
 our lines and started on foot, in company with a few other contrabands, in the wake 
 of our Regiment. The hospital steward, who was driving an ambulance full of sick 
 soldiers, overtook them and kindly asked them to ride on the driver s seat, where 
 sick soldiers cannot very well ride, and could not, especially that day, as it was 
 storming. Neither Col. Washburn nor Lieut. Col. Wildes knew that said contrabands 
 were riding, and we say, under the circumstances, " what if they did?" The two 
 females brought through on that march are now doing good service in the hospital 
 of the regiment one being an excellent cook, the other a laundress. 
 
 JOHN HULL, Capt. Co. K. H. L. KARR, 1st. Lieut. Com g Co. G. 
 
 LEVI LUPTON, 2d. Lieut. Co. C. MATHEW BROWN, Capt. Co. F. 
 
 W. S. MARTIN, Lieut. Co. F. W. R. GILKEY, Surgeon 116th. 
 
 JAS. P. MANN, 1st. Lieut. Co. C. T. MALLORY, 1st. Lieut. Co. B. 
 
 E. W. BRADY, Chaplain 116th. EDWIN KEYES, Capt. Co. B. 
 
 C. W. RIDGEWAY, Capt. Co. A. A. B. FRAME, Lieut. Com g Co. I. 
 
 H. L. SIBLEY, 2d. Lieut. Co. B. R. F. CHANEY, 2d. Lieut. Co. D. 
 
 WM. MYERS, Capt. Co. D. F. H. ARCKENOE, Capt. Co. C. 
 JOHN VARLEY, Capt. Co. E. 
 
42 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Of this matter Jesse VanLaw, the editor .of the " Athens 
 Messenger," said: 
 
 " We need not say that we never believed this report, as the enemies ot Col. 
 Wildes, as well as his friends, will agree that no man in Athens County has excelled 
 him in kindness and care for the sick and hungry .soldiers that came to this place, 
 while he resided in it. The idea that he would turn out the sick o1 his own command 
 to allow any body to ride is absurd to any one not gone stark mad with nigger 
 phobia ." 
 
 In justice to Captain Golden, we should state here, that 
 he positively denied writing anything of the kind to any 
 body, and even if he had not denied it, we would never have 
 believed that he did. Looking back to this from the midst 
 of our changed condition, what was then thought of suffi 
 cient importance for all the officers of a regiment to stop to 
 explain, looks now verv ridiculous and absurd. Yet such 
 was then the bitter prejudice against the colored people, 
 that their action seemed not only advisable, but really neces 
 sary, in order to relieve the public mind from the impression 
 gained that the u6th had officers who would throw their 
 sick men out of ambulances to make room for "niggers." 
 Such were the absurdities some people were ready to be 
 lieve, whenever the "nigger" was involved in the story. 
 
 When we camped at the end of the first day s march, 
 there was a foot of snow on the ground, and the "top rails" 
 in our vicinity were rapidly consumed. We reached Rom- 
 ney the next day, the nth of January. We lay here two 
 months and were constantly engaged in drilling, foraging 
 and picketing. On the i8th day of January, a four days 
 mail was captured by a party of twenty-five guerrillas, be 
 tween Romney and the railroad. It was the result of a 
 most disgraceful piece of carelessness on the part of a cav 
 alry escort. A few days after this, a soldier of company I 
 came to headquarters, and wanted to be authorized to act as 
 a scout, and thus be able to convey news of the proximity 
 of rebel bands in time to avoid such attacks and surprises 
 as the one just mentioned. After some conversation, he was 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 43 
 
 asked if he thought he could deceive the rebels as to his 
 identity in case of his capture. After a moment s reflection 
 he replied: "I guess I can, I have deceived everyone I 
 have ever had anything to do with so far in life." He was 
 given the authority to scowt, and some days afterward was 
 found at a house close by the picket line, where he had 
 been all this time "sparking" a girl. His authority to 
 scout was. revoked, but his ability to "deceive" remained 
 unquestioned ever afterwards. 
 
 A most disgraceful affair took place here on the i6th of 
 February. Captain Brown, of company F, with his com 
 pany and some cavalry, all under his command, when about 
 seven miles from Romney on their return from a foraging 
 expedition, with a loaded train, allowed his men to straggle 
 and wander about the country, thus leaving the train un 
 protected. He and his Lieutenant, Martin, were riding 
 quite a distance in front of the train, giving it no attention 
 whatever. In this situation the rebel McNeil, with about 
 forty mounted men, dashed in between Captain Brown and 
 his train, and captured it and his men in detail, without any 
 resistance. The men were all paroled, the horses and 
 mules cut loose from the wagons and their loads burned. 
 Captain Brown ran off at full speed to camp, never making 
 even the slightest attempt to join his men, or avert this dis 
 aster. McNeil took about sixty prisoners, fifty horses and 
 eight mules, and beat a hasty retreat, and though followed, 
 as soon as the news reached the camp, by a large body of 
 cavalry, he made good his escape with all his capture, ex 
 cept the prisoners, whom he paroled. He sent word to 
 Captain Brown by the paroled prisoners to send him out 
 his shoulder straps. The affair aroused the greatest indig 
 nation, and Captain Brown and Lieutenant Martin were 
 placed in arrest. Charges were preferred against them, and 
 they were tried by a court martial and acquitted with a 
 public reprimand! It is proper, in justice to Lieutenant 
 
44 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Martin and the members of company F, to say, that they 
 thoroughly redeemed themselves in their subsequent con 
 duct, and that the responsibility of the whole affair wholly 
 rested upon Captain Brown. No braver officer belonged to 
 the 1 1 6th than Lieutenant Martin afterwards proved him 
 self; and no company of men did any more gallant service 
 than company F performed throughout its term of service. 
 Of Captain Brown, more will appear hereafter. Lieutenant 
 Sibley was Judge Advocate of the court martial here. At 
 Romney Captains Ridgeway, Fuller and Golden, Lieuten 
 ants McElfresh and Sears, and Assistant Surgeon James 
 Johnson resigned, all on account of failing health. 
 
 Quite a despondent and unpatriotic feeling extensively 
 prevailed among the men at this post during this winter, 
 and large numbers procured themselves to be captured by 
 guerrillas and paroled. On being paroled they \vould, on 
 their own responsibility, go home, or on returning to camp, 
 refuse to do duty. Suspicion led to an investigation, \vhich 
 developed the fact, that rebel citizens in the vicinity kept on 
 hand paroles, signed by guerrilla chiefs, and that the men, 
 aware of this, were in the habit of going out and getting 
 them, sometimes paying for them in coffee, sugar, etc. 
 There seemed to be an understanding established between 
 our soldiers and the rebels. Paroles became as common, at 
 one time, as sutler s checks, and the uncomfortable feeling 
 that this state of affairs created among officers can hardly 
 be imagined. It was determined to put a stop to it at all 
 hazards, for it was simply another way of deserting. Ac 
 cordingly, orders were sent home to cause the arrest and re 
 turn of all soldiers, in \vhose possession were found paroles 
 and no furloughs^ and all in camp were armed and returned 
 to duty. Paroles soon became a badge of cowardice, and 
 \vhen once thus branded by the better class of soldiers, the 
 business suddenly came to an end. This was a shrewd 
 scheme on the part of the rebels to deplete our army. Had 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 45 
 
 they sent their prisoners to Libby and Belle Isle, the terrors 
 of prison life would have been in their minds, but so far 
 from this being the case, the paroled prisoners had the pic 
 ture of a pleasant, indefinite visit to their home and friends 
 held before their eyes, and in the home-sick condition of 
 many, this was a temptation too strong to resist. When 
 Captain Brown s train guard was attacked, McNeil cried 
 out to the men, before either side fired a gun, "I don t want 
 to hurt you, throw down your arms and I ll parole every 
 devil of you and you can go home." This was the policy 
 pursued by the rebels all through that part of West Vir 
 ginia during the winter of 1862 and 63, and it did us far 
 more harm than to have sent their prisoners off to the rebel 
 prisons of the South would have done. We have said that 
 probably while we lay at Gallipolis in the fall of 1862 was 
 the darkest and gloomiest period of the war. Perhaps the 
 time we lay at Romney ought to be excepted. During this 
 period the disloyal element of the North exercised its most 
 baneful influence, and its greatest sway over the minds of 
 the soldiers, and no one had any doubt that the policy of 
 paroling our soldiers originated with and was suggested to 
 the rebels by Northern rebel sympathizers. Letters advis 
 ing soldiers to desert often came to camp. In these letters, 
 rebel victories were magnified, and Union victories dispar 
 aged, and we were hearing on all sides that we could never 
 quell the rebellion. Seeing the poisonous effect of such 
 letters and newspapers upon the minds of the men, General 
 Milroy suppressed a few papers, notably the "Wheeling 
 Register," and it was threatened to suppress the mails 
 altogether, if such letters and papers continued coming to 
 our camps. A general meeting of officers and men was 
 finally held in February, at which a stirring address appeal 
 ing to the patriotism of the Northern people was adopted, 
 together with a series of resolutions deprecating, in strong 
 terms, the course pursued by disloyal men in the North, 
 
4 6 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 urging the loyal people everywhere to take new heart, to 
 stand up fearlessly for the cause of the Union, and to do all 
 in their power to encourage the army in the field. This 
 address and these resolutions were published throughout 
 the counties in Ohio in which the regiment was raised, and 
 the effect was soon made visible in the advanced morale 
 and temper of the men. We here copy the resolutions. 
 
 At a meeting of the officers of the 116th Regiment O. V. 1., held on the evening 
 of the 10th inst, at Romney, West Virginia, the following officers were appointed a 
 committee to dralt resolutions expressive of the sentiments of the officers and men 
 of said Regiment, viz: Lieut. Col. Thos. F.Wildes, Captain John Varley, Captain 
 Wm. Myers and Lieutenant Hamilton L. Karr. 
 
 The committee reported on the evening of the 12th inst, the following preamble 
 and resolutions, which were adopted by every officer on duty with the Regiment. 
 On the following day they were read to the Regiment while on battallion drill, when 
 not one man dissented, but all adopted them with a deafening AYE ! 
 
 WHEREAS, We, the officers and men of the Hfith Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry, 
 firmly believing in the justice and holiness of the cause in which we are .engaged, 
 and solemnly avowing our purpose anew of fighting its battles till the last rebel in 
 arms is laid low at the foot of our glorious banner of Light and Liberty, do, 
 therefore 
 
 Resolve, That nothing but " unconditional surrender " will answer the demands of the 
 true soldier and patriot. 
 
 Resolved, That we are still actuated by the same motives that induced us to first lift 
 our arms against rebellion ; that we are, mindful, and believe, that service rendered to 
 our country is service rendered to our God, whose boon our country is to a people 
 determined to be FREE, and, with these convictions to inspire us, we will war against 
 treason till its last vestige is swept to its native hell, with a devotion unfelt and 
 unknown by any but the true soldier. 
 
 Resolved, That we will hail with feelings of delight the dawning of PEACE ; but we can 
 think of no peace worth haying short of crushing out the rebellion, and the complete 
 restoration of the authority of the Government over every foot of her soil, East, West 
 North and South. 
 
 Resolved, That we, as a loyal soldiery, acknowledge the Administration the medium 
 through which the destruction of the rebellion is to be made effectual ; and that we owe 
 it to all we hold sacred in our blood bought, free institutions, to give it such support as 
 will enable us to hand down to generations to come, intact, this glorious Union of ours. 
 
 Resolved, That any party, or set of men who, by factious opposition to the 
 Administration, the Government, or the prosecution of the war, injure our noble cause, 
 will meet with overwhelming and popular indignation from the soldiery both noiv and 
 
 HEREAFTER. 
 
 Resolved, That we hear with regret, though with hearts full of condemnation and 
 repudiation, the murmunngs, and insane, disloyal conduct of the " copperheads " so 
 called by the soldiers in our loyal and gallant State. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the efforts of these "copperheads" in Ohio to demoralize 
 the army by writing treasonable letters to the soldiers in the field, urging them to 
 desert their flag, misrepresenting the Administration and the objects of the war, much 
 of which is done to cover up their own cowardice and justify their treason, as unworthy 
 American citizens, and as more heinous and execrable than the efforts of armed rebels 
 who meet us in deadly conflict on the battle-field. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 47 
 
 Resolved, That we regard any attempt to injure or depreciate the value ol the 
 currency of the Government in which the soldier is paid as a direct blow at the 
 soldier and his family, and a stab at the very vitals of the Government itself, conduct 
 of which no one friendly to the perpetuation of our free institutions and the restoration 
 of the union of the States would be guilty. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the prospects of a speedy termination of the war resulting 
 in the utter discomfiture and the consequent overthrow of the rebellion, as bright and 
 encouraging all the boasts of rebels and the sneers and jeers of " copperheads " to the 
 contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 WM. MYERS, President. 
 
 H. L. KARR, Secretary. 
 
 ROMNEY, WEST VIRGINIA, Feb. 12, 1863. 
 
 The January proclamation of emancipation had added 
 much to this bad state of feeling in the army and among 
 the people. For a time, party spirit was so excited, that it 
 was feared that the North itself might become the scene of 
 civil strife. But now the army everywhere began to ex 
 press itself upon the state of affairs. In the same month 
 the Army of the Cumberland had a monster meeting at 
 Murfreesboro, at which an address was adopted, containing 
 a powerful appeal to the patriotic people of the land "to 
 stay, support, and uphold the hands of the soldiers," and de 
 nouncing in unmeasured terms those who were clamoring 
 for "peace on any terms." While the storm of passion was 
 at its height, threatening the safety of the country, there 
 came a sudden lull, calming popular agitation and allaying 
 factional discord. The Government, just before tottering 
 under the tumult of contending parties, now suddenly re 
 sumed its firmness, sustained by the steady support of the 
 people. This surprising change, as surprising to one side 
 as the other, and as mysterious as the varying phenomena 
 of nature, was accompanied by circumstances which as 
 tounded the whole country. Popular leaders who but a 
 few days before had denounced the "radical" policy of the 
 Government as fatal to the cause of the Union, and coun 
 selled opposition, now praised the one and deprecated the 
 other. Many attempts were made to solve the mystery of 
 this sudden and remarkable change. Some attributed it to 
 
4$ ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. f. 
 
 the stand taken by the army against opposition to the Gov 
 ernment; some to the scorn with which the enemy had 
 treated rebel sympathizers in the North; some to a discreet 
 fear of an Executive, endowed with almost absolute power, 
 and now thoroughly determined to exercise every mite of 
 his power, to the work of crushing out the rebellion; while 
 the real explanation of this sudden political conversion was 
 doubtless attributable to the patriotic notion of checking, the 
 rising anarchy by a sacrifice of personal opinion to the gen 
 eral welfare. But whatever caused the mysterious change, 
 the fact of the change itself remained, to be seen and felt on 
 every hand. Patriotic letters and counsels took the place 
 of the late seditious and treasonable ones, and soon not a 
 vestige of the unpatriotic feeling we have mentioned was 
 any where to be found. It was as dead as the same men 
 helped to make the rebellion within the next two years. 
 And from that time forward the people and the army were 
 one harmonious whole, and both labored in perfect accord 
 and unison to accomplish the overthrow of the rebellion and 
 the restoration of the Union. With the disappearance of 
 this state of feeling, the slumbering fires of patriotism were 
 kindled anew, and every one went about the discharge of 
 his duty in the good work before him with a renewed zeal 
 and a firmer determination than ever. 
 
 February i7th Private Amos S. Byers, of company C, 
 was instantly killed by the accidental discharge of a mus 
 ket. It created a great sensation in the regiment, and 
 caused greater care of arms ever afterwards. Byers was a 
 good man and an excellent soldier, and his sad death was 
 greatly mourned. The headquarters of the regiment were 
 in a large brick house while we lay at Romney, and having 
 plenty of fuel and rations and good sleeping apartments, we 
 passed the time very comfortably. No happier military 
 family could be found anywhere than ours. Major Morris, 
 Adjutant Sibley, Quartermaster Cochran, Sergeant Major 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 49 
 
 Ellis, Commissary Sergeant Walker and Acting Quarter 
 master Sergeant Campbell, Clerk Waterman and Orderly 
 Webster formed a happy party. Several of them were 
 good singers. One or two good fiddlers were generally 
 about. Sibley, for drollery and comic speaking and story 
 telling, excelled, and when all other duties were performed, 
 the ennui of camp life was kept very far away from those 
 quarters by genuine fun and amusement. From one of the 
 numerous letters written from Romney, we make the fol 
 lowing extract as showing the enjoyments of headquarters: 
 "In the Adjutant s office just now is heard the sw r eet 
 sounds of the violin, -and the Major s strong bass voice with 
 the Sergeant Major s fine tenor, while, overhead, in the 
 Quartermaster s room, is heard the fun and frolic of Lee, 
 Walker and Campbell, and the useless protests of the mat 
 ter-of-fact old Quartermaster. I would like to take this 
 whole headquarters crew home with me and show them to 
 you. You would think us wild barbarians no doubt, and 
 it is more than likely we have all forgotten the ways of civ 
 ilized life, but we are all apt scholars, and with good 
 teachers would soon learn them again." But the founda 
 tion of the future good record of the regiment was also laid 
 at Romney in study, drill, officers and non-commissioned 
 schools, and in the preservation of excellent discipline. On 
 the 1 5th of March we moved from Romney for Winches 
 ter, reaching there on the lyth. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 AT WINCHESTER A NEW BRIGADE COMMANDER SCOUTS 
 
 AND MARCHES DEATH OF DR. GILKEY BATTLE OF 
 
 WINCHESTER, JUNE I2TII, I3TII AND I4TII, AND BUNKER 
 HILL, JUNE I3TH THE RETREAT AND BATTLE IN THE 
 
 NIGHT ESCAPE OF MILROY s ARMY FROM LEE OVER 
 
 IN PENNSYLVANIA AND MARYLAND LIST OF KILLED, 
 
 WOUNDED AND PRISONERS BACK TO MARTINSBURG A 
 
 WORD IN DEFENSE OF GENERAL MILROY. 
 
 We were now brigaded anew and placed under com 
 mand of Brigadier General W. S. Elliott. The brigade 
 consisted of the noth, n6th, i22d and 1 23d Ohio infantry 
 regiments, the i2th and i3th Pennsylvania cavalry, and Bat 
 tery L, 5th U. S. artillery, a very strong brigade, but a cu 
 rious mixture of arms. This returned Colonel Washburn, 
 Adjutant Ballard, Quartermaster Williams and Quarter 
 master Sergeant Lee to their regiment, and Lieutenant 
 Sibley, and Lieutenant Cochran, and Corporal Campbell to 
 their companies. It would be hard to find words to ex 
 press how well these three men Sibley, Cochran and 
 Campbell discharged the duties assigned them at Buch 
 anan. Each man was exactly the right man in the right 
 place, and they now returned to their respective companies 
 with the good will of everybody and with the assurance 
 that they had faithfully and efficiently done their work. 
 On the ist of April the enlisted men of the regiment pur- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 5! 
 
 chased a fine sword for Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, which, 
 on account of an injury he had received, was not formally 
 presented to him until the last of May. It bore the en 
 graved inscription, "Presented to Lt. Col. Thomas Francis 
 Wildes, by the enlisted men of the n6th O. V. I., as a testi 
 monial of their appreciation of his courage, zeal and kind 
 ness. April ist, 1863." A very graceful and feeling pre 
 sentation speech was made by Private W. H. Bassett, of 
 company C, which was responded to in brief remarks by 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, in which he thanked the men 
 most heartily for their splendid gift. 
 
 During the time we lay in Winchester, there was a 
 great deal of serious sickness and many deaths among both 
 citizens and soldiers, typhoid fever being the prevailing dis 
 ease. Dr. W. R. Gilkey, our surgeon, died of fever on the 
 4th of June. Dr. J. Q. A. Hudson, our first assistant sur 
 geon, was detached from us, and assigned to the charge of 
 the hospital for insane soldiers at Louisville, Ky., almost 
 immediately after the organization of the regiment, and see 
 ing no prospect of being returned to us he had resigned on 
 the 23d of March. As before stated, Dr. Johnson resigned 
 at Romney on the ipth of February, and for a long time, 
 during which a great deal of sickness prevailed, Dr. Gilkey 
 was alone and he was overworked. He really fell a sacri 
 fice to his extraordinary devotion to duty. Dr. Thomas 
 J. Shannon was appointed to the vacancy occasioned by 
 the death of Dr. Gilkey, and Drs. Smith and Brown to 
 the vacancies created by the resignations of Hudson and 
 Johnson. 
 
 From the time of its arrival in Winchester, the regiment 
 was almost constantly engaged in foraging, scouting, or 
 skirmishing with the enemy. Several very long and hard 
 marches were made on scouts. One of these, on the 22d 
 
52 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. t< 
 
 of April, was to Strasburg, twenty miles distant, where our 
 cavalry only had a tilt with the enemy. We returned, next 
 day, with thirty prisoners. But long scouts up the valley 
 were a weekly occurrence, but as nothing more than heavy 
 marches resulted from them it would be tedious to give 
 them in detail. On the 25th of April, we again started out 
 with our entire brigade of infantry, cavalry and artillery, 
 accompanied by a pontoon train. The next day we reached 
 Wardensville, where we went into camp, passing through 
 Capon Springs, a beautiful watering place, on the way. 
 On the morrow, we marched to Lost River, and rinding the 
 bridges all gone, we returned to our camp ground of the 
 night before. We were now in the midst of some of the 
 most enchanting scenery in Virginia. During the day Lost 
 River was bridged with pontoons, and next morning we 
 crossed and resumed our march to within nine miles of 
 Moorefield. We then turned about, and marched back to 
 Wardensville, where we again camped over night. During 
 the night four of our pickets were shot by bushwhackers. 
 The next morning early, we were on the road toward Stras 
 burg, where we came up with the enemy, and had a sharp 
 engagement. The i3th Pennsylvania cavalry was led into 
 an ambush here and lost a few men, but the enemy was re 
 pulsed with considerable loss, retreating up the valley. 
 The Union loss was six killed and several wounded, all x 
 from the cavalry. On the next day, the 29th, we returned 
 to Winchester, having marched about 100 miles. On the 
 5th of May we started out with a week s rations and forty 
 rounds of ammunition. Went as far as New Market, and 
 meeting with nothing more formidable than a few bush 
 whackers, returned to Winchester on the pth. Soon after 
 this we were engaged several days in macadamizing the 
 road to Martinsburg, which was put in good shape for sev 
 eral miles out of Winchester. Several promotions took 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 53 
 
 place at Winchester on account of the resignations at Rom- 
 ney. The following is the list: 
 
 First Lieutenant T. Mallory, to Captain, vice Kidgeway, resigned. 
 
 First Lieutenant H. L. Karr, to Captain, vice Golden, resigned. 
 
 First Lieutenant Alex Cochran, to Captain, vice Fuller, resigned. 
 
 Second Lieutenant H. L. Sibley, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant W. M. Kerr, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Richard Chaney, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Wilson F. Martin, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant J. C. H. Cobb, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant A. B. Frame, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant John F. Welch, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 First Sergeant John Manning, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 P irst Sergeant Samuel D Knight, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 First Sergeant Ransom Griffin, to Second Lieutenant 
 
 First Sergeant Richmond O. Knowles, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 First Sergeant Gotlleib Scheifley, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 First Sergeant Wm. B. Henry, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Sergeant Major Milton A. Ellis, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Sergeant James M. Dalzell, Company H, was appointed Sergeant Major. 
 
 On the 3d of April the regiment was armed with new 
 Springfield rifles, and now we felt, for the first time, that we 
 had a serviceable and respectable arm. On the 4th there 
 was a grand review of the army by Gen. Milroy. On the 
 4th of June Private Jacob Butts, of company G, died in 
 hospital. He was a fine man and one of the strongest 
 physically in the regiment. His was the first death in the 
 company. On the 5th companies A and I, with two com 
 panies of the Syth Pennsylvania, were sent, under command 
 of Major Morris, to Bunker Hill. On the 6th company G, 
 under Captain Karr, was sent out about nine miles on the 
 Romney road, to break up, and, if possible, capture a band 
 of rebel horse thieves infesting that section. The company 
 captured two notorious thieves, besides a rebel militia cap 
 tain. He told Captain Karr that the Union forces had 
 been after him eighteen times, and he had always eluded 
 them until now. Captain Karr replied, "Yes, but this is 
 the first time company G of the n6th Ohio has been after 
 you." 
 
54 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 For two or three days prior to the I2th of June, the 
 whole army was on the qui vive. We were in line of battle 
 ready for orders, or on the move from one point to another, 
 day and night. On the afternoon of the i2th the n6th 
 and 1 23d Ohio, i2th West Virginia, a regiment of cavalry 
 and a battery were ordered out on the road leading to 
 Kernstown. Soon after passing our picket lines, we met 
 the enemy s skirmishers, which we drove back beyond 
 Kernstown. In this movement the n6th was on the right. 
 We met a strong line a short distance beyond Kernstown. 
 
 o J 
 
 The n6th was quickly thrown around to a position from 
 which it enfiladed the line, and pushing our advantage, 
 pressed them under a hot fire, until they broke, when we 
 charged and drove them from the field in a rout. We cap 
 tured a large number of prisoners, meeting ourselves with 
 only slight loss in wounded. It was soon seen, however, 
 from a point of high ground which we reached in the pur 
 suit, that we had met but a small portion of the force actu- 
 tually in our front. The roads for miles up the valley 
 indicated the approach and near presence of a large force. 
 Information to this effect being sent back to Milroy at Win 
 chester, he came out and reconnoitered. We remained in 
 line of battle until after dark, when we fell back to Win 
 chester. We now expected hot work on the morrow. 
 While we wondered at our remaining there in the presence 
 of so large a force, it was only ours to obey such orders as 
 were given us, ask no questions and cast no reflections. 
 So all that night we lay on our arms behind the entrench 
 ments. History shows that the main body of Lee s army 
 then lay within a few miles of us, and that the movement he 
 was then carrying out was commenced on the 3d of June. 
 Lee says in his report of the Gettysburg campaign : " On 
 the night that Ewell appeared at Winchester, the Federal 
 troops, in front of A. P. Hill at Fredericksburg, recrossed 
 the Rappahannock, and the next day disappeared behind 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 55 
 
 the hills of Stafford. General Ewell left Culpepper Court 
 House on the loth. Crossing the Shenandoah near Front 
 
 o 
 
 Royal, he detached General Rhodes s division to Berryville, 
 with instructions, after dislodging the forces there, to cut 
 off communications between Winchester and the .Potomac. 
 General Rhodes attacked the force stationed at Berryville 
 on the 1 3th, drove it into Winchester, and on the I4th en 
 tered Martinsburg ." 
 
 Fighting began early on the morning of the i3th all 
 along the line in front of Winchester, and continued during 
 the day until after dark. The n6th was engaged con 
 stantly. Towards evening, it was driven with other troops 
 from the outer entrenchments to the second line. In the 
 afternoon of the I3th, the two companies at Bunker Hill 
 were attacked by a portion of Rhodes division. The little 
 command under its intrepid leader, Major Morris, made a 
 gallant stand and held its ground against vastly superior 
 numbers, until nearly half its number was killed, wounded 
 or captured. Among the severely wounded and left on the 
 field was Captain Alex Cochran, of company I, and among 
 the prisoners were Lieutenant R. O. Knowles of the same 
 company, and Lieutenant Manning of company A. The 
 remainder sought to reach an old brick church, and the 
 enemy made an effort to cut them off from it, but they 
 fought their way into it bravely, and using loop-holes which 
 thev had previously made for their rifles, soon drove the 
 enemy beyond their reach. Here they remained until 
 about 2 o clock the next morning, when, finding a gap in the 
 enemy s lines surrounding them, they made their escape, and 
 by a long and tiresome march reached Winchester about 
 7 A. M. of the 1 4th. The troops driven out of Berryville 
 reached Winchester also the morning of the i4th. They 
 were followed and attacked at the crossing of Opequan 
 Creek. This force was in command of Col. McReynolds, 
 of the 1st New York cavalry. 
 
56 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 General Doubleday, in his account of the battles of 
 Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, in "The Campaigns of the 
 Civil War," says: "Soon after the affair at Opequan, 
 Major Morris, with 200 men, was attacked at Bunker Hill, 
 an outlying post of Winchester. He occupied a fortified 
 church, but moved out to meet the enemy, under the im 
 pression it was only a small raiding party. When he found 
 2,000 men in line of battle, he retreated, fighting, to the 
 church again. There, as the doors were barricaded, and 
 the walls loop-holed, the rebels could make no impression, 
 and were obliged to fall back to a respectful distance. In 
 the night the Major managed to steal away, and soon re 
 joined the main body at Winchester." Among those con 
 spicuous for bravery and coolness at the battle of Bunker 
 Hill, was Lieutenant A. B. Frame, of company I, upon 
 whom the command of the company devolved, after the 
 wounding of the gallant Captain Cochran. He was highly 
 praised by Major Morris, and ever afterwards retained the 
 confidence and esteem of his men. Under a most galling 
 fire, he covered the retreat to the church, keeping his men 
 in hand as well and as coolly as on a parade grouid, and 
 was among the very last to enter the church. More than 
 half of his company were made prisoners, by being cut off 
 from the church, and from reaching him from the skirmish 
 line. Mere boy, though he was, he that day showed him 
 self possessed of great courage, and superior soldierly 
 qualities. 
 
 On the morning of the i4th the battle began in earnest, 
 bright and early. The n6th fought at different points in 
 the entrenchments, re-enforcing, and being re-enforced, 
 wherever and whenever the battle was most desperate, and 
 our lines were most hotly pressed. It was wonderful, even 
 to ourselves, how we held that overwhelming army at bay. 
 Just before night, however, the rebels, in overwhelming 
 numbers, attacked us on all sides, and drove Milroy s little 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 57 
 
 afmy from its entrenchments into the forts, and the works 
 in their vicinity, on Applepie Ridge. In the last charge 
 made, Captain Frederick H. Arckenoe, as brave, noble and 
 gallant an officer as the regiment ever had, was killed. 
 For some time prior to the rebels advance on Winchester, 
 Captain Arckenoe s company, u C," had been detached from 
 the regiment to support a battery, occupying a line of works 
 about one mile northwest of Winchester, on Flint Ridge. 
 On the morning of the i4th, the noth Ohio, Col. Keiffer, 
 was added to the force at this point. At the time of the 
 general advance of the enemy, on the afternoon of the I4th, 
 this position was assailed by a large division of rebels, and 
 twenty-four pieces of artillery. Captain Arckenoe fought 
 his men with remarkable coolness and bravery, and fell, 
 shot through the head, as he was tiring his pistol in the 
 very faces of the rebels, as they swarmed over the works 
 in his front. Besides the Captain, Sergeant Oswald Heck 
 w r as killed, and a number of men wounded, which we will 
 mention hereafter. Lieutenant Lupton and about one-third 
 of the company were captured. With the balance, Lieuten 
 ant Mann reported to Colonel Horn, of the 6th Maryland 
 regiment, in one of the large forts, where he was assigned 
 to duty on the left, and with which regiment he remained 
 during the day. The n6th thus had three companies sub 
 stantially used up A and I at Bunker Hill, and C at this 
 spot, with a loss of one officer killed, one wounded, and four 
 captured. The rebels now opened a terrific fire of artillery 
 upon us, and charge after charge was made by their infan 
 try, which they renewed again and again, until long after 
 dark. Often times they charged in heavy masses right up 
 to the ditch surrounding the forts, only to be hurled back 
 again and again in a shower of balls, and grape, and can- 
 nister. But they were unable to gain a footing at any 
 point, and about 10 o clock at night, withdrew beyond our 
 reach. During the whole of this deadly struggle, General 
 
58 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Milroy stood in a lookout, high up on the flag-staff in the 
 center of the main fort, coolly directing every movement, 
 and encouraging his troops. About 10 o clock the firing 
 ceased, and arrangements began for our escape during the 
 night. The prisoners we had taken during the day, and 
 everything else, confirmed to prove that we were in the 
 presence of Lee s Potomac Army. As a result of a council 
 of war, after spiking all the cannon, we moved out of the 
 forts quietly, about 2 o clock in the morning of the i5th. 
 The enemy lay very close to us on our front and flanks, 
 but, for some reason, did not close the gap in our rear, 
 which they might have done as well as not. But we knew 
 they were in strong force, four miles below us, on the road 
 to Martinsburg, and that to escape we must cut our way 
 through them. At the point expected, we met the enemy 
 drawn up in line of battle, where the road to Harper s 
 Ferry turns off from the Winchester and Martinsburg turn 
 pike, thus covering both roads. The n6th occupied a po 
 sition on the left of the line, and some distance left of the 
 turnpike. We were in line of battle, and as soon as the 
 rebel line was discovered in the darkness, we made a deter 
 mined charge, and broke through, at the same time captur 
 ing several prisoners. On the extreme right, several regi 
 ments, including the noth and i22d Ohio, did the same 
 thing. The whole of our second line, under orders of Gen 
 eral Milroy, now moved quickly to the right, without at 
 tacking the enemy, and with the noth, i22d, and other 
 regiments, made their way to Harper s Ferry. The i23d 
 Ohio and iSth Connecticut were in the centre, and met the 
 enemy in strong force, and though they made two or three 
 desperate charges, were unable to cut their way through, 
 and were obliged to surrender, portions of each regiment, 
 however, escaping in the darkness. On the left, beside the 
 1 1 6th, were the i2th West Virginia regiment of infantry, a 
 battalion of the ist New York cavalry, and a portion of the 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 59 
 
 1 2th Pennsylvania cavalry, under Major Adams. From our 
 present position, the enemy was in strong force between us 
 and Harper s Ferry, and also between us and Martinsburg. 
 Company C went through to Harper s Ferry with the 6th 
 Maryland, with which it had operated the latter part of the 
 day before. General Milroy, on being informed of our po 
 sition, ordered us to move off to the left, and try to reach 
 the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad at some point west of Mar 
 tinsburg, at Hancock, if possible. We then quickly moved 
 to the left, westward, through a piece of woods, skirmish 
 ing with an unseen foe as we went, until we reached an 
 open field beyond, where we halted and reformed. We 
 found we had the two regiments named, besides fragments 
 of several others, a battalion of the gallant ist New York 
 cavalry, and about half of the I2th Pennsylvania cavalry. 
 A course of retreat was soon settled upon. The infantry 
 moved out in advance, the cavalry covering the rear. Col 
 onel Washburn was in command of the infantry, and Major 
 Adams of the cavalry. Knowing precisely the direction to 
 take, and the point to make, we were enabled in the confu 
 sion following the engagement, aided by the mist of early 
 dawn, to get well on our way before we were discovered 
 by the rebels. When they did discover us, they followed 
 with a considerable force, determined to cut us off from a 
 gap in the mountains, which we were aiming, with all 
 speed, to reach. The detachment of the ist New York 
 cavalry did splendid service now in protecting the rear of 
 our column, and preventing the enemy s cavalry from ob 
 structing our march. The I2th Pennsylvania cavalry went 
 forward to possess and hold the gap that we were endeav 
 oring to reach. They performed their work well. By dint 
 of hard marching, and considerable maneuvering and skir 
 mishing, we reached the gap, and entering the narrow 
 mountain pass, we were safe against further successful pur 
 suit by almost any amount of force. 
 
6O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 That our route may be recognized by others, it may be 
 stated, that we took the route on this march pursued by 
 Collis zouaves, in Banks retreat of the year before, cross 
 ing the mountains at the same place, and marching thence 
 through Bath and Berkley Springs, to Sir John s Run. 
 Reaching the Springs, we rested a few hours, the men, 
 meanwhile, taking occasion to bathe and wash up. As we 
 were about starting again, we learned that a force of rebel 
 cavalry was trying to get possession of certain mountain 
 roads ahead of us a short distance, in order to cut us off 
 from the ford of the Potomac at Sir John s Run. Hastily 
 throwing a few companies forward, to command these 
 roads, we moved out quickly, and crossed the ford without 
 molestation, but we were scarcely across before the enemy 
 appeared on the opposite bank of the river. We halted at 
 Hancock, and placed a strong guard at the ford. From 
 here we sent our regimental horses and mules to Cumber 
 land, in charge of Captain Powell s company of cavalry. 
 We rested at Hancock until 10 P. M., marched all night, and 
 the next day, in the afternoon, reached Orleans Station, on 
 the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, where we procured rations, 
 and met a part of General Couche s division, collected from 
 guarding the railroad. Here, learning that the enemy was 
 in Cumberland in large force, we received orders from 
 General Milroy, at Harper s Ferry, to proceed to Bloody 
 Run, Pennsylvania, at which point he would meet us, for 
 co-operation with the Army of the Potomac. We reached 
 Bloody Run on the ipth. Milroy was as good as his word 
 and met us on the next day after our arrival. It was a sad 
 meeting. The "Old Grey Eagle" looked gloomy and 
 broken-hearted, but we drew up in line to receive him, and, 
 as he approached, presented arms, and cheered him loud 
 and long. Stacking arms, officers and men gathered about 
 to shake his hand, and learn the fate of the rest of his little 
 army. Many a heart was saddened at the news tha.t our 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 6l 
 
 old associates of the 12 3d Ohio were prisoners. We must 
 not pass from Bloody Run without mentioning the fact, 
 that, upon hearing of our coming, the people of that place 
 prepared a glorious feast for us. Long tables were placed 
 in the middle of the principal street, which were loaded 
 with warm and cold meats, potatoes, bread, pickles, splen 
 did hot coffee, and great bowls and pails of milk. We 
 were nearly starved, and no meal we ever ate was so 
 heartily relished. The good people of Bloody Run will be 
 remembered as long as there is a member of the n6th 
 living. Finding we were in no condition for immediate ser 
 vice, General Milroy left us to await further orders. Re 
 maining here until the 3Oth, we then moved to Bedford, 
 where we remained until the 3d of July. On that day, we 
 moved back to Bloody Run. Next day, starting at 4 A. M., 
 we marched six miles, and stopped for breakfast. During 
 the day we passed through the small village of Mount 
 Zion, and camped that night six miles from McConnells- 
 burg. It rained hard from 6 A. M. till 3 P. M. July 5th we 
 passed through McConnellsburg to Loudon, which we 
 reached about 2 P. M. Just after dark we received orders 
 to move by a forced march to Mercersburg, to guard trains 
 captured by our cavalry. We reached Mercersburg about 
 i o clock next morning. Here we met Col. McReynolds, 
 through whose disobedience of orders, on the morning we 
 left Winchester, a portion of our force was captured, and 
 by whose conduct the successful escape of our whole com 
 mand was thwarted. We were far from glad to see him, 
 and every one expressed hopes that he would not be 
 allowed to remain in command of the troops. Our hopes 
 were gratified, for he was ordered from there in arrest, and 
 his gallant regiment remained in command of Major Adams, 
 and the rest of the troops breathed freer when they learned 
 they were relieved from any further risk from his treachery. 
 Early in the morning, we started back with the captured 
 
62 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 trains, and about 1,000 prisoners, to Loudon. Other por 
 tions of our cavalry had now joined us, and we watched 
 closely for opportunities to strike Lee s trains, which were 
 passing in front of his defeated army from Gettysburg. 
 Opportunities soon came, when our cavalry, supported by 
 our infantry, struck his trains and captured, in the aggre 
 gate, over 400 wagons, a large number of which were 
 loaded with wounded. The wagons, horses, and mules 
 were run off to a safe distance from the rebel line of retreat, 
 while the wounded prisoners were distributed in Loudon 
 and adjoining farm houses. We hung upon the flank of 
 Lee s retreating column, until they passed through Hagers- 
 town, making frequent dashes upon his trains, capturing 
 large numbers of stragglers and foraging parties, thus pro 
 tecting the country from being plundered by his half-fam 
 ished hordes. From a letter written from Loudon, under 
 date of July 6th, I take the following: "We are doing 
 good work here, harassing the rebels on their flank, cutting 
 up their trains, and picking up their stragglers. There 
 probably never was so complete a rout as Lee s army sus 
 tained. A train six miles long passed by on the Cumber 
 land pike yesterday. It was terribly cut up by our cavalry 
 and Pleasanton s. It will probably all be captured, or de 
 stroyed. Providence is favoring us with such copious 
 rains. The Potomac has risen several feet. A large pon 
 toon bridge of the enemy was swept away yesterday, near 
 Williamsport. This was the point aimed at by the rebel 
 train mentioned. The demoralization of Lee s army is 
 something awful to witness, and if General Mead would 
 press it hard, fully half of it would certainly be destroyed, 
 or captured. Why he does not press forward is a mystery 
 to us, who can see its hopeless condition here, as it passes 
 by." On the i3th we marched to Greencastle, and the next 
 day started for Hagerstown, where we met the Army of 
 the Potomac in pursuit of Lee, now too late to accomplish 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 63 
 
 what it might so easily have accomplished a week before. 
 And here, after a month of righting, skirmishing and hard 
 marching, (much of the marching being night and day and 
 forced), we stacked arms, and partaking of the first square 
 meal we had eaten since we left Bloody Run, laid down to 
 rest and sleep. I can never forget the appearance of those 
 sleepers. They looked more like dead than asleep. They 
 were utterly exhausted. For the four days prior to reach 
 ing Hagerstown, we had scarcely rested an hour at a time, 
 had hardly closed our eyes in sleep, night or day, and had 
 had nothing to eat, save what we could pick up as we 
 passed rapidly along the roads, or through the fields and 
 woods. 
 
 The next day we moved to Sharpsburg, passing over 
 the battle field of Antietam, and then, on the 4th of August, 
 moved to Martinsburg, by the way of Harper s Ferry. On 
 the way, we passed the house in which John Brown pre 
 pared for his raid on Harper s Ferry. From the i3th of 
 June our regiment had lost 203 men in killed, wounded and 
 prisoners. The following is a list of our killed, wounded 
 and prisoners: 
 
 KILLED AT BUNKER HILL. 
 
 COMPANY A Simpson Smith, John Welch and John A. Bowman 3. 
 WOUNDED AT BUNKER HILL. 
 
 COMPANY A Abel Hall, Henry Harman, Daniel P. Hubbard, James Lafevere, James 
 W. Oliver, Jacob Ring, Jacob Zimmerly, Hiram Shafer, Solomon Shafer, Cyrus Spriggs, 
 Samuel Tidd, Edward J. Tillett, Aaron Weekly, George C. Williamson, Samuel Steel, 
 and Corporal Newton Meek. 1C. 
 
 COMPANY I Captain Alexander Cochran, Caleb I. Baker, George W. Burch. 3. 
 PRISONERS. 
 
 COMPANY A Lieutenant John S. Manning, Sergeant Mann Smith, Sergeant James H. 
 Worder, Sergeant Daniel C. Hurd, Corporal Benjamin F. Dye, Corporal Jesse Keyser, 
 Corporal William Brock, Corporal Newton Meek, Privates, John D. Brown, Albert 
 Gates, Joseph R. Brock, John C. Bean, William Bonam, Jesse Coulter, Abraham 
 Coulter, William Jbanford, William S. Dyer, Frederick Edge, Samuel Gates, Jefferson 
 
6 4 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 Gratton, Abel Hall, Henry Harman, Daniel P. Hubbard, Joseph Paith, Jacob Ring, 
 Cyrus Spriggs, Samuel Tidd, Edward J. Tillett, Samuel Zimmerly, James Lafevere, 
 Samuel H. MeHugh, George C. Williamson, Benjamin Ring. 33. 
 
 COMPANY I Captain Alexander Coehran, Sergeant George Bean, Privates, William 
 Scott, John O. Athej, Jacob E. Athey, John C. Bailey, Caleb I. Baker, Elias Baker, 
 Bradly P. Barrows, Jesse Burton, George W. Burch, James A. Campbell, Samuel H. 
 Cramblett, John A. Dennis, Samuel P. Fleak, (escaped June IGth), Ephriam W. Frost, 
 James H. Gilchrist, Samuel McCulloch, William McMillan, Leonard S. Mickle, Joseph 
 Morrison, John J. Norris, Sheldon Parker, Hopson L. Sherman, George W. Tasker. 25. 
 
 KILLED AT WINCHESTER. 
 
 Captain Frederick H. Arckenoe, Co. C; Sergeant Oswald Heck, Co.C; Samuel 
 Luthey, Co. E ; Theodore Mathias, Co. E. 4. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Jonn H. Lang, Co. C, in arm ; Charles D. Watson, Co. C, right shoulder. 
 PRISONERS, JUNE I5TH. 
 
 Chaplain E. W. Brady, Q. M. Sergeant William J. Lee, Elmer Armstrong, Sutler, 
 Mrs. Colonel Washburn. 5. 
 
 COMPANY B Lieutenant Hiram L. Sibley, Sergeant Edward P. Tiffany, Privates 
 Henry Jennings, Leonard J. Cooley, Benjamin McLane, John Campbell, Daniel Rose, 
 Aurelius P. Wiley. 8. 
 
 COMPANY C Lieutenant Levi Lupton, Corporal Oliver A. Hardesty, Privates 
 Wilson A. Mann, David A. Mann, John Mahoney, Miller Booth, Jacob Butt, Eli Evans, 
 Robert E. Chambers, George W. Gannon, William Montgomery, Reinhard Straub, 
 Jacob Walton, John Latchaw, George W. Matchett, George W. Sampson, John Egger, 
 William Bush, Clarkgon W. Adams, William W. Wheaton, Citizen H. Henderson, 
 Samuel Dobbins, Emon H. Beardmore, James A. Preshaw, Henrv Fleishman, Lewis 
 Steuher, Charles L. Eberle, Alexander Robbins. 28. 
 
 COMPANY D Corporal William A. Ferrell, Privates Isaac Price, Jackson Cox, 
 Leander A. Eddy, Henry Mowder, Thomas Rawley, Sampson Patterson, Robert 
 Armstrong, Hugh Thompson, James Simmons. 10. 
 
 COMPANY E -Corporal John J. Walter, Privates Robert 8. Hutchison, John Smith, 
 John Morrow, Benjamin J. Ridgeway, Jacob Fisher, Jacobs. Hurd, Jacob Walter. 8. 
 
 COMPANY F Privates William H. Bell, Junius Early, Charles Latch, James Marsh, 
 Christian Rhmer. 5. 
 
 COMPANY G Lieutenant J. C. S. Cobb, Privates Ira Wood, James Davis, William. M. 
 Davies, Jacob Fisher, George W. Hysell, Eben Hysell, Samuel L. Smith, Isaac C. Swett, 
 William J. Chase. 11. 
 
 COMPANY H Privates Daniel Bock, Joseph Geralds, Mathew Grandon, E. J. 
 Mathews, Lafayette Moore, Michael J. Moore, Hugh Shaler, Joseph Dudley, James 
 Smith, Stephen C. McCoy, Jacob Wannhas, Samuel B. Mathews. 12. 
 
 COMPANY I Lieutenant Richmond O. Knowles, Sergeant John B. Humphrey, 
 Corporal Wisley Mickle, Corporal Joseph P. Parrish, Privates George Bates, Asher 
 Buckley, Alvah D. Carlton, Luther H. Clayton, James W. Glazier, Morris Humphrey, 
 William S. Parrott, Rufus B. Stanley, Enoch Taylor, Charles W. Waterman. 14. 
 
CNR HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 65 
 
 COMPANY K Corporal Carmi Allison, Drummer Boy Lucius Hull, Privates John 
 Koons, Reason Risley, Hiram Pitcock, William Rutter, Abraham Butterworth. John 
 Hartley, S. Fenton, George McDonald, Hurley Gilbert, Craven Ayers, Emory Newton, 
 William Robinett, Asa Ladd, Corporal Jesse Allen. 1C. 
 
 Making a total loss of 7 killed, 21 wounded, 175 pris 
 oners 203. 
 
 Lieutenant Sibley was recorder of a military commis 
 sion at Winchester, of which Colonel Keifer was president, 
 when the attack was made upon the place. He was at the 
 time quite unwell. The morning .of the attack he got out of 
 bed the first time for a week, and went to the room of the 
 commission to be excused by Colonel Keifer. While they 
 were talking, the rebel artillery opened. Keifer buckled on 
 his sword, saying: "I think there won t be any further 
 use of this commission," and left to command his regiment, 
 Sibley was alternately in camp and hospital, until the night 
 we moved out, when he rode Surgeon Smith s horse, and 
 was finally captured in Colonel Ely s surrender in the 
 morning attack. Many of the prisoners at Winchester 
 were sick in hospital, but it is impossible to distinguish, 
 from an}* records or papers in my possession, who were 
 captured in hospital, or who in action. Company C, after 
 reaching Harper s Ferry, was assigned to the noth Ohio, 
 and served with it until August ist. On the evacuation of 
 Harper s Ferry, the stores were sent down the canal to 
 Washington, the troops marching as an escort, company C 
 accompanying the noth on the march. Arriving at Wash 
 ington, the news of Lee s defeat at Gettysburg was re 
 ceived, and it accompanied the noth back to follow the 
 retreating rebels. Reaching Frederick City, Maryland, it, 
 with the noth, was assigned to the 2d Brigade, 3d Divi 
 sion, 3d Army Corps, and marched in pursuit of Lee 
 through Williamsport, Loudon, Upperville and Manassass 
 Gap, where they skirmished with the enemy. Arriving at 
 Warrenton, Virginia, the company was ordered to rejoin its 
 
66 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 regiment, which it did at Sharpsburg, on the 4th of August, 
 having marched, in the meantime, about 250 miles, besides 
 traveling by rail several hundred miles more. A captain s 
 commission awaited Lieutenant Mann, Lieutenant Lupton 
 was promoted to First Lieutenant, and Orderly Sergeant 
 William T. Biddenharn to Second Lieutenant, and were 
 assigned to duty with their old company. 
 
 Now a few words in general about the campaign, end 
 ing with our arrival at this point. General Milroy had 
 6,900 men when attacked at Winchester, on the i2th of 
 June, by Ewell s corps, in the advance of Lee s army. He 
 was severely censured for the "loss of his army," as the 
 critics of those times put it. He was placed in arrest, and, 
 after waiting a time, and no charges being preferred, he 
 asked and obtained a court of inquiry. There never was 
 any division of opinion among Milroy s army, but that he 
 did the best that bravery and skill could do, under the cir 
 cumstances. From it he received never a word of censure. 
 But the public, and some others, demanded a sacrifice for 
 the confessed blunder of leaving General Milroy s little 
 army in Winchester until it was surrounded by Lee. Gen 
 eral Halleck was then the commander-in-chief of the army 
 of the United States. General Hooker, who was then in 
 command of the Army of the Potomac, until the 28th of 
 June, testified before the Military Court of Inquiry, "that 
 as early as the 28th of May, he communicated information 
 to General Halleck of the enemy s movements towards the 
 Shenandoah Valley, and that he suggested sending General 
 Stahl s cavalry there." But the evidence showed, that not 
 even an intimation of this was sent to General Milroy. 
 General Halleck communicated the information to General 
 Schenk, but the latter never sent it to Milroy. Hooker 
 also testified " that he believed the holding of Lee^s army in 
 check, during the i2th, ijth and 1/f.th of June, saved Har- 
 risburg, and perJia-ps other important cities of the Union^ 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. L 67 
 
 from destruction" The testimony before the Court fully 
 exonerated General Milroy, and, in this, Judge Advocate 
 General Holt fully concurred. President Lincoln subscribed 
 his approval to the endorsement of Judge Advocate Holt. 
 In his approval the President said : " Some question can be 
 made, whether some of General Halleck s dispatches to 
 General Schenck should not have been construed to be 
 orders to withdraw the force, and obeyed accordingly, but 
 no such question can be made against Milroy; in fact, the 
 last order he received was, to prepare to withdraw, but not 
 to actually withdraw till further orders" which further or 
 ders never reached him. Thus it will be seen that General 
 Milroy and his army were made the victims of somebody s 
 incompetency other than Milroy s. That the army should 
 have been withdrawn several days before it was, there can 
 be no doubt, and yet, had it not been for the check given 
 Lee s army during the I2th, i3th and i4th of June, the 
 battle fought at Gettysburg would have been fought three 
 days march further north, and, as General Hooker testified, 
 " Harrisburg, and, perhaps, other cities of the Union, would 
 have been destroyed." General Milroy acted promptly on 
 the orders u to be prepared to withdraw, but not to actually 
 withdraw till further orders." 
 
 In a correspondence to the Athens (O.) "Messenger," 
 under date of October 22d, 1863, I summarized the situa 
 tion, and as this was written at a time w r hen the facts were 
 all accessible, and were fresh in my mind, I here quote lib- 
 
 erallv from it : 
 
 j 
 
 " A great misapprehension has existed in the public mind, and this has been pro 
 moted by reckless correspondents to the press, in reference to the amount of public 
 property abandoned and lost at Winchester. Millions of dollars worth are spoken 
 of, with the appropriate number of exclamation points following the startling announce 
 ment. The testimony shows that but a small amount of stores were on hand. In fact, 
 the men were on half rations when the retreat ivas ordered. Ammunition was nearly ex 
 hausted for all arms. Under General Milroy s orders, h ve days supply of ammunition 
 and subsistence was constantly kept on hand. The last requisition of General Milroy s 
 ordnance officer had not been filled and the supply was scanty, even for ordinary 
 fighting, let alone three or four days continual firing, as was the case then. Everything 
 
68 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 had been sent out, in accordance with General Schenck s orders, that could be sent, up to Sat 
 urday night, a large train having been sent out late in the afternoon of that day, which was 
 followed by rebel cavalry through Chambersburg, and nearly to Carlisle, Penna., but 
 finally arrived safely at Harrisburg. But I am sure the holding of that place as long as 
 we did and I am convinced that the public now generally believe as I do gave us 
 information we could not have obtained otherwise, developed the plans and purposes of 
 the enemy, checked and delayed his advance into Maryland and Pennsylvania for three 
 days, and by these means enabled the Army of the Potomac to follow with timely re 
 sistance, and to prevent the loss of millions of property, which would otherwise have 
 fallen into the enemy s hands. The inconsiderable loss suffered at Winchester was a 
 trifle compared to these advantages. 
 
 "As to the conduct of the retreat, it is in evidence that the disasters which befell the 
 command after it was forced to evacuate Winchester, are attributed in the mam either 
 to causes beyond the control of the commanding officer, or the failure, at a critical moment, of 
 Colonel Me Reynolds to obey General Milroy s orders, the consequences of which disobedi 
 ence were exceedingly serious. No skill or precaution could have enabled General 
 Milroy to evade the enemy where he met him on Monday morning. He was posted in a 
 position to command both roads, at the point where the one leading to Summit Point 
 diverges from the Martinsburg road about four miles from Winchester. Here we fought 
 him until a signal gun in the direction of Winchester was heard, and the enemy s 
 cavalry and artillery were seen in hot pursuit of us, on the road leading from that 
 place. General Milroy then ordered the march to be continued, and much the larger 
 portion of his command escaped, though the number of the enemy around us was 
 overwhelming ! Indeed, the surprise of every one in the engagement was that so many 
 got out of the excellent trap the enemy had set for us. Notwithstanding this attack was 
 made at a most critical moment, and, as it appears in the evidence, important orders 
 from General Milroy were disobeyed by Colonel McReynolds, thus in a great degree 
 thwarting the General s plans, it was found by General Schenck that, of the G/JUO brave 
 fellows who started from Winchester that morning, C.,000 were on duty on the 1st of 
 September. So it will be seen that the terrible reports of losses in circulation just 
 after the retreat, are not sustained by the facts." 
 
 As a part of the history of that campaign, and as show 
 ing how io-norant the authorities at Washington and Gen. 
 
 O O * 
 
 Hooker, of the Army of the Potomac, were of the move 
 ments of General Lee, we give helow several dispatches 
 taken from the " Report on the Conduct of the War Com 
 mittee." We call especial attention to the two dispatches 
 of President Lincoln, dated June i4th. The first dispatch 
 in order is the one referred to by General Hooker in his 
 testimony before the Court of Inquiry. 
 
 "May 28, 1803. 
 " Letter to Hon. E. M. Stanton : 
 
 " It is impossible for me to give any information concerning the movements of the 
 enemy at all satisfactory. * * * Maj. Gen. Stahl should be instructed to look into the 
 Shenandoah Valley and see what is going on over there. * * 
 
 "JOSEPH HOOKER, Major Gen l Com d g." 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 69 
 
 " WARRENTON JUNCTION, June 12, 1808. 7 p. M. 
 " Gen I S. Williams, A. A. G. 
 
 " A colored boy just, captured on (Tuesday) the nth, states that Ewell s corps passed 
 through Culpepper on Monday last, on their way to the Valley, and that Longstreet s 
 had gone also. A second negro, just across the river, confirms the statement. I send a 
 reconnoisance to find out the truth. 
 
 "A. PLEASANTON, Brig. Gen l." 
 
 The following is from Hooker s testimony before the 
 committee: 
 
 Had this information been communicated to Gen. Milroy, probably the disaster 
 might have been averted, as that oHicer would have had sutlicient notice of their 
 approach to have withdrawn his command. In view of the information I had received 
 Irom Gen. 1 leasanton of the presence of an infantry corps at Culpepper, I had, on the 
 11th, ordered the Third coips to take post on the river, from Rappahannock Station 
 to Beverly Ford ; on the 1-th for the First corps to proceed to Bealton, and the Eleventh 
 to Catlett s Station." 
 
 IN CIPHER. 
 
 " WASHINGTON, June H, 180:!. 
 " Major Gen l Hooker : 
 
 " Do you consider it possible that fifteen thousand of Ewell s men can now be at 
 Winchester? 
 
 Sent 1:14 I-. M. "A.LINCOLN." 
 
 Not less than 40,000 men of Lee s army were there 
 then. 
 
 " WASHINGTON, D. C., June 14, (53. 
 " Maj. Gen. Hooker: 
 
 " So far as we can make out here, the enemy have Milroy surrounded at Winches 
 ter, and Tyler at Martmsburg. If they could hold out a few days, could you help 
 them ? If the head of Lee s army is at Martinsburg, and the tail,of it on the plank road 
 between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, the animal must be very slim somewhere; 
 could you not break him ? 
 
 Sent 5:50 v. M. " A. LINCOLN." 
 
 How characteristic is this dispatch of President Lincoln. 
 
 " HEAIXJUAKTKRS ARMY POTOMAC, ) 
 " DUMFRIES, June 14, 186:5. 11:15 v. M. j 
 " 7/i.s Krcellency, the President : 
 
 " Has anything further been heard from Winchester ? Will the President allow me 
 to inquire if it is his opinion that Winchester is surrounded by rel>el forces ? * * * I 
 do not feel like making a move unless I be satisfied as to his whereabouts. To proceed 
 to Winchester, and have him make his appearance elsewhere, would subject me to ridi 
 cule. With this feeling, unless otherwise directed, I feel it my duty to proceed to 
 execute the movement indicated yesterday. 1 will not, however, issue my order of 
 march until the last moment, in the hope that further information may be received. 
 
 " MAJ. GEN L HOOKER." 
 
7O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 " WAR DEPARTMENT, \ 
 " WASHINGTON CITY, June 14, 1863. j 
 " Maj. Gen I Hooker, Dumfries: 
 
 " No doubt is entertained here that Milroy is surrounded at Wincliester, and so 
 closely invested that no scout or other information has been had from him later than 
 eleven o clock Saturday night. Tyler was also surrounded to-day at Martinsburg. * * 
 
 Sent 12 midnight. " EDWIN M. STANTON." 
 
 IN CIPHER. 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, ") 
 " WASHINGTON, D. C., June, 15, 1863. j 
 " Major Gen I Hooker, Army of the Potomac : 
 
 " No information of enemy in direction of Winchester and Harper s Ferry as late as 
 that from General Pleasanton. The forces at Martinsburg are arriving at Harper s 
 Ferry. 
 
 Sent 12:50 p. M. " H. W. HALLECK, Gen 1-in-Chief." 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, 1 
 " WASHINGTON, D. C.. June 15, 63. j 
 " Maj. Gen I Hooker, Army of the Potomac : 
 
 "Garrison of Martinsburg has arrived at Harper s Ferry. Milroy did not obey 
 orders given on the llth to abandon Winchester, and probably has been or will be cap 
 tured. Harper s Ferry ought to hold out some time. * * * 
 
 Sent 2 p. M. " H. W. HALLECK, Gen 1-in-Chief." 
 
 " BALTIMORE, MD., June 15, 63. 
 " Maj. Gen l Hallack, Gen l-in- Chief : 
 
 " Nothing from Milroy since 11 P. M. Saturday. Is it not possible to have a cavalry 
 movement in front as a diversion in his favor V" 
 
 " R. C. SCHENCK, Maj. Gen l." 
 
 " BALTIMORE, June 15, 18G3. 
 " Maj. Gen l H. W. Halleck: 
 
 "Have not yet received report from Milroy. Gen. Kelley, here on his way, via 
 Harrisburg, to New Creek, says before he left Harper s Ferry, about 1 this P. M., abont 
 2,000 of Milroy s men had arrived. The rebels appeared before Winchester in lour 
 divisions, commanded by Evvell, Evans, Early and Rhodes, numbering about 40,000. 
 Milroy fought till 2 this morning, when he determined to evacuate and cut his way out. 
 Spiking his guns, and destroying stores, he marched some distance before his move 
 ments were discovered. He was pursued and attacked six miles out of Winchester, 
 and was shelled for several miles. His loss is probably 2,000 men, but that may be 
 exaggerated. Will send, as soon as received, further and more exact report. 
 
 "R. C. SCHENCK, Maj. Gen l." 
 
 " BALTIMORE, Mn., June 15, 1863. 
 " Gen l Halleck : 
 
 "Gen. Milroy has cut his way through and arrived at Harper s Ferry. His losses 
 reported considerable, with great damage to the enemy. He will telegraph soon. 
 Tyler brought troops from Martinsburg to Maryland Heights, and is in command 
 there. Have sent Kelley around to New Creek to concentrate troops on western por 
 tion of railroad. Ordered Averill to concentrate at Grafton, with a view to covering 
 approaches to Wheeling, and to come eastward, perhaps also to New Creek, to hold as 
 much as possible of the railroad eastward towards Martinsburg. 
 
 " R. C. SCHENCK, Maj. Gen l." 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 7 1 
 
 Nothing could exceed the injustice of General Halleck s 
 charge that General Milroy disobeyed "orders given on 
 the nth to abandon Winchester." He, better than any 
 other man living, knew that no such orders were given 
 Milroy. General Halleck s dispatches were all before the 
 Court of Inquiry, and of them Mr. Lincoln said: "Some 
 question can be rmide whether some of General Halleck s 
 dispatches to General Sc/ienck should not have been con 
 strued to be orders to withdraw. But," says Mr. Lincoln, 
 " no such question can be .made against Milroy" thus 
 showing that Halleck issued no positive order, even to 
 Schenck, to withdraw, and no order, that by any construc 
 tion could be made to mean so, ever reached Milroy. 
 Nothing ever occurred during the war for which there was 
 so little excuse as allowing Lee s army to escape from the 
 Army of the Potomac, and to throw itself upon Milroy s 
 little force at Winchester, without warning to it, or with 
 out the knowledge of Halleck, the General-in-Chief of the 
 Armies of the United States. Then for him to attempt to 
 cast the blame from himself to Milroy, was a heartless and 
 cruel injustice, exceeding anything to be found in the igno 
 ble career of that incompetent and malevolent chief. I take 
 pleasure in thus again putting on record this complete ex 
 oneration of General Milroy and his little army. Every 
 word of it has been fully verified by subsequent history, 
 and the brave old General, being shortly afterward restored 
 to command, did gallant service in the Army of the Cum 
 berland, and especially at Murfreesboro, during Hood s dis 
 astrous campaign against General Thomas, in December, 
 1864. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE FALL AND WINTER AT MARTINSBURG -ALONG THE 
 
 B. & O. R. R. PREPARING FOR THE CAMPAIGN OF 1864 
 
 REGIMENT ORDERED TO llARPKR s FERRY -BRIGADED 
 
 ANEW GENERAL SIGEL TAKES COMMAND UP THE 
 
 VALLEY A SHAM BATTLE BATTLE OF NEW MARKET. 
 
 When we reached Martinsbufg, Colonel McReynolds 
 appeared on the ground and assumed command, and among 
 other things, directed the n6th to encamp on the grounds 
 of the rebel Faulkner, and protect that gentleman s house, 
 grounds and property. The n6th went into camp as di 
 rected, but Lieutenant Colonel Wildes refused to carry out 
 that part of the order requiring him to "guard Faulkner s 
 grounds, house and property." Colonel McReynolds im 
 mediately placed him in arrest. General Kelley, who was 
 in command of the department at the time, with headquar 
 ters at Cumberland, on hearing of this, released Lieutenant 
 Colonel Wildes from arrest, and, relieving Colonel Mc 
 Reynolds from command, ordered him to report to Wash 
 ington for trial by court martial, under charges of disobe 
 dience of orders on the retreat from Winchester. The 
 n6th was then removed from the Faulkner grounds to 
 another camp, and that rebel s property allowed thereafter 
 to share the same fortunes of war enjoyed by all other 
 rebels. Colonel McReynolds never returned to his regi 
 ment, nor to any other command in the Shenandoah Valley, 
 except the post, just as we were starting out, in April, 
 1864. What became of the charges against him we never 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 73 
 
 learned. His regiment, the ist New York cavalry, was 
 one of the best cavalry regiments in the service, made so, 
 not by him, but by the gallant Adams, Quinn, and as fine a 
 lot of company officers as ever rode horses. He was as 
 near being a " rebel sympathizer" as any man ever seen in 
 the Federal Army. During his short stay in Martinsburg 
 the rebel citizens of the place were in high feather, while 
 the Union people were correspondingly depressed. In 
 Colonel McReynolds s absence, Lieutenant Colonel Wildes 
 commanded the post. 
 
 In passing from this subject it should be said of Mrs. 
 Faulkner and her family, that they afterwards endeared 
 themselves to the soldiers by their kindness to our sick, 
 especially to Sergeant Patterson, and no special guards 
 were necessary for their protection as soon as the soldiers 
 learned how good and kind they were. Under date of 
 August 5th, 1863, Patterson had Walker write in his 
 diary, he being too sick with fever to write in it himself: 
 u Through to Martinsburg. We are encamped in the lawn 
 in front of Faulkner s house. He was Minister to France, 
 and, for a while, tried to be a Union man, but is now in the 
 rebel army. It is rumored in camp that we are to move 
 to-morrow, for fear we will do some damage to his 
 grounds. If we do go, I hope our boys will destroy every 
 thing he has. The lawn contains about eight acres and is 
 ornamented with shade trees of different kinds. A drive 
 extends from the front gate to the house. The plat in 
 front is ornamented with small shrubbery and roses." 
 And, under elate of the 6th, Walker again writes for him: 
 " Moved our camp to-day, but instead of going to the 
 woods, only moved across the drive." Under date of the 
 loth: "Mrs. and Miss Faulkner came to see me to-day 
 noon and brought me some dinner. They seemed very 
 kind and offered to send me anything I wanted." Daily 
 after that, up to the 24th, when he went home on furlough, 
 
74 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 his diary had some kind mention of them, such as " Mrs. 
 Faulkner still visits me daily, and furnishes me everything 
 I need and more. Her ice does me much good. What 
 ever our feelings may be towards her rebel husband, we 
 cannot help liking her and her daughter, who have been so 
 kind to us. Our men all show their gratitude by their care 
 of everything here." And so many other diaries and let 
 ters in my possession speak of Mrs. and Miss Faulkner. 
 
 While in command of the post, several orders came to 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wildes from General Kelley to collect 
 assessments from rebels in the vicinity of Shepherdstown, 
 Kearneyville and Charlestown, to indemnify Union citizens 
 for property destroyed by rebel guerrillas. The n6th was 
 often on these " collecting tours," and became quite expert 
 in the business. The following is a sample of numerous 
 receipts in my possession : 
 
 " MARTINSHUBG, VA., February 28, 1864. 
 
 " Received ot Lt. Col. Thos. F. Wildes, 116th Reg t Ohio Volunteers, ($1,485.00) 
 " fourteen hundred and eighty-five dollars, which sum was collected from rebel 
 " citizens in the vicinity ol Kearneyville, Va., and paid over to Jacob Williamson, to 
 " indemnify him for the loss of a barn burned by the rebels. 
 
 (HKJNED) " JACOB WILLIAMSON. 
 
 " ATTEST: HORACE KELLOGG, Major 12:5d O. V. I." 
 
 This course of procedure had a very salutary effect. It 
 was well understood that the rebel citizens pointed out the 
 houses of Union men to these rebel marauders, and \vhen 
 it became understood by them that they would have to pay 
 for all property destroyed belonging to Union men, the de 
 struction of such property decreased amazingly. 
 
 At the October, 1863, election, the regiment was ex 
 cused from all ordinary duty. The election passed off 
 quietly and orderly. The vote at the close of the polls 
 stood : 
 
 FOR GOVERNOR. 
 
 John Brough, . . . 398 votes. 
 C- L- Vallandigham, . . 50 votes. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 75 
 
 For some time a great deal of curiosity existed and some 
 indignation was felt over the fifty votes for Vallandigham. 
 But the officers put a stop to political discussions and the 
 excited feeling soon subsided. Before the election, how 
 ever, not the least restraint was exercised against anyone 
 voting as he pleased. 
 
 Martinshurg was headquarters of the regiment until 
 April 29, 1864, though during that time several companies 
 were scattered at various points along the B. & O. Railroad, 
 from Sleepy Creek to Ke,arneyville. While lying here, 
 Lieutenant Wm. Spriggs of company H was cashiered and 
 dismissed from the service u for using disloyal and treason 
 able language against the Government of the United States, 
 disrespectful language of the President, and other conduct 
 unbecoming an officer and a gentleman." During Septem 
 ber and October there were frequent alarms, occasioned by 
 rumors that Lee was returning again down the Valley. 
 About the 2Oth of October Lee s left wing was reported at 
 Leesburg, that he was preparing to cross the Potomac, in 
 which event a portion, at least, of his army would pass 
 through Martinsburg. Accordingly, all surplus supplies, 
 Quartermaster s and Commissary stores, except five days 
 rations, were sent to Harper s Ferry. On the next day 
 sharp cannonading was heard in the direction of Charles- 
 town, and re-enforcements of cavalry, artillery and infantry 
 were dispatched from Martinsburg, but before they arrived, 
 a part of the pth Maryland regiment stationed there had 
 been captured by Imboden. Imboden was defeated and fol 
 lowed some distance. Some of the pth Maryland were re 
 captured, a section of artillery and many prisoners taken. 
 Our orders, on the troops leaving for Charlestown, were to 
 pack up and load and be ready to fight or retreat, as emer 
 gency required, and we remained in this condition until 
 their return, when quiet again reigned. About the same 
 time, perhaps a day or two earlier, company E, of the 
 
76 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 1 1 6th, stationed at North Mountain, together with two 
 companies of cavalry, one of the ist New York, and one of 
 the 1 2th Pennsylvania, captured forty of Gilmore s guer 
 rillas and fifty horses. They were concealed in a ravine 
 and were neatly surrounded and surprised, neither side 
 firing a gun. About the same time a passenger train was 
 captured between Kearneyville and Harper s Ferry and the 
 passengers robbed of everything. An iron clad car upon 
 which was placed a piece of artillery, and which was loop- 
 holed for infantry, was used in % picketing the track from 
 Kearneyville to Sleepy Creek. A great commotion was 
 created one night by some one beating the "long roll" in 
 camp. All the troops were under arms in a moment and 
 awaited developments. Heavy parties of troops were sent 
 out to occupy the roads and certain advantageous points. 
 After waiting some time for the appearance of the enemy, it 
 was ascertained that the alarm had been made by the Col 
 onel of the 1 2th Pennsylvania cavalry, becoming a little 
 hilarious, beating the " long roll " to show what he could do 
 as a drummer. He was placed in arrest as soon as the 
 discovery was made, and charges preferred against him. 
 They were afterwards withdrawn on his promise to "re 
 form." 
 
 The loth Maryland eastern shore regiment came to 
 Martinsburg one very cold night without their tents or 
 blankets, and the n6th took the whole regiment into their 
 quarters. The Colonel next morning made a neat speech 
 to us, in which he thanked us heartily for our hospitality. 
 Some of our men said it was the prettiest speech they ever 
 heard. When the 1 8th Connecticut joined us, it camped 
 beside our regiment. The men were short of rations, and 
 they beseiged our Sutler for "cookies" and everything else 
 he had to eat. Mr. Armstrong, the Sutler, couldn t make 
 out what they meant by "cookies," and his confusion for a 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 77 
 
 time was very amusing. The iSth Connecticut was always 
 known among us after that as the "cookie regiment." 
 
 A notorious rebel spy by the name of Belle Boyd made 
 herself quite conspicuous several times at Martinsburg. 
 She was several times discovered, arrested and sent under 
 guard to Baltimore or Washington. She would there be 
 released under promise to behave herself and keep out of 
 the Union lines. On one occasion she returned on the same 
 train with the guard who had escorted her to Baltimore, 
 dressed as a Union soldier, and representing herself as re 
 turning to a Maryland regiment from furlough. She was 
 detected, not bv her recent guard, but by some Union citi- 
 
 / c5 J 
 
 zen, as she alighted from the train at Martinsburg. Upon 
 being searched, she was found to have a great number of 
 letters to rebels and to Confederate soldiers up the Valley, 
 and a Confederate uniform under her outward uniform of 
 blue. She was irrepressible, and a perplexing individual to 
 manage. Doubtless she was often among us in disguise 
 when we knew nothing about it. Once, at least, when cap 
 tured, she pretended to be insane, and insanity was never 
 better feigned than by her. Finally, she was "let alone," 
 and as soon as importance ceased to be given to her move 
 ments, she settled down at her home in Martinsburg and 
 behaved as well as any one. But she was always the same 
 arrant little rebel, and ready at all times for an argument 
 against the Government, and in favor of secession. 
 
 The regiment lay at Martinsburg until November ipth, 
 when it was all detailed at different points along the 
 B. & O. Railroad. Some companies had been at points on 
 the road from soon after our arrival in Martinsburg, in the 
 early part of August. Now it all went, and the field and 
 staff officers soon found themselves "more ornamental than 
 useful." Major Morris took charge of the stations west of 
 North Mountain, making his headquarters there. Lieuten 
 ant Colonel Wildes was detailed as President of a Court 
 
78 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 Martial, and Colonel Washburn was generally in command 
 of some brigade of troops, and looking after the welfare of 
 the regiment as well as he could in its scattered condition. 
 Thus the time was spent until the breaking of winter. As 
 attesting the vigilance and faithfulness of the different com 
 panies in the discharge of this unpleasant and responsible 
 service, it can be stated that no raid was successfully made 
 upon, or damage done, to the road during the time they 
 were guarding it. The service was a very severe one, the 
 different companies being almost constantly engaged in 
 scouting and pursuing small parties of rebels. They cleared 
 the whole country for miles of rebel bushwhackers, and 
 captured a large number of prisoners, aggregating more 
 than their own number. 
 
 On the 25th of November, Sergeant William Brister, of 
 F, was accidentally shot and killed at Duffield Station by 
 private Stephen Hogue of the same company. It seems 
 that Sergeant Silas King had just returned to camp from a 
 scout on which he had found a number of arms. Among 
 them was an old flintlock musket. Seeing Hogue ap 
 proaching, Sergeant Brister playfully picked it up and 
 pointed it toward him. Hogue, in the same playful mood, 
 picked up a musket, which he thought unloaded, and point 
 ed it toward the Sergeant and pulled the trigger. It 
 proved to be loaded, and Sergeant Brister was shot through 
 the breast and died in a few minutes. It was a dreadfully 
 unfortunate occurrence and nearly crazed Hogue, as the 
 two men were close neighbors at home, and very warm 
 friends. Hogue soon afterwards wrote to Brister s friends, 
 saying that he "had killed the best friend he had on earth." 
 Brister s remains were sent home. 
 
 On the ist of March, 1864, tne regiment was gotten 
 together at Martinsburg, being relieved by the 12 3d Ohio. 
 Troops were now congregating in considerable force under 
 General Sigel, who had been assigned to the command of 
 
ONK HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 79 
 
 the department. Under date of the 3d of March, 1864, 
 General Milroy wrote me from Washington, in which he 
 expressed a hope that he might be assigned to command in 
 the Valley. No one could have been assigned to our com 
 mand that would have given more general satisfaction to 
 the troops. But General Milroy was under the ban of the 
 ogre General Halleck, and could not expect a command as 
 long as Halleck controlled army affairs. Milroy rejoiced 
 that General Grant had just been appointed Lieutenant 
 General, and that now he had hopes of a command, and it 
 might be remarked that the armies, everywhere, had hopes 
 that newspaper generals, and political considerations in the 
 appointment of army commanders, and public clamor of 
 "on to Richmond," and so forth, had had their day in the 
 conduct of the war, and that henceforth it was to.be carried 
 on according to strict military rules and principles. Gen 
 eral Grant, in assuming command of the armies of the 
 United States, had, in substance, said to the President and 
 the people of the country what a Roman Consul said to the 
 Roman Senate and people, on his leaving for the seat of 
 war in Macedonia: "If there be any one who conceives 
 himself capable of assisting me with his counsels in the war 
 you have charged me with, let him not refuse to do the 
 Republic that service, but let him go with me into Mace 
 donia. But, if he will not take so much trouble, and prefers 
 the tranquility of the city to the dangers and fatigues of the 
 field, let him not take upon him to hold the helm and con 
 tinue idle in the port. The city of itself supplies sufficient 
 matter of discourse on other subjects, but as for these, let 
 him be silent on them, and know that we shall pay no re 
 gard to any counsels, but such as shall be given us in the 
 camp itself." And General Grant acted upon this policy to 
 the end of the war. 
 
 On the pth of March the 34th Massachusetts arrived at 
 Martin sburg, and Colonel Wells assumed command of the 
 
80 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 post. In due time we all paid him our respects, generally 
 leaving his presence with a very good opinion of him. His 
 regiment was a very fine one. Having had a great deal of 
 garrison duty about Washington, it was remarkably well 
 drilled and under good discipline. It was so much more 
 neatly dressed and so completely equipped, compared to our 
 own regiment, that it was a sort of curiosity to our "rough 
 Ohio fellers," as its officers and men often spoke of us. 
 But on the third of April, it went back to Harper s Ferry. 
 On the 1 2th of April, the n6th and i2^d followed to 
 Harper s Ferry and encamped on Bolivar Heights. On 
 the 1 5th we received orders from "Headquarters First In 
 fantry Division," General Sullivan commanding, forming a 
 brigade composed of the 34th Massachusetts, n6th Ohio, 
 1 23d Ohio, and the 30! Maryland (Snows) Battery, Colonel 
 Wells, of the 34th Massachusetts, commanding the brigade. 
 Of this brigade, General Lincoln, in his admirable history 
 of the 34th Massachusetts, is moved to remark as follows: 
 "Heaven help us! except the 34th, this infantry is neither 
 drilled nor disciplined; this, however, from no fault of theirs. 
 The bulk of the rank and file of these commands was cap 
 tured at Milroy s defeat last summer. The men were 
 paroled soon after and have been scattered in small squads 
 along the B. & O. Railroad on picket guard. The officers, 
 however, were retained as prisoners, and many are, in fact, 
 still in rebel hands. It looks as if we were to suffer from 
 the connection." I have looked carefully through General 
 Lincoln s interesting book for verification of the fear that 
 they were to "suffer from the connection." On the con 
 trary, I am led, from his frequent compliments to the u6th, 
 to conclude that his fears were never realized. The fact is, 
 the 34th then, very generally regarded itself badly mismated 
 with us. We were looked upon as a lot of barbarians by 
 these well drilled, well disciplined, highly cultured eastern 
 soldiers. They had performed garrison and patrol duty at 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 8 1 
 
 Washington, from their enlistment up to July, 1863, since 
 which time they had, with little exception, enjoyed magnifi 
 cent quarters at Harper s Ferry. At Washington the reg 
 iment was the admiration of all beholders, if we are to 
 credit General Lincoln, and we see no reason why we 
 should not. Many of its officers, while brave, good sol 
 diers, were also martinets. But before we separated in 
 1865 at Richmond, we had learned to respect these marti 
 nets as plumed and chivalric knights. It had, withal, a 
 well trained brass band, and was in every way well pre 
 pared for serenades, parades and reviews, so much in vogue 
 in Washington early in the war. While we, poor- fellows, 
 with constant marching, scouting, picketing, to say nothing 
 of now and then a little righting, would make a sad display 
 in either of these three ornamental positions. In short, 
 there were no ornaments about us or among us, if we ex 
 cept, perhaps, a few good looking officers, notably the 
 Major, Adjutant, Captain Karr, Lieutenant Frame and one 
 or two others. But before we separated at Richmond in 
 1865, the 34th Massachusetts regiment felt as much pride 
 in the history the First Brigade had made for itself, as was 
 felt by any regiment in it. It was not then ashamed of the 
 " connection " formed fourteen months before, nor was there 
 an officer or man in it who felt that he had "suffered by 
 the connection." 
 
 On the i yth of April we started back to Martinsburg, 
 reaching there the evening of the iSth. The next day 
 Colonel Wells was relieved of the command of the brigade 
 and assigned to the command of the post, and Colonel 
 Washburn was placed in command of the brigade. The 
 congregating of troops at Martinsburg had excited the cu 
 riosity of the enemy, and there were a great many small 
 parties scattered about the country annoying us constantly. 
 As we arrived at Martinsburg, we found General Averill 
 just leaving for West Virginia with his cavalry. General 
 
82 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH 0. V. I. 
 
 Averil, on leaving, placed Colonel Me Reynolds, who had 
 made his appearance here again, in command of the post. 
 But Colonel Wells was in possession of post headquarters, 
 and so for several days we were receiving orders from both 
 these officers which were often, and in fact generally, in 
 conflict. During this time no one knew whether he "was 
 a-foot or a-horseback. Colonel Wells s orders were, how 
 ever, very generally obeyed, owing to the utter dislike felt 
 by everybody for McReynolds. It was soon adjusted, 
 however, by Colonel Wells abandoning the contest and 
 going back to his regiment. We were now brigaded anew. 
 Our brigade was composed of the 28th, n6th, 12 3d Ohio 
 and 1 8th Connecticut, with Colonel Moore, of the 28th, in 
 command. That is, he \vould be when he arrived, which 
 he did not do till we reached Winchester, during which 
 time Colonel Washburn commanded. The 34th left us for 
 a short time for duty in another brigade. 
 
 On the 2Oth General Sigel issued an order allowing 
 thirteen teams to a regiment. He told Colonel Washburn, 
 one day, "Turn over your tents and be very ready to 
 march." On the 26th another order came allowing one 
 team for headquarters, and one for every 300 men, each 
 man to carry in his knapsack one extra shirt, one pair of 
 socks, one pair of shoes, and soap and towels. On the 
 2yth we had a "garrison review," and such a time as w r e 
 had finding our places in the line was never seen before. 
 The brigades had never been in line together before, and 
 all questions of rank had to be settled on the parade ground 
 before any one knew or would take place in the line. 
 After all preliminaries were settled, the review went off 
 very well. Our regiment numbered nearly 800 men and 
 looked like a brigade itself. Colonel Thoburn was in com 
 mand of the second brigade, ours being known as the first. 
 On the 2pth of April we moved out of Martinsburg up the 
 Valley, stopping the first night at Bunker Hill. Generals 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 83 
 
 Sigel, Stahel and Sullivan were with us, Sigel in command 
 of the army, Stahel of the cavalry, Sullivan of the infantry, 
 the latter being composed of eight regiments. Our cavalry 
 force was not very large, only about 1,500, but we had a 
 good supply of artillery, four batteries. In speaking of the 
 infantry, General Lincoln says: "The 54th Pennsylvania 
 is fair, the I2th" West Virginia pretty good; the rest are 
 barely -passable" It will be seen that the 34th was deemed 
 beyond comparison with any other regiment in the com 
 mand, and so was not mentioned, while the n6th and the 
 rest were "barely passable." We remained at Bunker Hill 
 until May ist, when we marched to Winchester, camping 
 about two miles the other side of the place. Much display 
 of the stars and stripes was visible as we passed through, 
 more than we had ever observed before. Little Willie 
 McFielly, the Lieutenant Colonel s boy, was carrying a 
 "marker" at the head of the regiment as it marched through 
 Winchester, when some woman, who was very glad to see 
 us, called out: "That s right, little boy, raise it up high ? 
 clear up, and let everybody see it." Colonel Washburn, 
 still in command of the brigade, detailed Quartermaster 
 Williams as Brigade Quartermaster, and Lieutenant W. L. 
 Mosely was detailed to act as Regimental Quartermaster, 
 but only remained one da-y, when he was returned to his 
 company. Quartermaster Williams had his horse stolen, 
 and looked through all the cavalry for it, finally rinding it 
 in the camp of the ist New York. On the day after our 
 arrival at Winchester our men wandered over the battle 
 grounds of June, 1863, and finding some of our dead but 
 poorly buried by the rebels, selected a nice spot and buried 
 them decently. The cavalry burned a house from which 
 one of their men was shot a few days before our arrival. 
 
 On the 4th, the men were ordered to pack all spare 
 clothing in their knapsacks for transportation to Martins- 
 burg, and officers were bereft of almost everything. We 
 
84 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 were down to our "fighting weight." An order was re 
 ceived for brigade drill on the morrow, and officers were 
 studying Casey diligently. The morrow came, and with it 
 the brigade drill so much looked for and so much dreaded. 
 A whole field full of Generals, Colonels and staff officers 
 were present to witness the performance. General Sigel 
 and Colonel Moore had a lot of Dutchmen on their staffs 
 who could hardly talk English, and who knew nothing 
 about communicating orders on the drill ground. Few of 
 the Colonels knew anything at all about brigade drill, and 
 some of them very little even about battalion drill. One of 
 the first things that was done was to deploy and start out 
 the 34th Massachusetts as skirmishers, and then General 
 Sigel undertook to maneuver the infantry, cavalry and ar 
 tillery as on a field of battle in their rear. It was the fun 
 niest farce ever witnessed anywhere, and can never be for 
 gotten as long as anv man who took part in it lives. Our 
 own regiment, for instance, was ordered through something 
 like this: The right wing was ordered to advance, firing, 
 to a fence pointed out, and there to lie down and keep on 
 firing. Then, when it was thought our right wing was out 
 about long enough to be pretty badly cut up, the left was 
 ordered to charge, without instructions ho\v far to go in its 
 wild career, or what to do next. Away we went, " hell 
 bent," with a veil. As soon as we reached the left of the 
 other wing it jumped up and charged, too, the whole regi 
 ment yelling like fiends. The "recall" was sounded by 
 General Sigel s bugler, but of course we didn t hear it, and 
 away we went up the Valley, clear out to the picket line. 
 Now came on the gallop three or four leather breeches 
 Dutch staff officers after us, who finally overtook us and 
 ordered a halt. But the 34th Massachusetts skirmishers! 
 What had become of them? Here we had gone to the 
 picket line and had not come up with them. It seemed 
 they had been forgotten in the general muss, and had been 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 85 
 
 allowed to advance some distance beyond the picket line 
 before they were thought of and recalled. It was after 
 dark before the 34th got back to camp that night. "Thus 
 endeth the first lesson," solemnly remarked our Chaplain 
 when we got into camp. "Yes, by God!" responded Col 
 onel Washburn, "and a h 1 of a lesson it was, too." At 
 which the Chaplain retired to his "pup tent" in disgust. 
 General Lincoln says the whole thing was a good deal like 
 a "town meeting," no doubt having in mind the meetings 
 held bv eastern people, which are noted for nothing so 
 much as for their want of order and decorum. This farce 
 was repeated, with not quite so much blundering, the next 
 day, and then the regiments were given over to their com 
 manders for battalion drill. 
 
 Talk about your "corn stalk militia," and " general train 
 ings" of ye olden times! There was never anything seen 
 half so ridiculous, and it bred in everyone the most .supreme 
 contempt for General Sigel and his crowd of foreign adven 
 turers. Not an officer or a man retained a spark of respect 
 for, or confidence in, him or any of the leather breeches 
 retinue of staff officers with which he had surrounded him 
 self. So that for all the good that army would or could do 
 under him, it might as well, and better, have returned at 
 once to Martinsburg. Companies F and K were detailed 
 to guard signal posts about seven miles from Winchester, 
 on the 6th, and, when the command moved, were not called 
 in, and did not rejoin the regiment until the second day 
 after we reached Cedar Creek. It was more good luck 
 than good generalship that they were not all captured. 
 Lieutenant Milton A. Ellis was detached to the signal 
 corps, Lieutenant John F. Welch to the pioneer corps, and 
 Lieutenant Ransom Griffin to the ambulance corps. Each 
 of these officers continued so detached durinir the remainder 
 
 O 
 
 of their term of service, and each distinguished himself in 
 his respective corps and frequently received high praise and 
 
86 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 honorable mention in orders, for his efficiency and good 
 conduct. 
 
 On the pth we moved to Strasburg, lying here one day. 
 On the nth we moved to Woodstock, where we camped in 
 a clover field a mile from water. On our teams coming up, 
 Sergeant Walker took out of a mess pan a little black ob 
 ject, calling put, " Here s the Lieutenant Colonel s bag 
 gage." It proved to be a white kitten, which, coming into 
 our camp at Strasburg, the Lieutenant Colonel had fed, and 
 which, on our moving from there, Walker had put into one 
 of the wagons among the sooty mess pans, and now here 
 was kitty, as black as night itself. After being fed and 
 washed white again, it took kitty most of the night to dry 
 herself and be ready for the next day s experience. A citi 
 zen came in and told Colonel Washburn that his men were 
 killing his sheep. "Have you taken the oath?" asked the 
 Colonel. u No, but I m willin to," was the reply. Upon 
 taking it, a guard was furnished him, but when he got 
 home no sheep could be found\ Of course the boys all ex 
 pressed "regrets." Another order, allowing only one Sut 
 ler to a brigade, was issued, the rest being ordered to the 
 rear. A neat rebel trick was very near being successful 
 here. A note had been written and handed to the Division 
 Wagon Master, purporting to come from the Chief Quar 
 termaster, and to be in his hand writing, ordering a large 
 train to the rear, with which were also to go the returned 
 Sutlers wagons. The train had started and was well out 
 on the road without a guard, when the Quartermaster dis 
 covered what had been done. He dashed off as fast as his 
 horse could carry him to bring it back, which he did in 
 safety. It was afterwards ascertained that Moseby and 
 McNeil were in waiting for the train a few miles down the 
 road. We lay at Woodstock until the i4th, when we 
 moved on to Mount Jackson. That evening some of our 
 troops met Breckenridge with a force of about 4,000 men 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 87 
 
 near New Market, and drove in his pickets, and defeated a 
 small force sent out to reconnoiter our position. The next 
 day the n6th was left with the trains, the first and last 
 time during the jvar, until about the middle of the after 
 noon, when some cavalry relieved us, and we were moved 
 to the front on the double quick. Sharp righting had been 
 going on at the front since noon, which occurred in the 
 midst of heavy thunder storms. The 12 3d suffered very 
 severely during the afternoon, as did, also, the 34th Massa 
 chusetts. We arrived on the field just in time to witness 
 the falling back of our little army. We had moved to the 
 front in a violent rain storm on the double quick, or run, for 
 a distance of about four miles, and to cover the retreat. 
 The 28th and n6th Ohio regiments, with quite a large 
 body of cavalry, w T ere kept in the rear, guarding the im 
 mense trains, which were allowed to stand, in the main, 
 stretched out on the road, until the remainder of the army 
 was entirely defeated. Then our regiment w r as ordered up 
 at the rate of speed spoken of, arriving on the field in an 
 exhausted condition, and too late to do anything, except to 
 cover the retreat of the broken up and defeated regiments. 
 The army fell back across the river to Mount Jackson. 
 The enemy followed us but a short distance, probably be 
 cause of General Sigel s fame for conducting " masterly re 
 treats." When across the river, some military engineer 
 undertook to blow up the bridge, by exploding kegs of 
 powder on the top of it. After the powder was all ex 
 ploded, the 1 1 6th tore down the bridge in the regular way, 
 with axes and crowbars. The loss of our little army was 
 quite heavy. That of the n6th consisted of a few wound 
 ed. Very few of us wanted to fight any more "mit Sigel." 
 His army was beaten in detail. A small force was first 
 sent into the fight, which was allowed to be first beaten, 
 when another small force would be sent in, to be in turn 
 beaten. Had he gotten his army well in hand at first, and 
 
88 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 given battle with it, he might have been victorious, though 
 the enemy under Breckenridge outnumbered us. 
 
 General Sigel himself reported afterwards that, besides 
 his cavalry and artillery, he had only six .regiments on the 
 lield, while the enemy attacked him with 7,000 men. And 
 he gave as an excuse for this, the extreme length of his 
 trains and the attenuation of his line of march, which pre 
 vented him from confronting the enemy with his whole 
 force. It was the height of folly to keep so large a portion 
 of his force with his trains. If properly parked, instead of 
 being allowed to stand stretched out for miles on the road, 
 a very small force would have been sufficient to protect it. 
 When we were ordered to the front, the trains occupied the 
 road, and we were obliged to take to the fields to pass them. 
 As it was, when defeated, his trains were in such bad shape 
 that a portion had to be destroyed to prevent its falling into 
 the hands of the enemy. The defeat was a very bad one. 
 He lost 700 men, six pieces of artillery, about 1,000 small 
 arms, and he abandoned his hospitals to the enemy. The 
 retreat, for some miles, was in great disorder, made so by 
 some bridges breaking down, and others being washed 
 away by the high water, for, be it remembered, we had a 
 real Virginia freshet from the furious rains of the day. 
 We retreated to Cedar Creek, but the enemy did not pur 
 sue in force. Reaching Cedar Creek, on the i7th, we at 
 once began reorganization and refitting. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HUNTER RELIEVES SIGEL HUNTER S ORDER ON ASSUMING 
 
 COMMAND SHORT OF RATIONS FOR THE FIRST TIME 
 
 BATTLE OF PIEDMONT BRAVERY OF THE REGIMENT 
 
 LIST OF CASUALTIES ONE OR TWO AMUSING INCIDENTS, 
 
 AND SOME NOT SO AMUSING, CONNECTED WITH THE BAT 
 TLE ON TO STAUNTON. 
 
 General Hunter assumed command on the 2ist. He 
 found the army in bad shape. A thousand men were with 
 out arms and two thousand were without shoes. He at 
 once began the work of fitting out the army and getting it 
 in shape for active service: All stores of every kind were 
 ordered turned over, and a great many other things ordered 
 done, as will be seen from the following order: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS DEFT. WEST VIRGINIA, i 
 In the Field, Near Cedar Creek, > 
 May 22d, 1804. ) 
 (General Order No. 29.) 
 
 It is of the utmost importance that this army he placed in a situation lor immediate 
 efficiency. We are, contending against an enemy who is in earnest, and if we expect 
 .success we must be in earnest. We must be willing to sufler for a short time, that a 
 glorious result may crown our efforts. The country is expecting every man to do his 
 duty, and this done, an ever kind Providence will certainly grant us a complete success. 
 
 I. Ever}- tent will be immediately turned in for transportation to Martinsburg, and 
 all baggage not expressly allowed by this order will be at once sent to the rear. There 
 will be but one wagon allowed to each Regiment ; this will only be used to transport 
 spare ammunition, camp kettles, tools and mess pans. Every wagon will have eight 
 picked horses or mules, two drivers and two saddles. One wagon and one ambulance 
 will be allowed to Department Headquarters, and the same to Division and Brigade 
 Headquarters. The other ambulances will be under the immediate order of the Medical 
 Director. 
 
 II. For the expedition on hand, the clothes each soldier has on his back, with one 
 pair ol extra shoes and socks, are amply sufficient. Everything else in the shape of 
 
90 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 clothing will be packed to-day and sent to the rear. Each knapsack will contain one 
 hundred rounds of ammunition, carefully packed ; Jour pounds of hard bread to last eight 
 days; ten rations of coffee, sugar and salt; one pair of shoes and socks, and nothing 
 else. 
 
 III. Brigade and all other commanders will be held strictly responsible that their 
 commands are supplied from the country. Cattle, sheep, hogs, and if necessary horses 
 and mules must be taken and slaughtered. These supplies will be seized under the di 
 rection of officers duly authorized, and upon a system which will be hereafter regulated. 
 No straggling or pillaging will be allowed. Brigade and other commanders will be held 
 responsible that there is no waste, and that there is a proper and orderly division 
 amongst their men of the supplies taken for our use. 
 
 IV. Commanders will attend personally to the prompt execution of this order, so 
 that we may move to-morrow morning. They will see that in passing through a country 
 in this way, depending upon it for forage and supplies, great additional vigilance is 
 required on the part of every officer in the command of men for the enforcement of 
 discipline. 
 
 IV. The commanding General expects from every officer and soldier of the army 
 in the field an earnest and unhesitating support, and relies with confidence upon an 
 ever kind Providence for the result. The Lieutenant General commanding the Armies 
 of the United States, who is now victoriously pressing back the enemy upon their last 
 stronshold, expects much from tne army of the Shenandoah, and he must not be dis 
 appointed. 
 
 VI. In conclusion, the Major General commanding, while holding every officer to 
 the strictest responsibility of his position, and prepared to enforce discipline with 
 severity when necessary, will never cease to urge the prompt promotion of all officers, 
 non-commissioned officers and enlisted men who earn recognition by their gallantry 
 and good conduct. 
 
 By order of MAJOR GENERAL HUNTER. 
 
 CHAS. G. HALPINE, Assistant Adjutant General. 
 
 This order looked like "business." General Sigel had 
 ordered all knapsacks sent to Martinsburg before starting 
 from Winchester, and now Captain Keyes was sent to 
 bring them up, for, among other things, we were to carry 
 100 rounds of ammunition in our knapsacks. What had 
 not been taken by other regiments before he got to Mar 
 tinsburg were lost or cut open and destroyed, so we had to 
 draw a new supply. Quarternraster Sergeant Walker, 
 however, hunted up about 200 in other regiments. The 
 Adjutant reporting fifty pairs of shoes wanted, the Quarter 
 master reported 175 pairs wanted, and so it proved before 
 we were shod. One day while on the march after\vards, 
 some officer riding by asked, "What troops are these?" 
 Jim Hall, of Company A, quickly replied, "Troops! This 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 9! 
 
 is Hunter s ammunition train." He asked no more ques 
 tions, but rode off laughing. The i6oth Ohio was now 
 added to our brigade. 
 
 We started up the Valley on the 26th of May. The 
 i6oth Ohio protested so much against going to the front 
 that it was sent back, on the 3Oth, from Rude s Hill. On 
 the ist of June flour was issued to us for the first time, 
 much to our disgust. We reached Harrisonburg on the 3d 
 of June and left on the following day, moving by way of 
 Port Republic. The army crossed the river at Port Re 
 public and camped for the night. Our rear was considera 
 bly annoyed by guerrillas, during the last t\vo or three days, 
 and our communications partially destroyed. From a letter 
 written from Staunton, June 8th, by Sergeant Walker, I 
 quote a very clear, detailed account of our movements up 
 to this point: 
 
 "We left Cedar Creek May 26th, after having sent back 
 all our tents and everything else that could not be carried 
 on our backs. Passing through Strasburg, General Hunter 
 ordered the men to burn several buildings from which sev 
 eral of our men had been bushwhacked. The folks were 
 allowed to take nothing from the houses. Hunter says 
 this bushwhacking has got to be stopped, and you may 
 depend upon it he will stop it. Many of our men were 
 obliged to march without shoes, and it was really a pitiful 
 sight to see them marching along, leaving marks of blood 
 on the ground. We were put on half rations of bread from 
 the very start, and for several days had been without any. 
 May 29, marched from Woodstock to Mt. Jackson, where 
 we encamped on the same ground on which \ve fought two 
 weeks ago. Passing through Edinburg we found a great 
 quantity of salt, which we took. Just before leaving the 
 town, one of the men went into a garden to get some 
 onions, and a woman came out and drove him out with. 
 
p2 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 rocks. Good! May 3ist, went out with Captain Kellogg, 
 of the 1 2 3d Ohio, foraging, brought in a great quantity of 
 flour, wheat and salt. This salt is some that has been sent 
 to the counties by the Government, to be sold to the citi 
 zens at ten cents per pound, or about $30 a barrel. An 
 order came to-day from General Hunter forbidding us to 
 burn anything but rails; strange order. June 3d, marched 
 from Mt. Jackson to Harrisonburg. The latter is the coun 
 ty seat of Rockingham County, and is a very pretty place. 
 The court house is a very pretty, (rather old) brick build 
 ing, situated about the center of the town, with a fine yard 
 around it. Just outside the yard is a large spring about 
 twelve feet in diameter, round and walled up several feet, 
 with marble steps going down to. the water. The whole is 
 covered with a circular roof supported on pillars, which 
 makes it look very nice. The streets immediately around 
 the court house are of respectable width, but as a general 
 rule they are very narrow. In fact, I have noticed that, in 
 all the Virginia towns we have passed through, the streets 
 are narrow. There are a great many fine residences in and 
 near the town. Our foraging parties searched the houses 
 and stores for flour, meat, etc., taking all they found. 
 They also found some muslin* valued by the rebs at $2,000, 
 a bale of batting, valued at $245. We also destroyed three 
 printing offices. June 4th, we expected to go directly up 
 the Valley towards Staunton, but turned off the pike to the 
 left soon after leaving the town, and passed the old Cross 
 Key s battle ground, and so on to Port Republic. It was 
 here Port R. that Fremont came so near capturing 
 Jackson two years ago. You may remember he sent Colo 
 nel Carlan to destroy a bridge at this place, but Colonel C. 
 concluded to try to hold the bridge, a.nd Jackson drove him 
 from it, and made his escape, and whipped Carlan. As 
 soon as he crossed his army Jackson burned the bridge and 
 so prevented Fremont from following him." 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 93 
 
 A large portion of our men were now out of rations, 
 except coffee, sugar and salt. After crossing the river at 
 Port Republic, and passing through the village, we went 
 into camp in a piece of woods on the right of the road, and 
 after making coffee, lay down for the night. We were 
 called out early the following morning, June 5th, and took 
 the road without having made even a cup of coffee for 
 breakfast, but with a promise that we should get something 
 to eat very soon. We had marched but a short distance in 
 the direction of Staunton, when we met considerable num 
 bers of the enemy. Before advancing very far we formed 
 line of battle, and advanced behind skirmishers, driving the 
 enemy before us, until we reached Piedmont, where we 
 found the enemy in force, well protected behind rail and log 
 breastworks. The n6th was on the extreme left in this 
 advance, and had several opportunities, of which it availed 
 itself, of enfilading the rebels as they fell back. We reached 
 their lines about 10 A. M. Without waiting for Thoburn, 
 who was, as we understood, coming upon their flank, 
 Moore s and Wynkoop s brigades charged and drove the 
 enemy behind his^ works. Our men advanced on a charge 
 nearly up to the works, but were there repulsed with se 
 vere loss. Re-forming our lines, in a few minutes we made 
 a second charge, meeting with a second repulse and with 
 even greater loss than before. Falling back to a slight 
 cover of a rise of ground, we halted and lay down to await 
 Thoburn s coming, as we ought to have done in the first 
 place. We were still within short rifle range of the ene 
 my s works, and a sharp fire of musketry and artillery was 
 kept up on both sides constantly for over two hours. Col 
 onel Washburn s horse was shot under him in the first 
 charge. A battery of 1 2-pound pieces came on to the in 
 fantry line on the right, shortly after we fell back from the 
 second charge, which did terrible execution, with solid shot 
 thrown into the enemy s rail breastworks, The enemy had 
 
4 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 once or twice tried to turn our right. The demoralization 
 which every shot created in their ranks could be plainly 
 seen, crowds of the enemy fleeing from the spot where a 
 shot struck the rails, when our infantry would open fire 
 upon them the moment they showed themselves, the guns 
 of the battery also saluting them at the same time with 
 grape and cannister. About 3 p. M. Colonel Thoburn ap 
 peared on their right flank, having moved across a ravine 
 by a long and tedious detour. As soon as he was seen 
 charging on their flank, Moore and Wynkoop rose, and 
 with a yell charged across the ground we had charged 
 twice before, and which was covered with our dead and 
 wounded. This time we scaled their works, capturing 
 1,500 prisoners and completely routing the rest. We cap 
 tured, besides, three pieces of artillery, about 3,000 stand of 
 small arms and a number of wagons and ambulances. 
 General Jones, the rebel commander, was killed. We saw 
 his body in the woods a short distance behind the works, 
 with a bullet hole through his forehead. This was the 
 most desperate and stubbornly contested battle we were 
 ever engaged in, and tried the mettle of our regiment most 
 thoroughly. The n6th lost 181 men killed and wounded, 
 forty-one being killed and thirteen afterwards dying of their 
 wounds. Every color bearer and every one of the color 
 guard were wounded, some of them very seriously. Our 
 loss was as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 COMPANY A Nathaniel D. Haydeti, Addey Brock, Jacob Zimmerly, Elijah Bennett, 
 Newton Meeks. 5. 
 
 COMPANY C Fred. F. Neptune, John Latchaw, George W. Gannon, Henry Pfeifer, 
 Isaac Barrett, Robert E. Chambers, James B. Mobberly, Corporal Adam Rodecker 8. 
 
 COMPANY B Sylvester C. Shumway. 1. 
 
 COMPANY D Corporal Robert Armstrong, John Detwiler, Robert H. H. Dyer, Elias 
 B. Brock, Joseph Seimons, Samuel Alford, Henry B. Hixenbaugh, Richard Mahoney, 
 Washington Bryan, Scott Dixon. 10. 
 
 COMPANY E Moses McCulloch, Francis Swartz. 2, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH o. v. i. 95 
 
 COMPANY F Corporal William King, Morris Krouse, Garrison Miracle, George W. 
 Johnson, James JF. Hughes, Richard Philps, Joshua Mercer, William Sutton. 8. 
 
 COMPANY H Stephen C. McCoy, James Harrison, Solomon Rich. 3. 
 COMPANY I Corporal Richard B. Miller, Frederick Warren. 2. 
 COMPANY K Edward Henshaw, Nelson B. Clements. 2. 
 Total killed 41. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 COMPANY A Sergeant Mann Smith, knee ; Corporal Fred. R. Rose, shoulder; Cor 
 poral William Brock, Jacob C. Keyler, hips; James Kimpton, shoulder; David Barcus, 
 wrist; Sergeant Daniel C. Hunt, arm ; Cyrus Spriggs, arm ; Samuel Tidd, side; Robert 
 McCammon, hand ; Corporal Benjamin F. Dye, hip ; Robert Smith, arm ; John Smythe, 
 arm; John A. Harmon, leg; Albert Gates, leg; James C. Hall, leg. 10. 
 
 COMPANY B Marion Coleman, shoulder; George W. Keyes, shoulder; John Baker, 
 side; John Anderson, face; Sergeant Uriah Hoyt, leg; Sergeant Wm H, Bush, leg; 
 Wells Grubb, arm ; Davis Watson, arm ; John Doland, leg 9. 
 
 COMPANY C Sergeant Mathew W. Maris, leg; Sergeant John S. Heald, breast; 
 Sergeant John L. Beach, hip; Color Sergeant David K. Barrett, arm; George Kistner, 
 arm amputated ; Thomas South, arm amputated ; Wm. Metz, head ; Elwood Chambers, 
 foot; John Buchwald, shoulder and neck; Corporal John G. Barrett, leg, (died Aug. 1 ( J, 
 1864,); John J. Montgomery, arrn ; James A. Preshaw, left shoulder, (died Nov. 3, 1864, 
 at Frederick, Md.) ; Edward Yockey, leg; Philip Schoupe, leg; Albert Vicker.", head; 
 Franklin Barnes, leg; Miles H. Davis, (died Oct. 12, 1864, at Frederick, Md.); Riley 
 Thornburg. hip ; Emmon H. Beardmore, wrist. 19. 
 
 COMPANY D Lieutenant Richard T. Chaney, foot; Sergeant James K. Drum, head; 
 William T. Flowers, head, (died at Andersonville, Nov. 5, 1864 ); Charles W. Blowers, 
 through breast: Josiah Norns, arm; James C. Headly, hip and ankle, (died at Lynch- 
 burg, July 2, 1864,); Henry B. Hixenbaugh, bowels; James A. Sinclair, arm; John H. 
 Windland, arm; John W. Hall, arm; Jacob Hall, side; Eldridge Moffitt, hand ; Daniel 
 Bennett, shoulder; Henry Mowder, hip; Hugh Thompson, leg ; Samuel Forsyth, hand ; 
 Jesse M. Stine, head; Joshua Nixon, shoulder; Peter Hickman, head; Alfred Gray, 
 hip; Peter Schultz, leg; Thomas Rowley, arm ; David Conger. 23. 
 
 COMPANY E Corporal Jas. Skiles, groin; Ephraim Henthorn, leg amputated; Mad 
 ison G. Miller, (died at Staunton, Va., Sept. 12, 1864,) ; Harrison Cochran, foot ; Charles 
 Palmer, leg; William Fisher, shoulder ; Corporal Lewis Barcus, leg; Joseph A. Hall, 
 arm ; Corporal John J. Atkinson, arm, 9. 
 
 COMPANY F Sergeant Stephen A. Brown, arm ; Corporal Robert Martin, arm ; 
 William Sutton, leg amputated; James Carson, hip; Elijah Bunting, side; Samuel 
 Stephens, leg; Jacob Dillon, thigh; Joseph Rake, leg; Wesley McGee, side; Thomas 
 Patterson, foot ; Emanuel Okey, shoulder ; James Piggott, head ; Lempenious Efaw, 
 thigh. 13. 
 
 COMPANY G Alexander McFarland, hip; John Ravvlings, leg. 2. 
 
 COMPANY H Captain W. B. Teters, leg; Sergeant Joseph Purkey, leg; Sergeant 
 Benjamin C. Drake, leg; Color Sergeant Reese Williams, side; Sergeant William A. 
 Arnold, knee ; Corporal Benjamin B. Tilton, ankle ; Corporal Jacob Gregg, thigh ; Cor 
 poral Joseph C. Wilson, leg. Privates, Nathaniel Butler, arm; David Bock, hip ; 
 Dighton M. Bates, mouth; William T. Cain, foot; John A. Groves, abdomen; John 
 Wesley James, shoulder; John W. Kockley, foot; John J. Keyser, thigh; Eli T. 
 Kirkbride, ankle ; John Larrick, bowels, (died Sept. 12, 1864, at Savannah, Ga.) ; John 
 
9 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 W. Mott. hand; William McBnde, thigh and leg; Andrew Powell, wrist; Simon 
 Sechrist, side; Thomas Spear, arm; Reason Baker, hand; Jas. Dudley. 25. 
 
 COMPANY I Sergeant John C. Chick, hip; Joseph Morrison, both legs; Jesse Annon, 
 arm ; Bradley P. Barrows, arm ; Luther Cayton, head ; Samuel P. Fleak, side ; Ephriarn 
 W. Frost, shoulder and breast, (died at Annapolis, Md., Jan. 13, 1865, of scurvy con 
 tracted at Andersonville) ; Consider Frost, both legs, (died at Staunton, Va., June 2C, 
 1864,); Corporal Edwin G. Fuller, through hips; James H. Gilchrist, leg; Jonathan 
 C. S. Gilbert, lace, (died Oct. 9th, 1864, at Savannah, Ga.) ; Nathan Hatch, face and 
 shoulder; Mark W. McAffee, arm; Samuel McCulloch, knee; Elijah Patton, arm; Cor- 
 porporal Fayette Paugh, leg; Rulus B. Stanley, leg; George W. Tasker, groin. 18. 
 
 COMPANY K Lieutenant Gottlieb Sheifley, side; Samuel Spencer, thigh; John 
 Kulow, leg; Thomas Witham, arm; George Lyon, head; Andrew C. Cagg, hand, (died 
 at Andersonville, Ga., Jan. 27, 1865.) fi. 
 
 Total wounded. 140. 
 
 The following is a list of those who died of wounds: 
 
 James C. Headley, James A. Preshaw, Miles H. Davis, William T. Flowers, Madison 
 G. Miller, Emanuel Okey, Corporal Robert Martin, John Larrick, Consider Frost, Jon 
 athan C. S. Gilbert, Andrew C. Cagg, Corporal John G. Barrett, Ephraim W. Frost. 13. 
 
 Sergeant Reese Williams, one of the color bearers, was 
 promoted to a lieutenancy for his gallantry. Although shot 
 through the body, the brave fellow would not yield up his 
 colors, and clung to them until he fainted from loss of blood. 
 Being then carried back to the surgeon s, his wound was 
 dressed. Soon recovering consciousness, he rose up from 
 where he had been laid to die and returned to the line, took 
 his colors again and waved them over his head as cheer 
 fully and coolly as though nothing had happened him, and 
 there he held them till the final charge was made. He at 
 tempted to advance with the line, but was too weak to do 
 so, and as he gave up the colors to another, he kissed them, 
 and swung his cap and feebly cheered as he saw them car 
 ried over the rebel works. For a time after Sergeant 
 Williams was carried from the field, Sergeant Barrett bore 
 bravely both standards with one arm, while the other hung 
 helpless at his side. Captain Mann, on seeing his condi 
 tion, went forward and took one of the standards from him, 
 and afterward, when the last charge \vas ordered, the Cap 
 tain carried the standard which Sergeant Williams was un- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 9^ 
 
 able to go forward with. Captain Mann was always a 
 hero in battle, and he was especially so in this. His com 
 pany, C, went into the action with fifty-two men. It came 
 out with just twenty unhurt, having lost thirty-two of its 
 number in killed and wounded. Captain Teters company, 
 H, lost twenty-eight killed and wounded, more than half 
 the number engaged. Company D lost ten killed and 
 twenty-two wounded. The company was that day in com 
 mand of Lieutenant Chaney, who, though wounded in the 
 foot, remained in command of his company throughout the 
 engagement. His company lost over half of the men it 
 went into action with. He proved himself on that day to 
 be a brave and gallant officer, and well worthy to command 
 the noble men of company D. He was splendidly sup 
 ported by his brave Orderly Sergeant, Adam J. Myers, 
 who was next in command. Company F also met with 
 the severe loss of eight killed and thirteen wounded. Cap 
 tain Brown show r ed the "white feather," but Lieutenant 
 Martin proved brave, as usual, and all thrpugh he and his 
 gallant men behaved splendidly. "Squad I" lost very 
 heavily in proportion to its numbers. Two killed and thir 
 teen wounded was a great sacrifice for it. Lieut. Mosley, 
 as brave a man as we had among us, was in command of 
 the "squad." It will be noticed that the right and center 
 of the regiment suffered more than the , left. This was 
 mainly due to their exposed position. Another gallant 
 officer wounded was Captain Teters, of company H, who 
 was struck in the leg by a shell, and very badly hurt. A 
 letter written by me from Staunton, June 8th, thus speaks 
 of this shell: "Just before the last charge a shell struck 
 the ground 1 within two feet of me, plowed the ground up 
 under me, throwing me headlong, and ricochetting out 
 again, passed on and hit Captain Teters in the leg, wound 
 ing him quite badly. It didn t explode till it had passed us 
 ten feet or more. Had it exploded where 1 it first struck the 
 
 7 
 
9 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 ground, the loss of life could not have failed to be great. 
 It was a fortunate escape for us, especially for Captain 
 Teters and myself. I am pretty sore yet and feel a sort of 
 " shook up." I had only one foot on the ground, being in 
 the act of rising from lying down, and the shell passed close 
 under me. My right foot is pretty sore and my abdomen 
 also, but otherwise I am all right, except a bruise from a 
 spent ball on the right knee. It was a stirring time for us. 
 I will write you more fully soon of the splendid conduct of 
 the regiment. This has really been the first battle that 
 thoroughly tested the mettle of our officers and men. You 
 will be proud to know that they stood the terrible test 
 magnificently," I never saw greater bravery than was 
 that day displayed by the color bearers and color guard of 
 the n6th regiment. But to see them all wounded, some 
 we feared mortally, at the close of the battle, brought tears 
 to the eyes of every one who had witnessed their splendid 
 behavior. Nothing could exceed the heroism of the w r hole 
 regiment in this engagement. 
 
 The battle is scarcely more than mentioned in any of 
 the histories of the war, and yet the regiments engaged suf 
 fered as terribly and fought as bravely as any equal body 
 of troops in any battle of the war. There were about 
 8,000 men of all arms engaged on our side, and 6,000 on 
 the other, well fortified. Each side was commanded by 
 brave and* skillful officers, and each side had a great deal at 
 stake. If defeated, there would be nothing left for us but 
 retreat, and retreat over so long a distance in the face of a 
 victorious foe, could not be otherwise than very disastrous. 
 On the other hand, if the rebels were defeated, the road to 
 Lynchburg was open and clear to us. 
 
 The loss of our army was about 420 killed and wound 
 ed. Among the officers killed was Major Schachi, of the 
 28th Ohio. That gallant regiment lost thirty-three killed 
 and 105 wounded, out of 484 combatants. During its three 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 99 
 
 years term of service the regiment lost ninety-two killed 
 and 1 80 wounded. Its loss at Piedmont was, therefore, 
 more than one-third its whole number killed and nearly 
 two-thirds its whole number wounded. This shows very 
 clearly the severity of the engagement. General Jones, the 
 rebel commander killed, was in command of the force that 
 surrounded us at Moorefield, January 3d, 1863. His body 
 was found directly in front of the position of the n6th. We 
 saw several men among the prisoners who were in the 
 Moorefield fight. Many of his officers who were among 
 the prisoners gathered about where he lay and wept over 
 his remains. Our officers stood by in respectful and silent 
 sympathy with their grief, for all recognized in him a brave 
 and gallant officer, and felt for him the respect always en 
 tertained by one brave man for another, though he be an 
 enemy. Until darkness cut off search and pursuit, both 
 cavalry and infantry were busily engaged in bringing in 
 prisoners from their hiding places. General Vaughan, next 
 in command to Jones, fled to Waynesboro, whence he tele 
 graphed Bragg next day : " Went into the fight yesterday 
 with 5,600. I have not over 3,000 effectives, officers and 
 men, including Imboden s cavalry." Secretary Staunton 
 sent thanks to Hunter for this victory. The next day at 
 Staunton and New Hope, Hunter captured 400 sick and 
 wounded rebels. 
 
 One very ludicrous incident occurred while gathering in 
 the prisoners. A very small Irishman by the name of 
 Mike Manning, a member of company I, found hid under 
 the bank of the river close by, a very large and powerful 
 Irishman, whom he brought up as a prisoner of war, with 
 an air of triumph that was truly grand. Mike marched his 
 prisoner ahead of him at the point of the bayonet, abusing 
 him most shamefully for being "a damned rebel and an 
 Irishman, too." The idea of being an Irishman and a rebel 
 was something that Mike could not reconcile. The two 
 
IOO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 would stop every few steps and argue some point involving 
 the Union and secession. This was done in true Irish style, 
 with good strong brogue and both generally talking at once 
 and as loud as they could. Once or twice the rebel Irish 
 man, getting out of patience with his captor s tongue, 
 reached out to catch him, when Mike would "leap to the 
 rear," a la zouave, bring his bayonet down to a charge and 
 order his captive to move on. They soon attracted a crowd 
 of amused spectators, who managed to let the reb get hold 
 of Mike and give him a shaking up, and before they got 
 him loose from Mike he had given him good pay for his 
 abuse, but without hurting him any. They were both pos 
 sessed of the keenest kind of Irish wit, and many a poor 
 wounded soldier forgot his pain in laughing at the comical 
 scene. 
 
 Another amusing incident occurred in the midst of the 
 fight, which we must relate, even at the risk of stirring up 
 the memory of Lieutenant Joseph Purkey. He was then 
 Orderly Sergeant of company H. While we were lying 
 down, waiting the coming of Thoburn, he was severely 
 wounded in the leg. He jumped up the instant he was hit, 
 and supporting himself on his gun, doubled up his .fist and 
 shaking it at the rebels, exclaimed, "Now, d n you, I 
 suppose you think you ve done it." 
 
 The dead were buried, the wounded moved to Staun- 
 ton, except the very severely wounded. With such of our 
 regiment as could not be moved we left Dr. T. C. Smith, 
 and the next day marched to Staunton. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY AT STAUNTON ON THE MOVE, 
 
 STILL GOING SOUTH RETURN TO STAUNTON TO MEET A 
 
 SUPPLY TRAIN HARD MARCHING TO OVERTAKE THE 
 
 ARMY TO LEXINGTON DESTRUCTION QF REBEL PROP 
 ERTY AND WASHINGTON COLLEGE AND ON WE GO 
 
 REGULAR ARMY ENGINEERING SUPERSEDED BY WESTERN 
 IDEAS LYNCHBURG BATTLE OF LYNCHBURG A GAL 
 LANT CHARGE REPORTS RETREAT TO GAULEY BRIDGE 
 
 AT PARKERSBURG AT MARTINSBURG AGAIN. 
 
 The next day after our arrival at Staunton, we were en 
 gaged in destroying rebel stores and property of different 
 kinds, including railroad depots and tracks. The following 
 day our regiment was sent out to tear up the railroad track 
 west of Staunton. We did the work effectually. Tobacco 
 warehouses seemed to abound in and around Staunton, and 
 the men will certify that they were filled with a most excel 
 lent quality. What the troops did not appropriate was 
 either destroyed or sent to the rear in the train that went 
 back from Staunton. Large quantities of war material 
 were also destroyed, the rebel agent in charge of them esti 
 mating their value at $400,000. On the 7th, our regiment 
 started for Buffalo Gap, in which the rebels were holding 
 General Averill. After marching out about five miles, we 
 met his cavalry coming in, the rebels having left the Gap 
 on hearing of the approach of infantry in their, rear. We 
 then turned back to Staunton. Quartermaster Williams 
 
IO2 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 was now returned to the regiment. Quartermaster Ser 
 geant Walker, though quite unwell much of the time, had 
 performed the duties of Quartermaster to the satisfaction of 
 everybody in Quartermaster Williams absence. We ought 
 to mention that all the wounded who could be safely moved 
 so far were sent out with the train returning from here, also 
 the prisoners captured at Piedmont. The term of service 
 of the 28th Ohio being nearly expired, that regiment was 
 given charge of the train. The 34th Mass., Colonel Wells 
 commanding, supplied the place of the 28th in our brigade, 
 and Colonel Wells became our brigade commander. 
 
 On the 8th General Crook, with his army from the 
 Kanawha Valley, joined us, making now an army of about 
 18,000 strong. The morning of June loth, the whole army 
 left Staunton and reached Lexington the I2th. We left 
 about 300 sick and wounded at Staunton, and with them 
 some surgeons and about forty men, all of whom the rebel 
 Colonel E. G. Lee paroled on the i2th. The n6th was 
 the last regiment to leave Staunton, which subsequently 
 proved a little unfortunate for it. After marching seven 
 miles out, the regiment was sent back in haste to meet and 
 guard a supply train, which reached Staunton that morning 
 after our departure. We met the train just coming out of 
 town in charge of the i6ist Ohio regiment. It consisted of 
 over 200 wagons, and how it ever got safely to Staunton 
 can only be explained by the fact that all the rebels in the 
 Valley had been concentrated in front of Hunter at Pied 
 mont. We at once turned back, and for the third time that 
 day, traveled over the same piece of road. At dark we 
 stopped for supper. Finding there was hard tack, coffee 
 and sugar in the train, after considerable red tape had been 
 .run off we drew some of it, and for the first time in a week, 
 had a good square meal. As we were eating supper, w r e 
 were told the train had brought up a mail, and after supper 
 found this to be so, for here came the "Post Master" with 
 
ONK HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 103 
 
 a load of letters and papers from home. How eagerly their 
 contents were devoured. They were as great a luxury as 
 the supper we had just eaten. After reading our letters 
 and resting an hour, we started with our train to overtake 
 the main column, which was several miles in our advance. 
 It was a dreary, tiresome night march. At two o clock in 
 the morning we halted, made coffee, and then laid down to 
 sleep. Slept until four, when we took the road again, and 
 after marching four or five miles, came up to the rest of the 
 army, just as it was moving out on the road. General 
 Hunter sent word to us to rest until ten o clock, and then 
 join him as soon as possible. Towards noon, as we were 
 passing a house by the roadside, quite a number of women 
 stood at the door, who requested us to unfurl our flags, say 
 ing they had walked several miles that morning "to get 
 one more look at the old stars and stripes." The flags 
 were unfurled, and the men gave three lusty cheers for 
 these loyal women of Virginia. As the men started up 
 "The Union Forever," the women joined their voices with 
 theirs, which was the first time for several months many of 
 them had heard a woman s voice in the harmony of song. 
 We reached Lexington just before dark, and just as 
 Crook, who had come in by another road, had captured the 
 place. Lexington was the home of " Stonewall " Jackson 
 and Governor Letcher. Jackson s remains were buried 
 here. By General Hunter s orders the Virginia Military 
 Institute, Washington College, Governor Letcher s resi 
 dence, and some other fine buildings, including the resi 
 dences of the professors, were burned. A fine bronze statue 
 of Washington, in front of Washington College, was taken 
 down, and afterwards taken to Wheeling. Four pieces of 
 artillery which belonged to Lafayette were loaded up and 
 taken with us. Two 64-pounders of the same battery were 
 left for want of transportation. There is a slack-water 
 navigation of the James River at Lexington; and a great 
 
104 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 many canal boats were captured and destroyed, as they 
 were being run off to Richmond, laden with public and pri 
 vate stores of various kinds. Six pieces of artillery were 
 among the cargoes. The young cadets of the Military In 
 stitute fought better than any rebels on the field at Lexing 
 ton. Their bravery and skill was worthy of a better cause. 
 General Hunter has been severely censured for burning 
 the buildings here, and destroying property, especially for 
 allowing Washington College to be pillaged, and its libraries 
 and apparatus carried off. Generals Crook, Averill and 
 Sullivan protested against the act at the time, and all felt 
 indignant, because they regarded the act as wanton vandal 
 ism. The burning of the Military Institute was not so 
 much objected to, and yet its destruction involved the loss 
 of several fine libraries, museums, valuable apparatus, math 
 ematical and astronomical instruments, and rare works of 
 science and art, the destruction of which benefitted nobody, 
 but in which science, art and literature suffered a great and 
 irreparable loss. But for the vandalism in the college, there 
 can be no excuse. Washington College was organized in 
 1749, was endowed by General George Washington in 
 1796 with 100 shares in the James River Canal Company, 
 which was afterwards commuted by the Legislature of Vir 
 ginia to an interest bearing fund of $50,000, at which time 
 it was given its name, it having before that been known as 
 Washington and Lee University, which last name was 
 again given it on the death of General Lee in 1870. At 
 the time it was vandalized, in 1864, it had libraries contain 
 ing 20,000 volumes, among which were many very old and 
 rare books. To be sure, it and the Institute had educated 
 a great many officers for the rebel army, but West Point 
 had educated a great many more than both of them for the 
 same army. The name and memory of its great founder 
 should have saved it from the vandalism of Turks, and 
 what can be offered in palliation of the act when committed 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. IO5 
 
 by American soldiers? It will always remain a deep re 
 proach to General Hunter, gallant soldier though he was. 
 The army moved from Lexington on the I4th, our reg 
 iment again being rear guard. The main body reached 
 Buchanan late in the afternoon, where they found a long 
 bridge spanning the James River, destroyed by the rebels 
 the day before, as were all others, great and small, along 
 the road, as they fell back before our cavalry. The citi 
 zens of Buchanan had done all they could to prevent the 
 burning of the long bridge across the river, first because 
 firing it would endanger the safety of the town, and second, 
 because the river was everywhere fordable. But McCans- 
 land had a mania for burning, and, as anticipated, the town 
 was also set on fire, and a great many fine buildings, includ 
 ing nearly all the stores, were burned. The main body of 
 the troops were across by midnight, but the delays at the 
 front prevented our regiment reaching Buchanan, until 3 
 o clock in the morning. We had to remain on the north 
 side of the river until everything was across, and so rested 
 a few hours, but all our cooking utensils were in our wagon, 
 away, somewhere, to the front of the train, and so could 
 cook nothing to eat. Next morning, June i5th, we forded 
 the river and started for Liberty, the other side of the Blue 
 Ridge, over what is called the "Peak Road," taking its 
 name from the fact that it passes the " Peaks of Otter," 
 three very high mountains close together on the other side 
 of the Blue Ridge. On our Way across, we were greatly 
 impeded by trees felled across the road, rocks rolled in, and 
 streams of water diverted from t-heir course into the road. 
 At one place we saw the body of a man lying by the road 
 side. It would shock anyone to repeat the trilling remarks 
 made by the men as they passed him. We passed between 
 two of the Peaks of Otter, and within a mile and a half of 
 the Natural Bridge, but not being on a pleasure excursion, 
 we did not visit this marvelous curiosity of nature. A few 
 
IO6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 of our daring fellows, who never miss anything in any coun 
 try through which they pass, did visit it, however, and 
 brought away with them relics in proof of their midnight 
 venture. Near the summit of one of the Peaks of Otter is 
 a very large spring, from which flows Otter Creek. We 
 camped a short distance beyond the Peaks, and drank from 
 the cool water of this strange mountain spring. Next day 
 we passed through Liberty, which was at that time almost 
 nothing but a rebel hospital. The houses were nearly all 
 filled with rebel wounded, and, besides, there were four 
 large hospital buildings, erected for the purpose of accom 
 modating the wounded from Lee s army. Every village 
 we entered east of the Blue Ridge, and every one reached 
 by our cavalry on either flank for miles, was in the same 
 situation. Every country house and barn was filled to re 
 pletion with wounded men. The Virginia & Tennessee 
 Railroad passes through Liberty, and utter destruction was 
 made of its depots, track, etc., as usual in such cases. Lib 
 erty is a very pretty place, and the people, though in the 
 heart of rebeldom, treated us decently. Some of the more 
 ignorant people, who had never seen a "Yank" before, 
 were surprised to see us without horns and all the other 
 traditional appendages of "Old Nick." We had but half 
 rations for two days past, and the Quartermaster said we 
 would have none to-morrow. The men told him he would 
 suffer if we had none. 
 
 June 1 7th, we left our camp, three miles south of Lib 
 erty, for Lynchburg. About 10 A. M. we met the enemy 
 in some force, but drove him before our skirmish line 
 steadily, till between 2 and 3 P. M., when a stand was made 
 at a creek, our crossing of which they disputed. But the 
 advance was sufficient to disperse them, not, however, until 
 they had destroyed the bridge. Its reconstruction delayed 
 the trains and its guard several hours. The rear guard 
 came up while it was yet scarcely begun. All were in 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. IO7 
 
 haste to cross, but the engineer in charge of its reconstruc 
 tion was bound to see that it was put up only after the 
 most approved methods of regular army bridge building. 
 But the plans were too elaborate and tedious, and every 
 body got out of patience, for firing in front was urging 
 everyone forward, especially the artillery. Western expe 
 dients came to the rescue. When the n6th came up, Cap 
 tain John F. Welch, of our regiment, who was in charge of 
 the pioneer corps of our division, was expostulating with 
 the engineer against his plans, which involved too much 
 time. Finally he prevailed on the engineer to let him try 
 his way of building a bridge u in a hurry," and calling for 
 a number of good choppers from the n6th, which it con 
 tained in abundance, as he knew, they went into a woods 
 close by and began cutting timbers, which were carried to 
 the ground by the stalwart fellows of the regiment, and in 
 less than an hour the artillery was crossing, on the gallop, to 
 the front. Moving on rapidly now, we arrived at the 
 Quaker Stone Church, in the midst of a sharp engagement, 
 in which the pist Ohio suffered considerably, Colonel 
 Turlev being severely wounded. The n6th took but 
 small part in this affair, being too far to the left, the fight 
 ing being more to the right. Crook s division was engaged 
 with the enemy at the church when we came up. The 
 rebels were driven from this point into their entrenchments 
 around Lynchburg. Our division now relieved the second, 
 which went into camp. By this time it was dark, and after 
 our regiment had been moved from one point to another 
 several times, we went on the picket line, quite close up 
 to the rebel entrenchments, and there lay until morning. 
 About 10 o clock that night, we heard the whistle of a loco 
 motive and the rolling of a train. From that hour till noon 
 next day, w r e could hear trains arriving, and after daylight 
 could see large bodies of troops moving out of the city 
 towards our position, and hear bands playing, and see 
 
IO8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 movements in all directions, which clearly indicated the ar 
 rival of large reinforcements. Early in the morning, we 
 were moved out to the extreme left in support of a battery. 
 The rebels did some of the best artillery firing we ever 
 saw, and our battery had scarcely opened fire, before it was 
 obliged to retire to shelter. Their sharp-shooters were also 
 extremely accurate in their aim, thev seemed to know the 
 ground perfectly. About 2 p. M., the rebels made a desper 
 ate charge on the right and center of our brigade. We 
 were then a quarter of a mile to the left of it. Our battery 
 pulled out for the right, and we hastened to the support of 
 our brigade. While en route to join the brigade, a column 
 of rebels was seen coming through the woods, directly on 
 our flank. The rebels were making a charge on our cen 
 ter, which they were driving back slowly. Two different 
 regiments went forward in turn to check the rebel advance, 
 but each was repulsed. By this time we had reached a 
 position directly in the course of the regiment that had been 
 last sent in, and was now falling back through us in disor 
 der. Here we halted to stop the further advance of the 
 enemy. We had hardly halted, before Colonel Washburn 
 received an order to "charge with the n6th." We imme 
 diately formed for the charge, and went down upon the 
 charging rebels, just as they were ascending a hill. We 
 had the advantage in charging down, as they were charging 
 up the hill, and we not only checked them, but they broke 
 in wild confusion to their breastworks. Clambering over 
 them, we pushed on to their second line, being now rein 
 forced by the 5th West Virginia, under Colonel Enochs. 
 Here we were met by a very heavy force well entrenched, 
 and, lying down, we fought hard against desperate odds, 
 waiting for help, which we felt \vould surely come, until we 
 were assaulted on both flanks by infantry, and by grape 
 and cannister from a battery, planted not five rods in our 
 front. We then fell back to the first line of works we had 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. I Op 
 
 taken, and on their face, fought again, until we were struck 
 on our left by a large force which crossed over the works 
 in the woods on that flank. We then fell back to a posi 
 tion in the woods, through which we had charged, where 
 we remained for some time unmolested, and to which we 
 carried most of our wounded. Among our badly wounded 
 was Captain Edwin Keyes and Color Sergeant Fred. E. 
 Humphrey, both of whom we were obliged to leave behind 
 us. We again fell back to the line of the rest of the troops, 
 only to find that the retreat had commenced. 
 
 Our regiment was praised \vithout stint for its gallantry 
 on this occasion. It was the only regiment of Hunter s 
 army that entered the rebel works about Lynchburg; its 
 colors were the only colors carried over them, or planted 
 upon them. To show that this is no idle boasting, I quote 
 from several authorities, and first General Hunter says in 
 his report: "The n6th Ohio made a gallant charge, and 
 carried its colors over the enemy s works, but was com 
 pelled to retire before superior numbers." 
 
 Major Pratt, of the 34th Massachusetts, wrote: "For 
 a moment the stars and stripes, borne by the color bearer 
 of the n6th Ohio, \vere seen waving from the enemy s 
 breastworks; but the word to withdraw was given, and 
 soon our troops occupied nearly their old position." 
 
 George E. Pond, in "The Shenandoah V alley in 1864," 
 says : " During the afternoon, Hunter attacked in force, 
 bringing into action his two divisions of infantry and his ar 
 tillery in the center, on and near the Bedford turnpike, 
 Duffie along the Forest road, on the left, and a part of 
 Averill s along the Campbell road, on the right. Early s 
 infantry sallied from their works on the Bedford road to 
 meet this attack, but were gallantly driven back by Sulli 
 van, aided by Crook, and the n6th even planted its colors 
 on Early s breastworks." 
 
IIO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 The second division, under General Crook, moved to 
 the right early in the morning, and reconnoitered the ene 
 my s position in that direction for three or four miles, seek 
 ing in vain for an unguarded spot at which to make an 
 attack on the enemy s left. 
 
 General Crook says in his report of July yth, 1864: "I 
 was sent to the right to make a reconnoisance, for the pur 
 pose of turning the enemy s left. Found it impracticable, 
 after marching three or four miles, and had just returned 
 with my division and got it in position to support General 
 Sullivan when the enemy made an attack on our lines." 
 
 About seven o clock we moved out, and followed in the 
 rear of the trains all that night. Our loss in the charge 
 was twelve killed, twenty-two wounded and ten prisoners, 
 as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Privates James A. Boyd and Jefferson Gatten, Company A; Charles C. Davis, Com 
 pany B; Geo. B. Blair, Geo M. Coulter and Jacob Kernan. Company E; William 
 Fisher, Company F; Gilbert Van Horn, Company I; Moses F. Starr, Micajah Gowdy 
 and Evander B. Hamilton, Company D, and Geerge Lyons, Company K. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 COMPANY A Corporal John W. Devore, foot; Henry Harmon, thigh ; Daniel P, 
 Hubbard, bowels. 
 
 COMPANY B Captain Edwin Keyes, knee and elbow, (died at Lynchburg, Va., 
 July 19th, 1864,); Color Sergeant Fred. E. Humphrey, shoulder and neck; Royal 
 Daines, side, (died of his wounds after muster out,); Philip Feiger, William E. 
 Lefaver. 
 
 COMPANY C Corporal Walter Tacker, leg; John Egger, leg. 
 
 COMPANY D Corporal Alexander Straight, arm; James G. Dally, leg; Isaiah 
 Mozena. 
 
 COMPANY E Sergeant John G. Reithmiller, side ; Joseph Connor, hip. 
 COMPANY F William Allen, right arm amputated; Jacob Martin, head. 
 
 COMPANY G Corporal James B. Miller, ankle; David A. Moore, (died at Anderson- 
 ville, Ga., August 14, 1864.) 
 
 COMPANY H Isaac Russell, side. 
 COMPANY I Corporal William Scott, head . 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. Ill 
 
 COMPANY K Corporal Carmi Allison, lungs ; Corporal John Young, foot ; Corporal 
 Perry Gardner, neck; William Hunter, finger. 
 
 PRISONERS. 
 
 Captain Edwin Keyes, Sergeant Fred. E. Humphrey, Horace McNeal, Wells Grubb, 
 William E. Lefaver, Nelson Watson, Royal Hoyt, Alex C. Warren, all of Company B; 
 Albin Vickers, Company C, and John Vickers, of Company D. 
 
 Making a total loss of forty-four killed, wounded and 
 missing. 
 
 Color Sergeant Fred. E. Humphrey was wounded while 
 waving his colors over the rebel works. He displayed the 
 greatest gallantry, the whole color guard as gallantly gath 
 ering about and following to the last forward step. The 
 entire guard mounted the works beside him, and their 
 dauntless courage inspired the whole regiment to charge 
 over and up to the enemy s second line. As he fell, terri 
 bly wounded, one of the guard caught the colors and held 
 them to the front, until w r e fell back. The Corporals named 
 among the \vounded were nearly all of the guard, and 
 when \ve came out of the fight, it was found necessary to 
 organize a new color guard. Volunteers to carry them 
 were called for, and among the number who stepped for 
 ward w r as private James Logan, of company C, to \vhom 
 one of the standards was given, and who most honorably, 
 and with the most unflinching bravery, carried it through 
 some of the subsequent battles in the Shenandoah Valley, 
 until he was promoted to the chaplaincy of the regiment, on 
 the 1 2th of November, 1864, for brave and meritorious con 
 duct as color bearer. He was in very truth a "fighting 
 parson," and, withal, a most exemplary Christian gentle 
 man. Poor, brave Sergeant Humphrey we were compelled 
 to leave behind us, as we were also Captain Keyes. The 
 Captain had a knee and an elbow shattered w r ith musket 
 balls, and he died at Lynchburg on the ipth of July, from 
 the effects of these wounds. He led his company most 
 
112 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 heroically in the battle, and received his first wound in the 
 knee, at the last moment, in holding his company against the 
 charge made on our left, just before we fell back into the 
 woods from the rebel works, and his second, in the elbow, 
 just as we began to fall back. He was carried back by his 
 men, and when he heard the command to halt given out 
 along the line in the woods, he repeated it to his men, and 
 directed them to form in their places. As soon as it was 
 learned that he was badly wounded, the officers and his 
 men gathered about him to bid him farewell, for it was evi 
 dent he could not be moved far. The rebels were now 
 shelling the woods with great fury, and being still within 
 range of their grape and cannister, also the rattle of small 
 arms, the hurling and crashing of flying missies, the explo 
 sion of shells, and the yells of the victorious enemy, com 
 bined to make one of the wildest battle scenes we ever wit 
 nessed. Captain Keyes was now conveyed to the field 
 hospital. His loss was mourned, not alone by his own 
 company, but by the whole regiment. 
 
 The march that night was dreary enough. Our men 
 had had but one cracker apiece in two days, had marched 
 all one of these, fought all the other, and stood picket dur 
 ing the intervening night. In this condition, we marched 
 all night quite rapidly, and overtook the train about day 
 light next morning. We reached our old camp of the night 
 before, about 6 A. M., and stopped to make coffee. The 
 ever faithful colored people now began flocking to our 
 army by the hundreds. Many of them carried heavy loads 
 of provisions, which they gladly divided with the soldiers, 
 and told us where flour, meal, bacon, hogs and other eat 
 ables were concealed. A foraging expedition sent out near 
 Liberty, under the guidance of a squad of colored men, re 
 turned in a short time with some provisions, which were 
 soon made a meal of. Three good horses were also 
 brought in, taken from the cellar of a " mansion " close by. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1 13 
 
 Some provisions were saved for another meal. Now, when 
 we say "meal," we do not mean to be understood as 
 having had all we wanted to eat. Not by great odds! 
 Some had none, others a little, and a few lucky fellows, 
 who always had enough, no matter what happened, had an 
 abundance. A letter written by Quartermaster Sergeant 
 Walker to his friends at Athens, upon our arrival at Gau- 
 ley Bridge, under date of July ist, 1864, gi ves such a 
 graphic, faithful history of the retreat from Lynchburg, 
 that with his consent we give it here in full: 
 
 "TuNE i8TH The nVhtino; commenced in ofood season 
 
 J O O CD 
 
 this morning. Our regiment had been on picket all night, 
 and I had not seen them. After breakfast the hospital 
 steward wanted me to go and help him in the hospital. I 
 started, and was afterwards told I was wanted on the field 
 to assist in the ambulance corps. I went out and reported 
 to Dr. Smith, of our regiment, and remained with him till 
 after the hardest of the light, which came off between 2 
 and 3 o clock p. M. The rebels charged our centre, and 
 drove it. Another regiment then went forward, and were 
 also driven back by the enemy. Our regiment then went 
 into the breach, and not only checked the rebels, but drove 
 them clear back, and if I am not mistaken in the time, they 
 charged them then, and came near taking another line of 
 works, and would have succeeded had they been properly 
 supported. In the charge Captain Keyes, of company B, 
 was wounded in the left knee and left elbow 7 , and, it is 
 feared, it will be necessary to amputate both the arm and 
 leg; if so, he cannot possibly live. I could not keep from 
 shedding tears when I saw 7 him the first time, and yet he 
 would, while lying there on his back, sing in a cheerful 
 tone, " Rally Round the Flag," and talk to others to cheer 
 them up. He was a good soldier and a GOOD CHRISTIAN. 
 This latter accounts for his cheerfulness, even while he 
 knew he must in all probability die. But death had no 
 
114 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 terrors for him. We also had another "color bearer" 
 wounded, making in all three that have been wounded dur 
 ing this raid. Our flags, too, are beginning to look the 
 worse for wear. Our loss in this fight has not been so 
 great as in the first, but the wounds are of a more serious 
 character. I saw no less than a dozen amputations per 
 formed, and there were others that would have to be per 
 formed the next day, or as soon as possible. I do hope and 
 pray I may never be called upon to witness the horrors of 
 another battle field. And yet there is no cloud so dark but 
 it may have a silver lining. The poor fellows are so 
 thankful when you do anything for them, it is a pleasure to 
 wait on them. After going to the hospital with Captain 
 Keyes and the Color Sergeant, I did not return to the field, 
 but Lee and I busied ourselves, trying to make the men of 
 our regiment as comfortable as possible. We carried them 
 into a large barn that had been prepared for a hospital, 
 where we made beds of new mown hay. Every man we 
 moved was covered with blood, and by the time we were 
 through we were about as bloody as the wounded men. 
 * * * * By 6 A. M. Sunday, we reached our old camp 
 near Liberty, where we stopped to get breakfast. Some 
 of the men had foraged a little flour along the road, of 
 which they made batter cakes, but many of the men were 
 obliged to go without bread. About noon we moved for 
 ward and stopped about three miles the other side of the 
 town of Liberty, intending to stay all night, but the enemy 
 came up on our rear, and heavy skirmishing ensued. Again 
 we moved forward, and did not stop till Monday morning. 
 The men were so tired that they would go to sleep in the 
 ranks. I went sound asleep quite a number of times, while 
 walking along, and was only awakened by making a wrong 
 step, or something of that sort. While the skirmishing 
 was going on in our rear, Sunday evening, the boys 
 went out and brought in quite a quantity of flour enough 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. T. 11$ 
 
 to last a whole day. It was that, and that alone, that 
 enabled the men to make the long march they did Sun 
 day night and Monday morning. It was almost noon 
 when we stopped for breakfast. The men had barely time 
 to bake their flour and fry their meat, when the order was 
 given to fall in. The idea of starting out on another long 
 march without rest was enough to sicken any one, but it 
 must be done. We were out of rations, and in the heart of 
 the enemy s country, and we must move fast or suffer from 
 starvation, Marched all night, and reached Salem early in 
 the day, Tuesday. There was some skirmishing upon our 
 approaching the town, but the enemy were easily driven 
 off. Leaving Salem, we had a rough mountain pass to go 
 through, a place of all others where we might expect dan 
 ger, and yet the train and artillery were started off without 
 the show of a guard. The train of wagons passed through 
 safely, but just as soon as the artillery had fairly entered 
 the gap, a party of rebs dashed down the side of the moun 
 tain, unharnessed the horses, and after cutting the wheels 
 of the artillery wagons, started off over the mountain. As 
 soon as word could be got to General Hunter, a cavalry 
 force was started in pursuit and, I believe, succeeded in 
 bringing back some of the horses. Some of the pieces 
 were not so badly damaged but that we brought them 
 away with us, but we were obliged to burn and destroy 
 eight of the guns. Aside from that disaster, this raid has 
 been a great success, but that leaves a black mark for us 
 to look back upon. This gap, like most others we have 
 passed through, is deep and narrow, mountains rising on 
 either side at an angle of forty-rive degrees, very rocky, a 
 small stream winding from one side of the road to the other, 
 It always makes me feel lonely to pass one of them, and yet 
 I am glad when I hear there is one of them on our route. 
 After having marched us three days and three nights, Gen 
 eral Hunter concluded to let us rest Tuesday night, and 
 
Il6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 you may be sure the boys were not sorry. After making 
 coffee and frying meat, they laid down and slept soundly 
 till morning. One of our men went out and found a sack of 
 green tea, with over a bushel of tea in it. Wednesday we 
 passed a house where a number of ladies had come together 
 from a distance to get one more look at the old flag they 
 so well loved. Our flag was unfurled, and three cheers 
 given for the flag, and three for the ladies. Our bed that 
 night was the rockiest place you ever saw. Gather to 
 gether a lot of boulders out of the river, from the size of 
 your fist to that of your head, throw them on the ground 
 till you cannot see anything but stones, cover them with a 
 single blanket, and you are ready to lie down. A hard 
 bed, I think I hear you say, and yet I never slept more 
 sweetly than on that very same pile of stones. Thursday, 
 23d, we crossed three pretty high mountains, "Sinking 
 Creek," "Spotts" and "Sweet Spring" mountains. While 
 crossing these mountains, many of the teams gave out, 
 making it necessary to burn the wagons. No less than 
 fifty wagons were destroyed in this way in one day, and 
 from 250 to 300 horses and mules gave out, and were shot 
 by the rear guard to prevent them from falling into the 
 enemy s hands. At the base of the " Sweet Spring Moun 
 tains" are the Sweet Sulphur Springs. This, though not 
 so noted a place as the White Sulphur Springs, is fast be 
 coming a place of some renown. The buildings, though 
 not quite so exensive, are still sufficient for the accommo 
 dation of quite a number of guests. The main building is 
 about 300 feet long, and finished off in very good style. 
 There are two large baths, one for ladies and one for gen 
 tlemen, with dressing rooms for each. The water can be 
 graduated from three feet deep to six, at the pleasure of the 
 bathers. I merely tasted the water to see what it was like. 
 It is warm and has a sickish, sulphurish, metallicish, nasty- 
 ish taste that can not be described. I don t see what folks 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. II 7 
 
 want to drink such stuff for. If they were compelled to do 
 so, I am sure they would never stop complaining. The 
 Red Sweet Springs are about a mile from the first, but are 
 not much visited. Friday, 24th, marched to White Sulphur 
 Springs. Little did I think, when I started on this raid, I 
 would have an opportunity of visiting this great watering 
 place of America, second only to Saratoga. The buildings 
 are much more extensive, numbering over 100 cottages. I 
 should think the main buildings must be nearly 400 feet 
 long, with porches on either side; the basement story was 
 used for culinary purposes, the first floor contained the din 
 ing-room and parlors, the former occupying the central 
 part of the building, the latter the two wings; the dining- 
 hall is about 300 feet long by fifty feet wide, the parlors 
 about seventy-five by fifty; the second and third stories are 
 used as rooms for guests, and, though very small, the 
 rooms are generally finished off in plain style. Everything 
 has been removed since the breaking out of the war, and 
 the whole thing looks desolate indeed. The cottages are 
 divided as a general thing, into four rooms and a bath 
 room, with high ceilings, large windows and doors, with 
 porches in front, and high steps. On the 25th and 26th, 
 marched as rapidly as we could. The men have been 
 without bread for four days. (I have only been out three 
 days.) We are living on fresh beef and coffee; 27th a 
 supply train came up after we got into camp. I never saw 
 such rejoicing. Some of the boys were so weak that they 
 could hardly talk. The 29th, we passed the celebrated 
 " Lover s Leap," and " Hawk s Nest." The latter, particu 
 larly, is a grand sight. You stand on an overhanging rock 
 and look down several hundred feet into New River, which 
 seems directly under you, and yet it takes a good man to 
 throw a stone into the water. Looking up the stream, you 
 have a fine view of the river, as it comes leaping and dash 
 ing in its wild career over the rocks between the two 
 
110 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 mountains. We reached this place, (Gauley) June 29th, 
 tired, dirty, worn out, etc., etc." 
 
 The enemy s infantry followed us to Bedford Gap, some 
 of his cavalry, under McCausland, to Salem. There is but 
 little to add to the excellent account of Walker. A few in 
 cidents of the march only remain to be added. The night 
 before reaching " Sweet Sulphur Springs," companies A 
 and B, through some mistake, were left on picket on the 
 top of Pott s Mountain, and were there attacked. Gilbert 
 G. Webster, of company B, was wounded in the arm. 
 The companies made a good stand, and it was due to this 
 that they escaped capture, for they were largely outnum 
 bered. The companies rejoined the regiment about noon 
 next day, pretty thoroughly exhausted. 
 
 Quartermaster Sergeant Walker, under date of June 
 28th, wrote in his diary: "Found a sack of grain in the 
 train which I took. First we have had since leaving 
 Salem." This shows, as well as more words would do it, 
 how the poor animals of the army fared. A great many of 
 the horses giving out crossing the mountains would, after 
 two or three hours rest and browsing in the woods into 
 which they were turned loose, revive sufficiently to follow 
 along, and were utilized by the men in carrying knapsacks, 
 guns, etc. The poor animals were so hungry they would 
 eat anything, and though the men were half starved them 
 selves, they would cut brush, hunt grass and forage, as much 
 for the horses that were carrying their knapsacks, guns and 
 sick companions as for themselves. In this way a great 
 many abandoned horses were saved and brought through in 
 very good shape. During our halt at Meadow Bluffs, a 
 private soldier and I wish I knew his name for special 
 mention here came to our headquarters and gave the 
 Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel and Adjutant each a very large, 
 fresh onion. I do not suppose either of us ever expects 
 again to taste anything half as delicious as those onions 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 were, or to be presented with anything, while we live, that 
 will draw from our hearts such profound thanks. Now 
 and then our men would find among the mountains an 
 "applejack" or illicit distillery. Then there would be 
 "music in the air" for a time. Colonel Washburn s teeth 
 were not very good, and his attempts at "blessing" the 
 tough meat issued to us was a caution to the Chaplain. 
 We did not hear of President Lincoln s re-nomination, which 
 occurred on the 7th of June, at Baltimore, until the day 
 before we reached Gauley Bridge. 
 
 The assertion has often been made that we might have 
 captured Lynchburg had we pressed on the night of the 
 ryth. Facts, since developed, show conclusively that we 
 could not. After our victory at Piedmont. Vaughn took up 
 a position in Rock Fish Gap, near Waynesboro. Two 
 brigades of Breckenridge, Wharton s and Echols , were 
 immediately sent there to reinforce Vaughn. As soon as 
 Hunter was far enough up the valley to insure that he did 
 not contemplate approaching Lynchburg by way of Rock 
 Fish Gap, Breckenridge hastened to Lynchburg with the 
 rest of his division, to which he also withdrew Vaughn, 
 Wharton and Echols, and to which he was also able to add 
 quite an army of home guards and convalescents, for Lynch 
 burg and all the country about there was at that time filled 
 with sick and wounded from Lee s army. These forces 
 alone nearly equalled Hunter s army, and they were put 
 behind strong entrenchments and supplied with artillery. 
 But these were not all we met there on the lyth. On the 
 1 3th, Lee had sent Ewell s corps, then under Early, from 
 Cold Harbor, to proceed by way of Louisa and Charlottes- 
 ville, and passing through Brown s Gap, to get in Hunter s 
 rear, who was then supposed to be at Staunton. Striking 
 the railroad at Charlottes ville, on the i6th, Early learned of 
 Hunter s near approach to Lynchburg, when, hastily putting 
 his men aboard cars, he pushed them rapidly on to Lynch- 
 
I2O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 burg, and on the i7th, half of Early s corps had reached the 
 place and the other half had reached it by noon of the i8th. 
 It was part of Gordon s and Ramseur s divisions that Crook 
 and Averill fought the evening of the lyth. Of the delay 
 at Staunton no one complains, but that at Lexington has 
 been criticised. But there was a sound reason for this. As 
 Hunter started from Staunton he sent Duffie, with his divi 
 sion of cavalry, to demonstrate against Vaughn at Waynes- 
 boro, but finding him too strong for him he moved further 
 South, and crossed the Blue Ridge at Tye River Gap. 
 From there he proceeded to Amherst Court House where 
 he broke the Charlottesville & Lynchburg Railroad, and 
 also at Avington Station. Imboden followed him, when 
 Durrie turned on him and gave him a terrible whipping, 
 capturing 100 prisoners, 400 horses, and a part of Imboden s 
 train. He destroyed, beside, some iron furnaces and a large 
 quantity of commissary stores. Hunter sent couriers after 
 him to return to the army and waited at Lexington for his 
 return, which he did not do until the afternoon of the I3th. 
 Durrie was evidently bent on distinguishing himself, though 
 it might be at the expense of the success of the expedition. 
 His destruction of the railroad was not sufficient, as has 
 been seen, to keep Early s troops from being conveyed over 
 the railroad, four days afterward, from Charlottesville to 
 Lynchburg, and he caused a loss of two days at Lexington 
 waiting for him. 
 
 The plan of General Grant s campaign comprehended a 
 simultaneous movement, early in May, of Generals Sigel, 
 Crook, Averill, and Burbridge upon Lynchburg, but it 
 failed in the execution as entirely as did that of General 
 Butler s against Petersburg. Sigel was defeated at New 
 Market, and retiring to Cedar Creek was relieved by 
 Hunter. General Crook was the only one successful in the 
 part assigned him. He attacked and defeated Jenkins, at 
 Cloyd s Mountain, on the pth of May. He then advanced 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 121 
 
 as far as Newbern, on the Virginia & Tennessee Railroad, 
 where he was met by General Morgan, with a superior 
 force, when he decided to give up the attempt to reach 
 Lvnchburg and return to Meadow Bluffs. Notwithstanding 
 this first failure, General Grant determined to carry out his 
 original plan, and organized other forces to cut off General 
 Lee s communications by the Virginia & Tennessee Rail 
 road, and, if possible, to occupy Lvnchburg. General 
 Hunter was reinforced, General Crook, General Averill and 
 General Sheridan were to join him at Staunton or Char- 
 lottesville, and General Burbridge, in the neighborhood of 
 Bonsack s Depot or Liberty. Had this plan not miscarried 
 by the failure of Sheridan to reach us from the one side, and 
 Burbridge from the other, the expedition would doubtless 
 have been a complete success, for it would have been 
 extremely hazardous for Lee to have detached troops 
 enough, from his army confronting Grant, to have checked 
 us. 
 
 On the 1 2th of June, the day that Hunter reached Lex 
 ington, Sheridan was forced to retreat from before Gor- 
 donsville with Torbert s and Gregg s divisions of cavalry, 
 so that his movement did not even aid Hunter as a diver 
 sion, for Early reached Charlottesville on the i6th, about 
 the date of Sheridan s return to White House. General 
 Sheridan was given a lengthy letter of instructions to deliver 
 to General Hunter from Grant, which, of course, never 
 readied him. In it, Grant said : " After the work laid out 
 for General Sheridan and yourself is thoroughly done, 
 proceed to join the Army of the Potomac by the route laid 
 out in General Sheridan s instructions." On the i6th Sec 
 retary Stanton w r rote to General Stahel as follows : " Gen 
 eral Sheridan, who was sent by General Grant to open 
 communications with General Hunter, by way of Char 
 lottesville, has just returned to York River without effecting 
 his object. It is, therefore, very probable that General 
 
122 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Hunter will be compelled to fall back into West Virginia." 
 The "route laid out in General Sheridan s instructions" for 
 joining the Army of the Potomac was the one pursued by 
 Sheridan in his advance to and retreat from Gordonsville. 
 The object of the expedition was plain enough: to destroy 
 Lee s communications with the country and to weaken his 
 lines before Grant. But history shows that the expedition 
 had another quite unlooked for effect, and one much more 
 far-reaching than either of the two objects named. 
 
 After the fall of Atlanta, Jefferson Davis told the people 
 of Georgia that " an audacious movement of the enemy, up 
 to the very walls of Lynchburg, had rendered it necessary 
 to cover that vital point with troops otherwise intended for 
 the relief of Atlanta." Burbridge, who was to co-operate 
 with Hunter, was diverted from doing so by "Morgan s 
 raid" into Kentucky, and finally into Ohio, where he and 
 his whole force were captured. Thus it will be seen that 
 "Hunter s raid," as it was termed, proved of very great 
 importance to the Union cause in many ways, that it stirred 
 up the enemy in several directions, and frustrated the plans 
 of Davis and Lee more, perhaps, than anything occurring 
 during the campaign of 1864. 
 
 An expedition attended with such important results can 
 not, in truth, be called a failure. General Hunter, himself, 
 on June 28th, expressed the view, in a dispatch to the 
 Secretary of War, that the expedition had been "extremely 
 successful, inflicting great injury upon the enemy." And 
 in this view the Secretary and General Grant fully coin 
 cided, and so did the country, as soon as the true state of 
 facts became known. It was never intended by General 
 Grant that Lynchburg should be held, even should it be 
 captured. In his instructions to Hunter he said : "Accord 
 ing to the instructions I sent General Halleck for your 
 guidance, you were to proceed to Lynchburg for. a single 
 day. But that point is of so much importance to the enemy 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 123 
 
 that in attempting to get it, such resistance may be met as 
 to defeat your getting on to the road or canal at all." But 
 we did get on to both the road and the canal, and destroyed 
 both for long distances, and carried out instructions by 
 remaining at Lynchburg a " single day," and night too. 
 
 A letter written to the Athens (Ohio) Messenger by an 
 officer of the n6th, from Gauley Bridge, under date of 
 July ist, 1864, sums *up the results of the expedition as 
 follows : " We destroyed the Virginia Central Railroad 
 from near Waynesboro to its terminus near Covington. 
 The destruction of the Virginia & Tennessee Railroad was 
 almost complete from Lynchburg to Salem, a distance of 
 sixty miles. Every mill, factory, furnace, foundry and shop 
 in the valley, at which anything was ever made, or could be 
 made, for the use of the rebel army, was destroyed. Per 
 haps $30,000,000 will cover the loss to the rebels though 
 many estimate it much greater. We captured 3,000 pris 
 oners, killed and wounded about 2,000, and broke up entirely 
 the rebel army in the Shenandoah Valley. All the furnaces 
 and iron works of Botetourt county were destroyed. These 
 mainly supplied the rebel manufactories in Richmond with 
 material for cannon, etc. The James River Canal was also 
 badly used up for miles out of Lexington. Our loss will 
 not exceed 1,500 men killed, wounded and missing. All of 
 Hunter s subordinate officers agreed that he had conducted 
 the campaign admirably, and with great skill and energy. 
 And General Crook, speaking of his division, says: The 
 division became a little straightened for provisions, but came 
 out in good shape, thus settling the efforts of some officers 
 of his division to antagonize Crook against Hunter, and at 
 the same time setting at rest the extravagant tales of suffer 
 ing on the retreat. 
 
 Yet still the boys would always sing 
 
 " General Hunter, on the Lynchburg raid, 
 D d near starved the First Brigade. 
 Stuval, Stuval, etc." 
 
124 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Reaching Gauley Bridge, on the 2pth of June, we rested 
 until the 2d of July, when we marched down to Camp Piatt, 
 At this place we embarked upon steamboats, and made our 
 way tediously down the Kanawha, and up the Ohio to 
 Parkersburg, frequently disembarking and marching by 
 shoals in the river, the water being very low. As rough 
 and uncouth as was our appearance when we first entered 
 Parkersburg, in September 1862, it was far worse now. 
 The clothing of the officers and men was in tatters and 
 dirty, half were barefooted, and all worn down by the hard 
 ships of the expedition. To add to their misfortunes, the 
 camp diarrhoea had set in before we left Gauley Bridge, 
 and had prostrated a great many men. We were truly 
 "forlorn and shipwrecked brothers." Getting near their 
 homes on the 4th, many of the men of companies B, I, and 
 G were permitted to visit their friends in Meigs and Athens 
 counties, under a promise to rejoin us at Parkersburg on the 
 7th, which promise they kept. Colonel Charles G. Halpine, 
 ("Miles O Reiley,") who was General Hunter s Adjutant 
 General, gave a magnificent dinner to the officers of the 
 n6th Ohio and 5th West Virginia, at Parkersburg, in 
 honor of their charge on the rebel works at Lynchburg. 
 They were so scattered in moving, however, that many of 
 them did not have the pleasure of enjoying the generous 
 hospitality of this brilliant and gallant Irishman. 
 
 A great many of our Ohio friends met us here with 
 cordial greetings. On the pth, we took cars and started for 
 our old home, the Shenandoah Valley, Reaching Cherry 
 Run on the loth, we found the railroad torn up. From 
 there we marched to Martinsburg, where we camped, and 
 remained one day, the i2th. The men made good use of 
 their time inquiring after their wounded comrades, of whom 
 they found the Union people of the place had taken the best 
 of care. No place in Virginia contained better or truer 
 loyal women than Martinsburg. Many of our men had 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 125 
 
 also left clothes, and other property, in charge of Union 
 people, upon their setting out for Lynchburg, in the spring. 
 It was all safe for them, notwithstanding Early s army had 
 ransacked nearly every house, in search of property they 
 knew had been left and sent back there by the army of 
 Sigel and Hunter. We were, besides, given a fine reception 
 by the citizens of the place, for the n6th was a favorite 
 regiment when stationed there. The officers and men were 
 invited to meals, and many a barefooted lad was shod and 
 given clean under-clothes, gifts that in their needy condition 
 were priceless. Flags were displayed everywhere, and, 
 generally, everything done that could show satisfaction and 
 rejoicing over our return. Several of our convalescent men 
 joined us here, some of whom had been hidden for a long 
 time from the rebel raiders, by the Union people of Mar- 
 tinsburg and the surrounding country. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EARLY IN THE VALLEY HIS ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND, 
 
 AND UPON WASHINGTON MARCH TO HARPER S FERRY- 
 TO HILLSBORO SNICKER S GAP BATTLE OF SNICKER S 
 
 FERRY WOUNDING OF COLONEL WASHBURN HARD 
 
 FIGHT OF THE REGIMENT ON THE RIGHT- BRAVE CON 
 DUCT OF OFFICERS AND MEN LIST OF CASUALTIES. 
 
 We felt at home, and we were at home, and among 
 friends tried and true at Martinsburg, and nothing would 
 have given us so much unalloyed happiness as to have been 
 allowed to remain there until refreshed, clothed and rested, 
 but this could not be, with a rebel army knocking at the 
 gates of the capitol of the Nation, for on that very day, the 
 1 2th of July, Early s skirmishers were immediately in front 
 of forts Stevens and De Russey, four miles north of the 
 city of Washington, and as a historian says : "Toward eve 
 ning their sharpshooters became so annoying, and their 
 audacity so humiliating, that General Augur dispatched a 
 brigade of veterans, by the Seventh street road, to drive 
 them off." So we received orders, in the evening, to be 
 ready to march early next morning, and, as directed, we 
 were early on the road to Harper s Ferry, which we reached 
 on the 1 4th, and at once crossed over to Sandy Hook. Just 
 as our Quarter Master was about to commence issuing ra 
 tions on the 1 5th, we were ordered to march. Most of our 
 men were, by this time, nearly, or entirely bare-footed, and 
 the prospect of entering upon another long march with bare, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 127 
 
 sore feet, was not calculated to inspire them with any great 
 degree of enthusiasm. Some we had to leave, their- feet 
 being in too terrible a condition to move further. At Berlin 
 we forded the Potomac and pushed rapidly up the Loudon 
 valley, camping at Hillsboro. 
 
 A strange lack of information seemed to exist on the part 
 of everyone relative to the situation of our own troops or 
 that of the rebels. General Wright, with parts of the Sixth 
 and Nineteenth corps, numbering 15,000 men, arrived at 
 Poolesville, on the evening of the i4th. That night he no 
 tified General Hunter of his presence and directed him to 
 join him with his forces as soon as possible, at Leesburg. 
 At 6 P. M. he telegraphed Halleck : " I have not been able 
 to get any intelligence from General Hunter s command." 
 Early the next morning Hunter started his troops under 
 General Sullivan at Leesburg. When we reached Hills 
 boro we found ourselves on the flank of Early s army, now 
 hastening through Leesburg and Purcelville, but we could 
 get no word of Wright s whereabouts, and so, although we 
 had an excellent opportunity to crush Early s army, if there 
 had been an understanding of the situation, and co-opera 
 tion between Hunter and Wright, we were obliged to halt 
 and allow the rebel army to pass across our front almost 
 unmolested, for Wright did not proceed to Leesburg at all 
 in pursuit of Lee, but lay at Poolesville until the afternoon 
 of the 1 6th, when he crossed the Potomac at Edwards 
 Ferry. " Comparison of dates and places shows that these 
 West Virginia forces were now coming in directly and very 
 fast upon Early s right flank, and that, had it been wise to 
 do so, they might have been thrown exactly across his path ; 
 but the night of the i5th, while Sullivan was at Hillsboro, 
 Wright was at Poolesville, Md., north of the Potomac. 
 Had Wright and Sullivan possessed a common understand 
 ing for vigorous action in the best possible way, the former 
 close on Early s heels with 15,000 men, and Ricketts and 
 
128 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Kerby hurrying forward with several thousand more, Sulli 
 van and Duffie would apparently have been able to use their 
 9,000 men with great effect against Early s line of march 
 from Leesburg to Snicker s Gap."- - The Shenamloah Valley 
 in 1864. 
 
 We lay at Hillsboro until the afternoon of the i6th. 
 General Crook came up at noon of that day, and, relieving 
 Sullivan, assumed command. He at once set everthing in 
 motion. His cavalry was sent out to find the enemy, and, 
 hearing there was a rebel train at Waterford, our brigade 
 was sent off, in haste, to that place. Arriving there, we found 
 the rebels gone with their trains in the direction of Snick 
 er s Gap. The soldiers were surprised at the Union senti 
 ment expressed by the people here. It was very hot, and 
 our men called for water as they marched rapidly through 
 the place. Very soon many women and children came along 
 the marching column with buckets and pitchers of water, 
 which they dipped out to the men. Flags were also thick 
 ly displayed. Crook s energy soon discovered the fact that 
 Early s columns and trains had been for several hours very 
 close to his command. The infantry was that afternoon 
 moved to Purcelville, where, just before our arrival, Duffie 
 had struck the rebel trains and captured 117 mules and 
 horses, 82 wagons, and 50 or 60 prisoners. That night the 
 forces of Wright and Crook came together just in time to 
 let Early, with all his plunder, slip through between them. 
 Mulligan and Duffie were sent forward to Snicker s Gap 
 that night, \vhere they met the enemy in possession of the 
 Gap, the whole rebel army having crossed into the Shen- 
 andoah valley. 
 
 We lay at Purcelville during the i7th. On the morning 
 of the 1 8th, we advanced through Snicker s Gap to the 
 Ferry. About 2 o clock, General Crook directed Colonel 
 Thoburn to cross the Shenandoah river at Island Ford with 
 his two brigades and the third brigade of the second divis- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 129 
 
 ion. Our brigade was the first to cross, which we did un 
 der a severe fire from some rebel skirmishers, who were un 
 der cover of bushes skirting the west bank of the river. On 
 crossing we captured a rebel captain and fifteen men. We 
 learned from these prisoners that Early s whole force was 
 close by. The other two brigades soon crossed, and Tho- 
 burn forming with the ist, our brigade, on the left; the 3d 
 in the centre, and the 2d, with about 1,000 cavalry, on the 
 right, moved forward to a position a short distance from the 
 river. Companies B, C, D and K of our regiment were 
 put out as skirmishers, and advanced under Lieutenant Col 
 onel Wildes in search of the enemy. We did not have to 
 search very long. Breckenridge, with two divisions, ad 
 vanced against Thoburn s left and centre, and Rhodes against 
 his right, pushing the whole line back to the cover of a 
 stone wall along the bank of the river. The 1,000 dis 
 mounted cavalry on our right broke in confusion and re 
 treated across the river, when our regiment, on the extreme 
 left, was hurried to the extreme right. We found on our 
 arrival a large body of rebels between the stone wall and 
 the river, bearing down heavily on the right of our posi 
 tion, and the gallant 4th West Virginia fighting to maintain 
 its position against desperate odds. Colonel Washburn fell 
 desperately wounded at the head of the regiment, just as 
 he reached the right. Hurrying forward and assuming 
 command of the regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Wildes sta 
 tioned two companies under Captain Mallory between the 
 wall and the river. They charged and drove back the reb 
 els, who had been so closely pressing Colonel Vance. Now 
 hastily throwing up a breastwork of stones and logs across 
 this space, the Captain opened a deadly fire upon the rebels 
 in his front, and drove them out. The rest of the regiment 
 as effectually opened on those in front of the stone wall. 
 At this juncture Sergeant Silas King, of Company F, was 
 sent with ten men, still further to the right, to command the 
 
130 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 opposite side of a stone wall running at right angles with 
 ours, behind which the rebels were gathering to fire on our 
 flank. The gallant sergeant and his men, after a hot con 
 test, cleared the rebels out from behind this wall, killing and 
 wounding some of them almost within the length of some 
 of their guns, the other side of the river wall. Sergeant 
 King s splendid conduct on this occasion won him the praise 
 of his superior officers, and the confidence of everybody in 
 his courage and coolness. He exhibited ability to com 
 mand and determination and daring bravery not often met 
 with in the rank and file. Thus our front and flank were 
 relieved and we were secure in our position. In a letter I 
 wrote on the ipth of July, 1864, from Snicker s Ferry, I 
 find the following : " Our regiment held the extreme right 
 of the line and successfully resisted several desperate efforts 
 of the rebels to turn it and flank us. Captain Mallory, 
 Lieutenant Moseley, Lieutenant Bidenharn, Lieutenant Mar 
 tin, and Sergeants King and Humphrey, of the regiment, 
 fought with as much daring bravery as 1 ever saw. The 
 officers and men of the regiment never behaved better." 
 Soon the rebels returned again to the charge, but we were 
 prepared for them. Every man in the two regiments felt 
 that in driving that column of rebels back depended his life. 
 The river at our back was too deep to more than walk 
 slowly through, and so escape that way was out of the 
 question. Run we could not, if we would. Nothing was 
 left to do but to fight. Every officer and man but one 
 met the shock manfully. In the hottest of the fight a por 
 tion of Mallory s heroes came to our assistance, and under 
 the fresh volleys they added to ours, the rebels broke over 
 the hill, not to return again while we lay behind that stone 
 wall. The cheer that went up from our men, as they saw 
 the rebels break over the hill, indicated the relief they felt 
 and the value they placed upon the victory they had won. 
 Colonel Thoburn was with us, urging the men to stand their 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 ground. He was the coolest man on the field. The men 
 needed no urging, for every man regarded he was fighting 
 for his life. At the moment the rebels fell back this time, 
 heavy cannonading opened from the other side of the river. 
 Looking around no\v for the first time since the battle 
 opened, we saw the long lines of the Sixth Corps drawn up 
 on the mountain s side and in the fields at its foot. For 
 some time the enemy had been endeavoring to plant artil 
 lery to command our stone wall. Had they succeeded in 
 this, it would have gone hard with us. But ours on the op 
 posite side of the river being on higher ground, soon drove 
 off the guns of the enemy, and now began giving atten 
 tion to the rebel infantry. The lines were so close to each 
 other that some damage was done to our own men by shells 
 from our batteries. But they kept the rebels discreetly un 
 der cover, and from this time, an hour before dark, only de 
 sultory firing took place. We dare not retreat, however, 
 as long as that rebel line lay in our front, unless under cover 
 of the darkness. It was long after dark, when we began to 
 cross the river from our position on the right, and we made 
 the crossing without being discovered, or, at least, without 
 being followed or fired upon, while some regiments further 
 to the left, while crossing earlier, met with considerable 
 loss by being followed and fired upon in the river. We car 
 ried over all our wounded. I never read of a battle in which 
 so many different regiments claimed to be the " last to leave 
 the field " Lieutenant Keyes, in his history of the i2^d 
 Ohio, says : " Our regiment and the 34th Massachusetts, 
 than which there was no braver nor more gallant regiment 
 in the service, were left to protect the rear, and, of course, 
 were the last to effect the crossing." Chaplain W. C. 
 Walker, of the i8th Connecticut, is quoted in " The Mili 
 tary and Civil History of Connecticut in the War of 1861- 
 65 " as saying : " The Eighteenth (Conn.) held its position 
 on the right until flanked, and was the last regiment to re- 
 
132 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 cross." Every officer and man in our regiment and in the 
 4th West Virginia knows that the i8th Connecticut was not 
 on that flank when we retired, and they know, further, that 
 our regiment was on the extreme right, for over an hour, 
 before the close of the battle, and that the 4th West Virginia 
 was closed on our left all that time, and that when we re 
 tired no troops remained on that flank. And we all know, 
 too, that we w r ere not flanked, but held our position till we 
 were ordered to retire, after dark. But we leave these va 
 rious claimants to settle their disputes with the remark that 
 we all know the i8th Connecticut was not on the right 
 w r hen we fell back across the river, and that, as to the 34th 
 Massachusetts and i23d Ohio, they were on, or towards, the 
 left, and no one on our end of the line can know when they 
 fell back, and, regarding it unimportant which is right, we 
 pass on. 
 
 Though the righting was very desperate, our loss was 
 comparatively small, owing, of course, to the excellent pro 
 tection afforded us by those friendly stone walls. The fol 
 lowing is a list of our killed and wounded in the battle of 
 Snicker s Ferry, which should be called the battle of Island 
 Ford: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Samuel L. Hayes, Company B; Joshna Farley, Company G; William Stoneman, 
 Company I; George Lamp, Company H 4. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Colonel James Washburn, severely in the head; Sergeant James Hunter, Company 
 A, severely, head; Sergeant Edgar Humphrey, Company I, severely, neck; Privates 
 James Saxton, Company G, severely, neck ; Joel B. Cummins, Company G, severely, 
 shoulder; Samuel Dobbins, Company C severely, side; James McElroy, Company B, 
 severely, thigh ; E. S. Clithero, Company D, severely, leg; Leander Eddy. Company A, 
 severely, leg; and Francis M. Byers, Company 1, severely, leg 10. 
 
 The 4th West Virginia lost one-third its number killed 
 and wounded, mostly, before our arrival. Why the 6th and 
 ipth corps did not come to our assistance, can only be ex 
 plained on the hypothesis, that it was not thought desirable 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 133 
 
 to bring on a general engagement at that place, and at that 
 time. As we passed through the ranks of the 6th corps, 
 after falling back, the men frequently said to us : " We 
 wanted to go over and help you but they wouldn t let us." 
 "As General Ricketts, commanding the 6th corps, did not 
 think it prudent, under the circumstances, to cross his men, 
 and as the enemy were preparing for another attack on my 
 line, I gave the the order to fall back, which was done in 
 good order." -General Crook s report, Oct. 12, 1864.. 
 
 We again lost several good men killed and wounded. 
 All the killed were choice men. Samuel L. Hayes was a 
 beautiful young boy, only eighteen years of age, whom 
 everybody loved. He was killed on the skirmish line and 
 his body carried back by his comrades. George Lamp, of 
 Company H, was another fine boy of the same age. Wil 
 liam Stoneman was one of the very best men of Company I, 
 only 21 years of age. Joshua Farley, of Company G, was 
 but 24 years of age, an excellent soldier and a fine man. 
 His captain, H. L. Karr, writes of him : "Joshua Farley, 
 of Silver Run, Meigs county, was as brave a soldier and as 
 brave a patriot as ever shouldered a musket in defense of 
 his country. His comrades carefully and tenderly laid him 
 in a soldier s grave, a few feet from where he fell, and Com 
 pany G, officers and men, never had heavier hearts, than 
 when they marched from the grave of that brave soldier." 
 
 Sergeant Edgar Humphrey, so badly wounded, came 
 near sacrificing his life, on account of a remark some one 
 had carelessly made derogatory to his personal courage. 
 Several times during the battle he was made to get under 
 cover of the stone wall. He would remain so for only a 
 few minutes, however, when he would rise, and, standing in 
 plain view of the rebel line, load and fire as deliberately and 
 coolly, as if engaged in target practice. I was going to him 
 to make him get down, when he was hit and fell. Kneeling 
 beside him I saw he had received a terrible wound. Re- 
 
134 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 covering soon from the shock he said in a whisper: "Col 
 onel, I guess they won t call me a coward again, will they?" 
 He was too weak then to talk more, but it was afterwards 
 learned that some one had impugned his courage, and here 
 the brave fellow had nearly thrown his life away in order to 
 wipe out the cruel charge. The suffering of his terrible 
 w r ound, or even death itself, had no pangs compared to what 
 he had silently suffered, till this opportunity came to repel 
 and refute the foul imputation, and, having done it, he was 
 content to die, which he and every one else expected was 
 his fate. A lesson was taught, to the whole regiment, not to 
 be too free in the use of such remarks about any soldier 
 thereafter. 
 
 But the most lamentable casualty the regiment met with 
 was the wounding of Colonel Washburn. Just as the reg 
 iment reached the right, and before it had been put in posi 
 tion, he was shot in the head, the ball entering the left eye 
 and passing backward and downward through the head, 
 coming out back of and below the right ear. He was 
 struck by a minnie ball at very close range, and the wound 
 was a frightful one. No one expected him to live but a 
 few minutes. He was conveyed across the river during the 
 battle, as we thought, dying. We scarcely hoped to find 
 him alive when we crossed in the evening, but he was, and 
 what was more, fullv conscious and able to talk. He in 
 quired anxiously how the regiment had fared, and how it 
 had acquitted itself. And then, after expressing the belief 
 that he could not live, gave his sword and belt, watch, 
 pocket-book, papers, letters, and other small articles, to 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, with the request that they be 
 sent to his family. The surgeons could give no hope of his 
 recovery. The officers and men of the regiment passed by 
 and took his hand gently in theirs, many kissing it and 
 shedding tears as they left his side, for few officers were 
 more sincerely loved by their men than Colonel Washburn 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 135 
 
 was bv his. All that night his tent was surrounded by the 
 men, who refused to rest or sleep, while their Colonel, as 
 they supposed, lay dying. Whispered inquiries were made 
 by them of surgeons and attendants as they passed in and 
 out, and as the morning approached, some encouragement 
 was given out of his ultimate recovery. The surgeons 
 claimed to have ascertained that no vital spot had been 
 struck, and in the morning a detail of strong men was made 
 to carefully carry him to Harper s Ferry. There he recov 
 ered rapidly, and on the 26th of October he visited the reg 
 iment at Cedar Creek, when he was given a royal recep- 
 *tion. He had reported by letter to General Crook for duty 
 some time before this ; had, in fact, reported for duty within 
 sixty days after he was wounded! He remained several 
 days with the regiment, but did not assume command, hav 
 ing been assigned by General Sheridan as commandant of 
 the Post at Wheeling, West Virginia. During his visit, 
 which was alike pleasant to himself and the regiment, the 
 following circular was issued and read upon the first dress 
 parade the regiment had indulged in since May, and which 
 was held wholly in his honor: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS HGiHOmo VOLUNTEER INFANTRY, \ 
 (CIRCULAR.) CEDAR CREEK, VA., Oct. 30, 1864. | 
 
 The Colonel of the regiment embraces this opportunity of tendering his thanks to, 
 and expressing his pride in, the brave officers :ind men of the llfith regiment. On ac 
 count of a severe wound he received at Snicker s Ferry in July last, he has not b^en 
 with you throughout the entire campaign, but he feels proud to say that he belongs to a 
 regiment which has bravely withstood, in the memorable campaign just closed, all the 
 hardships, privations and perils of the march, the bivouac and the battle field. While 
 it was his honored privilege to lead you, he ever found you ready to obey orders ; since 
 he has been separated from you he has anxiously and proudly watched your move 
 ments. In three of the most stubbornly fought battles of the summer, he has found 
 you always where duty called you, and where good soldiers ought to he, and he has 
 heard only unstinted praise of your conduct. You have made for your regiment a name 
 and a tame that will outlive you all, and to which your children, and your children s 
 children will point with pride in the years of the future. 
 
 JAMES WASHBURN, Colonel. 
 
 Officers and men of the llGt/i : 
 
 In your behalf I know I may 8ay that our Colonel s very flattering opinion of his 
 command is reciprocated ; that no expression of his esteem for you is too strong to rep 
 resent your regard for him, and when I assure him that you are as proud of his brave 
 
136 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 leadership as he is of your prowess, I know I express the honest sentiment of every, 
 member of the regiment. He is esteemed by us all as well worthy to be the leader of 
 such men as his pardonable partiality pronounces you to be. It is with sore regret that 
 I have to announce to you that his surgeons and superior officers regard his fearful 
 wound as having unfitted him for active duty with you in the field, and that lie is soon 
 to leave us to engage in other less severe and hazardous, though equally honorable 
 and responsible duties. To these duties let us one and all assure him that he carries 
 our love and best wishes, and that he is followed with the earnest hope of a speedy re 
 turn to his beloved regiment. 
 
 WILBERT B. TETERS, Captain Commanding Regiment. 
 
 Colonel Washburn never sufficiently recovered to join 
 his regiment, and, of course, he could never entirely recover 
 from such a wound. Its lasting effects are seen in the loss 
 of his left eye, partial paralysis of one side of his face, partial 
 loss of speech, and a general breaking down of his constitu 
 tion. Doubtless it has shortened his life, which it has made 
 a suffering one, until the end comes. Colonel Washburn 
 possessed great personal courage. He was a leader of men 
 and not a follower. He was bluff, frank and determined, 
 but too kind-hearted to be a good disciplinarian. If an 
 officer or man did anything calling down upon him the pen 
 alties of the " Rules and Articles of War," he hardly ever 
 held out until punishment followed, but, as the boys used to 
 say, "the old Colonel would let up." He was a man whom 
 patriotism had made a soldier. His principles were the out 
 growth of deep-seated convictions, and his whole army life 
 was alike honorable and creditable to himself and his coun 
 try. He was in the army, not for the glory or renown of 
 war, but from a sense of duty to his country, and he fought 
 as bravely and suffered as heroically for it as any man ever 
 did. 
 
 From the noble Colonel Washburn we recur for a 
 moment to an officer of the regiment who behaved in a 
 most cowardly manner in the battle of Snicker s Ferry. 
 This is the same officer whose misconduct caused the cap 
 ture of fifty men and a forage train, while we were stationed 
 at Romney. He had acted badly at Piedmont and Lynch- 
 burg, and now his peremptory dismissal from the service 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 137 
 
 was recommended by his regimental, brigade, division, corps 
 and army commanders, and on the pth of August, the order 
 of the War Department arrived dismissing Captain Mathew 
 F. Brown from the service. We had no time for courts- 
 martial in those days, especially when an officer was guilty 
 of cowardice. The captain, himself, explained hjs dismissal 
 by saying it was because he "couldn t swallow the nigger 
 without grease." The example of such men was intoler 
 ably demoralizing, and Secretary Staunton made short work 
 of them, by arbitrarily and peremptorily dismissing them 
 from the service. Captain Brown s dismissal placed com- 
 panv F in command of Lieutenant Wilson F. Martin, a 
 brave and efficient officer, who, it ought to be said for the 
 credit of the company, never faltered himself, nor allowed 
 the company to falter in the presence of the enemy. 
 
 A word, before passing on, regarding the characteristic 
 injustice of General Halleck. General Hunter had scarcely 
 returned to the Valley from Lynchburg, before Halleck 
 began a system of persecution and ill-usage toward him, 
 which finally culminated, on the i4th, in Hunter s asking to 
 be relieved from command. Hearing nothing from this re 
 quest, the next day he wrote to President Lincoln, renewing 
 his request to be relieved, and adding: "When an officer 
 is selected as the scape goat to cover up the blunders of 
 others, the best interests of the country require that he 
 should at once be relieved from command." There had 
 been a disposition at the War Office to cast the whole 
 blame, for all the mischief done by Early, on Hunter. The 
 case was a bad one, and Halleck s instinct for shirking re 
 sponsibility, and capacity to do any one he did not like an 
 injury, soon selected Hunter as a "scape goat." But the 
 crowd who were bearing down on Hunter, received a most 
 deserving rebuke from General Grant, in a letter he wrote 
 to the War Office on the i5th. Its strong language is un 
 usual for Grant, and for that reason shows the more forci- 
 
138 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 bly the injustice he felt was being done to Hunter, and the 
 directness with which he aimed his rebuke at the authors of 
 the injustice, left no conjecture as to what he meant. He 
 wrote: "I am sorry to see such a disposition to condemn 
 as brave an old soldier as Hunter is known to be, without a 
 hearing. He is known to have advanced into the enemy s 
 country toward their main army, inflicting much greater 
 damage upon them than they have upon us, with double 
 his force, and moving directly away from our main army. 
 Hunter acted, too, in a country where he had no friends. 
 * * * Even the enemy gives him credit for courage, 
 and congratulate themselves that he will yet give them a 
 chance of getting even with him." President Lincoln wrote 
 a conciliatory letter to Hunter, saying, among other things: 
 " General Grant wishes you to remain in command of the 
 Department, and I do not wish to order otherwise." It was 
 a most unfortunate and inopportune time for Halleck to in 
 augurate one of his quarrels, but it was fortunate that 
 Grant s strong sense of justice was at hand to at once re 
 buke and stop it. But now Halleck sulked, and it was an 
 nounced by Dana to Grant: "General Halleck will not 
 give orders, except as he receives them.* The result was 
 seen in the blundering and blind pursuit of Early, by Wright 
 from Washington, and Hunter from Harper s Ferry. With 
 the two armies of Wright and Hunter within fifteen miles 
 of each other, the one in Early s rear at Poolesville, and the 
 other on his flank at Hillsboro, neither knew of the other s 
 position during a whole day, and neither would move on 
 the enemy, because Halleck received no orders to move 
 from Grant at City Point. Thus that campaign, ending at 
 Island Ford, was managed. The evil genius of Halleck 
 hovered over it, with an eye single to the defeat and dis 
 comfiture of Hunter, whose success would have been his 
 defeat and chagrin, and hence the worst handled and most 
 fruitless campaign of the war. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 139 
 
 But still another blunder is to be added to this chapter 
 of blunders. Thinking the 6th, ipth and our corps were in 
 possession of the vicinity of Snicker s Ferry, General Hunter 
 started Colonel R. B. Hayes, with his brigade and two guns, 
 on the ipth, to escort a provision train from Harper s Ferry 
 to the army. Hayes was met at Kabletown with a large 
 body of the enemy, and it was due more to his skill and 
 good management that his train was not delivered to Early, 
 than it was to the knowledge, of any one then in command, 
 of the strength, or \vhereabouts of either the enemy or our 
 own troops. As it was, Hayes was moving his train in the 
 presence of Early s whole army. 
 
 On the next day, the 2Oth, General Averill and Colonel 
 Duvall met with a victory at Carter s Farm, near Stephen- 
 son s Depot, which, according to rebel accounts, was wholly 
 owing to a "blunder" on their part. If it was, it compen 
 sated somewhat for the blunders on our side during the 
 past few days. The rebel accounts say that three miles 
 north of Winchester, on Carter s Farm, Ramseur was en 
 countered moving by the flank, intent on capturing Averill. 
 Ramseur supposed, from Vaughn s reconnoisance of the day, 
 before, that there were but two or three regiments in his 
 front, which caused him to advance with too little precau 
 tion, and thrown into confusion, the troops could not be ral 
 lied." The result was a splendid victory for Averill and 
 Duvall, in which they captured 250 prisoners and four 
 pieces of artillery, besides killing and wounding over 200 of 
 the enemv. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 TO WINCHESTER BATTLE OF KERNTOWN LIST OF CASU 
 ALTIES RE TREAT REPORT OF GENERAL CROOK AT 
 
 HARPER S FERRY AGAIN A HOT, HARD MARCH AT 
 
 MONOCACY JUNCTION BACK TO BOLIVAR HEIGHTS 
 
 ARRIVAL OF GENERAL P. H. SHERIDAN, 6TH AND IpTH 
 CORPS AND TORBERT S CAVALRY DAWN OF A NEW ERA 
 IN THE VALLEY. 
 
 On the next day after the battle of Snicker s Ferry, the 
 6th and ipth corps moved off in the direction of Washing 
 ton, and the day after their departure, our division crossed 
 the Shenandoah at Snicker s Ferry and went into camp 
 where we remained until the 2ist, when we started for 
 Winchester. Arriving there our regiment camped on the 
 same ground we occupied when on our way up the valley 
 in the spring under General Sigel. We here joined the 
 second division under Colonel Duvall. In the forenoon of 
 the 23d our brigade of the first division and Hayes brigade 
 of the second division went forward on a reconnoisance, ad 
 vancing about two miles beyond Kerntown. We met but 
 few of the enemy, none till we reached the vicinity of Kern- 
 town. There we encountered a few cavalry, which, without 
 resistance, retired as we advanced. We returned to camp 
 in the afternoon, rather glad the coast was so clear of rebels. 
 General Hayes says in his report of this reconnoisance: 
 "From what was seen of the enemy, as well as what could 
 be learned of citizens, it was believed that the rebel force 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 14! 
 
 consisted of about 1,000 cavalry, and two or three pieces of 
 artillery. This was reported to Major General Crook and 
 soon after the brigade was ordered to return"- General 
 Hayes* report, Auo\ <?, 1864. 
 
 About 9 o clock on the 24th, evidence began to thicken 
 that a strong body of the enemy was gathering in our front, 
 and a few brigades were again pushed forward beyond 
 Kerntown. Sharp firing and some cannonading soon en 
 sued, when the whole corps, except a strong train guard, 
 was brought up to the line of battle. As soon as the line 
 was formed it advanced behind a strong skirmish line, and 
 for a time drove the enemy back. But almost as soon as 
 the advance began, the second division was struck on its left 
 flank and rear by an overwhelming force of the enemy, and 
 another large force was detected moving around our right. 
 Our regiment was on the left of oar division near the pike 
 and was then near the centre of the line. Orders were at 
 once given to fall back. Early s army of 30,000 was upon 
 our little corps 6,000 or 7,000. The second division was 
 fairly flanked out of its position, by a force far exceeding it 
 in numbers, coming in far to its rear and on its left. Hayes 
 brigade was on the left, and, when driven back covered the 
 retreat on the right of the pike to Bunker Hill, while ours 
 covered it on the left. Hayes had his horse shot under him 
 and was himself slightly wounded in the head. He dis 
 played great gallantry throughout this engagement and 
 handled his brigade with wonderful skill. In falling back 
 we came upon two pieces of artillery abandoned by our 
 cavalry. The infantry halted and checked the advancing 
 enemy, now close upon us, long enough to haul off the 
 pieces, which was done by hand by a portion of the 36th 
 Ohio, one of Hayes regiments. Frequently, during the re 
 treat that night, the enemy pushed forward his cavalry with 
 great dash, but it was every time handsomely repulsed. 
 Our regiment behaved splendidly throughout the retreat, 
 
142 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 scarcely a man straggling from his place. Indeed, the con 
 duct of the whole brigade during the day and night was 
 worthy of all praise. We made a stand between 9 and 10 
 p. M. at Bunker Hill, where we remained until morning. 
 We had now a large amount of army stores at Martinsburg 
 which must fall into the enemy s hands, unless he was held 
 back long enough to give time to remove them. How it 
 rained that night at Bunker Hill! Before daylight we were 
 under arms, and moving across the creek, soon became en 
 gaged in a brisk skirmish with the enemy, who was now 
 pressing us hard with a large force of cavalry, mounted 
 and dismounted, especially on our left flank, which our 
 weak cavalry was unable to cover. We held our position 
 at Bunker Hill until about 9 A. M., when we fell back 
 slowly towards Martinsburg, which we reached about noon, 
 skirmishing all the way, our regiment being rear guard, as 
 the night before. In front of the town, we again drew up 
 in line of battle, and sending out strong skirmish lines, kept 
 up a brisk musketry fire and cannonade until about 4 P. M., 
 when we fell back through the town, where we again 
 halted. The stores had, in the meantime, been all sent out 
 by rail, and our own trains pushed on to Williamsport, 
 under a strong guard. The rebel cavalry occupied Mar 
 tinsburg as soon as we evacuated it. But we were not yet 
 ready to leave, and while it was yet light, General Crook, 
 with our division and most of the second, charged into the 
 town, giving the rebels a genuine surprise, and drove them 
 pell mell out of the town again, capturing a number of pris 
 oners and horses. Passing through to our former position 
 the other side of town, we lay down in line of battle, and 
 building a long line of camp fires, soon fell back again and 
 retreated to Williamsport, and marched by way of Sharps- 
 burg, Maryland, to Harper s Ferry, where we recrossed the 
 river, and camped at Halltown, four miles south of Harper s 
 Ferry, on the 28th. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 143 
 
 Hunter was not on the field, but was at Harper s Ferry. 
 Of the bad conduct of some of the troops, teamsters, etc., 
 General Crook, in his report of the battle, says: "Some 
 of my teamsters got stampeded, and cut loose from their 
 wagons along the road, but their wagons were destroyed, 
 so that nothing fell into the hands of the enemy. I regret 
 to say that the greater portion of my dismounted cavalry, 
 along with some infantry, to the whole number of 3,000 or 
 4,000, broke to the rear at first fire, and all efforts to stop 
 them proved of no avail. They mostly got into Martins- 
 burg, circulating all manner of reports. A few of them 
 were captured endeavoring to escape my guards. I lost 
 over one-third of my cavalry in this way." General Crootfs 
 report, July 27, 1864. 
 
 This is a sorry picture enough, but it is not overdrawn. 
 This battle settled the question that Early had yet an over 
 whelming force in the Valley, compared to ours. It also 
 demonstrated that he had largely increased His force of cav 
 alry. Our own teamsters, Dye and McKnight, always cool, 
 took their teams through in good shape. Their example 
 had a good effect upon others. There was no such thing 
 as stampeding them. 
 
 General Crook, in his report of the battle, says: "I 
 have the honor to report that on the 24th instant I was at 
 tacked by a large force of the enemy at Winchester. I re 
 pulsed their force twice, and was driving them, when they 
 partially turned my left, and threw r it into some confusion. 
 At the same time a heavy column was moving around my 
 right, and I gave the order to fall back. My left soon re 
 formed, and my whole line re-formed in good order, the 
 enemy pushing both my flanks and center all the time. I 
 got off all my artillery and wagons. * * * I fell back 
 to Bunker Hill, arriving there between 9 and 10 o clock 
 p. M., part of the enemy s force camping within two miles of 
 me. Next morning the enemy s cavalry pressed my front 
 
144 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 and commenced turning my flank, and, as I had not suffici 
 ent cavalry to ascertain whether his infantry was trying to 
 turn my position, I fell back on Martinsburg. I skirmished 
 with them almost all day, they making demonstrations to 
 turn my flanks. Toward evening I fell back toward Wil- 
 liamsport, when the enemy followed me into town. Sup 
 posing they would tell the inhabitants all about their force, 
 intentions, etc., I turned my column back, drove them out of 
 town, and captured a few prisoners. From all the reliable 
 information I could get, the force that attacked me was 
 Early s raiding force, joined by the force left in the Valley 
 when he went into Maryland." * * * "I would also 
 state the enemy has increased his force of cavalry, in the 
 Valley, very materially."- General Crooks report, July 27, 
 1864. 
 
 The loss of our regiment was one killed Benjamin G. 
 Patterson, Company B, a few slightly wounded, whose 
 names we have been unable to learn, and eight prisoners, 
 as follows: Corporal Peter Wolf, Company B; William 
 Ball, Company B; John Cole, Company B; Willard Reed, 
 Company B ; Corporal Wesley Mickle, Company I ; George 
 Bates, Company I ; Albert Woodruff, Company I : William 
 Clark, Company K. 
 
 The defeat at Kerntown was complete and demoraliz 
 ing. The dismounted cavalry which broke so shamefully at 
 Snicker s Ferry, repeated the performance here, and some 
 regiments of infantry, and much of the cavalry, did not 
 behave much better, but \ve are glad to state that none of 
 the troops with Hunter, on the Lynchburg expedition, 
 proved unsteady! Early had sent large bodies of cavalry 
 around our flanks for the purpose of getting in our rear and 
 attacking our trains. The body of cavalry, sent around the 
 left, struck the pike some distance below Winchester, stam 
 peding some of the teamsters, and causing some wagons 
 and caissons to be abandoned and burned. It was here that 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 145 
 
 an artillery officer cut loose his horses and abandoned the 
 two guns mentioned as hauled off by the infantry. " It was 
 owing to the steadiness and good conduct of the infantry 
 which came with us from the Kana\vha, that the army was 
 saved from annihilation."- General Hunters report to Gen 
 eral Halleck. 
 
 We were no\v pretty sick of this sort of campaigning. 
 If the pursuit of Early, in the Loudon Valley, was unskillful, 
 this pursuit, in the Shenandoah, was incautious and reckless. 
 With the knowledge that the 6th and ipth corps had re 
 turned to Washington, greater caution should have been 
 exercised in following Early, for, as soon as he learned of 
 their departure, it might reasonably have been expected 
 that he would return down the Valley, unless some of his 
 force had also been sent to Richmond. " Learning, on the 
 23d, that a large column, sent after him (Early) from 
 Washington, was returning, and that the Army of West 
 Virginia, under Crook, including Hunter s and Sigel s forces, 
 was at Kernstown, he (Early) determined to attack at 
 once."-~5%f" Davis 1 "Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
 Government" 
 
 After relieving Washington, the only purpose, it seemed, 
 of the movement of the 6th and ipth corps toward the 
 Shenandoah Valley, was to follow Early long enough to 
 start him on the retreat, which all seemed to regard as 
 equivalent to his return to Richmond, acting upon which 
 idea they at once fell back to Washington. It was falla 
 cious reasoning, as events proved. Hearing of Crook s de 
 feat, Halleck telegraphed to Grant at 8 P. M. that day: 
 " General Wright, in accordance with your orders, was 
 about to embark for City Point. I have directed him to 
 await your further order. I shall exercise no further discre 
 tion in this matter, but shall carry out such orders as you 
 may give." The 6th arid ipth corps were immediately 
 ordered back, and part of the ipth united with Crook s 
 
146 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 corps on the 2pth near Halltown. Had there been a better 
 understanding, and more unity of action between Hunter 
 and Wright, there can be no doubt that many of the blunders, 
 from the I4th to the 24 of July, could have been avoided. 
 As it was, no campaign of the war was more disjointed, 
 more fruitless and demoralizing. 
 
 In sixteen days we had fought two hard battles, skir 
 mished from Winchester to Martinsburg, much of the time 
 moving in line of battle, and had marched 190 miles. Con 
 sidering the worn out condition of shoeless men when we 
 reached the Valley on the I2th, their terrible condition now 
 must be left to the reader s imagination, for, even at this 
 distance of time, we have no heart to describe it. We now 
 renewed our requisition for clothing, and, especially, shoes, 
 and lay down to await them, never doubting that now, 
 surely now, we would get shoes and clothing for our bare 
 footed, ragged, and dirty men before we were moved again. 
 Before daylight, the morning of the 2pth, the Quartermas 
 ter and his men were routed out to draw clothing, shoes, 
 etc. Willingly, all hands turned out, and, scarcely stopping 
 to eat during the day, succeeded in getting shoes issued to 
 all in need in the regiment. Over 150 men were bare 
 footed on the recent hard marches. Considerable clothing 
 was also issued, and long after dark the Quartermaster and 
 his men ate their suppers and lay down to rest a few hours, 
 intending to finish issuing early in the morning. The 
 Quartermaster w r as just ready, on the 3Oth, with the rest 
 of his stores, including "hard bread," on the ground, when 
 the order to " fall in " was given, In a short time the order 
 to move came, and we took our place on the road. All the 
 corps were on the move. No one on that march will ever 
 forget the fearful heat of that July day, as we marched 
 along side of Maryland Heights. We were started off at* a 
 very rapid rate, which was kept up for several miles with 
 out a halt. Over 100 of the men of the army died of sun- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 147 
 
 stroke, and many more than that were seriously affected, 
 and dropped down by the roadside. We passed several by 
 the road who were either dead or dying, and, seeing the 
 effect of such marching, slackened our pace as a mere act 
 of humanity. We thus fell a little to the rear, but soon 
 caught up with the thoroughly exhausted troops resting by 
 the roadside. We marched fifteen miles, and camped near 
 Middletown. The people of this place, on hearing of our 
 coming, set to cooking, and, when we arrived, met us with 
 an abundant meal of everything good. The next day we 
 marched fifteen miles further, the next about the same dis 
 tance, camping near Wolfesville, and, about noon, on the 3d 
 of August, reached Frederick City, Md. This is a loyal 
 city, true as steel. In the afternoon \ve moved to within a 
 mile of Monocacy Junction and went into camp. Next day 
 we waded the Monocacy River, and camped near the Junc 
 tion. We were now on the return trip to the Shenandoah. 
 This marching was to head off Early, from Washington, 
 who was again in Pennsylvania, burning and pillaging. On 
 the 3Oth, the day we started, he was marching on Cham- 
 bersburg, which General McCausland w r antonly burned late 
 that day. Hearing at Middletown, the next day, that he 
 was retreating, w r ith Averill in pursuit, and another panic 
 occurring in the neighborhood of Frederick, Monocacy and 
 Poolesville, we turned in that direction, to which point the 
 6th and ipth corps also moved. Here we were greeted 
 with the announcement of another change in commanders. 
 On the 5th of August, General Grant had met Hunter at 
 Monocacy and determined upon a plan of campaign with 
 General Sheridan as commander. On the 6th, General 
 Grant telegraphed to Halleck from Monocacy Junction: 
 "Send Sheridan, by morning train, to Harper s Ferry, call 
 ing here, on his way, to see if General Hunter has left. 
 Give him orders to take command of all the troops in the 
 field within his division. General Hunter will turn over to 
 
148 ONE HUNDRED ANf> SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 him my letter of instructions." Sheridan arrived at Mono- 
 cacy that same day, the 6th, and there met Grant and 
 Hunter, and next morning reached Harper s Ferry. Grant 
 returned to Washington the evening of the 6th, and there, 
 next day, caused an order to issue from the War Depart 
 ment, creating the Middle Military Division, out of what 
 then composed the Departments of Pennsylvania, Washing 
 ton, Maryland and West Virginia, with General Sheridan in 
 command. 
 
 The War Department, General Grant, and the govern 
 ment authorities generally, had at last been forced to devote 
 some of its energies to West Virginia and the Shenanhdoah 
 Valley, which, from the beginning of the war, had been 
 treated as though they hardly made a shadow on the 
 troubled field of operations. This Shenandoah Valley, es 
 pecially, had acquired the soubriquet of "the race ground" 
 in the army and among the people of the country, and 
 Harper s Ferry that of "Harper s Weekly," the title de 
 noting the time of departure and return of armies. Every 
 commander who had entered the Valley had retired "under 
 a cloud" and been labeled "a failure." The troops, whose 
 evil destiny it had been to "occupy it," had been knocked 
 about, whipped, driven and marched up and down it until 
 they had become disheartened, disgusted, and almost de 
 moralized. While they had fought many desperate battles, 
 had won many brilliant victories, and had patiently endured 
 untold hardships, yet they had, withal, suffered so many 
 reverses, had been so thoroughly exhausted by long, fruit 
 less raids and useless campaigns, that they had now arrived 
 at a point where all felt that further endurance " had ceased 
 to be a virtue." " They yearned for a change," and now 
 their hopes began to brighten, and their spirits to revive, as 
 they saw around them ample signs of preparation for an 
 other campaign, in which sufficient numbers were to take 
 part to prevent further repetitions of our past disastrous 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 149 
 
 experience. Early had again returned to the Valley, and 
 was now camped at Bunker Hill. It was a satisfaction to 
 us to hear that, on the 7th, Averill had come upon McCaus- 
 land, at Moorefield, and given him a terrible whipping, 
 capturing 450 prisoners, four pieces of artillery, all he had, 
 all his caissons but one, nearly all his wagons which con 
 tained his plunder, over 400 horses, three battle flags, a 
 large number of small arms, killing and wounding a large 
 number, and scattering the rest far and wide through the 
 mountains. Early, in summing up the causes of his mis 
 fortunes later in the season, said: "This affair at Moore- 
 field had a very damaging effect upon my cavalry for the 
 rest of the campaign." The infamous act of McCausland, 
 in burning Chambersburg, gave to this annihilating victory 
 over him a peculiar significance, and it earned for General 
 Averill the plaudits of the whole North. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 SHERIDAN IN COMMAND FOR THE FIRST TIME WE ARE 
 
 PART OF AN ARMY EQUAL TO THE OPPOSING ENEMY 
 
 MARCH TO CEDAR CREEK SKIRMISH ON THREE TOP 
 
 MARCH BACK AGAIN BATTLE OF HALLTOWN, AUGUST 
 
 26TH, LIST OF CASUALTIES BATTLE OF BERRYVILLE, 
 
 SEPTEMBER 3D, LIST OF CASUALTIES. 
 
 A new era had now dawned upon the Valley, and its 
 little army, that had been buffeted about for so long, was 
 now to enter upon a new experience. The 6th and ipth 
 corps were here. Large bodies of cavalry, under the best 
 officers of the army, were arriving from the Potomac Army. 
 Our own men were being well supplied with clothing, well 
 fed, and allowed to rest up thoroughly, without even camp 
 dutv to perform. Stragglers, the sick, and the sore and 
 lame from over-marching when barefooted, were flocking to 
 us in large numbers, and we soon showed a good line again. 
 One hundred days men were everywhere relieving veterans 
 from guard and post duty, and our "Army of West Vir 
 ginia," as Crook s 8th corps was henceforth to be known in 
 history, grew apace in strength and esprit de corps. So 
 that when we moved up the Vallev, on the xoth of August, 
 Sheridan s army numbered about 40,000 men, of which 
 nearly 10,000 were cavalry, with twenty six-gun batteries. 
 Our corps was on the left, the 6th on the right, and the 
 i pth in the centre. This order was observed throughout the 
 campaign. Our brigade was on the left of the first division, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 151 
 
 and our regiment on the left of the brigade. The u6th 
 was thus on the extreme left flank of the first line of the 
 army. It occupied this place in every battle of the cam 
 paign. Let history tell how it performed the duties of that 
 important position. 
 
 On the loth the whole army moved up the Valley, and 
 we camped that night near Berryville. On the nth we 
 marched eighteen miles further, much of the time in line of 
 battle, with heavy firing all the afternoon by the cavalry and 
 its artillery in our front. This was a very hot, sultry day, 
 and as we marched, most of the time under cover of woods, 
 where no air was stirring, we suffered terribly from the 
 heat, but our men stood it remarkably well. We were near 
 the Shenandoah River until near the middle of the afternoon 
 and yet our men suffered considerably for want of water, 
 not being allowed to go to the river for it. Sometime 
 before dark, having marched in line of battle for a consider 
 able distance, we were ordered to load. Fred Shofforth, of 
 Company E, had loaded, and, when capping his gun, it was 
 accidentally discharged, killing a fine young soldier of his 
 company named Nathaniel Adv. It was a sad sight to see 
 the poor boy die there from such a careless cause. We 
 buried him decently, and, after prayer by the Chaplain, fired 
 a volley over his grave, at which we placed a head board 
 on which was inscribed his name, company and regiment. 
 We again advanced in line of battle with loaded guns, 
 expecting every minute our cavalry, now hotly engaged 
 close in our front, would open a way for our rifles at the 
 enemy. But as we advanced the carbine firing receded, 
 and ceased altogether at dark, when we went into camp 
 about nine miles from Front Royal. The next morning, the 
 1 2th, we changed our line of march, moving off to the right 
 toward Middletown, and going into camp at Cedar Creek, 
 directly under Massanutten Mountain. On the i3th and 
 1 4-th, the army was engaged in throwing up breastworks. 
 
152 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 On the 1 4th, our pickets advanced and drove the rebels back 
 to Strausburg. We had a good view of the movement 
 from the hill near our right. A signal station we had es 
 tablished on Three Top, the most westerly spur of Massa- 
 nutten Mountain, was re-enforced. It had been seriously 
 threatened during the day. Next morning, early, the signal 
 station was attacked by the rebels and driven off. Our 
 regiment and the i4th West Virginia were sent out, under 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, to re-establish it, but we found 
 the enemy in too strong force to effect our object. We ad 
 vanced, skirmishing with the enemy, nearly to the crest of 
 the mountain, but there were met by a large body of rebel 
 infantry, which checked our further progress. The rebels 
 had established a signal station as soon as they drove our 
 men off, and, while we were advancing up the mountain, we 
 could see them signalling their camps below. While we 
 were fighting near the top, the rebels advanced all along the 
 line, and drove our pickets back to the position occupied by 
 them before the advance of the day before. When the 
 rebels advanced on the pickets, a strong body of infantry 
 was sent out from their camps to cut us off. We saw the 
 movement, from our elevated position, and fell back to the 
 foot of the mountain. The officers of the signal corps with 
 us signalled the movement on foot by the rebels to our 
 army, when a force was sent out to intercept it. Upon dis 
 covering that we had been re-enforced, the rebel column fell 
 back. We then advanced up the mountain a second time, 
 and our picket line, being strengthened, advanced, and again 
 drove the rebels back to Strasburg. As we were nearing 
 the top again, an order came directing us to fall back to the 
 foot of the mountain, and remain there on picket during the 
 night. That was an exciting night for pickets. Firing was 
 kept up nearly all night. During the night, and again early 
 next morning, brisk cannonading was heard in the direction 
 of Front Royal. Our regiment, and the i4th West Vir- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 153 
 
 ginia, were relieved from picket about 9 o clock in the 
 morning, and returned to camp. 
 
 But bad news now reached Sheridan, which caused him 
 to make a hasty retreat. On the i6th Custer, Deven and 
 Gibbs, of the cavalry, were confronted at Front Royal w r ith 
 Kershaw s division of infantry, which had taken part in the 
 recent action near Malvern Hill. This explained the artil 
 lery firing we had heard the night before. A large force of 
 cavalry also accompanied his division, besides Cutshaw s 
 battallion of artillery. Reliable information showed that 
 Early was now being re-inforced by General R. H. Ander 
 son, commanding the First (Longstreet s) Corps, accom 
 panied by Kershaw s division of infantry, Fitzhugh Lee s 
 division of cavalry, and Cutshaw s battalion of artillery. 
 About the same time McCausland joined him with what 
 was left of his two brigades of cavalry, after his terrible de 
 feat, by Averill, at Moorefield, and also by some scattering 
 commands from the Upper Valley. On the i4th, General 
 Grant sent word to Sheridan that Lee had sent Early "two 
 divisions of infantry, some cavalry, and twenty pieces of 
 artillery," and he requested, "that Sheridan be warned to 
 be cautious, and act on the defensive until movements here, 
 (in the Army of the Potomac), force them to detach to 
 send this way." Again, on the same day, Grant dispatched 
 Sheridan: "The movements on the north side of the James 
 to-day, developed the presence of Field s division of Long- 
 street s corps, which, 1 supposed, had gone to the Valley. 
 Picketts division is also here. * * * It is now positive 
 that Kershaw s division has gone, but no other infantry." 
 Sheridan was thus fully advised of the approaching re- 
 enforcements by Grant himself, but his cavalry had also 
 discovered their approach. Grant further said, in his dis- 
 patces to Sheridan. "This re-inforcement to Early, will 
 put him nearer on an equality with you in numbers than I 
 \vant to see, and will make it necessary for vou to observe 
 
154 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 more caution about attacking." The position then occupied 
 by Sheridan, at Cedar Creek, was a very bad one. It was 
 entirely indefensible. Sheridan saw, and knew this, and so 
 informed Grant as soon as possible after reaching it. And 
 it will be observed, hereafter, that Sheridan never took but 
 two positions, in the Valley, when he deemed it necessary 
 to assume a safe one, viz : the position at Halltown, and the 
 Clifton-Berry ville line. On the night of the i5th, the ipth 
 corps fell back to Winchester, and on the night of the i6th, 
 the 6th corps, and ours, followed. On the morning of the 
 1 7th, the enemy saw our vacant camps, from Three Top, 
 and followed us at once. Resting a short time at Winches 
 ter, we marched to Berryville, where, about 3 P. M., on the 
 1 7th, we went into camp. Custer, Devin and Gibbs fell 
 back before Kershaw s infantry; and Lee ? s cavalry, from 
 Front Royal towards Winchester, following the infantry 
 column, literally destroying, as they fell back, everything 
 upon which man or beast could, feed. A Richmond paper 
 of the time said: "With their immense cavalry they ex 
 tended their lines from Front Royal, in Warren County, to 
 the North Mountains, west of Strasburg, and burnt every 
 bushel of wheat, in stack, barn or mills, in Frederick, War 
 ren, or Clark, as well as oats and hay, they have left abso 
 lutely nothing in these three counties. They drove before 
 them every horse, cow r , sheep, hog, calf and living animal 
 from the country. What the people are to do, God only 
 knows. General Early, two weeks ago, gave orders not to 
 have a bushel of grain taken from below Strasburg, as 
 hardly enough was left for the citizens." 
 
 On the 1 8th we changed our position, moving about five 
 miles north of Berryville. On the 2Oth we moved to the 
 vicinity of Clifton, now occupying the Clifton-Berry ville 
 line, the enemy closely following us. About IIP. M., we fell 
 back to the vicinity of Charlestown, the army now r stretch 
 ing from the Shenandoah to beyond Summit Point, We 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 155 
 
 worked all that night throwing up breastworks, and the 
 next day, about 8 A. M., Early came up with Rhodes and 
 Ramseuer s divisions, and attacked the left of the 6th corps 
 and the right of ours, and fighting continued till dark. 
 During the day, our brigade was sent across to the support 
 of our right, and engaged the enemy, driving him from our 
 front. The 6th corps advanced upon the enemy in its front, 
 driving him back until it came upon his main line, falling 
 back to its original position at dark. Had not Merritt at 
 Berry ville, and Wilson at Summit Point, checked Anderson, 
 there would have been a general engagement that day, and 
 probably a hard and doubtful- battle fought. It was the 
 purpose of Early and Anderson to have made a combined 
 attack on Sheridan, but the efforts of Merritt and Wilson 
 prevented Anderson joining Early from Winchester, where 
 he had been lying since our retrogade from Cedar Creek. 
 That night Sheridan withdrew Merritt and Wilson, and the 
 army fell back, and took a position on Bolivar Heights at 
 Halltown, its right resting on the Potomac, its left on the 
 Shenandoah. A letter written from Halltown by Quarter 
 master Sergeant Walker, under date of August 3Oth, 1864, 
 speaking of the movement of August 2ist, says: 
 
 " SUNDAY, AUGUST 2IST Without thinking what I was 
 doing, or intending to do anything wrong, I read a chapter 
 in my Testament this morning, but the boys said as it was 
 my first offense, and if I promised to reform, they would let 
 the matter drop. About 10 o clock, the 1230! Ohio were 
 ordered out on a foraging expedition. Through some mis 
 take, the whole brigade started, and were not halted till we 
 had gone some distance, when we were turned back, and 
 camped in almost the same place we were in before. 
 Before pitching tents, the men set to work cleaning up the 
 camp, which being done, they were putting up their tents 
 as neatly as they could, as though they expected to remain 
 some time. They had not pitched more than half of them 
 
156 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 when we were ordered to move immediately. We had 
 heard heavy cannonading for some time in our front, and 
 there seemed to be a pretty severe fight going on. Crook s 
 command, to which we belong, went to the extreme front, 
 our regiment being in front of the brigade. After taking a 
 position on the line, we went to work building breastworks 
 of rails, logs and whatever else was convenient. After they 
 were finished, Colonel Thoburn, commanding the division, 
 rode by and spoke to one of the men, asking him if they 
 had got the works so they w r ould turn rebel bullets, and 
 being answered in the affirmative, he said: Well, now, sit 
 down and take it easy, very easy, for you may stay here 
 three or four weeks. Very cool, I thought, considering 
 there was a greatly superior force in our front. At mid 
 night, Sunday, we broke camp and fell back to Halltown, 
 four miles from Harper s Ferry. Passing through Charles- 
 town, our bands played John Brown s Body, etc., much 
 to the annoyance of the citizens of the place." 
 
 In Walker s diary, under date of the 22d, I find the fol 
 lowing singular entry: "Found our regiment in the ex 
 treme front. Got a canteen of whisky and sent out to the 
 officers." After a great deal of inquiry among the officers, 
 I concluded that Walker was mistaken about this. Not an 
 officer had the slightest recollection of such an event. So, 
 thinking he might have some explanation he would wish to 
 make, I wrote him regarding it, and received from him the 
 following terse reply : " That canteen of whisky was sent to 
 you, if you must know" It will be seen that this proved a 
 clear case of too much "cross-examination." 
 
 The position of the army here was exceedingly strong, 
 and we immediately set to work making it stronger, by 
 building entrenchments. While our infantry now probably 
 outnumbered that of the enemy, and was daily increasing 
 by accessions from the sick, wounded and those exhausted 
 and straggling from the Lynchburg raid, and the hard 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH o. V. i. 157 
 
 marches of July, their cavalry far outnumbered ours, and so 
 roamed the country at will. To meet them in this respect, 
 General Wilson s division of cavalry was brought over from 
 the Army of the Potomac, which joined us at Winchester 
 on the 1 7th. We had now with us such riders as Torbert, 
 Merritt, Custer, Wilson, Devin, Averill, Powell, Lowell, 
 Gibbs and Duffie, a grand host in themselves, and we heard 
 no more of rebel cavalry raids in our rear. Harper s Ferry, 
 our depot of supplies, was close behind us, and the army 
 was kept daily well supplied. 
 
 This retrograde movement had been made for several 
 reasons, but mainly because of the heavy re-enforcements 
 received by Early, and the instructions of Grant to "act on 
 the defensive, until Lee was compelled to detach troops 
 from Early to meet his necessities at Richmond." But now 
 Sheridan was watching every movement of the enemy to 
 detect the very moment any of his troops were sent away. 
 While Early s principal object seemed to be to keep the 
 Baltimore & Ohio Railroad torn up, Sheridan s sole pur 
 pose was to destroy Early s army at the first opportunity. 
 Hence active and heavy reconnoisances were sent out from 
 his entrenched position almost daily. A reconnoisance of 
 our brigade on the 24th revealed a change in the enemy s 
 position. We met with no loss. Major Morris, who had 
 been at home since the pth, on leave of absence on account 
 of sickness in his family, returned to the regiment on the 
 26th, but in citizen s dress. His resignation had been ten 
 dered during his absence, and was a surprise to all. We 
 were sorry to lose him from our numbers. Major Morris 
 was an excellent officer, always prompt in the discharge of 
 every duty, and as a man, was courteous and gentlemanly 
 toward all, officers and men alike. 
 
 Cavalry fighting, with varied results, was continuous 
 until the 26th, when, in the afternoon, our brigade was sent 
 out on a reconnoisance in our front, and also to burn some 
 
158 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 grain and hay stacks, behind which the enemy were shel 
 tered. The n6th had the advance on this occasion, and 
 meeting the enemy s skirmishers soon after starting, it 
 pressed them back to the cover of their artillery, capturing 
 a number of prisoners. The reconnoisance demonstrated 
 the presence of only General Anderson s force, and he did 
 not return to the line from which he was driven, but fell 
 back that night to Stephenson s Depot, where the cavalry 
 found him next day, and where he was confronted by the 
 advance of the ipth corps next day. On the day before, 
 the 25th, Early, with the divisions of Rhodes, Ramseur, 
 Gordon and Wharton, and most of his cavalry, moved past 
 our right to Shepherdstown, leaving Anderson in our front 
 with only Kershaw s division and Cutshaw r s artillery. 
 Early attacked our cavalry, under Torbert, between Lee- 
 town and Kearneysville, and drove them off the field, 
 nearly all of it returning to Halltown. Custer, however, 
 being cut off, escaped through Shepherdstown. If it was 
 Early s object to draw Sheridan out of his intrenchments, 
 he failed, for all Sheridan did was to send his large body of 
 cavalry across the river into Maryland, there to confront 
 Early and to watch him if he made an attempt to cross into 
 Maryland and Pennsylvania. Whatever Early s purpose 
 was, the next day, the 26th, he marched back to Leetown, 
 and the following day to Bunker Hill. 
 
 The loss of the n6th in the affair of the 26th, was as 
 follows : 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Private George W. Matchett, Company C. 
 
 DIED OF WOUNDS. 
 
 Corporal Jacob C. Sidders, Company I ; Miles H. Davis. Company C. 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Sergeant Major William J. Lee, side, slight; Corporal Jerome McVeigh, Company 
 A, right hand, slight; Corporal J. C. Sidders, Company I, died; Private Elza J. Hill, 
 Company A, right arm, slight; Private Emanuel Keylor, Company A, thigh, slight; 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 159 
 
 Private John A. Harmon, Company A ; Corporal Abner G. Carlton, Company C, thigh, 
 severely; Miles H. Davis, Company C, died; Charles D. Watson, Company C, hip, 
 slight; Sergeant A. G. Jackson, Company D, hip, slight; Sergeant James K. Drum, 
 Company D, side, slight; Private Isaac Price, Company D, thigh, slight; Private 
 William L. Morris, Company D, shoulder; Private James D. Ferrill, Company D, knee, 
 slight; Private Charles Dirkus, Company E, knee, severely; Private Christian Miller, 
 Company E, bowels, slight; Private Martin Thoner, Company E, knee, slight; Sergeant 
 Leander Shaac, Company F, head, slight; Sergeant Mathias Rucker, Company F, foot, 
 slight; Corporal Silas King, Company F, very severely; (the ball passed in at mouth 
 and came out between the shoulders;) Private Amos S. Jones, and captured, died in 
 Salisbury prison, March, 1865; Private L. Efaw, Company F, leg, slight; Sergeant 
 Benjamin F. Sammons, Company H, hip slight; Sergeant William A. Arnold, Company 
 H. knee, severely ; Private James R. Finley, Company I, leg, slight; Private Charles 
 Watson, Company I, shoulder, slight; Private Jesse Burton, Company I, side, slight. 
 
 PRISONER. 
 
 Henry King, Company F. 
 
 Killed, 3; wounded, 25; prisoner, i. 
 
 Colonel Wells says, in his report of this engagement: 
 "The n6th Ohio and 5th New York were ordered to clear 
 the woods, the 34th Massachusetts to charge across the 
 open field and fire the stacks after the woods should be 
 cleared. The 12 3d Ohio was held in reserve. The enemy s 
 skirmishers were driven easily from the w r oods by our skir 
 mish line. After our skirmishers were all in and were 
 formed, Colonel Thoburn directed the skirmishers to charge 
 through the woods. This we did, but as soon as our line 
 entered it, we received a very heavy fire from a line of 
 woods to our right across the pike. Intrenchments having 
 been thrown up along the edge of these woods, and a 
 strong skirmish line firing from these, within easy range, 
 and directly upon our flank, made the small piece w r e were 
 ordered to hold almost untenable. Our line quickly changed 
 front to the right, and a portion of it charged across the 
 pike, driving the enemy back from the edge of the woods 
 occupied by them. 1 withdrew them as soon as possible, 
 and formed in the edge of my own w r oods, parallel with and 
 facing the pike. I sent two companies through to the part 
 of the woods toward Charlestown, and then directed the 
 
l6o ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 34th Massachusetts to move down to burn the stacks. 
 This was soon done. Meanwhile the line in the woods was 
 exchanging fire across the pike with the enemy and losing 
 men fast. After I saw the 34th moving back, I began to 
 withdraw the line from the woods. Just as I was doing 
 this, I received Colonel Thoburn s order to fall back. The 
 1 1 6th Ohio and 34th Massachusetts were steady and gal 
 lant as usual. The casualties were nine killed, fifty-six 
 wounded and one missing." Colonel Wells report, August 
 26th, 1864. 
 
 It will be seen that our loss of twenty-eight killed and 
 wounded was a large share of the whole. It was the right 
 wing of our regiment that drove the rebel skirmishers back 
 from the edge of the woods by a charge across the pike, 
 and it was in this charge we met our greatest loss. 
 
 From the appendix to George E. Pond s "Shenandoah 
 Valley," I take the following extract from w r hat purports 
 to be an "Official Diary of .First Corps Army Northern 
 Virginia": 
 
 " AUGUST 26TH. Enemy in position, and quiet until 
 afternoon about five o clock, when he advanced four or five 
 regiments of infantry and one of cavalry to feel our lines. 
 The picket line of the i5th South Carolina regiment, 
 Kershaw s brigade, breaks, and one hundred men of it are 
 captured. The enemy soon retires. During the night we 
 hear of Early, who is at Leetown." 
 
 The ist and 2d brigades of the 2d division attacked the 
 rebel picket line farther to the left on the 26th, at the same 
 time we moved out on the right. General Hayes was in 
 command, and in his report he says: "On the 26th of 
 August, my brigade, in connection with the 2d brigade, at 
 tacked the rebel picket line with decided success. My loss 
 was three killed and twenty-one wounded. The loss of the 
 enemy was 104 officers and men captured, and about 150 
 killed and wounded." 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. l6l 
 
 From a letter written August 27th, 1864, I extract the 
 following: "We were in a fight yesterday in which our 
 regiment lost one killed and twenty-six wounded. The 5th 
 New York lost five killed and thirty-seven wounded. We 
 took 103 prisoners, and drove the enemy from his position. 
 This morning there is no enemy visible in our front. There 
 is a movement of the rebels in some direction. The ipth 
 corps is moving out towards Charlestown in pursuit. None 
 of my officers were touched yesterday. The whole regi 
 ment behaved gallantly." The prisoners are evidently the 
 same mentioned in General Hayes report, and in General 
 Anderson s memoranda. On the 28th, the army moved out 
 to our old position of a week before, two miles beyond 
 Charlestown, and then fell back to Charlestown. It must 
 be borne in mind that we never passed through Charles- 
 town without singing: 
 
 " John Brown s body lies a moulding in the tomb, 
 His soul goes marching on." 
 
 On the ist of September, Corporal Sidders, of com 
 pany I, thought to be killed in the reconnoisance at Hall- 
 town, on the 26th of August, turned up with a broken leg. 
 He had suffered terribly with his broken limb, to which no 
 care had been given, and afterwards died of his wound. 
 Walker s record says of him: "Poor fellow! He was a 
 brave soldier and a good boy, one that will be missed in 
 the company and at home." Sergeant McKinzie, of com 
 pany G, died in hospital at Sandy Hook, August 26th. 
 These were two fine young soldiers and excellent men, and 
 were a great loss to their companies and the service. 
 
 On the 3d of September, the army moved forward to 
 the vicinity of Berryville, where our corps came upon the 
 enemy. It had a very sharp fight. The n6th had four 
 wounded, as follows : Privates Leonard Craig, company H, 
 leg, severe; Benjamin Larrick, company H, hand, severe; 
 
1 62 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. T. 
 
 John Harman, company A, nose, slight ; George Bates, com 
 pany I, hand, severe. Benjamin Larrick died of his wounds, 
 October 2d, 1864, at Frederick, Maryland. We had gone 
 into camp, nnd were cooking supper, when firing was 
 heard on our picket line. Pans and kettles were dropped 
 at once, and we moved up rapidly to the front, and took 
 the position assigned us, where we lay down and sent out 
 skirmishers. Some of our officers then went out to the 
 front to see what was there, as there was no firing in our 
 immediate vicinity. Suddenly a terrible fire opened on the 
 regiments on our right and left, our brigade having been 
 thrown into a gap existing between our second division and 
 the ipth corps. The regiments fired upon stampeded in a 
 panic, which, for the moment, also seized ours, and for the 
 first and only time during its term of service, it fell back 
 without orders. It was rallied by the officers a few rods to 
 the rear, however, when we all had a good laugh, at our 
 own expense, over our " panic." The men were more 
 ashamed of being caught in a "panic," than of any and all 
 the little escapades of their lives, and never quite forgave 
 themselves for it. However, no harm resulted, for the halt 
 was so quickly made that the disaster which might have 
 followed too far a retreat was averted. But we found our 
 selves alone now, far to the front, without anything for 
 some distance on our right or left, and the rest of the panic- 
 stricken troops not coming back very promptly, we were 
 ordered to fall back to a new line, forming behind a stone 
 wall, some distance to the rear of our first position. Our 
 men went back very reluctantly, for they wanted to wipe 
 out, then and there, what they felt was a stain on their 
 good name. Several of the officers wanted to charge any 
 how, before falling back, and the men were as eager for it 
 as they. With the officer who brought the order to fall 
 back, was sent a request to Colonel Thoburn to "bring 
 back the skedaddlers to this line and let us charge," but 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 163 
 
 very soon a peremptory order came, and, reluctantly, the 
 regiment retired to the position assigned it, and as events 
 proved, we were none too soon in making the movement, 
 for the rebels poured after us, close up to the stone wall, 
 and occupied a stone house a short distance from our front. 
 From this we soon dislodged them, taking possession of it 
 ourselves, and we made good use of it in driving the line in 
 the rear of it back a safe distance from our front. We lay 
 in line of battle all that night, and the morning found the 
 army entrenched and ready for what the day might bring 
 forth. 
 
 The affair at Berryville was the result of pure accident. 
 It was not brought on by intention on either side. A few 
 days before this, Lee had recalled General Anderson, and 
 the force that came with him to Early on the i6th of 
 August at Fisher s Hill. Grant had been "hammering 
 away" at Lee, and now his necessities compelled him to 
 recall Anderson. Not knowing that an hour before we 
 had moved across the Berryville pike, Anderson, on his 
 way to pass through Ashby s Gap, and thence to Rich 
 mond, fairly stumbled upon our corps as some of it was 
 going into camp. The impression given to our command 
 ers was that Early was disputing the ground with us, and 
 had met us there to give us battle, \vhereas our presence 
 was not known to Early at all, until the head of Anderson s 
 marching column blundered upon our camps. Had the 
 actual situation been known to Sheridan, he could have de 
 stroyed Anderson, for Early, with the rest of his army, was 
 several miles away. But it was a complete surprise to 
 both sides, and so each fought shy of the other, and did 
 more feeling and reconnoitering than fighting. Daylight 
 seemed to shed no light on the affair of advantage to either 
 side, and so, after bringing nearly all his force from Win 
 chester to Anderson s assistance, and demonstrating a little 
 towards our now well entrenched line, Early and Anderson 
 
164 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 both withdrew beyond the Opequan. We were again on 
 the Clifton-Berryville line, and that morning our corps fell 
 back to Clifton, where it went into camp. None of the 
 men of the u6th will ever forget the "lecture" they re 
 ceived on the subject of " panics," and the office of the word 
 "halt" in military matters. 
 
 From Walker s record, I take the following account of 
 this affair at Berryville. "About 5 P. M., we moved for 
 ward once more, and went into camp on the right of the 
 town. We had not got settled, when an order came to fall 
 in immediately, which we did, and moved out by the right 
 flank about half a mile and formed in line in the woods. 
 Scarcely had we formed, when the enemy opened a severe 
 fire on the left of our brigade, the 12 3d Ohio, and a regi 
 ment on our right, causing both to break and leave the field 
 in some disorder. This left our regiment in danger of 
 being flanked, and a portion began to fall back. The 
 flanking was prevented by the whole regiment falling back 
 to a large house and reforming, when they again went to 
 the front, determined to stay. Lieutenant Colonel Wildes 
 and Captain Teters displayed great gallantly, as indeed 
 they always do. Those of us who had horses in charge 
 fell back as the balls came whistling past us." 
 
 We now had a splendid army, and all felt that we could 
 whip the enemy, and were impatient to be at it. Up to 
 this time, from early in the spring, and, for that matter, from 
 June the year before, we had had an almost uninterrupted 
 series of reverses, owing to the undisputed fact that we had 
 invariably been contending with vastly superior numbers. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 AN AMBULANCE TRAIN CAPTURED AND RE-CAPTURED- AC 
 TION TAKEN BY THE OFFICERS, ON HEARING OF THE 
 
 DEATH OF CAPTAIN KEYES ANOTHER ACCIDENT IN THE 
 
 REGIMENT SHERIDAN S OPPORTUNITY GETTING READY 
 
 FOR A FIGHT BATTLE OF OPEQUAN, SEPTEMBER IpTH 
 
 ANOTHER GALLANT CHARGE LIST OF CASU ALTIES 
 
 COLONEL WELLS REPORT A MAJOR S REPORT OF OUR 
 
 CHARGE. 
 
 Before entering upon what followed, we must record 
 some further incidents of our regimental history. On the 
 5th of September, Moseby attacked and captured our am 
 bulance train, which for some reason had been allowed to 
 depart from Harper s Ferry without a guard. The train 
 was in charge of Lieutenant Ransom Griffin, of the n6th, 
 who had some time before been detached to the ambulance 
 corps. Accompanying it were several officers returning to 
 their commands, among whom was Lieutenant Colonel 
 Kellogg, of the i23d Ohio. They were somewhat in ad 
 vance of the train \vhen Moseby made his attack upon it. 
 Colonel Kellogg put spurs to his horse, and soon reaching 
 a cavalry post, induced twenty men to follow him back, and 
 attacking Moseby and his gang, they re-captured the train 
 and brought it safely into camp. Colonel Kellogg s dash 
 ing act made him the hero of the hour. Next day Lieu- 
 tentant Griffin made his appearance, not having been re 
 leased by Colonel Kellogg s dashing act, but having made 
 
1 66 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 his escape during the night. It was reported of Lieutenant 
 Griffin, that he charged the rebels with his "stretcher 
 corps," and would have driven them off had all behaved as 
 bravely as he did. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th, our corps was moved from 
 the extreme left to the extreme right of the army. We 
 were now not far from Smithfield, and only about five miles 
 from Bunker Hill. The news of the fall of Atlanta was 
 confirmed. Our Sutler came up for the first time since we 
 started for Lynchburg in the spring. We heard to-day 
 for the first time, of the death of Captain Keyes, at Lynch- 
 .burg, Va., on the ipth of July. On the loth, the officers 
 met and adopted the following resolutions in respect to 
 him: 
 
 " CAMP IN THE FIELD, SEPTEMBER 10TH, 1864. 
 
 At a meeting of the officers of the 116th Regiment O. V. I., held in reference to the 
 death of Captain Edwin Keyes, Captain Mallory was called to the Chair, and Lieutenant 
 Wm. Bidenharn was appointed Secretary. The object of the meeting having been 
 stated by Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, on motion, it was voted that a committee of three 
 be appointed by the Chairman to draft resolutions for the occasion. The Chairman 
 appointed Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, Captain W. B. Teters and Captain James P. Mann 
 that committee, who reported the following : 
 
 WHEREAS, We hear with unfeigned sorrow and the deepest heart-felt regret, of the 
 death of Captain Edwin Keyes, of Company B, 116th Regiment Ohio Infantry Volun 
 teers, at Lynchburg, Va., July 19th, 1804, Therefore 
 
 Resolved, That in the death of Captain Keyes, we are deprived of the society of a 
 fine Christian gentleman, a polished scholar, a brave and gallant officer, and the service 
 and the country of a true, noble and earnest patriot. 
 
 Resolved, That in his loss we mourn another sacrifice on the altar of our common 
 country ; that the gallant charge in which he received his death wounds, while thus again 
 brought terribly vivid to our minds, is made the more sacred to our memory, because of 
 the precious lived that were there laid down. 
 
 Resolved, That we tender his bereaved wife, family and friends our warmest sym 
 pathy, and direct them to seek consolation in Him Who holds the destiny of nations in 
 his hands, and Who only can support them under the weight of their great affliction. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the family of the gallant dead, 
 and to the Pomeroy Telegraph, Athens Messenger, Marietta Register, Spirit of Dem 
 ocracy and Noble County Republican. 
 
 On motion of Lieutenant A. W. Williams, Quartermaster of the regiment, the reso 
 lutions were adopted after a few pertinent and feeling remarks from Lieutenant Colonel 
 Wildes, reviewing the gallant conduct of the deceased. 
 
 THORNTON MALLORY, Chairman. 
 WILLIAM BIDENHARN, Secretary. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 167 
 
 On the loth of September, Corporal George K. Camp 
 bell, of B, who had been for some time on recruiting service 
 in Ohio, was discharged from the n6th and promoted to a 
 captaincy in the i74th Ohio Volunteers, Colonel John S. 
 Jones, of Delaware, Ohio, commanding. Captain Campbell 
 commanded company E in that regiment. Desiring to 
 learn how he sustained the name and fame of his first love, 
 I wrote General Jones and received a long letter in reply, 
 in which he speaks in the most flattering terms of our Cor 
 poral. The 1 74th saw much fighting and severe service, 
 being among the troops which beat off Hood from Mur- 
 freesboro in December, 1864, and afterwards was sent with 
 the 2Oth corps, to Newbern, North Carolina, and joined 
 General Sherman at Golclsboro, after fighting a hard battle 
 at Kingston. The regiment, though a one year s organiza 
 tion, took part in five different engagements, in all of which 
 it reflected credit upon Ohio soldiers. General Jones says 
 of our Corporal : " Captain George K. Campbell was one 
 of the most efficient officers in this gallant regiment. He 
 was with it continually in every march and in every battle, 
 and never omitted, or failed in, a single duty." That Cap 
 tain Campbell should deserve and sustain, as he did, the 
 character and reputation of one of the most worthy and 
 efficient company commanders in such a regiment was 
 what his old comrades of the n6th would expect of him, 
 and was the fitting close of an honorable and gallant mili 
 tary record. 
 
 On the 1 3th, General Mclntosh, of the cavalry, made a 
 dash up the Berryville pike, and captured the whole of the 
 8th South Carolina regiment of infantry, numbering four 
 teen officers and ninety-two men. He captured two officers 
 and thirty-five men besides, which, it was said, represented 
 no less than six different Virginia mounted organizations. 
 George E. Pond, Esq., in his "Shenandoah Valley in 1864," 
 gives the number present, for duty, in Terry s brigade of 
 
1 68 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Gordon s division at this time as 858, and states that the 
 brigade consisted of fourteen Virginia regiments. York s 
 brigade, of the same division, he says, had on Avigust 2Oth, 
 1864, present for duty, 614 officers and men, and that the 
 brigade consisted of ten Louisiana regiments. These fig 
 ures show how depleted were the ranks of many rebel reg 
 iments at that time. 
 
 On the night of the i3th, another sad occurrence took 
 place in the n6th. It seems that a camp guard, half 
 dreaming, fired his gun, which badly wounded two men of 
 company A. One of them, Private Wilson Danford, had 
 his leg amputated, and afterwards died. The man who 
 fired the gun was subsequently found to be insane. 
 
 On the 1 4th, Lieutenant Gottlieb Sheifley, of company 
 K, obtained leave of absence on the ground of dangerous 
 illness of his wife. Instead of going home, he went straight 
 to Washington, and tendered his resignation in person to 
 President Lincoln. The President looked at him a mo 
 ment, and then sat down and endorsed his resignation as 
 follows : 
 
 " To E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 
 
 " Accept this man s resignation. An officer who will tender his resignation in per- 
 sen to the President, does not know enough to be in the service. 
 
 A. LINCOLN." 
 
 But Lieutenant Sheifley was out of the service, which 
 was what he most wanted, just at that time of great prom 
 ise of hard fighting. To say that our officers were indig 
 nant, when they heard of his conduct, but faintly expresses 
 their feelings. 
 
 On the 1 4th of September, General Anderson again 
 started for Richmond, taking with him Cutshaw s artillery, 
 and leaving General Fitzhugh Lee s cavalry, this time 
 passing through Chester Gap, thus avoiding the risk of 
 another accidental battle on the way. Sheridan heard of it 
 the evening of the i5th. Now was Sheridan s opportunity, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 169 
 
 and we will soon see how he improved it. On the i8th, 
 we received orders to be ready to march next morning. 
 That evening surgeon s call was given, with the view of 
 sending all not lit for duty to the rear. Private Charles 
 Fulton, of company E, reported, among others, to be 
 excused and sent back, but the Doctor refused to excuse 
 him. He started for his tent, but before going 100 feet, 
 he fell to the ground dead. It was afterwards ascertained 
 that he died of heart disease, though nothing of the sort 
 was before suspected. His death created a great sensation 
 in the regiment, and a great outcry was made against our 
 Surgeon, Dr. Shannon, but when the true state of the facts 
 were known, the feeling against him at once subsided. 
 
 On the 1 6th of September, the army was visited by 
 General Grant, though few knew it until long afterwards 
 outside of General Sheridan and his staff.. Seeing that all 
 Sheridan wanted was permission to attack the enemy, Gen 
 eral Grant gave him the laconic order, " Go in," and re 
 turned to City Point. Three days afterwards the great 
 battle of Opequan was fought and won. 
 
 The 6th and I9th corps took the advance towards Win 
 chester, before daylight on the morning of the ipth. Firing 
 commenced before they w r ere fairly started, and increased 
 in volume until noon, when the steady roar, which indicates 
 the heavy engagement, set in. We were held in reserve 
 where the Berryville pike crosses the Opequan, until about 
 2 P. M., when we hurriedly pushed to the front. Crossing 
 the creek, we passed rapidly forward, along a narrow 
 gorge skirted by woods. The road was crowded with 
 artillery, caissons, ammunition wagons, ambulances, pris 
 oners, wounded men, field hospitals, and all the clebris 
 which indicates a hard battle at the front. With difficulty 
 we made our way through all this, and about 3 o clock we 
 formed in a ravine behind a piece of woods, in front of 
 which was a brigade of the ipth corps, heavily engaged 
 
I7O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 and fronting the enemy s left wing. Marching forward in 
 two compact lines, we passed through the woods, to the 
 right of the ipth corps brigade. Our division was on the 
 left in two lines, the second on the right, in the same form 
 ation, and the n6th in its accustomed place, on the left in 
 the front line. Before our arrival on the field, the 6th and 
 ipth corps had met with a reverse, the first and second 
 lines having been driven back to the third before a check 
 was given to the enemy. General Sheridan, getting his 
 batteries into a position from which they were enabled to 
 silence the enemy s guns, his lines again advanced, and 
 retook the position from which they had been driven, and 
 held it until the arrival of General Crook. "Then," as a 
 historian remarks, "followed one of the most fiercely con 
 tested battles of the war." Large bodies of cavalry were 
 forming to our right for a charge, as we were taking our 
 position, and just as we moved forward, away the great 
 mass went around the rebel left. As soon as the move 
 ment began, several bands struck up the liveliest and most 
 soul stirring music. It was a very novel and thrilling 
 scene. 
 
 Scarcely were our guns loaded, and our bayonets fixed, 
 before the bugles sounded the charge, which was repeated 
 by every officer in the two lines, and, with a loud cheer, our 
 whole corps threw itself with desperate valor upon the 
 enemy s left wing and flank. For thirty minutes the battle 
 that ensued was perfectly terrific, but then the forces in our 
 front gave way, and in an instant we were over their works, 
 and after them with yells and shouts of victory. The 
 enemy s line still remained intact to our left. All the way 
 across in the charge, the n6th received an enfilading fire 
 from it, which turned back its left to such an extent that 
 when it reached the enemy s works, the left wing went 
 over them almost by the flank. Changing front now to 
 the left, under fire, and without even stopping to adjust our 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 line, or waiting for others to join us, we charged down 
 upon the enemy s flank behind his works, and before he 
 had time to change front to meet us, our bullets were whis 
 tling down his line, and we were upon him with the bayo 
 net. We swept his line out from behind his w r orks for a 
 long distance, in fact, clear down to a stone wall which ran 
 at right angles to his first line, a quarter of a mile from 
 where we first charged on his flank. The loth West Vir 
 ginia regiment, from the second line, had been sent in on 
 their flank just before we reached the rebel works, but we 
 were only a moment behind it in its support. Driving the 
 rebels out from their works in these woods, and seeing that 
 they were again under good cover behind the stone wall in 
 our front, we were ordered to halt, rest and re-form. Our 
 own fire in front, and the fire of a brigade of the ipth 
 corps, in which was the n6th New York, on their flank, 
 soon drove them away from that part of the wall, but they 
 still held it further to our right. While we lay here, it was 
 with the greatest difficulty the men were restrained from 
 making another charge, so eager were they to finish the 
 work so well begun. As illustrating the ardor and enthusi 
 asm of the men, Corporal Henry T. Johnson, of company H, 
 who was a color bearer that day, did not, and would not 
 halt when the command was given, but ran on several rods 
 to the front, waving his colors, and calling back to the men 
 to "come on." Lieutenant Colonel Wildes ordered him to 
 return, but he would not come. Some of the color guard 
 were then sent forward to bring him and the colors back to 
 the regiment. They returned without him or the colors, 
 but they brought the following message from the Corporal 
 to the Lieutenant Colonel: "Tell Colonel Wildes to come 
 on! We can finish this job just as well as not, and capture 
 those d d rebel flags." And there he remained, holding 
 his colors aloft, midway between the lines, until they were 
 riddled with balls, and he was severely wounded. When 
 
172 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 we again received orders to move, we took the gallant 
 wounded Corporal with us, he still clinging to his colors 
 with one arm, the other being disabled. No one had the 
 heart to punish him for disobedience of orders. Moving off 
 to the right, we soon charged the rebel line again, driving 
 it from the stone wall mentioned above. Again advancing, 
 we formed in front of the enemy s inner and last line. In 
 forming the new line, our regiment in the prolongation, was 
 placed on a side hill, facing a rebel battery, which at once 
 opened fire upon us. We were within very close range, 
 and every discharge brought their missies very close to 
 our ranks. Word was sent to Colonel Wells, and permis 
 sion asked to advance to the rise of ground, on the crest of 
 which the rebel battery was planted, but before a reply 
 could be returned, shells began to drop among us, and the 
 regiment was ordered to advance to a place pointed out, 
 directly under the guns, but protected from them by the 
 formation of the ground. It ran down the hill, and up the 
 next slope until near the top, when the men lay down and 
 crawled along until they got sight of the battery, upon 
 which they now opened a rapid fire, and very soon entirely 
 silenced it, bv shooting down some, and keeping the rest of 
 the gunners from the guns. Here, again, the officers had 
 difficulty in holding the men from charging the battery, 
 which they had now silenced by their fire, and which 
 seemed an easy prize. But we had already moved forward 
 several rods without orders, and a second such move might 
 bring down upon us the wrath of our brigade commander, 
 especially should disaster follow our further advance. It is 
 probable we should have charged the battery anyhow, had 
 not Colonel Wells sent an aide up to reprimand us for mov 
 ing forward without orders, and directing us to advance no 
 further till ordered to do so. At this juncture, Custer 
 came gallantly sweeping down the right, inside the enemy s 
 works. Then it would have required more than orders to 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 173 
 
 keep us from attempting to be the first to reach those guns, 
 and away the regiment dashed in splendid style, the brave 
 young aide joining us, and scaling the parapet, we flung 
 our colors over the guns. Almost at the same instant, the 
 whole of the infantry dashed forward on a furious charge, 
 and the battle of Opequan was won, and, as Sheridan tele 
 graphed to Washington that night, "the enemy was sent 
 whirling through Winchester." Three thousand prisoners, 
 fifteen battle flags, five pieces of artillery, two of those in 
 the works we charged, were the trophies of the victory. 
 
 The loss of our army was about 5,000 killed and 
 wounded, that of the rebels about 4,000. They abandoned 
 their dead and wounded, leaving 3,000 of the latter in Win 
 chester, and their dead on the field. The n6th lost six 
 killed, and twenty-nine wounded, as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Orville S. Hetzer, Company B; Lewis C. Secoy, Company B; Charles Sehafer, 
 Company E; Corporal Peter Yoho, Company F; John A. McElwee, Company H ; George 
 Sigler, Company K. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Corporal Jerome McVeigh, Company A, neck, slight; John Drake, Company A, 
 loot, severe; John Hoy, Company A, thigh, severe; James H. Stewart, Company B, 
 stomach, slight; Corporal D. F. Sears, Company C, head, severe; Emmon H. Beard- 
 more, Company C, head, severe; Jacob Mishnack, Company C, thigh, severe; Wm. 
 Montgomery, Company C, thigh, slight ; W. W. Wheaton, Company C, groin, slight 
 Second Lieutenant W. H. Moseley, Company H, thigh, severe; Corporal Henry T. 
 Johnson, color bearer, arm, severe; Mathew R. Moore, Company H, leg, severe; John 
 W. Williams, Company H, leg, severe; Isaiah Tribby, Company H, shoulder, severe; 
 Yoho Watson, Company H, head, severe; Israel L. Hamilton, Company D, leg, severe; 
 Peter Beaver, Company D, thigh, severe; Sergeant Mathew Atkinson, Company E, leg, 
 severe; Milton Mozenn, Company E, head, severe; Dallas Gillmore, Company E, side, 
 severe; Corporal Lewis W. Mozena, Company E, arm, severe; I. Phelps, Company F, 
 groin, severe; Joshua Mercer, Company F, ankle, severe; Samuel R. Halliday, Com 
 pany G, leg, severe; J. H. Harman, Company G, finger; John J. Norris, Company I, 
 foot, severe; William McNeil, Company K, arm, severe; Daniel D. Weddle, Company 
 K, knee, severe. 
 
 All of these were severely wounded, except four, namely : 
 Jerome McVeigh, James H. Stewart, Wm. Montgomery, 
 and W. W. Wheaton, Lieutenant Moseley was made a 
 
1 74 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 cripple for life, from a very severe wound received in the 
 thigh. He was a most excellent officer in every sense. 
 His genial, good natured disposition, made him friends of 
 all who rnet him, and he was greatly missed ever after 
 wards by us all. The loss of the u6th would have been 
 very much larger in the first charge, owing to the enfilad 
 ing fire of the enemy, but for a rail fence on our left, and 
 for the relief given us by the gallant roth West Virginia. 
 Some of our officers, who went over the field after the bat 
 tle, to bury the dead and care for the wounded, reported 
 that fence " a paying lead mine." That night we went into 
 camp on the spot near Winchester, upon which we had 
 camped twice before since starting out in the spring. 
 
 This battle was a very important one to the Union 
 cause. The President ordered 100 guns to be fired by all 
 the Union armies, in honor of Sheridan and his victorious 
 troops. The feeling of rejoicing among our men, especially 
 in Crook s corps, was almost beyond bounds. It was our 
 first solid victory since the battle of Piedmont, though in 
 that time we had fought seven or eight battles. Early said 
 in his report : " As soon as the firing was heard in rear of 
 our left flank, the infantry commenced falling back along 
 the whole line." President Lincoln telegraphed Sheridan: 
 
 Have just heard of your great victory. God bless you all, officers and men. 
 Strongly inclined to come up and see you. 
 
 A. LINCOLN. 
 
 The day after the battle, President Lincoln gave to 
 Sheridan the merited appointment of Brigadier General in 
 the regular army. 
 
 Colonel Wells says, in his report of the battle of 
 Opequan: "As Colonel Duval s division arrived on our 
 right, we were ordered to charge. This order came so 
 suddenly that I had only time to leave word for the 34th 
 Massachusetts to follow, leap the fence, and go on with the 
 three regiments forming the front line. As we charged 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 175 
 
 through the oblong field, we met a severe enfilading fire 
 from the woods on the left. I asked Colonel Wildes to 
 change front with his regiment, n6th Ohio, and clear the 
 woods. The men were going forward with such enthusi 
 asm, however, that it seemed impossible to make them un 
 derstand, and I pointed out the danger to the commander of 
 a regiment of the second line, the loth West Virginia, fol 
 lowing close behind. He immediately changed direction, 
 came upon our left, and was soon hotly engaged in the 
 woods. Colonel Wildes also succeeded in turning his regi 
 ment under fire, and went to the support of the loth. 
 Leaving this issue behind us, the balance of my command, 
 strongly re-enforced by a portion of the 3d brigade, passed 
 the woods on our left, and came into the plain. Here I saw 
 that the enemy, driven from his first position, was forming 
 behind a high stone wall which ran across the field at right 
 angles with that of our advancing line. His right was 
 about 1,000 yards from the wood, his left extending toward 
 the Martinsburg pike. Along this line artillery was posted, 
 and in the rear of it, upon a knoll, was an earth-work, with 
 rifle-pits in which were two guns. About 400 yards in 
 front of this line, and parallel with it, was a low stone wall. 
 I immediately threw my men, now thoroughly exhausted 
 by their long run, behind this wall. Soon after, Colonel 
 Wildes came out of the woods, and formed on our left. 
 Here the battle hung, it seemed to me, for hours. The 
 artillery was playing upon our lines from three different di 
 rections, one battery being not more than 500 yards distant. 
 The rebels had the advantage in numbers, position and 
 cover, and their fire seemed to increase in intensity every 
 minute. The right flank was, however, wholly exposed, 
 and I was looking every moment for the 6th corps to make 
 its appearance there, and held on. Colonel Thoburn came 
 along the line, and informed me this movement was about 
 to be made, and that General Crook desired our forces to 
 
176 . ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 charge, the moment the flanking force should appear. 
 While he was speaking, the 34th Massachusetts, on the 
 right, impatient at their constant and increasing loss, sprang 
 to their feet, and started for the rebel battery alone. Almost 
 the same moment, the long looked for movement was made, 
 and our whole line went forward with a cheer, and the 
 rebels were driven from the \vall in utter rout. The bat 
 tery in the earth- work still remained, and enough of the 
 enemy with it to give us a heavy fire as we advanced to 
 the wall recently held by the enemy. Halting here for a 
 while, I was again ordered forward, and moved the brigade 
 down into the hollow, and within 300 yards of the battery. 
 The 1 1 6th Ohio had an excellent position on the left, from 
 which they were enabled to fire directly upon the pieces 
 and horses. We hung here again for some time, the ipth 
 corps forming a line behind the stone wall in our rear, and 
 the 6th corps at some distance to the left. Finally Ouster s 
 cavalry made a dashing charge upon the right, sweeping 
 around, almost into the earth-works. Now the whole line 
 went forward again, and the battle was, to all intents and 
 purposes, at an end. * * * Major Pratt, commanding 
 the 34th Massachusetts, and Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, 
 commanding the n6th Ohio, handled their regiments with 
 great courage and skill, and in all the confusion of the 
 charges, kept their commands together and in good order." 
 Colonel Wells report, September 2ot/i, 1864. 
 
 The i pth corps had suffered terribly up to 3 o clock. 
 On the right, especially, their loss was fearful. As we 
 passed their right to our position, our regiment came upon 
 the n6th New York. There was a mutual recognition of 
 the regiments on the flags, and some of the officers of the 
 two regiments shook hands. "God bless you! How we 
 have watched for your coming. WV11 watch our old num 
 ber go in, and may victory crown it," said one of its officers, 
 as we passed by. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1 77 
 
 Major J. W. DeForest, of the I2th Connecticut, whose 
 regiment belonged to the ipth corps, and which lay close 
 by where our division made its charge, gives a very 
 graphic account of it in Harper s Monthly Magazine for 
 January, 1865. I quote from his article as follows: "At 
 3 o clock the hour of defeat for Early had come. To our 
 right, where, precisely, I could not see, because of the roll 
 ing nature of the ground, but in the direction of the spot 
 where our ist brigade was forming, those prostrate and 
 bloody ranks which I have mentioned, we heard a mighty 
 battle yell, which never ceased for ten minutes, telling us 
 that Crook and his men were advancing. To meet the 
 yell, there arose from the farthest sweep of the isolated 
 wood, where it rounded away to the rebel rear, the most 
 terrific, continuous wail of musketry that I ever heard. Jt 
 was not a volley, nor a succession of volleys, but an unin 
 terrupted explosion, without a single break or tremor. As 
 I listened, I despaired of the success of the attack, for it did 
 not seem to me possible that any troops could endure such 
 a fire. The Captain of our right company, who was so 
 placed that he could see the advance, afterwards described 
 it to me as magnificent in its steadiness, the division which 
 accomplished it, moving across the open fields in a single 
 line, without visible supports, in spite of the stream of dead 
 and wounded which dropped to the rear, the pace being 
 ordinary quick-step, and the men firing at will, but rarely." 
 Speaking of the last charge made by us upon the position 
 occupied by the rebels in and around the fort, or earth 
 work, containing the two guns we captured, the same 
 writer says: "At the distance of half a mile from us, too 
 far away to distinguish the heroism of individuals, but near 
 enough to observe all the grand movements and results, the 
 last scene of the victorious drama was acted out. Crook s 
 column carried the heights and the fort which crowned 
 them. We could see the long, dark line moving up the 
 
 12 
 
178 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 stony slopes; we could see the smoke and hear the clatter 
 of musketry on the deadly summit; then we could hear our 
 comrades cheer of victory." 
 
 General Crook, in his report of the battle of Opequan, 
 says: "I was instructed by General Sheridan to place my 
 command on the right and rear of the I9th corps, and to 
 look out for my right, as the enemy was reported to be 
 moving in that direction. I directed Colonel Joseph Trio- 
 burn, commanding ist division, to take post nearly on the 
 prolongation of the ipth corps, which was opposite the ex 
 treme left of the enemy. Colonel J. H. Duvall, command 
 ing the 2d division, was posted still further to the right, for 
 the purpose of swinging round the left flank of the enemy. 
 Colonel Duvall s right, in thus swinging round, came in 
 sight of the enemy s skirmishers, and finally a portion of the 
 main body of General Torbert s cavalry came sweeping 
 down on the enemy, and protecting my right flank. Just 
 before Colonel Duvall s division got fairly around, Colonel 
 Thoburn s division made a charge, driving the enemy s 
 right back in confusion to their final position. Colonel 
 Duvall, after getting squarely around, charged the enemy 
 in flank, and found him strongly posted behind a stone wall, 
 with his left flank resting on an almost impassable morass 
 named Red Bud Run, which it was necessary for him to 
 cross. The rough and uneven ground, the tangled thickets 
 on the banks of this slough, and the great difficulty experi 
 enced by the men in crossing, as it was very deep and 
 miry, broke the lines completely, and mingled the men of 
 the different regiments and brigades into one throng. With 
 out halting to form, after having crossed, the officers and 
 men of the 2d division united with those of the ist, which 
 had now closed in, sending many prisoners to the rear, and 
 the whole command, cheering as it went, rushed on, heed 
 less of the destructive fire of shot and shell, canister and 
 musketry that thinned their ranks, and which would have 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 driven back in disorder troops less determined, all seem 
 ingly intent on one grand object, the total rout of the 
 enemy. In this they were successful, as the enemy gave 
 way in great confusion before their determined assaults, 
 and but for the morass impeding their progress, the 2d di 
 vision would have captured many more prisoners in this 
 charge. The enemy left two pieces of artillery in our 
 hands when he fled, being so closely pressed that he could 
 not take them off." General Crook s report , October ijth, 
 1864. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 TLE OF FISHERS HILL ANOTHER CHARGE LIST OF 
 
 CASUALTIES EXTRACTS FROM REPORTS OF COLONEL 
 
 WELLS, GENERAL SHERIDAN AND GENERAL CROOK, ALSO 
 
 GENERAL EARLY TARDY JUSTICE DONE TO CAPTAIN 
 
 JOHN VARLEY, OF COMPANY E MARCH TO HARRISON- 
 BURG DEATH OF LIEUTENANT MEIGS BUILDINGS OR 
 DERED BURNED ORDER REVOKED AS TO DAYTON. 
 
 The morning after the battle, bright and early, we 
 started up the Valley road, over which we had before so 
 often marched. Arriving at Cedar Creek, we found the 
 enemy behind his entrenchments on Fisher s Hill. The 
 army took the position it left on the i6th of August. The 
 position of Early at Fisher s Hill was one of great natural 
 strength. It extended from the north fork of the Shenan- 
 doah at Three Top of the Massanutten Mountains to Little 
 North Mountain. The mountains on each flank were ap 
 parently inaccessible, and formed a perfect protection to his 
 flanks, while the abrupt heights on which his lines were 
 entrenched seemed to combine to make his position impreg 
 nable. But from this strong position, Sheridan made im 
 mediate preparations to drive him. After a good deal of 
 maneuvering for position, and a good deal of night march 
 ing by our corps, the army, at noon on the 22d, lay as 
 follows: Crook s corps in rear of the 6th corps, and the 
 ipth corps on the left. And now, while the 6th and ipth 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. l8l 
 
 corps made demonstrations on the left, centre and right, and 
 while Averill drove in the rebel skirmishers and held them 
 close up to the rebel works on the right, Crook moved out 
 to the extreme right, out of sight, under cover of woods 
 and ravines. Here in the woods we threw off and piled up 
 our knapsacks, arranged canteens and bayonet scabbards 
 so that no noise w r ould be made by them, and in the light 
 est kind of marching order, started up the steep, thickly 
 wooded side of Little North Mountain. Ascending for a 
 half mile or more, we turned abruptly to the left, and 
 silently moved south, along the face of the mountain, each 
 division in two lines, side by side. About 3 r. M., we got 
 squarely on the enemy s flank, with our left past his en 
 trenchments. Now fronting, we started quietly down the 
 mountain side, our division on the left, and the 2d on the 
 right. The n6th, being in its old position, on the extreme 
 left, and in the front line, could now see, through an occa 
 sional open space, that we were going in with our left just 
 inside the rebel works. It gave us a fair prospect for some 
 hard righting, and every man nerved himself for the shock 
 soon to come. But now we were discovered, and the 
 enemy opened on us with shot and shell. Too late! The 
 first shot was the signal to charge, and before they could 
 make any, even the slightest, preparations to meet us, we 
 were upon them with the bayonet. Our movement was a 
 complete surprise to them, and they had now only to get 
 out of our way or surrender. " Had the heavens opened," 
 said a rebel officer, "and you been seen descending, no 
 greater consternation would have been created." Their 
 artillery was captured, their left turned and broken, and 
 rushing on, we stripped them out of their works, like the 
 bark from a tree. 
 
 Colonel Wells, in his official report of the battle, says: 
 "The n6th Ohio charged the battery in the angle of the 
 
1 82 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 rebel works, received its fire when only 100 yards from it, 
 never wavered, but rushing on, captured it in the very 
 smoke of its discharge."- Colonel Wells report, September 
 26th, 1864. 
 
 Thence we went, sweeping down their works like a 
 western cyclone, every man for himself, firing whenever he 
 saw a rebel, and always yelling and cheering to the extent 
 of his ability. Being closest to the works, we were con 
 fronted and stopped at several points by small bodies of the 
 enemy, but such stops were only momentary, for as soon as 
 a little sharp firing was heard at any point, the men \vould, 
 of their own accord, concentrate there, and in a few mo 
 ments would be rushing on again. At the moment we 
 charged on the flank, the 6th and ipth corps moved on the 
 rebel front, and now, when we had stripped away about a 
 mile of the rebel line, the heavy columns of the 6th corps 
 came on over the works by our side, to the rear and in 
 front of us. Two Ohio regiments with the 6th corps, the 
 noth and i22d, with which we were once brigaded, came 
 over the works, as the n6th and 12 3d were running along 
 inside, and partaking at once of our enthusiasm, pressed on 
 with us, after giving the well known " West Virginia yell." 
 The rebel right broke in dire confusion, on the approach of 
 the ipth corps, and, in great disorganization, the enemy fled 
 from all parts of the field towards Woodstock, abandoning 
 artillery, horses, wagons, muskets, knapsacks, canteens and 
 clothing, which the pursuers found covering the roads and 
 fields. Eleven hundred prisoners, sixteen pieces of artillery, 
 a great many caissons and artillery horses, and a large 
 amount of small arms, were captured. The rebel loss at 
 Opequan and Fisher s Hill could not be less than 10,000 
 men, while Sheridan s did not exceed 5,500. We had taken 
 from them, besides, twenty-one pieces of artillery. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 183 
 
 The loss of the i i 6th at the battle of Fisher s Hill, was 
 one killed and ten wounded, as follows : 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Sergeant Edward P. Tiffany, Company B, acting Sergeant Major of the regiment. 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Corporal James M. Hartley, Company B, head, severely ; Corporal James H. Stew. 
 art, Company B, arm, severe ; John McEIroy, Company B, arm, severe ; Thomas South, 
 Company C, severe; Sergeant James K, Drum, Company D, thigh, severe; Christian 
 Rhines, Company F, foot, severe ; Corporal Edward Lowry, Company G, hand, severe; 
 Andrew Powell, Company H, hip, severe; Corporal Joseph Sechrist, Company H, hip, 
 severe ; Samuel H. Cramblitt, Company I, elbow, severe. 
 
 Sergeant Tiffany was killed by a stray shot at the pike, 
 just at dark, after the battle was all over. He was acting as 
 Sergeant Major of the regiment at the time. It saddened 
 the heart of every man in the regiment to thus lose so fine 
 a soldier. Tiffany was well liked by everybody, and was a 
 very valuable officer at headquarters. He was a very 
 worthy man in every way, well beloved at home, as well as 
 in his regiment. His remains were decently buried where 
 he fell, and were afterwards removed by his friends to his 
 old home in Meigs County. A similar sad occurrence took 
 place in the 34th Massachusetts. That regiment camped 
 near us, and while a group of its officers were standing 
 around a fire, talking over the events of the day, their 
 Major, H. W. Pratt, was mortally wounded by the acci 
 dental discharge of a musket. It seemed a terrible fate. 
 He was one of the most gallant officers and perfect gentle 
 men to be found in the corps, and was loved as few officers 
 ever are by the men of his regiment. These two deaths, 
 occurring as they did, cast a gloom over the camps of our 
 brigade that night, which otherwise would have been so 
 full of rejoicing. 
 
 Our regiment captured the Lieutenant Colonel of the 
 32d Virginia regiment. As he was being escorted to the 
 
184 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 rear, the i3th West Virginia regiment, in our second line, 
 was passed, when the Confederate officer met his youngest 
 son, who was a private soldier in that regiment. They 
 shook hands, embraced and parted, the father to go to a 
 Northern military prison, the son to continue in the contest, 
 with his Union regiment. A private soldier of company H, 
 Leroy D. Brown, now superintendent of the Union Schools, 
 of Hamilton, Ohio, writes this incident, also : " In this bat 
 tle," Fisher s Hill, " I had a brother-in-law who belonged to 
 a West Virginia cavalry regiment. He had a brother who 
 belonged to a rebel battery which we captured. After the 
 war closed, it was ascertained that this brother was killed 
 at Fisher s Hill." 
 
 Colonel Wells says, in his report of the battle of Fisher s 
 Hill: "The country was a succession of hills, with abrupt 
 sides, and the valleys between of considerable depth. The 
 enemy s line ran directly across these ridges, on each of 
 which was more or less artillery, which had full play on us 
 as we advanced. I directed the n6th and 34th to keep 
 along the left, near the works, and followed myself the 
 same course. The enemy formed along the crest of these 
 ridges, and with musketry and artillery, gave us a hearty 
 lire as we came on. The advance would be stopped, the 
 lire become rapid and heavy, more would come up, and the 
 battle would stand still and increase for a while, when the 
 cheers of the 2d division on our right, could be heard sweep 
 ing on behind the enemy s position. Our line would gather 
 force, as men constantly came up, and were directed to the 
 critical point, and the enemy would soon give back to the 
 next crest, to repeat the same efforts, with the same results. 
 Upon all these eminences I found artillery, hot and smok 
 ing, which the enemy could not get off. He saved very 
 few of the pieces which were behind the works in the 
 woods. I saw and touched four brass, and more than as 
 many more iron guns, before any, except the men of this 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 185 
 
 corps, had reached them. * * * I cannot speak too 
 highly of the extreme gallantry of the officers and men of 
 the brigade. Colonel Wildes, Major Pratt, Major Urban 
 and Captain Chamberlain, commanding regiments, all did 
 their entire duty . I would especially call attention to the 
 gallant charge of Colonel Wildes regiment, in the face of 
 the artillery fire"- Colonel Wells report, September 2oth, 
 1864. 
 
 General Sheridan says, in his report on the Shenandoah 
 Valley campaign: "At Fisher s Hill it was again the 
 good fortune of Crook s command to start the enemy, and 
 of General Ricket s division, the 6th corps, to first gallantly 
 swing in, and more fully initiate the rout." 
 
 General Crook says, of the battle of Fisher s Mill: 
 "The success of my command in this engagement, as well 
 as at Opequan, was mainly owing to the individual bravery 
 of officers and men, who are entitled to much credit. * * * 
 To the color bearers of regiments, I tender my thanks for 
 the example they set their fellow soldiers, both in this 
 action and at Opequan, on the i9th, as the stars and stripes 
 in their hands were ever to be seen waving close upon the 
 rear of the retreating enemy, anti in the first line of our ad 
 vancing forces." General Crooks report, October iSth, 
 
 It was a hurricane battle, and, as General Crook says, 
 "its success was mainly owing to the individual bravery of 
 officers and men." The color bearers, at least of the n6th, 
 well deserve the praise he awarded them. 
 
 General Early, in writing to General Lee, three days 
 after the battle, said: "The enemy s immense superiority 
 in cavalry, and the inefficiency of the greater part of mine, 
 have been the cause of all my disasters. In the affair at 
 Fisher s Hill, the cavalry gave way, but it was flanked. 
 
1 86 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 This would have been remedied, if the troops had remained 
 steady, but a panic seized them, at the idea of being 
 flanked, and, without being defeated, they broke, many of 
 them fleeing shamefully. The artillery was not captured 
 by the enemy, but abandoned by the infantry. My troops 
 are very much shattered, the men very much exhausted, 
 and many of them without shoes." 
 
 All day the 22d, Ricket s division of the 6th corps had 
 been pushing up closer and closer to the rebel left. About 
 the middle of the afternoon, it finally planted itself in a 
 good position, within half a mile of the enemy s works. 
 The 2d division then closed to it on its left, and the I9th 
 corps worked its way forward to the same line, joining on 
 to the left of the 6th corps. The skirmish lines of both 
 corps being strengthened, pushed the enemy s skirmishers 
 back close up to their works on Fisher s Hill, and there 
 they were held, while our corps was making its silent and 
 secret flank movement. Early said in his report, that when 
 he saw this advance in the afternoon, "orders were given 
 for my troops to retire after dark, as I knew my force was 
 not strong enough to resist a determined assault." But, to 
 use Early s expressive words, he "retired in considerable 
 confusion, an hour before dark," with a "shattered" army. 
 
 Our brigade was left to guard the prisoners, collect the 
 captured property, and bury the dead, while the rest of the 
 army moved next morning, in pursuit of the enemy. On 
 the 24th, we started to rejoin the army, now at Harrison- 
 burg, which we reached on the 26th, in charge of a large 
 train. 
 
 Just after the battle of Halltown, on the 26th of August, 
 Captain John Varley, company E, tendered his resignation, 
 on account of sickness in his family. It was not accepted, 
 but he was summarily dismissed from the service, for ten 
 dering his resignation in the face of the enemy. After 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 187 
 
 reaching Harrisonburg, the following paper was prepared 
 and sent to the Secretary of War: 
 
 CAMP llGrii REGIMENT OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY, ~J 
 NEAR HARRISONBURG, VIRGINIA, 
 
 September 26th, 1864. J 
 Bon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : 
 
 SIR: We, the undersigned officers of the 116th Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, 
 have the honor to submit the request that the order dishonorably dismissing Captain 
 John Varley, of our regiment, from the service of the United States, be so mollified as 
 to discharge him honorably. We do this in view of his gallant conduct in the recent 
 battles of Berry ville, Opequan and Fisher s Hill, and because it was not cowardice that 
 caused him to tender his resignation before the enemy, but because of a severe family 
 affliction. 
 
 Very respectfully your obedient servants, 
 
 JOHN HULL, Captain Co. K. PETER DILLON, Lieut. Co. D. 
 
 WILLIAM BIDDENHARN, Lieut, Co. C. H. L. KARR, Captain Co. G, and A. I. G. 
 W. S. MARTIN, Lieut. Co. F. 1st Brigade. 
 
 R. T. CHANEY, Captain Co. D. THOMAS J. SHANNON, Surgeon. 
 
 JOHN C. H. COBB, Lieut. Co. G. W. B. TETERS, Captain Co. H. 
 
 SAMUEL D. KNIGHT, Lieut, Co. D. JAMES P. MANN, Captain Co. C. 
 
 Captain Varley was reinstated and honorably discharged, 
 some time after the war, upon all the field officers uniting in 
 a recommendation for his honorable discharge, and after 
 wards he represented Washington County in the Ohio 
 Legislature. It is unquestionable that his conduct in the 
 battles named, was of the most gallant and daring possible. 
 Some suspicion of bad conduct was raised against him in 
 the battle of Halltown, but that was afterwards clearly and 
 satisfactorily explained, but not in time to prevent the action 
 which resulted in his dishonorable dismissal. It was unfor 
 tunate, and very much regretted by all, for no officer had 
 more friends in the regiment than Captain John Varley. 
 But it was a dangerous experiment for an officer to tender 
 his resignation in that armv in the summer of 1864, no 
 matter what the reasons were. But justice was finally 
 done him, tardy though it was, and he owed his reinstate 
 ment and honorable discharge, mainly to the good opinion 
 of the brave company officers who had served beside him 
 through the most trying period of the regiment s history. 
 It is but just to say of Captain Varley, in view of this un 
 fortunate circumstance in his military history, that he wa.s 
 
1 88 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 always accounted a brave and efficient officer. On the 
 26th of August, he had been sent with his company on 
 the skirmish line. The regiment advanced to the attack 
 through a field of growing corn. Captain Varley mistook 
 the direction in some way, being unable to see the regiment 
 after entering the corn, and did not cover the regiment with 
 his skirmishers. The result was, that the regiment struck 
 
 o 
 
 the rebel line without warning, on emerging from the corn 
 field, which might have proven very serious, had it been 
 strong. Inasmuch, however, as it broke at our first fire, 
 there was no harm done that time. It mortified him greatly 
 though to be criticised for the error he had committed, and 
 in a hasty moment he tendered his resignation. Tendering 
 it in the face of the enemy was construed to mean coward 
 ice, while nothing could be farther from the real truth. 
 Under other circumstances he would have been at home 
 with his family some time before that, on account of the 
 severe illness of some member of it. That lie and his com 
 pany were selected for the skirmish line, was a sufficient 
 voucher to attest his bravery and skill as an officer, and 
 every comrade rejoiced when the stain put upon him was 
 wiped out in an honorable discharge. 
 
 While at Harrisonburg, we were very short of rations 
 much of the time. Officers, especially, had great difficulty 
 in getting provisions. Walker, who had been acting as 
 Sergeant Major since Lee was wounded at Halltow r n, un 
 dertook to provide for headquarters. Foraging trains were 
 sent out daily, and with these Walker and Orderly Webster 
 were sure to go. He writes in his diary: 
 
 "SEPTEMBER 27TH Got among Dunkards to-day. 
 They universally seemed scared almost to death when they 
 saw us coming. One woman begged us not to take her 
 cow or sheep. After we had promised her time and again 
 that we would pay her for everything we got, she would 
 still say: Yes, take everything you want, but leave some 
 
ONfi HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 189 
 
 for the others, or they will be mad, and threaten to shoot 
 us. Webster and I each got three large loaves of bread, 
 two heads of cabbage, beets, tomatoes, onions, etc. Were 
 near a little village called Dayton. After returning, we 
 learned there had been a skirmish there during the after- 
 
 O 
 
 noon. 
 
 "SEPTEMBER 2pth -Orderly Webster and I went out 
 with a forage train this p. M., intending to go to the same 
 place as on Tuesday, but learned after passing the pickets 
 that a squad of our men had been attacked there, so went 
 off toward the rnountains, but got nothing. This evening 
 there is a great light toward Staunton. The 6th and ipth 
 corps \vent up there this morning, or rather to Mount 
 Crawford. 
 
 "SEPTEMBER 3OTH Orderly Webster and I went with 
 the forage train to-day. After passing the pickets we 
 struck out. It is amusing to hear some of the people 
 talk. One old lady said: Are you not going to have a 
 great deal of trouble at your elections this fall? I told her 
 no, we were going to have the most unanimous and har 
 monious election ever held in the country. We discussed 
 the respective merits of the United States and Confederate 
 currency, the latter being almost worthless. She seemed 
 sorry I had said anything about it. We returned about 
 i P. M. with a bucketfull of honey, one of apple butter, 
 bread, sweet potatoes, cabbage and chickens, a pretty good 
 haul for one day. A great many citizens are preparing to 
 return with us when we go back. The 6th and ipth corps 
 have come back from Mount Crawford." 
 
 The general results show that Walker and Webster 
 were good foragers. 
 
 Lying at Harrisonburg a couple of days, the n6th was 
 sent out to Dayton to guard some mills engaged in grind 
 ing grain for the army. Here we were on the qui vivc day 
 and night, the rebel cavalry being in strong force in the 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 vicinity, with which our cavalry was constantly engaged. 
 Bushwhackers also infested the roads between there and 
 Harrisonburg, and frequently fired on small parties passing 
 to and fro. But the people of Dayton were as fine and 
 loyal a people as w r e had met anywhere in the South. 
 They were very kind to our men, and their kindness was 
 reciprocated by them. But neither they nor we knew in 
 what good part these friendly relations were to stand them 
 in a short time. 
 
 On the evening of the 3d of October, as Lieutenant 
 Meigs, of General Sheridan s staff, was returning to Harri 
 sonburg from Dayton, he was ambushed by a party of 
 bushwhackers, about midway between the places, and killed. 
 One of his escort galloped back to our camp and notified us 
 of the attack, but he was not aware of the killing of the 
 Lieutenant. A strong detachment of our regiment was 
 sent out on the double quick to the place, where his body 
 was found by the roadside. Shortly afterwards a large 
 body of cavalry came out from Sheridan s headquarters, 
 and placing his body in an ambulance, carried it back to 
 Harrisonburg. The murderers of Lieutenant Meigs were 
 instantly hunted far and wide. He was a son of Quarter 
 master General Meigs, was a young officer of great merit 
 and high attainments, giving promise of a brilliant career in 
 the army. At the time of his murder he belonged to the 
 engineer corps of the regular army, and occupied the posi 
 tion of chief of engineers on Sheridan s staff. He was 
 greatly loved by Sheridan, and he determined to wreak a 
 terrible vengeance on the country round about in retaliation 
 for his murder. He accordingly issued an order, which 
 was sent to the cavalry about 2 o clock on the morning of 
 the 5th, and also to us, directing that every house be 
 burned within five miles of the spot where he was murdered. 
 This included the village of Dayton, and the burning of it 
 devolved upon Lieutenant Colonel Wildes. He at once 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. Ipl 
 
 wrote a statement to General Sheridan of the character of 
 the people of the place, and urged and begged him to re- 
 voke the order in so far as Dayton was concerned. This 
 he sent in at once by a messenger, with strict injunctions 
 to hand it at once to General Sheridan in person. The 
 messenger followed his instructions strictly, though he had 
 hard work at headquarters to pass by staff officers and 
 guards to General Sheridan s private quarters, and proba 
 bly would not have succeeded, had not the General over 
 heard the wrangle his persistency created. The General 
 read the note and swore, read it again and swore, examined 
 and cross examined the messenger. He was in great grief 
 over the death of his valued staff officer, and terribly de 
 termined that the people of the vicinity should suffer for his 
 murder, for he well knew, as we all did, that these bush 
 whacking murderers were not men of the rebel army, but 
 cowardly citizens who, remaining within our lines, assem 
 bled together to commit such dastardly deeds as this at un 
 guarded spots. In the meantime, the citizens of Dayton 
 were notified of the order, and given permission to remove 
 their effects from their houses. Such weeping and wailing 
 as went up from the poor women and children of that town 
 we hope never to hear again. The burning of the place 
 was put off as long as it was possible to do so under the 
 order, and so was fixed for noon. Finally General Sheridan 
 yielded and gave the messenger an order to carry back, re 
 voking his former order as to the village of Dayton. The 
 soldiers had helped the people carry out their goods, which 
 were mostly conveyed to a slight eminence overlooking the 
 town. Every house was now emptied, and the poor people 
 sat among their little piles of household effects, the very 
 picture of despair, awaiting the hour when their houses 
 should be given up to the flames. In the country all about 
 them, the dense smoke now arising in all directions showed 
 them that the vengeful order was being executed. But the 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 messenger finally came with the revoking order. Officers 
 and men went out among the people to announce the good 
 news to them and to help them carry back their goods. 
 When they saw them coming, they thought it was to apply 
 the torch, and the screams of women and children were 
 perfectly heart rending. But the joy that succeeded as 
 soon as their mission was understood, was so sudden and 
 overcoming that many of the poor women fainted, and the 
 clapping of hands and shouts of gladness of the little chil 
 dren over the good news was too much for even the grim 
 and sturdy old soldiers. The sleeve of many a blouse was 
 wet with their tears. All hands turned to and helped to 
 carry everything back to the houses, and the people of 
 Dayton anyhow, if of no other place in the South, believed 
 there were at least some Yankees who had some humanity 
 in them. There was not a man in the regiment who would 
 not have faced death in a dozen battles rather than to have 
 burned that village in the presence of those weeping, im 
 ploring and helpless women and children. Hearing during 
 the clay that we were to move in the morning, a great 
 quantity of provisions and delicacies were prepared by the 
 people and distributed among the officers and men. If a 
 n6th Ohio man ever happens in Dayton, he may depend 
 upon a warm reception. At least he ought to have one. 
 
 I observe in Pond s " Shenandoah Valley " that it was ascertained after the 
 war that Lieutenant Meigs was killed by an enlisted Confederate soldier of Wickham s 
 brigade engaged in scouting, but the belief at the time was that he was murdered by 
 bushwhackers. This but adds importance to the intercession made by the 116th in behalf 
 of Dayton at the time of Lieutenant Meigs death. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 MARCH BACK TO CEDAR CREEK DESTRUCTION IN THE VAL 
 LEY ELECTION DAY AT CEDAR CREEK BATTLE OF 
 
 STICKNEY FARM DEATH OF COLONEL WELLS LIST OF 
 
 CASUALTIES COLONEL WILDES IN COMMAND OF THE 
 
 BRIGADE BATTLE OF CEDAR CREEK, OCTOBER IpTH 
 
 DEFEAT OP THE MORNING SHERIDAN S ARRIVAL WE 
 
 U GO FOR THEM"- A GLORIOUS VICTORY LIST OF CASU 
 ALTIES REPORTS OF COLONEL WILDES AND GENERAL 
 
 CROOK A REST PROMOTIONS AT OPEQUAN CROSSING 
 
 THANKSGIVING TURKEYS ORDERED TO THE ARMY 
 
 OF THE JAMES. 
 
 The next morning we moved back to Harrisonburg, 
 where we found the rest of our brigade impatiently, and 
 with some anxiety for our safety, awaiting us, the rest of 
 the army having marched some hours before to the rear. 
 Our brigade being thus in the rear, remained so until we 
 reached Fisher s Hill, on the pth. This retrograde move 
 ment was made for two or three sound reasons: First, be 
 cause we were so far from our base of supplies that it re 
 quired a very large force to keep our communications open 
 and our trains properly guarded. Second, because Early 
 had been again re-enforced by Kershaw s division of infan 
 try, Rosser s brigade of cavalry and a battalion of artillery. 
 Third, because it was contemplated sending the 6th corps, 
 and a large portion of the cavalry, to Grant upon reaching 
 Cedar Creek, the Manassas Gap Railroad being in course 
 of repair for the purpose of transporting the infantry to 
 Washington. 
 
 13 
 
Ip4 NE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Just before our brigade reached Fisher s Hill, the rebel 
 cavalry under General Rosser advanced so far as to get on 
 the left flank of the infantry column, but a mile or more 
 distant, near Round Top, on the back road. Our brigade 
 prepared for action. Our regiment being in the rear, at 
 once faced about, and moving some distance further back, 
 turned in the direction of the rear of Rosser s position, with 
 whom Custer was now hotly engaged. Other bodies of 
 our infantry were brought back and formed on Fisher s 
 Hill. We had approached very close to his rear, when 
 Custer attacked him in full force, and the report spreading 
 among Rosser s men that the infantry was at the same time 
 flanking them, which was a fact, they immediately gave 
 way and broke into a stampede, Custer pursued them for 
 over twenty miles. At the same time Merritt had attacked 
 Lromax on the Valley pike. From our position on Round 
 Top both cavalry fights, which were going on at the same 
 time, were in plain view. The rebels under Lorn ax and 
 those under Rosser, though fighting independent battles, 
 some distance from each other, broke about the same time, 
 and the pursuit was on parallel roads, that on the pike, es 
 pecially, being in plain hearing and view of the infantry 
 support. The low, rumbling, steady roll of resounding 
 hoofs, which fairly shook the earth, the reports of artillery, 
 the explosion of shells and the quick thudding sound of 
 heavy carbine firing, added to which were the cheers and 
 shouts of the pursuing host, combined to form the most 
 animating and exciting scene we ever witnessed. In all our 
 experience and observation in the war, nothing approached 
 it in grandeur and sublimity. General Sheridan viewed it 
 from Round Top near us, and it was said at the time that, 
 when he heard of the capture of eleven pieces of artillery, 
 he offered a reward of $500 for the capture of the twelfth. 
 At any rate the pursuit could not have been more spirited, 
 had there been a reward offered for the capture of Rosser 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1 95 
 
 himself. Rosser s temerity in pushing onto the flank of the 
 infantry at this time cost him 350 prisoners, eleven pieces 
 of artillery, four caissons, an ammunition train, a great 
 quantity of small arms and a number of wagons, including 
 the headquarters wagons of Rosser, Lomax and others, am 
 bulances and 400 horses, besides many killed and wounded. 
 
 General Torbert, speaking of the battle, which is known 
 in history as the battle of Tom s Brook, says: "The cav 
 alry totally covered themselves with glory, and added to 
 their long list of victories the most brilliant one of them all, 
 and the most decisive the country has ever witnessed." 
 
 General Sheridan telegraphed Grant concerning it: "I 
 directed Torbert to attack at daylight this morning and fin 
 ish this Savior of the Valley. * * * The enemy, after 
 being charged by our gallant cavalry, broke and ran. 
 They were followed by our men on the jump twenty-six 
 miles, through Mount Jackson and across North Fork of 
 the Shenandoah. I deemed it best to make this delay of 
 one day here and settle this new cavalry general." 
 
 Pond, in his "Shenandoah Valley," says of this battle: 
 "The engagement at Tom s Brook was a fine offset to the 
 check received by Torbert at Millford, for the same two 
 Union divisions had now routed the combined divisions of 
 Lomax and Rosser, inflicting a loss of about 400 men, while 
 Torbert had but nine men killed and forty-eight wounded. 
 Some of the artillery was- fresh from the Tredegar Works, 
 and with the five guns taken at Winchester, the sixteen at 
 Fisher s Hill and eleven at Tom s Brook, point was given 
 to the jest that cannon sent from Richmond to the Valley 
 were marked P. H. Sheridan, care of General Early." 
 
 In falling back from Harrisonburg, Sheridan stretched 
 his cavalry clear across the Valley, and destroyed all the 
 hay, grain and forage of every kind beyond what was nec 
 essary for his army. This was done in pursuance of orders 
 from the Government. A correspondent, who was present 
 
196 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 on the march, thus describes some of the scenes witnessed: 
 "The atmosphere from horizon to horizon has been black 
 with a thousand conflagrations, and at night a gleam 
 brighter and more lurid than sunset has shot from every 
 verge. The orders have been to destroy all forage in 
 stacks and barns, and to drive the stock before for the sub 
 sistence of the army. The execution of these orders has 
 been perfect; the completeness of the desolation has been 
 awful. This is war; terrible, horrible war. Hundreds of 
 nearly starving people are going North. Our trains are 
 crowded with them. They line the wayside. Hundreds 
 more are coming. Not half the inhabitants of the Valley 
 can subsist on it in its present condition. Absolute want is 
 in mansions used in other days to extravagant living. But 
 in no instance, except in that of the burning of dwellings 
 within five miles in retaliation for the murder of Lieutenant 
 Meigs, have orders been issued for the burning of houses, 
 or have such orders been sanctioned by General Sheridan." 
 And General Sheridan, in a dispatch dated October 7th, 
 says: "The whole country, from the Blue Ridge to the 
 North Mountain, has been made untenable for a rebel army. 
 I have destroyed over 2,000 barns filled with wheat, hay 
 and farming implements, over seventy mills filled with 
 wheat and flour. Four herds of cattle have been driven 
 before the army, and not less than 3,000 sheep have been 
 killed and issued to the troops. This destruction embraces 
 the Luray and Little Fork Valleys, as well as the main 
 Valley." 
 
 On the nth we reached camp at Cedar Creek, where 
 we voted for State and County officers in Ohio, under the 
 law authorizing soldiers to vote in the field. No election 
 anywhere was ever conducted more fairly and honestly 
 than this one. About noon Generals Sheridan and Crook 
 rode down to the polls of the 36th Ohio and voted. When 
 they galloped off to return to their headquarters, they were 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 1 97 
 
 lustily cheered by the men. The vote of the u6th for 
 Congressman was as follows: 
 
 Plants, (Rep.) 220 
 
 Morris, (Dem.) - 70 
 
 Hon. James R. Morris was a brother of our Major, and 
 was very popular with the regiment. 
 
 Early followed us down the Valley, and took up his old 
 position on Fisher s Hill on the I3th. We occupied ours 
 along Cedar Creek. The day before, the nth, Sheridan 
 had started the 6th corps to Washington, and it was now 
 at Front Royal, where Sheridan ordered it to await further 
 orders. The 12th he ordered it to move down the Valley 
 and pass through Ashby s Gap, instead of through Man- 
 assas Gap, to Piedmont, fifteen miles beyond, to which 
 point the Manassas Gap Railroad had been repaired. 
 
 On the 1 3th, the enemy appeared on our right, and the 
 front of the ipth corps, the other side of the creek on 
 Hupp s Hill. They opened with artillery on our camps, 
 throwing several shells into that of the 3d brigade, and one 
 or two into ours. The ist and 3d brigades of Thoburn s 
 division were sent over to feel of the enemy and develop 
 his strength. Between the knoll on which our division was 
 camped and Hupp s Hill, from which the rebel artillery was 
 firing, was a piece of low, open ground, which the batteries 
 swept, but the n6th never moved steadier than it did 
 through this plunging fire of shot and shell, only two men, 
 whom I shall not name here, falling out of ranks and taking 
 shelter behind a friendly log. Crossing this space and the 
 creek, we moved straight towards the saucy batteries, the 
 3d brigade on the right, ours on the left. 
 
 "It became evident to both brigades that Early was in 
 force, but the rage for capturing guns had seized Sheridan s 
 army, andThoburn s men went forward, through the plung 
 ing fire from the brow of Hupp s Hill, until Early was 
 
198 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 forced to throw out Kershaw s infantry, Conner s brigade 
 leading, to check them." Shenandoah Valley in 1864.. 
 
 Our brigade formed behind a stone wall, and opening 
 fire checked and drove back the enemy. But the 3d bri 
 gade was driven back, and there being an intervening space 
 between the brigades, we did not know it, until the enemy 
 advanced on our right flanks. The left wing of our regi 
 ment was now thrown forward along a stone wall, running 
 perpendicular to our line of battle, and opening fire across 
 to the right, we checked the advance of Conner, and cleared 
 the front of a body of rebels about making a charge on the 
 brigade. The right of the 34th Massachusetts was broken 
 and driven back. Lieutenant Ballard, in trying to reach 
 our brigade to order us back after the 3d had retired, had 
 his horse shot, and thus the order did not reach us before 
 the enemy struck our right. At this juncture, a large force 
 came down upon the left occupied by the n6th, and the 
 whole brigade was driven back amid a furious shower of 
 balls. We were obliged to retreat across a wide, open 
 field, and the loss of our brigade was veivy severe for a skir 
 mish, as it was called, being over 200, the 34th Massachu 
 setts alone losing over 100 men. We fell back to a piece 
 of woods, where we re-formed, and the enemy soon with 
 drawing to Fisher s Hill, we returned to our camp. The 
 loss of the 1 1 6th was one killed, seven wounded and five 
 taken prisoners, as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Corporal Dickerson Archer. Company D. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Royal Phelps, Company G; Jesse Frazer, Company G, arm shot off ; James E. 
 Bullock, Company G; Jehiel Graham, Company G, hip, disabled for life; John W. 
 Hall, Company D, arm; Leroy D. Brown, Company H, knee; John Rush, Company E. 
 
 PRISONERS. 
 
 Wm. A. Ferrell, Company D; Samuel King, Company F; Orderly Sergeant Charles 
 A. Cline, Company E; George W. Wiley, Company E; Joseph A. Hall, Company, E. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 99 
 
 This battle, known by the name of "Stickney Farm," 
 was replete w r ith suprises. Only the day before, the cav 
 alry had gone up the Valley ten or twelve miles without 
 finding any enemy.* 
 
 It seems that Powell, in the Luray Valley, had, a day 
 or two before, reported Early at Craig s Creek, between 
 Brown s Gap and Waynesboro. Several reconnoisances of 
 the infantry, one by our brigade, made on the i2th, reported 
 no enemy near. So, to have a lot of big shells dropped 
 into our camps just as we were sitting down to our dinners, 
 when we didn t think there was a Confederate cannon 
 within miles of us, was, to say the least of it, rather sensa 
 tional. Then, when we went out to see what it was all 
 about, to be met by Kershaw s infantry, batteries in posi 
 tion, and all the rest of, Early s army in sight on Hupp s 
 Hill, and to rind ourselves repulsed, before we had time to 
 take in the situation, or "view the landscape o er," was 
 altogether so startling and sudden a visitation as to make 
 us wonder, not only how this surprise happened, but what 
 would be the next thing in order for old Early to treat us to. 
 
 Colonel Wells, of the 34th Massachusetts, and Lieuten 
 ant Dempsey were killed. The death of Colonel Wells 
 was a severe stroke to his gallant regiment and a great loss 
 to the service. He was one of the very best officers in 
 Crook s corps. He was a natural soldier, and as brave 
 and gallant an officer as there was in our army. By his 
 discipline and incessant drill he had made the 34th Massa 
 chusetts one of the very best regiments in the service. It 
 was as steady as a rock in battle, and, as long as any troops 
 could stay on a battle line, they would be found there. 
 Always cool, intelligent, effective and heroically steady and 
 firm, Colonel Wells had the genius, so largely developed in 
 
 *" October 12th I sent reconnoisances from the 1st and 3d divisions up the Valley 
 pike and the back road for ten or twelve miles, but could find no signs of the enemy." 
 TorbcrVs Report, 
 
2OO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 General Sheridan, of imbuing his men with his own daring 
 and soldierly qualities. He occupied a high position in the 
 esteem of the people of Massachusetts, as he deserved, and 
 his death was deeply mourned in all parts of the State. 
 The day after the battle, his body was obtained under a 
 flag of truce and sent to his home in Massachusetts, accom 
 panied by an escort from his noble regiment. Colonel 
 Wells was bre vetted Brigadier General a few days before 
 his death, the commission reaching the army a few days 
 after his death. All felt it a pity that he could not have 
 lived to realize that his services had been appreciated, and, 
 at last, rewarded. 
 
 The death of Colonel Wells placed Lieutenant Colonel 
 Wildes in command of the brigade, the n6th thus being 
 left in command of Captain W. B. Teters, a brave and effi 
 cient officer, and one thoroughly qualified from his long 
 service to command with credit to himself and honor to the 
 regiment. He commanded it from this time to the close of 
 the war. The brigade at this time consisted of the 34th 
 Massachusetts, the 2d battalion of the 5th New York heavy 
 artillery, the 1236. and n6th Ohio. 
 
 This demonstration of the enemy satisfying Sheridan 
 that he was being again menaced by Early s re-enforced 
 army, he ordered the 6th corps, now at Ashby s Gap, to 
 return, which it did next day, going into camp to the right 
 and rear of the ipth corps. Up to this time it was sup 
 posed that Early was far up the Valley, certainly no nearer 
 than New Market, and some reports located him near 
 Brown s Gap, as before stated. On the i5th Sheridan 
 started for Washington to hold a long deferred conference, 
 taking with him Merritt s division of cavalry, which was to 
 be joined by Powell s at Front Royal, from which point 
 both were to go upon an expedition under General Torbert 
 to destroy the Virginia Central Railroad about Charlottes- 
 ville and Gordonsville, always a favorite project of General 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2OI 
 
 Grant. Upon Sheridan s arrival at Front Royal, he was 
 overtaken by a messenger from General Wright, whom he 
 had left in command at Cedar Creek, bearing the following 
 dispatch taken from the rebel signal station on Three Top: 
 
 To Lieutenant General Early : 
 
 be ready to move as soon as my forces join you, and we will crush Sheridan. 
 
 LONGSTREET, Lieutenant General. 
 
 While thinking this was a ruse, still General Sheridan, 
 deeming it best to be on the safe side, ordered back the 
 cavalry to Cedar Creek, while he proceeded on his way to 
 Washington, at the same time cautioning General Wright 
 to be on the alert, to "look well to his ground, and be well 
 prepared." It should be borne in mind that from Three 
 Top the rebels could see our whole camp and every move 
 ment taking place in it, and from this point it was that 
 Early and Gordon planned for us the surprise of the morn 
 ing of the i pth, which we are now approaching. It would 
 be difficult to exaggerate the importance of Three Top as a 
 lookout station. It gave a perfect birds-eye view of our en 
 tire position and of the whole Valley down as far as Win 
 chester. On the 1 8th our brigade made a reconnoisance to 
 the left and another brigade of our division made one 
 towards Strasburg and Fisher s Hill, but no sign of any 
 movement on the part of the enemy was discovered. 
 
 On the night of the i8th, Sheridan, on his way back, 
 lodged at Winchester. The position of the army was at 
 this time the same as heretofore stated. Behind Crook s 
 left, and at right angles with it, lay Kitching s provisional 
 division, with a view to protect the flank. Thoburn s di 
 vision lay a half mile in advance of the left of the ipth 
 corps. Hayes division lay in reserve behind Thoburn s, 
 and half a mile distant from it. To guard against surprise, 
 the North Fork was picketed by Powell s cavalry from 
 Cedar Creek to Front Royal, nine miles distant, on our left. 
 
2O2 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Artillery was posted on the line of the ipth corps and on 
 ours, one battery being stationed to the right of our bri 
 gade, in front of General Harris 3d brigade. But for some 
 unknown reason the fords on North Fork on our left, and 
 the road and fords at the foot of Massanutten Mountain on 
 our front, were not guarded by the cavalry on the night of 
 the 1 8th, which left no cavalry on that flank nearer than 
 Buckton Ford, two and a half miles distant from the infan 
 try pickets. But no one believed Early would venture on 
 an attack after so many severe defeats, and it is more than 
 probable that these places had been neglected for some 
 time, and probably never, since our recent occupation, had 
 they been properly guarded. Had they been so guarded 
 before, it is incredible that Early could find out in time to 
 make the move that he did, that on the night of the i8th 
 alone they were left unguarded. The reasonable presump 
 tion is that Early had, through his scouts and disloyal citi 
 zens, learned of our habitual neglect to guard them, and 
 hence his movement on the night of the i8th, which we are 
 about to relate. 
 
 Soon after midnight Early, having arranged his troops 
 unperceived at the foot of Massanutten Mountain and at 
 Fisher s Hill, set them in motion toward Sheridan s lines. 
 His cavalry and light artillery advanced against the right of 
 the 6th corps and the cavalry on the right about day light. 
 His infantry marched in three columns, the first of which, 
 composed of Gordon s, Ramseur s and Pegram s divisions, 
 placed themselves before daybreak on the left rear of the 
 whole Federal position. Kershaw got, about the same 
 time, close under the intrenched rising ground,, on which lay 
 Crook s corps, and Wharton advanced upon the front of the 
 i pth. Word was sent to General Crook from Kitching s 
 division that his pickets had heard the rustling of under 
 brush and the tramp of men in their front about 2 o clock 
 in the morning. Captain John F. Welch, who was then on 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2O3 
 
 Thoburn s staff, heard musket firing at 3 o clock in the 
 morning, and awakening Thoburn told him what he had 
 heard. Both listened for some time, but heard no more. 
 Captain Welch heard firing again between 4 and 5? imme 
 diately followed by a volley and by artillery in their front. 
 This last firing was the opening of the rebel advance upon 
 the first division of Crook s corps. Our brigade* was 
 aroused by our camp guard, .which we never failed to keep, 
 about 4 o clock, as the rebel columns struck our pickets in 
 our front, when there occurred enough firing to give the 
 alarm. But the 5th New York heavy artillery battalion 
 was captured almost entire on the picket line in our front, 
 only one officer and twelve men escaping. The pickets 
 were not fired upon, and the rush made upon them was so 
 sudden that their fire was only very scattering. The mo 
 ment the alarm w r as given our teams were hitched up, 
 \vagons loaded and our headquarters stuff, and much of our 
 camp equipage sent to the rear. Skirmishers were sent 
 out in our front, which soon met the enemy silently advanc 
 ing through the woods. I at once dispatched Captain Karr 
 to division headquarters. With Lieutenant Dissoway, of 
 my staff, I rode to the brigade on our right, which we 
 found in their beds. Some good, vigorous efforts w r ere 
 made to arouse them. There stood the guns of the battery 
 with only a sentinel over them, and only a man now and 
 then of the infantry or artillery could be roused up enough 
 to ask " What s up?" or "Who the h 1 are you?" See 
 ing we could do nothing with these sleepy fellows, we rode 
 rapidly back to our brigade, which we had scarcely reached 
 before the storm burst in front and on both flanks. The 
 mist and fog was so heavy that you could hardly see the 
 length of a regiment. The enemy came over the works on 
 both flanks unopposed, but we met the rebel advance with 
 so hot a fire that it fell back in our front, which <rave us 
 
 o 
 
 opportunity to move out unmolested. The 34th Massachu- 
 
204 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 setts was on the right of our brigade, and when the rebels 
 came over the works on their right they were struck so 
 suddenly and heavily on the flank that they broke, and 
 becoming involved with the utterly stampeded and broken 
 masses of the surprised brigade and battery on their right, 
 fell back in confusion. The n6th and 12 3d stuck together 
 and oegan falling back towards the pike, where it was 
 touched by the ipth corps, about a mile distant. They 
 were hard pressed the entire distance, but kept in good 
 shape, delivering their fire to the rear or either flank as the 
 rebels approached, and checking the pursuit sufficient to 
 get off our trains. We formed a line across the field just 
 after rising out of the ravine, about 1,000 yards in front of 
 Thoburn s headquarters, and facing about opened fire on 
 the enemy, now pouring down the hill on the opposite side. 
 We checked his advance for a short time, but now a heavy 
 line came out of the woods square on our left, and by this 
 force we were pressed to the right off the high ground we 
 were following. Back of Thoburn s headquarters to our 
 rear was a piece of woods in which we intended to make 
 another stand, but it was already occupied by the enemy. 
 The enemy now pressed us hard until we reached the pike, 
 but not a man broke from the ranks, and we rose on to the 
 pike with a firm line. 
 
 Lieutenant C. M. Keyes, in his excellent history of the 
 1 2 3d Ohio, says of that morning attack and of the position 
 and action of our brigade. "At half past four on the 
 morning of the ipth of October, the regiment was routed 
 out by a straggling picket fire in our front. The word was 
 passed along that the enemy was advancing, and the men 
 quietly fell into line along the breastworks. The other bri 
 gades, however, failed to observe the warning, or were too 
 slow in falling in. The rebels easily turned the right of 
 our corps, getting over the w r orks with little or no opposi 
 tion, many of the men being still asleep in their tents. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2C>5 
 
 Some resistance, however, was made by our brigade, the 
 only one in the division not surprised. We fell slowly back, 
 the broken ranks of the other brigades rallying upon our 
 line." 
 
 General Lincoln, in his history of the 34th Massachu 
 setts, confirms this statement in every particular, saying: 
 "At first sound of the attack our own regiment and brigade 
 fell into line behind our breastworks and made such resist 
 ance as was possible." 
 
 Upon reaching the pike, we were met by General 
 Emory. The enemy now filled the woods behind us, not 
 over 300 yards from where we struck the pike at the left of 
 General Emory s line, but he had not yet made prepara 
 tions to protect his flank. We informed him of what was 
 coming, and of the situation of affairs on his left. His re 
 ply was an order for our two regiments to charge into the 
 woods. We formed at once for the charge, for which the 
 most we could hope would be time for the ipth corps to 
 turn its line to meet the enemy. Every officer and man in 
 our little band knew he was going to meet overwhelming 
 numbers in those woods, but they never hesitated. Fixing 
 bayonets, we started on the way back down the hill from 
 the pike, and as we started to ascend to the woods, raised 
 the old } T ell and dashed forward. Just after we started, 
 General Wright rode out in our front and most gallantly 
 led the charge. We advanced close to the edge of the 
 woods, where we met with a terrible fire and a counter 
 charge from ten times our number, which swept us back 
 again to the pike. General Wright was wounded in the 
 face, and came back bleeding freely. He displayed great 
 personal courage, but gallant as he and the men who fol 
 lowed him were, they were obliged to give way before the 
 awful fire they met at the edge of the woods. Falling back 
 again to the pike, we found the ipth corps changing front 
 
2O6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 to the rear along down the pike, and a division of the 6th 
 cprps coming up on the double quick. 
 
 A correspondent on the ground wrote, at the time, of 
 the action of our brigade up to this point: "Lieutenant 
 Colonel Wildes, of the n6th Ohio, who was in command of 
 a brigade, had his men in line and had sent word to Gen 
 eral Wright of the enemy s approach when the storm burst, 
 sweeping away two of his regiments at once, and pushing 
 the rest back in a storm of balls in flank and rear. Failing 
 to find General Crook, he reported the n6th and i23d to 
 General Emory, and was sent into the fight, where he and 
 his noble men made a glorious record." 
 
 High praise indeed, but none too high for the two regi 
 ments which so nobly stood together that morning, till 
 dashed to pieces against the strong lines of the enemy in 
 this charge, and in the brave stands afterwards made on 
 other parts of the field. Wharton had come up, and was 
 now engaging the ipth corps in front, with Gordon, Ram- 
 seur and Pegram coming onto the pike still further to the 
 left, they having routed Kitching and Hayes. Reaching 
 the pike, our broken ranks rallied, and hearing that General 
 Crook had made a stand at a point near Sheridan s head 
 quarters, a short distance beyond the pike, we fell back 
 there. Here were gathered fragments of Crook s corps, 
 and here were Crook and his staff, Hayes and his staff, and 
 a large number of officers striving with might and main to 
 stem the tide of disaster. We had scarcely taken our posi 
 tion here, before the division of the 6th corps we had seen 
 going to the front, and the left of the ipth corps came fall 
 ing back in considerable confusion. These troops passed 
 mainly to our left, and formed at the new position now 
 being taken by the army, some distance in our rear. Our 
 corps, having formed on favorable ground, now advanced 
 to push back, if possible, or at least to check the rebel ad 
 vance, until the trains could be got off, and especially until 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2C7 
 
 the contents, of Sheridan s headquarters could be loaded up 
 and run off. We checked the advance of the enemy, and 
 pushed him back a short distance, and I think the very 
 hardest and most stubborn fighting of the day took place 
 here. We were fighting Kershaw s and Wharton s rebel 
 divisions. The proportion of officers to the number of men 
 in our line was very large. Probably not over 1,5 en ~ 
 listed men of Crook s whole corps were engaged, while 
 there was fully one-fourth that many line and staff officers. 
 A great many line and staff officers took muskets, and lay 
 down in the ranks of the men, while all mounted officers 
 used their holster revolvers. The position was held for 
 over a half hour, which gave time for the trains to move 
 out of the way and Sheridan s headquarters to be emptied 
 of everything of value, and also for the 6th and ipth corps 
 to form a new line further to the rear. We now fell back 
 to the left of the new line. Our brigade was greatly broken 
 up by this time, but it was re-formed at the new line, where 
 it soon rallied in good shape. Finding the enemy still on 
 our flank near Middletown, we moved forward again to the 
 edge of a piece of woods to check the enemy until another 
 line could be formed by the 6th and ipth corps, still further 
 to the rear beyond Middletown. Here we had another 
 hard struggle for another half hour, finally being driven 
 back by the masses of the enemy in our front and on our 
 flanks. We now fell back again to the position beyond 
 Middletown, the remnant of our little corps still clinging to 
 the left, which it stubbornly refused to yield amid all the 
 dreadful assaults of the morning, the 6th on our right in the 
 center, and the ipth now on the extreme right of the line. 
 Ouster s and Merritt s cavalry divisions had been brought 
 over from the right and were now doing valiant service in 
 beating back the enemy from our left. Our left now lay 
 near the pike, beyond which we could see the cavalry driv 
 ing back the rebel hordes, which was the first ray of hope 
 
2O8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 and grain of encouragement we had received during the 
 morning. 
 
 But the day was lost, as all felt, and the army directed 
 its attention to saving its trains and preventing the enemy 
 getting complete possession of the pike and cutting us off 
 from Winchester. A short time, however, served to de 
 monstrate that we had succeeded in placing the enemy 
 squarely in our front. Our camps, lines of works, twenty- 
 four guns and 1800 prisoners were in his hands, and the 
 army, though in a measure re-formed, was in a condition of 
 demoralization that would have justified any commander 
 in withdrawing it from the field. A vast number of strag 
 glers were well on their way to Winchester, and some had 
 already entered that town. But many were now flocking 
 back, and Crook s corps was every moment lengthening its 
 line toward the pike. It was about 9 o clock by this time, 
 and every exertion was made to bring together the broken 
 commands and strengthen our position. The enemy ap 
 peared content with his victory, and was now making no 
 attempts to force us further back. Only straggling skir 
 mish firing was going on, with now and then some artillery 
 firing. We afterwards learned that this time was devoted 
 by Early s men to plundering our camps, which were a rich 
 field for his ragged and half starved army. 
 
 We now had time to count our loss. Colonel Thoburn, 
 our division commander, was mortally wounded. General 
 Hayes, commanding the second division, was badly crippled 
 with a broken foot, by his horse, which was shot, falling 
 upon him. Captain Bier, General Crook s Adjutant Gen 
 eral, Colonel Hall, of the I3th West Virginia, and a dozen 
 or more other officers were killed. Dr. Thomas J. Shannon, 
 of our regiment, was mortally wounded. Major Kellogg, 
 commanding the 12 3d, Captain Teters, commanding the 
 1 1 6th, and many more officers of the brigade were wounded; 
 and our loss of men in killed, wounded and missing was 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 209 
 
 very heavy. Our corps had lost seven guns, the ipth 
 corps eleven and the 6th corps six, making twenty-four in 
 all, besides many caissons, ambulances and wagons, our own 
 corps, however, losing but four wagons and two ambu 
 lances in all the confusion of the day. 
 
 Hearing away in our rear cheer upon cheer, and com 
 ing nearer and nearer, we had only a moment to wonder 
 as to the cause, when here came Sheridan galloping across 
 the turnpike to where Crook was standing behind the rem 
 nant of his little corps.* 
 
 His great black horse, immortalized in song, was cov 
 ered with flecks of foam and dripping sweat. * Throwing 
 the reins from his hand, he jumped to the ground. " Well, 
 Crook, how is it?" he asked. "Bad enough, bad enough," 
 answered Crook, pointing to the hand full left of his corps. 
 "Well, get ready now, we ll lick them out of their boots 
 yet before night," was Sheridan s quick reply, as he nerv 
 ously and vigorously cut off the tops of weeds and grass 
 with his riding whip. Hardly a minute elapsed before he 
 was in his saddle again and off down the line in a hard gal 
 lop, the cheers of the men as he passed along telling just 
 where he was. "We are now going back to our camps, 
 boys." "We ll have all those camps and cannon back." 
 "We ll soon get the tightest twist on them you ever saw." 
 " Get ready, boys, to go for them." " We ll sleep in out- 
 old camps to-night." Such are some of the quick, crisp 
 sentences he spoke to the men as he passed down the lines. 
 Presently clouds of stragglers came flocking back to their 
 places, and our corps was moved across the pike. A por 
 tion of the 6th corps was some distance in the rear. One 
 staff officer after another was sent to hurry it forward, for 
 
 *" One thing at once struck me as curious, that the stream of men was now going 
 towards Middletown. Astonished, I left Wheaton and galloped over to the pike, where 
 I learned that Sheridan had just passed up. As well as can be ascertained, it was half 
 past eleven o clock." Colonel Crown-in-sheebeV s Cedar Creek. 
 U 
 
1 10 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O< V. 1, 
 
 Sheridan determined to stay right where he found the most 
 advanced line. It didn t come quick enough to suit him, 
 and he dashed away for it himself and brought it up on the 
 run. It was not a moment too soon, for just as it moved 
 into its place, about i o clock, the rebel attack \vhich 
 Sheridan had been expecting was made on the ipth corps, 
 and Wheaton s division of the 6th. From the left he had 
 been watching the enemy s movements and knew he was 
 preparing to attack. It was made to our right, and for a 
 moment we trembled with anxiety, for the line at one place 
 broke, but it was at once rallied and rolled back with a 
 ringing cheer, when Sheridan galloped among the men, 
 swinging his cap and calling on them to stand their ground. 
 The attack was repulsed, and Sheridan said: "Thank God 
 for that! Now if they attack you again go for them with 
 the bayonet."* 
 
 The demoralization of the morning s defeat was all gone. 
 Everyone felt the tide of disaster had turned, and the men 
 were now only too anxious to move forward to get "those 
 camps and cannon back." About i o clock General Custer, 
 at the head of his cavalry division, moved across behind us 
 from the left to the right. He was cheered, too, for next to 
 Sheridan, Custer was the pride of the army. It was won 
 derful to see the enthusiasm and confidence the presence of 
 Sheridan inspired. There was real magic in it. Up to 4 
 o clock all was silence on both sides, and preparation, or- 
 
 *" The repulse of Early s left told him that fortune had quitted his standard. He 
 thenceforth contented himself with the endeavor to get his prisoners and his captured 
 guns and wagons back to Fisher s Hill. The Shenandoah Valley in 18G4. 
 
 " So many of our men had stopped in the camps to plunder, (in which I am sorry to 
 say that officers participated) the country was so open and the enemy s cavalry so 
 strong, that I did not deem it prudent to press further, especially as Lomax had not 
 come up. I determined, therefore, to content myself with trying to hold the advant 
 ages I had gained until my troops had come up and the captured property was 
 secured." Early 1 s report to Lee. 
 
 (General Powell had successfully kept Lomax from coming onto the field and oper 
 ating on our left, as planned by Early.) 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 211 
 
 ganization and deep suspense on ours. Sheridan continually 
 rode along the front, studying the ground, encouraging the 
 men, arranging and strengthening the lines. Every minute 
 was adding strength to our lines. There was a growing 
 desire to advance, which Sheridan kept telling the men 
 they would do "as soon as he got a good ready." It was 
 nearly four o clock when he started "the right wing of the 
 ipth corps to swing towards the left." Getty s and Whea- 
 ton s divisions of the 6th corps advanced at the same mo 
 ment. The left half wheel by General Dwight, of the ipth 
 corps, on the extreme right, was successfully made, while 
 Custer, riding round the right of the wheeling column, 
 made a furious charge on the crumbling ranks of the enemy 
 in the rear. The constant dread of being flanked by the 
 cavalry had caused Early to stretch out his infantry lines 
 until they were made very thin. But it did not after all 
 save him from the dreadful cavalry, while it made it easy 
 for the infantry to crush his distended lines. Now the 
 bugles all along the lines sounded the " advance," and 
 Sheridan s whole army was in motion. The rebels were 
 lodged behind stone walls and rail pens, and in many places 
 on the right made a stubborn resistance. But the strong 
 infantry lines advancing and crowding them back in the 
 front and on the flank, and the clouds of cavalry in their 
 rear, spread consternation all along their lines until one di 
 vision after another gave way, and as Pond, in "The Shen- 
 andoah Valley in 1864," says: "The army that had swept 
 over the field in triumph at dawn, was a mass of fugitives 
 at night. Never was greater rout seen on a battle field 
 since Bull Run."* 
 
 *"A portion of the enemy had penetrated an interval which was between Evans bri 
 gade on the. extreme lelt and the rest of the line, when the brigade gave way, and 
 Gordon s other brigades soon followed. Every effort was made to stop and rally 
 Kershaw s and Ramseur s men, but the mass of them resisted all appeals and continued 
 to go to the rear. Pegram alone got a portion of his command across Cedar Creek in 
 an organized condition, but this small force soon dissolved." Early g report to Lee. 
 
212 ONE HUNDRKD AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 No stop was made till the embarrassment of crossing 
 Cedar Creek huddled them together in great masses on its 
 bank. Custer and Devin came upon them now, w r hen they 
 broke into utter confusion and fled in all directions. The 
 infantry halted at Cedar Creek, but the cavalry pursued the 
 demoralized enemy towards Strasburg. One division of 
 the i pth corps moved over to Hupp s Hill after dark. 
 Between Strasburg and Fisher s Hill a bridge across a little 
 stream broke down under the weight of a galloping battery, 
 when the road for a long distance became blocked with a 
 mass of guns, caissons, ambulances, wagons and fugitive 
 men. Now Custer and Devin again swooped down upon 
 the tangled mass and gathered it all up. Here is where 
 the great capture of artillery, fifty-seven pieces, and "every 
 thing on wheels " that Early had, was made. Scores of 
 wagons, ambulances, etc., were burned. Ten battle flags 
 were among the trophies. The enemy abandoned every 
 thing at this last charge of the cavalry and fled in utterly 
 broken up masses. It was well on towards morning before 
 all the captured artillery and other property was brought 
 back, and parked near Sheridan s headquarters. Although 
 tired and hungry, the men stood by the roadside in dense 
 masses and gathered in great crowds around the rebel pris 
 oners and captured property, and about their camp fires, 
 nearly all night. The change from the gloom of disaster 
 that hung over that army in the morning, brought about by 
 the complete and undisputed victory in the evening, can be 
 better imagined than described. What camping we did 
 that night, we did on the sites of our camps of the night 
 before. But our tents, blankets, rations, etc., were gone, 
 the rebels having made clean work of our camps, and no 
 rations came up to us until the next morning, when we ate 
 as hearty a breakfast as we ever did in our lives. We 
 found our dead stripped of their clothing, the hyena conduct 
 of which the rebels were almost universally guilty when- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 213 
 
 ever by the fortunes of war our dead fell into their hands. 
 Our large force of cavalry, pursuing the fleeing rout, 
 drove it out of Strasburg, following it to Fisher s Hill that 
 night, and next morning as far up the Valley as Woodstock. 
 Two hours more of daylight, and our infantry would have 
 utterly annihilated Early s army. It was a grand sight to 
 see that army of ours, lately so shattered and stricken, thus 
 re-form its columns and move out on the charge to such a 
 glorious victory! It has no parallel in all the battles of the 
 great rebellion. It was one of the most remarkable battles 
 of modern times. Of all the retrieved battles recorded in 
 history, none equals it. It has often been compared to 
 Napoleon s great battle of Marengo, and some features of 
 both are very much alike. About the same number of men 
 were engaged in each; the losses were about the same; 
 Napoleon s army was defeated in the morning, and return 
 ing to the conflict won a decisive victory in the afternoon. 
 As Napoleon rode along his lines after joining his army, he 
 said, " Men, you know* I always sleep on the battle field." 
 As Sheridan rode along his lines he said, "We ll sleep in 
 our old camps to-night." And the presence and speech of 
 Napoleon at Marengo inspired his men no less than did the 
 presence and speech of Sheridan at Cedar Creek. But 
 there the parallel ends. Napoleon brought with him to the 
 front 4,000 of the Imperial Guard, the best soldiers in 
 Europe, and a few moments after his arrival, 4,000 of 
 Dessaix s corps of veterans, just arrived from Egypt, came 
 upon the field. Our army, after having sustained a decided 
 defeat, totally routed the victors without receiving an}- re- 
 enforcements, save one man SHERIDAN! It must be re 
 membered, too, that the men had eaten nothing since the 
 night before, that they had lost their canteens and were 
 suffering much from thirst, as well as hunger, and that they 
 had been fightihg and maneuvering, often at the double- 
 quick, for nearly twelve hours. To this general condition, 
 
214 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 our brigade was an exception in one or two respects. Most 
 of the men had their canteens, and many their haversacks, 
 having had more time, as we have shown, to prepare for 
 action in the morning, than most of our corps. Whatever 
 was or may have been the condition of others, our brigade 
 was in line and ready for the onset of the rebels, and it has 
 always been so conceded. We came back to the pike, 
 fighting all the way, with two regiments, and there we went 
 into a charge led by General Wright himself. The stigma 
 of "surprise," therefore, does not, and never did, attach to 
 the ist brigade.* 
 
 *Prof. Leroy D. Brown, Superintendent of the Hamilton Union Schools at present, 
 was a private soldier in " H," and on the night of the 18th of October was an orderly at 
 brigade headquarters until midnight, Edward H. Bradley, of " G," then taking his 
 place. Prof. Brown has written a paper of great merit on " Sheridan in the Shenandoah 
 Valley/ He has very kindly furnished me with a copy and I am indebted to it for a 
 number of important facts incorporated in this work. But I will let him tell his expe 
 rience of that night himself: "This night I was orderly at brigade headquarters. 
 General Wildes, now of Akron, then the Lieutenant Colonel of the 116th Ohio, was in 
 command of my brigade. I was on duty till midnight, and it was reported that the 
 enemy was moving towards our left. This was net believed by our commanders. 
 Nevertheless I took the precaution to secure my gun and accoutrements, with the half 
 shelter tent and blanket which I carried before J went to sleep. I was awakened by my 
 comrade Bradley about 2 o clock, who told me that he had heard the marching of cav 
 alry down by Massanutten. This was confirmed by a captain of the 5th New York, 
 whose regiment was on picket. Still nothing was done to arouse our sleeping army." 
 
 In a letter to me Edward H. Bradley says : "I was orderly at brigade headquarters 
 from midnight until the attack was made on the morning of the l!Hh of October, when I 
 took my gun and went to my company. I heard brisk firing on our front and right 
 about 4 o clock, and immediately informed you. The brigade was in line fully half an 
 hour before the enemy struck the Virginia brigade (the 3d) on our right. They were 
 asleep, I think, at least they made no stand, and we were flanked out of our works." 
 
 The officer of the 5th New York, mentioned by Prof. Brown, came to my headquar 
 ters twice during the uight, and told of what he had heard at the front and on the left. 
 He was convinced that something more than usual was going on, and he told me that 
 the officer of the day had been notified by him. The regimental commanders of the 
 brigade were ordered about 4 o clock to have their commands under arms at once. 
 The whole brigade was at the works fully half an hour before the storm burst upon the 
 8th corps on our left and right. The officer of the day, Lieutenant Colonel Furney, 
 34th Ohio, was captured about 3 o clock in the morning. It seems that, being informed 
 of the indications of some movement, he undertook to investigate for himself, and 
 nearing a point at which our cavalry should have been stationed, he saw a body of 
 mounted men up to whom he unsuspectingly rode and was made a prisoner and sent to 
 the rear. This mishap, very likely, combined with other things to make the surprise 
 more complete than it might otherwise have been Colonel Putney escaped at Mount 
 Jackson and returned to camp in a couple of days after the battle. 
 
 Major Karr says in a letter to me: "You sent me to Colonel Thoburn s head 
 quarters a little after 4 o clock in the morning to notify him of the enemy s approach." 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2 15 
 
 Speaking of the stand made by our corps before falling 
 back beyond Middletown, General Harris, in his report, 
 says : " By this time we had arrested and brought together 
 a sufficient number of officers and men to justify an attack 
 on our part, to aid in checking the enemy s advance, and 
 were directed by the General commanding to a point of the 
 line in the woods. In our advance towards these woods 
 we were aided by Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, commanding 
 the ist brigade, and Colonel Wells, commanding the i5th 
 West Virginia, each of whom brought a considerable con 
 cession to our strength. This force, now numbering three 
 or four thousand men, was pushed forward into the woods 
 until its withdrawal was rendered imperative by the giving 
 w r ay of our lines on our left, as also by a movement of the 
 enemy to turn our right." 
 
 The loss of the n6th was as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Dr. Thomas J. Shannon, Surgeon ; Francis Caldwell, Company B ; Aaron Weekly, 
 Company A; David Bruny, Company E. i. 
 
 , WOUNDED. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Thos. F. Wildes; Captain W. B. Teters, Company H; Lieuten 
 ant R. T. Chaney, Company D ; Lieutenant J. C. H. Cobb, Company G ; Corporal Abraham 
 Strait, Company D; Orlando Griffith, Company K; Pardon C. Hewett, Company K; 
 Abel C. Barnes, Company C; Samuel R. Halliday, Company G; Robert Carpenter, 
 Company F; James Wilson, Company F; Color Sergeant Charles P. Allison, Company 
 K ; Milton Mozena, Company C ; William S. Parrott, Company I. 14. 
 
 PRISONERS. 
 
 * 
 
 Corporal James H. Stewart, Company B; William S. Parrott, Company I; John 
 Rawlings, Company G; Daml Bennett, Company D; Jacob Carpenter, Company H; 
 William B. Seagur, Company G ; James Whitman, Company G. 7. 
 
 General Sheridan, in his report of the Shenandoah cam 
 paign, says: "At Cedar Creek, Getty s division of the 6th 
 corps, and Merritt s and Custer s divisions of cavalry, con 
 fronted the enemy from the first attack in the morning, still 
 
2l6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 none behaved more gallantly, or exhibited greater courage 
 than those who returned from the rear, determined to re- 
 occupy their lost camps." 
 
 Believing that the reader will be interested in the ac 
 count they give of this extraordinary battle, I give below 
 in full the official reports of Lieutenant Colonel Wildes and 
 General Crook: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS IST BRIGADE, IST INFANTRY DIVISION, ARMY OF WEST VIRGINIA, ) 
 CEDAR CREEK, VIRGINIA, October 24, 1864. } 
 
 Lieutenant F. L. Bollard, A. A. A. Q. 1st Infantry Division, Army West Virginia: 
 
 LIEUTENANT : In compliance with your orders, I have the honor to submit the fol 
 lowing report of the part taken by my command in the action of the 19th inst: 
 
 About 4 o clock on the morning of the 19th of October, 1864, I heard brisk picket 
 firing on the right and left of the position occupied by my command. I immediately 
 ordered the brigade under arms behind its fortifications. In a few minutes afterwards 
 1 heard a volley of perhaps twenty rifle shots, and a yell, as though a charge was being 
 made, in the direction of a picket post in front of my left. I at once directed Captain 
 Karr, of my staff, to inform Colonel Thoburn that there was considerable firing along 
 the picket line. I then went to the right of my command to the position occupied by 
 the 3d brigade, 1st division, when I discovered that some of the pickets were coming in. 
 Believing we were about to be attacked, I moved the 123d and 116th Ohio regiments to 
 the right, closing upon the 34th Massachusetts regiment, thus filling up a gap made in 
 my line by the absence of the 5th New York H. A. on picket duty. The line was 
 scarcely closed up when a heavy volley of musketry was fired on my right. Upon going 
 again to the right to learn the cause of it, and the state of affairs there, I found the 
 works of the 3d brigade occupied by the enemy, and that the 34th Massachusetts regi 
 ment, being flanked in its position, had left the works in its front. Just at this time I 
 heard brisk firing on my left. Seeing that I was flanked on my right, and apprehending 
 that my left was also threatened, I ordered the 116th and 123d Ohio regiments to move 
 by the left flank and form line of battle in the field on mj left, fronting the position 
 lately occupied by the 3d brigade. 1 had scarcely formed this line when I heard firing 
 in the woods immediately in my rear. I tnen moved by the left flank of the brigade 
 and formed another line on the hill overlooking the ravine in rear of the works of the 
 3d brigade. Halting here a moment, I discovered the enemy was in my rear and 
 threatening to cut me off and to surround me. I then moved quickly towards the turn 
 pike, my command fighting the enemy in my front and on my right until it reached the 
 position occupied by the 19th A. corps. Here it formed a portion of the line under the 
 direction of General Emory, and fought until the line was broken on this part of the 
 field, my command at one time charging the enemy s position under the immediate 
 direction of General Wright. After this the line became so broken that but little could 
 be done in rallying the men until they reached the train of the 6th A. corps in the vicin 
 ity of the present headquarters of General Crook. A line was here formed to allow the 
 train to cross the ravine and creek. Considering the broken condition of the ranks, the 
 men of my command fought with great bravery and coolness at this point. When the 
 train had crossed this line gave way. and falling back some distance, scattering portions 
 of my brigade were collected and moved forward under the direction of Colonel Harris 
 to a line formed in the edge of the woods beyond the ravine in which the 6th corps 
 train had become blocked. When this line fell back, portions of my command formed 
 with the remnant of the 1st division behind a stone wall on the right of the turnpike 
 beyond Middletown. Colonel Harris then directed me to go to the rear and direct all 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 217 
 
 stragglers from the Army of West Virginia to return to their commands. Taking 
 Lieutenant Dissoway of my staff with me, I wenc to the rear and succeeded in collect 
 ing a considerable portion of the stragglers, and shortly after returning, under direction 
 of Colonel Harris, moved the brigade across the turnpike to the support of the batteries 
 situated on that part of (he field. It lay there until the advance was made in the after 
 noon, when it moved forward and encamped near its present position. 
 
 I neglected to state in the proper connection that my command was in line of battle 
 fully three-fourths of an hour before the attack was made, and that information of the 
 picket firing was sent to division hadquarters a full half hour before the attack was 
 made on my right. My regimental commanders, Major Kellogg, 123d Ohio ; Captain 
 Teters, H6thOhio; Captain Potter, 34th Massachusetts, and Captain Wilkie, 5th New 
 York H. A. regiments, did everything in their power with the men, and performed their 
 duties nob y throughout the day. 
 
 The members of my staff, Captain Karr and Lieutenant Dissoway, conducted them 
 selves iu the most gallant manner throughout the day, and rendered very valuable ser 
 vice in their strenuous efforts to keep the command together. I have heretofore 
 forwarded a list of casualties in my command in the action. I enclose reports of regi 
 mental commanders. 
 
 1 am, Lieutenant, very truly your obedient servant, 
 
 THOS. F. WILDES, 
 Lieutenant Colonel 116th Ohio Volunteers, Commanding Brigade. 
 
 HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT WEST VIRGINIA, "I 
 CEDAR CREEK, VA., November 7, 1864. J 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel J, W. Forsyth, Chief of Staff, Middle Military Division : 
 
 COLONEL : I have the honor to report that on the morning of the 19th ult. the Army 
 of West Virginia under my command, owing to the heavy details made upon it, did not 
 number over 4,(MK) bayonets present. The 1st division, Colonel Joseph Thoburn com 
 manding, and batteries B, 5th U. S., and D, 1st Pennsylvania artillery, were encamped 
 further down Cedar Creek and about one mile from the left of the 1 Jth corps, on a high 
 ridge overlooking Cedar Creek and the country in the vicinity of Strasburg, with the 
 right resting close to and fronting down the creek. The general bearing of this ridge 
 was an irregular crescent, running to the rear of and about one-half mile distant 
 from the left of the 1 Jth corps. Battery L, 1st Ohio Artillery, was occupying the works 
 above the bridge across the creek, while the second division, Colonel R. B. Hayes com 
 manding, was held in reserve and camped about one-fourth of a mile in rear of the left 
 of the 19th corps. My pickets were at the usual distance from camp, and connecting 
 with those of other commands. The works in front of the 1st division were being ex 
 tended on this ridge opposite the 2d division, to be used by other troops in case of 
 emergency, but I had not a sufficient number of men to man them. Subsequent inves 
 tigation goes to show that the greater part of the enemy, some time during the night 
 previous, crossed the Shenandoah River below the mouth of Cedar Creek and mussed 
 iust outside of my pickets. At about half past four o clock A. M., another force of the 
 enemy crossed the creek in front of the first division, and soon after the enemy came 
 rushing in solid lines of battle, without skirmishers, on my pickets, coming to the works 
 with those of the pickets they had not captuied, in overwhelming numbers, entered that 
 portion of the works not occupied by our troops and soon were on the flank and in the 
 rear of the first division and the two batteries, compelling them either to retreat or to 
 be captured. The ground to be passed over was one succession of hills and ravines, so 
 that it was impossible for the troops to make a rapid retreat in anything like good 
 order. In the meantime, the 2d division was formed on a ridge parallel to and facing the 
 pike, with its right nearly opposite to the left of the 19th corps. One brigade of the 
 latter was placed in position nearly at right angles to this division and on its extreme 
 right. On the left of the 2d division was Colonel Kitchin s command. This command 
 
2l8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 commenced falling back, when the whole line apparently took it up in a good deal of 
 disorder. In every regiment, however, a considerable number of men contested the 
 advance of the" enemy, and so delayed him until the army headquarters and other 
 wagons were enabled to get off safely. Battery L, 1st Ohio artillery, remained in posi 
 tion until compelled to retire, doing good execution in its retreat. The dense smoke 
 which enveloped everywhere (ended great y to create tne general confusion that pre 
 vailed. After my command was re-Iormed, General Sheridan placed it on the left of the 
 Cth corps, to be held in reserve. After the general advance was made I followed after, 
 overtaking the other commands before they reached Cedar Creek. Captain H. A. 
 Dupont, with battery B, 5th U. S., and Battery L, 1st Ohio artillery, galloped forward to 
 the skirmish line and did most admirable execution, (See Captain Dupont s report.) 
 The command camped for the night on the grounds occupied before. As the dense fog 
 wlr ch prevailed shut from view the operations of most ol the army, I respectfully refer 
 you to the enclosed reports of rny subaltern commanders for further details of this 
 army s operations. 
 
 My loss was as follows: First Division Killed, 13; wounded, 97; missing, 474 
 total, 584. Second division Killed, 26; wounded, 154; missing, 31; total, 211. Artillery 
 Brigade Killed, 7; wounded, 17; missing, 28; total, 52. Totals Killed, 46 ; wounded, 
 268; missing, 533; total, 847. Seven pieces of artillery, ten caissons, two battery 
 wagons, one forge, four army wagons, and two ambulances. 
 
 I am specially indebted to my division and other commanders and to the members 
 of my staff for valuable services rendered on that day. Captain Dupont, chief of artill 
 ery, and the officers and men of his batteries are deserving of particular mention for 
 their conspicuous gallantry and the valuable services rendered that day. I am pained 
 to report the death of Colonel Joseph Thoburn, commanding 1st division, and Captain 
 Phillip G. Bier, Assistant Adjutant General on my staff. Both fell mortally wounded 
 while rallying the men. Brave, efficient, and ever conspicuous for their gallantry on 
 the field of battle, in them the country sustained a loss not easily repaired. 
 
 I respectfully call your attention to the loss of many brave and valuable officers who 
 fell on that day, as mentioned in the reports of my subaltern commanders. Colonel 
 R. B. Hayes had his horse shot under him, and was slightly injured. 
 
 I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE CROOK, Major General. 
 
 The loss of the army in killed, wounded and prisoners 
 was about 5,700, of which about 1,400 were prisoners. 
 The loss of our corps was forty-six killed, 268 wounded, 
 and 523 missing, w r hich shows that it did not break to the 
 rear with no attempt to show fight. The ist brigade lost 
 as follows: n6th Ohio, four killed, thirteen wounded, five 
 prisoners; i23d Ohio, one killed, sixteen wounded, thirteen 
 prisoners; 34th Massachusetts, two killed, seven wounded, 
 thirty-four prisoners; 5th New York H. A., one killed, 
 seven wounded, 153 prisoners, making a total of seven 
 killed, forty-two wounded and 205 prisoners, which shows a 
 very large proportion of the loss of the corps, and a still 
 greater proportion of the loss of the division, which was 
 thirteen killed, ninety-seven wounded, and 474 prisoners, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 2I 9 
 
 This battle ended the campaign in the Shenandoah Val 
 ley, and effectually destroyed the fine army, among which 
 were the choice troops of the South, w r ith which General 
 Early had entered the Valley, and threatened Washington 
 in July. Among the rebel killed was General Ramseur. 
 When the news of this great battle reached the North, it 
 rang with the praises of Sheridan. General Grant ordered 
 salutes of 100 guns tired by the armies in Sheridan s honor, 
 and he wrote the President as follows : 
 
 " Turning what had bid fair to be a disaster into a glorious victory, stamps Sheridan 
 what I always thought him, one of the ablest of Generals." 
 
 President Lincoln telegraphed Sheridan: 
 
 "With great pleasure I tender you and your brave army the thanks of the Nation 
 and my .own personal congratulations and gratitude for the month s operations in the 
 Shenandoah Valley, and, especially, for the splendid work on October 19th, 1864. 
 
 And, a few weeks later, the President appointed him a 
 Major General in the regular army; and a few months later 
 still, Congress passed a resolution thanking " Major General 
 Philip H. Sheridan and the officers and men under his com 
 mand, for the gallantry, military skill and courage displayed 
 in the Valley of the Shenandoah, and especially for their 
 services at Cedar Run on the ipth day of October, 1864, 
 which retrieved the fortunes of the day, and thus averted a 
 great disaster." 
 
 The greatest loss we met was in the death of Colonel 
 Thoburn. No better or braver officer ever lived. Every 
 man in his division fairly loved him. Firm, yet kind 
 hearted as a child, he impressed every one who met him as 
 an honest, patriotic, Christian gentleman. As a man he 
 -drew around him a pleasant circle of friends, constant and 
 affectionate, who deeply and inconsolably mourned his loss. 
 In disposition he was frank, manly, kind, and always cheer 
 ful. He was the soul of kindness to those he commanded, 
 and the very soul of honor itself in all the relations of army 
 life. He did not possess an impulsive nature. He was not 
 
22O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 a thunder-bolt on the field. He was a rock, rather. Fiery 
 floods might break upon him, and yet he was always the 
 same, always cool, strong, intrepid, brave and firm. While 
 he was the soldier, every inch, he never forgot that he was 
 also a citizen and a gentleman, and that he was simply en 
 gaged in war because duty and patriotism called him there. 
 Hence he took no interest or pride in the pomps or forms 
 of military life. He was too sincere, too deeply in earnest 
 in the cause of his country to give a thought to anything 
 that did not point directly toward the unity of the Nation, 
 and its restoration from the fell powers of treason and dis 
 union. His young State of West Virginia and the Nation 
 could ill afford to lose such a man as General Thoburn. 
 After the battles ending with Fisher s Hill, he was asked 
 by General Crook to furnish the names of the officers of his 
 division most conspicuous for gallantry and efficient con 
 duct, and who were most deserving of promotion. A few 
 days before his death he sent me a copy of his reply to this 
 request. I here publish it, possibly for the first time it has 
 been published anywhere, as a part of the history of our 
 regiment. It will doubtless be gratifying to the officers 
 named in it to know now, if they never did before, of the 
 esteem in which their dead friend held them. 
 
 HEADQUARTERS IST INFANTRY DIVISION, ARMY WEST VIRGINIA, \ 
 
 September 27, 1864. j 
 
 CAPTAIN : In answer to your request to furnish you with the names of the officers 
 of the 1st division most conspicuous tor gallantry and efficient conduct in the late bat 
 tles of Winchester and Fisher s Hill, and who are most deserving of promotion. I 
 have the honor to report that with few exceptions all were brave and efficient, and de 
 serving of all praise, and it is very difficult to avoid making the list too long, and thus 
 defeat the object at which you aim. Among the bravest and most efficient I have the 
 honor to present you with the following names : Colonel T. M. Harris, 10th West Vir 
 ginia Volunteers, commanding 3d brigade; Lieutenant Colonel Thos. F. Wildes, com 
 manding 116th Ohio Volunteers; Major H. W. Potter, commanding 34th Massachusetts 
 Volunteers; Lieutenant Colonel J. P. Linton, commanding 5th Pennsylvania Volun 
 teers ; Adjutant Baughman, I Oth West Virginia Volunteers ; Lieutenant Geo. McComber, 
 34th Massachusetts Volunteers; Lieutenant H. H. Hornbrook, 1st West Virginia Volun 
 teers; the last two, members of my staff. These officers were most conspicuous for 
 gallantry, and are all highly deserving of promotion. 
 
 I have the honor to be very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 J. THOBURN, Colonel. 
 CAPTAIN P. G. BIER, A. A. Gen l, A. W. Va. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 221 
 
 I write of him as General Thoburn, at times, from the 
 tact that he was promoted to Brigadier General, and his 
 commission reached the headquarters of General Crook a 
 few days after his death. No man in the army more mer 
 itoriously deserved high rank than he did. It was sorely 
 regretted by all that he did not live to enjoy and wear the 
 star he had so well earned, and so richly merited. It will, I 
 know, be considered pardonable pride to have won the con 
 fidence and esteem of this noble man, otherwise I would not 
 have published this highly prized paper. 
 
 A great many promotions in the army followed this 
 battle, which was the effectual wiping out of the rebel 
 army in the Shenandoah Valley. Serenading was the order 
 of nearly every evening. The band of the 34th Massachu 
 setts was one of the best in the army, and was in constant 
 demand. On the 2ist of October, General B. R. Cowen, 
 then Adjutant General of Ohio, wrote to us : "I congratu 
 late you on the gallant bearing of your command during 
 the past campaign. You have reflected honor on the State 
 by your actions, and will not be forgotten." On the 26th 
 we received a visit from Colonel Washburn, to whom we 
 gave a royal greeting. Tuesday, the 8th of November, 
 the regiment voted for President, casting 374 votes for 
 Lincoln, and eighty-one for McClellan. 
 
 On the i6th of November, at Kernstown, to which place 
 we had fallen back on the pth, the regiments of our brigade 
 held the first dress parade they had had since early spring, 
 except the n6th, on the occasion of Colonel Washburn s 
 visit. Over six months had been so crowded with marches, 
 battles and hard field service that there was no room for 
 drills or parades, except in maneuvers on bloody battle 
 fields. 
 
 Our Chaplain, Rev. E. W. Brady, resigned on the i8th, 
 and left for his home. Before leaving he talked a few mo 
 ments to the men and offered prayer, the first for five 
 
222 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 months. The last few months had been hard ones for a 
 Chaplain, but Chaplain Brady always did the best he could. 
 He was always ready to do anything he could, as well as 
 officiate as Chaplain. He was exceedingly kind and atten 
 tive to the sick and wounded, and did a great deal of good 
 work in the hospitals. During the whole time he was with 
 the regiment he acted as postmaster, and was very faithful 
 in the discharge of the important duties of that position. 
 Both officers and men paid him the highest respect when 
 ever he engaged in the duties of his calling, but when off 
 duty and among the men, he was as jolly and as fond of 
 sport as any of them in their efforts to break the ennui of 
 camp life. He left the regiment with the good wishes of 
 every officer and soldier in it. Rev. James Logan a private 
 soldier in company C, was promoted to Chaplain and com 
 missioned by the Governor at the request of the regiment. 
 He had distinguished himself in several engagements in 
 carrying the colors of the regiment after the color bearers 
 had been disabled, coming forward at Lynchburg at the 
 call for volunteers to carry the colors after the whole color 
 guard had been wounded. His bravery was so noted, and 
 his Christian character so marked, withal, that the private 
 soldiers unanimously requested his appointment to the chap 
 laincy on the resignation of Reverend Brady. On the 28th 
 we were paid off, and the men of company I raised a sub 
 scription, and sent it to Mrs. Matilda Secoy, whose husband 
 had been killed in the battle of Opequan, on the ipth of 
 September. 
 
 On the 1 8th of November, our brigade was ordered to 
 Opequan bridge to guard the railroad at that point. On 
 the 24th we received our share of the 10,000 Thanksgiving 
 turkeys sent to " Little Phil s " army by the loyal people of 
 Ohio and New York City, which, together with such 
 chickens, pigs, turkeys, sheep, etc., as the "enemy s coun 
 try" afforded, were served up at a Thanksgiving dinner, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 223 
 
 that, could our friends at home have seen, would have dis 
 pelled many a story to be found in the press and in old let 
 ters about the " sufferings of the boys in the field." Of the 
 turkeys sent to the army at this time, Sergeant Walker 
 wrote in his diary, under date of November 24th, 1864: 
 "The train stopped at our depot to-day and put off 1,000 
 pounds of turkeys for this brigade, our share of 36,000 
 pounds sent to the Army of the Shenandoah by the citizens 
 of New York City. All honor to the noble State that 
 could thus remember the soldiers in the field. I will ven 
 ture to say this is the first instance on record of turkeys be 
 ing furnished to an entire army. American citizens against 
 the world." Great boxes of all sorts of good things came 
 at the same time from Massachusetts for the 34th, from 
 which Lieutenant Ripley selected many a toothsome morsel 
 for the table at headquarters. It now rained nearly every 
 day, and was very cold and disagreeable, but very comfort 
 able log huts were speedily built and "winter quarters" 
 established on a grand scale. But, as was the constant fate 
 of the soldier, we were doomed not to enjoy them very 
 long. On the lyth of December a grand salute was fired 
 in honor of General Thomas victory over Hood. 
 
 On the 1 8th orders came to be ready to move next day 
 for the Army of the James, in front of Richmond. The 6th 
 corps had preceded us to the Army of the Potomac, going 
 about the ist of December. An order had come from Gen 
 eral Grant for "the best division in Crook s corps," and in 
 compliance with the order the ist was selected. We were 
 now to bid good-bye to the Shenandoah Valley! What 
 recollections the thought revived 
 
 " The echoes that start 
 While memory plays its old tune on the heart." 
 
 What hardships the men of this division had endured 
 in this Valley of Virginia. How often had its soil been 
 
224 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 baptized in the blood of its bravest and its best. What 
 severe defeat s they had sustained and what glorious vic 
 tories they had achieved upon its soil. Scores of its best 
 men were to be left behind in sanctified graves. From the 
 Heights of Bolivar to the environs of .Lynchburg, the road 
 sides, fields and forests were dotted with the burial places of 
 its noble dead. In the hospitals of the army, lay hundreds 
 of its maimed and disabled, and Oh, how many languished, 
 worse than dead, in Southern prisons! How faithfully had 
 its men fought for the success of the great cause of Liberty 
 and Union in this bloody Valley. Is it any w r onder, then, 
 that protests were entered to its removal? Not from its 
 officers or men, but from army commanders and the author 
 ities of West Virginia. Strong protests against its removal 
 from the field upon which it had achieved its renown were 
 sent to General Grant and the authorities at Washington. 
 It was urged that this division was more familiar with the 
 Valley than any troops in it, was better acquainted with its 
 people and their character, had become identified with it in 
 every sense more closely than any troops that ever occupied 
 it. But this was all in vain, and on the day designated in 
 our orders, we started for our new field of operations. 
 How well we maintained the good name of the "Army of 
 West Virginia" alongside the veterans of the Potomac and 
 the James, let history tell. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 GOOD-BYE SHENANDOAH VALLEY ON THE CARS TO WASH 
 INGTON RIDE ON THE WATER ARRIVAL AT DEEP- 
 BOTTOM PROMOTIONS DRILLING AND INSPECTIONS 
 
 HIGH STANDING OF THE REGIMENT IN THE 24/TH ARMY 
 CORPS REBEL RAMS AND GUNBOATS CREATE AN EX 
 CITEMENT MORE PROMOTIONS. 
 
 On the i pth of December, 1864, we took cars at 
 Harper s Ferry. There was considerable anxiety among 
 the men as to which course we would take, east or west, 
 but this was soon settled by the train moving out toward 
 Washington. Captain Mallory, having received a leave of 
 absence, left us at the Ferry for his home in Meigs County. 
 Owing to several hindrances, we did not get started until 
 nearly dark. That night ride will be remembered as the 
 most disagreeable ever experienced by the men. They 
 were in box cars without any fire, and many in open cattle 
 cars. It had rained all da} and did not cease until dark, 
 when it turned very cold and windy. The men suffered 
 terribly with the cold. The entire ist division of the Army 
 of West Virginia followed us, our brigade being in the ad 
 vance. We reached Washington about daylight and at 
 once marched through the city to the Potomac River land 
 ing, where we took transports in waiting for us. The 
 1 1 6th boarded the "Lizzie Baker," the 12 3d and brigade 
 headquarters the "Keyport," and the 34th Massachusetts 
 
 15 
 
226 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. t. 
 
 the " Massachusetts," all sidewheel steamers. Without any 
 delay all moved down the river, and at night anchored off 
 Point Lookout. It was blowing a hurricane in the morn 
 ing, and was very cold, and we did not start out until nearly 
 noon. We were scarcely under way before the wind be 
 came furious again. Our vessel rolled terribly, and to us 
 landsmen the experience was far from pleasant. The men 
 were soon nearly all "seasick." The "Keyport" was an 
 old vessel, and even the captain and crew were a little 
 afraid of her, to say nothing of the rest of us, who saw 
 nothing but destruction in the wild wind and waves. The 
 wind continuing, toward night, we put into the mouth of a 
 creek below Rappahanock. A gunboat on picket there, on 
 seeing us approach, saluted us with a shot across our bow, 
 which was another surprise to us. After we had hove to 
 and anchored, the gunboat came out to us, and its officers 
 invited brigade headquarters to take supper with them, 
 which they gladly did. We started early next morning. 
 We had proceeded but a short distance before we struck 
 high wind and waves, rougher by far than the day before. 
 The "Massachusetts," with the 34th Massachusetts regi 
 ment on board, had disappeared from our fleet. The 
 " Keyport " was in real danger of foundering several times, 
 and all felt great relief when we passed out of the breakers 
 into smoother waters, and Fortress Monroe appeared in the 
 distance. We anchored that night five miles below City 
 Point, and next day moved up to James Landing, where we 
 disembarked, and crossing the James River on pontoons, 
 marched out to " Camp Holly," at Deep Bottom, on the 
 Libby estate, and we were in the Army of the James. The 
 34th Massachusetts had not yet come up nor been heard 
 from, and considerable anxiety was felt about it. Captains 
 Dillon, Mann and Hull, of our regiment, by some mistake 
 were left to come up on their boat. The mortars and 
 Hewlett s batteries kept roaring all night. General Butler 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 227 
 
 was absent, trying to take Fort Fisher when we arrived, 
 and General Ord was in command of the army. 
 
 Our first night was a very cold one, and we were fur 
 thermore obliged to sleep on the ground without tents and 
 but little wood for fires. Since leaving our comfortable 
 quarters at Opequan Bridge, on the ipth, until now, the 
 24th, we had a rough, hard time of it. The next morning 
 found us all in pretty bad humor, and quartermasters and 
 commissaries were hurried around as lively as ever they 
 were. The 34th was now heard from. Their vessel was 
 driven into Cherry Stone Inlet, where it was obliged to lie 
 for two days. The regiment arrived on the 25th, and with 
 it several of our officers and men. The men busied them 
 selves building quarters, and having theirs well under way 
 on the arrival of the 34th, turned out in force to help them 
 build theirs. The Massachusetts men were not so handy 
 with the axe, shovel and trowel as our western troops, and 
 made the erection of quarters irksome work. Our men 
 were always ready to help them on such work, for they 
 were good fighters, and for that our men liked them. We 
 were quartered on Libby s plantation, he of Libby prison 
 fame, and our quartermaster erected his quarters in the 
 Libby door yard, but the "door" and the house and all 
 other buildings were long since gone the way of war. 
 
 The rebels came round to greet our coming, and consid 
 erable picket firing took place the night of the 25th, and 
 the brigade was in line of battle behind the works most of 
 the night. The next morning we went out a short distance 
 on a reconnoisance, but the rebels had retired in the early 
 morning. On the 26th, we received the news of General 
 Sherman s capture of Savannah, and his presentation of it to 
 President Lincoln as. a Christmas gift. Salutes were or 
 dered fired, and this brought on an angry cannonade which 
 continued all day and nearly all night, and kept us under 
 
228 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 arms another night. Several of our officers received New 
 Years gifts in the shape of well earned commissions: 
 
 Captain W. B. Teters was promoted to Major. 
 
 First Lieutenant J. C. H. Cobb was promoted to Captain. 
 
 First Lieutenant A. B. Frame was promoted to Captain. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Kansom Griffin was promoted to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Wm. F. Biddenharn was promoted to First Lieutenant 
 
 Their commissions were all dated December 27th, 1864. 
 Captain Mallory returned to the regiment on the pth of 
 January from a leave of absence he received in the Shenan- 
 doah Valley, and the same day his company, "A," was de 
 tailed as provost guard at division headquarters, he to act 
 as Provost Marshal. About this time an order was issued 
 allowing furloughs to one-tenth of the command, and the 
 scramble became quite exciting. In a few days, however, 
 it was revoked. Road making was the "fatigue" work 
 here, and we did our share of it. On the i8th, a dispatch 
 was sent round announcing the capture of Fort Fisher on 
 the 1 5th, and the regiment was called out and it read amid 
 the wildest cheering. Many had just finished reading a 
 long and labored letter published by General Seymour in 
 the New York Times on the i6th, the day after the cap 
 ture of Fort Fisher, but before the news reached the 
 North, in which he conclusively demonstrated that it was 
 impossible to capture the Fort. It was fine sport to turn 
 from this dispatch to this able article. General Seymour 
 " put his foot in it " badly. 
 
 Dr. James A. Sampsell joined us on the ipth, having 
 been assigned to our regiment as Assistant Surgeon. For 
 some time past very rigid inspections had been an almost 
 daily occurrence. Under a corps order, our brigade had 
 been competing for the first place in the corps in everything 
 pertaining to the soldier. Major General Gibbon, a fine 
 disciplinarian and splendid soldier, was now in command of 
 the 24th Army Corps, to which our division was tempor- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 arily attached as a "provisional division." General Gibbon 
 had already visited us on an inspecting tour, and he and his 
 staff and the division commanders accompanying him spoke 
 in high terms of praise of our camps and the soldierly bear 
 ing of officers and men, not only of the n6th, but of the 
 ist brigade. At an inspection held on the 22d, under the 
 supervision of Captain Chas. W. Elvvell, Inspector General 
 of the brigade, the n6th was pronounced the best in the 
 brigade, and excused from fatigue and picket duty for one 
 week. Corporal James M. Stout, of company B, was pro 
 nounced the "best soldier in the regiment," and a little 
 Irishman by the name of Hogan, in the 34th Massachusetts, 
 the "best soldier in the brigade." He had the prettiest 
 gun I ever saw, and had everything belonging to it and 
 himself in the most complete order possible. He was, 
 moreover, the perfect soldier in every respect. He was 
 sent forward to division and corps headquarters, there to 
 compete with others similarly selected from all the brigades 
 in the corps. He came back in the evening pronounced 
 the "best man in the 24th Army corps," and, under a pro 
 vision of the inspection order, with a furlough in his belt for 
 thirty days, and written permission to take his gun and ac 
 coutrements home with him. This was "first blood" for 
 the ist brigade. 
 
 At a very early hour on the morning of the 24th, a 
 rebel fleet composed of the ironclads "Virginia," "Rich 
 mond " and " Fredericksburg," each carrying four guns, the 
 wooden vessels " Drewry," " Nansemond " and " Hampton," 
 each with two guns, the "Bedford," with one gun, the 
 steamer "Torpedo" and three torpedo boats, dropped down 
 from their anchorage above the I lowlett batteries, ran past 
 Fort Brady in the fog without being observed and attempt 
 ed to pass the obstructions in the river and get down to 
 City Point. The attention of the fort was, ho\vever, soon 
 drawn to the vessels, and a lively cannonading followed for 
 
23O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 some time. It terminated in a hundred-pound gun being 
 dismounted in the fort and the rebel vessels getting out of 
 range. At length the enemy succeeded in cutting the chain 
 in front of the obstructions beyond the lower end of Dutch 
 Gap Canal, and the Fredericksburg got through under full 
 head of steam; but the Richmond, Virginia and Drewry 
 grounded, and the Fredericksburg had to return to their 
 assistance. The Drewry could not be got off and was 
 abandoned. A shell from Battery Parsons subsequently 
 falling into her magazine, she blew up. It was now ap 
 proaching daylight, and as the rebel fleet was in range of 
 of the battery, and the gunboats on the river had recovered 
 from their demoralization and were coming into action, the 
 whole fleet retired up the river and escaped. It was a 
 close call for the Army of the James, for had the rebel iron 
 clads not grounded, the entire fleet of transports at City 
 Point might have been sunk and the base of operations 
 there destroyed, in which event the Army of the James and 
 Fort Harrison would have been isolated from the forces on 
 the south side and greatly endangered. Our army was all 
 under arms from the moment the first gun was fired in the 
 morning, and fearing a repetition of the experiment the next 
 night, the whole army lay. behind its works. A large force 
 of rebel infantry lay waiting in our front to attack and 
 "wipe us off the map," had the ironclad expedition been 
 successful. It failing, all soon became quiet on the James. 
 On the 25th, General Harris inspected our brigade very 
 minutely. We all thought him speciallv exacting and scru 
 tinizing with the n6th. The next clay he promulgated an 
 order to the effect that the n6th was the best regiment in 
 the division, "and would therefore be excused from fatigue 
 and picket duty for t\vo weeks." This created great ex 
 citement in camp, and as showing the good natured rivalry 
 existing among the regiments of the brigade, the officers of 
 the 34th and 12 3d, accompanied by the 34th band, went 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 23! 
 
 over and gave the n6th officers a serenade. Commissions 
 arrived on the 28th for Sergeant Major Wm. J. Lee, to 
 Second Lieutenant; Sergeant Joseph Purkey, to Second 
 Lieutenant; Sergeant Jacob Wyckoff, to Second Lieuten 
 ant. On the same day we received notice of Lieutenant 
 Sibley s resignation. He had but shortly before been ex 
 changed in broken health. Captain Dillon resigned Janu 
 ary 29th; Captain Chaney, February ist; Adjutant Ballard, 
 February 3d; and Captain Cochran, February pth, which 
 created several vacancies. On the loth, Lieutenant Wm. 
 B. Henry was promoted to First Lieutenant; Second Lieu 
 tenant Edward Muhleman, to First Lieutenant; Q. M. Ser 
 geant Ezra L. Walker, to Second Lieutenant. On the i5th, 
 First Lieutenant W. S. Martin was promoted to Captain; 
 Second Lieutenant Rees Williams, to First Lieutenant; 
 Sergeant Wm. H. Bush, to Second Lieutenant; Sergeant 
 John S. Heald, to Second Lieutenant; Sergeant Charles A. 
 Cline, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 About the 3d of February, we received the news of the 
 submission of the Thirteenth Amendment to the States for 
 their ratification. There was universal rejoicing all through 
 the armv. None of the bad feeling seen everywhere when 
 in January, 1863, the President issued the Emancipation 
 Proclamation, existed anywhere now. Everyone was ready 
 to adopt measures that would forever put an end to Ameri 
 can slavery, and was glad steps to that end were being 
 taken. Salutes were fired, and officers and men cheered, 
 shook hands, pulled and jerked each other about and fairly 
 danced for joy. As the news passed from one regiment to 
 another, you could hear the cheers and shouts of men roll 
 ing along, and echoing and re-echoing, until it seemed as 
 though the whole army was uniting in one grand effort to 
 all cheer at once, and mingled with it all was the tremen 
 dous roar of artillery from the forts and artillery parks off 
 to our left, and the gunboats and mortars on the river in our 
 
232 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 rear. Of course all this exasperated the enemy, and that 
 night there was a great deal of picket firing, and we stood 
 at arms most of the night. 
 
 At the Sunday inspection, January 29th, Corporal James 
 M. Stout, who stood first in the regiment and second in the 
 brigade at the previous inspection, was first in the brigade 
 and first in the division and corps, and received a furlough 
 for thirty days and written permission to take his gun and 
 accoutrements home wdth him. The ist brigade was an 
 nounced, in an order from corps headquarters, as in the 
 best order in the division, and the 34th Massachusetts the 
 best in order in the brigade. Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, 
 as brigade commander, now became entitled to a leave of 
 absence under the inspection orders, and on the 6th left for 
 home. Q. M. Sergeant Walker, now acting as Sergeant 
 Major, also obtained a furlough. Captain Dillon, who had 
 resigned on the 2pth ult., on account of disability, went 
 home now, and also Major Teters on leave of absence. 
 We thus had a pleasant party. John A. Dennis, of com 
 pany I, was accidentally killed at Chapin s Farm by the 
 falling of a tree, on the loth of February. It was a sad 
 affair. He was a good soldier, had always done his duty 
 well, and it seemed hard to thus lose his life after passing 
 through all the great battles of the Shenandoah Valley 
 safely. About the I2th, it grew very cold and windy. 
 Among other capers of the wind, was the blowing down of 
 our chapel, which had been built about a month before at 
 the request of the Chaplain, and a great many chimneys. 
 On the 1 5th, a great many prisoners were exchanged at 
 Aiken s Landing, among them several of our regiment. 
 They met with a royal reception when they came out to 
 our camp. For several nights along between the i5th and 
 23d there was a great deal of disturbance on the picket 
 lines. On the 2ist, we received news of Sherman s capture 
 of Charleston, Columbia, etc., and more salutes were fired, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 233 
 
 again exasperating the rebels. The old flag was again 
 floating over Fort Sumter. 
 
 On the 23d, a commission as Assistant Surgeon was re 
 ceived for Hospital Steward James T. Moran, but the regi 
 ment had not men enough to allow him to be mustered. 
 No more faithful, industrious and competent man for his 
 position could be found in the service than Dr. Moran, and 
 his failure to enjoy his well earned promotion was deeply 
 regretted. No officer or man in the regiment performed his 
 duty more faithfully, throughout the service, than Jas. T. 
 Moran. Major Teters returned on the 27th. News to-day 
 of the fall of Wilmington. More salutes, and the rebels are 
 mad again. Orders to move at an hour s notice have been 
 in existence for several days. On the 28th, Corporal John 
 M. Mitchell, of company I, and Sergeant Uriah Hoyt, of 
 company B, received orders from the War Department to 
 report at Columbus for promotion in a new regiment, the 
 1 86th, of which Lieutenant Colonel Wildes was made Col 
 onel. Desertions from the rebels were very numerous along 
 about this time, and the deserters say that shooting at them 
 as they cross the lines explains much of the picket firing 
 heard every night. February 26th, Lieutenant Colonel 
 Wildes was appointed Colonel of the i86th O. V. I., and 
 Major Teters was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel of the 
 n6th. Quartermaster Sergeant Ezra L. Walker, who had 
 performed so long such valuable services in the Quartermas 
 ter s department of the n6th, was appointed Quartermas 
 ter of the 1 86th. Commissary Sergeant W. T. Patterson 
 was appointed Quartermaster Sergeant, vice Walker, pro 
 moted, and Frank O. Pickering was appointed Commissary 
 Sergeant. Captain John Hull was promoted to Major. 
 Major Hull resigned and went home on the i6th of Febru 
 ary. He was an old man, too old for active field service, 
 but he had endured the hardships of the service remarkably 
 well, always bravely did his duty as an officer, and he now 
 
234 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 left the regiment for his home with the kind wishes of both 
 officers and men, and with the esteem and respect of all. 
 On the 1 8th the following promotions took place: 
 
 First Lieutenant John C. Henthorn, to Captain. 
 
 First Lieutenant Wm. Mosely, to Captain. 
 
 First Lieutenant John S. Manning, to Captain. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Charles P. Allison, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Wm. J. Lee, to First Lieutenant. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Joseph Purkey r to First Lieutenant. 
 
 General Grant and the Secretary of War reviewed the 
 Army of the James on the i8th. It was a grand affair, and 
 the whole army appeared in admirable condition. General 
 Gibbon, in command of the 24th army corps, is one of the 
 very best officers in the army, and General Ord, in com 
 mand of the Army of the James, well deserves the confi 
 dence which General Grant seems to repose in him. On 
 the 22d, Brevet Major General Turner assumed command 
 of the division, which was now designated the 2d division 
 of the 24th army corps, relieving General Harris, who re 
 turned to the command of his old brigade, the 3d. The 
 troops are marching and counter-marching, and all are 
 under orders to march to-morrow morning. Instead of 
 marching on the 23d, we had another inspection. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 OFF FOR PETERSBURG CONTINUOUS HARD MARCHING 
 
 HATCHER S RUN SKIRMISHING- LIST OF CASUALTIES 
 A NARROW ESCAPE FOR CAPTAIN MANN AND FORTY MEN 
 
 FORT GREGG CARRIED BY ASSAULT SOME INCIDENTS 
 
 CONNECTED WITH THE CHARGE REPORT OF LIEUTEN 
 ANT COLONEL POTTER CASUALTIES OF THE REGIMENT 
 
 ^TI< 
 B S 
 
 CUT OFF APPOMATTOX THE WHITP: FLAGS SURREN 
 DER GENERAL GIBBON S ORDER. 
 
 Finally, on the morning of the 25th, our division started 
 on the march with a pontoon train and entrenching tools. 
 Leaving Camp Holly to our left, our division moved out on 
 the White House road, through a dense evergreen forest 
 among the Chickahominy swamps. Our anticipations were 
 that we were going out to meet Sheridan, on his way to 
 join the Army of the Potomac from White House, which 
 he had reached from the Shenandoah Valley on the ipth. 
 After moving out some distance, we took the Charles City 
 road. Cavalry was posted all along. We soon came to 
 some of McClellan s battle fields covered with fortifications 
 and the debris of battle. We halted at noon near the Chic- 
 ahominy, and the pontoon corps began the construction of a 
 pontoon bridge across the river. The bridge was scarcely 
 laid before some of Sheridan s troopers made their appear 
 ance and crossed over, but Sheridan himself, with the main 
 
236 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 part of his cavalry, had crossed further down, and were 
 now well on their way to James Landing, on the James. It 
 was a great disappointment to our old division of the Army 
 of West Virginia not to meet our old commanders, Sheridan 
 and Crook. Next morning we counter-marched for the 
 James. Coming within sight of our old camp, we filed to 
 the left, and went into camp at Deep Bottom Landing. 
 We found Sheridan crossing to the south side of the James 
 at James Landing, a little below us. Monday, March 27th, 
 we stripped for battle, casting aside everything not abso 
 lutely necessary. We never before marched so light. Just 
 after sundown we crossed the James on pontoons, wound 
 along the river bank some distance, and then turning to the 
 right entered the dense evergreen forest. Were it not for 
 fires at intervals, we could not have made much headway 
 in the darkness and splashing mud. Crossed the Appo- 
 mattox below the Point of Rocks, and riling to the right 
 took the Petersburg road. Halted at 4 A. M. opposite the 
 Petersburg front. Picket firing was very lively in front. 
 We slept about three hours, and then marched very rapidly 
 along the lines to the left. Large bodies of troops were 
 everywhere, forts and earthworks on all sides. Everything 
 was on the move. On our march to-day we passed Sher 
 idan s cavalry taking a rest. Also passed General Mead s 
 headquarters. Marched fifteen miles, and went into camp 
 after crossing the Weldon and Grant s military railroads. 
 The next morning we moved at daylight. Going a short 
 distance, we relieved the 2cl corps, taking their quarters at 
 Humphrey s Station. Grant, Sheridan, Meade and Crook 
 passed us on their way to the front. On the 2pth, Captain 
 Hamilton L. Karr was promoted to Major, First Lieuten 
 ant Richmond O. Knowles to Captain, and Second Lieu 
 tenant Wm. H. Bush to First Lieutenant. 
 
 At 5 o clock the morning of the 3Oth, our division 
 crossed Hatcher s Run, the left connecting with the right 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 237 
 
 of the 2d corps, and the right resting near Hatcher s Run, 
 our brigade being on the right. During the day we moved 
 forward in conjunction with the 2cl corps, our brigade, at 
 night, connecting on the right with Foster s 2d division. 
 General Harris brigade was on the left, and Colonel Curtis 
 being in reserve. Skirmishing was lively all day, our regi 
 ment having a few wounded. Early in the morning of the 
 3ist, our brigade was ordered to drive in the enemy s picket 
 line in our front, in order to develop the position of the 
 enemy. This was very gallantly done. The enemy s en 
 tire picket line was either captured or driven within his 
 works, and our own picket line established w r ithin 400 
 yards of the enemy s works, enabling us to completely 
 silence his artillery on this part of his line, and giving us a 
 very important advantage. Lieutenant Colonel Kellogg, of 
 the 1 23d Ohio, had charge of our skirmish line, and he is 
 very highly praised by General Turner for his gallantry on 
 this occasion. After this advance we fortified, and during 
 the remainder of that day and the ist of April we were en 
 gaged in strengthening our position. The loss of our regi 
 ment on the 3Oth and 3ist was two killed and nine wounded, 
 as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 John E. Smith, Company E ; Emauuel Byers, Company C. 2. 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 Erastus H. White, Company B; Corporal Abner G. Carlton, Company C; John M. 
 Carlton, Company C; Andrew J. Morris. Company C; Jos. 8. Johnson, Company C; 
 James Agin, Company D; James A. Strong, Company G; Miner Starkey, Company F; 
 George Beach, Company I. 9. 
 
 Sheridan had, early in the morning of the 3Oth of 
 March, connected his right with the left of the 5th corps 
 near the Boydton plank road. The enemy were found to 
 have constructed a very strong line of entrenchments to 
 cover the position known as Five Forks, of great strategic 
 
238 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 value, where five roads meet in the woods, three of which 
 led back to the South Side Railroad, and the possession of 
 which would be equivalent to turning the enemy s right 
 flank. 
 
 To give a more complete outline of the position, it 
 might be recapitulated that Sheridan, with the cavalry, oc 
 cupied the extreme left, and was working round to get 
 beyond the enemy s right. Next toward the right in order 
 lay the 5th, the 2d, the 24th, the 6th, the pth corps, with a 
 division of the 25th in reserve. Early on the morning of 
 3ist, Warren began to move the 5th corps. At Gravelly 
 Run, it was met by the enemy in strong force and driven 
 back, and the attack was not checked until met by Miles 
 division of the 2d corps. Towards noon Sheridan had been 
 also attacked on the left and portions of his cavalry driven 
 back. About 5 o clock the 5th corps, having rallied, ad 
 vanced its lines again. During all the 3ist of March, the 
 pth and 25th corps were not engaged, but about 10 o clock 
 at night the 6th, pth and 24th opened a general cannonade, 
 which was continued till four o clock on the following 
 morning. The great events of the first of April were inau 
 gurated by the enemy at 4 o clock in the morning, by an 
 attack on Foster s division of the 24th corps. The onset 
 was so sudden and impetuous that the enemy planted their 
 colors on the fortifications held by Damby s brigade, and 
 was near routing the entire division. Our division instantly 
 came to its support, the n6th charging the rebels in pos 
 session of Damby s works, and they were driven out almost 
 as suddenly as they came in. A musketry and artillery fire 
 broke out along the center and right of the line, but it was 
 soon over, with little loss on either side. The rebels cap 
 tured a few prisoners in their charge, but we captured a 
 great many more from them when we drove them out. 
 Seven slightly wounded was the result in our regiment, and 
 a number of prisoners passed to the rear through our ranks* 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 An exciting incident occurred to Captain Mann and 
 forty men of our regiment. On the evening of the 3ist, the 
 Captain was summoned to division headquarters by General 
 Turner, who advised him that he had been selected to take 
 charge of forty select men, to be supplied with axes, whose 
 duty it would be to advance in the morning, in advance of 
 the skirmish line, and cut away the abatis in front of the 
 rebel works, so that his troops, who were to make an as 
 sault at daylight, could pass through. At 12 o clock, the 
 Captain and his men moved out in front of our works, and 
 lay down to await the time of the movement in the morn 
 ing. But the enemy, probably anticipating our tactics, 
 made an assault upon our works a little before the time 
 fixed for our assault upon theirs. The battle raged right 
 over the prostrate forms of the Captain s detail, many rebels 
 being killed -and wounded right among his men. They 
 hugged the ground closely throughout the struggle, and 
 when the rebels were repulsed, the Captain and his forty 
 brave pioneers came within our works, where they were 
 greeted as if they had risen from the dead. Nobody ex 
 pected to see one of them alive again, and probably had 
 they gone on the mission assigned them the night before, 
 but few, if any, of them would have escaped alive. The 
 assault contemplated by General Turner was not made, the 
 assault of the enemy, just described, disarranging his plans, 
 and besides because other plans were at once conceived. 
 
 But all day on the ist, the most desperate and decisive 
 fighting had been going on about Five Forks on the left. 
 The day before, Sheridan had met with some reverses in 
 his efforts to flank the rebel right. At night General 
 Grant had placed Sheridan in command, not only of all the 
 cavalry, but of the 5th corps under Warren, determined 
 that the disasters of the day before should not be repeated. 
 Sheridan now controlled four divisions of cavalry and three 
 of infantry, aggregating not far from 30,000 strong, and 
 
240 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 double that which the enemy could concentrate against him 
 at Five Forks, while the rebel lines, all the way from Din- 
 widdie Court House to Petersburg, were threatened by 
 forces largely superior to theirs. At daybreak, Sheridan 
 put his whole cavalry force in motion to accomplish his 
 mission of getting round the rebel right. Five Forks was 
 the strategic point of the whole rebel position. That taken, 
 and the position would be completely turned and rendered 
 untenable. Sheridan worked his way steadily up to the 
 entrenchments on all sides, while the enemy fell back, fight 
 ing fiercely. Finally a division of the cavalry got well 
 round on the enemy s flank and rear. About 3 o clock, the 
 5th corps was ordered up to support the cavalry. As soon 
 as it arrived, Ayres and Crawford s divisions were swung 
 in on the left, Ayres striking the flank of the enemy s 
 works. Crawford, advancing, found himself in the rebel 
 rear. 
 
 " The Great Civil War," speaks of the battle from this 
 point as follows : " The enemy had steadily fallen back at 
 first, fighting obstinately, however, till 5 o clock, when they 
 made a decisive stand, and then for two hours raged one of 
 the most fearful contests of the war. Riding to all parts of 
 the field, Sheridan cheered, urged and drove on his men, 
 and at length they nearly surrounded the enemy s position, 
 swarmed over the parapets, and the rebel troops, exhausted 
 with their great efforts, and much weakened by the havoc 
 which had been made in their ranks, and seeing it useless 
 longer to resist the overwhelming force pouring in upon 
 them, broke and rushed to the rear, seeking to escape by 
 the only outlet still open. There was another fierce strug 
 gle, but by half-past seven the battle was over." 
 
 Thus Five Forks fell into our hands, and that night 
 Custer s and McKenzie s divisions of cavalry pressed on in 
 pursuit of the fugitives. The 2d corps had all day been 
 swinging forward so as to connect with the 5th, fighting 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 24! 
 
 hard all the way, and in the evening Miles division pushed 
 on to Sheridan at Five Forks. 
 
 We thus give a brief account of the movements on the 
 left on the ist, so that a clearer idea may be had of the im 
 portance of our own movements on the right on the 2d. 
 
 As before stated, a furious cannonade was kept up all 
 along the front of the 6th, 9th and 24th corps, until 4 
 o clock on the morning of the 2d. At that hour, these sev 
 eral corps were massed for a charge, the 6th in front of 
 Forts Welch and Fisher, and Turner s and Foster s di 
 visions of the 24th on both sides of Hatcher s Run, in front 
 of Fort Gregg, Turner s division in support of Foster s. 
 At 4 o clock, the 6th moved on the double quick across the 
 intervening space of 800 yards, and after several hours of 
 hard fighting captured the two forts in their front. The 
 24th had further to move, but it also was successful in cap 
 turing Fort Gregg, a very formidable work in its front. 
 The 1 1 6th won great praise for its gallantry in its charge 
 on Fort Gregg. In the assault on Fort Gregg, the n6th 
 was in the third line of the assaulting column. The first 
 line was checked, the second also. When our line came up, 
 it was also checked by the troops lying in front of us, ex 
 tending back from the ditch around the fort four or five 
 rods. In the final rush, our line was first on their feet and 
 charged over and through the other troops, many of them 
 joining in the charge. Our colors, with the colors of the 
 loth Connecticut, were the first planted upon the parapet of 
 the fort. These two stands of colors, it was claimed at the 
 time, were planted simultaneously. The u6th colors were 
 carried by Corporal Francis J. Stout, of company C, who 
 took them up at Cedar Creek, after they had been shot 
 down several times, and he carried them to the close of the 
 war. The record of modern warfare hardly furnishes a par 
 allel to the desperate encounter which took place on the par 
 apet of Fort Gregg. Thirteen rebels were found inside the 
 
 16 
 
242 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 fort killed by bayonet thrusts, while scores were wounded 
 by the same weapon. Union and rebel soldiers lay dead on 
 the parapet and inside the fort in each other s grasps. Nor 
 were officers the only brave ones. There was scarcely a 
 private soldier of our regiment who was not worthy of spe 
 cial mention and praise for his gallantry. Sergeant E. C. 
 King, of company F, is said to have been among the first 
 to scale the enemy s works. He was promised a Medal of 
 Honor, but for some reason never received it. There were 
 numerous noted acts of bravery on the part of officers and 
 men. A party of men, privates Williams and Reusser of 
 E, Samuel Forsythe of D, Joseph Van Meter of G, and 
 Corporal Thompson of F, advanced in a squad by them 
 selves under the lead of Sergeant Reithmiller of E, to a 
 bank close up to the fort, and lay down, watching for a 
 chance to dash forward. Seeing the chance, all rose to 
 gether to start, but that instant the brave Sergeant was 
 killed. The rest of the party ran on, and digging holes in 
 its side with their bayonets, climbed on to the parapet of 
 the fort. In a moment they were joined by Corporal Stout 
 bearing the colors, and the rest of the regiment. Then fol 
 lowed the most desperate fighting, the rebels trying to cap 
 ture the colors and kill its bearers. The men clustered 
 around their colors, and here we met our most serious loss 
 in killed and wounded. As the men drove the rebels back, 
 and were jumping from the parapet into the fort, a rebel 
 Captain cried out: "Never surrender to the d d Yan 
 kees." The words were scarcely out of his mouth, before 
 John Cole of B, and Ephraim Williams of E, clubbed 
 their guns, and he soon paid for the remark with his life. 
 At the same moment, a rebel and John W. Reusser of E, 
 leveled their guns upon each other. They each fired at the 
 same instant, the rebel s ball grazing Reusser s ear, and 
 Reusser s ball going through the breast of the rebel. 
 Forsythe was attacked by two big burly rebels. He bayo- 
 
ONE HtJNDRfiD ANl) SIXTEENTH 0. V. I. 
 
 netted one, and was himself bayonetted in the leg by the 
 other, just as the surrender was made. Corporal Freeman 
 C. Thompson of F, and Joseph Van Meter of G, were con 
 spicuous for their bravery from first to last in the attack 
 and capture of Fort Gregg, and were each awarded a 
 "Medal of Honor" by the Secretary of War. Corporal 
 Thompson was knocked off the parapet into the ditch twice 
 by clubbed muskets. A third time he mounted it, and 
 lying down beside Van Meter, they two fired directly into 
 the fort, while others, unable to get up, handed up loaded 
 guns, and re-loaded those handed down to them by these 
 two gallant soldiers. Finally, the men covering the para 
 pet on all sides, the rebels who had been in partial cover 
 under the walls, rose up and made a last desperate effort to 
 drive our men down. Then our men rose, and rushing 
 down into the fort, engaged in a hand to hand struggle, 
 and forced a surrender in a short time. In the final strug 
 gle, Van Meter wrenched a rebel flag from the hands of 
 its bearer. Thirteen men in the division were awarded 
 "Medals of Honor," and all accompanied General Gibbon 
 in charge of rebel flags to Washington, after the surrender 
 of Lee. Joseph Gerolds, of H, seized a rebel officer on the 
 parapet, and after a desperate struggle, compelled him to 
 surrender his sword. Colonel Teters was, as usual, con 
 spicuous for his great gallantry, and led the regiment 
 throughout the attack with the utmost fearlessness and 
 bravery. All the officers behaved splendidly, and where 
 all did so nobly, it seems invidious to single out any for 
 special mention. All, however, concede that Lieutenant 
 Wm. H. Bush, who was killed in the charge, and Captain 
 Mann, Lieutenant Wm. Biddenharn, and Lieutenant Reese 
 Williams greatly distinguished themselves, and added fresh 
 laurels to their former reputations as gallant officers. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Potter, in command of the brigade, 
 says in his report of the battle of Fort Gregg- " I moved 
 
244 ONfi HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 with the 1 1 6th Ohio and 34th Massachusetts from Hatcher s 
 Run. About 8 A. M. came onto the field in front of Fort 
 Gregg, a very strong position held by the enemy. My 
 command supported General Foster s division of the 24th 
 A. C., advancing with him. As we advanced, I found 
 some rebel pickets behind an entrenched line, who annoyed 
 my flank at first. I advanced by an oblique movement to 
 the right, and then by a left half wheel, succeeded in plac 
 ing one regiment of my command, the n6th Ohio, on the 
 southern front of the fort. This ofave me a direct fire on 
 
 O 
 
 this front and an enfilading fire on the westerly front. We 
 advanced rapidly without firing till we reached a road some 
 fifty yards from the fort, where we lay down and poured in 
 a rapid and accurate fire. We suffered severely in reach 
 ing this point, but once there we had the best of it. After 
 lying here some twenty-five minutes, and succeeding in a 
 great measure in silencing the enemy s fire, we charged the 
 work and placed our colors on the fort among the first. 
 The attack was gallantly made and most stubbornly re 
 sisted. The enemy refused to yield till we were fairly 
 within his works. My loss was one commissioned officer 
 and sixteen men killed, and sixty-three wounded."-- -Colonel 
 Potter s report, April 2, 1865. 
 
 In this movement the 34th Massachusetts was on the 
 right, the n6th on the left, and when the "left half wheel" 
 mentioned by Colonel Potter was made, the n6th bore the 
 brunt of the movement and suffered great loss. Colonel 
 Potter reports seventeen killed and sixty-three wounded, in 
 cluding one commissioned officer killed, Lieutenant Bush, 
 of the 1 1 6th. It will be seen that our killed was fifteen 
 and wounded thirty-three. General Lincoln, in his history 
 of the 34th Massachusetts, gives the loss of his regiment as 
 five killed and thirty-two wounded. Consolidating these 
 losses makes the loss of the two regiments twenty killed 
 and sixty-five wounded. It is probable that the severely 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 245 
 
 wounded in our regiment on the ist of April are included 
 in our report for the 2d, and that the discrepancy in the 
 number killed is accounted for by including a few who, 
 being mortally wounded, died after Colonel Potter s report 
 of casualties was made, which seems to have been made on 
 the evening after the battle. The loss of the n6th in the 
 
 O 
 
 charge exceeded that of any other regiment engaged, being 
 fifteen killed and thirty-three wounded. It is given in full 
 below : 
 
 KILLED. 
 
 Lieutenant William H. Bush, Company B; Sergeant Fred. E. Humphrey, Com 
 pany B; Sergeant Myron R. Hitchcock, Company B; Corporal James M. Hartley, 
 Company B: Privates William Hall, Company C; William H. Mohberly, Company C; 
 Sergeant John G. Reithmiller, Company E; Corporal Louis W. Mozena, Company E; 
 Robert S. Hutcheson, Company E; Gilbert McCoy, Company E; Samuel Rult-ner, 
 Company E; Martin Hysell, Company G; James Jrwin Rogers, Compauy H ; James 
 Lindsay, Company K ; David G. Groce, Company K. Total killed, 15. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 John P. Kibble, Company B; Otis P. Henry, Company B; Benj. F. McLain, Com 
 pany B; Philip Feiger, Company B; John Truax, Company C; Geo. W. Sampson 
 Company C; Sergeant Wm. O. Belt, Company D; Corporal Samuel Forsythe, Company 
 P; Eli Whitlatch, Company D; John M. Bougher, Company E; Frederick Stephens, 
 Company E; Levi Howell, Company E: Jacob S. Hurd, Company E; Andrew J. Curtis, 
 Company E ; John Schappat, Company E; David Amos, Company F; Corporal Edward 
 King, Company F; Valentine Mahl, Company F; Henry Dillon, Company F; George 
 Ray, Company F; Corporal David Longstreth, Company G; Corporal Edward Lowry, 
 Company G; Samuel Barrett, Company G; Sergeant B. F. Sammons, Company H; 
 Henry C. Mathews, Company H, right foot shot off by a shell; Cerporal Jeremiah 
 Swain, Company H; Joseph Smith, Company H; James R. P. Keyser, Company H; 
 Nathaniel Butler, Company H ; Corporal Armstrong Johnson, Company H ; Isaac Yoho, 
 Company H; Sergeant Geo. H. Bean, Company I; Charles Andrews, Company K. 
 Total wounded, 33. 
 
 Company A was not engaged in this or any of the bat 
 tles of this campaign, being detached as Provost Guard at 
 Division Headquarters. 
 
 In a letter to the Athens Messenger, published April 
 2Oth, 1865, Quartermaster Sergeant Wm. T. Pattersen 
 says : " To render Petersburg untenable and its evacuation 
 and capture certain, Fort Gregg, a formidable work, de 
 fended by men selected for its defense, must be taken. It 
 
246 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 was situated near General A. P. Hill s headquarters. The 
 1 1 6th was one of the regiments selected to assault and take 
 this fort. It did its part nobly. Never did men display 
 greater bravery. Lieutenant Colonel Teters was conspicu 
 ous for gallantry. Every officer and man did all that brave 
 men could do. Out of 350 engaged, the n6th lost fifteen 
 killed and thirty-five wounded. It was a desperate charge, 
 and one of the few instances in the war where bayonets 
 were used. Many of the prisoners bore bayonet wounds. 
 The rebel General A. P. Hill was killed here." 
 
 The loss of our regiment on the 2d was cause of great 
 mourning. Company B was fearfully stricken in the death 
 of four of its finest men. Lieutenant Bush was a brave 
 man, a most worthy and exemplary citizen, and in every 
 way that a man could be, was a true soldier and noble 
 officer. He was wounded at the battle of Piedmont. Ser 
 geant Humphrey was very severely wounded in the battle 
 of Lynchburg, in the shoulder and neck, while most gal 
 lantly bearing the colors of the regiment, as before stated, 
 and remained a prisoner for several months. He was First 
 Sergeant of his company at the time of his death. No man 
 in the company made a better record as a soldier than Ser 
 geant Humphrey. Sergeant Hitchcock was a finely edu 
 cated, brave and courteous gentleman, and was always to 
 be found at his post of duty. He was chief of Division Or 
 derlies at Division Headquarters, and was in discharge of 
 his duty delivering orders on the field when he received a 
 mortal wound, of which he soon after died. In the Athens 
 (O.) Messenger of March i6th, 1861, appears an account 
 of the closing exercises of the "Third Term of Tupper s 
 Plains Seminary," from which is taken the following men 
 tion of Sergeant Hitchcock, then a student at the Seminary : 
 "The music selected for the occasion was most appropriate 
 and beautiful, and gave evidence of the ability of Prof. M. R. 
 Hitchcock." He was a musician of very high order, and 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 247 
 
 often relieved the monotony and dullness of camp life with 
 his sweet singing. He organized a quartette in company B 
 which was not easily excelled. Few men had more friends 
 in the regiment or at home than Sergeant Hitchcock. Cor 
 poral James M. Hartley had been wounded quite severely 
 in the head at Fisher s Hill. He was a fine man and a 
 brave and efficient soldier. Sergeant John G. Reithmiller 
 was a splendid soldier and highly esteemed man. At the 
 time of his death he was the Orderly Sergeant of company 
 E, and his loss was a great one to his company and his 
 friends. He, too, was quite severely wounded at Lynch- 
 burg. Our very best men seemed fated to fall that day. 
 This record shows that these men were always in the fore 
 front of battle. By a little comparison, the reader will find 
 many more names among our list of killed and wounded of 
 that day that were on our lists of wounded in battles before. 
 General Turner, in his report of the battle of Fort 
 Gregg, says: "During the night of the ist and morning of 
 the 2d, in obedience to orders received direct from Major 
 General Ord, I massed Colonel Curtis and Colonel Potter s 
 brigades on the right of Colonel Damby s brigade of the 
 ist division in preparation for an assault, which, however, 
 was countermanded by Major General Gibbon. Shortly 
 after daybreak, I directed General Harris to advance a 
 strong skirmish line up to the enemy s works to ascertain if 
 he was not leaving, of which I had strong suspicions, which 
 was accordingly done. Lieutenant Colonel Kellogg of the 
 1 2 3d Ohio, of the ist brigade, who had been left on the 
 skirmish line with his regiment under General Harris order, 
 when Lieutenant Colonel Potter s brigade was moved off 
 
 o 
 
 during the night, advanced with his regiment with General 
 Harris line. This line, after some slight resistance, carried 
 the enemy s works, capturing two guns, three battle flags 
 and some prisoners. Before General Harris had reached 
 the enemy s line, I received an order to send two brigades 
 
248 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 to our signal tower near Fort Gregg in support of the 6th 
 corps, which, I was then informed, had broken the enemy s 
 line. I accompanied these two brigades (the ist and 2d) 
 and subsequently, in the afternoon, I found them in support 
 of Foster s division, which, immediately after my arrival, 
 moved to the assault of Fort Gregg, an important out-work 
 of the enemy s defenses around Petersburg. Colonel Curtis 
 and Colonel Potter moved in close support to the ist divi 
 sion, and joined hands with Foster s troops in the desperate 
 struggle which took place for the possession of Fort Gregg. 
 After nearly half an hour of desperate lighting, this work 
 was carried, but with the loss of many brave officers and 
 men. Immediately after the capture of Fort Gregg, an ad 
 joining work of the enemy was carried by General Harris, 
 who reported to me shortly after with its garrison, some 
 sixty in number, including its commander." General J. W. 
 Turners report, April 26, 1865. 
 
 Two of the cannon here captured were taken from Gen 
 eral Milroy at Winchester, in June, 1863. 
 
 The night of the 2d, the n6th was placed on picket in 
 front of another fort close by, into which it advanced its 
 skirmishers about 4 o clock on the morning of the 3d, the 
 enemy abandoning it during the night. In a report made 
 on the 4th, Colonel Potter says: "I have the honor to re 
 port that on the night of the 2d, I placed the n6th regi 
 ment O. V. I. on picket in front of my brigade. I instructed 
 Lieutenant Colonel Teters commanding to post his videttes 
 well up to the enemy s works. He reports that about 
 4 A. M., finding that the enemy had abandoned the works, 
 he advanced a portion of his skirmish line into the fort. 
 He found about sixty stand of arms and a small quantity of 
 tobacco." The fort thus occupied was Fort Lee. 
 
 On the morning of the 3d, we found the enemy gone. 
 Fort Gregg is about two miles from Petersburg, in a south 
 westerly direction, but with it and the works taken by the 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 249 
 
 6th and pth corps the day before, Petersburg must easily 
 fall, and so, without awaiting our coming, the rebels evacu 
 ated it during the night. Early in the morning, we received 
 the news of the fall of Richmond also, and very soon both 
 Richmond and Petersburg were occupied by Federal troops 
 without opposition. O, what rejoicing! What cheering 
 and what gladness among the troops! General Deven s di 
 vision occupied Richmond. But the work was not yet fin 
 ished. Lee was making a desperate effort to escape, and 
 pursuit was begun early on the morning of the 31 St.* 
 
 The column of the Army of the James under Genera^ 
 Ord accompanied by General Grant, pushed on that day 
 fifteen miles, our division in the advance, the purpose of our 
 march being to get between Lee and Danville. Jefferson 
 Davis again says: "This was done, and thus Lee was pre 
 vented from carrying out his original purpose, and directed 
 his course toward Lynchburg." Our column marched 
 along the Cox road to Sutherland Station, ten miles west of 
 Petersburg, and from that point, leaving the main line of 
 march of the body of the army, marched along the railroad 
 to Wilson s Station, where we encamped for the night. 
 Still following the railroad on the 5th, our division in the 
 advance, reached Blacks and Whites about 2 o clock. 
 Thence, the roads being very good, we pushed on briskly 
 to Nottavvay, nine miles from Burkesville. At this point, 
 having marched twenty miles, it was proposed to stop and 
 rest. But at half-past 6, Sheridan s dispatch reached Grant 
 informing him of the state of things, and the two divisions 
 of the 24th corps were pushed on to Burkesville, which we 
 reached at n P. M. At the same hour Grant joined 
 Sheridan at Jettersville. The 2d and 6th corps had, during 
 
 "At nightfall, April 2d, Lee s army commenced crossing the Appomattox, and 
 he/ore dawn was far on its way to Amelia Court House, Lee s purpose being, as previ 
 ously agreed upon in a conference with me, to march to Danville, Virginia." Jefferson 
 Davis in " Else and Fall of the Confederate Government." 
 
25O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 the day, attacked Lee s retreating army near Dratonville 
 and driven it across Sailor s Creek, where General Sheridan 
 met it with the cavalry. The head of Lee s army was di 
 rected towards Farmville. After, a hard fight at Sailor s 
 Creek about 10,000 of the enemy surrendered, among the 
 prisoners being Generals Ewell, Kershaw, Curtis Lee and 
 several other prominent officers. Lee, with the remainder 
 of his force, made his way toward Farmville. Early on the 
 morning of the same day, the two divisions of our corps 
 took up the line of march for Farmville, intending to head 
 off Lee in his retreat. It was a tight race between us. 
 We met the head of the enemy s column at Rice s Station, 
 where our regiment was engaged with considerable loss, 
 and drove them back upon Farmville. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 6th, the I23d Ohio, 54th 
 Pennsylvania, a squadron of the 4th Massachusetts cavalry, 
 and a large pioneer corps, all under command of General 
 Read, were hastened forward to either possess themselves 
 of the bridges near Farmville, or destroy them. This small 
 force met the enemy crossing the bridges to the south side 
 of the Appomattox. General Read at once attacked. The 
 enemy fell back in his front, only to allow large bodies to 
 fall upon his flanks and rear, when, being surrounded by 
 an overwhelming force, Lieutenant Colonel Kellogg was 
 obliged to surrender, the gallant General Read having been 
 killed. But a delay was thus occasioned, which enabled 
 General Ord to get up with the remainder of his force and 
 place himself across Lee s path southward. Both sides im 
 mediately entrenched. We held Lee there during the night 
 of the 6th. Early on the morning of the 7th, the 2d corps 
 and Crook s division of cavalry came up and attacked the 
 rebels. A sharp engagement followed, in which our army 
 suffered considerable loss, and Lee was driven across to the 
 north side of the Appomattox, and so closely was he fol 
 lowed, that he could not destroy the bridges, and the 2d and 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2$I 
 
 6th corps and a division of cavalry crossed in pursuit. Only 
 the left wing of our regiment was engaged, the right wing 
 having been sent down the Danville Railroad, the morning 
 of the 6th, from Burkesville Junction. Our loss in the en 
 gagement on the evening of the 6th and morning of the yth 
 was all from the skirmish line, as follows: 
 
 KILLED. 
 Roberts. Hutcheson, Company E. 1. 
 
 WOUNDED. 
 
 William B. McFarland, Company E; Isaac Littleton, Company E; Samuel 
 McConnell, Company E; Thomas Berry, Company K. 4. 
 
 At High Bridge the following, who were pioneers, were 
 captured upon the surrender of the I2^d Ohio and 54th 
 Pennsylvania : 
 
 Uriah Keddin, Company E ; John Baker, Company B; John J. Walters, Company 
 E ; William H. Bassett, Company C ; Jacob Dudley, Company H ; John C. Bailey, Com 
 pany I ; John E. Ewers, Company I ; Hop.son L. Sherman, Company I ; Perry Gardner, 
 Company K ; James Lafever, Company A. 10. 
 
 Colonel Potter reports the loss of the brigade in the en 
 gagement at Rice s Station as one killed and five wounded, 
 so it will be seen that all the loss fell upon the n6th. He 
 makes no mention of the prisoners we lost at High Bridge. 
 Early on the morning of the 7th, the enemy was found 
 to have abandoned his position, and we moved on to Farm- 
 ville, where we remained until 5 o clock the morning of the 
 8th, when we moved out on the Lynchburg road, and fol 
 lowing General Sheridan s cavalry all day, went into camp 
 near Appomattox Station, about IIP. M. General Grant 
 passed us on the road serenely smoking a cigar and pushing 
 liesurely to the front on a small black horse. No one would 
 think such momentous events were transpiring under his 
 direction. He appeared as cool and calm as if on a pleas 
 ure trip. The roads were terrible. Rain fairly poured 
 
252 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 nearly all the time, yet, notwithstanding, the army moved 
 with incredible speed. It was the hardest and best day s 
 march, taking the state of the weather and condition of the 
 roads into consideration, that was made by any troops 
 during the war, the distance made from 5 A. M. to n p. M. 
 being about thirty-eight miles. The march was in a south 
 westerly direction till about noon, when it turned abruptly 
 in a northwestwardly direction. Every soldier felt that the 
 object of our movement was to keep south of Lee, and 
 when w r e turned to the northwest all seemed to realize that 
 the end was near, and with renewed energies the men 
 pushed on. The firing of the 2d and 6th corps pursuing 
 Lee became more and more distinct as we advanced, and 
 the eagerness of the men to get across Lee s track knew no 
 bounds. The cavalry, under Sheridan, pushed directly for 
 Appomattox Station. Late in the evening, Sheridan struck 
 the railroad at Appomattox Station, drove the rebels from 
 that point, and captured twenty-five pieces of artillery and 
 a large amount of other war material, including a hospital 
 train and four trains loaded with provisions for Lee s army. 
 At 3 o clock the morning of the pth, we were again on the 
 move, and after marching four or five miles, the last half of 
 the distance at nearly a double quick, we went into line of 
 battle on the right of the road leading from Appomattox 
 Court House to Lynchburg, the ist division taking position 
 on the left of the road. Sheridan s cavalry was in our front 
 dismounted, fighting with all their might to hold the enemy 
 until the infantry should come up. The rebels were press 
 ing on hard and rapidly, hoping to break through before 
 the arrival of the infantry, and before their furious attacks 
 the cavalry was stubbornly falling back. As the cavalry 
 met our infantry lines rapidly advancing, they sent up a 
 cheer which spoke the relief they felt and their gladness at 
 seeing us there. We were square across Lee s track and in 
 the very front of the head of his retreating and escaping 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 253 
 
 army. The enemy advanced eagerly on the charge as the 
 cavalry fell back and around our flanks, evidently resolved 
 now to break through, when lo! at the edge of the woods 
 appeared the -long, strong lines of our infantry coming out 
 \vith a yell. They recoiled and shrank back as if para 
 lyzed! The infantry pushed on, and, as it advanced to the 
 open ground, before it, could be seen, in the valley about the 
 Court House below, the broken fragments of a once great 
 and proud army. We knew the 2d and 6th corps were be 
 yond in the rear of Lee, for we could hear them firing, and 
 that now, anyhow, Lee and his army were surrounded! 
 
 Before advancing into the open ground, the lines were 
 halted, aligned and prepared for the onset. Starting again 
 after but a moment s delay, our corps moved steadily for 
 ward to the attack, every man as eager for the fray as 
 though fresh from a night s rest and his morning s coffee. 
 It was to be a charge, arid the front line was fixing bayonets 
 as it advanced. What was present of the n6th was on the 
 skirmish line well on in the advance, when on a sudden 
 "out from the enemy s line comes a rider, bound on bound, 
 "bearing a white flag of truce, to ask for time to consum- 
 "mate surrender." "Halt!" "Halt!" "Halt!" "Cease fir 
 ing," rang out all along our hot pressing lines. Reluctantly 
 the eager troops stopped, and leaning on their rifles watched 
 the approach of the horseman bearing the white flag. As 
 he neared the middle of the space between the lines, he was 
 met by an officer from our side, and at the same time the 
 white flag appeared at different points along the enemy s 
 lines. The meaning of this was soon spread among the 
 troops. The men mechanically, and without orders, stacked 
 arms. Grant now soon came riding, rather faster than 
 usual, up to Sheridan, held a brief conversation, and then 
 rode forward to where Lee was said to be awaiting him. 
 In a very brief time he returned. For a few moments 
 there was a deathlike stillness, as though everyone was 
 
254 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 trying to comprehend and take in the full import of the 
 scene before him. But soon some one screamed out in a 
 cheer, and the spell was broken. Instantly the whole army 
 broke out in continuous, thundering, long-drawn-out cheer 
 ing, yelling, screaming, which, beyond doubt, was the hap 
 piest, heartiest, gladdest ever listened to by mortal man. 
 Officers and men threw up their caps and as they came 
 down caught them on their swords or bayonets or stamped 
 them into the ground. As soon as exhaustion shut off the 
 longest winded and collapsed the strongest lungs, our ears 
 were greeted with tumultuous cheering over among the 
 rebels. It seemed as though both sides were overjoyed 
 and would never cease their noisy demonstrations. 
 
 As remarked above, the left wing of the n6th, at the 
 moment the white flag appeared, was advancing- on the skir 
 mish line. The satisfaction which this fact afforded that 
 wing of the regiment may be seen in the entry each com 
 pany made upon its "pay roll" on the 3Oth of April, 1865. 
 In the "record of events" made at that date, we find on 
 each company s roll the following memoranda: "This 
 company was engaged in the recent campaign of General 
 Grant which resulted in the capture of Richmond and Lee s 
 whole army. Broke camp north of the James, March 25, 
 1865, marched to Hatcher s Run, distance -twenty-five 
 miles, there, 3ist, engaged the enemy with success. April 
 2d took part in the capture of Fort Gregg, and then en 
 gaged in the pursuit and capture of Lee and his army at 
 Appomattox, Virginia, April 9, 1865, this company being on 
 the skirmish line at the time of his surrender" This was a 
 final record well earned, and one of which the regiment was 
 justly very proud. It paid it well for all its hard fighting, 
 and the hardships it had so patiently endured. 
 
 The last shell fired by the enemy injured James Davis, 
 Company G. A comrade of his, Orderly Sergeant Francis 
 A. Bartley, writes of the incident as follows: "The last 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 255 
 
 cannon Lee s army fired at us threw a shell into the woods 
 as we were advancing. As it exploded, a piece of it 
 knocked down James Davis, of company G, merely stun 
 ning him, however, as he came up in ranks again in a few 
 minutes after\vard." 
 
 Of course no one need stop to further describe the joy 
 of that victorious army over the surrender of Lee and his 
 army, nor recount the details, so often told, of the surren 
 der. These became long ago the history of the Nation, as 
 well as the proud history of the regiments there present. 
 Our lines were again re-formed upon the restoration of 
 order, and moving forward halted, stacked arms and went 
 into camp a short distance from the surrendered rebel 
 army. How sweet was the rest that followed! How tired 
 that infantry was, no one can understand who was not on 
 that memorable march from Fort Gregg to Appomattox, a 
 march which has no parallel in modern history. 
 
 Toward evening of the pth, the I2^d Ohio, 54th Penn 
 sylvania, and also those of our regiment captured at High 
 Bridge, came in. They gave us many particulars occurring 
 inside the rebel lines prior to and at the time of the surren 
 der. They reported that generally the rebels manifested as 
 much satisfaction over the surrender as our own men did, 
 and that the cheering we heard came from the rebels. 
 Some of those closely identified with the rebellion were, 
 however, dreadfully broken down, and a few such shed 
 tears. Shortly after the white flags were raised, General 
 Crook came by where our division was standing behind its 
 stacked arms. The men cheered him lustily and gathered 
 about him to shake hands. He spoke a few kind words to 
 them, among other things saying: "There is not much 
 use for my cavalry while this old West Virginia division is 
 here." The division w r as in the advance nearly all the time 
 from Petersburg until Lee was headed off and brought to 
 bay at Appomattox, and no better marching was ever done 
 
256 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. f. 
 
 by any army than it led the 24th and 5th corps to do 
 during that time. The following is General Gibbon s order 
 issued on the march, relating to the 24th corps: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS 24xn ARMY CORPS, ) 
 BEHIND RICHMOND, April 3d, 1865. j 
 (General Order No. 41.) 
 
 With great satisfaction the Major General commanding congratulates his gallant 
 command upon the successful operations of the past few days. The 24th Army Corps 
 has demonstrated that with a well organized and disciplined force no military achieve 
 ment is impossible. The marching has been superior to anything of the kind here 
 tofore witnessed, while the desperate assault upon Fort Gregg, the last of the enemy s 
 strongholds around Petersburg, entitles this command to a place alongside their late 
 gallant comrades of Fort Fisher. Your commander is proud of you. 
 
 By command of 
 
 MAJOR GENERAL JOHN GIBBON. 
 
 EDWARD MEADE, Lieutenant Colonel and A. D. C. 
 
 General Gibbon s command, the 5th corps under Gen 
 eral Griffin, and MacKenzie s cavalry, were designated to 
 remain at Appomattox Court House till the paroling of the 
 surrendered army was completed, and to take charge of the 
 public property. The remainder of the army returned im 
 mediately to the vicinity of Burkesville. During the next 
 two days the work of paroling prisoners and gathering in 
 public property continued. It was said that fifty cannon 
 were found buried. Our soldiers and the rebels were as 
 sociable and jolly together as could be. No one would 
 have thought them ever to have been enemies. They were 
 constantly passing back and forth between town and their 
 camps, and making arrangements to go to their homes, 
 which they all seemed very anxious to reach. 
 
 Of the last few days of marching, General Devens, of 
 the 3d division of the Army of the James, said : " On the 
 morning of the pth of April, by a march unprecedented in 
 the annals of warfare, the Army of the James had placed 
 itself across the Lynchburg road and closed the avenue of 
 escape. On that morning Lieutenant General Gordon, of 
 Georgia, who commanded the advance, said to General Lee 
 that his way was barred. It can be nothing but cavalry, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 257 
 
 said General Lee, i brush them away; no cavalry can stand 
 against infantry. It was done as General Lee ordered, but 
 as the cavalry fell back, they revealed the long and gleam 
 ing line of steel which marked the line of infantry of the 
 Army of the James. There were Ord and Gibbon, there 
 were Turner and R. S. Foster at the head of their divisions. 
 To throw his exhausted troops upon that wall of steel was 
 a madness of which the rebel chieftain was not capable, 
 and the sword of Lee was laid in the conquering hand of 
 Grant. 1 
 
 In General Lincoln s history of the 34th Massachusetts 
 we find an extract from a Richmond paper of April, 1865, 
 evidently in charge of a Union editor then, which we repro 
 duce here: "The ist and 2d divisions of the 24th army 
 corps, who were engaged in the pursuit of Lee to Appo- 
 mattox Court House, after the fall of Petersburg, returned* 
 to this city on Tuesday morning. It is reported by military 
 men that General Lee s surrender was necessitated in con 
 sequence of the severe marching and skillful maneuvering 
 of these forces. Their marching will compare with any on 
 record. For four successive days they marched respect 
 ively eighteen, twenty-three, twenty-seven and thirty-eight 
 miles. By this rapid marching they were enabled to over 
 take and surround the Confederate forces. Had these two 
 divisions been later in getting round to the right of General 
 Lee, it is confidently believed that he would have made his 
 escape. It was owing to General Ord s energy that his 
 troops marched thirty-eight miles from 3 o clock in the 
 morning of April 8th to n o clock the following night, 
 when they quietly threw themselves down upon the ground 
 to rest, in front of Lee s army, without the enemy s sus 
 pecting, as acknowledged on the following morning, that 
 there was an infantry soldier within ten miles of them, and 
 by four o clock on the following morning in line of battle, 
 and fighting until a flag of truce was sent from the enemy 
 
 17 
 
258 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 
 
 for a conference. The march certainly has no parallel in 
 the history of the rebellion, or, any war in Europe."* 
 
 But the great, controlling, overpowering, conquering 
 genius of this last and decisive campaign was General 
 Philip H. Sheridan. To him was assigned the work of 
 turning the enemy s right at Five Forks. After accom 
 plishing this he took up the task of cutting off Lee s escape. 
 The 5th and 24th corps were hurried on after his cavalry. 
 At one time, while Sheridan was north of the Appomattox, 
 Lee was very near making his escape at Farmville, and but 
 for the unparalleled marching of our corps, which met and 
 stopped him at Rice s Station, he would most certainly 
 have succeeded in getting away with a large portion of his 
 army. But at this point he was driven back across to the 
 north side of the Appomattox River, and from that time 
 till he reached Appomattox Court House, kept on that side 
 of the river by the 5th and 24th corps, whose line of march 
 was on the south side of the river. He was followed vigor 
 ously by the 2d and 6th corps, and so pushed to his best. 
 His escape was assured if he reached there ahead of the 
 5th and 24th corps, for although Sheridan could and did 
 reach it before him with his cavalry, yet, as Lee remarked, 
 "no cavalry can stand against infantry," and he could 
 "brush them away." But the terrible energy of Sheridan 
 was equal to the task, and these two corps were thrown 
 across the track of Lee just in time, and with not a half 
 hour to spare. As our infantry went into line of battle on 
 the run in the rear of the exhausted cavalry, Lee was at 
 the very same moment engaged in the easy work of " brush- 
 
 *Jefter9on Davis says of Lee s last hope and of his purpose in directing his course 
 toward Lynchburg when turned from Danville at Farmville: " Lee had never contem 
 plated surrender. He had long before, in language similar to that employed by 
 Washington during the revolution, expressed to me the belief that in the mountains of 
 "Virginia he could carry on the war for twenty years, and in directing his march toward 
 Lynchburg, it may be that as an alternative he hoped to reach those mountains, and 
 with the advantage which the topography would give, yet to baffle the hosts which were 
 following him." Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Volume II, Page 656. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 2$p 
 
 ing them away " with his infantry. A few minutes more, 
 and he would have been through, and by the night of that 
 day would have occupied the fortifications of Lynchburg 
 with his army, and the struggle have been prolonged. 
 
 General Sheridan was never measured correctly by the 
 people of the country. The estimate put upon him that he 
 was a fierv, hot-headed, dashing fellow, a sort of torrent or 
 cyclone, without genius to plan or power to execute, does 
 him great injustice. In my judgment, no officer in the 
 army combined in such harmony the bravery of the soldier 
 with the calm and cool penetration of the General. While 
 he possessed daring resolution, he also possessed modera 
 tion and most excellent judgment. Possessing the wild 
 ardor of the warrior, the havoc, roar and excitement of the 
 battle field only quickened his naturally keen perceptions 
 and made him capable of executing at the most critical mo 
 ments, the most unexpected and unlooked-for movements. 
 His heroic and successful exploits on every battle field, from 
 Stone River to Cedar Creek, to Five Forks, to Appomat- 
 tox, show him to be a man of not only great personal 
 bravery, but a man of genius, judgment, great resources, in 
 exhaustible expedients and wonderful executive powers. In 
 the days of chivalry he would have been a knight of un 
 common renown. Few men ever lived who were <rreater 
 
 O 
 
 leaders, who were greater commanders, or who possessed 
 in an equal degree his power to inspire others with his own 
 fire, dash and daring. No officer in our army could be 
 compared with him in this important respect. When the 
 impartial history of that war comes to be written, this will 
 be the future estimate of General Sheridan. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 MARCH TO LYNCHBURG BACK TO RICHMOND TRIUMPHAL 
 
 ENTRY OF THE REBEL CAPITAL PREPARING FOR HOME 
 
 MUSTERED OUT TRANSFERS TO THE 62 D OHIO OFF 
 
 FOR HOME HOME. 
 
 At noon on the i2th, our division started for Lynch 
 burg, marched sixteen miles and halted for the night within 
 seven miles of the place. Rebel officers and soldiers were 
 all along the road, making for home. There were nearly 
 as many of them as of us. Companies, squads and large 
 and small parties of them were everywhere in the roads, 
 fields, woods and houses. Negroes in great numbers \vere 
 
 O c"> 
 
 shouting around us all along the road. It was a strange 
 sight. At night the rebels camped with us, ate with us, 
 slept with us, and told camp stories with us. With scarce 
 an exception they were glad the war was over, and they on 
 their way to their homes. There was not half the rancor 
 ous feeling among them that we found among the citizens 
 who had not been in the army. At 5 the next morning, we 
 were on the road. Had not gone more than two miles 
 before we came to a creek, where we found the bridges 
 burned. The troops crossed some distance below on a 
 canal bridge. The railroad bridge across the James River 
 Canal was also burned. Bridges had to be built for the 
 trains, which delayed us till after noon, and we did not 
 reach Lynchburg until about 4 p. M. The rebels had laid 
 out extensive fortifications about Lynchburg, with the in- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 261 
 
 tention of making a stand there, and thousands of negroes 
 had recently been at work upon them. Great quantities of 
 artillery had been thrown into the canal, a lot lay here and 
 there spiked, with the carriages either cut down or burned, 
 the canal, roads, streets, yards and houses were full of 
 sabres, muskets, carbines and all kinds of war material. 
 No such sight was ever before witnessed as we beheld as 
 we marched through the city. Thousands of negroes 
 thronged the way, clapping their hands, shouting and sing 
 ing, and praying, and thanking God that they \\erefree! 
 They were frantic with delight, did all sorts of peculiar, 
 novel and extremely ludicrous things. Their joy seemed 
 unspeakable, which they tried to express by actions the 
 most peculiar and singular, and which, among themselves, 
 seemed to be full of meaning and expression. Such looks of 
 gladness; such shouts of joy; such blessings; such prayers! 
 Those poor people will never be happier in Heaven than 
 they were on the evening of the i3th of April, A. D. 1865. 
 We halted in the streets, and then the rush they made for 
 us nearly took us off our feet. It seemed impossible for 
 their joy to exhaust itself. Being short of rations, we were 
 hungry. On learning this, they rushed off, soon returning 
 on the run with everything they could find that was eatable, 
 corn bread and bacon largely predominating. In all this 
 scarcely a citizen was to be seen, none, in fact, save of the 
 poorer classes. As we again took up the line of march 
 through the city, we were followed by thousands of negroes 
 with songs, prayers and thanksgivings. The men were by 
 this time all well fed, and were carrying abundance for 
 another meal. We have no doubt that many an aristocratic 
 larder and cellar was scarce of provisions that night. Our 
 regiment finally went into camp about a mile beyond the 
 city, and near our battle ground of June 18, 1864. 
 
 General Turner, of our division, assumed command of 
 the post, and at once issued very strict orders forbidding 
 
262 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 men entering houses or committing depredations of any 
 kind upon citizens, or public and private property. On the 
 next day, many of our officers and men visited the battle 
 ground of 1864 and made search for the graves of our 
 fallen heroes, especially for that of our lamented Captain 
 Keyes. We were unsuccessful. Inquiry finally led us to 
 the records of the undertakers of the city, from which we 
 readily found his and other graves. We found Captain 
 Keyes grave on the Seminary Hill, west of the Seminary, 
 and in front of the rebel breastworks thrown up against 
 Hunter. It was to this Seminary, which was used as a 
 hospital, that the Captain was taken by the rebels, and 
 here he lay till he died, on the ipth of July. A large num 
 ber of Union dead are buried in this cemetery, which is now 
 known as " The Poplar Grove National Cemetery." Cap 
 tain Keyes is buried in "grave 333, section E. division E." 
 The burial place of others of the n6th at Lynchburg will 
 be found in the list, given elsewhere, of names of men of our 
 regiment buried in Southern cemeteries. General Harris 
 made a speech to the negroes in the afternoon, giving them 
 good advice in the exercise of their freedom. Rations were 
 issued to the poor, and to the paroled prisoners on their 
 way home. The rebel soldiers were surprised at our kind 
 ness to them, and at the leniency of the Government. 
 
 At 3 P. M. on the iSth, our regiment, with its division, 
 started back toward Richmond. Camped that night about 
 seven miles out. Next morning we started at 6. After 
 going six or seven miles, a train on the South Side Railroad 
 took most of the 3d brigade on board. Ours marched on 
 some distance beyond Appomattox Station and camped. 
 The news of the assassination of President Lincoln reached 
 us that night. It was not credited, and hence created very 
 little excitement. We reached Farmville on the iSth, where 
 we received newspapers which confirmed the sad news of 
 the assassination of the President. The revulsion of feeling 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 263 
 
 and the terrible depression it caused among the soldiers has 
 never been, and can never be, described. President Lincoln 
 was regarded by the army in the light of an exceedingly 
 kind and indulgent father, and the mourning his death cre 
 ated is indescribable. A little way beyond Burkesville 
 Junction, on the 2Oth, that part of the regiment which had 
 been on the Danville Railroad since the 6th joined us, bring 
 ing with it a large number of prisoners, horses and mules. 
 
 It is now in place to mention the services of the right 
 wing, which had been sent down the Danville Railroad from 
 Burkesville Junction, under Captain Mann, on the 6th. The 
 Captain was ordered to go hastily down the road and take 
 a position, with a view to capturing any supply or other 
 trains which it was supposed Jeff Davis, who had passed 
 down just before we reached the Junction, would send up to 
 Lee. The Captain proceeded down the road, capturing 
 many prisoners as he advanced. Reaching Meherrin Sta 
 tion, he found a lot of corn, to which a squad of rebel cav 
 alry was helping itself. His skirmishers soon drove them 
 off. The whole neighborhood was alarmed by the firing, 
 and the presence of Union troops caused great excitement. 
 Breaking the road was the work of but a few moments. 
 He then stationed his men in a good position, well under 
 cover and out of sight of any approaching trains. Very 
 soon they heard the rumbling of a train, and then the 
 whistle of an engine, evidently at the first station below. 
 They waited anxiously for its approach. But all at once 
 there was heard sharp whistling to put on brakes. The 
 noise of the moving train ceased for a moment, " off brakes" 
 was whistled in a manner that indicated an excited engineer 
 was in the cab, and then as the rumbling noise of the train 
 began to grow fainter and fainter, they saw that their game 
 had escaped them, information of their whereabouts having 
 doubtless been conveyed to those in charge of the train by 
 the cavalry driven from Meherrin. In the evening, the 
 
264 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Captain observed rebel cavalry hovering about and watch 
 ing his movements. Anticipating a night attack, he pre 
 pared himself by fortifying his position. Chaplain Logan 
 accompanied this wing of the regiment, and observing the 
 threatening appearance of things, went to the Captain and 
 said to him : " Captain, we will no doubt be attacked dur 
 ing the night, and as John - - never does us much good 
 in a right, I will esteem it a favor if you will give me his 
 gun." This was just like Chaplain Logan, who was a 
 " righting parson," in the true and patriotic sense of the 
 term. But the Captain and his men were not attacked that 
 night, and saw no more rebels until they came streaming 
 through on their way home from Appomattox. The com 
 mand was actively engaged in scouting and preventing for 
 aging parties, of our own and the rebels, from pillaging, 
 and in gathering up prisoners, horses, mules and other rebel 
 property. The citizens about Meherrin soon recovered from 
 their alarm, and treated our men with great kindness, fur 
 nishing them cheerfully with plenty of provisions. They 
 expressed regrets when the Captain and his men were or 
 dered to rejoin their regiment, for they were thus left 
 without protection from the gangs of marauders with which 
 the country was at that stage of proceedings overrun. 
 
 We lay at Burkesville during the 2Oth and 2ist. On 
 the 22d we started direct for Richmond, keeping on the 
 railroad most of the time. Passed through Jennings, Jet- 
 tersville and Section House, and camped within a couple 
 miles of Amelia Court House. The 230!, we marched 
 twenty miles, and on the 24th thirteen miles, camping 
 within two miles of Richmond. The next day at 8 A. M., 
 we passed through Manchester, and crossed the James 
 River on pontoons, just one month from our leaving Camp 
 Holly. On striking Main Street, the 3d division of our 
 corps, which had been in possession of Richmond since its 
 evacuation, the night of the 2d of April, was dra\vn up to 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 265 
 
 receive us, cheering, presenting arms, and bands playing. 
 It was a befitting welcome to troops returning from a cam 
 paign so fruitful of results. We were cheered everywhere 
 as the kw heroes of Appomattox." We passed directly 
 through Richmond, and went into camp about two miles 
 out on the Lvnchburg pike. Here we lay, with some 
 changes of camp, until the i4th of June, when the regiment 
 was mustered out. 
 
 On the 3Oth of May, Lieutenant Colonel Teters received 
 his commission as Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, and Lieuten 
 ant Wm. Bidclenharn as Brevet Captain. These officers 
 were recommended for promotion to these brevet ranks just 
 after the battle of Cedar Creek, October ipth, 1864, for 
 gallant and meritorious conduct in the battles of the Shenan- 
 doah campaign. Lieutenant Colonel Teters was then a 
 Captain, and Captain Biddenharn a Second Lieutenant. 
 The promotions came tardily, many months after they were 
 earned, but they were none the less deserving. At the 
 time Captain Biddenharn was recommended for promotion, 
 he was an aide on the staff of Lieutenant Colonel Wildes, 
 then commanding the ist brigade, ist division, Army of 
 West Virginia. 
 
 On the first day of June, orders were received to pre 
 pare rolls for muster out. The order excepted companies 
 F and K, and some recruits of other companies, whose term 
 of service did not expire prior to October ist. This was 
 regarded by all as particularly unjust and unfortunate, and 
 was the occasion for a great deal of bad feeling throughout 
 the regiment. The fact is that these two companies, 
 although not mustered in at the same time with the others, 
 were in every action, and on every march and service in 
 which the rest of the regiment \vas engaged, and the re 
 cruits were in every battle, save Moorefield and Winches 
 ter, in 1863. These men were transferred to the 626. Ohio 
 regiment, and afterwards, when the 626. and 6yth were con- 
 
266 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 solidated, they formed a part of the latter organization, 
 under command of Colonel and Brevet Major General A. C. 
 Voris, of Akron, Ohio. The non-commissioned officers, 
 thus transferred, were mustered out June 2Oth, and the pri 
 vates August 8, 1865. This has rendered it impossible to 
 get the rolls of these two companies into proper shape. I 
 have done the very best I could with them, but I am not at 
 all satisfied with their condition. I am greatly indebted to 
 Sergeant Silas King, of company F, for the assistance he 
 has given me in preparing the rolls of that company, and to 
 Major Hull and Captain John F. Welch, of company K, for 
 their aid in preparing those of company K. 
 
 Whilst waiting for muster out at Richmond, Quarter 
 master Sergeant W. T. Patterson wrote for Whitelaw 
 Reid s "Ohio in the War," the sketch of the regiment 
 which appears in that work. Mr. Patterson contemplated 
 writing the history of the regiment upon his return home, 
 and with that view kept a very full and accurate daily 
 memoranda of events from the beginning to the end of its 
 service. After his muster out he graduated from the Ohio 
 University at Athens, and began the study of the law, 
 which he soon abandoned, and entered upon a theological 
 course at Waynesburg, Pa., and afterwards went to An- 
 dover, Mass., to continue his theological studies. He had 
 just finished his studies when he was stricken down with 
 fever, and died July 2d, 1869. His friends have very 
 kindly placed in my hands his manuscript and memoranda. 
 He had begun to write the history of the regiment, and had 
 covered the time up to our arrival at Winchester in March, 
 1863. He and his companion and friend in the Quarter 
 master s department, Quartermaster Sergeant Ezra L. 
 Walker, kept very full diaries of passing events. Sergeant 
 Walker was a matter-of-fact man in everything. Sergeant 
 Patterson was very different. While he noted all the facts 
 passing before his eye, he found pleasant society also in 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 267 
 
 noting everything of the country through which he passed. 
 The blue edges and gleaming caps of the mountains of Vir 
 ginia, its beautiful Valleys, clear streams, virgin forests, 
 winding mountain roads, with their display of magnificent 
 scenery, furnished him never-ending subjects for pleasant 
 comment and enthusiastic description. His memoranda and 
 writings are replete with pictures of the country. Even 
 w r hen returning from the Lynchburg raid in 1864, when we 
 were all more than half starved, and all the enthusiasm and 
 inspiration was worn out of everybody else, he found heart 
 to describe the enchanting scenery along that dreadful 
 march. In one place, we see him in ecstacies over the 
 beauties of Sinking Creek, Potts and Sweet Spring Moun 
 tains. At another, we have interesting descriptions of 
 Sweet Sulphur Springs and vicinity, then of Big and Little 
 Sewel Mountains, Meadow Bluffs and New River, and 
 even the night march we made through that rocky gorge 
 before reaching White Sulphur Springs had romance and 
 grandeur in it to him. Nothing could dampen his enthusi 
 asm, nothing could drench his ardor. Patterson with 
 nature was like a youth with the maiden he loves. He 
 lived closer to nature than any man I ever knew. Desert 
 places, dreary regions, desperate mountain passes ribbed 
 with barren ridges, had charms to him and gave play to 
 the imagery of his poetic mind, when they were casting 
 nothing but gloomy shadows and discouragement over the 
 sore and weary footsteps of all others. Every object, when 
 he looked upon it, seemed to revolve about and exhibit its 
 bright side. As Theodore Winthrop says of John Brent, 
 so it might be said of Will Patterson: u She (nature) was 
 always his love, whatever she could do; however dressed, 
 w r hether in clouds or sunshine, unchanging fair; in what 
 ever mood, weeping or smiling, at her sweetest; grand, 
 beautiful for her grandeur; tender, beautiful for her tender 
 ness; simple, lovely for her simplicity; careless, prettier 
 
268 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 than if she were trim and artful; rough, patient and impres 
 sive, a barbaric queen." 
 
 On the evening of the 2d of April, after the charge of 
 our regiment on Fort Gregg, he got lost in the darkness in 
 returning to the train, but he could not help putting down 
 his impressions of the grandeur of that night search for the 
 "look out" near which the train had been parked. On the 
 1 2th of April, as the regiment was approaching Lynch- 
 burg, he writes: "The red clay hills and oak forests about 
 us remind one of dear old Ohio." And so he saw and 
 noted everything, and everything pleased him. His powers 
 of description, too, were boundless, and did I not feel con 
 strained to eliminate everything from this little book not 
 closely connected with the personal history of the regiment, 
 I would take great pleasure in making use of much more 
 than I have of his beautiful descriptions of the country 
 through which we passed. 1 know many would feel a 
 keen interest in the panorama, which his pen has drawn, of 
 our long and tiresome marches. It would afford them, as 
 it has me, great pleasure to look back over the routes they 
 traveled, and as they saw them pictured anew, to note the 
 beautiful things they missed seeing as they passed along, 
 too footsore or too weary to observe them. But he loved 
 the u6th, as every line of his copious memoranda verifies. 
 He grew prouder and prouder of its career as he wrote 
 down its daily record, and it will ever remain a source of 
 deep regret to us all that his young life was not spared to 
 finish the pleasant task of writing out and publishing the 
 record he had so religiously kept, and in which he felt such 
 deep concern and pride. 
 
 On the loth of June, General Gibbon issued the following 
 farewell order to his corps: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS 24-TH A. C. REVIEW GROUND, \ 
 RICHMOND, VA., June 10th, 1865. j 
 Soldiers of the 24th Corps : 
 
 This, probably, is the last occasion upon which you, as a corps, will be assembled- 
 Many of you are about to re-enter civil life, to resume those domestic duties which by 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 269 
 
 your service in the great cause of your country have been so long neglected. Before 
 we separate, I desire to thank you, in the name of a grateful country, for the service you 
 have rendered her. By your discipline, long marches, and hard fighting, you have es 
 tablished lor yourselves a name second to none in the army. Your badge has become 
 an emblem of energy, valor and patriotism, and is a source of just pride to all who wear 
 it. Those of you who are entering civil life should still wear it on all occasions as an 
 evidence to your brothers who remain in the service, of your pride in a badge made 
 sacred by the blood of so many brave men, and of your disposition, should your country 
 ever again call you to arms, to again assemble under that proud emblem and revive the 
 glory of the 24th corps. To our comrades who are leaving the service, we pledge a kind 
 farewell, and a wish that their career in civil life may be as successful and prosperous as 
 their military life has been honorable to themselves and valuable to their country. 
 JOHN GIBBON, Major General Volunteers, Commanding Corps. 
 
 The regiment was mustered out just before noon, June 
 1 4th, and forming it in a hollow square, Lieutenant Colonel 
 Teters delivered the following farewell address: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS HGTH O. V. I., > 
 RICHMOND, VA., June 14, 18f>5. j 
 Officers and Soldiers : 
 
 In bidding you farewell to-day, I desire to tender you my thanks for the kindness, 
 co-operation and support I have received from you since assuming command of the ol l 
 regiment. Since putting on the soldier s garb you have endured untold hardships 
 without a murmur. You have toiled through one of the most trying raids of the war. 
 You have engaged in some of the most desperate battles of the war. You have never 
 disgraced your colors. You have honored your State and have won the esteem and 
 praise of every commander of every army in whicM you nave served. Now that you are 
 returning to your homes crowned with honors, now that the smoke of battle has been 
 dispelled by the rays of the glorious Sun of Peace, and you are about to enter again 
 upon the duties of civil life as citizens of our restored Republic, that your brave 
 brothers in arms, and the people to whom you return, may alvvnys be proud of you and 
 will feel it a solemn duty to honor you and your posterity, be as peaceful and honorable 
 in civil life as vou have been brave and glorious in battle. Let u^ not forget to cherish 
 the memory of our brave comrades who have fallen from our sides in battle, died in 
 hospitals, or who have been tortured to death in rebel prisons. Here at the rebej 
 capital let us pledge our fealty to the widows and orphans of our dead comrades, and be 
 ready to stretch out to them, wherever we meet them, the hand of a comrade and of 
 charity. 
 
 And now a word to those who remain behind for a short time. Comrades, let me 
 beseech you to be good, obedient, soldiers, as you have always been in the past. I am 
 sorry from the bottom of my heart that it is not your fortune to go home with us. You 
 have my heartfelt sympathy, and if my influence can effect your discharge, you may 
 rest assured you shall not remain behind. God bless you, comrades ! You will always 
 in the future, as in the past, find me your firm friend. 
 
 W. B. TETERS, Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Regiment. 
 
 Here is the language and sentiment of the true soldier, 
 and farewell was never bidden to brave men by a braver 
 man. 
 
 But little remains to be done to close the record of 
 the n6th. The next morning at daylight, the regiment 
 
27O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. t. 
 
 marched down to the wharf and took the "M. Martin," 
 General Grant s old boat, and steamed down the James. It 
 was interesting now to pass Forts Darling and Brady, the 
 Hewlett House batteries, Dutch Gap Canal, Butler s Look 
 out, Deep Bottom, Camp Holly and the great fortifications 
 of both sides. No thundering of artillery or mortars now, 
 no pickets or picket firing, and no troops holding forts or 
 fortifications. We could see Camp Holly from our vessel, 
 and the forts and lines of earthworks. w r e had watched with 
 such vigilance so long. There were our log huts yet, but 
 no smoke arose from their chimneys, and none of the signs 
 of busy camp life were anywhere visible in the company 
 streets or on the well trodden parade ground. It was a 
 "deserted village," indeed. It was hard to think that only 
 a few weeks before, these opposing lines of works w r e were 
 passing were held by hostile armies, striving their very best 
 to destroy each other. As we passed the spot, where we 
 crossed the James in the early evening of the 27th of March, 
 to commence the wonderful campaign which ended so glo 
 riously thirteen days afterwards at Appomattox, man} an 
 one thought of the brave fellows who crossed with us, but 
 were not now on this happy journey home. 
 
 The regiment reached Columbus on the evening of the 
 I pth, where we took supper at Tod Barracks, and at 10 
 p. M. again took the cars and started for Camp Dennison, 
 which we reached next morning at daylight, and where \ve 
 were paid off on the 2 3d, and the next day we started for 
 our homes. As soon as we reached the Athens County 
 line, squads began to leave us at every stopping place. 
 Crowds were everywhere waiting to greet friends, and such 
 welcomes as they met with on every hand was enough to 
 turn the heads of these brave fellows. But still another 
 greeting awaited them in their homes, a greeting that no 
 other should witness. To that sacred and precious greet 
 ing they were remitted, and our work is done. 
 
HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH o. v. i. 
 
 The Spartan mother who sent her son to battle, bade 
 him to, return with his shield in honor, or on his shield in 
 death. Here came a mere remnant of a regiment, bearing 
 their shields in honor, but how many of their brave com 
 rades had returned before them on their shields in death! 
 
 On the 2Oth of June, quite a number of promotions were 
 made in the regiment, which were, of course, not to fill 
 vacancies for further service, but to do honor to a number 
 of worthy men, who had long since earned promotion but 
 could not be mustered, because of the reduced condition of 
 the regiment. The promotions were as follows: 
 
 First Lieutenant Samuel D. Knight, to Captain. 
 First Lieutenant Ransom Griffin, to Captain. 
 Second Lieutenant Jacob Wyckoff, to First Lieutenant. 
 Second Lieutenant John S. Heald, to First Lieutenant. 
 Second Lieutenant Charles A. Cline, to First Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Mann Smith, to Second Lieutenant 
 Sergeant Peter D. Wolf, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant John L. Beach, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Adam J. Myers, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Samuel Atkinson, to Second Lieutennnt. 
 Sergeant F>ancis A. Hartley, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Benjamin F. Sammons, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant John C. Chick, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Leander Shane, to Second Lieutennnt. 
 Sergeant Benjamin Sheffield, to Second Lieutenant. 
 Sergeant Andrew W. Henthorn, to Second Lieutenant. 
 
 Thus closes the history of the n6th Regiment of Ohio 
 Volunteers. We have only to add the rosters of the field 
 and staff and the various companies, following which is the 
 list of those who died in Southern prisons, or on Southern 
 battle fields. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PRISON LIFE THE CRUELTY OF REBELS TO PRISONERS 
 
 BARBARITIES OF PRISON KEEPERS THE EXPERIENCES 
 
 OF SEVERAL OF OUR OFFICERS AND MEN THE DEATH 
 
 ROLL. 
 
 ELMER ARMSTRONG. 
 
 Sutler of the Regiment. 
 
 It was on the morning of June i5th, 1863, after holding 
 Lee s whole army at bay for three whole days, that Milroy 
 had at last given the order to retreat, and his little com 
 mand, that had done such gallant service, started along the 
 Winchester and Martinsburg turnpike for Martinsburg. 
 Our guns had been spiked and with our wagons and am 
 bulances left behind. Thus unencumbered, we had gone 
 about five miles, when we came across the enemy in strong 
 force, just where the road to Harper s Ferry branched off 
 from the turnpike. While our first line was engaging the 
 enemy, the second line, consisting of the larger part of the 
 command, filed to the right and escaped to Harper s Ferry. 
 The order had been given the night before, that if we were 
 attacked on the retreat, those having horses in charge were 
 to make their escape as best they could. I had my horses 
 with me, and attempted to escape to the left with the 
 troops that afterward struck the railroad at Sir John s Run, 
 but was captured before leaving the pike. In obedience to 
 orders, I had left my wagon at Winchester with about 
 $6,000 worth of goods. , The regiment had been paid off a 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 273 
 
 few days before, and I had considerable money about me, 
 some two thousand dollars. I also had two hundred dol 
 lars of Adjutant Ballard s money, which he had given me 
 before he went into battle, saying, "I may never come out 
 of this; if I don t, send this to my wife if you get out." 
 Well, that money I put in a place that I had ripped in my 
 shoe and then stitched up again, and I carried it safely 
 through all my prison experience. 
 
 The first thing I thought of when I found that we were 
 cornered, was to hide the rest of the money. I stuck it 
 around in different places. I remember I put $75 between 
 the lining and seat of my pants, where it escaped the three 
 searchings I got at Libby. I was placed under guard until 
 morning, when I was sent to General Gordon s headquar 
 ters, where I was given breakfast in his tent. I was then 
 sent back to our old fort at Winchester. About a thousand 
 of our fellows were there. I was in Winchester about two 
 weeks before being sent south. Dr. Brown, our assistant 
 surgeon, and I got leave to go on our parole to Staunton, so 
 I hired a man to take us over in a stage, and paid him $50 
 in rebel money. We were not guarded, and when we ar 
 rived at Staunton we hunted lodgings where we could and 
 registered our names as if we were not prisoners. Next 
 day, right after breakfast, we reported and were sent down 
 to Richmond. Dr. Sweet s wife, Colonel Washburn s wife 
 and Chaplain Brady were on the same train, but in another 
 car. On our way down, we heard of the capture, just 
 ahead of us, of Fitzhugh Lee and a son of General Winder. 
 This made them cautious, and we were run back on a sid 
 ing until dark and then run into Richmond. We were 
 treated well on our journey, except that nothing was given 
 us to eat. 
 
 On our arrival at Richmond, Dr. Brown and I were put 
 into the union cell down in the basement of Castle Thun- 
 
 18 
 
274 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 der. The first person I saw there was a man named 
 Parker, who had been an engineer on the Baltimore & 
 Ohio Railroad, and whom I had known when I was ship 
 ping stock to Baltimore. There was with him a brakeman 
 from the same road. Both these men remembered me and 
 were very kind to me. Till now I had kept my spirits up, 
 but meeting these acquaintances in such a place, and the 
 kindness they showed me, completely broke me up. I tell 
 you 1 felt pretty sick. Brown and I laid down, but Parker 
 came to us and said if we stayed there the lice would drop 
 down on us from the rebels above. He also offered to get 
 us something to eat, but I had no appetite in that place, 
 though I had not tasted food since morning. The only 
 person in the cell beside these I have mentioned was a 
 crazy southerner, whom the rebels had picked up and taken 
 for a Yankee spy playing off. The fellow was, however, 
 as much a rebel at heart as his captors. He had evidently 
 been a preacher, for he wandered on, telling us if Jeff Davis 
 and General Winder would humble themselves before God 
 they would get their independence. The fellow stammered 
 when he spoke. Said he to Parker: "These f-f-friends of 
 of yours s-s-seem to be n-n-nice men, I should 1-1-like to 
 p-p-pray with them." So he went on, while Parker paced 
 up and down the cell. The surroundings were so terrible, 
 and the earnestness of the poor man so impressed me, that 
 I felt very much humbled, and especially when he began to 
 pray very devoutly. But when he began to pray for the 
 success of the Southern Confederacy, it fired Parker, who, 
 though used to his insane chatter, would not listen to any 
 thing like that, even from a crazy man, but began to pelt 
 the old fellow on the head with some bullets he had in his 
 pocket, saying, "I will teach you better than to pray for 
 the Southern Confederacy in the presence of Union pris 
 oners, you d d old reprobate." That prayer was cut off 
 pretty short, I can tell you. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. 1. 275 
 
 After a couple of days, they moved us up into the third 
 story, part of which was a temporary hospital. Brown 
 was taken away from me here, and I supposed that he had 
 gone home. In the third story we could buy a few things 
 to eat of the hospital steward. I thus became acquainted 
 with Bullock, the hospital steward. He told me that Cap 
 tain Alexander, who was in command of Castle Thunder, 
 was from Baltimore and was a Union man at heart. I 
 knew Baltimore pretty well, and determined to make the 
 most of this to get into his good graces, so whenever the 
 Captain was about I talked loud about Baltimore. I had 
 kept this up about two months, and was beginning to think 
 that it was no go, when, one day, he came up to me and 
 said : " Mr. Armstrong, didn t 1 hear you say you were 
 raised in Baltimore?" "No, sir," I said, "I am a native of 
 Ohio, but 1 own property in Baltimore. Were you ever 
 there?" "Oh, yes," he answered, "I was born and raised 
 there. I came down here before the war and married here, 
 and so, you see, am a Southerner." A few days after this, 
 he came in and gave me a peach; he also gave me the 
 privilege of walking through some of the halls because I 
 was sick. I knew 1 had made a point. One day, as I was 
 taking my walk through the halls, I came to the Captain s 
 room. A guard stood at the door and halted me. I told 
 him who I \vas, and asked to see the Captain. He went in 
 and told what I wanted. Captain Alexander came out, 
 took me into his room, and introduced me to his wife, and 
 then asked me what I wanted. I told him that I had come 
 to beg a favor. "I want you to send a guard out with me 
 and let me get some fresh air and buy something to eat." 
 He said he wouldn t send an armed guard, but took me 
 down stairs to the outer door, and ordered the guard there 
 to let me go out every day and buy what I wanted, and 
 said I was not to be molested. He sent a young boy with 
 
276 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 me to show me the way. Almost the first man I met when 
 I got out was old Kephardt, a rebel detective. "Where 
 are you from, and what are you doing?" he asked. I told 
 him as politely as I could, that Captain Alexander had 
 kindly permitted me to go out and get some refreshments. 
 This seemed to anger the old fellow, and he said: "They 
 had no right to do it, G d d n you; they ought to 
 make breastworks of all such Yankees as you are." By 
 making good use of my guide, and spending a good deal 
 of rebel money, I managed to get everything I wanted. 
 Whenever I wanted any money for these trips, I would take 
 a five dollar bill and buy rebel currency. I could get forty 
 of their dollars for five of ours. But I was always careful 
 never to appear to have more than five dollars at a time. 
 
 After the news came of the battle of Gettysburg, and 
 the fall of Vicksburg, a hundred of the prisoners were 
 taken from the third story, where I was, and held as hos 
 tages. They were kept by themselves in a room above 
 ours, and we could hear them every night praying for the 
 safety of the Government, and for a blessing on their fami 
 lies. Parker was one of the hundred, and he sent down to 
 see if Bullock, the steward, couldn t get something for them 
 to eat. Bullock said that he did not dare to, but that Arm 
 strong could, as he was free to go in and out, and that he 
 would be careful not to be looking when these things were 
 going on. We punched a pine knot out of the floor above, 
 and at night they let down a large bandana handkerchief 
 through the hole, into which I would put such things as I 
 had for them, and then they would let down a string from 
 the window above and draw up the bundle. Bullock would 
 draw rations and give them to me, which were sent to the 
 men above in the same way. They would then draw up 
 the string and put the knot back in its place. Bullock was 
 very kind to me all the time. I remember that when a 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 277 
 
 brother of his was sick, his wife would send him wine and 
 other delicacies for him, and a good share of these fell to 
 my lot. 
 
 I was afraid that I could not be exchanged regularly, as 
 I was not a soldier, and when I saw some of our boys go, 
 and I was left, I tell you my heart sank. The way I was 
 finally exchanged was this: I had written home of my 
 sorry plight and ill-health, and had said that I never ex 
 pected to live through it. My wife wrote me how she and 
 the children felt, and on the back of one letter she wrote to 
 the officers, asking if she might come and care for me, or, 
 if I was already dead, take back my remains. When the 
 officers got this letter, I was sent for, and went down to 
 Major Carrington s room. He was an officer of Castle 
 Thunder. He handed me the letter, and said to me : " You 
 have not disobeyed us in any particular, you are away from 
 your family, and Captain Alexander and I have determined 
 to send you home." When Bullock found that 1 was going 
 to be sent away, he came to me and asked whether, if he 
 could get into our lines, our officers would give him back to 
 the rebels if he came as a deserter. I told him if he could 
 get to our lines and show himself with a w r hite flag, he 
 would be well treated. He seemed much pleased to know 
 this. Before I was sent away, I went around to bid Major 
 Carrington and Captain Alexander good-bye. They had 
 done everything they could for me. I thanked them from 
 the bottom of my heart, and told them that, although I 
 trusted they would never be so unfortunate as to be cap 
 tured, yet if they were, I could wish them nothing better 
 than that they should fall in with friends as kind and help 
 ing as they had been to me. Captain Alexander said, 
 "don t speak of kindness, I would have done a great deal 
 more if I had dared." 1 then told them that I belonged to 
 the military committee, and gave them my address, and 
 told them to write to me if they were ever taken prisoners. 
 
278 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Mrs. Alexander said: "If you and he both live, you will 
 see him in your lines a prisoner, and have a chance to do 
 something for him, for I am sure he will be captured/ 
 
 On the 1 2th of September I was transferred to "Libby," 
 and there I saw some of the men of our own regiment. Dr. 
 Brown, Dr. Smith, Lieutenant Sibley, Lieutenant Knowles, 
 the Chaplain of the Syth Pennsylvania, and others of differ 
 ent regiments of our command. Castle Thunder was truly 
 a palace compared to this place, and the treatment we re 
 ceived in the two places was altogether different. Here I 
 was searched three times for money. Once they found 
 twelve dollars and eighty-seven cents, which was taken from 
 me. They also took mv account books, but gave them all 
 back but one. They promised to give back the money, but 
 as I did not believe them, I was not disappointed. I found 
 some acquaintances among the prisoners on the lower floor, 
 but most of the men that I knew r were up stairs. The first 
 man I sa\v from our regiment \vas Dr. Smith. He cut a 
 
 o 
 
 little hole through the floor, and sent a note do\vn to ask if 
 there wasn t a man there named Armstrong, and if there 
 was, to tell him Dr. Smith wanted to see him. I went and 
 showed myself, and he slipped down another note asking if 
 I had any money, or whether they had taken it. I told him 
 I had plenty, and sent him, I think, twenty-five dollars. 
 Then I went up to the head of the stairs, to another room, 
 and looked through the key-hole, and saw Lieutenant 
 Sibley. He was nearly starved to death. I told him 1 had 
 plenty of money. He said if I would let him have some he 
 would give me his note for it. I put one hundred dollars 
 through the key-hole to him. I also let Lieutenant R. O. 
 Knowles have one hundered dollars, and they sent back 
 their notes. I was afraid the notes would be found on me, 
 and their names would let the rebels know that they had 
 the money, so I told them I would tear their names off the 
 notes, and if they ever got out, and could pay me, all well 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 279 
 
 and good, and if not, all right. So I tore off the names. 1 
 also sent Eberhardt, Chaplain of the 8yth Pennsylvania, and 
 Dr. Brown fifty dollars. We were all in one box, and didn t 
 care much for money. Now, I want to say right here that 
 every dollar 1 lent these men in "Libby" was paid back to 
 me. After being there twelve days, I was ordered to be 
 exchanged. We had been nearly starved, for we had but 
 little to eat. Sibley and Knowles, in the other room, had 
 bribed the guard and got a little food in that way. The 
 treatment we received here \vas brutal. Turner, who was 
 said to be a nephew of General Winder, made us stand up 
 to be counted every day, and, when I would lean against a 
 post, because I was so sick and weak, he would s\vear at 
 me and tell me to stand up straight. I didn t expect to live 
 to get a\vay from there. 1 found out afterwards that Cap 
 tain Alexander had protested \vhen they sent me to Libby, 
 and said I was too old and sick, and that he would keep me 
 in the Castle till I could be exchanged, and then put me on 
 the boat, but Winder would hear nothing of it, and had me 
 sent to Libby \vith the rest. The time for my release came 
 at last. With others I was sent to City Point, where we 
 were put on a boat and taken to Fortress Monroe and ex 
 changed, after which I was not long in getting home. 
 
 One more little incident will end my story. Bullock, the 
 steward who had been so kind to me, was taken prisoner. 
 I wrote to some one at Washington about how kindly he 
 had treated me and others, but before my letter arrived, he 
 was put on the exchange list and sent south. He got a 
 thirty days furlough, and after visiting his family, made his 
 way into our lines and showed himself with a white flag. 
 He got the soldiers to give him a certificate that he had 
 surrendered voluntarily, so that he would not again be sent 
 back. He \vrote to me and I went to Judge Morris for ad 
 vice. He wrote out a statement of the facts I gave him, 
 and sent it to Postmaster General Dennison, who secured 
 
28O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 his release, gave him a pass and sent him to Ohio. He 
 hunted me up, and remained with me till the close of the 
 war, when he returned to his family. 
 
 CAPTAIN R. O. KNOWLES, 
 
 WHO was captured at Winchester, June I5th, 1863, was con 
 fined in various Rebel prisons before he finally found him 
 self at Columbia, South Carolina. After a confinement of 
 twenty days there, he and others began to lay plans for 
 escape. How they did it and how they fared afterwards 
 is told by the Captain in a letter from him to Captain A. B. 
 Frame, under date of Deland, Florida, September roth, 1882. 
 We let the Captain tell the story himself: 
 
 "I escaped from Columbia Rebel Prison October 26th, 
 1864. After being there about twenty days we began to 
 watch for a chance to escape. We finally approached a 
 guard whom we found willing to aid us in case some green 
 backs were forthcoming. We soon arranged with him to 
 let three or four of us pass his post the next time he came 
 on duty, which was the 26th of October. We had prepared 
 for it by cooking every thing we could find and making 
 maps of the route we would take. 
 
 The night arriving, we went to the spot our man was 
 to occupy, about nine o clock in the evening. There were 
 three other Ohio officers besides myself, and two Wisconsin 
 officers in our crowd, all of whom had bribed the same 
 guard. We found our man after some difficulty. I walked 
 up to the guard, and he let me pass. One of the other 
 officers had the greenbacks. I called to the other officers 
 to come on, when a guard close by fired his gun. I jumped 
 pretty high at this and ran as fast as I could; the other 
 officers started with me. The guards fired six or seven 
 shots at us, and of course alarmed everybody. We ran as 
 hard as we could, falling several times over stumps and into 
 holes. Two officers were ahead of me, they thinking I was 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 28 1 
 
 a Johnny, ran for dear life. After eighteen months of cap 
 tivity, you may well imagine that we ran well. We soon 
 got into a swamp, with mud and water up to our knees. 
 Getting out of this after awhile, w r e took our planned route, 
 as near as we could guess. After about an hour, we came 
 near a house, where we were seen by some persons who 
 started after us with some dogs. We took the back track 
 for about two hundred yards, when we climbed a fence and 
 took across a field, the dogs keeping on our old tracks and 
 passing where we crossed the fence. We heard their bark 
 ing all night. Striking a piece of woods, we lay by all the 
 rest of the night and next day. When night came again, 
 we started on our journey, keeping our eye on the North 
 Star. Some time in the night we struck a road, and con 
 cluded to follow it, although it was not our direct course.* 
 When morning came, we took to the woods, and lay by all 
 day, taking turns in keeping watch. This we did every 
 day and night. I think it was our third night and about 
 three o clock in the morning, that I gave out, and lay down 
 by the roadside, saying I could go no further. I was sick 
 and weak, and had been so for some days past. We were 
 out of provisions, hungry and exhausted, and something 
 had to be done, so we dragged ourselves into the edge of a 
 woods, and watched for a colored man to pass. During the 
 day we hailed one, who, after seeing our condition and 
 learning w r ho we were, left us to return at dark in company 
 with his wife, with a good supply of victuals. They put 
 us on the right road and gave us directions for several days 
 travel, telling us, at the same time, that whenever we got 
 out of provisions, to let the cullud people know it. After 
 this if we missed our way or got out of provisions^ we 
 applied to the Negroes, who never failed to help us or to be 
 true to us. We had many narrow escapes from capture, 
 often meeting parties on the roads, but fortunately were 
 never molested. After travelling together nearly across 
 
282 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 North Carolina, our party separated, I going in a squad by 
 myself. The next night I went to a house, and telling the 
 man who I was, he gave me half a loaf of corn bread and 
 started me on the right way over the mountains. That 
 night I waded a wide, cold river. I was two nights cross 
 ing the mountains into Tennessee. I called at a house 
 about two o clock in the morning of the second day, and 
 asked an old lady the way. She told me, but had to tell 
 me too, what a pity it was to send so many souls to Hell in 
 this war. She was firmly of the conviction that there was 
 where all engaged in it were going. After getting into 
 East Tennessee, I travelled in the day time, and after 
 twenty-one days, or rather nights, I reached Knoxville, and 
 was within the Union lines once more, thank God! I tell 
 you I was never happier in my life! I went to a pay 
 master there, who paid me two months pay, and in a few 
 days I was at home, sweet home in Coolville." 
 
 CAPTAIN ALEXANDER COCHRAN. 
 
 WHO was so badly wounded at Bunker Hill, June i3th, 1863, 
 and there made a prisoner, often spoke of the great kind 
 ness of J. B. T. Reed, of Winchester, a brother Mason. 
 This man deserved the gratitude of every Union soldier for 
 his kindness to them when in hospital and prisoners. When 
 Captain Cochran was well enough to move, Mr. Reed 
 secured his escape. 
 
 JOSEPH PURKEY, 
 
 First Sergeant, Company H., 
 
 WAS captured at Winchester, June iz|.th, 1863, and escaped 
 to the Union lines at New Creek, Virginia, June 3Oth, 1863. 
 He was afterwards severely wounded at Piedmont, Virginia, 
 and promoted to Second and First Lieutenant. 
 
 CORPORAL HARRISON COCHRANE, 
 
 Corporal of Company E., 
 
 WAS severely wounded in the right foot at Piedmont, Vir 
 ginia, June 5th, 1864, and taken prisoner at Staunton upon 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 283 
 
 our army advancing from that place. He was taken to 
 Andersonville, Georgia. He escaped from there January 
 27th, 1865, and reached Cedar Keys, Florida, April 27th, 
 1865, bemg just three months a wanderer within the rebel 
 lines. During all this time he never saw the face of a white 
 man, but was taken care of and guided by colored people. 
 An account of his experience would be exceedingly inter 
 esting, but we have been unable to obtain it. 
 
 LIEUTENANT JOHN S. HEALD, 
 
 WHO was wounded, as all thought fatally, through the body, 
 at Piedmont, and captured at Staunton the same time with 
 Corporal Cochrane, has kindly given me some of his expe 
 rience, from which I make liberal quotations. Lieutenant 
 Heald says: "The next day after our troops left Staunton 
 for Lynchburg, we who were left there in hospital were 
 prisoners under the rebel, Colonel Lee. He promised us 
 that as soon as we could be moved, we would be sent 
 through the lines to our own friends. I occupied a cot 
 from which I could see the operating table and the spice of 
 life with me for several days was to watch the process of 
 amputating legs and arms, which would, in itself, be quite 
 a history, had I the heart to write it. On the 28th of June, 
 orders were given for all who were able to get into line to 
 go to our own hospitals, to do so. I was on hand, but was 
 told that the trip would be likely to kill me, and that I 
 couldn t go; but mv anxiety to get within our lines was so 
 great, that I begged to go and they let me. We were 
 marched four miles out of town to where the railroad had 
 not been torn up. Here sixty-four wounded men were put 
 into each box-car, and the train moved on. After a day of 
 weary plodding along and suffering, we were landed at 
 Lynchburg. We were unloaded and marched part way 
 through town and halted in front of what was called the 
 Commandant s headquarters, where we were ordered to 
 
284 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 throw away the sticks w r ith which many had helped them 
 selves to hobble along. Then they tried to form us in 
 ranks. I, with others, could not stand without help. Expla 
 nations were of no avail, and the brutes in charge took clubs 
 and went along the line, beating, kicking and calling us 
 
 <d d lousy Yanks, and pushing us here and there. 
 
 All this time these ruffians were cheered by the citizens. 
 We were finally put into a small, dirty slave pen in the rear 
 of headquarters, for the night, and each given a small piece 
 of bread and fat pork. As mean as the diet was, we ate it 
 with a relish, for we were very hungry. That was a hard 
 night for most of us. Next morning we were taken a short 
 distance out of town and placed in a deep ravine, where we 
 were kept for two days with a strong guard around us. It 
 was very warm weather, but we had access to a small 
 stream of water, which was a great relief to us in washing 
 and dressing our wounds. I can never forget Edward 
 Yockey and James Preshaw, of my company, who, though 
 suffering from wounds themselves, were so kind to me. On 
 July ist, all who could walk were placed in ranks again, 
 along with about 1200 able bodied men, recently captured 
 from our armies, and we were started on the march for 
 Danville, Virginia, distant seventy or eighty miles. The 
 suffering endured on this march by the wounded it is impos 
 sible to describe. A great many died on the way from 
 sun-stroke and exhaustion. Not as much as one day s 
 rations was issued to us on the whole trip, and we suffered 
 terribly for water to drink and to dress our wounds with. 
 As we passed along the road, old men and boys would come 
 out with shot guns, and go a certain distance as guards 
 when they would be relieved by others. All believed that 
 General Lee was going to take Pennsylvania. Let s see, 
 that s in Maryland, isn t it? inquired an old citizen one day. 
 We begged, time and again, to rest, and for water to drink 
 and to bathe our wounds, but the only answer we got was, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 285 
 
 Keep up, you d d Yanks, or I ll run my sword through 
 
 you and leave you by the roadside for the hogs to eat. 
 We arrived at Danville about sun down, the fourth day, and 
 were quartered in the upper stories of two ware houses. 
 The floors were covered with filth and vermin. About ten 
 o clock they distributed rations, consisting only of corn 
 bread. The stock provided for us went only about two- 
 thirds around. I was in the last third and got nothing. It 
 was the first time in my life that I was brought to tears 
 from hunger. Next morning we received rations for two 
 days, most of which was eaten by some of us for breakfast. 
 We inquired if there was not some mistake, as there was 
 not enough left for another meal. Our answer was, No, 
 that s all that was intended for you, and it is better than 
 you deserve. In the morning we were loaded, sixty or 
 seventy in box stock cars, for Anderson ville, to be bumped 
 and jolted for four days in the most inhuman manner, over 
 terrible roads. I cannot describe our sufferings from hun 
 ger, thirst and every ill-treatment that could be heaped 
 upon us. Among the many inhuman wretches who had 
 charge of us, there were a few who were as kind to us as 
 they dare be. Some of our guards fairly shuddered at the 
 cruel way in which we were treated, but they were power 
 less to relieve our suffering. For miles the very bad con 
 dition of the railroad prevented us going faster than a man 
 could walk, but every time a stop or a start was made, it 
 was done with such bumps and jerks as to almost kill the 
 sore and wounded men on the train; the seeming purpose 
 being to punish us as much as possible. A number died on 
 the way in the cars. At places we stopped, our men 
 traded their shoes, knives, combs and blouses for something 
 to eat. 1 think it was at Charlotte, North Carolina, that 
 we had information that we were to remain on the side 
 track for about two hours. I had almost given up being 
 
286 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 able to live through the journey. I beckoned a Lieutenant 
 to the car door, and showing him my wound as politely as 
 I knew how, asked to be let out on the ground for a short 
 time. He picked up a stick, and striking me with it, told 
 
 me to get back there, or I ll wound you a d d sight 
 
 worse than you are. The blow he gave me, which was on 
 the head, rendered me insensible for awhile. One of the 
 guards finally, for a two dollar confederate note, obtained me 
 a cup of water and a sweet potato. I learned the name 
 of the officer who struck me, and tried to remember it, but 
 have long since forgotten it. Many of our men had similar 
 experiences of cruel treatment. On the loth of July, all 
 but the dead and dying were marched into Andersonville, 
 and past the demon Wirz headquarters. We were then 
 divided into detatchments of 270, and grouped into squads 
 of ninety. One of our men who stepped from ranks to 
 place a blouse under a dying man s head, was struck by an 
 officer with his sword, and sent reeling back into ranks. 
 Finally we were started off for the south gate of the 
 stockade, which resembled butchers driving hogs into the 
 slaughter pens more than anything else. This was the 
 most aw r ful hell-hole ever seen on earth. Men were not 
 only starved to death, but they were inhumanly shot down 
 and tortured to death in a hundred untold ways. Here 
 were once strong men in every stage of idiocy and imbecility, 
 the result of cruelty, the most barbarous ever witnessed. 
 When weak, sickly men would vomit up the filthy food fur 
 nished them; others would struggle with each other to get 
 and eat it, and even quarrel over it. The villain Wirz 
 deserved not only one, but a thousand deaths. He was 
 a cruel monster, such as only could be bred in the red fires 
 of that hellish rebellion. Andersonville under his charge 
 was worse than any picture ever yet written of hell. But 
 the horrors of Andersonville, as often as they have been 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 287 
 
 described, have never been half told, because no human 
 power can do it. About the middle of September, Yockey 
 and myself were taken out of the pen, as we were told, for 
 exchange, but instead were sent off to Florence, Alabama. 
 Preshaw was sick and soon after died. (Preshaw died 
 November 3d, 1864, at Anderson ville, and is buried there 
 in grave No. 11779). Barrett, the keeper at Florence, we 
 found to be as great a brute as Wirz. Indeed, the results 
 of neglect and cruelty were here seen in more horrible 
 shapes than at Andersonville. Men s limbs rotted off with 
 gangrene; men died by inches of starvation; fell victims 
 to that dread disease, scurvy; great numbers were insane 
 from hardship, privation, exposure and starvation. Sea 
 soned and hardened soldiers wandered restlessly about the 
 camp in despair, and utterly, hopelessly insane from melan 
 choly and privation. The sight was terribly distressing 
 and painful. The guards were anxious, and sought excuses 
 to shoot down men at the dead line, and many men in 
 their desperation, rushed upon death and begged to be 
 shot as a relief from their unendurable misery. Escaping 
 prisoners were chased by blood-hounds. The stockade 
 at Florence was not completed, and a strong guard was 
 placed around the field in which the prisoners were placed. 
 Soon after our arrival, between four and five hundred pris 
 oners made their escape in open daylight, by breaking 
 through the guard; some were killed, others wounded, 
 others were recaptured, but a great many made their escape 
 and reached our lines at different points. A soldier of an 
 Illinois regiment, one from a Maine regiment, and myself had 
 got about seventeen miles from Florence, when we were 
 overtaken by blood-hounds in the night, and we climbed 
 trees. Horsemen came up to the hounds very soon and 
 ordered us down. We came dow r n, and, contrary to our 
 expectations, they treated us kindly. We spent most of 
 
288 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 the next day, Sunday, in the jail at Darlington, South Car 
 olina, with about fifteen others who had been re-captured. 
 Men, women and children came to see us. Some kind 
 Samaritans, pitying our condition, brought us provisions, 
 and we really had a feast. After getting a good meal and 
 washing up well, we started back for Florence, which we 
 reached that night. We expected rough treatment for our 
 attempt to escape, but to our surprise, we received no pun 
 ishment. About the middle of December \ve were told that 
 the sick would that day be taken out for exchange. 1 man 
 aged to be pretty sick, and went out, leaving my trusty 
 friend Yockey behind, who could not even play sick, and so 
 had to remain for several weeks longer. We were taken 
 to Charleston and delivered aboard our transports, and, I 
 think, on the iyth of December, landed at Annapolis, Md. 
 I would like to describe our feelings and actions on first 
 getting sight of the old flag, but I have not the power to 
 do it. Oh, how we cheered, yelled and cried! At Annap 
 olis w r e were again in God s country, and were washed, 
 clothed, fed, and taken the kindest possible care of. I 
 spent Christmas at my home in Malaga, Ohio, and soon 
 after went to Columbus to await exchange, which occurred 
 the latter part of February, 1865. I rejoined my regiment 
 near Appomattox in time to see the surrender, and after 
 wards went with it to Lynchburg, and looked for that rebel 
 commander of the post and some of the citizens who cruelly 
 cheered when the brutes beat and insulted us there, but 
 they were all out of town. 
 
 HORACE MCNEIL, 
 
 Of Company B, 
 
 WAS captured at Lynchburg, Virginia, July 18, 1864, and 
 was confined at Andersonville, Georgia, and Blackshire, 
 Georgia; escaped from the latter place, December 14, 1864, 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 289 
 
 and reached the coast and was rescued by a blockading 
 ship, December 18, 1864. I have been unabje to obtain the 
 particulars of his escape. 
 
 LIEUTENANT MANNING, 
 
 WAS a prisoner from June 14, 1863, to March 5, 1865, and 
 during this time made the tour of nearly all the rebel prison 
 pens of the South. But he returned in time to witness the 
 final surrender at Appomattox. 
 
 LIEUTENANT SIBLEY 
 
 REMAINED a prisoner from June 15, 1863, to December 10, 
 1864, when he was exchanged at Charleston Harbor. In 
 response to my request for his experience as a prisoner of 
 war, he sends me an article published in the Cleveland 
 Herald, June 2, 1881. It is so important, and at the same 
 time develops so interesting and startling a feature of his 
 prison life, that I give it here entire. It is befitting, also, 
 that so important a fact as it relates be placed in some more 
 enduring form than in the files of a newspaper, and as it so 
 nearly concerned several of our own officers, at the time 
 confined in Libby Prison, it is entirely appropriate that it 
 appear in the history of the regiment : 
 
 " When all the unpublished records of the war are brought 
 forth to the light of day, a much worse showing will be 
 made for the slave-driving prosecutors of the secession war 
 than even now is thought possible. We know of some of 
 the horrors of Andersonville and Libby prisons, but those 
 who could have told the worst were not permitted to speak. 
 They were "dismissed" from their horrible places of con 
 finement even as the Nihilists of to-day dismiss their recre 
 ant members through the gateway of death. Nothing 
 more fully demonstrates the condition of a people than the 
 treatment they bestow upon helpless prisoners of war. The 
 North, with its fuller and better civilization and broader cul- 
 
 19 
 
290 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 ture, cared for the Southern prisoners as though they were 
 brothers in captivity. In return, the barbarous Southerners 
 devised all the horrors of an inquisition, and placed the vol 
 unteers of the Northern army into the midst of them. 
 Hunger and starvation were hastened on in their ghastly 
 work by the lack of proper clothing and constant exposure 
 to a climate which was new to the victims. Men were shot 
 and bayoneted for trivial offences, and there was a constant 
 failure to exchange at the proper time. In short, the South 
 ern heart, brutalized by generations of human slavery, con 
 templated, with a coolness that we can scarcely understand, 
 the proposition of starving to death thousands of regular 
 prisoners of war. Much of this has already been known, 
 and the apologists of this inhumanity have urged that it 
 was done by irresponsible parties largely, and by those who 
 were far removed from the seat of the secession Govern 
 ment. This cannot be said of the atrocities of Libby prison, 
 which were enacted right in the shadow of the secession 
 capital, and there is little doubt but the soured old man, 
 who should have been hanged at the close of the war, but 
 has lived and now has the effrontery to write his recollec 
 tions of the time and justify in a dull dogged way the ac 
 tions for which he should have been executed, was the man 
 who planned them. 
 
 But of all that has been said, it would seem to me that 
 the manuscript given below, and published now for the first 
 time, betrays the most damnable and cold-blooded plan of 
 all. It was nothing less than a plan to blow up the prison 
 in case of a contingency by which the prisoners were likely 
 to escape or by which they might be rescued by their 
 friends. 
 
 I have been permitted to copy this from a manuscript in 
 possession of H. L. Sibley, Esq., a prominent attorney of 
 this city, who was a lieutenant in company B, n6th O. V. L 
 and was confined in Libby prison at the time this manu- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 29 1 
 
 script was written, and himself made a copy of it from the 
 manuscript of Colonel Nichols, of Connecticut, the author. 
 The paper was written and the copy made, of course, in 
 Libby prison : 
 
 (COPY.) 
 
 " LIBBY PRISON, RICHMOND, VA., > 
 FRIDAY, March 4th, 1864. J 
 
 "This morning the rebel sergeant called me to the office 
 of Major Turner. There I met Dr. William A. Smith, 
 president of Randolph Macon College. Under a mistaken 
 idea as to who he was, I had asked his assistance in procur 
 ing for me a special exchange. I knew by the papers that 
 he was a man of large influence a champion upon the ros 
 trum of the Confederate cause. I thought it was another 
 Smith a graduate of the Wesleyan University of Con 
 necticut, a man of the same college lodge as myself, and 
 though personally unknown to me, I felt justified in ad 
 dressing him. Last - - he called, apologizing for delay 
 ing so long to see me, saying it was the first time he had 
 visited the city since receiving my note. I perceived I had 
 mistaken the man, and duly excused my error. But he 
 seemed rather pleased to meet me, although a stranger, and 
 we conversed about noted Methodists of the North, with 
 whom we were both acquainted. He was an old man, sev 
 enty-five, perhaps, and had been president of Macon Col 
 lege seventeen years. He spoke of the divisions of the 
 M. E. church, of Dr. Olin, the first president of R. and M. 
 College, and various other topics. I stated why I was de 
 sirous of an exchange, and he thought without a doubt he 
 could bring it about, and would be pleased to do so. He 
 referred to the w r ar, its causes, its purposes, etc., eulogizing 
 Southern bravery, determination, and declaring that a con 
 quest would not bring peace, that he himself would never 
 live again under the common flag. Old as I im, said he, 
 and a cripple, I will leave forever my native land. The 
 
2p2 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 South would, however, never yield. He left, after various 
 incidental remarks having passed between us, saying he 
 would write to me, or call and see me soon. 
 
 "This evening at sunset he sent for me. Had seen, in 
 a long interview, Judge Ould, and learned from him that 
 through the cartel, and that alone, would he consent to 
 make exchanges. They only deferred a general exchange, 
 and if our Government wanted me, or all, it could have us 
 by living up to its sworn treaty, as by the cartel, and not 
 otherwise. 
 
 "Various remarks passed between us. I said I thought 
 that to be the Judge s idea, but still he had varied the rule 
 in some instances, and thought he continued to occasionally. 
 He had urged my case strongly, he said, and was sorry he 
 could not obtain my release. I thanked him warmly, for I 
 felt that he had acted kindly in so interesting himself in a 
 stranger. I perceived that he desired to talk upon general 
 matters, and he even said that Judge Ould requested him to 
 say to me that the officers here owed it to themselves that 
 they express some dissent to the action of the United States 
 Government in thus leaving us here, by violating its own 
 pledges in the cartel, which stipulated for a paroling and 
 exchanging of all, or words to that effect. The doctor 
 thought I ought to write to my Government, and that the 
 officers generally should, in their letters to their friends, ex 
 press their disappointment at such a course and such neg 
 lect. He also said that the late raid had been characterized 
 by much brutality and atrocity private property destroyed 
 and general plundering permitted. That on the body of 
 Colonel Dahlgren were found instructions from our Gov 
 ernment, saying that three columns were to advance upon 
 the city, which was to be taken, plundered, sacked and 
 burnt, the prisoners rescued and the place abandoned. Ac 
 cordingly, he said, the authorities (Mr. Davis and Cabinet) 
 were now in session, deliberating on the course to be taken 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 293 
 
 in view of this state of affairs; this was upon private rights, 
 so ruthless and so contrary to legal warfare. He said, 
 moreover and here I make a record of it, that I may 
 make no mistake hereafter through lack of memory that 
 the -prison was to be undermined, and powder placed beneath, 
 so that in case of an attempt that was likely to be successful 
 by an expedition thus carried on, the prisoners in Libby 
 would be blown to atoms. This he stated as though he had 
 been asked to, that the prisoners, through me, might know 
 how dangerous would be an effort on their part, or on the 
 part of their friends, to rescue us. To all his remarks I 
 made, as I thought, moderate but fitting replies. But to 
 my direct question, whether or not he approved of such a 
 resort, he made no definite answer. I asked him if any 
 parallel in the annals of war would justify it, or to that 
 effect. He remarked generally that only as a retaliatory 
 measure could anything of the kind be justified. He asked 
 me if the officers were aware of it. I told him we had suf 
 ficient evidence to believe it so, and had had for two days. 
 But the proceeding was so horrible to think of that we re 
 jected all evidence, and said it could not be that the author 
 ities here would resort to a measure so murderous, and 
 even so impolitic. I remarked that I regarded such pro 
 ceedings as a high crime, not against the United States 
 Government only, but against humanity. I told him that 
 the officers, as a body, had shown themselves reasonable 
 men. They had never in a single instance resorted to des 
 perate measures, nor had they proposed to. They would 
 respect, and had respected, a sufficient guard. Such a 
 guard the Confederate authorities were bound to furnish, 
 and not a guard sufficient only by holding inter sonun cer 
 tain destruction en masse, as well in case our friends were 
 able to release us, as in case we rise up ourselves for our 
 liberty. In any event I pronounced it unjustifiable, barbar 
 ous and murderous. The old gentleman was full of anx- 
 
294 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 iety, evidently, and expressed what I supposed to be the 
 fact, that this raid had greatly exasperated the people. He 
 thought we might all soon leave for a more interior place of 
 confinement. He shuddered to forecast the probabilities of 
 severe measures that would yet be necessary; said Mr. 
 Davis held back public sentiment, for he was a wise and 
 God-fearing man so unlike President Lincoln, who had 
 violated the Constitution, and diverted the war from its 
 originally proposed objects, etc., etc.; said that Mr. Davis 
 was a praying man. I asked him if he did not think it a 
 significant circumstance that in the last Presidential election 
 not a word did the bitterest opponent utter against the hon 
 esty and general character of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 " Other remarks were passed between us. But mainly I 
 write this to put freshly on record what no one of these 
 thousand officers but myself knows that we are moving, 
 sleeping, living over a torpedo, a magazine which is de 
 signed to fc blow them to atoms, to use Dr. Smith s own 
 words. 
 
 " MONROE NICHOLS, 
 -Lieut. Col. 1 8th Conn. V. I." 
 
 NOTE. I copied the original of the above in Libby 
 Prison the day following. Colonel N. was then my mess 
 mate, and read it to me immediately it was written by him. 
 I sat by him as he wrote, seeing that something of import 
 ance was in hand. 
 
 HIRAM L. SIBLEY, 
 Lieut. Co. B," n6th O. V. I. 
 
 Monday morning, March 7th, 1864, the Richmond Daily 
 Enquirer of that date had the following editorial remarks, 
 viz: 
 
 " LIBBY PRISON. The commandant of this prison, we 
 learn, has made very satisfactory arrangements to secure 
 the Yankee officers now under his charge, in case of a sue- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 cessful inroad into Richmond by the Yankee raiders. The 
 nature of these arrangements need not be mentioned." 
 
 The following is an extract from a work entitled "A 
 Rebel War Clerk s Diary at the Confederate States Capi 1 
 tal, by J. B. Jones, clerk in the War Department of the 
 Confederate States Government, author of Wild Western 
 Scenes, etc., etc." Published by J. B. Lippincott & Co., 
 Philadelphia, 1866. Under date of "March 2d, 1864," on 
 page 164, the Diary says: 
 
 "Last night, when it was supposed probable that the 
 prisoners of war at the Libby might make an attempt to 
 break out, General Winder ordered that a large amount of 
 powder be -placed under the building, with instructions to 
 blow them up if the attempt were made. He was per 
 suaded, however, to consult the Secretary of War first, and 
 get his approbation. The Secretary would give no such 
 order, but said the prisoners must not be permitted to es 
 cape under any circumstances, which ^vas considered sanction 
 enough. Captain - obtained an order for, and procured 
 several hundred pounds of powder, which were placed in 
 readiness. Whether the prisoners were advised of this, I 
 kno\v not." 
 
 What Colonel Nichols refers to in his statement to Dr. 
 Smith, that the prisoners had evidence of this " gunpowder 
 plot," is the hints, and finally the open assertions of the col 
 ored men who "policed" our quarters. They were our 
 friends, and were evidently horrified at the thought of 
 what had been done. In hasty sentences, given when not 
 watched by the rebel who had them in charge, they had, 
 for a couple of days before Colonel Nichols saw Dr. Smith 
 in the conversation he reports, given us warning, at first 
 vaguely, as of some terrible impending calamity, and at last 
 \\iefact that powder was under the prison to blow us up. 
 
 HIRAM L. SIBLEY. 
 
2p6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 In a private note to your correspondent Mr. Sibley says : 
 "I hand you a copy of the document you desire, and also 
 an extract from a book published by an ex-rebel (Jones) 
 since the war, corroborating all that Colonel Nichols states 
 as to the atrocious schemes to blow us to atom?, rather 
 than suffer our rescue. 
 
 "The whole affair comes very vividly to my memory in 
 going over the paper. Besides, the night following, we 
 could at times hear the boom of cannon which told that the 
 raiders were in the vicinity of Richmond, and if they got in, 
 I with the three others who alone knew the facts which Dr. 
 Smith gave Colonel N. (being Generals Neal Dow and 
 Scammouth,y~6wr) expected the springing of the mine. A 
 more uneasy night I never yet have passed. 
 
 "Colonel N., after reading the paper to me, went to 
 these two Generals, they being the only general officers then 
 in prison, and privately read the statement to them, asking 
 their judgment as to keeping it secret, or letting the pris 
 oners generally know the facts. The former was deemed 
 the wiser course, lest in a frenzy the attempt be made by 
 some to force the guard, and we all thereby become in 
 volved in destruction by setting off the mine. 
 
 " Colonel Nichols was a Christian scholar and gentle 
 man. He was educated at the Wesley an University of 
 Middletovvn, Conn. Later he was specially exchanged, but 
 not until he had contracted a disease from which he died in 
 1867, I believe. No nobler or truer man perished from the 
 wounds or hardships of the war. 
 
 "1 was a lieutenant in Company <B n6th O. V. I. 
 Resigned the County Common Pleas clerk s office, in 
 Meigs County, O., to go into service, under the second call 
 for 300,000 men in 1862. Was captured with part of Gen 
 eral R. H. Milroy s command, near Winchester, Va., June 
 1 5th, 1863, by the advance (E well s corps) of Lee s army. 
 June 22d I went to Libby. May 7, 1864, I went out, going 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 to Danville, Va., about a week, and thence to Moscow, Ga., 
 where I stayed till July 3oth, when I was taken to Savan 
 nah. There I was kept till September i3th, when I was 
 carried to Charleston, S. C., and put under fire (from our 
 bombardment of the city) until October 5th, when I was 
 taken to what came to be known as Camp Sorghum, 
 about three miles from Columbia, S. C. There I stayed 
 until December pth, 1864, when, as one of the "sick or 
 wounded," I was taken back to Charleston, and the next 
 day (the zoth) was exchanged, being a prisoner eighteen 
 months, lacking five days." 
 
 But what account shall we give of the the poor fellows 
 who entered the prison pens of the South, never again to 
 come out alive ? Their story of prison life is briefly told in 
 their death ! The rolls tell the end of many and many a 
 gallant boy and man who "died at Andersonville," "died at 
 Salisbury," and so on. No pen can ever paint black enough 
 the horrible treatment given our prisoners by rebel prison- 
 keepers. Humanity through all time will shudder at the 
 story of the wrongs they inflicted upon the men who, through 
 the fortunes of war, fell into their hands. 
 
 In his report to the War Department, dated October 31, 
 1865, on tne findings of the court which tried the inhuman 
 monster Wirz, Judge Advocate General Holt says : 
 
 " Language fails in an attempt to denounce, even in faint 
 terms, the diabolical combination for the destruction and 
 death, by cruel and fiendishly ingenious processes, of help 
 less prisoners of war who might fall into their hands, which 
 this record shows was plotted and deliberately entered upon, 
 and, as far as time permitted, accomplished by the rebel 
 authorities and their brutal underlings at Andersonville 
 prison. Criminal history presents no parallel to this mon 
 strous conspiracy, and from the whole catalogue of infamous 
 devices within reach of human hands, a system for the mur 
 der of men more revolting in its details could not have been 
 
2p ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 planned. Upon the heads of those named by the court in 
 its findings, the guilt of this immeasurable crime is fixed, a 
 guilt so fearfully black and horrible that the civilized world 
 must be appalled by the spectacle." 
 
 ******** 
 
 " The annals of our race present nowhere and at no time 
 a darker field of crime than that of Andersonville, and it is 
 fortunate for the interests, alike of public justice and of his 
 toric truth, that from this field the veil has been so faithfully 
 and so completely lifted. All the horrors of this pande 
 monium of the rebellion are laid bare to us in the broad, 
 steady light of the testimony of some 150 witnesses, who 
 spoke what they had seen and heard and suffered, and whose 
 evidence, given under oath and subjected to cross-examina 
 tion, and to every other test which human experience has 
 devised for the ascertainment of truth, must be accepted as 
 affording an immovable foundation for the sentence pro 
 nounced." 
 
 " The proof under the second charge shows that some of 
 our soldiers, for mere attempts to escape from their oppres 
 sors, were given to ferocious dogs to be torn in pieces; that 
 others w r ere confined in stocks and chains till life yielded to 
 the torture, and that others were wantonly shot down at 
 Wirz s bidding or by his ow r n hand. Here in the presence 
 of these pitiless murders of unarmed and helpless men, so 
 distinctly alleged and proved, justice might well claim the 
 prisoner s life. There remain, however, to be contemplated, 
 crimes yet more revolting, for which he and his co-conspir 
 ators must be held responsible. The Andersonville prison 
 records (made exhibits in this case) contain a roster of over 
 thirteen thousand (13,000) dead, buried naked, maimed and 
 putrid, in one vast sepulchre. Of these, a surgeon of the 
 rebel army who was on duty at this prison, testifies that at 
 least three-fourths died of the treatment inflicted on them 
 while in confinement, and a surgeon of our own army who 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 299 
 
 was a prisoner there, states that four-fifths died from this 
 cause. Under this proof, which has not been assailed, nearly 
 10,000, if not more of these deaths must be charged directly 
 to the account of Wirz and his associates. This widespread 
 sacrifice of life was not made suddenly or under the influence 
 of wild, ungovernable passion, but was accomplished slowly 
 and deliberately, by packing upwards of 30,000 men, like 
 cattle, into a fetid pen, a mere cesspool, there to die for need 
 of air to breathe; for want of ground on which to lie; from 
 lack of shelter from sun and rain, and from the slow, agonizing 
 process of starvation; when air and space and shelter and 
 food were all within the ready gift of their tormentors. 
 This work of death seems to have been a saturnalia of 
 enjoyment for the prisoner, who, among these savage orgies 
 evidenced such exultation, and mingled with them such 
 nameless blasphemy and ribald jests, as at times to exhibit 
 him rather as a demon than a man. It was his continual 
 boast that by these barbarities he was destroying more 
 Union soldiers than rebel generals were butchering on the 
 battle-field. He claimed to be doing the work of the rebel 
 lion, and faithfully, in all his murderous crueltv and base 
 ness, did he represent its spirit. It is by looking upon the 
 cemeteries which have been filled from Libby, Belle Isle, 
 Salisbury, Florence and Andersonville, and other rebel 
 prisons, and recalling the prolonged sufferings of the pat 
 riots who are sleeping there, that we can best understand 
 the inner and real life of the rebellion, and the hellish crim 
 inality and brutality of the traitors who maintained it. For 
 such crimes human power is absolutely impotent to enforce 
 any adequate atonement." 
 
 This is the horrible story of Andersonville, one of the 
 many hellish prison pens of the South, while of those less 
 notorious prisons, such as Libby, Belle Isle, Cahawba, Black- 
 shire, Millen, Tyler, Florence, Salisbury, Macon and Charles 
 ton, almost nothing is known, save the reports given by those 
 
3OO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 escaping from them with their lives. These reports make 
 them but a little more humane than Andersonville. 
 
 We have endeavored to obtain a full list of our men who 
 died in rebel prisons. We have succeeded in making it more 
 complete than we dared to hope, and here give the result of 
 our efforts. It will be a consolation, though a sad one, to 
 many, to know where lie the remains of their dead hero 
 friends. The following list also contains the burial places 
 of many who were killed in battle, many who died of wounds 
 and of disease. I have taken great pains to make it as 
 complete and accurate as possible, yet there may be some 
 errors in it, and some names may be omitted which ought 
 to be included in it. But it is as correct as I could make it 
 after a great deal of care and searching of records, together 
 with the kind assistance of the Quartermaster General of 
 the Army and the Adjutant General of Ohio: 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
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CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 SKETCHES OF DECEASED OFFICERS CAPTAIN F. H. ARCKE- 
 
 NOE CAPTAIN E. KEYES LIEUTENANT ROBERT WIL 
 SON LIEUTENANT LEVI LUPTON SURGEON THOMAS J. 
 
 SHANNON CAPTAIN ALEXANDER COCHR AN CAPTAIN 
 
 EDWARD FULLER CAPTAIN WILLIAM MYERS SUR 
 GEON WALTER R. GILKEY HOSPITAL STEWARD JAMES 
 
 T. MORAN LIEUTENANT M. A. ELLIS MAJOR JOHN 
 
 HULL. 
 
 IN MEMORIAM. 
 
 It has been thought best to add this chapter in com 
 memoration of the noble men who surrendered their lives to 
 their country. Included in the following pages are those 
 officers who died in the service, as well as those who have 
 since died from wounds received or disease contracted in 
 the service. 
 
 CAPTAIN FREDERICK H. ARCKENOE. 
 
 The first officer killed in action was Captain Arckenoe, 
 who fell at the battle of Winchester, June 14, 1863. He 
 was a Prussian by birth, and had been in this country but 
 a few years before the breaking out of the war. He was a 
 finely educated gentleman, had learned the art of war in the 
 military schools and armies of his fatherland, and gave 
 
 20 
 
306 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 early promise of great distinction in the service of his 
 adopted country. A large portion of his company con 
 sisted of Germans, and no happier military family existed in 
 the regiment than he and his officers and men made of 
 company C. A man of noble presence and martial bearing, 
 he was the beau ideal of a soldier. He was kind to his 
 men, courteous and dignified at all times, an excellent dis 
 ciplinarian, of spotless character and refined culture, and in 
 the broadest and fullest sense, a soldier "without fear and 
 without reproach." He was as graceful and attractive as 
 he was manly and dignified; possessing unbending integrity, 
 and strict conscientiousness, and the highest sense of honor, 
 he was the very personation of true chivalry, and of the 
 highest type of manhood. The n6th never had a truer 
 gentleman, a finer officer, or a braver man, and never met 
 a more serious loss than in his death. 
 
 CAPTAIN EDWIN KEYES. 
 
 The following sketch is taken from " Marietta College, in the War of Secession." 
 
 The subject of this sketch was born in Windsor Town 
 ship, Morgan County, Ohio, July 21, 1828, the child of poor 
 but upright Christian parents. At an early age he showed 
 a studious disposition, and while young became a school 
 teacher in the neighborhood of his birth. Compelled to 
 support himself by work on the farm or in school, young 
 Keyes struggled for more of an education than his home 
 opportunities afforded. Accordingly, in 1848, he became a 
 student in the preparatory department of Marietta College. 
 Passing regularly through, in 1850 he entered college a 
 freshman. Adverse circumstances, however, prevented his 
 going further in the conrse than to the junior year of 
 his class. April I3th, 1854, ne was married to Sybil 
 Sargent, by whom he had a son, Charles Edwin, now 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 307 
 
 iving. His attachment to his family was remarkably strong 
 and deep. 
 
 About 1860, Mr. Keyes removed to Tuppers Plains, 
 Meigs County, Ohio. This is a pleasant village, finely lo 
 cated on a plateau, the center of a prosperous farming com 
 munity. The point was selected for the site of a school he 
 wished to establish. Teaching w r as then his chosen voca 
 tion. Devoted to his work, arid a natural leader among 
 men, he so aroused the people of this village and vicinity 
 in the cause of education, as to secure the erection of an 
 academy building, wherein he founded a flourishing school 
 known as the Tuppers Plains Seminary. Young men and 
 women from a distance, as \vell as of the country immedi 
 ately around the Plains, were attracted to this school by the 
 success and growing fame of the teacher, and by the high 
 character he bore as a man. The specific aim of the insti 
 tution was to train its pupils for teaching, and prepare 
 young men for college. The close of the first year show r ed 
 the enterprise triumphantly successful. Even the excite 
 ments and anxieties of civil war did not prevent a steady in 
 crease in the attedance upon the school, and of interest in 
 the work it was doing. Truly, a master was at its head. 
 The summer of 1862 came, with its disasters to the Union 
 armies in the terrible conflict with rebellion. Still the 
 school on the Plains was full. A large number of young 
 people was gathered there, enthusiastic in study, under the 
 inspiring direction of a teacher they had learned both to 
 love and respect. But the appeals of that dark year to 
 Northern patriotism rang in the ears of the master, and met 
 a warm response from his heart. At this time Mr. Keyes 
 was in the clear road of assured success in his profession. 
 The field for a great and good work was open in peace 
 before him. Moreover, he was bound to home by ties 
 which, with a nature such as his, were at once among the 
 
308 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 tenderest and most powerful in life. But he was a patriot 
 who loves liberty and the Union of his fathers, and to 
 whom the trumpet call of duty never was sounded in vain. 
 Around him, also, was a body of young men who would 
 follow him as their leader to the field of battle, or remain 
 under his guidance in the pursuit of knowledge at home. 
 The struggle, the writer knows, was exceedingly severe. 
 But a clear sense of duty the vital principle of all his ac 
 tions was, as it ever had been with him, decisive; and 
 August 1 2th, 1862, he accepted, after enlistment, a Cap 
 tain s commission in the volunteer service of the United 
 States for "three years, or during the war." The young 
 men of his school rallied around him in the country s ser 
 vice, almost to a man. Such was his influence, indeed, and 
 so profound the confidence which his abilities and character 
 inspired, that in less than one week from his appointment, 
 he was in camp at Marietta, Ohio, followed by a dozen 
 more men than could be mustered into his company. 
 
 His became company B of the n6th O. V. I. While 
 Captain Keyes remained with his men, they served chiefly 
 in West Virginia and in the war-famed Valley of Virginia. 
 He participated in all the important battles of this valley, 
 from the opening of 1863 until he was made a prisoner of 
 war. On the i8th of June, 1864, near Lynchburg, Va., 
 with his men, he was engaged in a desperate and bloody 
 charge upon the enemy s works. While leading his com 
 mand amid a storm of bullets, he was hit and severely 
 wounded in the knee. Our forces being driven back, one 
 of his men was helping him along when another shot was 
 received in the arm, inflicting a painful wound. Unable 
 further to proceed, he was unavoidably left, with others dis 
 abled by wounds, to fall into the hands of the enemy. To 
 the last, however, he was undismayed, and showed the res 
 ignation of the Christian with the fortitude of a soldier. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 309 
 
 Finally, July ipth, 1864, in hospital at Lynchburg, Va., of 
 the wounds received as stated above, he died. He faced 
 the last enemy surrounded by strangers and in prison. 
 Before his death, Marietta College had conferred upon him 
 the honorary degree of Master of Arts. 
 
 Captain Keves stood full six feet, with a well propor 
 tioned frame, and a presence which always commanded re 
 spect. He was a man of refined sensibilities and feelings of 
 child-like tenderness. His life was pure, blameless, of ex 
 alted aim and purpose. He was possessed of a vigorous 
 mind, well disciplined, and marked by a peculiarly sound 
 and comprehensive understanding. As a teacher he greatly 
 excelled; and as a soldier he leaves a proud record for per 
 sonal bravery, and the able, prompt discharge of every 
 duty which the service cast upon him. But the crowning- 
 glory of his character was his moral symmetry and power. 
 In the regiment his \vas styled the 4fc religious company." 
 Twice a day, when circumstances permitted, he led his men 
 in prayer, and in one instance, it is known, these services re 
 sulted in a soldier s conversion. A few words from a letter 
 to his father, in January, 1863, give an insight into the real 
 life of the man, which justifies their insertion here. Thus 
 he wrote: "I meet \vith the sorest trials and endure the 
 keenest temptations. But through all these my Savior sus 
 tains me. Indeed, I feel while leaning on His powerful arm 
 that nothing can harm me. These are my feelings in 
 scenes of danger. * * * 1 know not but sorer trials 
 are in store for me. My country may demand the poor 
 offering of my life, and my dear wife and darling boy be 
 left without their earthly stay and support. But if the bit 
 ter cup must be drained, trusting in my Savior, I hope to 
 be sustained as life is laid upon the altar." 
 
 Heroic Christian soldier! You drank this cup to the 
 dregs. No life more sublimely pure and noble in purpose 
 
3IO ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 and work was given, a sacrifice for the Nation s life, in the 
 war against rebellion. Of all who thus fell we can truly 
 say : 
 
 Beautiful is the death-sleep 
 Of those who bravely fight 
 In their country s holy quarrel, 
 And perish for the right. 
 
 LIEUTENANT ROBERT WILSON. 
 
 While lying at Buchanan, Lieutenant Robert Wilson 
 w r as stricken down with fever. Realizing that he was dan 
 gerously sick, he asked and obtained leave to go to his 
 home in Woodsfield, where he died on the ipth of Novem 
 ber, 1862. The regiment had scarcely become acquainted 
 with him, but among those with whom he came in contact, 
 he was regarded as one of the best officers in the regiment. 
 He was a well educated man, and when Colonel Washburn 
 detached Adjutant Ballard to act as A. A. General of the 
 brigade, he was selected to act as Adjutant of the regiment. 
 He was then sick and never assumed the position. He 
 gave bright promise of making an efficient and valuable 
 officer. His was among the first deaths, if it was not the 
 very first, in the regiment, and being so good an officer and 
 excellent a man, his loss was greatly felt, and the sorrow at 
 his death was deep and universal. 
 
 LIEUTENANT LEVI LUPTON. 
 
 Lieutenant Lupton, as before shown, was captured on 
 the 1 4th of June, 1863, at Winchester. He, too, was a brave 
 and efficient officer and an excellent man. His capture was 
 due to his unflinching courage and his aversion to turning 
 his back to the enemy. He never had any conception of 
 what fear \vas. He suffered the untold horrors of Libby, 
 Salisbury and Charleston. At the latter place he was 
 among the Union officers placed under the fire of the forts 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 31! 
 
 and gunboats in the bombardment of that hot-bed of trea 
 son. He endured untold hardships, privations and dangers. 
 The officers of our regiment sent him, and others of the 
 regiment who were prisoners, a great amount of everything 
 for their relief, but \ve have the best reasons for believing 
 that they never received a tithe of it. Among papers in 
 my possession I find a subscription paper prepared at Mar- 
 tinsburg in the winter of 1863-4, which reads as follows: 
 " We, the undersigned officers, promise to pay the ums set 
 opposite our respective names for the relief of Lieutenants 
 Lupton, Sibley, Knowles and Manning, of the n6th regi 
 ment, now in Prison at Richmond, Virginia, said money to 
 be sent to them through C-. C. Fulton, Esq., of the Balti 
 more American." To this paper is subscribed, in the ag 
 gregate, $130. It is in the hand writing of Captain Karr, 
 and its possession affords me the signature of all the officers 
 of the regiment present. A great many well filled boxes 
 were also sent them. Among letters I find brief acknowl 
 edgements from Lieutenant Sibley, dated "Libby Prison, 
 Richmond, Va." 
 
 Lieutenant Lupton was a zealous patriot. It was pa 
 triotism made a soldier of him, not a love for military life. 
 But nothing could excel the conscientiousness with which 
 he discharged every duty assigned him. He was in down 
 right earnest always, and never took part in the fun or 
 frolic of camp life. But though of so serious a turn of 
 mind, he was never morose or gloomy, but w r as very kind- 
 hearted, obliging and thoughtful to every want and comfort 
 of his men. As a result, he was well liked and held in 
 very high esteem by officers and men alike. At Charles 
 ton, in the fall of 1864, he was taken down with fever and 
 died September 12. He was buried in Race Course Cem 
 etery, near the City of Charleston. Every effort was made 
 by the officers of the regiment to secure the exchange of 
 the officers captured at Winchester and Bunker Hill, but all 
 
312 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 efforts were in vain. The rebel authorities seemed to have 
 a special pique at General Milroy s officers. This spirit 
 of hate for them is shown in all rebel works, and especially 
 in Jeff Davis Rise and Fall." 
 
 SURGEON THOMAS J. SHANNON. 
 
 Among our killed at Cedar Creek was our Surgeon, 
 Major Thomas J. Shannon. Of the manner of his death, 
 Captain John F. Welch, of the n6th, then on Thoburn s 
 staff, writes: "When I had reached Middle town with the 
 trains, I found Thoburn there and reported to him. Dr. 
 Shannon, Surgeon of the n6th, and Medical Purveyor of 
 the division, was with him. Dr. Shannon had charge of 
 several wagon loads of medical stores. Thoburn ordered 
 Dr. Shannon and myself to go beyond Middletown with 
 our wagons, and there try to form a line of the straggling 
 soldiers, which by this time were numerous. Shannon s 
 wagons were on the pike leading to Winchester, and mine 
 on a street west of the pike. I was to drive my teams to 
 the pike and get them together. While I was after my 
 wagons, and before I got back to the pike, and when not 
 over two or three hundred yards from it, Thoburn and 
 Shannon were both shot and mortally wounded. They 
 were shot by sharpshooters who had succeeded in getting 
 within our lines. As I neared the pike several shots were 
 fired at me, two of them striking my horse." Thoburn lin 
 gered during the day and died that evening. Dr. Shannon 
 died at Winchester on the 2ist. Dr. Shannon was one of 
 the most skillful, pains-taking, hard-working and faithful 
 surgeons in the army. He never had a thought of anything 
 but duty, which he discharged with a zeal and fidelity that 
 made him not only trusted and esteemed, but remarkably 
 successful and valuable. He was too good a surgeon 
 among the great number of indifferent ones in the service, 
 to be kept with his regiment. His services were in con- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 313 
 
 stant demand in wider lields of labor. But he was a 
 worker, and being fond of his regiment, he found time to 
 look after it daily. His loss to our regiment and to the ser 
 vice was irreparable. Me was withal an exceedingly brave 
 and fearless man, and too often exposed himself to the perils 
 of the battle field in his anxious care for the wounded. He 
 could easily have escaped harm the morning he was shot, 
 but in his charge was a train loaded with several thousands 
 of dollars worth of medical stores, and to save it he exposed 
 his own life, and gave it up a sacrifice to dutv and to prin 
 ciple. Dr. Shannon s sense of honor was sensitively acute, 
 and \vhile he was often hurt by adverse criticisms of his 
 severe treatment of " hospital bummers," he was as kind as 
 a mother to the really sick and wounded. The regiment 
 owed its good standing and effectiveness as much to him as 
 to any officer connected with it. He held a "dead beat" 
 in the greatest aversion, but attended upon a good soldier 
 with the greatest pleasure and most assiduous care. He 
 was a quiet, still, unpretending, plain man, but he possessed 
 the courage, dignity, faith and manliness which devotion to 
 principle, a conscientious discharge of life s duties, and an 
 unfaltering purpose to do right, lend to character. His re 
 mains were sent to his home, accompanied by an escort in 
 charge of Lieutenant Cobb, who was slightly wounded in 
 the battle. But the greatest disaster to us all was the loss 
 of Colonel Thoburn. 
 
 CAPTAIN ALEXANDER COCI1RAN. 
 
 Captain Alexander Cochran was born in Bridgeton, 
 Bucks County, Pennsylvania, in 1818. Both of his parents 
 died when he was a mere child, and leaving no property for 
 his support, he was at once thrown upon the world to make 
 his own way through it, and to carve out his own fortune. 
 When a boy he learned the shoemaker s trade, which he fol 
 lowed with few interruptions ever afterwards, and through 
 
314 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 industry and good management he acquired considerable 
 property. He was married in Bridgeton in 1840 to Miss 
 Rebecca Butler, with whom he had five children, all of 
 whom died in childhood, except Sarah "Jane, the wife of 
 Prof. George E. Blair. His first wife died in 1850, and in 
 1853 he was married to Miss Emma Robeson, who sur 
 vives him. Of this union he had seven children, five of 
 whom are still living. Captain Cochran removed from 
 Bridgeton, Pennsylvania, to Athens in 1853, where he re 
 sided up to his death, April 25th, 1872. In the fall of 1862 
 he entered the service of the United States and was ap 
 pointed First Lieutenant of Company I, n6th Regiment 
 Ohio Volunteers. He served in this capacity until January 
 3ist, 1863, when he was promoted to Captain. During 
 nearly all the time of his Lieutenancy, he acted as Quarter 
 master of his regiment, and no more faithful or competent 
 officer ever held that position in the n6th, and no Quarter 
 master was ever more popular with men and officers, be 
 cause none were more efficient. At the battle of Bunker 
 Hill, on the i3th of June, 1863, Captain Cochran was 
 wounded in the elbow of the right arm and taken prisoner. 
 As he was unfit to be moved, he was left there, and had the 
 good fortune to fall into the hands of a noble hostess and 
 fraternal brother by name of John B. T. Reed, who, as soon 
 as the Captain could be moved, pointed out a way of escape 
 for him and sent him within the Union lines. In the fall of 
 1863 ne returned to his company \vith his arm in a sling 
 and reported for duty. The Surgeon, however, pronounced 
 him unfit for active duty, and he was ordered to Concord, 
 New Hampshire, on recruiting duty, where he remained 
 until he resigned, February pth, 1865. Captain Cochran 
 was a brave man, and upon the field of battle was cool and 
 collected as when moving among his friends and business 
 acquaintances at home. As Regimental Quartermaster the 
 men had in him a true friend, as their wants were never ne- 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 315 
 
 glected when it was possible to supply them. His kind 
 heart would not suffer him to retire at night until he knew 
 that everything was done that could be done for the com 
 fort of his men. 
 
 CAPTAIN EDWARD FULLER. 
 
 Edward Fuller, late Captain Company I, n6th Regi 
 ment O. V. I., was born April 12, 1832, near Coolville, 
 Athens County, Ohio. He was the son of Jedediah Fuller, 
 \vho was one of the earliest settlers of Athens County. He 
 opened up a large farm and was during his lifetime one of 
 the leading farmers of Athens County. He gave his chil 
 dren a liberal education. Edward, while not in school, spent 
 his time on the farm, which finally fell into his possession. 
 He was widely known, and was noted for his generosity. 
 He was a strong Republican, and at the breaking out of 
 the war, his time, money and services were at the service 
 of his country. He was largely instrumental in raising vol 
 unteers, and finally took a company and went into the 
 n6th regiment as Captain; was assigned to company "I." 
 The hardships and severe weather of the winter of 1862-3 
 preyed heavily upon his health, so much so that he was 
 compelled to resign his position in the army and seek for 
 restoration of health, which he never found. He gradually 
 went down until April loth, 1872, when he died. Captain 
 Fuller possessed a magnetism which drew around him a 
 large circle of friends and his death made a vacuum which 
 has not been filled. 
 
 There were only fifteen days between the deaths of 
 Fuller and Cochran. Both were buried under the auspices 
 of the Masonic Order. 
 
 CAPTAIN WILLIAM MYERS. 
 
 Captain William Myers was born in Monongahala 
 County, Virginia, June 14, 1809, and moved with his par- 
 
3l6 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 ents to Monroe County, Ohio, in 1822, where he was mar 
 ried, in 1832, to Miss Hannah Mitchell. He engaged in 
 farming, and took great interest in stock raising. He 
 brought the first herd of short horn Durhams into Monroe 
 County. He was a man of sterling integrity, and by his 
 conscientious, upright life, won the confidence of all who 
 knew him, as was shown by his being chosen to serve as 
 justice of the peace for some eighteen or twenty years, and 
 being twice elected treasurer of his county. When Fort 
 Sumter was fired upon and the permanency of our Govern 
 ment was threatened, he with others felt called upon to do 
 all within his power to put down the rebellion that had so 
 defiantly reared its head, and as one call after another was 
 made for troops he aided and encouraged enlistments among 
 the younger men around him. But when Governor Tod 
 issued his call, July 9th, 1862, for two full regiments from 
 his district, he felt that the time had come for ///;// to go 
 forth, and bidding adieu to home and friends, and having 
 received a recruiting commission from Governor Tod, he 
 called upon his neighbors to "come." So successful was 
 he, that in about one week his company was ready to go 
 into camp. As an officer, Captain Myers had everything to 
 learn, but he applied himself diligently to the task and soon 
 became quite proficient in the art of war, remarkably so 
 considering the peaceful surroundings of his former life. 
 He was prompt in the performance of every known duty, 
 and though one of the oldest men in the command, endured 
 unflinchingly the weary marches and exposures of soldier 
 life. His life in the army, as at home, was without blame; 
 he governed his men by love rather than by virtue of his 
 office. But he had arrived at the time of life when so 
 much exposure could not fail to have a damaging effect 
 upon his health, and in September, 1864, he resigned his 
 commission on account of failing health, and returned home 
 carrying with him the respect and best wishes of the entire 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 317 
 
 regiment. In October, 1865, he removed from Ohio to 
 Polk County, Missouri, where he died December loth, 
 1878, at the advanced age of 69 years. 
 
 SURGEON WALTER R. GILKEY. 
 
 The subject of this sketch, Dr. Walter R. Gilkey, en 
 tered the service early in 1862 and was commissioned ex 
 amining surgeon for Ashtabula County, being assigned Sur 
 geon to the n6th regiment in September following. While 
 holding the position of examining surgeon he performed the 
 difficult duties of that important office conscientiously and 
 fearlessly. His duties in the field, camp and hospital were 
 never slighted or neglected. Cultured, genial and courte 
 ous, Surgeon Gilkey occupied a warm place in the hearts 
 of his comrades. He contracted rheumatism in the spring 
 of 1863, while the regiment was in Western Virginia, which 
 terminated in typhus fever, his death occurring on the 4th 
 of June of the same year at Winchester, Virginia. His re 
 mains were conveyed home by a loving wife and brother, 
 E. H. Gilkey, and laid to rest in Kinsman. 
 
 Surgeon Gilkey was born in Trumbull County, Ohio, in 
 1827. His early education was confined to the narrow 
 limits of the common schools of those days. After acquir 
 ing his majority he took up the study of medicine, teaching 
 in winter and studying in summer, filling in the vacations 
 by working in the harvest fields. In 1854, he entered the 
 office of Drs. Peter and Dudley Allan, of Kinsman, Ohio, 
 where he remained four years with alternate courses of 
 study at the Cleveland Medical College, where he gradu 
 ated in 1858 and soon after commenced the practice of med 
 icine. He was married, in 1859, to Miss Kate Frame, of 
 Poland, Ohio, locating at Jefferson, the county seat of Ash- 
 tabula County, where he was at the breaking out of the 
 civil war. Dr. Gilkey was an untiring student and deep 
 thinker. Seeking a high place in the medical profession, 
 
3l8 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 he soon occupied an enviable position among his brother 
 physicians. 
 
 DR. JAMES T. MORAN. 
 
 James T. Moran was born in Leitrim County, Ireland, 
 August 26th, 1831. He lived with his parents, who gave 
 him a good education, until the age of 20, when he came to 
 this country. He engaged as a clerk in a dry goods store 
 for a time, and afterwards held a position in the auditor s 
 office of Trumbull County, Ohio. In 1856 he began the 
 study of medicine at Williamsfield, Ashtabula County, Ohio, 
 and in 1859 attended Burlington Medical College in V r er- 
 mont. Returning to Williamsfield in 1860, he entered upon 
 the practice of his profession, which he continued till the 
 time of his enlistment in the n6th O. V. I. 
 
 We will venture the assertion that no regiment in the 
 service was blessed with a better, more competent, faithful 
 and kind hospital steward than was the n6th O. V. I. He 
 was neat and careful in the preparation of all prescriptions, 
 and as tender and kind in his treatment of patients as a 
 woman. Conscientious in a high degree, the charge of 
 misappropriation of hospital stores, so common at that time 
 among different commands, \vas never uttered against him. 
 As one after another of our surgeons or assistant surgeons 
 resigned or was taken away by disease or death, it was 
 confidently expected that Dr. Moran would be appointed to 
 fill the vacancy, but there were so many brave, patriotic 
 citizens of Ohio at home desirous of showing their love to 
 their country by serving her in positions where they could 
 draw handsome salaries and be out of the way of danger, 
 that no sooner was a position made vacant than scores of 
 these high priced patriots (?) stood ready to urge their 
 claims to the appointment, so that the true patriot, who had 
 responded to the call of his country and was serving faith 
 fully in the field, receiving almost nothing for his valuable 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 319 
 
 services, was overlooked, ignored. It was not till February 
 1 5th, 1865, that justice was done to Dr. Moran, his claims 
 to promotion were recognized and he was appointed to fill 
 the place of assistant surgeon of the regiment, then vacant; 
 but it was then too late. The regiment had sustained such 
 heavy losses during the campaign of 1864 that it was no 
 longer entitled to a full corps of surgeons, and James T. 
 Moran, after having served faithfully his country for three 
 years, much of the time doing double duty as hospital stew 
 ard and assistant surgeon of the regiment, was mustered 
 out of the service as Hospital Steward of the n6th O. V. I. 
 He resumed the practice of medicine in Ashtabula County, 
 Ohio, where he continued till the time of his death, July 
 nth, 1882. He left a wife and five children to mourn his 
 death. 
 
 MAJOR MILTON A. ELLIS. 
 
 At 6:30 p. M., Friday, November 9, 1883, in his 43d 
 year, Major Milton A. Ellis died quite suddenly at the 
 home of his parents in Racine, Ohio, of heart disease, from 
 which he had been suffering for over a year. He was ap 
 parently in good health an hour before his death. Major 
 Ellis was well known in Meigs County as a man of gener 
 ous impulses and unusually fine business qualifications. In 
 1862 he enlisted in the n6th O. V. I., where he was suc 
 cessively made Orderly Sergeant, Sergeant Major and Sec 
 ond Lieutenant of company F. He was then promoted to 
 a First Lieutenantcy and assigned to General Sheridan s 
 staff as chief of his signal corps, which position he filled 
 with much ability until the close of the war, when he was 
 brevetted Major. His superior officers speak only in terms 
 of praise of his military record. He was brave, earnest, re 
 liable, and never grumbled. His superior social gifts won 
 him the friendship of many of the high officers of the army. 
 After the war he became an agent for the Charter Oak 
 
I 
 
 32O ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 
 
 Life Insurance Company. He subsequently connected him 
 self with the business of W. A. Ellis & Co., at Racine, 
 where he continued until disease incapacitated him for work. 
 His remains were interred with Masonic honors at Letart, 
 Ohio. 
 
 MAJOR JOHN HULL. 
 
 Major John Hull was born May I2th, 1814, in the 
 State of Connecticut. His parents moved to Ohio when he 
 was about six years of age, and settled near Cincinnati. 
 His father died in 1822, and soon after his mother moved 
 to the vicinity of Nelsonville, in Athens County, where the 
 subject of this sketch continued to reside till his death. At 
 an early age he began to learn the trade of shoemakirig, 
 but afterwards served an apprenticeship to the trade of 
 house carpenter and became a competent and skillful \vork- 
 man. At the outbreak of the rebellion his impulse was to 
 join the ranks of those who took up arms to maintain the 
 integrity of the Government, but was restrained by the care 
 of a large family dependent upon him. In the summer of 
 1862, however, he received authority to recruit a company 
 for the n6th regiment O. V". I., and \vas subsequently 
 chosen Captain. He participated in every campaign the 
 regiment made, was in every battle in which it was en 
 gaged, and could always be found at his post of duty. At 
 the battle of Piedmont, Virginia, June 5th, 1864, he re 
 ceived an injury from the concussion of a shell that after 
 wards resulted in the loss of his left eye. During the win 
 ter of 1863-4, while the regiment was doing guard duty 
 along the B. & O. Railroad, Captain Hull was stationed 
 with his company at Back Creek. While here his skill as 
 a mechanic was called into requisition in the construction of 
 a block-house to be used in defense of that point. His oft- 
 repeated assertion that he was a "good carpenter" was 
 fully verified in the manner in which this work was done. 
 
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. I. 321 
 
 February 26th, 1865, he was commissioned Major of his 
 regiment, but owing to the death of a member of his family 
 and his inability to secure a leave of absence, he resigned, 
 and was mustered out of the service as Captain of his com 
 pany. Returning home, he resumed his former calling. 
 He died August i5th, 1883, respected by all for his hon 
 esty, integrity and many other good qualities. As a soldier 
 he was brave and prompt in the discharge of every duty. 
 
322 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTEENTH O. V. t. 
 
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 Taken prisoner at Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863; exchanged and returned to regi 
 ment November 5, 1863. 
 
 Captured at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged and 
 returned to regiment, November 2, 1863. 
 Captured at Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged and 
 returned to regiment, November 5, 1863. 
 
 Wounded in the arm at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863. 
 
 Captured at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged and 
 returned to regiment, November 11, 1863. 
 Wounded and taken prisoner at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; confined in Libby 
 Prison ; exchanged and returned to regiment, November 2, 1863. 
 Taken prisoner at Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged 
 October 2, 1863. 
 
 Captured at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged and 
 returned to regiment, November 5, 1863. 
 
 Wounded in right shoulder and captured at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; exchanged 
 and returned to regiment, November 2, 1863; was confined in Libby Prison. 
 Captured at Winchester, Va., June 14, 1863; confined in Libby Prison; exchanged and 
 returned to regiment, December 11, 1863. 
 
 Was wounded in leg and prisoner at Piedmont, Va , June 5, 1864 ; confined in prisons at 
 Andersonville, Ga , and Florence, S. C., from June 5, 1864, till February 24, 1865. 
 
 3SENT TO BE MUSTERED OUT. 
 
 Wounded at Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864; in hospital at Gallipolis, O., since June 15, 1864. 
 Wounded in leg at Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864; taken prisoner, exchanged and in hos 
 pital at Annapolis, M>., since November 25, 1864; was Corporal till June 15, 1863. 
 Wounded in hip at Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864; at Halltown in thigh, August 26, 1864; 
 at Hatchet s Run in foot, March 31, 1865; in Hospital at Fortress Monroe since April 
 1, 1865; was private till December 12, 1862. 
 
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 ->nt, Va., June 5, 1864, through breast; transferred to Veteran Re- 
 h 22, 1865. 
 Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863; transferred to Veteran Reserve 
 
 . 
 
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 egc, April 2, 1865; discharged on account ol wound, May 39, 1865. 
 r, 1863. 
 Winchester, June 15, 1863; exchanged and rejoined Company, Nov. 
 d April 4 1865, on account of wound received at Snicker s Ferry, 
 
 1865, on account of wound received at Cedar Creek, Oct. 13, 1864. 
 863. 
 Vinchester Va., June 15,1803; exchangee) and rejoined Company, 
 larged Jan. 7, 1865, on account of wounds received at Piedmont, 
 
 865, foi disability. 
 865. 
 Vinchester, Va,, June 15, 1863; exchanged and rejoined Company, 
 harged May 8, 1865. 
 
 
 inchester, Va., June 15, 1863; exchanged and sent to Harrisburg; 
 t Chambersburg, Pa., ol typhoid fever. 
 Vinchester, Va., June 15, 1863; killed in action at Piedmont, Va., 
 
 f chronic diarrhoea, at Cumberland, Md. 
 k, Oct. 13, 1864. 
 f wounds received in action at Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864. 
 fever, at Cumberland, Md. 
 e5, 1864, at Piedmont, Va. 
 wounds received in action at Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864. 
 typhoid fever, at Gallipolis hospital, Ohio. 
 fn) at Lynchburg, Va., of wounds received at Piedmont, Va., June 
 
 
 ounded at Piedm 
 serve Corps, Marc 
 iken prisoner at 
 Corps, Nov 4, 186-4 
 
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 27, 1862; First Sergeant, June 1. 
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 February 16, 1863; paroled I 
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 GENERAL HISTORY AND FINAL RECOR 
 
 ounded at Hatcher s Run ; in hospital at Fortress Monroe 
 
 >pointed Corporal, October 27, 1862; reduced March 31, 18 
 February 16, 1863 ; paroled February 17 ; returned for du 
 t Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864; leg amputated, 
 omoted to Corporal, December 31, 1864; on detached s( 
 Second Division 24th A. C. ; was awarded Medal of Hon< 
 special bravery at Fort Gregg, 
 ansferred from Company G to Company F, September 1, ] 
 ael Wildes; sick in hospital at Columbus, O. 
 ?k in General Hospital at Frederick, Md. ; wounded at Ce 
 pointed Corporal, October 17, 1862; reduced June SO, 18i 
 Va., February 16, 1863; never returned. 
 >pointed Corporal, November 1, 1862; reduced Decembei 
 smith in U. S. Signal. 
 
 DISCHARGED. 
 
 scharged at Camp Chase, O., March 30, 1863; captured 
 1863 ; paroled and sent to Camp Chase, O. 
 scharged from hospital at Cumberland, Md., May 30, 1863. 
 scharged from hospital at Cumberland, Md., April 1, 1864, 
 scharged at Camp Chase, O., March 15, 1864; appointed 
 L862 ; reduced May 31, 1863 ; captured at Winchester, V 
 turned to regiment, 
 scharged from hospital at Cumberland, Md., May 15, 1863 
 ^charged December 21, 1863, Camp Chase, O. ; captured 
 L863 ; returned March 19, 1863. 
 scharged April 1, 18<?3, Camp Chase, 0. ; captured near 
 L863 ; reported to camp and sent to Camp Chase, O. 
 scharged April 3, 1863, Camp Chase, O. ; captured near 
 L863 ; reported to camp and sent to Camp Chase, O, . 
 scharged March 31, 1863, General Hospital, Cumberland 
 October 27, 1862 ; reduced to ranks January 31 1863. 
 
 TRANSFERRED. 
 
 ansferred to Company H, January 1, 1863, order Lieutenai 
 ansferred to Company H, January 1, 1863; order Lieutena 
 
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 DESERTERS 
 
 Captured near Romne\ 
 and never returned. 
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 , Va., June 5, 1864. 
 
 >ek, Va., October 13, 1864. 
 taken at Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863. 
 war at Winchester, Va. June 15, 1863. 
 Ferry, Va., July 18, 1864. 
 Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863. 
 
 Winchester, Va., June 15, 1863. 
 
 irlough and awarded Medal of Honor for special bravery at Fort 
 1865. 
 
 ar Creek Va., October 19, 1864. 
 
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 eptember 22, 1864. 
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 per s Ferry lor desertion, 
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 21, 1865. 
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 Joseph Morrison 
 
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 ounded in thigh and taken p 
 V. R.C. 
 aken prisoner at Winchester, 
 September 3, 1864 ; transfern 
 ransferred to V. R. C. 
 ransferred to Company E, IK 
 nomoted to Commissary Serg 
 ransferred to field and staff b] 
 ransferred to Company E, 116 
 
 DISCHARGED. 
 
 scharged lor promotion in 18 
 ischarged on surgeon s certifi 
 scharged on surgeon s certif 
 scharged on surgeon s certifi 
 scharged by reason of accide 
 scharged on surgeon s certifi 
 iken prisoner at Winchester, 
 burg, Va., March 4, 1865. 
 ounded in arm at Piedmont, 
 
 DIED. 
 
 led at Martmsburg, Va., Octc 
 iken prisoner at Winchester 
 ruary 10, 1865, by falling of a 
 ounded in both legs at Piec 
 26, 1864, of wounds, 
 iken prisoner at Bunker H 
 Piedmont, Va., June 5, 1864; 
 
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 Hftrley Gilbert.. 
 Morgan Lady.... 
 Nathaniel Smitl 
 Ja :ob Wyckoff.. 
 
 
 Andrew O Cag! 
 Nelson B Clem^ 
 David L Groce 
 Edward Hands! 
 James Lindsey 
 George Lyons .. 
 George Sigler... 
 
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