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TA1I-GA1I-JUTE; 
 
 LOGAN AND CRESAP, 
 
 HISTORICAL ESSAY 
 
 BRANTZ MAYER. 
 
 ALBANY: 
 
 JOEL MUNSELL 
 
 1867. 
 
^c 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1867, 
 
 By Brantz Mayer, 
 
 In the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States, 
 
 for the District of Maryland. 
 
 » • • • 
 
 • • • • 
 
 • • • •' 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 I was invited in the spring of 1851 to deliver the Annual 
 Address before the Maryland Historical Society, and took 
 the story of Logan the Indian and Cresap the Pioneer, as 
 a subject worthy of elucidation. I adopted this subject, 
 not only because the history of Logan's speech, which has 
 given celebrity to both these persons, was likely to secure the 
 attention of an audience, but because, while it afforded an 
 opportunity to vindicate the reputation of a patriotic Mary- 
 lander, it enabled me also to expose the danger of con- 
 sidering as always unquestionable what are called the facts 
 of history, and to inculcate the caution with which we should 
 receive or record the condemnation of individuals. The 
 fact that this essay was originally intended for delivery 
 and not for the closet, will account for the oratorical style of 
 parts of the present publication. 
 
 For ninety years " Logan's speech " has been repeated by 
 every schoolboy and admired by every cultivated person as a 
 gem of masculine eloquence. Unluckily, it did not rehearse 
 the Indian's wrongs and revenge alone. It gave point to 
 its artless rhetoric by charging those wrongs, and imputing 
 the frightful results of that revenge, to Michael Cresap ; 
 and, in proportion as both were dreadful in character 
 
 220567 
 
IV 
 
 and poignant in statement, the hatred of mankind for the 
 alleged perpetrator became intense and lasting. The speech, 
 it is well known, was first published in the newspapers of 
 America in 1774, after Lord Dunmore's treaty at Camp 
 Charlotte j but its remarkable popularity was secured by the 
 importance given to it by Mr. Jefferson, as illustrating 
 Indian character and genius, by its publication, with com- 
 ments, in his Notes on Virginia. Accordingly, every Ameri- 
 can, and multitudes of educated Europeans, learned to pity 
 Logan and to hate the name of Cresap; yet Cresap certainly 
 never deserved their opprobrium, and it is quite possible 
 their sympathetic compassion for Logan might have been 
 considerably mitigated. 
 
 When I began my narrative I possessed sufficient proof to 
 exculpate the Maryland Pioneer completely; but the sub- 
 ject grew as I studied it; one authority pointed to another, 
 and one topic led me insensibly to kindred studies. Printed 
 works were soon exhausted, and manuscripts became neces- 
 sary and were obtained. I found it impossible to tell the 
 whole story with proper precision and breadth, without the 
 introduction of illustrative characters and events, so that 
 what was at first intended for a brief discourse, expanded 
 into a paper on the Pioneer life and Indian history of the 
 period. 
 
 The discourse, produced with all the care I could bestow 
 on it in the two months allowed for its preparation, was read 
 to the society on the 15th of May, 1851, and was printed 
 in a small edition for private circulation among our members 
 and their friends. From the nature of the facts newly 
 disclosed, its publication in this manner excited more atten- 
 
tion than I expected, so that the edition was soon exhausted 
 by the demands of historical collectors. It has been long 
 out of print. Lately, new illustrative information, in con- 
 siderable quantity, has been received by me, which may be 
 judiciously added; and a fresh edition being asked for, I 
 have carefully revised the whole and recast some of the pas- 
 sages, so as to give the paper — what in truth it should have 
 had in the beginning — the character of a historical essay, 
 rather than an oration. 
 
 The main authorities for the thorough vindication of Mi- 
 chael Cresap's memory, are the extremely rare little volume 
 of Jacob's Life of Cresap, published in 1826, at Cumber- 
 land, Maryland, and the letter of General George Rogers 
 Clark, published in the first edition of my discourse, but now 
 first printed from the original MS. in appendix No. 1, of this 
 volume. In the edition of this narrative published in 1851, 
 General Clark's letter was printed as sent to me by Mr. Ly- 
 man C. Draper. It was then charitably surmised that Mr. 
 Jefferson, for whose enlightenment the letter was writ- 
 ten, had never received this vindication, inasmuch as he 
 neither published nor alluded to it in any edition of his Notes 
 on Virginia, issued after the veracity of Logan's speech was 
 attacked by Luther Martin, the eminent attorney general of 
 Maryland. But the belief entertained in 1851 became no 
 longer possible, when it was discovered, a few years ago, that 
 Mr. Jefferson's manuscript collections, deposited in the depart- 
 ment of state at Washington, not only contained the origi- 
 nal letter of General George Rogers Clark to Dr. Brown, 
 vindicating Cresap, but also, Dr. Brown's letter to Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, under date of Sept., 4th, 1798, transmitting the paper 
 
VI 
 
 to the distinguished statesman, two years be/ore he published 
 his testimony in regard to the Logan speech in the appendix 
 to his Notes on Virginia, issued in 1800. 
 
 It would be useless to speculate on the causes of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's failure to insert or allude to this letter, for all who 
 could speak authoritatively on the subject, are long since 
 dead. Martin, who was married to a daughter of Capt. 
 Michael Cresap, had attacked Jefferson severely for the slur 
 on his father-in-law's memory ; but Martin was a federalist. 
 Jefferson had felt the sting of Martin's publications against 
 him, as is shown in his letter to Governor Henry, of Mary- 
 land j but Jefferson was a democrat. It is not improbable 
 that party feeling — then quite as venomous as in later 
 days — may have swayed Jefferson's mind from the justice 
 that should govern historians in regard to even the humblest 
 of whom they write. His omission of this letter is more 
 remarkable and less pardonable, because General Clark had 
 said, " I shall relate the incidents that gave rise to Logan's 
 suspicion, and will enable Mr. Jefferson to do justice to him- 
 self and the Cresap family, by being made fully acquainted 
 with the factsP But the cautious warning seems to have 
 been disregarded; for in 1800, Cresap had been already 
 twenty-four years in his grave; while the minute, cumula- 
 tive, lawyer-like pleadings of Appendix iv, to the Notes 
 on Virginia, though slightly modifying the original charge, 
 still tended to exhibit Cresap in an odious light, and to show 
 the rankling of personal animosity. Indeed, the suppression 
 is rather to be regretted on Mr. Jefferson's account than 
 Cresap's. For, though the original manuscript of General 
 Clark's complete exculpation of the Pioneer, appears only 
 
Vll 
 
 at this late day, the place in which it is detected, discloses 
 the statesman's decided reluctance to justify the dead, even 
 under friendly monition and invocation. It is a sad pic- 
 ture of the infirmity of a nature which was not proof against 
 political passion, and was known to be ambitious, at least, of 
 seeming to be never mistaken. 
 
 The exceptions taken by a few critics to my first publica- 
 tion of this narrative, were two-fold. It was thought by 
 some, that I had written too much as an advocate of Cresap, 
 and so placed him higher in the scale than he deserved ; 
 and by others, that I had, perhaps unconsciously, attempted 
 to underrate the character of Logan. My intention was to 
 do neither. I had no personal interest in the Pioneer or 
 his family. I did not even know his kindred or descend- 
 ants j while, I confess, it was hard to free my mind from its 
 early, habitual sympathy with the Indian, so as to write of 
 him with pure and simple justice. I hope, therefore, I have 
 not been, either in my original publication, or the present 
 one, the attorney of Cresap, or the slanderer of Logan. 
 Both these persons are to be measured by the standards of 
 their time and place, for both were representative men. 
 Civilization is to be mercifully and charitably — if not 
 always justly — weighed in the balance of its particular time 
 and locality. Let us consider these. 
 
 The time was nearly a century ago ; the place a wilder- 
 ness in America ; the actors, an untutored child of that 
 wilderness, on the one hand, and a child of the nascent 
 frontier civilization, on the other hand. What was the 
 measure of that civilization ? It may even shock us a little 
 
Vlll 
 
 to contemplate the civilization of much more modern 
 times. Pure civilization, which will be the manifestation of 
 universal obedience to Grod's law, has never existed. It 
 will be remembered that imprisonment for debt was allowed 
 by us, within the recollection of people who are still young : 
 that the disabilities of the Jews have not been long removed 
 in all parts of America and enlightened England, while 
 there are parts of the world — not in heathendom — in 
 which the Israelites are still locked up at night-fall, in the 
 quarters of the cities they inhabit. We must recollect that 
 the Florida war occurred within the last three decades; 
 that Utah, with its tolerated abominations of Mormonism, 
 is growing into a power under our eyes; and lastly, it 
 is not " beyond the memory of man/' that human slavery 
 existed in the United States, and that doctors of divinity 
 unfrocked themselves to fight in its defence. We are, 
 therefore, not to pride ourselves conceitedly on the mascu- 
 line civilization of our time, which affects to look disdain- 
 fully on Maryland and Massachusetts, whose statutes, in 
 colonial days, offered bounties for Indian scalps. 
 
 Ninety years ago, the ideas and purposes of frontier-men 
 were primitive and precautionary. It was an armed society 
 of hunting agriculturists. Men ploughed the fields with 
 their rifles slung over their shoulders. The Pioneer, axe 
 in hand, wanted the land denuded of forest for cultivation. 
 The Indian wanted the same land covered with forest, for 
 his game. It was the direct conflict between enterprise 
 getting bread by labor, and idleness getting food by luck. 
 Of course, the Pioneer was the intrusive aggressor j the 
 Indian, the conservative protector ; the former, compara- 
 
IX 
 
 tively few in numbers, and forced to be prompt and wary ; 
 the latter numerous, and fearing not only the superior wea- 
 pons of his foe, but the organization and discipline, which 
 together made the comparatively few equal to the greater 
 number. " What was called the frontier," says a writer 
 who was familiar with the border life of America in the 
 middle of the eighteenth century, " was constantly changing 
 and diverging westwards, so that the habits and feelings of 
 the people remained the same many miles eastward, after the 
 frontier was changed. Our frontier inhabitants were con- 
 stantly exposed to a predatory war with the Indians, not 
 embodied as an army publicly invading our country, but as 
 a predatory banditti, attacking individuals and families, 
 remote from a dense population. These attacks were often 
 at night, or just at break of day; sometimes killing all the 
 family, at others only a part, namely, the men and small 
 children, leading the women and elder children captives, 
 but, I believe, always burning the houses, and stealing the 
 horses." In my own family, there are records of brutal 
 outrages on its members in Western Virginia, in which the 
 living were slaughtered while in the act of performing the 
 rites of sepulture to their offspring in their forest homes, 
 and even the dead were torn from the coffin, and hung on 
 trees for the sake of the trophy scalp. 
 
 In truth, the natures as well as the purposes of the two 
 antagonistic races that were constantly bordering on each 
 other, were so completely inharmonious and irreconcilable, 
 that the life of the resolute and exasperated Pioneer was 
 concentrated on the impulse to get rid of Indians with as 
 little compunction as if they had been vermin. Indeed, 
 
with many of the early adventurers, there was but little dif- 
 ference between a savage and a snake. The legislation of 
 the time was also a picture of public necessity and opinion, 
 while its bounties and rewards for scalps, were direct 
 invitations to private warfare against what was called in 
 the statutes, our " Indian enemies." 
 
 Such was the meagre civilization of the frontier, when 
 Cresap and Logan lived. On both sides, abstinence from 
 revenge seems to have been considered dangerous timidity, 
 or acknowledged fear. And so, Logan was a savage of his 
 day, while Cresap's merit must rest on his personal history, 
 as set forth herein, cleared entirely of the stain of wanton 
 cruelty, and on his devotion to the cause of his country of 
 which he was one of the earliest and bravest defenders. He 
 died in its service, out-ranking several of the Marylanders, 
 who afterwards became generals during the revolutionary 
 war. 
 
 Baltimore, 1867. 
 
INTRODUCTORY 
 
 If we look on the map at the portion of this 
 continent occupied by us at present, we are 
 amazed at the vast expansion of our territorial 
 limits within much less than one hundred years. 
 In the middle of the last century the British 
 dominions in America were but a fringe upon the 
 Atlantic shores. Beginning in the Bay of Fundy 
 their outline ran south-westwardly skirting the 
 eastern shore of Lake Ontario until it touched 
 the northern spurs of the Alleghanies, and then, 
 descending along the slopes of those mountains, 
 struck the northernmost angle of Florida, and 
 finally terminated on the Atlantic at the mouth 
 of the Alatamaha. The average breadth of this 
 scant region was not more than five degrees. 
 West and north-west were the vast primeval 
 forests, the gigantic lakes and rivers, claimed, by 
 
the French, as Canada and the Province of Lou- 
 isiana ; while south, on the Gulf of Mexico and 
 the Atlantic, stretched the romantic shores of 
 Florida, under the dominion of Spain. It was 
 not until the epoch of the Indian troubles, of 
 which I am about to speak, and on the eve of 
 our revolutionary war, that the Ohio became 
 the recognized boundary between the white and 
 the red man ; and he who now entering one of 
 those floating palaces of the western waters at 
 Pittsburgh, descends the Ohio to the Mississippi, 
 and the Mississippi to the Gulf, can hardly 
 believe that within less than ninety years, the 
 whole of this magnificent region, where the pro- 
 gress of trade has not effaced all traces of ro- 
 mantic nature, was still a dreary and dangerous 
 wilderness, tenanted by wild beasts or by human 
 beings almost as savage. There are men still 
 living who recollect the incidents of Indian war- 
 fare in Maryland, Pennsylvania, or Virginia, 
 and can recount the escape, or the death of some 
 ancestor by the tomahawk and scalping knife. 
 There are those amongst us, too, whose hair is 
 still unsilvered, who may remember their sport 
 
3 
 
 as boys in watching the straggling Indians, — 
 half beggars, half bandits, — who every winter 
 thronged our streets, but whose only use of the 
 bow and the arrow was to win the pennies we ven- 
 tured in order to test the sureness of their aim. 
 But where is the far west, which in those 
 days was spoken of as something mysteriously 
 indefinite, — as something denoting perils of jour- 
 ney and of Indian cruelty ? It was then that 
 we had still territorial boundaries to settle with 
 Britain, and titles as well as rights to adj ust with 
 stubborn tribes. It was then that the far-seeing 
 and comprehensive merchant, laid the founda- 
 tion of his wealth, by tracking the beaver in its 
 wildest haunts in Oregon. It was then that 
 California was remembered as a field of roman- 
 tic missionary labor, cherished under Mexican 
 viceroys, but as a land of abandoned enterprise. 
 It was then that our young and restless spirits 
 sought the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi as 
 homes which were beginning to be redeemed 
 from the hunter and the savage. That was the 
 far west of those days. But now, strange 
 names salute our ears, sounding no more of In- 
 
dian conquests, but commemorative monuments 
 of victories over civilized men. We have aban- 
 doned an Indian nomenclature and adopted the 
 calendar of Christian saints. Sante Fe, the Rio 
 Bravo del Norte, — the Colorado of the West, — 
 the Pecos, — the Gila, — the valleys of San 
 Juan and Santa Clara, — the plains of the Sa- 
 cramento and San Joaquin, and the upland Vale 
 at the foot of Mount Shastl; — the Great Basin, 
 around whose saline waters the Mormons have 
 settled ; — Monterey, — San Francisco, — San 
 Diego, — Chrysopolae or the Golden Gates, — 
 the lately ceded Russian territory, — and last 
 of all, the Pacific, itself, for an acknowledged 
 boundary, and the Isthmus for a highway. 
 There is, no longer, a far west. States, now 
 planting on the brink of the Pacific and washed 
 by its surge, curb, in that direction, the utmost 
 possible limit of our dominion. Gold, in appa- 
 rently inexhaustible quantities, has magnetically 
 attracted an immense population in the brief 
 space of twenty years. The first great experi- 
 ment of planting the Anglo-Saxon race on the 
 Pacific, facing the Indies, with a clear and short 
 
highway in front, is no longer a problem to be 
 solved. The tide of emigration sets no more 
 exclusively from east to west, but rapidly ebbs 
 and surges backward, as China, Hindustan, the 
 Australian colonies, the Pacific islands, the 
 Chilian, Peruvian, and Mexican states, pour 
 their motley crowds of eager immigrants along 
 the whole coast from the Gila to the Columbia. 
 The icy tops of the Sierra Nevada are passed, 
 and the great upland Basin of Utah becomes 
 the thoroughfare of traders, pilgrims, and cara- 
 vans from the far east. Through the wilder- 
 ness to Sante Ee, and thence along the southern 
 passes of the mountains, other crowds press each 
 other, to and fro, on the path of the modern 
 Ophir. And thus, in the progress of a few brief 
 years, the swollen tides of humanity, bursting 
 the barriers of the Alleghanies from the east 
 and of the Nevada from the west, must at last 
 meet and mingle in the great valley of the 
 Mississippi, which is destined to become the cen- 
 tral mart of our mighty union. 
 
6 
 
 In God's genial providence of gradually open- 
 ing the resources of this world for the progress 
 of mankind there is the most perfect accommo- 
 dation to the enlarging wants and capacities of 
 our race. Every thing is not disclosed at once. 
 The good, the desirable, the necessary, are 
 hidden in the earth's secret places, and the task 
 of laborious enterprise is imposed on man for 
 their discovery and useful preparation. Yet, 
 marvellous as are the modern developments of 
 industry, of science, and, sometimes even, of 
 apparent chance, there is no exhaustion in these 
 resources, for new means of success seem to 
 keep constant pace with each new labor and en- 
 terprise. Our beneficent Father works out his 
 wonderful schemes by human agents not by 
 miracles. Humanity, with all its virtues and 
 all its sins, is charged with the noble task of 
 free development, and thus the results become 
 the work of man and are made the trials and 
 tests of his responsibility. 
 
 The old world became crowded, and space 
 was required in which the cramped and burdened 
 
millions might find room for industry and inde- 
 pendence, — and a new continent was suddenly 
 disclosed for their occupation. The old political 
 systems of Europe and of the Eastern nations 
 decayed in consequence of the encroachments 
 of power made despotic by corruption or force, — 
 and a virgin country was forthwith opened as a 
 refuge for the oppressed masses, in which the 
 principle of absolute political and religious free- 
 dom might be tried without any convulsive 
 effort to cast off, the fetters of feudalism. The 
 labor of man, even in this new world, began to 
 strip commercial countries of their forests, or 
 made them too valuable for fuel, — and suddenly 
 the heart of the earth is found to be veined 
 with minerals which will save, for nobler pur- 
 poses, the majestic woods that shade and shelter 
 the surface. Coal thus becomes the most potent 
 agent in commercial development, for, without 
 it, the seas could not be traversed with the ra- 
 pidity and certainty exacted by modern wants. 
 The increasing industry and invention of the 
 large populations of various countries, required, 
 either a greater amount of capital to represent 
 
8 
 
 their productions, or a new standard of value 
 for the precious metals already in circulation, — 
 and, at once, apparently by mere accident, an 
 adventurer discovered amid the rocks and rivers 
 of the Pacific coast, a golden region in which the 
 fabled sands of Pactolus are realized. At last, 
 even steam itself becomes too slow for mankind, 
 and human skill, chaining magnetism to its pur- 
 poses and lacing the earth with its wires, em- 
 broiders the whole world with the electricity of 
 thought. Soon, the railway will girdle the 
 continent. But all these vast storehouses of 
 invention, comfort and wealth, are not placed 
 at our doors, in the midst of civilization, ready 
 to be grasped, comprehended or used with 
 equal ease by the dainty idler or the patient 
 worker. Far away in distant regions they lie, 
 amid forests and perils. Far away, in lands 
 which are reached by tedious travel, requiring 
 the renewal of hope in desponding hearts, and 
 renewal of energy in broken men. There they 
 repose, — long concealed and wisely garnered 
 temptations, — to be discovered at the appropri- 
 ate moment in the world's progress, and to lead 
 

 
 man thither as the founder of new fields of 
 human industry. 
 
 In this gradual development of the earth three 
 classes of persons have always been needed : — 
 the Discoverer, the Conqueror, and the Pioneer. 
 Emigration is the overflowing of a bitter cup. 
 Men do not leave their native lands and kindred 
 for the perils of the wilderness, or for a country 
 with which they have no community of laws, 
 language, or present interest, unless poverty or 
 bad government crowds them into the forest. 
 When the Discoverer and the Conqueror have 
 found the land and partly tamed the savage, the 
 Pioneer advances into their field of relinquished 
 enterprise, and his task partakes, in some 
 degree, of the dangers incurred by both his pre- 
 decessors. He is always a lover and seeker of 
 independence, and generally pursues it with a 
 laudable desire to improve his lot; yet the 
 perfect exercise of this independence sometimes 
 becomes selfishly exclusive. Its essence, in our 
 country, is the complete self-reliance of the one 
 man or the one family. This spirit of social, 
 
10 
 
 political, and industrial independence, occasion- 
 ally becomes wild, impatient and uncontrollable. 
 Its mildest exhibition under such circumstances, 
 is in rude manners or wayward lawlessness, 
 which outraged neighborhoods are wont summa- 
 rily to redress. True civilized liberty does not 
 countenance such mockers of justice within its 
 pale, and thus there are multitudes who go 
 voluntarily and wisely into new lands, while 
 other heedless or worthless crowds are scourged 
 by society into the forest. Slowly and surely 
 are these elements of new states gathered, 
 purged, and crystalized around the centres of 
 modern civilization. Hope, ambition, misery, 
 avarice, adventure, noble purpose, drive off im- 
 patient men who will not be satisfied with the 
 slow accretions of wealth in the old com- 
 munities. They require fortune and posi- 
 tion by a leap. Independence demands space for 
 the gigantic inspirations of its vast lungs, and 
 flies headlong into the forest. The wandering 
 woodsman or hunter gathers his brothers in 
 armed masses for protection amid this chaos of 
 unorganized freedom, and they support each other 
 
11 
 
 cheerfully in seasons of danger or disease. But 
 the social law of humanity vindicates itself 
 against the eager spirit of perfect independence. 
 Wherever man who has once either drained or 
 sipped the cup of civilization is found, there 
 must he be fed and clothed, nor does he cease 
 to yearn for the relinquished luxuries, amuse- 
 ments, or comforts of the home he abandoned 
 beyond the eastern mountains. Wherever man 
 goes, man's representative, — money, — pursues 
 him ; and secretly he longs for the pleasing 
 results of that civilization which he feigns to 
 despise. Thus the Pioneer may be said to bait 
 the forest like a trap, for the Trader. Taking 
 up the conflict with the Indian where the Con- 
 queror left it, he at once subdues the soil and 
 the savage. The Farmer, at length, plants him- 
 self on the land that the Hunter wrests from 
 the Indian. The Merchant covers with his 
 sails the seas that were scourged by the Pirate. 
 The dollar dulls the edge of the bowie-knife. 
 Where the Pioneer treads, the Missionary fol- 
 lows. Element by element, civilization drops 
 in. Peace, like a cooling shadow, follows the 
 
12 
 
 blaze of war ; and the law of God, vindicating 
 by its ultimate success, the merit of peace, whose 
 triumphs are the only true ones, plants the for- 
 est with cities, and that which was wildly won 
 is quietly and permanently enjoyed. 
 
 Our habitual and perhaps almost necessary 
 devotion to the Present in a country where pro- 
 perty is so little treasured or transmitted in 
 families, and our prying anxiety to know the 
 secrets of the future, have made us too heedless 
 of the memory of the Past. Our law of history, 
 like our law of property, not only prevents an 
 entail of our accumulations, but the Past and 
 the Present may be said to disinherit the Future, 
 or to leave few legacies. Yet I have ven- 
 tured to hope that it would not be uninteresting 
 to Marylanders, if I spoke to them of the days 
 that are gone, and endeavored, by a glimpse of 
 our " scant antiquity, " to display the romantic 
 story of some of our own people who were 
 among the first in Lord Baltimore's province to 
 mark the pioneer progress towards the west. 
 Maryland, thrust geographically as a wedge 
 
13 
 
 between the great provinces of Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia, was among the earliest to furnish 
 her quota of stalwart foresters, who in their con- 
 tests with the Indian, prepared themselves for 
 the subsequent conflict with England in the war 
 of Independence. 
 
 It will be remembered that it was only a few 
 years after Pontiac's war that small detach- 
 ments of whites had crept westward through the 
 defiles of the Alleghanies and along the princi- 
 pal paths, the northernmost of which converged 
 at old Fort Du Quesne or Pitt, whilst the south- 
 ernmost led to the fountains of the Holston and 
 the Clinch. A town was laid out on the east 
 bank of the Monongahela within two hundred 
 yards of Fort Pitt, and, for seventy miles above 
 it, a route had been cut through the wilderness 
 to Ked-Stone Old Fort, near the mouth of 
 Dunlop's creek, now the site of Brownsville. 
 
 As late as 1774, Virginia still claimed by 
 virtue of her charter, all the territory between 
 the parallels of 36° 30' and 39° 40' north lati- 
 tude, from the margin of the Atlantic due west 
 
14 
 
 to the Mississippi, and thus enclosed within her 
 assumed limit, not only the region which at 
 present is comprised in Kentucky, but also the 
 southern half of Illinois, one third of Ohio, and 
 an extensive part of western Pennsylvania. 1 
 Settlements had been planted upon most of the 
 eastern branches of the Monongahela, the You- 
 ghiogeny, and on the small eastern tributaries 
 of the upper Ohio, for one hundred and twenty 
 miles below Pittsburgh, as well as on the sources 
 of the Greenbrier, the little Kanawha and Elk 
 river, west of the mountains, — embracing in 
 these districts, the north western counties of 
 Virginia and the south western of Pennsylvania 
 as at present defined. Pittsburgh was claimed 
 as a frontier town of Virginia, while the southern 
 settlements, on the tributaries of the Mononga- 
 hela, were held to belong to the same province. 
 
 1 It Beems clear that by her new and enlarged charter of 
 1609, the limits of Virginia were to extend "from Sea to Sea, 
 west and north west." — 1 Land Laws of the U. S., p. 405. 
 It is also clear that Great Britain did not, at the peace of 
 1763, lay claim to the French and Spanish settlements 
 west of the Mississippi j nor, did our commissioners at the 
 peace of Paris in 1783. 
 
15 
 
 Yet the vast region south of the little Kanawha 
 and westward thence to the Mississippi, with 
 but slight exceptions, was a wilderness held by 
 savages. The lonely ? isolated settlements of 
 a few poor, ignorant French colonists on the 
 Wabash and Illinois rivers, had, it is true, 
 fallen under British dominion, after the peace 
 of Paris, but these immigrants were scarcely 
 regarded as British subjects, and were held as out- 
 lying foreign military colonists, many hundred 
 miles in advance of civilization, having but little 
 interest or sympathy with the pioneers who 
 penetrated the wilderness from Virginia, Penn- 
 sylvania or Maryland. 
 
 The French and Indian wars and the true 
 pioneer spirit which characterized so many Ame- 
 ricans at that day, had sprinkled this rough 
 woodland region with enterprizing traders, hunt- 
 ers, and agriculturists, and with brave women 
 w T ho were proper mates for men stamped with 
 such energy and fortitude in the iron mintage 
 of border trial. The majority of this class was 
 hardy and virtuous, though, as in all frontier 
 
16 
 
 communities, the honest and daring were fol- 
 lowed by miscreants willing either to shelter 
 themselves from law in the wilderness, or to en- 
 counter the risks of a wild life without caring 
 for ultimate results. The pioneer was a liberal 
 and hospitable being, for he appreciated the 
 loneliness and discomforts of his own perilous 
 lot, and was prompt to ameliorate the condition 
 of all who ventured beyond the Alleghanies. 
 His fringed and fanciful hunting shirt, which 
 may still be found among the mountains of our 
 own Cumberland, — his deer-skin leggins, — his 
 gaily embroidered moccasins — his tomahawk 
 and scalping knife, — his bullet pouch, powder 
 horn, and ready rifle, — made up his personal 
 equipments of comfort and defence. He was a 
 picturesque being as he was seen descending 
 the slopes of the mountains or relieved against 
 the blue sky or the dark shadows of the forest. 
 In this lonely region no mechanics were to 
 be hired, and every pioneer was obliged to do 
 his own work or possess within his family the 
 necessary laborers in the field or at the plough, 
 the loom, and the anvil. His gun was in con- 
 
17 
 
 stant use against the Indian as well as the bear 
 and the deer. Yet never was he an ungenerous 
 neighbor when a new cabin was to be erected 
 for an immigrant, or a crop to be gathered for 
 the friend or stranger who inhabited his district. 
 The " husking match " and the " log rolling " are 
 distinctly recorded among the kindly memorials 
 of early settlements in those days when the 
 genuine cabin, made without nails, mortar or 
 bricks, was the home of many an ancestry that 
 has given rulers to our Union. A common 
 danger cemented these forest settlements in a 
 bond of mutual defence and interest. It was a 
 life of incessant wariness or of peril to be encoun- 
 tered; and thus, mutual dependence and the 
 fear of the savage, formed the best police of the 
 pioneer, for it warned off weak and irresolute 
 interlopers, and permitted none but the hardy 
 and faithful to abide in the forest. 
 
 Nor were these men so improvident as to omit 
 strengthening themselves, not only by acts of 
 faith and friendship, but by supplying their bands 
 with forts, block houses, and stations, erected 
 of massive logs and slabs, proof against bullets, 
 
18 
 
 and built around or near a never-failing spring. 
 These defences, constructed at points easy of 
 access as places of refuge to a whole neighbor- 
 hood of agriculturists or hunters, were perfect 
 safe guards against a foe who had no artillery ; 
 yet, were rarely tenanted unless at periods of 
 general alarm, or when the pioneers left their 
 farms in the spring upon the announcement of 
 some Indian murder in the vicinity. 
 
 These adopted children of the wilderness were, 
 of course, not unskilled in wood craft. The stars, 
 the sun, the bark of trees were their guides. 
 The weather informed the settler whether he 
 was to encounter his game for the day on the 
 mountain tops, the hill sides or in the valleys ; 
 and when the buck was slain, skinned, and 
 dressed, the early night was passed in glee and 
 story around the fire of his joyous hunting 
 camp. Witchcraft was firmly believed by 
 many of them ; for strange sights and sounds, 
 and a lonely life, gave play to the imagination 
 or to the recollection of old superstitions learned 
 in infancy. Singing, dancing, shooting the rifle, 
 throwing the tomahawk, wrestling, and all ath- 
 
19 
 
 letic or manly sports, formed the constant diver- 
 sions of the settlers when they were at leisure on 
 holidays; while the most boisterous merriment 
 prevailed at wedding frolics, or at the house- 
 warming of the forest bride and her gallant 
 groom. Lawyers were unknown in these rough 
 and simple communities, yet a strong moral sense 
 and the stern demands of necessity as well as of 
 duty, preserved rights and interests in regions 
 where no man could afford to be idle. Debts 
 were seldom incurred. Laziness, dishonesty, and 
 ill-fame roused the general public opinion of the 
 settlement. Thieves were flogged. Personal 
 disputes were settled by battles with fists, after 
 which the parties became reconciled ; and evil 
 men, in the emphatic language of the day, were 
 hated out of the neighborhood. 
 
 The wants of these backwoodsmen required 
 an annual visit to the east, and every autumn 
 associations were formed for the yearly caravan, 
 which, with its long trains of horses, bearing pel- 
 tries and Indian ware, might be heard tinkling 
 its bells in the forests or along the mountain 
 defiles as it wound its way to Hagerstown, Old 
 
20 
 
 Town, Cumberland and Baltimore, to exchange 
 the products of the wilderness for salt, iron, lead 
 and powder. 1 
 
 With these brief sketches of the land and in- 
 habitants of that part of the North American 
 wilderness which was most closely connected 
 with Maryland just before the revolution, I shall 
 proceed to delineate the deeds and career of some 
 individuals whose names are linked with our 
 state's story by romantic incidents which I 
 believe have been and continue to be inaccurately 
 recorded by American historians. 
 
 1 See Rev. Dr. Doddridge's Notes on the Settlement and 
 the Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Penn- 
 sylvania, from 1763 to 1783, Wellsburg, Va., 1824; — and 
 Loudon's Indian Wars, Carlisle, Pa., 1808. 
 
TA-GAH-JUTE, 
 
 LOGAN AND C RE SAP 
 
 The father of Captain Michael Cresap who has 
 been portrayed as the instigator if not one of the 
 chief actors in the alleged murder of the Indian 
 Logan's family in the early part of 1774, — emi- 
 grated from Yorkshire, England, to America, 
 when he was about fifteen years of age . We know 
 nothing of his intervening career until fifteen 
 years after, when he married a Miss Johnson, and 
 settled either at or near Havre de Grace, on the 
 Susquehannah. He was emphatically, a poor 
 man ; so poor, indeed, according to the family 
 legends, that being involved in debt to the extent 
 of nine pounds, currency, he was obliged soon after 
 his inopportune marriage, to depart for the south 
 in order to improve his fortune. He left his young 
 wife in Maryland, and hastening to Virginia 
 
22 
 
 became acquainted with the Washington family, 
 and rented from it a good farm, with the inten- 
 tion of removing finally to the flourishing colony. 
 But on returning to Maryland he found that he 
 had become a father, and that his resolute wife 
 was loth to quit the Susquehannah for the Poto- 
 mac. Accordingly, like a docile husband, he 
 submitted to her whim, and contriving to free 
 himself from debt, removed still higher up on the 
 river to Wright's ferry, opposite the town of 
 Columbia, where he obtained a Maryland title 
 for five hundred acres of land. Unfortunately, 
 however, for the settler, this was disputed ground, 
 and as it was soon claimed under a Pennsylvania 
 title a border war occurred, in which Cresap 
 espoused the cause of Lord Baltimore with as 
 much zeal as the Pennsylvanians sustained that 
 of Penn. His enemies regarding him as a power- 
 ful foe, seem to have resorted to the basest means 
 to rid themselves of his presence. An Indian 
 was hired to assassinate him in his own house ; 
 yet, won by his kindness and hospitality, the 
 savage disclosed the plot and was pardoned for 
 the meditated crime. At length, however, a 
 
23 
 
 regular battle took place between the factionists, 
 and Cresap's party having wounded several of 
 Penn's partizans gained the day and kept the 
 field. 
 
 Nevertheless, the Pennsylvania warriors soon 
 rallied their discomfited forces and besieged the 
 fort in which the Marylander had entrenched 
 himself. But the stalwart Cresap held out 
 bravely against all comers, though he was 
 singled as the special victim of the assailants. 
 Nevertheless, in time, he deemed it advisable to 
 seek aid from his neighbors ; and as his eldest 
 boy, Daniel, was at this time, about ten years 
 old, he dispatched the young forester in the 
 night to obtain the required succor. The frontier 
 stripling, apt as he already was in the ways of 
 the wilderness, could not, however, elude the 
 vigilant besiegers, and being taken captive, 
 endeavored to destroy the hostile clan while 
 assembled around the fire, by casting therein its 
 whole stock of powder which he found tied up in 
 a handkerchief. Fortunately for the party, he was 
 detected in time to escape the disastrous explosion. 
 
 If the young Cresap was unable to blow up 
 
24 
 
 his father's assailants, the elder was well nigh 
 doomed to the fate his son had designed for the 
 followers of Penn. The besiegers finding that 
 they could not dislodge the stubborn Yorkshire- 
 man from his lair, determined to set fire to the 
 roof and thus to roast him out of his fortress ! 
 No terms of capitulation were offered ; and as 
 Cresap disdained to ask his life at their hands, 
 he rushed to the door, and wounding the sentinel, 
 escaped to his boat. But here, surrounded by 
 superior numbers, he was seized, overpowered, 
 bound, and thrown into the skiff. Nevertheless, 
 as his captors were conveying him across the 
 Susquehannah in the dark, he contrived, not- 
 withstanding his ligatures, to elbow one of the 
 guard into the water. The Pennites, in the 
 darkness, mistaking their companion for Cresap, 
 beset him, forthwith, with oars and poles, nor 
 was it until the lusty cries and rich brogue 
 of the unfortunate Irishman undeceived them, 
 that he was relieved from the beating and the 
 bath. Passing through Columbia to Lancaster, 
 Cresap was heavily manacled ; but even then, 
 lifting his arms as soon as the work was done, 
 
25 
 
 he smote the smith on the head with his ironed 
 hands and leveled him to the ground. Never- 
 theless, he was effectually a prisoner and was 
 borne off in triumph to Philadelphia, where the 
 streets, doors and windows were thronged with 
 spectators to see the Maryland monster, who 
 taunted the crowd by exclaiming half in earnest 
 half in derision : — " Why this is the finest city 
 in the Province of Maryland ! " 
 
 The Pennsylvanians at length became weary 
 of their sturdy and audacious guest, yet he 
 would not depart until released by order of 
 the king, after suffering probably more than a 
 year's confinement. 1 In the meantime, his 
 family sought shelter in an Indian town on the 
 Codorus, near York, where it was hospitably 
 entertained until his return. Finding his old 
 
 1 See Jacob's Life of Oresap, p. 25. The most complete 
 details of these border difficulties, will be found in the 
 manuscripts and records preserved at Annapolis in the Mary- 
 land State library; in Rupp's History of York County, Pa., 
 p. 547 to 563 ) and in Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, 
 p. 200 et seq., and p. 209 et seq. of the second volume ; in a 
 sketch of the boundary dispute and hostilities growing out 
 of it from 1728 to 1737, betwixt Lord Baltimore and the 
 
26 
 
 neighborhood too dangerous or disagreeable, he 
 soon removed to a valuable farm at Antietam; 
 and as it was a frontier post, in advance of white 
 population, he built, over a beautiful spring, a 
 stone house which was half dwelling and half 
 fortress. 
 
 He seems to have possessed the deserved con- 
 fidence of some of the most respectable families 
 of Maryland; for in this new settlement, he 
 commenced trading, partly on a borrowed capi- 
 tal of £500 which he obtained from Mr. Dulany. 
 But unluckily his venture of skins and furs, sent 
 to England, was lost in a ship captured by the 
 French, and he was thus compelled to begin the 
 world anew for the third time. Yet his honest 
 heart did not fail under renewed misfortunes. 
 He offered his land, consisting of about 1,400 
 
 Penns. Cresap was an ardent partisan of the Maryland 
 proprietor, and acted with great vigor in defense of his own 
 and his lord's rights or demands. See, also, Gordon's 
 Hist. Penna , 221. Gordon and Day are brief, while Proud 
 is silent. Cresap was released in consequence of an order 
 from the king in council commanding both parties to 
 refrain from further violence, to drop all prosecutions, and 
 to discharge their respective prisoners on bail/' 
 
27 
 
 acres, to Dulany, in payment of his debt ; and 
 being thus stripped of nearly all his worldly 
 possessions, he removed, about 1742 or 1743, to 
 a spot, in what is at present Alleghany county, 
 Maryland, called Old-town, or as he pleased to 
 name it — Skipton — after the place of his 
 nativity in England, situated on the north fork, 
 a few miles above the junction of the north and 
 south branches of the Potomac. 1 Here at length 
 he established his permanent home, and finally 
 acquired by industry and perseverance a large 
 landed estate in the neighborhood, on both 
 sides of the river in Maryland and Virginia. 
 
 About this epoch, he renewed his intimacy 
 with Washington, who always reposed confidence 
 in him ; and being known as a bold and skillful 
 woodsman, he was employed by the parties 
 who ill 1748 formed the celebrated Ohio com- 
 pany. This association, among whose members 
 we find Lawrence Washington and his brother 
 Augustine, received from the British king a grant 
 
 1 See Colden's History of the Five Nations, pp. 3 and 84-, 
 edition 1755. See Philadelphia treaty of 1742, and Ca- 
 nassateego's speech at the Lancaster treaty, 1744. 
 
28 
 
 of five hundred thousand acres, to be taken 
 chiefly on the south side of the Ohio, between the 
 Monongahela and Kanhawa rivers, west of the 
 Alleghanies. 1 The object of the enterprise was 
 to settle land, and to carry on the Indian trade 
 on a large scale. But the French, alarmed by 
 this threatened advance of English pioneers, 
 began immediately to extend a line of forts 
 along the Mississippi and Ohio, passing through 
 a vast extent of territory claimed by Great 
 Britain. In spite of all opposition, the English 
 grantees pursued their enterprise, and Col. Cre- 
 sap's knowledge of the country and of pioneer 
 life, was of great service to them in tracing the 
 very first road through the windings of the Alle- 
 ghanies. As one of their agents in that region, 
 he employed an Indian, named Nemacolin, to 
 mark the road by the well known trail of the 
 tribes, and it is said he performed his duty so 
 well, that the army pursued the same route when 
 Braddock marched to the west to dislodge the 
 
 1 Washington's Writings, vol. II, appendix vi, pp. 478 
 and 479, and appendix vii. 
 
29 
 
 French. 1 Colonel Cresap thus stationed on the 
 extreme outposts of civilization, became an im- 
 portant pioneer in the early development of the 
 west ; nor did he cease, many years afterwards, 
 to devote his mind and hopes to those fine regions 
 in which he saw the future grandeur of his 
 country. When he had attained the patriarchal 
 age of ninety, he conceived and digested a plan 
 
 1 Three quarters of a mile south of Frostburg, Alleghany 
 county, Maryland, in a belt of wood-land, and on or near 
 the line of what is pointed out as Braddoclcs road, I 
 saw, in October of 1858, a large, staunch old milestone, 
 still in excellent condition, which is alleged, by the people of 
 the neighborhood, to be a relic of ante-revolutionary times. 
 It is to be hoped that it will be preserved as one of the few 
 monuments of the olden-time remaining in that region. I 
 copied the inscriptions on both sides of this stone : 
 
 On the front : On the rear : 
 
 11 MILE 
 
 To FJ Cumberland 
 
 29 M! To 
 
 Cap^ Smyth's 
 
 Inn & Bridge Big 
 
 Crossings The best 
 
 Road to Red Stone 
 
 Old Fort 
 
 64 M. 
 
 Our 
 
 Country's Right 
 We will defend. 
 
iO 
 
 to explore as far west as the Pacific, and nothing 
 but his advanced years prevented the accom- 
 plishment of an enterprise which he cherished 
 with the enthusiasm of an early borderer. 
 
 The grants to the English company not only 
 caused the French to establish their line of forts, 
 but, as is well known, resulted in a war which 
 retarded the advance of civilization. The Indians 
 were roused, and desolated the border. Cresap, 
 at his extreme frontier settlement among the 
 Alleghany mountains, held a most dangerous 
 post; but it was an eagle's nest, fit for a bold 
 spirit, and he would not willingly desert it. 
 When hotly pressed by the savage foe he fought 
 his way to Conococheague, and having placed his 
 family in safety, did not remain an idle spectator 
 while ruin threatened the infant settlements on 
 the head waters of the Potomac. The country 
 swarmed with the savage guerrilleros of those 
 days, and the hardy woodsman, adopting the 
 Indian fashion of the times, took the war path 
 with his own band and children, and struck the 
 foe on several occasions at the western foot of 
 the Savage mountain, where his son Thomas 
 
31 
 
 fell by an Indian's ball, and at Negro mountain 
 where a gigantic African, who belonged to his 
 party, bequeathed his name in death to the 
 towering cliffs. In these fights Michael Cresap 
 obtained his first lessons in Indian warfare. 
 
 After these early border conflicts were over, 
 although he was sometimes afterwards harassed 
 by the savages, the veteran pioneer reposed 
 at his homestead, respected and honored until 
 quieter days. He was a man of vigorous mind 
 and body, and although his early education had 
 been neglected, there are testimonials of his 
 skill both in composition, surveying, and even 
 handwriting, in the possession of our Maryland 
 Historical Society, which would do honor to a 
 man of better birth and opportunities. 1 At the 
 age of seventy he visited England ; and, while 
 in London was commissioned by Lord Baltimore 
 to run the western line of Maryland, in order to 
 
 1 In the Gilmor MSS., Maryland Papers, vol. I, article 
 No. 8, in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society, 
 is the following original letter from Colonel Cresap, in 
 which we have an interesting account of one of the Indian 
 raids in 1763. It is written in a firm and formal hand, and 
 
32 
 
 ascertain which of the two branches of the 
 Potomac was, in reality, the fountain head of 
 
 would do credit to one of much more clerkly reputation. 
 The letter is thus addressed on the outside: 
 
 " On his Lordship's Service : — 
 
 To 
 " His Excellency Horatio Sharpe, Esquire, 
 in 
 " To be forwarded by } Annapolis. 
 
 Express. ) 
 
 and endorsed : 
 » From Col. Cresap, 15 July, 1763." 
 
 " Old Town, July 15th, 1763. 
 " May it Please your Excellency 
 
 " I take this opportunity in the highth of Confusion to 
 acquaint you with our unhappy and most wretched Situation 
 at this time, being in Hourly Expectation of being massa- 
 cred by our Barberous and Inhumane Enemy the Indians, 
 we having been three days successivly attacked by them, 
 Viz : the 13, 14 and this Instant. On the 13th as 6 men were 
 shocking some wheat in the field 5 Indians firing on them 
 as they came to do it and others Running to their assist- 
 ance; — on the 14th 5 Indians crept up to and fired on 
 about 16 men who were sitting and walking under a Tree at 
 the entrance of my Lane about 100 yards from my 
 House, but on being fired at by the white men, who much 
 wounded some of them, they Immediately Run off and were 
 followed by the white men about a mile all which way was 
 a great Quantity of Blood on the Ground. The white men 
 got 3 of their Bundles, containing sundry Indian Implements 
 and Goods. About 3 Hours after several guns were fired in 
 the woods, on which a party went in Quest of them and 
 found 3 Braves Killed by them. The Indians wounded one 
 
33 
 
 the stream. His map of this survey is in the 
 possession of the Maryland Historical Society, 
 
 man at their first fire tho' but Slightly. On this Instant as 
 Mr. Saml. Wilder was going to a house of his about 300 yards 
 Distant from mine with 4 men and several women, the Indians 
 rushed on them from a rising Ground, but they perceving 
 them coming, Run towards my House hollowing, which 
 being heard by those at my house, they run to their assist- 
 ance and. met them and the Indians at the Entrance of my 
 lane, on which the Indians Immdiately fired on them to the 
 amount of 18 or Twenty and Killed Mr. Wilder ; — the party 
 of white men Returned their fire and killed one of them 
 dead on the Spot and wounded severall of the others as 
 appeared by Considerable Quantity of Blood strewed on the 
 Ground as they Run off, which they Immdiately did, and 
 by their leaving behind them 3 Gunns, one pistole, and Sun- 
 dry other Empleinents of warr &c. &c. 
 
 " I have Inclosed a List of the Desolate men, Women 
 and Children who have fled to my house which is Inclosed 
 by a small stockade for safety, by which you'll see what a 
 number of poor Souls, destitute of Every necessary of Life 
 are here penned up and likely to be Butchered without 
 Immdiate Relief and assistance, and can Expect none, 
 unless from the province to which they Belong. I shall 
 submit to your wiser Judgement the Best and most Effectual 
 method for Such Relief and shall Conclude with hoping we 
 shall have it in time." 
 
 " I am Honorable Sir 
 
 Your Obedt. serv 
 
 THOS. CRESAP" 
 
 " P. S. those Indians who attacked us this day 
 are part of that body which went southward by this way 
 5 
 
34 
 
 and, together with his report, has been used by 
 our legislature in the boundary discussion with 
 Virginia. 1 
 
 In 1770, after his return from England, George 
 Washington visited Colonel Cresap at his Old 
 Town settlement, in order to learn the particulars 
 of the Walpole grant on the Ohio ; and, as the 
 future general of our armies returned from his 
 examination of lands on the rivers of the west, 
 
 spring which is known by one of the gunns we got 
 
 from them/' 
 
 The Maryland Gazette of July 21, 1763, informs us 
 that the colonel was not yet cut off by the savages, though 
 it is feared he will be if not quickly relieved. The above 
 story is repeated. Subsequent statements show that ten 
 men were sent to assist Cresap. 
 
 1 In the Gilmor MSS., Maryland Papers, vol. I, 
 Portfolio of " Surveys, letters, &c, connected with the Tun- 
 ing of the division line between Maryland and Pennsylvania" 
 is the original autograph map made by Col. Cresap, in the 
 neat style of a good country surveyor, and sent by him to 
 Governor Sharpe. It came to Mr. Gilmor's possession with 
 many other of the Ridout Papers, and is attested by 
 Horatio Ridout, whose father was Sharpe's secretary. This 
 was the frst map ever made to show the course r.nd fountains 
 of the north and south branches of the Potomac river, in 
 regard to which there has been so much controversy between 
 Maryland and Virginia. 
 
35 
 
 he again tarried for the night in the humble 
 dwelling of the old pioneer. 1 He had thus 
 acquired the respect and confidence, not only of 
 the Lord Proprietor of this Province, and of 
 Washington, but was generally known in Mary- 
 land, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, as an energetic, 
 far-seeing and hospitable man. No deed of need- 
 less daring or of cruelty is recorded against 
 him; even the Indians who knew his rifle 
 well, esteemed him cordially. When Nemacolin 
 departed for the mountains of Cumberland, he 
 left his son in Cresap's care. The savages with 
 whom he had dealt so fiercely when necessity 
 demanded, as they went, during his latter years, 
 past his house on their hunting expeditions, were 
 always welcomed and entertained. He had a 
 huge ladle, and kettle prepared expressly to feast 
 them with a whole ox, and they, in turn compli- 
 mented his hospitality by bestowing on him the 
 Indian title of the Big Spoon. 2 
 
 1 Washinytons Writings, vol IT, pp. 516 and 533. Journal 
 of Tour to the Ohio river. 
 
 2 Jacob's Life of Capt. Michael Crcsap. Cumberland, 
 Md., 1828. The Rev. John J. Jacob, by whom this biogra- 
 phical sketch of the life of Captain Michael Cresap was 
 
36 
 
 At the age of eighty he married a second time. 
 He visited the British possessions, near Nova 
 Scotia, at one hundred, and died at the age of 
 one hundred and six ! Such was the father of 
 Captain Michael Ckesap whose name has been 
 doomed most unjustly to disgrace, as that of a 
 murderer, by Mr. Jefferson's adoption of the false- 
 hood contained in a miscalled Indian speech. 
 
 written, entered the store and was engaged in the western 
 trading concerns of Captain Cresap, from the age of fifteen. 
 This was about the year 1772. He was entrusted with the 
 management and settlement of valuable ventures sent by the 
 captain to Redstone Old Fort, or Brownsville, during the 
 Indian war of 1774. When the revolutionary conflict broke 
 out, and after Cresap's death on the 18th of October, 1775, 
 Jacob remained for a while with the hero's family; but, in 
 July, 1776, he entered the militia as an ensign, and subse- 
 quently obtained a lieutenant's commission in the regular 
 army with which he continued during five campaigns, until the 
 winter of 1781. In this year he married the widow of Capt. 
 Michael Cresap, his old employer : and thus, becoming pos- 
 sessed of all his papers, and being intimate with his motives 
 and history during a close personal intercourse, he was 
 fully enabled as well as entitled, to vindicate the memory of 
 his departed friend. 
 
 Later in life he was known as an esteemed clergyman of 
 the Methodist Episcopal church, who, for many years, resided 
 and finally died, as a local minsiter in Hampshire county, 
 Virginia. 
 
 Since the first publication of this narrative, Mr John J. 
 
Michael, the youngest son of the pioneer, 
 whose biography I have sketched, was born in a 
 part of Frederick which is now comprised in 
 Alleghany county in this state, on the 29th 
 June, 1742. In those early days there were no 
 seminaries of learning in that remote region ; 
 and Michael was sent to a school in Baltimore 
 county, under the charge of Rev. Mr. Craddock. 
 A wild mountain boy from the wilderness, he 
 had, at first, but few friends among the eastern 
 pupils ; yet, with the usual success of courage 
 and generosity he soon fought his way into 
 the good graces of his schoolmates. But the 
 restraints of school life were uncongenial to 
 his habits, and flying from his preceptor, he tra- 
 versed alone the one hundred and forty miles 
 
 Jacob, of Romney, Virginia, has informed me by letter, dated 
 July 1G, 1851, that his father did not leave the army as a lieu- 
 tenant but as captain. He adds : " It is a small matter, but as 
 " he won his way by his sword and integrity, let justice be 
 " done to his memory; and I know the old 6th Regt, Mary- 
 land Line, would heartily assert his claim." — MS. Letter. 
 On the original rolls of the members of the Cincinnati Society 
 of Maryland, deposited with the Maryland Historical Society, 
 John J. Jacob is entered as a Lieutenant, from Washington 
 county, Md , who resigned in January, 1781, after four years 
 and three months service. 
 
38 
 
 between Mr. Craddock's and his home. The old 
 colonel, however, did not sanction the conduct of 
 the truant, but, believing in the virtue of the rod, 
 and the necessity of filial obedience as well as 
 of education, flogged him severely, and sent him 
 back to his teacher, with whom he steadily re- 
 mained until his studies were finished. 
 
 Soon after leaving school, he married a Miss 
 Whitehead, of Philadelphia, and the young pair, 
 almost children, departed to the mountains to 
 enjoy, as the romantic striplings probably sup- 
 posed, love in a cottage in a little frontier village 
 near his father's dwelling among the hills. But 
 the colonel would not countenance a life of 
 idleness, and at once established Michael as a 
 trader. Trade, in those days and neighborhoods, 
 was often a perilous business in the hands of 
 inexperienced men ; and young Cresap, who im- 
 ported largely from London, and dealt with the 
 utmost liberality, so often found his confidence 
 misplaced, that in the course of a few years he 
 was nearly ruined. Notwithstanding his kind- 
 ness and honorable deportment, he seems to have 
 had enemies, or at least extremely suspicious 
 
39 
 
 watchers of his acts. The agent of the London 
 merchant, from whom he received his goods in 
 America, reported to his principal in England, 
 that Michael was a doubtful character, and 
 might probably remove to some parts of the 
 western wilds where he would be out of the reach 
 of the law. The consequence of this report was 
 the immediate withdrawal of the young trader's 
 customary supplies ; but, as soon as Michael was 
 able to trace the slander to its source, he charged 
 it directly upon the London agent, and the con- 
 troversy ended in a violent personal conflict in 
 a private room in Fredericktown. 
 
 Cresap was thus compelled, both by the blow 
 which his credit had received and his bitter 
 experience among his customers, to curtail his 
 business. Yet hope did not desert him. The 
 population which had gathered around this fron- 
 tier settlement, began, under the temptations of 
 the west, to flow off towards the Ohio. His 
 active temper and promptness soon decided him. 
 " Urged by necessity as well as by a laudable 
 ambition, and allured by the rational and exhi- 
 larating prospect before him, he saw or thought 
 
40 
 
 he saw, in the rich bottoms of the Ohio, an ample 
 fund, if he succeeded in obtaining a title to those 
 lands, not only to redeem his credit and extricate 
 him from difficulty, but to afford a respectable 
 competency for his rising family. 
 
 " Under this impression, and with every 
 rational prospect of success, early in the year 
 1774, he engaged six or seven active young men 
 at the rate of £2 10s. per month, and repairing 
 to the wilderness of the Ohio, commenced the 
 business of building houses and clearing lands ; 
 and, being among the first adventurers into 
 this exposed and dangerous region, he was ena- 
 bled to select some of the best and richest of the 
 Ohio levels." 1 
 
 After the Indian and French wars and the 
 treaty made by Bouquet, the attention of Mary- 
 land, Virginia, and Pennsylvania settlers, had 
 been attracted to the great trans- Alleghanian 
 region watered by the Monongahela, the Ohio, 
 Kanawha, the Scioto, the Cheat and their afflu- 
 
 1 Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 49. 
 
41 
 
 ents. Companies had been formed and lands 
 granted. The outposts, the scouts and pickets 
 of civilization, were fixed along the streams. 
 Fort Du Quesne had become Fort Pitt, under 
 the British flag. Wheeling was a station ; and, 
 all along the river, there were spots where trad- 
 ers and farmers had settled, or neighborhoods 
 gathered for mutual protection around block- 
 houses, forts and stockades. In this society, 
 laudably engaged in repairing his fortune and 
 preparing for that of his young family, I shall 
 leave Michael Cresap early in the year 1774, 
 and carry you for a short time to another and 
 perhaps more romantic scene among the hills 
 and valleys of the Susquehannah. 
 
 Indian history and especially Indian biogra- 
 phy must always resemble the pictorial sketches 
 of the Indians themselves, who, by a few rude 
 etchings on a rock, a few bold dashes on the skin 
 of a buffalo or scratches on the bark of a birch- 
 tree, record the outlines which may serve to 
 recall an event, though they can only comme- 
 morate a character by inferences. Their story is 
 6 
 
42 
 
 but a skeleton; and hard, indeed, is the task 
 which attempts to clothe the dry and dusty 
 bones with flesh, or to make the restored being 
 move with at least the semblance of real life. 
 Their theatre is the forest ; their home a camp ; 
 their only architecture a cabin or a perishable 
 tent ; their only permanent and consecrated rest- 
 ing place the grave ! A solitary and dangerous 
 people, almost without a record, they flit like 
 shadows through the wilderness of wood, prairie 
 and mountain ; now here, now gone in the dim 
 recesses of the valleys; free as the deer, or 
 transient as phantoms of mingled romance and 
 horror ; but generally inscribing their wild, red 
 marks in the memory of white men by deeds of 
 cruelty and blood alone. 
 
 In the early days of Pennsylvania the valley 
 of the Susquehannah was assigned by the Six 
 Nations as a hunting ground for the Shawanese, 
 Conoys, Nanticokes, Monseys, and Mohicans; 
 and Shikellamy, or as he was called by the 
 Moravians, Shikellemus, a chief sent by those 
 nations to preside over a tribe, dwelt at Shamo- 
 
43 
 
 kin, 1 an Indian village of about fifty houses and 
 nearly three hundred persons, built on the broad 
 level banks of the Susquehannah, on a beautiful 
 site, with high ranges of hills both above and 
 
 1 Compare Minutes of Council Aug. 12, 1731, Braincrd's 
 Journal, and Loskiel, part 2d, p. 119. Speaking of his 
 visit to Shamokin. Brainerd says, " about one half of its 
 inhabitants are Delawares, the others called Senekas and 
 Tutelas." Loskiel, part 2d, p. 119, speaks of Shikellemus 
 as " the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iroquois 
 Indians on the banks of the Susquehanuah as far as Onon- 
 dago." And in the same work, part 2d, p. 91 : "Shamo- 
 kin" is called, " a town belonging to the Iroquois." At the 
 treaty of 1742, Shikellemus was present, but what tribe or 
 place he represented is not stated; there were also in attend- 
 ance, several " Delawares of Shamokin." Gordon, History 
 Pennsylvania, p. 250, alludes to the Delawares of Shamokin. 
 In 1744, Conrad Weiser was sent to Shamokin to inquire 
 into the murder of John Armstrong, an Indian trader and 
 his two servants, Woodworth Arnold and James Smith, alleged 
 to have been committed by some of the Shamokin band of 
 Delawares. He delivered his message " to the Delaware 
 chief Allumpoppies and the rest of the Delaware Indians, 
 in the presence of Shikellamy and a few more of the Six 
 Nations." — Rupp's History of Northumberland, Huntington, 
 Mifflin, etc., etc., Counties, Pennsylvania, p. 86. 
 
 It is probable that Shikellamy presided over the Iroquois, 
 only, who settled at Shamokin, and, perhaps, over the Tutelas, 
 who seem to have been incorporated into the Six Nations. 
 Gallatin's Synopsis, Trans. Am. Antq. Soc, vol. II, pp. 
 75, 81. Draper MSS. 
 
44 
 
 below it, affording magnificent views of the pic- 
 turesque valley in whose lap the modern Sunbury 
 is quietly nestled. This Shikellamy, the father 
 of Logan, is alleged by Bartram to have been a 
 " Frenchman born in Montreal, Canada, but 
 adopted by the Oneidas after being taken pri- 
 soner." * 
 
 When Count Zinzendorf, on the 28 th of Sep- 
 tember, 1742, accompanied by Conrad Weiser, 
 two Indians, brother Mack and his missionary 
 wife, after a tedious transit through the wilder- 
 ness on their journey of Christian love, entered 
 this beautiful vale of Shamokin, Shikellamy was 
 the first to step forth to welcome them, and, after 
 the exchange of presents, to promise his aid as 
 
 1 There is some curious information in my possession in 
 regard to the nativity of this Shikellamy, the father of Logan, 
 showing that he was a Frenchman from Montreal, and con- 
 sequently that the famous Logan was not a full blooded 
 Indian. It is found in an excessively rare tract, entitled 
 " Observations on the Inhabitants, Climate, Soil, Rivers, 
 Productions, Animals, and other Matters worthy of Notice, 
 made by John Bartram, in his Travels from Pennsilvania 
 to Onondago, Oswego and the Lake Ontario in Canada, to 
 whichis annex' d a curious Account of the Cataracts of Nig ar a 
 by Peter Kalm, a Sweedish Gentleman who traveled there, 
 London 1751. " In this journey Bartram was accompanied 
 
45 
 
 a chief in fostering the religion of Christ among 
 the tribe. But when David Brainerd visited the 
 Indian village, three years after, he found that 
 the seed dropped by the Moravians had fallen 
 on barren places. He was kindly received 
 and entertained by the Indians, yet neither his 
 request nor the illness of one of the tribe could 
 induce them to forego their wild and noisy revels. 
 " Alas," exclaims the journalist, " how destitute 
 of natural affection are these poor uncultivated 
 pagans, although they seem kind in their own 
 way ! Of a truth, the dark corners of the earth 
 are full of the habitations of cruelty. ***** 
 The Indians of this place are accounted the 
 most drunken, mischievous, and ruffian-like 
 
 by Lewis Evans, the geographer ; Conrad Weiser, the Indian 
 interpreter ; and, from Shamohin, by Shikellamy. "July 
 10, 1743 : we departed in the morning with Shickellamy and 
 his son, he being the chief man of the town which consisted 
 of Delaware Indians j he was of the Six Nations, or rather 
 a Frenchman born at Montreal, and adopted by the Oneidoes 
 after being taken prisoner ; but his son told me he was of 
 the Cayuga, nation — that of his mother — agreeable to the 
 Indian rule, partus sequitur ventrem, which is as reasonable 
 among them as among cattle, since the whole burden of 
 bringing up falls on her; therefore in case of separation the 
 children fall to her share." — Observations, fyc, p. 17. 
 
16 
 
 fellows in these parts ; and Satan seems to have 
 his seat in this town in an eminent manner " 1 
 
 The Six Nations used Shamokin as a conve- 
 nient tarrying place for their war parties against 
 the southern Catawbas ; and, soon after the mis- 
 sionaries visited them, were desirous to have a 
 blacksmith from the white settlements, who 
 would reside permanently in their village, and 
 save their long journeys from the mountains to 
 Tulpehocken or Philadelphia. The governor of 
 the province allowed the request, provided the 
 smith should continue only as long as the Indians 
 remained friendly to the English ; and the Mora- 
 vians, availing themselves of the opportunity, 
 dispatched a staunch brother named Anthony 
 Schmidt, from their mission at Bethlehem, who, 
 doubtless, in the intervals of his business of 
 repairing the savages' rifles, was enabled, as an 
 antidote, to edify them with a sermon on the 
 horrors of war. The blacksmith, however, 
 opened the way for the establishment of a 
 Moravian mission at Shamokin in 1747, under 
 
 1 Brainerd's Journal. Day's Penn. Hist. Coll., p. 525. 
 
47 
 
 the charge of Brother Mack. Bishop Camer- 
 hoff and the pious Zeisberger visited it in 1748; 
 and, in the following year, Shikellamy — this 
 apparently virtuous chief over so boisterous, 
 drunken and roystering a tribe — a man who 
 is reported to have performed many embassies 
 between the government of Pennsylvania and 
 the Six Nations, as well as attended important 
 councils at Philadelphia — departed for the 
 Indian hunting grounds which lie in the plea- 
 sant prairies of the spirit land beyond the 
 grave. 1 
 
 Unto this personage, thus reared in a sort of 
 fear, love, or admiration of the whites, but in 
 the midst of excessively bad associates — as de- 
 scribed by Brainerd — was born a second son, 
 celebrated in the annals of our country by the 
 spicy rhetoric of a speech which first attracted 
 
 1 Conrad Weiser, an officer in the Indian Department of 
 Pennsylvania, and the Moravians seems to have had great con- 
 fidence in Shikellamy, who probably died a sincere friend of 
 the whites. For an account of his death and character, see 
 Day's Penn. Hist. Coll., p. 526. Losh'el. Rev. J. Heck wel- 
 der's statement, appendix No. iv to Jefferson's Notes on 
 Virginia. 
 
48 
 
 the attention of Mr. Jefferson, and has since 
 been repeated by every American school boy as 
 a specimen of Indian eloquence and Indian 
 wrongs. 
 
 After Braddock's defeat in 1755, the whole 
 wilderness from the Juniata to Shamokin, and 
 from the Ohio to Baltimore Town, was filled 
 with hostile Indian parties — murdering, scalp- 
 ing, burning and destroying. I have not time 
 to notice the breaking up of the mission at 
 Shamokin and the slaughter of inoffensive 
 whites throughout the neighborhood, in which 
 all those miscalled friendly tribes were con- 
 cerned as soon as they were encouraged by the 
 successes of the French and the disasters of the 
 English. Their former professed Christianity, 
 or the forbearance of their chiefs, had, in all 
 likelihood, been the effect of sudden supersti- 
 tion or salutary fear. 1 
 
 During this epoch the son of Shikellamy — 
 Logan — who had been named it is said for the 
 
 Voyages dans la Haute Pennsylvanic, tome III, chap, v 
 
49 
 
 secretary of the province, whom his father knew 
 and loved, 1 disappears from the scene. We 
 have few historical or biographical anecdotes of 
 his early life, nor does he in fact become the 
 subject even of a legend until seventeen or 
 eighteen years after his father's death. 2 
 
 The Juniata breaking through the wild gap 
 of Jack's mountain, enters the southwestern 
 end of Mifflin county, Pennsylvania, and mean- 
 dering through Lewistown valley, again strikes 
 the mountains at the romantic gorge of the Long 
 Narrows, between the Black Log and Shade 
 mountains, at a cleft barely wide enough for 
 the river to pass, and, at its end, the stream 
 bursts through the rocky masses of Shade 
 
 1 James Logan, the secretary, died in 1751. 
 
 2 Some early notices of the sons of Shikellamy and their 
 deeds may be found in the following writers : Rupp's His- 
 tory of Dauphin, Cumberland. Franklin, &c, Counties, Pa., 
 pp. 65, 319, 84, 259, 100, 316. Also Rupp's History of 
 Northumberland County, pp. 92,119, 166. Rupp's History 
 of Berks and Lebanon Counties, Pa., pp. 213, 41, 39- 
 Rupp's History of Northampton, Lehigh, &c, Counties, Pa., 
 p. 103. Kercheval's Valley of Va., p. 127. Loudon's Nar- 
 ratives of Indian Wars, vol.11, p. 233 ; this passage describes 
 Logan's personal appearance in 1765, and recounts an anec- 
 dote or two. 
 
 7 
 
50 
 
 mountain. Kishicoquillas creek is a never 
 failing flood in this romantic neighborhood, fed 
 by the mountain springs surrounding a valley 
 out of which it leaps at a deep ravine in Jack's 
 mountain, and enters the Juniata at Lewis- 
 town. Early settlements had been made in this 
 attractive region, but when the Indian troubles 
 broke out, the inhabitants fled, nor was it until 
 the years between 1765 and 1769, that they 
 began to return, and about that period, Judge 
 Brown, Samuel Milliken, McNitt, James Reed 
 and Samuel McClay, became the earliest dwel- 
 lers in the charming valley of Kishicoquillas. 
 
 About a mile or two above the deep and 
 tangled dell where the stream passes Jack's 
 mountain, beside a beautiful limestone spring, 
 at a spot which was as solitary as it was roman- 
 tic, an Indian cabin had been built for many 
 vears. As William Brown and James Reed, 
 two of the pioneers whom I have named as early 
 occupants of this region, had wandered one day 
 out of the valley in search of springs and choice 
 locations, they suddenly started a bear, and, 
 like all foresters, being provided with rifles, 
 
51 
 
 they immediately gave chase. A shot speedily 
 wounded the beast, which retreating to the 
 higher ground led them onward in quest of their 
 prey, until suddenly this beautiful spring, gush- 
 ing from the hill-side, burst upon their sight. 
 Exhausted by a long and tedious hunt, the 
 woodsmen were more delighted to find the 
 stream than the game, and immediately resting 
 their rifles against trees, threw themselves on 
 the ground to drink. But as Brown bent over 
 the clear mirror of the water, he beheld, on the 
 opposite side, reflected in the limpid basin, the 
 shadow of a stately Indian. With instinctive 
 energy he sprang to regain his weapon, while 
 the Indian yelled, whether for peace or war he 
 was unable to determine ; but as he seized his 
 rifle and faced the foe, the savage dashed open 
 the pan of his gun, and scattering the powder, 
 extended his open palm in token of friendship. 
 Both weapons were instantly grounded, and the 
 men who a moment before had looked on each 
 other with distrust, shook hands and refreshed 
 themselves from the brook. For a week they 
 continued together examining lands, seeking 
 
52 
 
 springs, and cementing a friendship which had 
 been so strangely commenced at a period when 
 "whoever saw an Indian saw an enemy, and 
 the only questions that were asked, on either 
 side, were from the muzzles of their rifles." 
 
 The Indian apparition of the spring was Lo- 
 gan, the son of Shikellamy, a solitary Indian ; 
 no chief, but a wanderer sojourning for a while 
 on his way to the west. 1 
 
 Logan is well remembered and favorably 
 described in the legends of this valley, for he 
 was often visited in his camp by the whites. 
 Upon one occasion, when met by Mr. McClay 
 at the spring which is even now known by his 
 name, a match was made between the white and 
 red man to shoot at a mark for a dollar a shot. 2 
 In the encounter, Logan lost four or five rounds, 
 and acknowledged himself beaten. When the 
 whites were leaving the dell, the Indian went 
 to his cabin, and bringing as many deer skins 
 
 1 Day's Hist. Coll. of Penn., p. 464, et. seq. Pittsburgh 
 Daily American, 1842. American Pioneer, vol. I, p. 188. 
 
 2 Day's Coll. , ut supra, p. 466, for a description of the 
 site of this spring. 
 
53 
 
 as he had lost dollars, handed them to Mr. 
 McClay, who refused the peltries, alleging that 
 he and his friends had been Logan's guests, and 
 would not rob him, for the match had been 
 merely a friendly contest of skill and nerve. 
 But the courteous waiver would not satisfy the 
 savage. He drew himself up with great dig- 
 nity, and said in broken English : " Me bet to 
 make you shoot your best; me gentleman, and 
 me take your dollars if nle beat!" So McClay 
 was obliged to take the skins or affront his 
 friend, whose sense of honorable dealing would 
 not allow hirn to receive even a horn of powder 
 in return. 1 
 
 Deer hunting, dressing the skins and selling 
 them to the whites, seem to have been the 
 
 1 Letter of K. P. McClay in Pittsburgh Daily American 
 of 1842, and in Penn. Hist. Coll. by Day, p. 467. American 
 Pioneer, pp. i, 114, 115, 188. At a mature period of his life, 
 Logan was described as a very fine looking man : " He was 
 a remarkably tall man and considerably above six feet high, 
 strong and well proportioned; of a brave, open, manly 
 countenance, and, to appearance, would not be afraid to meet 
 any man." See Loudon's Indian Narratives, vol. II. p. 223, 
 et seq., for this description and some interesting anecdotes 
 of him. 
 
54 
 
 chief employments of Logan at this period, and 
 the means of his livelihood. Upon one occasion 
 he had sold a quantity to a tailor named De 
 Yong, who dwelt in Furguson's valley below 
 the gap. Buckskin small clothes were in those 
 days in demand among the frontier men as well 
 as among the soldiers and the fops, and when 
 silver or paper money was scarce, barter was 
 the customary mode of trade in those simple 
 communities. Logan, according to agreement, 
 received his pay from the tailor in wheat, 
 which, when taken to the mill, was found so 
 worthless that the miller refused to grind it. 
 But law and the ministers of justice, had 
 already found their way into the secluded valley, 
 and the Indian appealed to his friend Brown, 
 who by this time had been honored with the 
 commission of a magistrate. When the judge 
 questioned him as to the character of the 
 fraudulent grain, Logan sought in vain to find 
 words to express the precise character of the 
 material with which it was adulterated, but 
 said it resembled the wheat itself. "It must 
 have been cheat" said the judge. "Yoh!" 
 
55 
 
 exclaimed the Indian, " that's very good name 
 for him ! " and forthwith a decision was given in 
 Logan's favor and a writ presented for the con- 
 stable, which, he was told, would produce the 
 money for his buckskins. But the untutored 
 Indian, too uncivilized to be dishonest, could 
 not comprehend by what magic this fragment 
 of paper would force the reluctant tailor, against 
 his will, to pay for the skins. The judge took 
 down his commission emblazoned with the 
 royal arms, and explained the first principles 
 and operations of civil law, after which Logan 
 appeared to be better satisfied with the gentle 
 operation of judicial process, and departed to 
 try its effect in his own behalf, exclaiming, 
 " law very good if it make rogues pay ! " 
 
 When one of Judge Brown's daughters was 
 just beginning to walk, her mother expressed 
 sorrow that she could not obtain a pair of shoes 
 to give more firmness to her infant steps. 
 Logan stood by but said nothing. Soon after 
 he asked Mrs. Brown to allow the little girl to 
 spend the day at his cabin near the spring. 
 The cautious heart of the mother was some- 
 
56 
 
 what alarmed by the proposal, yet she had 
 learned to repose confidence in the Indian, and 
 trusting in the delicacy of his feelings, assented 
 to the proposal with apparent cheerfulness. 
 The day wore slowly away, and it was near 
 night when her little one had not returned. 
 But just as the sun was setting the trusty 
 savage was seen descending the path with his 
 charge, and in a moment more the little one 
 was in its mother's arms, proudly exhibiting on 
 her tiny feet a pair of beautiful moccasins, the 
 product of Logan's skill. 1 
 
 I have dwelt, perhaps tediously, upon these 
 simple incidents of Indian and frontier life, 
 because they are the only ones I have been 
 able to glean from the brief records of Logan's 
 career, that exhibit him to posterity in a favor- 
 able light. His lot was soon to be changed. 
 The lonely, simple, untutored savage was 
 shortly to come in violent conflict with the 
 whites, who were " extending the area of free- 
 
 1 Narrative of Mrs. Norris, in Day's Penn. Hist. Coll , p. 
 467. 
 
57 
 
 dom ; " and the rest of his life was checkered 
 with horrible crimes and maudlin regrets, dark 
 enough to blur the gentle deeds of his early 
 years. According to the statement of Judge 
 Brown, Logan departed to the far-west soon 
 after the occurrences I have recounted, and he 
 never saw him more ; but, in the language of 
 the cordial old pioneer, " he was the best 
 specimen of humanity, white or red, he ever 
 encountered." 
 
 For a while, again, the curtain drops on our 
 Indian legend, and the savage disappears 
 behind the leaves of the forest ; nor do we find 
 his trail again until the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, 
 when living as a missionary at the Moravian 
 town on the Beaver, about the year 1772, four 
 or five years after the events we have just 
 narrated, was introduced by an Indian of that 
 neighborhood to Logan as the son of old 
 Shikellamy, the friend of the white men and 
 Moravians at Shamokin. The savage impressed 
 the missionary as a person of talents superior 
 to Indians generally. He exclaimed against the 
 whites for the introduction of spirituous liquors 
 
58 
 
 among his people ; spoke of gentlemen and their 
 true character, regretting that the tribes had 
 unfortunately so few of this class for neighbors ; 
 declared his intention to settle on the Ohio 
 below Big Beaver, where he might live in 
 peace forever with the white men, but confessed 
 to the missionary his unfortunate fondness for 
 the fire-water. At that time Logan was en- 
 camped at the mouth of Beaver, and in 1773, 
 when Heckewelder was journeying down the 
 Ohio towards Muskingum, he visited the 
 Indian's settlement and received every civility 
 he could expect from the members of his 
 family who were at home. 1 
 
 It was about this time that another mission- 
 ary, the Rev. Dr. David McClure, during a 
 visit to Fort Pitt and the neighboring regions 
 of the Ohio, met our hero, and saw many other 
 Indians who were in the habit of resorting to 
 the settlements for the sake of a drunken frolic, 
 staggering about the town. 2 At that time 
 
 1 Appendix No. iv to Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, p. 46. 
 
 2 Wheelook's Narrative, 1772-73, p. 50. 
 
59 
 
 Logan was still remarkable for the grandeur 
 of his personal appearance. Taii-gaii-jute, 1 or 
 Short Dress, for such was his Indian name, 
 stood several inches more than six feet in height ; 
 he was straight as an arrow ; lithe, athletic, and 
 symmetrical in figure ; firm, resolute, and com- 
 manding in feature; but the brave, open, and 
 manly countenance he possessed in his earlier 
 years was now changed for one of savage fero- 
 city. 2 After tarrying and preaching nearly 
 three weeks at Fort Pitt, Dr. McClure, in the 
 summer or autumn of 1772, set out for Muskin- 
 gum, accompanied by a Christian Indian as his 
 interpreter. The second day after his depart- 
 ure, the wayfarers unexpectedly encountered 
 
 1 " The aged Seneca, Captain Decker, told me that Logan's 
 Indian name was Tah-gah-jute, or Short Dress, and added 
 that ' he was a very bad Indian.' " — Lyman C. Draper, in 
 a letter to Brantz Mayer. 
 
 2 Compare Loudon's Nar. Indian Wars, vol. II, p. 223, 
 and McClure and Parish's Memoirs of Rev. Eleazar Wheel- 
 ock, Newbury port, 1811, p. 139. Loudon describes him 
 about 1765, McClure in 1772. His intemperate habits had 
 begun before the occurrence of the Yellow Creek tragedy 
 in 1774, and, in 1772, he was already painted and equipped 
 for war. 
 
60 
 
 Logan. Painted, equipped for war, and accom- 
 panied by another savage, he lurked a few rods 
 from the path beneath a tree, leaning on his rifle ; 
 nor did the missionary notice him until apprised 
 by the interpreter that Logan desired to speak 
 with him. McClure immediately rode to the 
 spot where the red man stood, and asked what 
 he wished. For a moment Logan remained 
 pale and agitated before the preacher, and then 
 pointing to his breast, exclaimed : "I feel bad 
 here. Wherever I go the evil Manethoes pur- 
 sue me. If I go into my cabin, my cabin is full 
 of devils. If I go into the woods, the trees 
 and the air are full of devils. They haunt 
 me by day and by night. They seem to want 
 to catch me, and throw me into a deep pit, 
 full of fire ! " In this strain of abrupt, maud- 
 lin musing, with the unnatural pallor still per- 
 vading his skin, he leant a while on his 
 rifle, and continued to brood over the haunting 
 devils. At length he broke forth with an 
 earnest appeal to the missionary as to what he 
 should do? Dr. McClure gave him sensible 
 and friendly advice ; counseled him to reflect 
 
Gl 
 
 on his past life; considered him as weighed 
 down by remorse for the errors or cruelties of 
 past years, and exhorted him to that sincere 
 penitence and prayer which would drive from 
 him the evil Manethoes forever. 1 
 
 The clergyman departed on his mission, nor 
 did he ever hear of the Indian again until after 
 the bloody deeds which will be hereafter 
 recounted. The fire-water of the white men 
 had begun to do its deadly work upon all the 
 elements of a noble character in this untu- 
 tored savage. 
 
 I must again shift the scenery of our stage 
 and return once more to our Maryland settler, 
 who had gone out with his band to the Ohio, 
 early in the spring of 1774, although it is 
 unquestionable that he had previously visited 
 that region for the purpose of trading, and 
 locating land. 
 
 On an elevated and commanding bank on 
 
 1 Wheelock's Memoirs, ut ante, p. 139, &c. I am in- 
 debted for this reference and anecdote to my friend Lyman 
 C. Draper, who has kindly furnished it tome in MS. 
 
62 
 
 the east side of the Monongahela, about seventy 
 miles above Pittsburgh, there were at that 
 period the remains of one of those ancient 
 works, which, in consequence of the military 
 skill displayed in the selection of their site and 
 arrangement of their walls or parapets, have 
 been regarded as Indian forts. They are among 
 the evidences of the supposed civilization of 
 the races who inhabited the western valleys 
 anterior to the present tribes, and of whom 
 even the legends are lost. On the northwest 
 of the one at present under consideration, the 
 river Monongahela rushed along the base of the 
 hill; on the northeast and south were deep 
 ravines, while, on the east, a flat was spread 
 out across which an approach could easily be 
 detected. Several acres were enclosed within 
 the works, and hard by were springs of excel- 
 lent water. 
 
 This is the site of the town of Brownsville, 
 the head of the steam navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi valley, nearest the eastern mountains, and 
 the spot, even at that early day, to which the 
 main trail over the Alleghanies was directed. It 
 
03 
 
 became an attractive place to the whites as it 
 had evidently been to the savages, as we may 
 judge from the ingenious works with which they 
 fortified it. This post, known in border history 
 as Red- Stone Old Fort, became the rallying 
 point of the pioneers and was familiar to many 
 an early settler as his place of embarkation for 
 the " dark and bloody ground." In the legends 
 of the west, Michael Cresap, whom we left to 
 sketch the biography of Logan, is connected 
 with this Indian stronghold. In those narra- 
 tives Cresap is spoken of as remarkable for his 
 brave, adventurous disposition, and awarded 
 credit for often rescuing the whites by a timely 
 notice of the savages' approach, a knowledge 
 of which he obtained by unceasing vigilance 
 over their movements. This fort was frequently 
 Cresap's rendezvous as a trader, and thither he 
 resorted with his people, either to interchange 
 views and adopt plans for future action, or for 
 repose in quieter times when the red men were 
 lulled into inaction, and the tomahawk was 
 temporarily buried. These were periods of 
 great conviviality. The days were spent in 
 
64 
 
 athletic exercises, and, in the evening, the 
 sturdy foresters, bivouacked around a fire 
 of huge logs, recounted their hair-breadth 
 adventures, or if, perhance, a violin or jewsharp 
 was possessed by the foresters, it was certainly 
 introduced, and the monotony of the camp 
 broken by a boisterous stag-dance. 
 
 Michael Cresap discovered at that early day 
 that this location would become exceedingly 
 valuable as emigrants flowed in and the country 
 was gradually opened. Accordingly, he took 
 measures to secure a Virginia title to several 
 hundred acres, embracing the fortification, by 
 what, at that time, was called a tomahawk 
 improvement. Not content, however, with gird- 
 ling a few trees and blazing others, he deter- 
 mined to ensure his purpose; and, in order that 
 his act and intention might not be miscon- 
 strued, he built a house of hewed Jogs with a 
 shingle-roof nailed on, which is believed to have 
 been the first edifice of this kind in that part of 
 our great domain west of the mountains. We 
 are not possessed of data to fix the precise year 
 of this erection, but it is supposed to have 
 
65 
 
 occurred about 1770. The title to the property 
 was retained in Cresap's family for many years, 
 but was finally disposed of to the brothers 
 Thomas and Basil Brown, who emigrated from 
 Maryland. 1 
 
 We now approach the final scene of our 
 sketch in the valley of the Ohio. Cresap in 
 his last expedition to the west, had departed 
 from Maryland, as I have already related, early 
 in 1774, in order to open farms on the 
 river, and was accompanied by hired laborers. 
 But an Indian war was soon to break out 
 which, in the history of the west, is sometimes 
 known by the name of this Marylander, as 
 Cresap's war, and sometimes by that of the 
 earl of Dunmore, who was then governor of 
 Virginia. Yet this savage conflict, in which 
 the earl commanded the Virginians, and Corn- 
 stalk, a Shawanese chief, led the Indians, had 
 probably a very different origin from that 
 
 1 MS. of James L. Bowman, published in the American 
 Pioneer in 1843, and subsequently reprinted in Day's Perm. 
 Hist, Coll., p. 341, et seq. 
 
 9 
 
66 
 
 which we shall hereafter see was erroneously 
 ascribed to it, and in which Michael Cresap was 
 unjustly supposed to have acted so bloody a 
 part. 
 
 During the ten years subsequent to the 
 treaty made by Bouquet, the gradual advance 
 of the whites to the west had been a constant 
 source of alarm to the Indians. There was no 
 acknowledged boundary between the races. 
 Every year confused and confounded them 
 more and more. Collisions and violent dis- 
 putes were the natural and necessary results. 
 Crimination and recrimination followed. The 
 white men introduced his fire-water, and the 
 Indian learned to love its wild delirium, nor 
 did he regret the mad revels, and even the 
 murders in which he participated while under 
 its influence. The savage and the settler con- 
 stantly encountered each other with mutual 
 distrust. The town and the farm were to rise 
 and spread out over the war path and hunting 
 ground. The slow, eager, resistless encroach- 
 ments of civilization, brought the two uncon- 
 
07 
 
 genial and incongruous races, face to face, in 
 contact, and the slightest breath was sufficient 
 to fan into conflagration the fire that smoul- 
 dered iu the hearts of each. 
 
 Besides this, there had been no scrupulous 
 fulfillment of Bouquet's treaty on the part of 
 the Indians; and I am informed by one of our 
 ablest border historians and scholars, that in 
 these ten years of nominal peace, but in truth, 
 of quasi war, more lives were sacrificed along 
 the western frontiers than during the whole 
 outbreak of 1774, including the battle of Point 
 Pleasant. 1 
 
 In order that I may not be supposed to 
 allege these Indian exasperations carelessly, I 
 will state, as I believe it to be unquestionable 
 history, that the Shawanese, failing to comply 
 with the treaty of 1764, did not deliver their 
 white captives, and barely acquiesced sullenly 
 in some articles of compact, by command of the 
 Six Nations. The Red-Hawk, a Shawanese 2 
 
 1 MS. letter from Lyman C. Draper. 
 ~Les Indiens disent Shawanahaac ; je l'ai fait repeter 
 plusieurs fois a quelques uns d'entreux. Nos ancetres par 
 
68 
 
 chief, insulted Colonel Bouquet with impunity, 
 and an Indian killed the colonel's servant on 
 the next day after peace was made. This 
 wanton murder being disregarded at the time, 
 gave rise immediately to several outrages. 
 
 In the following year individuals were slain 
 by the savages on New River, and soon after, 
 some men employed in the service of Wharton's 
 company were waylaid and killed on their 
 journey to Illinois, while their goods were plun- 
 dered and borne off bv the robbers. Sometime 
 after this outrage, a number of men employed 
 in slaughtering cattle for Fort Chartres, were 
 slain, and their rifles, blankets and accoutre- 
 ments carried to the Indian villages. All these 
 brutal wrongs were unredressed, and although 
 the Shawanese are not supposed to have been 
 the only perpetrators of the bloody cruelties, 
 yet, unresisting submission to such enormities 
 seems to have been a mistaken policy in an age 
 in which the law of revenge, or of prompt, 
 
 defaut d'attention, out ecrit Shawanee, et leurs descendans 
 out suivi cet example. — Recherches sur les Etats Uhis, 
 1788, vol. IV, p. 153, note. 
 
09 
 
 compulsory obedience was the only code com- 
 prehended by the savages. Before our military 
 power had become strong, and especially in its 
 dawn in the west, the tribes supposed all to be 
 feeble and necessarily submissive who did not 
 resist, and non-resistance, of course, produced 
 mischief. They measured us by their only 
 standard of savage morality — revenge; a law 
 bloody indeed, but which the honest historian is 
 forced to regard in considering the early years 
 of nations, especially when the Indian and the 
 unprotected white man come first in contact, 
 and when perhaps the moral grade and the 
 surrounding circumstances of both races are 
 properly considered. 
 
 In order to judge justly, he who writes 
 history must endeavor to make himself a man 
 of the time he describes. He is unfair, if he 
 decides on the events of the eighteenth century 
 by the standards of the nineteenth. It would 
 no doubt be considered infamous in Massachu- 
 setts, at the present day, if an Indian were 
 killed, yet it is recorded, that in the early part 
 of the last century, the general court of the 
 
70 
 
 province offered a bounty of £100 for every 
 Indian's scalp. The cruel murders almost daily 
 committed by the barbarians upon the defense- 
 less frontier inhabitants, originated and were 
 held to justify this enactment; and in one of the 
 bloody onslaughts of the Massachusetts men 
 against the savages, forty white warriors returned 
 to Boston with ten scalps extended on hoops in 
 Indian style, and demanded the reward of 
 <£1,000, which was promptly paid. 
 
 Nor were these expeditions against the red 
 men unsanc titled by prayer. Chaplains accom- 
 panied the doughty fighters. Early on the day 
 of the conflict these pastors of the flock militant 
 lifted up their voices, and declaring that they 
 had "come out to meet the enemy, besought 
 God that they might find him. They trusted 
 Providence with their lives, and would rather 
 die for their country than return if they could, 
 without seeing the foe, and be called cowards 
 for their pains ! " 
 
 It might be supposed that these valiant 
 clergymen contented themselves with beseech- 
 ing the God of battles, and refrained from ming- 
 
71 
 
 ling in the fray. But this was not the case, for 
 in the old ballad of the Fight at Pequawket, it 
 is metrically narrated that : 
 
 "Our worthy Captain Lovewell 
 Among them there did die ; 
 They killed Lieutenant Hobbins, 
 
 And wounded good young Frye, 
 Who was our English Chaplain; 
 
 He many Indians slew, 
 And some of them he scalped 
 
 While bullets round him flew!" l 
 
 As his Britannic majesty's troops on the 
 Ohio, at the epoch of which I have been speak- 
 ing, had perhaps neither the power nor spirit to 
 punish or reclaim the Indians and enforce the 
 peace and the treaty, mischief became habitual 
 among the tribes when they found that they 
 escaped with impunity. 2 And, thus, in truth, 
 the Indian hatchet was never buried. The 
 summer after Bouquet's treaty, the savages 
 killed a white man upon the Virginia frontiers; 
 
 1 Drake's Book of the Indians, book III, pp. 128, 130, 
 133. 
 
 2 Maryland Gazette, Dee. 1, 1774. Am. Archives, 4th 
 series, vol. I, p. 1,015, extract of a letter from Red Stone 
 Fort, dated October, If 74. 
 
72 
 
 the next year, eight Virginians were butchered 
 on the Cumberland, and their peltries brought 
 to the Indian towns where they were sold to 
 Pennsylvania traders. Sometime after, Martin, 
 a Virginia trader, with two companions, was 
 killed by the Shawanese on the Hockhocking; 
 only, as it was alleged by Lord Dunmore, 
 because they were Virginians ; at the same time 
 that the savages allowed a certain Ellis to pass 
 simply because he was a Pennsylvanian. In 
 1771, twenty Virginians and their party of 
 friendly Indians were robbed by savages of thirty- 
 eight horses, as well as of weapons, clothes and 
 trappings, which they delivered to Callender 
 and Spears, and certain other Pennsylvania 
 traders in their towns. In the same year, 
 within the jurisdiction of Virginia, the Indians 
 killed two remote settlers; and, in the following 
 year Adam Stroud, another Virginian, with his 
 wife and seven children, fell beneath their 
 tomahawks and scalping knives on the waters 
 of the Elk. In 1773, the savages were still 
 engaged in their work of destruction. Richards 
 fell on the Kanawha ; and a few months after 
 
73 
 
 Russell, another Virginian, with five whites 
 and two negroes, perished near the Cumberland 
 Gap, 1 while their horses and property were 
 borne off by the Indians to the towns where 
 they fell a prey to the Pennsylvania traders. 
 These and many other butcheries and robberies 
 of a similar character, were committed in the 
 savage raids and forays, anterior the year 1774, 
 and long before Shawanese blood was wantonly 
 shed in retaliation by the irritated people. 2 A 
 Dutch family was massacred on the Kanawha 
 in June of 1773, and the family of Mr. Hog, 
 and three white men, on the Great Kanawha, 
 early in April, 1774. 3 On the 25th of April, 
 
 1 This was the rear of Boone's party in October, 1773. 
 Some of Boone's sons were among the slain. 
 
 2 Earl of Dumnore's Speech to the Delawares and Six 
 Nation Chiefs, Am. Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 873. 
 
 3 Am. Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 1,015, and see also 
 Lord Dunmore's answer, dated at Williamsburg, 29 May, 
 1774, to the speech of the Indians dated at Pittsburgh, 
 May, 7, 1774, Am. Arch., ut supra, p. 482 ; but compare the 
 alleged Indian statements contained in a letter dated 29 
 May, 1774, from Arthur St. Clair to Governor Penn, in the 
 same volume, p. 286. See also Withers's Chronicle of 
 Border Warfare. 
 
 10 
 
74 
 
 1774, the Earl of Dunmore, at Williamsburg 
 his seat of government in Virginia, issued his 
 proclamation, which, as dates are of great 
 importance in this narrative, we should regard 
 as unveiling other causes of border difficulty, 
 besides the Indian hostilities, which were then 
 occurring. 
 
 It will be remembered, as I have already 
 stated, that the territorial claim of Virginia 
 covered at that time a large part of western 
 Pennsylvania, and that a sharp controversy had 
 arisen between the two provinces and their 
 respective authorities, especially as to the 
 domain commanding the navigable head waters 
 on the line of frontier posts. There was great 
 jealousy on both sides. The Virginia pioneer — 
 planter, hunter and agriculturist — had met in 
 conflict with the Pennsylvania trader. The 
 Indians — as we have seen in the statement I 
 gave of some of the murders during the ten 
 years after Bouquet's peace — molested the 
 Virginia forester, but appear to have spared the 
 Pennsylvania trader. The allegations of Lord 
 Dunmore in one of his speeches to the Indians, 
 
75 
 
 already referred to, exhibit the soreness of 
 provincial feeling on this subject. 1 In this 
 proclamation of the 25th of April, 1 7 74 , before 
 there could possibly have been a communication 
 of any retaliatory murders on the Ohio, com- 
 mitted by the whites upon the Indians, the 
 British earl, then at Williamsburg, declares, 
 that inasmuch as there is trouble within his 
 jurisdiction at Pittsburgh, and the authorities 
 in that place and its dependencies will endeavor 
 to obstruct his majesty's government thereof 
 by illegal means ; and inasmuch as that "settle- 
 ment is in danger of annoyance from Indians, 
 also," he has thought proper, with the advice 
 and consent of his majesty's counsel, to require 
 and authorize the militia officers of that district 
 to embody a sufficient number of men to repel 
 any assault ivhatever. 2 The events that caused 
 the issuing of this proclamation, must neces- 
 sarily have occurred both among the white and 
 the red men, a considerable time before, so as 
 
 1 American Archives, ut antea, p. 482. 
 *lbid, 4th series, vol. I, p. 283. Lord Dunmore's 
 Proclamation. 
 
to have allowed the messenger to cross the 
 mountains prior to the 25th of April. 
 
 But even anterior to this, on the 24th 
 of March, 1774, there was a letter published 
 in the Williamsburg Gazette, addressed to the 
 earl, and signed Yirginius, warning him of an 
 Indian war, and beseeching him to convoke 
 the house of burgesses in order to raise men 
 and means for the defense of the frontier. 1 
 The first volume of the fourth series of the 
 American Archives, published by congress, is 
 full of narratives and official correspondence or 
 minutes, disclosing the acrimonious provincial 
 animosities as to western jurisdiction between 
 Pennsylvania and Virginia at this time, and 
 one writer declares that "more is to be dreaded 
 from the rancorous feeling between the settlers 
 from the two states than from the barbarians." 
 The same volume contains numerous documents 
 revealing the violent scenes that occurred in 
 1774, upon the arrival at Pittsburgh of John 
 Connolly, who though a native of Lancaster 
 
 American Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 272 in the notes. 
 
77 
 
 county, in Pennsylvania, was regularly com- 
 missioned by Lord Dunmore, to represent his 
 authority as a magistrate for West Augusta. 1 
 
 1 See as to the causes of this war, in confirmation, With- 
 ers's Chronicles of Border Warfare, chapter vi. He is 
 decidedly of opinion that it was not caused by the murders 
 at Captina creek and opposite the mouth of Yellow creek, 
 which will be subsequently narrated. See Almon's Remem- 
 brancer, vol. II, pp. 218, 330. Smyth's Travels in America, 
 Dublin, 1784. Smyth was one of Connolly's captured party. 
 Jacob's Gresap, p. 67. American Archives, vol. III. 1,191- 
 1,192. Lord Dunmore was certainly good authority, at least 
 for the fact that it was not "Cressop's war, " as it has been 
 called by some writers. The following MS. extract was sent 
 to me by Mr. George Bancroft. 
 
 "Lord Dunmore to General Haldimand: 
 
 " Williamsburg, 24 December, 1774. 
 
 "Sir: I have received from Lord Dartmouth, an extract 
 of a letter of which the inclosed is a copy. 
 
 " You have been very much imposed upon by the account 
 given you which you thought fit to transmit to his Majesty's 
 Minister. There is no other Colonel Cressop, than an old 
 man of ninety years of age, who has not removed from his 
 habitation for many years — for some from my own know- 
 ledge — and for the rest from incontestible authority. There 
 is, indeed, one Michael Cressop (not a colonel but a trader), 
 who, with others, is said to have killed those Indians (not on 
 a scout but) returning from the back settlements where he 
 had been on his private business, and, where he found the 
 Indians ravaging the country, and murdering every white man 
 
78 
 
 It is not a little singular, even if nothing 
 more than a coincidence, that Lord Dunmore 
 should have chosen the epoch of a menaced 
 Indian war, and of a growing dispute with the 
 mother country beyond the seas, to assert the 
 rights of Virginia, not only by issuing his pro- 
 clamation, but by despatching to the scene of 
 action a man like John Connolly, who was well 
 known not only for his bold, restless and artful 
 character, but for his sagacity, his knowledge of 
 the world and of Indian affairs, and his exceed- 
 ingly lax morality. 1 
 
 they could lay their hands on, and, therefore, very far from, 
 being the cause of a war as you would suggest, or, even of hos- 
 tilities. It was the consequence of repeated hostilities com- 
 mitted by the Indians on the people of our Frontiers ; and 
 both these Cressops are not Virginians, or even inhabited 
 Virginia, but belonging to Maryland — with respect, however, 
 to which, or, the cause of the war with the Indians, I con- 
 ceive it not necessary for me to send you proofs." 
 
 1 Burk's Hist. Virginia, vol. Ill, p. 374, and vol. IV, p. 
 74. At the latter reference the reader will find a further 
 development of Connolly's subsequent conduct and hostility 
 to American interests, as disclosed in the plot formed by 
 Lord Dunmore to bring the Indian tribes of the west into 
 the revolutionary conflict. Connolly, on his way to Detroit, 
 was arrested near Fredericktown in Maryland, by the com- 
 
79 
 
 This is not a proper occasion to discuss a 
 border controversy between the two great pro- 
 vinces which has never yet been fully chro- 
 nicled, and, at best, could only be an episode in 
 
 mittee of safety; was examined and committed to close 
 custody on the 23d November, 1775. He had been com- 
 missioned by the earl, as a lieutenant colonel commandant. — 
 Bur7c, vol. IV, appendix iv. The joint plans of these loyal 
 Britons show the great probability that, in truth, there was 
 a scheme in embryo to crush the American revolution at its 
 birth, by a union between the Indians, negroes and loyalists, 
 and by the excitement of an Indian war on the frontier, 
 which would compel the settlers to think of self-protection 
 against savages, instead of demanding from England the 
 security of right and liberty, at the muzzle of the rifle. 
 By a letter from Lord Dartmouth to Lord Dunmore, dated 
 at Whitehall on the 2d of August, 1775, it appears that, in 
 thf previous May, Dunmore had communicated to the home 
 government his vile plan of raising the Indians and negroes 
 to join the miscalled loyalists in an onslaught against the 
 Americans. The following letter, a copy of which has been 
 very kindly sent to me by Mr. George Bancroft, is probably 
 the one of the " previous May" alluded to : 
 
 (Extract). 
 
 "Williamsburg, 1st May, 1775. 
 '•If the Servants of the Crown should be of opinion 
 that the authority of the government ought to be enforced 
 here, I am persuaded, that if his Majesty should think 
 proper to add to the small body of troops to be sent here, a 
 quantity of arms and ammunition and other requisites for the 
 Service, I could raise such a force from among Indians, as 
 
80 
 
 our history. Yet I have thought it right to 
 show that it occurred, singularly enough, just 
 at the epoch of the wars of 1774 and of the 
 revolution, and was probably considered as 
 a means of exciting enmity and disaffection 
 betwixt Virginians and Pennsylvanians, of 
 loosening the links between two vast territorial 
 empires, and thus of weakening the sympathetic 
 bond which should have bound all Americans 
 
 would soon reduce the refractory people of this Colony to obe- 
 dience." — State Paper office, London : Virginia, vol. CXC V. 
 
 See also Sabine's Loyalists, article, John Connolly. 
 
 The original papers relative to the arrest of Connolly and 
 his incendiary companions in Maryland in 1775 are recorded 
 in the MS. Journal of the Committee of Observation of 
 the Middle District of Frederick County, under date of the 
 21 Nov., 1775, in the possession of the Maryland Historical 
 Society. This record gives, 1st, The letter from John Con- 
 nolly to John Gibson, dated at Portsmouth, Aug. 9, 1775 : 
 2d, A letter from Lord Dunmore to the Indian Capt. White 
 Eyes. It contains a loving message to u his brother" 
 The Cornstalk (the same who had fought at Pt. Pleasant): 
 3d, Proposals to General Gage for raising an army to the 
 westward for the purpose of effectually obstructing a com- 
 munication between the southern and northern govern- 
 ments. One of the chief proposals was to raise the Indians. 
 
 See Letters from Arthur St. Clair to Gov. Penn, Ligonier, 
 29 May, 1774, Am. Arch., 4th series, vol. I, p. 287. 
 
81 
 
 at that critical moment, The fatal quarrel with 
 Great Britain had already begun, and all the 
 chief provinces from Massachusetts southward, 
 were rallying in the general national cause with 
 a firmness that betokened danger to the domi- 
 nion of the parent state unless our liberties were 
 left untouched. 
 
 But there is a third motive for this war 
 which we admit is not altogether proved against 
 the British earl, although there are facts that 
 strongly fortify the belief entertained on the 
 subject by early American writers and soldiers 
 who served in the campaign. Among all the 
 authors and journalists of the war there is evi- 
 dently a strong impression, amounting almost 
 to positive conviction, that Connolly, as the tool 
 of Dunmore, secretly fomented the war with 
 ulterior views, as a counter irritation against 
 the menaced resistance to England. Those 
 who lived nearest the scene of action, and 
 especially the Virginians who had the best 
 means of judging Dunmore's motives, believed 
 from circumstances that transpired during the 
 conflict, that the Indians were urged to a war 
 11 
 
82 
 
 by the instigation of emissaries from Great 
 Britain and by the Canadian traders. It was 
 generally credited that Dunmore had received 
 from England advices concerning the approach- 
 ing contest, and that all his measures with the 
 Indians had for their ultimate object an alliance 
 of foreign troops and loyalists with the ferocious 
 warriors against the Americans. Nothing, in- 
 deed, was more natural than for British poli- 
 ticians at home to suppose that the excitement 
 of an Indian war, and a contemporary dissen- 
 sion between the people of two large provinces 
 in America, would be the means of preventing 
 a colonial coalition in opposition to parliament- 
 ary taxation. 1 But, fortunately for our liberties, 
 
 i Burk's Hist. Virg., vol. Ill, p. 380 ; Withers's Chronicles, 
 p. 107; Dr. Doddridge's account of Dunmore's war in Kerche- 
 val (edition of 1833), p. 157; Rev. Mr. Jacob's Life of 
 Cresap, pp. 47, 52, 53, 67; Col. Stuart's Memoir of the 
 Indian Wars, printed by the Virginia Historical Society, 
 pp. 41, 43, 49, 56; Howison's History Virginia, vol. II, p. 
 72 ; Hildreth's History U. States, vol. Ill, p. 49 ; Monette's 
 History Valley of the Mississippi, vol. I, p. 385; Virginia 
 Historical Register, vol. I, p. 32, in Col. Andrew Lewis's 
 letter ; Annals of the West ; Ohio Historical Collections, by 
 Howe, p. 408 ; Almon's Remembrancer, vol. II, pp. 218, 330 ; 
 
83 
 
 the alarm of an Indian war neither palsied nor 
 benumbed the masses. And although Penn- 
 sylvania did not contribute largely to its sup- 
 pression, it was not until the military ardor and 
 indignation of the people throughout Virginia 
 blazed up in the colony and reacted on Dun- 
 more, that he affected, at least, to feel a hectic 
 glow of virtuous indignation, and placed himself 
 at the head of the troops that gathered from 
 every glen and mountain to repel the savage. 1 
 
 Smyth's Travels in America, Dublin, 1784. As to Dun- 
 more's supposed treachery see Am. Arch., 4th series, vol. Ill, 
 pp. 1191, 1192, for some strong suspicions on this point from 
 facts that became known after the treaty of Camp Charlotte 
 and the close of the campaign. 
 
 1 Bark, vol. Ill, p. 38 L. The Pennsylvania authorities took 
 precautions soon after the outbreak of troubles to signify to 
 the Indians, by messengers, that the alleged outrages were not 
 committed by Pennsylvanians, and that the government of 
 Pennsylvania disavowed and condemned them, and therefore 
 were not proper objects of revenge. This timely notice is 
 probably the reason why the Indian war was not carried on 
 against the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania, but was 
 chiefly directed against those of Virginia, where all kinds of 
 savage barbarities were inflicted. See Gordon's History of 
 Pennsylvania, p. 475 ; Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, 
 vol. I, p. 371. See also Drake's Book of the Indians, book 
 v, p. 45, for some sound reasoning on Dunmore's conduct. 
 
84 
 
 It will be perceived, therefore, that there 
 were three probable causes or motives for the 
 war which broke out in 1774, the leading 
 events of which I will narrate very briefly. 
 
 I. The hostility of the Indians had been 
 constantly manifested in the most murderous 
 and predatory manner ever since Bouquet's 
 peace in 1764; and, at the same time, the gra- 
 dual enlargement of the white settlements had 
 brought, in perilous neighborhood, two races 
 who were naturally hostile, while neither the 
 savages of the one, nor the hardy woodsmen of 
 the other, were prepared, by continuous forbear- 
 ance, to avoid conflict or to unite in a common 
 tenure of the soil. 
 
 II. The Pennsylvania disputes with Vir- 
 ginia as to territorial limits and jurisdiction 
 were unwisely fomented by the forcible acts of 
 Dunmore and Connolly, and thus the comity 
 and good-will between two of the most import- 
 ant colonies were fearfully endangered. 
 
 III. It was probably Lord Dunmore's desire 
 to incite a war which would arouse and band 
 the savages of the west, so that, in the antici- 
 
85 
 
 pated struggle with the United Colonies, the 
 British home interest might ultimately avail 
 itself of these children of the forest as ferocious 
 and formidable allies in the onslaught on the 
 Americans. But, at all events, nothing, so well 
 as the Indian border war, would produce a 
 counteraction in the land at this moment of 
 peril^ and absorb the colonist in the exclusive 
 duty of self-protection against a foe that was 
 more to be feared than parliamentary taxation. 
 
 From this brief view of the political field of 
 the colonies in 1774, let us return to the scene 
 of impending hostilities. 
 
 We left Michael Cresap, the western frontier 
 trader, a man of broken fortunes, emigrating 
 from his Maryland homestead among the moun- 
 tains of Cumberland, to the broad lands and 
 pleasant valleys of the Ohio. His purpose 
 unquestionably was not warlike; for, in the 
 disastrous condition of his affairs, and with a 
 large family to maintain, peace was absolutely 
 necessary for success in his new field of enter- 
 prise. Accordingly, early in 1774, we find 
 
86 
 
 him on the Ohio river, in the neighborhood of 
 Pittsburgh and Wheeling, with laborers brought 
 under contract of hire from Maryland, engaged 
 in opening and locating farms. He was there 
 neither as a speculator nor a land-jobber, as 
 many of the emigrants of those days were 
 unjustly stigmatized. His purpose was peace- 
 ful settlement, and he is no more to be blamed 
 for his manly progress into the wilderness in 
 quest of land, than were Washington and 
 many other distinguished Americans of those 
 days who possessed themselves of property in 
 the prolific valleys of the west. 1 
 
 1 Historians have been in the habit of stigmatizing all 
 concerned in the outbreak of the war as speculators and 
 land-jobbers who were anxious to drive off the Indians. 
 I shall insert below an advertisement from the Maryland 
 Gazette of May 26, 1774, which shows the opinion, at least 
 of Washington, at that time, and is surely calculated to 
 prove the honesty of purpose with which far-seeing men 
 took advantage of their opportunities to obtain titles and 
 open farms in the region beyond the Alleghanies : 
 
 "Fairfax County, Va., May 10, 1774. 
 
 " In the month of March last the subscribers sent out a 
 number of carpenters and laborers, to build houses and clear 
 and enclose lands on the Ohio, intending to divide the 
 
87 
 
 Cresap was engaged in these honest and 
 laudable pursuits when he suddenly received a 
 summons which terminated his agricultural 
 projects in the west. 
 
 After this region had been explored in 1773, 
 a resolution was formed by a band of hardy 
 pioneers — among whom was George Kogers 
 Clark, who, afterwards, as a general officer, 
 became so celebrated in the annals of Ken- 
 tucky — to make a settlement during the follow- 
 ing spring; and the mouth of the little Kanawha 
 was appointed as the place of general rendez- 
 vous, whence the united party should descend 
 
 several tracts which he there holds, into convenient sized 
 tenements and to give leases therefor for lives, or a term of 
 years, renewable forever, under certain conditions which 
 may be known either of him, or Mr. Valentine Crawford, 
 who is now on the land. 
 
 " The situation and quality of these lands having been 
 thoroughly described in a former advertisement, it is unne- 
 cessary to enlarge on them here; suffice it generally to 
 observe, that there are no better in that country, and that 
 the whole of them lay upon the banks either of the Ohio or 
 Great Kanawha, and are capable of receiving the highest 
 improvement. 
 
 4w. " George Washington." 
 
88 
 
 the river. Early in 1774 the Indians had done 
 some of their habitual mischief. Reports of fur- 
 ther and perhaps meditated dangers were rife 
 along the river, as coming from the Indian 
 towns. Many of the promised settlers, alarmed 
 by the news, remained at their homes, so that, 
 at the appointed time, not more than eighty or 
 ninety men assembled at the rendezvous. 
 
 In a few days the anticipated troubles with 
 the savages commenced. A small party of 
 hunters, encamped about ten miles below Clark's 
 emigrants, was fired on by the Indians; but the 
 red men were repulsed and the hunters returned 
 to camp. This hostile demonstration, coupled 
 with the rumors already spoken of, satisfied 
 the Americans that the savages were bent on 
 war. Accordingly, the whole band was regu- 
 larly enrolled for protection ; yet it was resolved 
 to adhere to the original project of settling in 
 Kentucky, inasmuch as the camp was amply 
 furnished with every thing needful for such 
 an enterprise. 
 
 An Indian town, called the Horse-head Bot- 
 tom, on the Scioto, near its mouth, lay in the 
 
89 
 
 pioneers' way, and they forthwith resolved to 
 cross the country and surprise it. But when 
 the question arose as to who should command 
 so perilous an adventure, it was found that in 
 the whole band, no one possessed sufficient 
 experience in Indian warfare to be entrusted 
 confidently with the fortunes of his companions. 
 It was known, however, that Michael Cresap 
 dwelt on the river about fifteen miles above 
 the camp, engaged with certain laborers in 
 settling a plantation, and that he had resolved 
 to follow this band of pioneers to Kentucky as 
 soon as he had established his people. His 
 experience of frontier life was notorious. The 
 eager settlers, with one voice, resolved to de- 
 mand his services in the hour of danger, and 
 a messenger was forthwith dispatched to seek 
 him. In half an hour he returned with Mi- 
 chael, who, hearing of the unwise resolution to 
 attack the Indian town, had already set out to 
 visit the pioneer camp. The emigrants at once 
 thought their army, as they called it, complete, 
 and the destruction of the savages certain. 
 
 But a council was called, and to the surprise of 
 12 
 
90 
 
 all, the intended commander-in-chief promptly 
 dissuaded his companions from the meditated 
 enterprise. He said that, in truth, appearances 
 were very suspicious, yet there was no certainty 
 of war; that if the pioneers attacked the savages 
 he had no doubt of success, but that a war 
 would be the unquestionable result, the blame 
 of which would fall upon the assailants. If 
 they determined to proceed, however, he pro- 
 mised to send to his camp for his people, and to 
 share the fortunes of the adventurers. 
 
 This mild but resolute counsel struck the 
 whole band forcibly, and it was immediately 
 resolved, according to Cresap's advice, to return 
 to Wheeling as a convenient post where further 
 tidings might readly be obtained. A few weeks, 
 he thought, would determine the impending 
 issue ; and, as it was still early in the spring, 
 if the Indians were found to be indisposed for 
 war, the emigrants would have ample time to 
 descend the river to their proposed settlement 
 in Kentucky. 
 
 In two hours the pioneers had struck their 
 tents and were on their way to Wheeling. As 
 
91 
 
 they ascended the river they met Killbuck, an 
 Indian chief, accompanied by a small party; 
 and had a long but unsatisfactory interview 
 with him as to the disposition of the tribes. It 
 was observed that Cresap did not attend this 
 conference, but remained on the opposite side 
 of the river, declaring that he was afraid to 
 trust himself with the Indians, especially as 
 Killbuck had frequently attempted to waylay 
 and murder his father in Maryland, and that if 
 they met, his fortitude might forsake him and 
 he might put the savage to death. 1 These 
 anecdotes denote the caution and self-restraint, 
 the prudence and vigilance with which Michael 
 Cresap behaved and counseled during the whole 
 of these opening scenes, and exhibit him in the 
 true light of an emigrant who was anxious to 
 maintain inviolate the peace of a region in 
 which his fortunes had been cast. 
 
 1 Killbuck — see Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 31, for a 
 ludicrous accident that happened to this Indian whilst 
 engaged in the assault upon Cresap and his friends at the 
 Old Town affair heretofore narrated. It was perhaps the 
 first time that a savage was so singularly wounded by a 
 woman ! 
 
92 
 
 On the party's arrival at Wheeling, around 
 which there were many white settlements, all 
 the inhabitants appeared to be .alarmed. They 
 flocked to the camp from every direction, and 
 refused to leave the protecting wings of the 
 pioneers. Offers were made to cover their 
 neighborhood with scouts, until further reliable 
 information was received; but no counsel or 
 promise of protection would avail. Every day 
 brought fresh accessions of strength to the 
 party. Farmers, hunters, woodsmen, flocked 
 to the band of Kentucky pioneers, until its 
 numbers became formidable. 
 
 The arrival of these men at Wheeling was 
 soon known at Pittsburgh, and the whole of 
 that region, as I have stated, was, under the 
 asserted jurisdiction of Virginia, controlled by 
 Connolly, under Dunmore's commission for 
 West Augusta. When Connolly heard of the 
 pioneers' approach to Wheeling he sent a mes- 
 sage to the party, informing it that war was to 
 be apprehended, and requesting that it would 
 remain in position a short time inasmuch as 
 messages had been sent to the Indians and a 
 
93 
 
 few days would solve the doubt. Before a com- 
 plying answer could reach Pittsburgh, how- 
 ever, a second express arrived from Connolly, 
 addressed to Captain Cresap, as the most influ- 
 ential man in the band, apprizing him that the 
 messengers had returned from the Indians, that 
 war was inevitable, that the savages would 
 strike as soon as the season permitted, and beg- 
 ging him to use his influence with the party to 
 cover the country with scouts until the inhabit- 
 ants could fortify themselves. 1 This message 
 reached Cresap about the 21st of April, 2 and its 
 reception was the signal for open hostilities 
 against the Indians. Such was the natural 
 result on so exposed a frontier, where the white 
 man or the savage who obtained the first shot 
 
 1 Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 54 ; Am. Archives, 4th 
 series, vol. I, p. 468 j Gen. Rogers Clarke's letter in the 
 appendix No. I to this discourse. Dr. Wheeler's testimony 
 in Jacob, p. 110. 
 
 2 The letter in the American Archives referred to above 
 at p. 468, indicates the date of this letter or message from 
 Connolly to have been on the 2lst of April, 1774. Devereux 
 Smith writes to Dr. Smith from Pittsburgh under date of 
 10th of June, 1774, as follows : " * * * * On the 21st of 
 April Connolly wrote a letter to the inhabitants of Wheel- 
 
94 
 
 was the victor, and where the Indian assassi- 
 nation or privat war — to give it the most civil- 
 ized name — was the only rule recognized by 
 the red men when they were aroused against 
 encroaching Americans. 
 
 The time of the reception of Connolly's letter 
 was thus the date of hostilities against the 
 Indians. A new post was immediately planted, 
 a council called, and the letter read not only to 
 the military party but to all the neighboring 
 Indian traders who were summoned on so im- 
 portant an occasion. The result was a solemn 
 and formal declaration of war on the 26th of 
 April, and that very night two scalps were 
 brought into the camp. 1 
 
 Some days prior to this, Mr. William Butler, 
 
 ing, telling them that he had been informed by good 
 authority that the Shawanese were ill-disposed towards 
 white men, and he therefore required and commanded them 
 to hold themselves in readiness to repel any insults that 
 might be offered them." See also same volume of Am. 
 Arch., p. 287, where Connolly's " circular letter to the 
 inhabitants on the Ohio " is spoken of. Jacob says he once 
 possessed it: pp. 53, 54, 110, 113. 
 
 1 McKee's MS. Journal, London Documents, Albany, N. Y. 
 Am. Arch., 4th series, vol. 1, p. 345. 
 
95 
 
 who seems not to have heeded the earlier warn- 
 ings, had sent off a canoe loaded with goods for 
 the Shawanese towns, and on the 16th of April, 
 it was attacked, forty miles below Pittsburgh 
 by three Cherokees, who waylaid it on the river. 
 They killed one white man, wounded another 
 and a third made his escape, while the savages 
 plundered the canoe of the most valuable part 
 of the cargo. 
 
 The day after the declaration of war by 
 Cresap and his men, under the warning 
 authority of Connolly's message, some canoes of 
 Indians were descried on the river keeping 
 under the cover of an island to screen them- 
 selves from the party's sight. The skiffs were 
 immediately chased fifteen miles down the 
 river, and driven on shore. A battle ensued, 
 in which an Indian was taken prisoner, a few 
 were wounded on both sides, and perhaps one 
 slain. On examining the canoes they were 
 found to contain a considerable quantity of 
 ammunition and other warlike stores. 1 
 
 1 See Alex. McKee's MS. Journal, London Documents, 
 Albany, and article in Am. Jour, of Science and Art, for 
 
96 
 
 In the deliberations of the camp on the night 
 after the party's return, it was determined that 
 a band should march on the following morning 
 about thirty miles up the river in order to 
 attack the settlement of Logan ; but the band 
 had not advanced more than five miles, when, 
 halting for refreshment, Cresap asserted the 
 gross impropriety of executing so dastardly an 
 enterprise against a party composed of men, 
 women and children who were known to cherish 
 no hostile intentions but to be solely engaged 
 in hunting. These facts were familiar to the 
 pioneers, many of whom had visited the Indian 
 camp during the preceding March, as they 
 descended the Ohio to their original rendezvous. 
 
 Cresap's counsel immediately prevailed, and 
 every man present seemed disgusted with a 
 project which, a short time before, had been so 
 heedlessly and shamefully cherished. The 
 party returned to camp in the evening, and 
 speedily took the road to Red-Stone Old Fort. 1 
 
 October, 1846, p. 10 ; and compare with the letter in 
 appendix No. 1 to this discourse. 
 
 1 See General Clark's letter; appendix No. 1. This 
 
97 
 
 Thus, Cresap and his men were gone from 
 the scene ; but unfortunately, his prudent and 
 friendly advice as to the settlement of Logan 
 was not heeded by other adventurers on the 
 river. On the last day of April, 1744, it was 
 cruelly destroyed by others. 1 
 
 The Indian camp was about thirty miles 
 above Wheeling, close to the mouth of Yellow 
 creek, while on the opposite side of the Ohio, 
 near the river bank, was the cabin of a certain 
 Baker, who sold rum to the Indians, and of 
 course received frequent visits from them. 
 
 important letter now published for the first time from the 
 original in the Jefferson Papers, in the archives of the 
 state department at Washington, is the most authentic 
 account of the transactions preceding this Indian war, as 
 well as of the treaty at its conclusion. The character of 
 its author is too well known to require elucidation. 
 
 1 See General Clark's letter, appendix No. 1. — Benjamin 
 Tomlinson, in his testimony in Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 
 107, fixes the time on the "third or fourth of May; but 
 John Sappington's statement in the 4th appendix to Jeifer- 
 son's Notes on Va., p. 52, dates it on the 24th of May. I 
 am satisfied the massacre occurred on the 30th of April, 
 1744, and that Sappington's date of the 24th May, given 
 from memory, after a lapse of twenty-six years, is inac- 
 curate. An examination of Washington's MSS. in the 
 13 
 
98 
 
 This man had been particularly desired by 
 Cresap to remove his liquors, and seems to have 
 prepared to take them away at the time of the 
 murder. 
 
 Towards the close of April, 1774, a certain 
 Michael Myers — who still lived on the Ohio a 
 few miles above Steubenville, in February, 
 1850 — resided on Pigeon creek, which, according 
 to the maps, lies about forty miles from Yellow 
 creek. In consequence of Indian alarms, Myers 
 was called forth from this settlement to go with 
 his neighbors to guard the frontier at Baker's 
 
 archives of the state department at Washington has dis- 
 closed a letter from Valentine Crawford to Colonel Gr. 
 Washington, from Jacob's creek on the Monongahela and 
 dated " May 7th, 1774." The following is an extract from 
 it. After describing some of the Indian and pioneer fights 
 posterior to the Yellow creek massacre, he adds : " And on 
 Saturday last, about twelve o'clock, there was one Great- 
 iiouse and about twenty men fell on a party of Indians at 
 the mouth of Yellow creek, and killed ten of them, and 
 brought away one child a prisoner, which is now at my 
 brother William Crawford's." By reference to the Almanac 
 for 1744, it will be seen that the Saturday before the 7th of 
 May of that year — the date of Valentine Crawford's letter — 
 was the 3Qth of April. Valentine Crawford was Washing- 
 ton's land-agent, in the west. 
 
99 
 
 Bottom. While there, two land hunters in- 
 duced him to accompany them across the stream 
 and along the banks of this Yellow creek in 
 order to examine the country. Proceeding 
 by the western shore of the creek for some 
 miles, the travelers bivouacked for the night, 
 and hobbled the only horse they had with 
 them 'so as to prevent his straying far from the 
 camp. The animal, nevertheless, rambled off 
 about three hundred yards out of sight, over a 
 rising ground; and, soon after, the woodsmen 
 hearing the beast's bell rattle violently, seized 
 their guns and started to discover the cause. 
 On reaching the top of the ridge, Myers beheld 
 near forty yards below, an Indian in the act of 
 loosening the horse which seemed restive and 
 anxious to break from the savage whose gun 
 lay on the ground beside him. Myers, crouch- 
 ing behind the hillock, instantly leveled his 
 rifle and shot the Indian. It was now a little 
 after sunset, and soon, another Indian, attracted 
 by the crack of the weapon, approached rapidly 
 armed with his rifle, but halted abruptly in 
 astonishment as soon as he beheld his prostrate 
 
100 
 
 fellow. In the meanwhile Myers had reloaded 
 his rifle, and before the savage could recover 
 from his surprise, he too, fell before the forest- 
 er's fatal aim. In the distance the camp of 
 the clan, spread with deer and bearskins, was 
 visible, and as prompt succor was at hand, the 
 Americans did not pause to see whether the 
 Indian's wounds were deadly, but flying from 
 the spot, recrossed the Ohio for safety, and 
 hastened to the neighborhood of Baker's cabin. 1 
 The evening or night, before the tragedy 
 which I am now about to narrate was commit- 
 ted at this cabin, a squaw came over to Baker's 
 
 !MS. narrative sent to me by Mr. L. C. Draper, who 
 visited Myers in 1850, and received the account from his 
 lips. Mr. D. thinks that the narrator may have confounded 
 in his memory the events of another period; but as Myers 
 positively asserts that this affair led the hostile parties of 
 Indians to go over next day to Baker's; as it gives the 
 plausible pretext for the story of the squaw who visited Mrs. 
 Baker ; and, as it is the same that Myers has constantly told 
 his neighbors, I am inclined to rely in its accuracy. Mr. 
 Myers has always sustained a good character ; in early times 
 was a captain, and served as a justice of the peace for 
 many years. Myers admits that he took part in firing on 
 the Indians who crossed in canoes on the day of the 
 massacre. 
 
101 
 
 and aroused the attention of the inmates bv her 
 tears and distress. For a long time she refused 
 to disclose the cause of her sorrow, but at last, 
 when left alone with Baker's wife, confessed 
 that the Indians had resolved to kill the white 
 woman and her family the next day; but, as 
 she loved her and did not wish to see her slain, 
 she had crossed the river to divulge the plot so 
 as to enable her friend to escape. The savages 
 had most probably been roused to revenge by 
 the unfortunate rencounter of Myers with their 
 clansmen. 
 
 In consequence of this information, and in 
 dread of the meditated assassination, Baker 
 summoned a number of his neighbors, who all 
 reached his house before morning, when it was 
 resolved that the strangers should conceal 
 themselves in a back apartment, whence the 
 assailing Indians might be watched. It was 
 also determined that if they demeaned them- 
 selves peaceably, they should not be molested; 
 but if hostility was manifested, they should 
 show themselves and act accordingly. 1 
 
 1 Some writers declare that Greathouse visited the Indian 
 
102 
 
 Early in the morning a party of eight 
 Indians, composed of three squaws, a child, 
 and four unarmed men, one of whom was 
 Logan's brother, crossed the river to Bakers 
 cabin, where all but Logan's brother obtained 
 liquor and became excessively drunk. No 
 whites, except Baker and two of his compa- 
 nions, appeared in the cabin. After some time 
 Logan's relative took down a coat and hat 
 belonging to Baker's brother-in-law, and putting 
 them on, set his arms akimbo, strutted about 
 the apartment, and at length coming up 
 abruptly to one of the men, addressed him with 
 the most offensive epithets and attempted to 
 strike him. 2 The white man — Sappington 3 — 
 who was thus assailed by language and gesture, 
 
 camp the night before the massacre and " decoyed" the 
 savages over to drink on the next day. McKee's MS. 
 Journal, ut antea. Moravian Journal, Am. Arch., vol. I, 
 
 p. 285. 
 
 2 See Withers's Border Warfare, p. 113, for Col. Swear- 
 ingen's testimony as to the provoking conduct of Logan's 
 brother at Yellow creek, and as to the origin of this affair. 
 
 3 See McKee's certificate, in Jefferson, at the end of Sap- 
 pington's narrative. 
 
10 
 
 for some time kept out of his way ; but becoming 
 irritated, seized his gun and shot the Indian as 
 he was rushing to the door still clad in the coat 
 and hat. The men, who during the whole of 
 this scene had remained hidden, now poured 
 forth, and, without parley slaughtered the 
 whole Indian party except the child. Before 
 this tragic event occurred, two canoes, one with 
 two and the other with five Indians, all naked, 
 painted, and completely armed for war, were 
 descried stealing from the opposite shore where 
 Logan's camp was situated. This was consi- 
 dered as confirmation of what the squaw had 
 said the night before, and was afterwards 
 alleged in justification of the murder of the 
 unarmed party which had first arrived. 
 
 No sooner were the unresisting drunkards 
 dead, than the infuriate whites rushed to the 
 river bank and ranging themselves along the 
 concealing fringe of underwood, prepared to 
 receive the canoes. The first that arrived was 
 the one containing two warriors, who were fired 
 upon and killed. The other canoe immediately 
 turned and fled ; but after this, two others con- 
 
104 
 
 taming eighteen warriors, painted and prepared 
 for conflict as the first had been, started to assail 
 the Americans. Advancing more cautiously 
 than the former party, they endeavored to land 
 below Baker's cabin, but being met by the rapid 
 movements of the rangers before they could 
 effect their purpose, they were put to flight with 
 the loss of one man, although they returned the 
 fire of the pioneers. 
 
 In this desperate and bloody massacre, which 
 was hastily perpetrated it seems in anticipation 
 of an Indian attack, an anticipation which was 
 probably confirmed by the opportune appear- 
 ance of the armed and painted warriors, there 
 were several men by the name of Greathouse 
 deeply and fearfully concerned. There are 
 persons who charge the whole of the horrid 
 action upon these individuals, yet its details are 
 too disgusting to be dwelt on more than is 
 needed in characterizing a single event of those 
 cruel times. 1 John Sappington, whose state- 
 
 1 See and compare: John Sappington's statement in Jef- 
 ferson's Notes on Virginia, appendix No. iv, p. 51 ; James 
 Chambers's deposition, id, — id., p. 39; Robinson's at p. 
 
105 
 
 ment in the ivth appendix to Jefferson's Notes 
 on Virginia is the clearest, most circumstantial 
 and consistent that I found in the volume, 
 declares that he does not believe u Logan had 
 
 42 ; Gen. Clark's letter, appendix No. 1 to this discourse. 
 Sappington states that he was a intimately acquainted with 
 all the circumstances respecting the destruction of Logan's 
 family," though he does not admit, in his carefully drawn 
 statement, that he was present at the scene of murder. 
 McKee in his certificate appended to Sappington's testimony 
 in Jefferson's Notes, says that Sappington admitted he was 
 the man who killed Logan's brother. See also the statement 
 written by Mr. Jolly, published in the American Journal 
 of Science and Arts, vol. XXXI, p. 10, and republished in 
 Howe's Ohio Hist. Coll., 266. See Drake's Booh of the 
 Indians. 
 
 It is important to recollect that all these statements and 
 depositions positively prove that Captain Michael Cresap 
 was neither present at nor countenanced the alleged murder 
 of Logan's kin at the Yellow creek massacre. The fact 
 that Sappington's statement was published by Mr. Jefferson 
 himself, indicates the confidence he placed in it, especially 
 as he inserts it as a sort of supplement to the other testi- 
 mony on the subject which had been printed before its 
 reception. Logan's mother, brother, and sister (Gibson's 
 Indian wife or squaw, in all likelihood), were, probably, all 
 of the relatives of Logan killed there. 
 
 In Jacob's Life of Cresap, page 108, Jacob Tomlinson, 
 
 (whose character for veracity is strongly authenticated in 
 
 the Olden Time, vol. II, p. 475, &c), states that the 
 
 attacking party, at Baker's Bottom, " had no commander. 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 any relations killed, except a brother; that 
 none of the squaws who were slain was his 
 wife ; that two of them were old women, while 
 the third, whose infant was spared, was the wife 
 of General Gibson," who, at that period was an 
 Indian trader, and subsequently took care of 
 the child as if it had been his own. 
 
 The war soon raged. This act seems to 
 have roused the Indians to immediate hostility. 
 A letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governor Penn, 
 dated at Ligonier, on the 22d of June, states 
 that Logan is returned with one prisoner and 
 thirteen scalps. 1 The blood of his kindred cried 
 for vengeance and he had already trod the war- 
 path. 
 
 "I believe," he continues, u Logan's brother was hilled by 
 a man named Sappington; who killed the others I know 
 not, although 1 was present f but this I know well, that 
 neither Captain Michael Cresap, nor any other person of 
 that name was there, nor do I believe, within many miles 
 of the place." The statement in the Olden Time is to the 
 same effect in exculpation of Cresap, but in that work it is not 
 Tomlinson's direct testimony, signed by him, as that was 
 which Jacob reports, but the relation from memory of his 
 convictions on the subject. 
 
 1 Am. Archives, 4th series, vol. I, p. 475. 
 
107 
 
 On the 12th of July, as William Robinson, 
 Thomas Hellen and Coleman Brown, were 
 gathering flax in a field, on the west fork of the 
 Monongahela, they were suprised by a party of 
 eight Indians, led by Logan. The savages stole 
 upon them and fired before they were perceived. 
 Brown fell, pierced by several balls, but Hellen 
 and Robinson sought safety in flight. Hellen 
 was too old to avoid capture; yet Robinson, with 
 the agility of youth, and urged by his love of life 
 and liberty, would have escaped but for an 
 untoward accident. Believing that he was out- 
 stripping his pursuers in the race, he hastily 
 turned to ascertain the fact, but while glancing 
 over his shoulder, he ran with such violence 
 against a tree as to be thrown stunned and 
 powerless on the ground. The savages at once 
 secured him with cords, and when revived, he 
 was taken back to the spot where the lifeless 
 and bleeding body of Brown was laid, and where 
 Hellen was already secured. Taking with 
 them a horse belonging to the latter, the Indians 
 immediately departed for their towns with the 
 prisoners. 
 
108 
 
 As they approached the Indian camp Logan 
 gave the scalp halloo, and, immediately, several 
 warriors came forth to meet them. The unfor- 
 tunate captives were now compelled to run the 
 gauntlet for their lives. Logan had manifested 
 a kindly feeling to Robinson from the moment 
 of his seizure, and instructed him as to the way 
 by which he might reach the Council House of 
 the clan without danger. But the decrepit 
 Hellen, ignorant of the place of refuge, was 
 sadly beaten before he arrived ; and, when at 
 length he had come almost within the asylum, 
 he was prostrated with a war club before he 
 could enter. " After he had fallen, the savages 
 continued to beat him with such unmerciful 
 severity that he would assuredly have died 
 under their barbarous usage, had not Robinson, 
 at some peril to his own safety for the interfer- 
 ence, stretched forth his hand and dragged him 
 within the sanctuary. When he recovered from 
 the violent beating he was relieved from the 
 apprehension of further suffering by adoption 
 into an Indian family." 
 
 A council was next convoked to decide the 
 
109 
 
 fate of Robinson. Logan assured him that he 
 should not be sacrificed; but the council 
 appeared resolved on his death, and accordingly 
 he was tied to the stake. His captor at once 
 appealed to the warriors with great vehemence ; 
 insisted that Robinson should be spared; and 
 poured forth a torrent of vehement eloquence, 
 which, nevertheless, did not avail to avert his 
 stern and dreadful sentence. At length, enraged 
 at the pertinacity with which the life of Robin- 
 son, his own captive, was refused to him, and 
 heedless of consequences, Logan drew the toma- 
 hawk from his belt, and cleaving the cords which 
 bound the victim to the stake, hurried him to 
 the wigwam of an ancient squaw, by whom he 
 was at once adopted as a member of her family. 
 He was to fill the place of a warrior who had 
 been slain in the Yellow creek massacre. 1 
 
 About three days after this occurrence, Logan 
 suddenly brought to Robinson a piece of paper, 
 and making a black fluid with water and gun- 
 
 MVithers's Border Warfare, 118, et seq. ; Robinson's 
 narrative in Jefferson's Appendix, iv, p. 41 ; Howe's 
 Ohio Hist. Coll.,?. 267. 
 
110 
 
 powder, commanded him to write a note which 
 we shall see was soon used in one of the brutal 
 raids of the detached parties that scoured the 
 country and laid waste every scattered and 
 isolated settlement within a day's march of the 
 Ohio. Men, women, children — and even 
 cattle — were all indiscriminately scalped and 
 butchered. The females were stripped and out- 
 raged. The men were slain, and knives, toma- 
 hawks or axes left in the breasts they had cleft 
 asunder. The brains of infants were beaten 
 out, and the carcasses left for the beasts of prey 
 of the forest. 1 
 
 When Judge Innes happened to be at the 
 residence of Colonel Preston's family, in the 
 fall of 1774, an express was sent to the colonel 
 as lieutenant of the county, requesting a guard 
 of militia to be sent out for the protection of 
 the residents on the lower portions of the north 
 fork of the Holston. Every member of the 
 
 1 Md. Gazette, 30th Jane, 1774 ; Hite's account of the 
 murder of Spier's family on the 3d or 4th of June. See 
 also same paper of 30th Nov. for letter from Col. Preston at 
 Fincastle, 28th Sept., describing Indian murders and out- 
 
Ill 
 
 family of a settler named John Roberts, 1 had 
 been cruelly cut off by the savages, and the 
 perpetrator of the assassination was traced by 
 "the card" which he left as a bloody memorial 
 
 1 Among the MS. papers of Col. Wm. Preston in the 
 possession of Mr. L. C. Draper, there is an original letter 
 from Major Arthur Campbell, dated the 12th of October, in 
 which he inclosed a copy in Col. Preston's handwriting, of 
 Logan's missive. This is doubtless the one to which Innes 
 alludes in Jefferson's Appendix. The correct name was 
 Roberts. Captain Anthony Bledsoe in a letter to Col. Pres- 
 ton, dated at Camp Union (now Lewisburg, Va.), October 
 15th, 1774, says: " I understand by Mr. Jones that he saw a 
 letter at your house that was left at Roberts's subscribed by 
 one Logan, directed to Cresap. There are two young men 
 now in my company who say they know one Logan, a mixt- 
 breed, in the Showanoe nation ; one of whom I can depend 
 on, the other is a stranger; they both agree in statement as 
 to Logan's being a notorious villain." MS. letter among 
 Col. Preston's papers. 
 
 The late Hon. Thomas H. Benton wrote to me in April, 
 1855 : " Among the things cherished which I lost in the 
 burning of my house was your vindication of Cresap from 
 the charge of murdering Logan's family, and the object 
 of this note is to ask if you could send me another copy." 
 In acknowledging the receipt of one, Mr. Benton said: 
 * * « I have always thought the speech was a little helped 
 in its transition from Logan to us, but the letter tied on a war 
 club, left in the house of the destroyed family of Roberts, is 
 real Indian, and would verify itself without witnesses, but is 
 an old acquaintance of mine. I married the granddaughter 
 
112 
 
 of his visit ! A war club was deposited in the 
 house of the murdered forester, and, attached 
 to it, was the following note — the identical one 
 which Logan had forced Eobinson to write 
 with his gunpowder ink : 
 
 " Captain Cresap, 
 
 "What did you kill my people on Yellow 
 creek for? The white people killed my kin at 
 Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought 
 nothing of that. But you killed my kin again 
 on Yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. 
 Then I thought I must kill too ; and I have been 
 three times to war since; but the Indians are 
 not angry, only myself. 
 
 "Captain John Logan. 
 
 "July 21st, 1774." 
 
 This is a document savagely circumstantial 
 and circumstantially savage; cool, deliberate, 
 and bloody, even to the date — and left as this 
 
 of Colonel Preston, to whom, as colonel of the county, the 
 club and note were brought, and have often heard my 
 mother-in-law — Mrs. McDowell — and others of the family, 
 relate all the circumstances of its delivery to their father." 
 
113 
 
 Indian's apology — not as his challenge — in the 
 desolated dwelling and amid the reeking bodies 
 he had butchered. It is the first deliberate 
 charge made by Logan of the supposed murder 
 of his relatives by Cresap at Yellow creek, and 
 I must promptly rebuke it by recalling to the 
 reader's mind all the facts of that occurrence, 
 against which Cresap had protested to Clark's 
 party, and from the scene of which he had 
 drawn off his men and departed. 
 
 While these events were transpiring, Michael 
 Cresap had not only left the Ohio river, but 
 had returned to his family in Maryland. Yet, 
 soon finding his sympathies were excited for 
 the forlorn inhabitants of the wilderness which 
 he had abandoned, and hearing constant reports 
 of Indian cruelties, he speedily raised a com- 
 pany of volunteers and marched back to their 
 assistance. Having reached Catfish's Camp, 
 on the spot where Washington, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, now stands, his advance was stopped by 
 a peremptory and insulting letter from Connolly, 
 
 in which he was ordered to dismiss his men. 
 15 
 
114 
 
 It was no doubt written by its base author in 
 order to commence the systematic plan of charg- 
 ing the Indian difficulties of 1774 on Michael 
 Cresap. 
 
 Offensive as was such a command to a person 
 of Cresap's character, he nevertheless obeyed, 
 returned to his home and dismissed his men, 
 with the determination to take no part in the 
 Indian war, but to let the commandant at Pitts- 
 burgh fight it out as he best could. It seems, 
 however, that the Earl of Dunmore and his 
 lieutenant at Pittsburgh did not agree as to the 
 value of Michael's services, for, when Cresap 
 reached his Maryland home he found Lord 
 Dunmore at his house, where he tarried some 
 days in friendly intercourse or consultation 
 with the young pioneer; and, notwithstanding 
 his residence in Maryland, the British governor 
 of Virginia saw fit to send him forthwith a com- 
 mission as captain in the militia of Hampshire 
 county. This appointment, dated on the 10th 
 of June, reached Cresap opportunely, and, car- 
 rying with it, as an unsolicited favor, a tacit 
 expression of the earl's approbation of his con- 
 
115 
 
 duct, he resolved to accept it, especially as he 
 was constantly appealed to by letters from his 
 old companions beyond the mountains to hasten 
 to their succor. * 
 
 As soon as he raised his standard crowds 
 flocked to it, and, indeed, so great was his pop- 
 ularity as a leader that his own command over- 
 flowed with men and enabled him to fill up 
 completely the company of his nephew, and 
 partly also the company of Hancock Lee. 2 His 
 forces were then united under the command of 
 Major Angus McDonald, who had been, mean- 
 while, organizing the western people on the 
 Youghiogeny and Monongahela for their own 
 defence. 
 
 A campaign was also planned for the inva- 
 sion of the Indian country west of the Ohio. 
 "Orders were immediately sent to Colonel 
 Andrew Lewis, of Botetourt county, to raise 
 with all despatch four regiments of militia and 
 volunteers from the southwestern counties, to 
 
 1 Jacob's Life of Cresap, pp. 56, 63, 65. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 57. 
 
116 
 
 rendezvous at Camp Union in Greenbrier 
 county. This was to be the southern division 
 of the invading army, of which Lewis, a veteran 
 of the French war, was made commander. He 
 was ordered to march down the Great Kanawha 
 to the bank of the Ohio, and there to join the 
 earl in person. In the meantime Lord Dunmore 
 was actively engaged in raising troops in the 
 northern counties west of the Blue Ridge, to 
 advance from Fort Cumberland by way of Red- 
 Stone Old Fort, to the Ohio at Pittsburgh, whence 
 he was to descend in boats to the Kanawha. 
 Such was the original plan of the campaign." 1 
 
 McDonald, agreeably to Dunmore's orders, 
 after a dreary march through the wilderness, 
 had rendezvoused his four hundred men at 
 Wheeling creek in June, and, from this place, it 
 was resolved to invade the Indian territory on 
 the head waters of the Muskingum and to 
 destroy the Wappatomica towns. The results 
 of this expedition were not of remarkable value 
 in the campaign, though the Indian towns were 
 
 Monette, vol. I, p. 374. 
 
117 
 
 destroyed by the invaders after the savages fled. 
 McDonald and his men were harassed by the 
 foe, and being short of provisions, returned with 
 despatch to Wheeling. 1 
 
 All the agricultural operations of the settlers 
 on the river were of course broken up, and if 
 the subject permitted I would have pleasure in 
 narrating the campaign of the divisions under 
 Lewis and Dunmore. But that would require 
 a volume rather than an essay. 2 I shall content 
 myself, therefore, with stating that the promised 
 junction of Dunmore with Colonel Lewis was 
 never effected. The earl changed his plan, and 
 descending the Ohio from Fort Pitt with a 
 flotilla of one hundred canoes and several large 
 
 1 Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 375. As to McDonald's 
 expedition, see Am. Archives, vol. I, p. 722, &c; Dod- 
 dridge, Withers, Kercheval, Jacob ; and Thomas's Reminis- 
 cences in Howe's Ohio, p. 382. 
 
 ~ The following are the principal original authorities as 
 to the campaigns and battles during the Dunmore war of 
 1774: 1. Col. Stuart's narrative in the Virginia Historical 
 and- Philosophical Soc. Publications, vol. I, Richmond, 1833, 
 p. 35. 2. Introduction to the Hist, of the Colony and 
 Ancient Dominion of Virginia by Campbell. 3. Kerche- 
 Y'dYsIlist.ofthe Valley of Virginia. 4. Doddridge's Notes on 
 
118 
 boats to the mouth of the Hockhocking, erected 
 a stockade which he called Fort Gower, and 
 thence, ascended the Hockhocking to the Falls 
 near the present town of Athens. From that 
 spot he crossed the country westwardly to the 
 Scioto, and, on its eastern side, on the margin of 
 the Piqua plains, near Sippo creek, entrenched 
 himself in a regularly fortified camp, which, in 
 honor of the British queen, he named Camp 
 Charlotte. 
 
 On the 10th of October the great and decisive 
 battle of the campaign was fought by Lewis at 
 Point Pleasant, at the £mouth of the Kanawha, 
 and it is regarded by most historians, as one of 
 the most sanguinary and well-fought conflicts in 
 
 the Settlement and Indian Wars of the W. Part of Va. and 
 Penna. 5. A. S. Withers's Chronicle of Border Warfare. 
 6. Am. Archives, B 4th series, vol. I, especially p. 1016, 
 et sea. 7. Howe's Hist. Coll. of Ohio. 8. Day's Hist. 
 Coll. of Penna. 9. Howe's Hist. Coll. of Virginia. 10. 
 Chas. Whittlesey's Discourse before the Hist, and Phil. Soc. 
 of Ohio, 1840. 11. Burk's Hist, of Va. 12. Drake's 
 Book of the Indians, book v, p. 42, et sea. 13. Map of the 
 Ancient Shawanese towns on the Pickaway Plains, and of 
 Camp Charlotte and Lewis's camp, Howe's Ohio Hist. Coll., 
 . 402. 
 
119 
 
 the annals of Indian warfare in the west. The 
 Indians, under the celebrated Cornstalk, were 
 repulsed with great slaughter, and fled pre- 
 cipitately across the Ohio to their towns, sixty 
 miles up the Scioto. In the meantime, Dun- 
 more had sent detachments from his head-quar- 
 ters against different settlements on the neigh- 
 boring waters, which were sacked and burned ; 
 and such had been the bloody character of the 
 battle at Point Pleasant that the chiefs hastened 
 to appeal for peace to Dunmore, before they 
 could be again assailed by the relentless Lewis, 
 who was advancing in pursuit. After repeated 
 overtures and the destruction of several towns, 
 Dunmore consented to an armistice preparatory 
 to a treaty. And, finally, after the two divisions 
 had nearly effected a junction, the council 
 fire was lighted, the council held, and peace 
 resolved on. 
 
 But at the concluding scene of this bloody 
 
 drama, the American and Indian chiefs did 
 not find of its most daring actors, a man 
 whose name is not signalized any where in 
 open battle in the records or legends of the time, 
 
120 
 
 who was not in the conflict at Point Pleasant/ 
 but whose war-path and weapon were only 
 traced along the bloody trail of private murder. 
 Logan was absent. He was not satisfied. He 
 had taken, perhaps, some thirty scalps, 2 but the 
 
 1 That Logan was not present at the battle of Point 
 Pleasant, is manifest from a MS. letter from " Colonel 
 Wm. Christian to Col. William Preston, at Bottetourt," in 
 which he says : under date of " Smithfield, Tuesday the 
 8th November 1774 : 
 
 " Last Friday was two weeks, Logan a famous chief, went 
 home with a little boy, a son of Roberts, on Holston, and two 
 of Blackmore's negroes. He said he had taken them on the 
 frontiers next the Cherokee country, and had killed, I think, 
 either five or seven people." 
 
 From the date of this letter, Logan's return, with his 
 prisoners (young Roberts, son of the Roberts in whose house 
 he had left the bloody missive) and the two negroes — 
 occurred on the 20th October, eleven days after the battle 
 of Point Pleasant. Lewis's army left Point Pleasant to join 
 Dunmore's on Tuesday, October 18th, and on the Monday 
 evening following, which was October 24th, it encamped 
 within seven miles of Dunmore's army. Logan had returned 
 October 21st ; and on Tuesday, October 25th, Lewis's army 
 commenced its return to Point Pleasant, which it reached on 
 the night of Friday, 28th October. 
 
 These dates are derived from Colonel Christian's letter, 
 which it is necessary to give in extenso. 
 
 2 Jolly's statement, American Journal of Science and 
 Art vol. XXXI, p. 10. 
 
121 
 
 ghosts of his murdered relatives were scarcely 
 appeased in the hunting fields of the spirit land. 
 When the cause of his absence was demanded, 
 it was replied that he was yet like a mad dog; 
 his bristles had been up and were not yet quite 
 fallen; but the good talks now going forward, 
 might allay them." He said he was " a warrior, 
 not a councillor, and would not come ! " * 
 
 The continued absence of Logan unquestiona- 
 bly filled the mind of Lord Dunmore with con- 
 cern as to the stability of any peace which 
 might be made with the Shawanese without the 
 presence of a man who had shown such alacrity 
 and bloodthirsty resolution in the cruel game of 
 private war. 
 
 Accordingly, John Gibson, the alleged father 2 
 of the Indian woman's infant rescued at the 
 Yellow creek massacre, was despatched by the 
 earl to seek for Logan. If, as is probable, the 
 murdered squaw was Logan's sister, no messen- 
 ger could have been more appropriately selected. 
 
 1 Gen. Clark's letter, appendix 1 j Withers's Border 
 Warfare, 136. 
 -See Sappington's testimony, Jefferson's Appendix No. 4. 
 16 
 
122 
 
 He found Logan some miles off at a hut with 
 several Indians ; and, pretending, in the Indian 
 fashion, that he had nothing in view, talked and 
 drank with them until the savage touched his 
 coat stealthily, and, beckoning him out of the 
 house, led him into a solitary thicket, where 
 sitting down on a log, he burst into tears and 
 uttered some sentences of impassioned eloquence, 
 which Gibson, immediately returning to the 
 British camp, committed to paper. 1 As soon as 
 the envoy had reduced the message to writing, 
 it was read aloud in the council; heard by the 
 soldiers; and proves to be neither a speech, a 
 message, nor a pledge of peace : 
 
 " I appeal to any white man to say if ever he 
 entered Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him 
 not meat; if ever he came cold and naked and 
 he clothed him not ? During the course of the 
 last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle 
 in his camp, an advocate for peace. Such was 
 my love for the whites that my countrymen 
 
 1 MS. letter from my friend James Dunlop, of Pittsburgh, 
 printed in appendix No. 2 to this volume ; and Gibson's 
 testimony in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, appendix No. 4. 
 
123 
 
 pointed as I passed and said: 'Logan is the 
 friend of the white man ! ' I had even thought 
 to have lived with you, but for the injuries of 
 one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold 
 blood and unprovoked, murdered all the rela- 
 tions of Logan, not even sparing my women and 
 children. There runs not a drop of my blood 
 in the veins of any living creature. This called 
 on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have 
 killed many. I have fully glutted my ven- 
 geance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams 
 of peace ; but do not harbor a thought that mine 
 is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He 
 will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who 
 is there to mourn for Logan ? Not one ! " * 
 
 Thus the speech of Logan, which has been 
 so long celebrated as the finest specimen of 
 Indian eloquence, dwindles into a reported con- 
 versation with, or outburst from a blood-stained 
 savage; excited perhaps, when he delivered it, 
 as well by the cruelties he had committed as 
 by liquor; false in its allegations as to Cresap; 
 
 1 See appendix No. 2, for criticisms and commentaries 
 on this speech and its history. 
 
124 
 
 and, at last, after being conveyed to a camp, 
 about six miles distant, 1 in the memory of Gib- 
 son, written down, and read by proxy to the 
 council of Lord Dunmore. Gibson, it is true, 
 states in his testimony that he corrected Logan 
 on the spot when he made the charge against 
 Cresap, for he knew his innocence, but either 
 the Indian did not withdraw it or the messenger 
 felt himself compelled to deliver it as originally 
 framed. 2 It was untrue also as to the slaughter 
 of all his relations, women and children; for, 
 years after, his relatives and his wife survived, 
 while, it is known, he never had any children. 
 When it was read in camp, the frontier men 
 knew it to be false as to Michael Cresap; but it 
 only produced merriment in the crowd, which 
 displeased the Maryland captain. George Ro- 
 gers Clark, who was near him, exclaimed, that 
 "he must be a verj" great man, as the Indians 
 shouldered him with every thing that had hap- 
 pened." The captain smiled and replied that 
 
 1 See map of the Indian towns and British camps on the 
 Pickaway plains, Ohio Hist. Coll., p. 403. 
 
 2 See Gibson's testimony in Jefferson's 4th Appendix. 
 
125 
 
 " he had a great inclination to tomahawk Great- 
 house about the matter!" 1 
 
 It is time to drop the curtain on these tragic 
 scenes. The Indian fight was over; peace was 
 made with the savage Shawanese, but a more 
 heartless war was about to occur with the Christ- 
 ian Briton. 
 
 Cresap returned to Maryland and spent the 
 latter part of the autumn of 1774 and the suc- 
 ceeding winter in the repose of a domestic circle 
 from which he had been so long estranged ; 
 but, in the early spring of 1775, he hired 
 another band of young men, and repaired again 
 to the Ohio to finish the work he commenced 
 the year before. He did not stop at his old 
 haunts, but descended to Kentucky where he 
 made some improvements. Being ill, how- 
 ever, he soon left his workmen and departed for 
 his home over the mountains in order to rest 
 and recover his health. On his way across the 
 
 1 See Clark's letter, appendix No. 1. Clark was then 
 a captain by commission from Dunmore, dated May 2d, 
 1774. 
 
126 
 
 Alleghany mountains he was met by a faithful 
 friend with a message stating that he had been 
 appointed, by the committee of safety at Fre- 
 derick, a captain to command one of the two 
 rifle companies required from Maryland by a 
 resolution of congress. Experienced officers, 
 and the very best men that could be procured, 
 were demanded. 
 
 " When I communicated my business," says 
 the messenger, in his artless narrative, "and 
 announced his appointment, instead of becoming 
 elated, he became pensive and solemn, as if his 
 spirits were really depressed, or, as if he had a 
 presentiment that this was his death warrant. 
 He said he was in bad health, and his affairs in 
 a deranged state, but that, nevertheless, as the 
 committee had selected him, and as he under- 
 stood from me, his father had pledged himself 
 that he should accept of this appointment, he 
 would go, let the consequences be what they 
 might. He then directed me to proceed to the 
 west side of the mountains, and publish to his 
 old companions in arms, this, his intention ; this 
 I did, and, in a very short time, collected and 
 
127 
 
 brought to him at his residence in Old Town, 
 about twenty-two as fine fellows as ever handled 
 rifle, and most, if not all of them, completely 
 equipped. 
 
 " The immense popularity of this infamous 
 Indian murderer, will appear from the circum- 
 stance of more than twenty men marching 
 voluntarily nearly one hundred miles, leaving 
 their families and their all, merely from a mes- 
 sage sent by a boy, to join the standard of their 
 old captain, and that too, from the very country 
 where, if his name was odious, it must be most 
 odious, as being in the vicinity of those dreadful 
 Indian murders." * 
 
 This was in June, 1775; and already in 
 August, we find by the following extract from 
 a letter to a gentleman in Philadelphia, dated 
 at Fredericktown, Maryland, that the young 
 revolutionary hero was prepared to take the 
 field. 2 
 
 1 Jacob's Life of Cre&ap, p. 97. 
 
 2 From McCurtin's journal, printed by the Seventy-six 
 society, at Philadelphia, in 1857, edited by Mr. Thomas 
 Balch, in the volume of Papers relative chiefly to the 
 
128 
 
 "Notwithstanding the urgency of my busi- 
 ness, I have been detained three days in this 
 place by an occurrence truly agreeable. I have 
 had the happiness of seeing Captain Michael 
 Cresap marching at the head of a formidable 
 company of upwards of one hundred and thirty 
 men from the mountains and backwoods, painted 
 like Indians, armed with tomahawks and rifles, 
 dressed in hunting shirts and moccasins, and 
 though some of them had traveled near eight 
 hundred miles from the banks of the Ohio, they 
 seemed to walk light and easy, and not with 
 less spirit than the first hour of their march. 
 Health and vigor, after what they had under- 
 gone, declared them to be intimate with hardship 
 and familiar with danger. Joy and satisfaction 
 were visible in the crowd that met them. Had 
 Lord North been present, and been assured that 
 the brave leader could raise thousands of such 
 
 Maryland Line, I extract the following relative to the 
 movement of these Maryland troops towards Cambridge : 
 "The 18th day of July our company set off from Frede- 
 ricktown (Md.), and traveled a quick but long journey in the 
 space of 22 days, containing nearly 550 miles." 
 
129 
 
 like to defend his country, what think you, 
 would not the hatchet and the block have in- 
 truded on his mind? I had an opportunity of 
 attending the captain during his stay in town, 
 and watched the behavior of his men, and the 
 manner in which he treated them; for it seems 
 that all who go out to war under him do not only 
 pay the most willing obedience to him as their 
 commander, but, in every instance of distress 
 look up to him as their friend and father, A 
 great part of his time was spent in listening to 
 and relieving their wants, without any apparent 
 sense of fatigue and trouble. When complaints 
 were before him, he determined with kindness 
 and spirit, and on every occasion condescended 
 to please without losing his dignity. 
 
 "Yesterday the company were supplied with 
 a small quantity of powder from the maga- 
 zine, which wanted airing, and was not in good 
 order for rifles; in the evening, however, they 
 were drawn out to show the gentlemen of the 
 town their dexterity at shooting. A clapboard 
 with a mark the size of a dollar, was put up; 
 
 they began to fire off-hand, and the bystanders 
 17 
 
130 
 
 were surprised, few shots being made that were 
 not close to or in the paper. When they had 
 shot for a time in this way, some lay on their 
 backs, some on their breast or side, others ran 
 twenty or thirty steps, and firing, appeared to 
 be equally certain of the mark. With this per- 
 formance the company were more than satisfied 
 when a young man took up the board in his 
 hand, not by the end but by the side, and hold- 
 ing it up, his brother walked to the distance 
 and very coolly shot into the white ; laying down 
 his rifle, he took the board and holding it as it 
 was held before, the second brother shot as 
 the first had done. By this exercise I was 
 more astonished than pleased. But will you 
 believe me when I tell you that one of the men 
 took the board, and placing it between his legs, 
 stood with his back to a tree, while another 
 drove the centre ! 
 
 " What would a regular army of considerable 
 strength in the forests of America do with one 
 thousand of these men, who want nothing to 
 preserve their health and courage but water 
 from the spring, with a little parched corn, with 
 
131 
 
 what they may easily procure in hunting ; and 
 who, wrapped in their blankets, in the damp of 
 night, would choose the shade of a tree for their 
 covering and the earth for their bed." x 
 
 Although in bad health Captain Cresap pro- 
 ceeded to Boston with this first company of 
 Maryland riflemen, and joined the American 
 army under the command of General Wash- 
 ington in August. Admonished, however, by 
 continued illness, and feeling perhaps some 
 forebodings of his fate, he endeavored once more, 
 after about three months' service, to reach his 
 home among the mountains, but finding himself 
 too sick to proceed he stopped in New York, 
 where he died of fever, on the 18th of October, 
 1775, at the early age of thirty-three. 2 On the 
 
 1 American Archives, vol. Ill, p. 2, transferred from the 
 Pennsylvania Gazette, of Aug. 16, 1775. 
 
 2 McCurtin's Journal of the siege of Boston, in Md. 
 Line Papers, ut antea, p. 26, states 18th Oct. as date of 
 death. Jacob, page 98, gives 5th Oct., as date. Compare 
 Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 98, and the Maryland Journal 
 of Wednesday, Nov. 1, 1775. In the latter there is a letter 
 from New York, dated the 26th of October, giving an account 
 
132 
 
 following day his remains, attended by a vast 
 concourse of people, were buried w T ith military 
 honors in Trinity church-yard. Let us deepen 
 and not deface the inscription on his humble 
 and neglected grave ! 
 
 It is needless to speculate as to what such a 
 man might have become had he been spared 
 during the war of the revolution. Some of 
 those who engaged in it as subordinates to him 
 retired at its conclusion with high commissions 
 granted for services which no hardy warrior of 
 
 of his death and burial. " New York, Oct. 26th, 1775. On 
 the 12th instant arrived here on his return from the Pro- 
 vincial Camp, at Cambridge, and, on the 18th, departed this 
 life, of a fever, in the 28th year of his age " (should be 33d) 
 " Michael Cressop, Esqre, eldest son of Col. Thomas Cres- 
 sop, of Potomack in Virginia. He was Captain of a Rifle 
 company now in the Continental army before Boston. He 
 served as a Captain, under the command of Lord Dunmore 
 in the late expedition against the Indians, in which he 
 eminently distinguished himself by his prudence, firmness 
 and intrepidity as a brave oflicer; and, in the present con- 
 test between the parent state and the colonies, gave proofs 
 of his attachment to the rights and liberties of his country. 
 He has left a widow and four children to deplore the loss of 
 a husband and father; and by his death his country is 
 deprived of a worthy and esteemed citizen. His remains 
 were interred the day following, in Trinity Church-yard, 
 
183 
 
 the revolution was more capable of yielding to 
 the cause of his country than Michael Cresap. 1 
 
 Let us return once more for a moment to the 
 Indian who has pursued the fame of our Mary- 
 lander like a blighting shadow. We left him, 
 confessedly fond of the fire-water, in his conver- 
 sations with the missionary Heckwelder, and 
 tippling before he became eloquent with Gibson. 
 His last years were melancholy indeed. He 
 wandered from tribe to tribe, a solitary and 
 
 with military honors, attended by a vast concourse of peo- 
 ple." The author of this historical essay made frequent 
 but ineffectual efforts to find the grave of Captain Cresap. 
 His inquiries of the church officials were equally without 
 result. At length, on a visit to the church-yard of Trinity, 
 on the 2d of June, 1860, he discovered the long neglected 
 grave and grave-stone of the pioneer, immediately opposite 
 the door of the north transept of the church. It is of sand- 
 stone, and, when last seen in 1865, was broken off near the 
 ground and propped up! It bears this inscription, beneath 
 the rude sculpture of a winged head : " In Memory of 
 Michael Cresap First Cap t of the Rifle Batalions, 
 And Son of Co l Thomas Cresap, Who Departed This 
 Life October the 18, 1775." 
 
 1 McSherry's Hist, of Maryland, p. 186, and Jacob's Life, 
 &c. 
 
134 
 
 lonely man. Dejected by loss of friends and 
 decay of his people, he resorted constantly to 
 the stimulus of strong drink to drown his 
 sorrow. 
 
 On the 25th of July, 1775, Captain James 
 Wood having been sent with a single com- 
 panion to invite the western Indians to a treaty 
 at Fort Pitt, encountered Logan and several 
 other Mingoes who had lately been prisoners at 
 that post. He found them all drunk and inqui- 
 sitive as to his designs. To his appeal the 
 savages made no definite reply, but represented 
 the tribes as very angry. The wayfarers biv- 
 ouacked near the Indian town, and about ten 
 o'clock at night one of the savages stole into 
 the camp and stamped upon the sleeper's head. 
 Starting to his feet and arousing his companion, 
 Wood and the interpreter found several Indians 
 around them armed with knives and toma- 
 hawks. For a while the Americans seem to 
 to have pacified the red men, but as a friendly 
 squaw apprized them that the savages meditated 
 their death, they stole away for concealment in 
 the recesses of the forest. When they returned 
 
135 
 
 again to the Indian town after daylight, Logan 
 repeated the foul story of the murder of his 
 "mother, sister, and all his relations" by the 
 people of Virginia. By turns he wept and sang. 
 Then he dwelt and gloated over the revenge 
 he had taken for his wrongs; and, finally, 
 he told Wood that several of his fellows, who 
 had long been prisoners at Fort Pitt, desired to 
 kill the American messengers, and demanded if 
 the forester was afraid? "No," replied Wood, 
 "we are but two lone men, sent to deliver the 
 message we have given to the tribes. We are 
 in your power; we have no means of defence, 
 and you may kill us if you think proper!" 
 "Then," exclaimed Logan, apparently con- 
 founded by their coolness and courage, "you 
 shall not be hurt!" — nor were they, for the 
 ambassadors departed unmolested to visit the 
 Wyandotte towns. 1 
 
 We next hear of Logan in the autumn of 
 
 1 L. C. Draper's MSS. Journal of Captain James 
 Wood. Jacob's Cresap, p. 85. Am. Archives, 4th series, 
 vol. Ill, p. 77. Mrs. W. C. Rives's Tales and Souvenirs, 
 preface and p. 146. 
 
136 
 
 1778, when the famous pioneer, Simon Kenton, 
 who was taken prisoner by the savages, spent 
 two nights with his captors and Logan on the 
 head waters of the Scioto. 
 
 "Well, young man," said Logan addressing 
 Kenton, on the night of his arrival, "these 
 chaps seem very mad with you." "Yes," 
 replied Kenton, "they appear so." "But don't 
 be disheartened," interrupted Logan, "I am a 
 great chief; you are to go to Sandusky; they 
 talk of burning you there ; but I will send two 
 runners to-morrow to speak good for you!" 
 And so he did, for on the morrow, having 
 detained the hostile party, he despatched the 
 promised envoys to Sandusky, though he made 
 no report to Kenton of their success when they 
 returned at nightfall. The runners, by Logan's 
 orders, interceded with Captain Druyer, an 
 influential British Indian agent at Sandusky, 
 who with great difficulty ransomed the prisoner 
 and saved him from the brutal sacrifice of the 
 stake. 1 
 
 ^Draper's MSS. McDonald's Memoir of Kenton. Mc- 
 Clung's Sketches of Western Adventure. 
 
137 
 
 In the fall of 1779, Logan appears again to 
 have cast aside his humanity, and is found at 
 his old jaunts on the Holston, engaged in the 
 savage employment of scalping, or at least of 
 taking prisoners. 1 And, in June, 1780, when 
 Captain Bird, of Detroit, with a large body of 
 British regulars, Canadians and Indians, in- 
 vaded Kentucky, captured Ruddell's and Mar- 
 tin's stations, and carried off a large number of 
 prisoners, Logan was one of the marauders. 2 
 
 Our Indian hero must now have been well 
 nigh fifty-five years of age, 3 and it may be sup- 
 posed that so restless and fitful a life of natural 
 impetuosity and artificial stimulus, was draw- 
 ing near its close. But his checkered career of 
 crime,, passion and occasional humanity, with 
 all its finer features obliterated by the habitual 
 use of intoxicating drinks, was doomed to end 
 tragically. 
 
 It was not long after the inroad of Bird's 
 British myrmidons and Indian allies in 1780, 
 
 1 MS. letter in Mr. Draper's collection. 
 
 2 American Pioneer, vol. I, p. 359. 
 
 3 Draper's MSS. 
 
 18 
 
138 
 
 that Logan, at an Indian council held at 
 Detroit, became wildly drunk, and, in the midst 
 of delirious passion, prostrated his wife by a 
 sudden blow. She fell before him apparently 
 dead. In a moment, the horrid deed partly 
 sobered the savage, who, thinking he had 
 killed her, fled precipitately lest the stern 
 Indian penalty of blood for blood might befall 
 him at the hand of some relative of the mur- 
 dered woman. While traveling alone, and still 
 confused by liquor and the fear of vengeance, 
 he was suddenly overtaken in the wilderness 
 between Detroit aud Sandusky, by a troop of 
 Indians with their squaws and children, in the 
 midst of whom he recognized his nephew or 
 cousin Tod-kah-dohs. Bewildered as he was, 
 he imagined that a lawful avenger pursued him 
 in the form of his relative — for the Indian 
 rule permits a relation to perform the retribu- 
 tive act of revenge for murder, — and, rashly 
 bursting forth in frantic passion, he exclaimed 
 that the whole party should fall beneath his 
 weapon. Tod-kah-dohs, seeing their danger, 
 and observing that Logan was well armed, told 
 
139 
 
 his companions that their only safety was 
 in getting the advantage of the desperate man 
 by prompt action. But Logan was quite as 
 alert as his adversary; yet, whilst leaping from 
 his horse to execute his threat, Tod-kah-dohs 
 leveled a shot gun within a few feet of the sa- 
 vage and killed him on the spot! 1 
 
 1 Tod-kah-dohs or The Searcher, originally from Cones- 
 toga, and probably a son of Logan's sister residing there, 
 died about 1844, at the Cold Spring on the Alleghany 
 Seneca reservation, nearly one hundred years old. He was 
 better known as Captain Logan, and was either a nephew or 
 cousin of the celebrated Indian. He left children, two of 
 whom have been seen by Mr. Draper ; so that, in spite of 
 Logan's speech, some of his "blood" still "ran" in human 
 veins, ninety years after the Yellow Creek tragedy. Logan's 
 ivife was a Shawanese woman. She had no children by 
 him ; recovered from the blow received from her husband, 
 and returned to her people. The fact that Logan's 
 wife was a Shawanese, tends to explain the historical 
 fact that the survivors of Logan's band after the Yellow 
 creek massacre, were taken by the Shawanese to their 
 town of Waketomika, and why the Shawanese generally 
 and the warriors of Waketomika in particular, entered so 
 feelingly into Logan's desire for revenge. This, too, will 
 explain how it happened that the two men mentioned by 
 Bledsoe (in a previous note), knew Logan in the Shawanese 
 nation. 
 
 The substance of this narrative was given to me in MS. 
 
140 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson wrote his Notes on Vir- 
 ginia in the years 1781 and 1782, he was 
 anxious to disprove the theory of Buffon, Ray- 
 nal and others, that animal nature — whether in 
 man or beast, native or adoptive, physical or 
 moral — degenerated in America. Whilst treat- 
 ing of the aborigines, he desired to present a 
 
 by Mr. Lyman C. Draper, who received it from Dah-gan- 
 on-do or Captain Decker, as it was related to him by Tod- 
 kah-dohs, who killed Logan. " Decker,' 7 says Mr. Draper, 
 " was a venerable Seneca Indian, and the best Indian chro- 
 nicler I have met with. His narratives are generally 
 sustained by other evidence, and never seem confused or 
 improbable." A different version of Logan's death is given, 
 also, in Howe's Ohio Hist. Coll., p. 409, upon the authority 
 of Good Hunter, an aged Mingo, who is said to have been his 
 familiar acquaintance. In this account he is represented to 
 have been sitting before a camp fire near Detroit in Michi- 
 gan, with his blanket drawn over his head, his elbows 
 resting on his knees and his head upon his hands, buried 
 perhaps in liquor, sleep or maudlin meditation, when an 
 Indian, whom he had offended, stole behind him and buried 
 a tomahawk in his brains ! See also Vigne's Six Months 
 in America, Philadelphia, edition 1833, p. 30, for another 
 and very romantic version of his death from the hand of 
 the same relative. Capt. Decker — Dah-gan-on-do — had 
 lived all his eventful life of over one hundred years on the 
 Alleghany, and knew Logan personally. — Draper MSS. 
 See, also, Appendix No. 3 of this work. 
 
141 
 
 specimen of their intellectual powers; and, find- 
 ing in a pocket book a memorandum, made in 
 the year 1774, of the alleged speech of Logan, 
 as taken down by him at that time from the 
 lips of some one whom he did not recollect, 
 he inserted it in his Notes, accompanied by a 
 slender narrative of the events that called it 
 forth. 1 He spoke of Cresap as "a man infamous 
 for the many murders he had committed on 
 those much injured people," and charged the 
 cold-blooded murder of Logan's family upon the 
 Marylander and his allies. In a future edition 
 he modified but did not entirely withdraw this 
 charge; 2 and careless writers and historians 
 down to the present day have continued to 
 regard the Indian's talk, as remembered and 
 related by Gibson, as a genuine speech solemnly 
 delivered in council, and reiterate its cruel 
 assertions as to the innocent Cresap. Poetry, 
 even, has dwelt sweetly on the theme. Logan 
 seems to have been the original whence Campbell 
 
 1 Jeff. Notes on Va., appendix iv, p. 30. 
 
 2 Ibid. Stone's Life of Brant, vol. I, p. 39. 
 
142 
 
 derived his conception of Outalissi, 1 and he has 
 paraphrased, in rhyme, the passionate outburst: 
 
 " ' Gainst Brant himself I went to battle forth : — 
 Accursed Brant! — he left of all my tribe 
 Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth ! 
 No ! not the dog that watched my household hearth 
 Escaped that night of death upon our plains ! 
 All perished — I, alone, am left on earth! 
 
 * To whom nor relative, nor blood remains, — 
 
 No ! not a kindred drop that runs in human veins ! " 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's illustration of aboriginal elo- 
 quence obtained probably greater currency than 
 he expected. It has become incorporated with 
 
 1 Graham's Hist. United States, vol. IV, p. 341. Stone's 
 Life of Brant, vol. II, p. 525. Gertrude of Wyoming, 
 part 3d, stanza xvn. 
 
 In his notes, Campbell repeats the old Logan and Cresap 
 story ; but in late editions, he retracted the errors of this 
 passage — as against Brant. Brant's son when in London, 
 pointed out to the poet the slanders of his verses, yet he 
 left those slanders in the text of his poem, though he qua- 
 lified them in his notes. " The name of Brant, therefore, " 
 says Campbell, " remains in my poem, a pure and declared 
 character of fiction." Yet, a thousand read the poem while 
 only one will find the antidote in the note. The bad fame 
 of the dishonored Brant will go to posterity with the taint 
 of crime imputed by the poet, as the name of Cresap was 
 maligned from year to year by a morsel of mendacious elo- 
 quence. 
 
143 
 
 English literature. Indian error converted 
 Cresap into a monster, but I have striven to 
 restore to his memory its true and meritorious 
 manhood. Fancy transformed the savage Logan 
 into a romantic myth; and it has been my task 
 not only to reduce this myth to a man, but to 
 paint him as he really was — bright, generous 
 and gentle, in youth, but degraded by cruelty 
 and intemperance beneath the scale of abori- 
 ginal birthright. Indian instincts, kindled, it is 
 true, by personal wrongs and by the flame of 
 the fire-water, blighted a nature, which, at 
 its dawn, promised a noble career. He mur- 
 dered white men for revenge — not as a chief 
 in open battle, but on the secret war path — 
 and he nearly murdered his wife, under the 
 less plausible delirium of drunkenness. In his 
 intercourse with our race Logan lost nothing 
 but the few virtues of a savage, while he gained 
 from civilization very little but its vices. 
 
In Memory of 
 MdkaelCrftsrapTiret Cap* 
 Of &e Rifle B&talun* 
 And Son to Cot lliamas 
 Cr e^ap^JioBepartectoliis: 
 
 Grave-stone of Capt. Cresap, in Trinity Chnrch-yard. New York, 
 opposite the door of the North Transept. 
 
APPENDIX No. 1 
 
 General George Rogers Clark's Letter concerning the 
 Yellow Creek Massacre, and exculpating Captain 
 Michael Cresap. 
 
 The following letters, from Dr. Samuel Brown to 
 General G. Rogers Clark, and General Clark's 
 reply to him, were published by me in 1851, in the 
 Appendix to the first edition of this narrative. 
 They were furnished to me by Mr. Lyman C. Dra- 
 per — Gen. Clark's letter having been previously 
 published by the late L. C. Bliss, Jr., of Louisville 
 College, in the Louisville Literary News Letter, " as 
 taken from the letter-book of Gen. Clark, in his 
 own handwriting." After Mr. Bliss's death, many 
 of the original MSS. of Gen. Clark came into Mr. 
 Draper's possession, and the transcripts of Brown's 
 and Clark's letters were made by him for me from 
 the General's letter book. 
 
 Dr. Samuel Brown's first letter is now printed 
 from my first edition of this essay, while General 
 Clark's letter and Dr. Brown's letter transmitted to 
 Mr. Jefferson, are printed from authenticated trans- 
 cripts of the originals, in the first volume of the 
 19 
 
146 
 
 fifth series of the Jefferson Papers, deposited in the 
 department of state at Washington. Dr. Samuel 
 Brown was long a distinguished professor in Tran- 
 sylvania University. 
 
 [No. 1.1 
 
 Dr. Samuel Brown's Letter. 
 
 " Lexington, May 15th, 1798. 
 " Dear Sir : 
 
 " At the request of our mutual friend, Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, I enclose you a letter of Mr. Luther Martin 
 on the subject of the murder of Logan's family, 
 together with a vindication of the account of that 
 transaction as related in the Notes on Virginia. I 
 am sorry that it has not been possible to procure, 
 in this place, the Baltimore paper which contains 
 Mr. Martin's first publication on this question. 
 The charges there exhibited against Mr. Jefferson 
 are much more specific and more virulent than 
 they appear to be in the letter now forwarded to 
 you. It is possible, however, that the whole of the 
 correspondence may have come to your hands by 
 some other route. At all events, I presume Mr. 
 Jefferson's answer will sufficiently apprise you of 
 the nature of the "dispute, and bring to your recol- 
 lection such facts and circumstances as will tend 
 to elucidate the doubtful and obscure parts of that 
 interesting story. 
 
117 
 
 " I remember to have had some conversation 
 with you respecting the affair when at your house, 
 and although the variety and important nature of 
 the events which your conversations suggested, 
 have in some degree effaced from my memory that 
 distinct recollection of this particular event which I 
 ought to have, before I should attempt to commu- 
 nicate your account of it to Mr. Jefferson, yet still I 
 am pretty certain that as you related the story, any 
 mistakes that have crept into the Notes on Virginia 
 are not attributable to Mr. Jefferson, but to Logan 
 himself, or to those by whom his speech was ori- 
 ginally published. I think you informed me that 
 you were with Cresap at the time Logan's family 
 was murdered ; that Cresap was not the author of 
 that massacre; that Logan actually delivered the 
 speech as reported in the Notes on Virginia. The 
 Memoirs you have written of your own adventures, 
 probably contain a full statement of the circum- 
 stances which gave rise to the dispute. A trans- 
 cript from those Memoirs, or a statement of the 
 business by you from memory, would be highly 
 satisfactory to Mr. Jefferson and all his friends, and 
 I am sure would be decisive evidence in the mind 
 of every man of candor and liberality. 
 
 " I feel, and I am confident you must feel, sensi- 
 bly hurt at a charge which can, in any degree, 
 disturb the repose, or sully the reputation of that 
 truly great and excellent man. I know you respect 
 and esteem him, and I am really happy in assuring 
 
148 
 
 you that his respect and regard for you are equally 
 cordial and sincere : of this, his last letter to me 
 contains the most ample assurances. For myself, 
 sensible that I have^ittle which could entitle me to 
 your friendship, I shall endeavor by my willingness 
 to serve you, to convince you that- I am truly 
 thankful for those attentions I have received from 
 you. And I shall consider myself singularly for- 
 tunate, if in any respect, I can be the means of 
 rendering you and Mr. Jefferson mutually useful to 
 each other. To your country you both have 
 already been, and have it always in your power 
 to be singularly useful. 
 
 " Mr. Thruston will do me the favor of carrying 
 this letter, and I hope you will find leisure to 
 prepare an account of Logan's speech before his 
 return. I could wish to transmit it to Philadelphia 
 before congress rises, as it is possible the convey- 
 ance to Monticello will not be so safe. 
 
 " Do me the favor of presenting my most respect- 
 ful compliments to the family, and be assured that 
 I am, 
 
 " With sentiments of real respect, 
 
 " Yr. mo. obt., 
 
 "Sam. Brown." 
 " Gen. George R. Clark, 
 
 "Jefferson county, Ky." 
 
149 
 
 [No. 2.] 
 
 General George Rogers Clark to Dr. Samuel Brown. 
 
 "June nth, 1798. 
 "Sir 
 
 "Your letter was handed to me by M r Thruston, 
 the Matter therein contained was new to me; I find 
 myself hurt that M r Jefferson should have been 
 attacked with so much Virulence on a Subject 
 which I know he was not the Author of, but except 
 a few Mistakes of Names of Persons & Places, the' 
 Story is substantially true ; I was of the first and 
 last of the active Officers who bore the Weight of 
 that War, and on perusing some old Papers of that 
 Date I find some Memoirs, but independent of 
 them I have a perfect Eecollection of every Trans- 
 action relative to Logan's Story. The Conduct of 
 Cresap I am perfectly acquainted with, he was not 
 the Author of that Murder, but a family of the 
 Name of Greathouse. — But some Transactions that 
 happened under the Conduct of Capt n Cresap a few 
 Days previous to the Murder of Logan's Family 
 gave him sufficient Ground to suppose it was 
 Cresap who had done him the Injury ; But to 
 enable you fully to understand the subject of 
 your Enquiry, I shall relate the Incidents that 
 gave rise to Logan's Suspicions, and will enable 
 M r Jefferson to do Justice to himself and the 
 
150 
 
 Cresap Family by being made fully acquainted 
 with the Facts. 
 
 " Kentucky was explored in 1773; A Kesolution 
 was formed to make Settlements in the Spring 
 following & the Mouth of the little Kenhawa was 
 appointed the Place of general Rendevouz — in 
 order to descend the River thence in a Body; 
 Early in the Spring the Indians had done some 
 Mischief. Reports from their Towns were alarm- 
 ing, which caused many to decline Meeting, and 
 only eighty or ninety Men assembled at the Place 
 of Rendevouz, where we lay some Days; a Small 
 Party of Hunters which lay about ten Miles below 
 us were fired on by the Indians whom the Hunters 
 beat off and returned to our Camp ; This and many 
 other Circumstances led us to believe that the 
 Indians were determined to make "War ; the whole 
 of our Party was exasperated, and resolved not to 
 be disappointed in their Project of forming a Settle- 
 ment in Kentucky, as we had every necessary Store 
 that could be thought of. An Indian Town called 
 Horse-Head Bottom on the Siotho and nearest its 
 mouth lay most in our way, we resolved to cross 
 the Country & Surprize it ; who was to Command 
 was the question; there were but few among us 
 who had experience in Indian Warfare, and they 
 were such as we did not chuse to be commanded 
 by. We knew of Cap*, Cresap being on the River 
 about 15 Miles above us with some Hands settling 
 a new Plantation and intending to follow us to 
 
151 
 
 Kentucky as soon as he had fixed his People, we 
 also knew that he had had Experience in a former 
 War. It was proposed & unanimously agreed on 
 to send for him to Command the Party ; A Messen- 
 ger was dispatched and in half an Hour returned 
 with Cresap; he had heard of our Resolution by 
 some of his Hunters who had fallen in with those 
 from our Camp, and had set out to come to us; 
 We now thought our little Army (as we called it) 
 compleat, and the Destruction of the Indian Town 
 inevitable; A Council was call'd, and to our 
 Astonishment our intended General was the Person 
 who dissuaded us from the Enterprize, alledging 
 that appearances were suspicious, but that there 
 was no Certainty of a War, that if we made the 
 Attempt proposed he had no doubt of Sucess, but 
 that a War at any Rate would be the Result, that 
 we should be blamed for it and perhaps justly ; but 
 that if we were determined to execute the Plan, he 
 would lay aside all considerations, send for his 
 People and Share our Fortunes; he was then asked 
 what Measure he would recommend to us, his 
 Answer was that we should return to Wheeling, a 
 convenient Post to obtain Intelligence of what was 
 going forward, that a few Weeks would determine 
 the Matter, and as it was early in the Spring, if we 
 should find that the Indians were not hostilely 
 disposed we should have full Time to prosecute our 
 intended Settlements in Kentucky; This Measure 
 was adopted, in two Hours the whole Party was 
 
152 
 
 under way; As we ascended the River we met 
 Killbuck an Indian Chief (Delaware) with a small 
 Party; We had a long Conference but obtained 
 very little satisfaction from him. — It was observed 
 that Cresap did not attend this Conference but kept 
 on the Opposite side of the River, he Said that he 
 was afraid to trust himself with the Indians ; that 
 Killbuck had frequently attempted to waylay & kill 
 his Father, & that he was Doubtful that he should 
 be tempted to put Killbuck to Death. — On our 
 arrival at Wheeling, the whole Country being 
 pretty well settled thereabouts, the Inhabitants 
 appeared to be much alarmed, and fled to our 
 Camp from every Direction. — We offered to Cover 
 their Neighbourhood with Scouts, until we could 
 obtain further Information, if they would return to 
 their Plantations ; but Nothing we could say would 
 prevail; By this Time we got to be a formidable 
 Party as all the Hunters & Men without Families 
 & c in that quarter joined us. Our Arrival at 
 Wheeling was known at Pittsburgh, the whole of 
 that Country at that time being under the Jurisdic- 
 tion of Virginia. Dr. Connelly had been appointed 
 by Dunmore Cap* Commandant of the District 
 then Called West Augusta; He Connelly hearing 
 of us sent a Message addressed to the Party, 
 informing us that a War was to be apprehended, 
 and requesting that we would keep our Position 
 for a few Days, that Messengers had been sent to 
 the Indian Towns whose return he daily expected, 
 
153 
 
 and the Doubt respecting a War with the Indians 
 would then be cleared up. — The Answer we 
 returned was that we had no Inclination to decamp 
 for some Time, and during our stay we should be 
 Careful that the Enemy should not harrass the 
 Neighbourhood. — But before this Answer could 
 reach Pittsburgh he had sent a second Express 
 addressed to CapJ, Cresap as the most influential 
 Man amongst us informing him that the Messen- 
 gers had returned from the Indian Towns and that 
 a War was inevitable, and begg'd him to use his 
 Influence with the Party to get them to Cover the 
 Country until the Inhabitants could fortify them- 
 selves. — The Time of the Eeception of this Letter 
 was the Epoch of open Hostilities with the Indians. 
 The War Post was planted, a Council Called and 
 the Letter read and the Ceremonies used by the 
 Indians on so important an Occasion acted, and 
 War was formally declared. — The same evening 
 two scalps were brought into Camp. — The follow- 
 ing Day some Canoes of Indians were discovered 
 descending the River, taking advantage of an Island 
 to cover themselves from our View. They were 
 chased by our Men 15 Miles down the River, they 
 were forced ashore and a Battle ensued, a few were 
 wounded on both sides and we got one scalp only ; 
 On examining their Canoes we found a considera- 
 ble quantity of ammunition and other Warlike 
 Stores. On our return to Camp a Resolution was 
 formed to march next Day and attack Logan's 
 20 
 
154 
 
 Camp, on the Ohio, about 30 Miles above Wheel- 
 ing. We actually marched about five Miles, and 
 halted to take some Refreshment, here the Impro- 
 priety of executing the proposed Enterprize was 
 argued, the Conversation was brought forward by 
 Cresap himself; it was generally agreed that those 
 Indians had no hostile Intentions, as it was a 
 hunting Camp composed of Men Women and 
 Children with all their Stuff with them. This we 
 knew as I myself and others then present had been 
 at their Camp about four Weeks before that time on 
 our way down from Pittsburgh; In short every 
 Person present particularly Cresap (upon Reflec- 
 tion) was opposed to the projected Measure. We 
 returned & on the same evening Decamped and 
 took the Road to Red-Stone. — It was two Days 
 after this that Logan's Family was killed, and from 
 the Manner in which it was done, it was viewed as 
 a horrid Murder by the whole Country. From 
 Logan's hearing that Cresap was at the Head of 
 the Party at Wheeling it was no wonder that he 
 considered Cresap as the Author of his Family's 
 Destruction. 
 
 " Since the Receipt of your Letter I have pro- 
 cured the Notes on Virginia, they are now before 
 me; the Action was more barbarous than therein 
 related by M r Jefferson ; those Indians used to 
 visit & receive Visits from the neighbouring Whites 
 on the Opposite Shore, they were on a Visit at 
 Greathouse's at the Time they were massacre'd by 
 
155 
 
 those People and their associates. The War now 
 raged with all its Savage Fury until the following 
 fall, when a Treaty of Peace was held at Dunmore's 
 Camp within five Miles of Chilicothe, the Indian 
 Capital on the Siotho. — Logan did not appear — 
 I was acquainted with him & wished to be informed 
 of the Reason of his absence by one of the Inter- 
 preters. The Answer he gave to my Enquiry was 
 " that he was like a Mad Dog, that his Bristles had 
 been up and were not yet quite fallen — but that 
 the good Talks now going forward might allay 
 them." — Logan's Speech to Dunmore now came 
 forward as related by M r Jefferson, and was gene- 
 rally believed & indeed not doubted to have been 
 genuine and dictated by Logan. — The Army knew 
 it was wrong so far as it respected Cresap and 
 afforded an Opportunity of rallying that Gentleman 
 on the subject. — I discovered that Cresap was 
 displeased and told him that he must be a very 
 great Man, that the Indians shouldered him with 
 every Thing that had happened — he smiled & said 
 he had a great mind to tomahawk Greathouse 
 about the matter. — What is here related is Fact, 
 I was intimate with Cresap, and better acquainted 
 with Logan at that Time than with any other 
 Indian in the Western Country, and had a Know- 
 ledge of the Conduct of both Parties. Logan is 
 the Author of the Speech as related by M r Jef- 
 ferson, and Cresap's Conduct was such as I have 
 related. 
 
156 
 
 "I have gone through a Relation of Every Cir- 
 cumstance that had any Connection with the 
 Information you desire & hope it will be satis- 
 factory to yourself & M r Jefferson. 
 
 " I am your mo. obj serv* 
 
 G. E. Clark." 
 "DoctJ Sam,; Brown." 
 
 [No. 3.] 
 
 Dr. Samuel Brown to Mr. Jefferson, transmitting 
 General Clark's Letter. 
 
 Lexington, Ky., tth Sept. 1798. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " The letter you did me the honor of writing 
 me in March last, I intended to have answered 
 long since ; and, to enable me to do so the more to 
 your satisfaction, I took the earliest opportunities 
 of informing General Clark, and several other gen- 
 tlemen who had been the companions of his youth- 
 ful campaigns, of the illiberal attack made on you by 
 the attorney general of Maryland. I have deferred 
 replying to your friendly letter hitherto from an 
 expectation of collecting from different sources a 
 variety of statements and facts relative to the mur- 
 der of Logan's family. But, as most of the gentle- 
 men to whom I wrote on the subject, reside in 
 remote parts of the country, at a distance from post 
 roads, I am induced to attribute their silence to the 
 
157 
 
 want of safe modes of conveying their letters to Lex- 
 ington. I am happy, however, in having it in my 
 power to transmit to yon an interesting letter from 
 your friend General Clark, which indeed appears to 
 me to render further investigation quite unneces- 
 sary. The only point for which you contend, 
 viz : that Logan is really the author of the speech 
 ascribed to him in your Notes on Virginia, is now 
 established beyond the possibility of contradiction. 
 The incidents in General Clark's narrative follow 
 each other in a manner so simple and so natural as 
 to afford to every liberal and candid inquirer the 
 highest internal evidence of their reality. To those 
 who have the happiness of being acquainted with 
 that truly great man, his statement will bring the 
 fullest conviction. His memory is singularly accu- 
 rate, his veracity unquestionable. To such respect- 
 able authority, I can suppose no one capable of 
 objecting, except Mr. Luther Martin. 
 
 "I have shown General Clark's letter to Major 
 Morrison 1 the supervisor of the Ohio district, who 
 resided near Pittsburgh where the transactions 
 respecting Logan occurred. He assures me that 
 he knows most of them as stated in the letter to 
 be true, for they are within his own recollection. 
 
 1 Major James Morrison was an officer in Colonel D. Brodhead's 
 Penn. regiment, long stationed at Pittsburgh, during the revolu- 
 tion, and afterwards became a prominent citizen of Lexington, Ky. 
 He was a supervisor of the United States revenue. 
 
Colonel Paterson, 1 who likewise lived in that coun- 
 try about that time, mentioned to me a circumstance 
 which appears worthy of notice. There were then 
 on that, as on almost every other frontier, two par- 
 ties. By the one, Captain Cresap was considered 
 as a wanton violator of treaties, as a man of a cruel, 
 inhuman disposition — by the other, he was es- 
 teemed as an intrepid warrior, and a just avenger 
 of savage barbarities. You probably, became first 
 acquainted with his character at Williamsburg, the 
 seat of government; General Clark joined him in 
 the war-path. This circumstance will, perhaps, in 
 some measure, account for the very different senti- 
 ments which two gentlemen so perfectly capable of 
 appreciating Cresap's character, may have enter- 
 tained respecting it. 
 
 "Should you judge it advisible at the present 
 time, I could easily obtain from General Clark the 
 substance of his narrative, and have it published 
 here, as an answer to spontaneous inquiries of my 
 own. It can be done without you appearing at all 
 in the business. This, however, I shall not attempt 
 to do without your permission; yet, I wish that 
 General Clark's statement could be made public in 
 some shape or other as it would doubly mortify 
 Mr. Martin to hear his assertions refuted without 
 
 1 Colonel Robert Paterson was an early, meritorious pioneer of 
 Kentucky; afterwards settled at Dayton, Ohio, where he died in 
 1827. He was a perfectly reliable man." 
 
159 
 
 receiving a reply from you whom he has so assidu- 
 ously labored to draw forth into the field of contro- 
 versy. 
 
 "I can assure you that your friends in this 
 quarter are highly gratified at the silent contempt 
 with which you have treated that redoubtable hero 
 of Federalism. And it is with heartfelt pleasure 
 that I further assure you that nothing which old 
 Tories, aristocrats, and governmental sycophants can 
 say against you, will in any degree, diminish the 
 confidence which the good citizens of this state 
 repose in your abilities and patriotism. 
 
 " With sincerest wishes, &c. 
 
 " Samuel Brown. 
 " To Hon. Thos. Jefferson." 
 
 The omitted end of the letter is about irrelevant 
 matters. 
 
 The accuracy of the preceding two letters is 
 attested by the following certificate annexed to 
 them : 
 
 " United States of America, ) 
 " Department of State. ) 
 
 " To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : 
 
 " I certify that annexed is a true copy of an Original 
 
 letter from Gr. R. Clark to Dr. Samuel Brown, dated 
 
 June, 17, 1798, and one from Dr. Samuel Brown to 
 
160 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, dated September 4 th , 1798, both 
 found among the Jefferson papers deposited in this 
 Department. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I, William H. Seward, 
 Secretary of State of the United States, 
 have hereunto subscribed my name and 
 caused the seal of the Department of 
 [l. s.] State to be affixed. Done at the city 
 of Washington this eighth day of April, 
 A. D. 1867, and of the Independence of 
 the United States of America the Mnety- 
 first." 
 
 " Signed, 
 
 " William H. Seward." 
 
 This correspondence shows that Mr. Jefferson 
 was annoyed by the bitter strictures that were made 
 by the Hon. Luther Martin who had married Michael 
 Cresap's daughter, and which were called forth in 
 vindication of his father-in-law, by the original 
 version of the captain's conduct in 1744, as given 
 on page 91 of the edition of the Notes on Virginia, 
 published by Matthew Carey at Philadelphia, in 
 1794. In 1797 and 1798 Mr. Jefferson was pre- 
 paring his vindication, as will appear by the dates 
 of Mr. Martin's communication to Fennell on the 
 29th of March, 1797, and Jefferson's letters to John 
 Gibson in February, 1798, and in March, 1800 
 (republished in the Olden Time Magazine for Febru- 
 ary, 1847), also of the Appendix No. iv to his 
 Notes on Virginia, and the affidavits comprised in it, as 
 
161 
 
 published in the 1800 edition. At that time Mr. 
 Jefferson, it will be recollected, was the head of the 
 Democratic party in the country, while Luther Mar- 
 tin was an eminent leader of the Federalists. Party 
 feelings and party animosities were bitter. It is 
 very probable that such feelings were mingled, on 
 both sides, in the controversy on the Logan and 
 Cresap story. At all events, Jefferson was a long 
 time obtaining his testimony from Gibson, beginning 
 his request, apparently in February, 1798, and not 
 getting the affidavit until two years after, on the 4th 
 of April, 1800, and then under the allurement of a 
 long and singular letter which is given at length in 
 the Olden Time, volume II, page 55. 
 
 I may properly add here that I have a MS. copy 
 of an affidavit of Mr. John Caldwell, who resided 
 near Wheeling in 1774, which fully exonerates 
 Cresap from all participation in the murder of 
 Logan's family. 
 
 The following is the text of Mr. Caldwell's affi- 
 davit taken in the year 1839. 
 
 He states : " That in the year 1774, he emigrated 
 from Baltimore, Md., to the western country, and 
 settled at the mouth of Wheeling creek, on the 
 Ohio, in what was known as the district of West 
 Augusta, and afterwards and now as Ohio county, 
 Virginia. That he was well and intimately ac- 
 quainted with the late Captain Michael Cresap, of 
 Frederick county, Md., in 1744, and for some time 
 before, and afterwards till his death. At the time 
 21 
 
162 
 
 last mentioned, the section of country in which 
 affiant resided was frequently disturbed by the 
 Indians (as well for several years previous to 1774, 
 as for many years afterwards), who were in the 
 habit of stealing horses from the white inhabitants 
 on the frontier, and committing other depreda- 
 tions. Horses were stolen from Wm. McMahon and 
 Jos. Tomlinson and others in 1774. Much ill feel- 
 ing at all times existed among the white people of 
 the frontier against the Indians on account of their 
 depredations and the murders which they had at 
 different times committed among the settlements. 
 In 1744, several Indians who had dwelt on the west 
 side of the Ohio, at or near the mouth of Yellow 
 creek, crossed over the river to what was then 
 known as Baker's Bottom, opposite or nearly 
 opposite the mouth of said creek, and were killed 
 by the whites at that place, as the affiant always 
 understood and well believes, from feelings of ani- 
 mosity growing out of the causes aforesaid against 
 the Indians generally. The Indians so killed were 
 said to have been, and affiant believes such was the 
 fact, the relatives or family of the chief, Logan, 
 with whose massacre the said Captain Cresap is 
 charged in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, Dr. Dod- 
 dridge's Notes, etc. At the time said Indians were 
 killed, Captain Cresap made his home at the house 
 of affiant, at the mouth of Wheeling creek, but was 
 generally absent, further down the river, with a 
 party of men in his employ, making improvements 
 
163 
 
 on lands he had taken up near Middle Island creek. 
 Shortly before, and at the time of the massacre of 
 Logan's relatives, there was a general apprehension 
 on the frontiers from various indications, that there 
 was to be a general outbreaking of the Indians upon 
 the settlements, and much alarm prevailed. Captain 
 Cresap and his men came up the river to affiant's 
 house, and affiant well remembers that he, Captain 
 Cresap, was there on the day the Indians referred 
 to were killed at Baker's Bottom, and that he 
 remained there for some days afterwards and until 
 the news of their being killed reached Wheeling. 
 Affiant further states that Baker's Bottom was 
 situated forty or fifty miles above his residence, 
 immediately on the Ohio river : that on the eve- 
 ning of the day the report reached Wheeling, that 
 the Indians had been killed, affiant started down 
 the river to Middle-Island creek, where he, also, had 
 some hands engaged in making improvements, to 
 warn them of the danger apprehended by the peo- 
 ple above, and to bring them home; and that when 
 he left home, Captain Cresap was at his house. 
 
 " Affiant farther states that he was called on, some years 
 ago, by some person, whose name he doesnotnow remember, 
 but who teas understood to be the agent or as acting under 
 the direction of Mr. Jefferson, for his, affiant's, testimony 
 in relation to the murder of Logan's family, and that he 
 then gave his affidavit, which, in substance, was the same 
 as the foregoing. Affiant further says it was well 
 understood and believed on the frontier at that time, 
 
164 
 
 that the persons principally engaged in killing said 
 Indians were Daniel (John ?) Sappington, Nathaniel 
 Tomlinson, Daniel Greathouse, and perhaps, others ; 
 and that Captain Cresap was never charged or 
 implicated in the report, in any manner, so far as 
 he knows or believes, in this country, until after the 
 publication of Jefferson's Notes on Virginia." 
 
 Mr. John Caldwell, who made this affidavit, is 
 represented to have been a gentleman of irreproach- 
 able character, brother of the late Alexander Cald- 
 well, long a judge of the United States court for 
 the western district of Virginia. The affidavit 
 was reduced to writing by Mr. Daniel M. Edging- 
 ton, a lawyer of Wheeling, W. Virginia, in 1839. 
 
APPENDIX No. 2 
 
 Logan's Speech. 
 
 I have thought that it would interest many "readers 
 if I grouped together in an appendix the evidence 
 that has heen adduced both for and against Logan's 
 message or speech, and, at the same time, presented, 
 side by side, such exact copies of this document, 
 as I have been enabled to discover from the earliest 
 dates. Importance was given to the article, as we 
 have already seen, by the illustrative use made of it 
 by Mr. Jefferson, as well as by its intrinsic merit. 
 
 I shall place the most important pieces of evi- 
 dence, pro and con, side by side : 
 
 FOR THE SPEECH. 
 
 The first piece of testimony in favor 
 of the message from Logan, comes 
 from John Gibson, and was sworn to 
 and subscribed by him before J. Bar- 
 ker, at Pittsburgh, Pa., on the 4th of 
 April, 1800, twenty-six years after the 
 event occurred : 
 
 AGAINST THE SPEECH. 
 
 I. This deponent being duly sworn 
 said : That in the year 1774, he accom- 
 panied Lord Dunmore on the expedi- 
 tion against the Shawanese and other 
 Indians on the Scioto ; that on their 
 arrival within fifteen miles of the 
 towns they were met by a flag and a 
 white man by the name of Elliot, who 
 informed Lord Dunmore that the 
 
 I. See an argument on this subject 
 written by the Hon. Luther Martin, 
 son-in-law of Capt. Michael Cresap, 
 and formerly a distinguished counsel- 
 lor at law and attorney general of the 
 state of Maryland, in which he at- 
 tempts to impugn this speech. It is 
 dated the 29th March, 1797 ; and is 
 addressed to Mr. James Fennell, who 
 
1GG 
 
 chiefs of the Shawanese had sent to 
 request his lordship to halt his army 
 and send in some person who under- 
 stood their language ; that this depon- 
 ent, at the. request of Lord Bunmore, 
 and t/te whole of the officers with him, 
 went in ; that on his arrival at the 
 towns, Logan, the Indian, came to 
 where this deponent was sitting with 
 the Cornstalk, and the other chiefs of 
 the Shawanese, and asked him to walk 
 out with him ; that they went into 
 a copse of wood where they sat down, 
 when Logan, after shedding abund- 
 ance of tears, delivered to him the 
 speech, nearly as related by Mr. 
 Jefferson in his Notes on the State of 
 Virginia ; that he the deponent, told 
 him then that it xoas not Colonel, 
 Cresap who had murdered his rela- 
 tives, and although his son, Captain 
 Michael Cresap, was with the party 
 who had killed a Shaivanese chief and 
 other Indians, yet he was not present 
 when his relatives were killed at, 
 Baker's, near the mouth of Yellow 
 creek, on the Ohio ;— that this de- 
 ponent, on his return to camp, deli- 
 vered the speech to Lord Dunmore ; 
 and that the murders perpetrated as 
 above were considered as ultimately 
 the cause of the war of 1774, com- 
 monly called Cresap 1 s war. 
 
 Signed John Gibson. 
 
 in his public readings as an elocu- 
 tionist, had given force and currency 
 to the Logan speech. 
 
 This letter republished in the Olden 
 Time Magazine, vol. II, p. 51, drew 
 forth the argumentative vindication, 
 contained in Mr. Jefferson's IVth Ap- 
 pendix to his Notes on Virginia to 
 which so many references have been 
 made in the course of this narrative. 
 
 II. Genl. George Kogers Clark 
 says, in his letter of the 17th June, 
 1798 (ut antea), tiventy-four years af- 
 ter the event, that when the treaty was 
 holding at Camp Charlotte, within 
 four (?) miles of Chillicothe, the In- 
 dian capital of Ohio, Logan did not 
 appear. " I was acquainted with him, 
 and wished to know the reason. The 
 answer was : ' that he was like a mad 
 dog : his bristles had been up, and 
 were not yet quite fallen ; but the 
 good talk now going forward might 
 allay them. 1 Logan's speech to Bun- 
 
 II. Withers in his Chronicles of 
 Border Warfare, p. 136, says, " Two 
 interpreters were sent to Logan by 
 Lord Dunmore, requesting his at- 
 tendance ; but Logan replied, that ' he 
 was a warrior, not a counsellor and 
 would not come 1 ' " 
 
 In a note on this passage, Mr. 
 Withers adds: " Colonel Benjamin 
 Wilson, Senr., 11 then an officer in 
 Dunmore's army, says " that he con- 
 versed freely with one of the interpre- 
 ters (Nicholson) in regard to the 
 mission to Logan, and that neither 
 
167 
 
 more, as related by Mr. Jefferson, 
 now came forward. It was thought 
 clever ; though the army knew it to 
 be wrong as to Cresap. But it only 
 produced a laugh in the camp. I saw 
 it displeased Capt. Cresap, and told 
 him, ' that he must be a very great 
 man ; that the Indians had palmed 
 every thing that happened on his 
 shoulders.' 1 He smiled, and said that 
 he ' had an inclination to tomahawk 
 Greathouse for the murder. 1 " 
 
 from the interpreter, nor from any 
 other one during the campaign, did 
 he hear of the charge preferred in 
 Logan's speech against Capt. Cresap 
 as being engaged in the affair at Yel- 
 low creek. Capt, Cresap was an officer 
 in the division under Lord Dvnmore / 
 and it would seem strange, indeed, if 
 Logan's speech had been made public 
 at Camp Charlotte, and neither he (who 
 was so naturally interested in it, and 
 could at once have proven the false- 
 hood of the allegation it contained), 
 nor Colonel Wilson (who was pre- 
 sent during the whole conference 
 between Lord Dunmore and the In- 
 dian chiefs, and at the time when the 
 speeches were delivered, sat immedi- 
 ately behind and close to Dunmore), 
 should have heard nothing of it until 
 years after"' 1 (/) 
 
 * III. My late friend James Dunlop, 
 counsellor at law, in Pittsburgh, since 
 dead, wrote to me, under date of April 
 25th, 1851, as follows : 
 
 " I am well informed that Colonel 
 Gibson, who was an uncle of Chief 
 Justice Gibson, has frequently re- 
 peated here the story of Logan's de- 
 livering the speech to him. He used 
 to say that at the treaty Lord Dun- 
 more was about to hold with the 
 Shawanese, he was uneasy at the 
 absence of so distinguished a chieftain 
 as Logan, and being indisposed to 
 proceed without his presence, sent 
 Col. Gibson for him ; that he, Col. 
 Gibson, found him some miles off at 
 a hut with several other Indians ; that 
 pretending in the Indian way, that he 
 had nothing in view, he walked about, 
 talked, and drank with them until 
 Logan pulled him quietly by the coat, 
 and calling him out, took him some 
 distance into a solitary thicket, where, 
 sitting down on a log, the Indian 
 burst into tears and broke out in the 
 impassioned language which glows so 
 
 III. Mr. Neville B. Craig, in the 
 2d vol. of his Olden Time Maga- 
 zine, page 54, published at Pittsburgh 
 in 1847, when discussing the au- 
 thenticity of the speech, says : " We 
 Mill state, that many years ago, Mr. 
 James McKee, the brother of Alex. 
 McKee, the deputy of Sir William 
 Johnson, stated to us distinctly, that 
 he had seen the speech in the hand- 
 writing of one of the Johnsons, 
 whether Sir William or his successor, 
 Guy, we do not recollect, before it 
 
 WAS SEEN BY LOGAN ! " 
 
 The reader will also And arguments 
 by Mr. Craig againstthe authenticity 
 of the speech in this 2d vol. of the 
 Olden Time Magazine, at pages 49 
 and 475. 
 
168 
 
 eloquently in the speech. Gibson 
 said that he returned at once to his 
 friends and ivrote down the language 
 of Logan immediately, and delivered 
 it to Lord Dunmore in Council." 
 
 IV. The message or speech was 
 circulated freely at Williamsburgh 
 immediately after Dunmore 1 s return 
 from his campaign in the winter of 
 
 1774, and was published then in the 
 Virginia Gazette on the 4th February, 
 
 1775, and in New York on the 16th 
 Feb., 1775, as will be seen hereafter. 
 
 V. William McKee testifies in 
 the rvth Appendix to Jefferson's 
 
 IV. Jacob in his Life of Cresap, 
 gives the testimony of Mr. Benja- 
 min Tomlinson, on page 106 of his 
 work. This testimony was prepared 
 in Cumberland, Md., April 17, 1797, 
 twenty-three years after the occurrence 
 of the events. 
 
 The testimony is given by question 
 and answer : 
 
 Question %th: Was Logan at the 
 treaty held by Dunmore with the In- 
 dians at Camp Charlotte, on Scioto ? 
 did he make a speech, and, if not, 
 who made it for him ? 
 
 '"'•Answer: To this question Ian- 
 ewer — Logan was not at the treaty. 
 Perhaps Cornstalk, the chief of the 
 Shawanese nation, mentioned among 
 other grievances, the Indians killed 
 on Yellow creek ; but / believe neither 
 Cresap nor any other person, were 
 named as the perpetrators ; and I per- 
 fectly recollect that I was that clay 
 officer of the guard, and stood near 
 Dunmore's person, that consequently 
 I saw and heard all that passed; — 
 that, also, two or three days before the 
 treaty, when I was on the out-guard , 
 Simon Girty, who was passing by, 
 stopped with me and conversed ; he 
 said he was going after Logan, but 
 he did not like the business, for he 
 was a surly fellow : he, however, 
 proceeded on, and I saw him return 
 on the day of the treaty, and Logan 
 was not with him ; at this time a cir- 
 cle was formed and the treaty begun ; 
 I saw John Gibson, on Girty's arri- 
 val, get up and go out of the circle 
 and talk with Girty, after which he 
 (Gibson) went into a tent, and soon 
 after returning into the circle, drew 
 out of his pocket a piece of clean 
 
160 
 
 Notes on Va., p. 42, that being in the new paper, on which was written in 
 camp on the evening of the treaty his own hand-writing — a speech for 
 made by Dunmore with the Indians, and in the name of Logan. This I 
 he heard " repeated conversations con- heard read three times, once by Gib- 
 cerning an extraordinary speech made son, and twice by Dunmore the pur- 
 at the treaty, or sent there by a chief- port of which was that he, Logan, 
 tain of the Indians named Logan, and was the white man's friend, that on 
 lieard several attempts at a rehearsal his journey to Pittsburgh to brighten 
 of it" &c. &c. See also Andrew this friendship, or onhisreturn thence, 
 Rodgers's certificate as to these facts all his friends were killed at Yellow 
 in the same Appendix, p. 44. creek ; that now when he died, who 
 
 should bury him, for the blood of Lo- 
 gan was running in no creatures 1 veins; 
 but neither was the name of Cresap, 
 or the name of any other person men- 
 tioned in this speech. 1 But I recollect 
 to see Dunmore put this speech among 
 the other treaty papers. 11 
 
 From these parallel statements it will be seen 
 that the chief evidence against the authenticity 
 of the speech or message as detailed by John Gib- 
 son, is given by Col. Wilson, and by Mr. Tomlinson 
 who was a citizen of our state, residing in Alle- 
 ghany county, and admitted to be a person of 
 respectable character for truth and intelligence. 
 Testimony to this effect is adduced from high 
 sources, and published in the 2d vol. of the Olden 
 Time Magazine, page 476. 
 
 A sketch of John Gibson will be found in T. J. 
 Kogers's American Biographical Dictionary, 4th edi- 
 tion, Philadelphia, 1829. He has always been 
 regarded as an honest and truthful person. He 
 enjoyed the confidence of Washington who, in 1781 
 entrusted him with the command of the Western 
 
 1 This would make it correspond with the Abbe Robin's copy, 
 which follows in this volume. 
 
 22 
 
170 
 
 Military department. In 1782, when Gen. Irvine 
 had succeeded him, Gibson was entrusted with the 
 command during the general's absence, which con- 
 tinued for several months. Jefferson, Madison and 
 Harrison respected him. He was a major general 
 of militia, secretary of Indian territory under the 
 administration of Jefferson and Madison; member 
 of the Pennsylvania convention in 1778 ; and an 
 associate judge of the court of common pleas of 
 Alleghany county, Pa. Chief Justice Gibson and 
 General George Gibson, sons of Col. George Gib- 
 son, who was mortally wounded at St. Clair's defeat, 
 are his well known and esteemed nephews. 
 
 It will be observed that Mr. Tomlinson does not 
 allege that Gibson did not go to Logan's village. 
 He makes no statement in regard to him, until he 
 saw him in the camp with Girty. And yet, it may 
 have been perfectly consistent with the facts as they 
 occurred, that Gibson visited the Indian villages 
 without Mr. Tomlinson being aware of his absence. 
 Nothing was more likely to occur in a frontier 
 camp. It is possible that Girty may have accom- 
 panied Gibson, as both had, many years before been 
 Indian captives and were well acquainted with the 
 Shawanese and Mingoes. Gibson says, according 
 to Mr. Dunlop's statement, that Logan's message 
 was not reduced to writing until his return to 
 camp; and if Girty accompanied him, nothing 
 was so probable as that they should unite and resort 
 to a tent to commit it to paper. General Clark's 
 
171 
 
 letter seems to prove, conclusively, that Cresap's 
 name was in the message when read in the camp, 
 for he jeered him with his asserted importance in 
 originating the war, whereupon Cresap broke forth 
 in bitter invective against Greathouse; and, more- 
 over, it is evident that Logan had previously charged 
 Cresap with the murder, as will be seen by reference 
 to the note addressed to " Captain Cresap" which the 
 Indian left in the house of Roberts, whose family 
 he had murdered in 1774. 
 
 I think it may be fairly deduced from the preced- 
 ing statements, that John Gibson, in his interview 
 with Logan, heard from him an outburst of passion- 
 ate sorrow, the purport of which he subsequently re- 
 duced to writing after his return to the British camp 
 from the Indian villages, a distance of about six miles. 1 
 When he reached camp, in all likelihood, he de- 
 tailed the conversation with Logan to Lord Dun- 
 more; and the Earl and the Indian trader, who 
 were both anxious to make Logan participate in the 
 treaty in some manner, committed the remembered 
 language of the savage to paper, and caused it to be 
 read forthwith to the army as a speech or message 
 from Logan. The reader will not fail to remark, 
 
 1 See Howe's Ohio Hist. Collections, p. 402, for a Map of the 
 Ancient Shawanese Towns on the Pickaway Plains, made by P. 
 N. White, and containing the sites of Logan's cabin, Camp Char- 
 lotte (Dunmore's), and the position of Lewis's division when 
 halted by the earl. This map shows that the distance between 
 Logan's cabin and Dunmore's head-quarters was fully six miles. 
 
172 
 
 that intrinsically, it does not pretend in its language to 
 be a message, a speech or a pledge for the future ; and, 
 when critically examined, is nothing more than a savage 
 expostulation or apology for cruelties committed by a man 
 of strong feelings, but in which not a single note of per- 
 sonal grief or of submission is mingled. 
 
 In all the versions of this paper which I am about 
 to present, there is no consent by Logan to the peace, 
 except in the copy given by the Abbe Kobin ; and 
 if Dunmore wanted Logan's adhesion to the treaty, 
 that speech would most probably have satisfied him. 
 The French copy it will be observed, does not con- 
 tain the name of Cresap. 
 
 Different Versions of the Speech. 
 
 I have diligently sought for the early copies of 
 this celebrated document, which are known to 
 exist in our country, and the following are the 
 fruits of my researches. The first is taken from a 
 work which I found in the Maryland Historical So- 
 ciety's collection. It is entitled : Nouveau Voyage 
 dans JJ Amerique septentrionale, en VAnnee 1781 ; et 
 Compagne de V Armee de M. le Comte de Bochambeau, 
 par M. Vabbe Robin." The abbe was a chaplain 
 in the army of our French auxiliaries : 
 
 i. ii. 
 
 Original French of the Abbe Ro- Translation, Published at Phila- 
 
 bin, published in philadelphia delphia in 1783. 
 
 and Paris in 1782. '• The Spaniards have been re- 
 
 " On a reproche anx Espagnols proached for exercising cruelties upon 
 
 leurs cruautes contre ceux des pays the inhabitants of the countries they 
 
 dont ils se sont empares : il paroit conquered ; but it appears that re- 
 
173 
 
 qu'on auroit aussi des reprochcs de 
 ce genre a faire aux Colonies Ang- 
 loises. Ce discours que m'a commu- 
 nique un professeur de Williams- 
 burgh, dont voici la traduction, en 
 est un monument. Ill montre, en 
 memo temps, avec quelle male ener- 
 gie ces sauvages savent s'exprhner: 
 
 proaches of this kind are no less well 
 founded against the English. An 
 Indian speech that was given me by a 
 professor at Williamsburgh, a trans- 
 lation of which is subjoined, is a proof 
 of this. It discovers, at the same 
 time, the bold and masculine energy 
 these savages are taught by nature to 
 express themselves : 
 
 " Discours prononce par le sau- 
 vage lonan, dans une assemblee 
 
 GENERALE, ENVOYE A M. le GOU- 
 VERNEUR DE VlRGINIE, LE 11 NET 1 
 
 1754: 
 
 " Lonan ne s'opposera jamais a 
 faire la paix qu'on propose avec les 
 Hommes blancs. Vous savez qu'il 
 ne connut jamais la crainte, et qu'il 
 n'a jamais mi dans les combats. Per- 
 sonne n'aime plus que moi les Hom- 
 mes blancs. La guerre que nous ve- 
 nons d'avoir avec eux, a ete longue 
 et cruelle des deux cotes. Des ruis- 
 seaux de sang out coule de toutes 
 parts, sans qu'il en soit resulte aucun 
 bien pour personne. Je le repete, 
 faisons la paix avec ces hommes ; 
 j'oublie leurs injures, l'interet de 
 mon pays l'exige : j'oublie encore 
 
 que, naguere, le Major , fit mas- 
 
 sacrer impitoyablement, dans un ba- 
 teau, ma femme, mes e.nfens, mon 
 pere, ma mere, et tous mes parens. 
 L'on m'excita klavengence — je fus 
 cruel malgre moi. Je mourrai content 
 si ma patrie est en paix : mais quand 
 Lonan ne sera plus, qui est-ce qui 
 versera pour lui une larme ? " 2 
 
 " Speech pronounced by the sa- 
 vage Lonan, in a general assem- 
 bly AS IT WAS SENT TO THE GO- 
 VERNOR of Virginia, Anno 1754 : 
 
 " Lonan will no longer oppose 
 making the proposed peace with the 
 white man — you are sensible that he 
 never knew what fear is — that he 
 never turned his back in the day of 
 battle — no one has more love for the 
 white man than I have. The war 
 we have had with them has been long 
 and bloody on both sides — rivers of 
 blood have run on all parts, and yet 
 no good has resulted therefrom to 
 any. I once more repeat it — let us 
 be at peace with these men ; I will 
 forget our injuries, the interest of our 
 country demands it — I will forget, 
 but difficult indeed is the task — yes, 
 I will forget, Major Rogers cruelly and 
 inhumanly murdered in their canoes, 
 my tvife, my children, my father, my 
 mother, and all my kindred. This 
 roused me to deeds of vengeance — I 
 was cruel in despight of myself — I 
 will die content if my country is once 
 more at peace : but when Lonan shall 
 be no more who alas ! will drop a tear 
 for him." 3 
 
 1 Ce mot signifie apparamcnt le mois Lunaire ou Solaire. 
 
 2 Nouveau voyage, &c, p. 147. 
 
 3 New Travels, &c, p. 67. Barton's Medical and Physical Journal, vol. II, p. 
 148. See the latter for a full critical commentary on this speech, and for a 
 •promise to disclose who Major Rogers was in a future number of his journal — a 
 promise which unfortunately was never fulfilled ! 
 
174 
 
 The speech translated from the Abbe Robin's 
 work is tolerably well rendered into English by the 
 translator at Philadelphia in 1783, though it is not 
 as accurate or neat as it might be. The main 
 facts, however, are faithfully given, and we cannot 
 doubt that it is the speech or message usually attri- 
 buted to Logan, though it is assigned to Lonan, and 
 that the date of 1754 for 1774 was a misprint or an 
 inaccuracy either of the professor at Williamsburgh, 
 or of the Abbe in translating the original into 
 French. The date, in the French copy of " 11 Net," 
 is probably also a misprint for 11th November, inas- 
 much as the treaty having been made by Dunmore 
 near the close of October, 1774, this copy of the 
 speech may very probably have been committed to 
 writing and got abroad early in the following No- 
 vember. The general cast of thought in the 
 speeches reported by Jefferson and the Abbe is the 
 same; but they differ in force, elegance and elo- 
 quence. The essential points, however, to which I 
 desire to call the reader's attention are : that in the 
 French edition the massacre is attributed, not to 
 
 Cresap, but to a "Major ;" in the English 
 
 translation the blank is filled by the name of " Major 
 Rogers; " and finally that Logan or Lonan asserts 
 this bloodthirsty commander murdered his wife, his 
 children, his father, his mother, and all his kindred, in 
 
 THEIR CANOE. * 
 
 Now, it will be recollected that Shikellamy, his 
 father, died at Shamokin in 1749 ; so that he could 
 
175 
 
 not have been killed at Yellow creek in 1774; and, 
 moreover, that Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia 
 (edition of 1794) says that "Col. Cresap, a man 
 infamous for the many murders he had committed 
 on these much injured people, collected a party and 
 proceeded down the Kanawha in quest of vengeance. 
 Unfortunately a canoe of women and children with one 
 man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, 
 unarmed and unsuspecting a hostile attack from the 
 whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves 
 on the bank of the river, and the moment the canoe 
 reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at 
 one fire, killed every person in it. This happened 
 to be the family of Logan who had long been distin- 
 guished as a friend of the whites." 
 
 Here the story of the murder in canoes, and of the 
 whole of Logan's family was repeated, and the geo- 
 graphy of the scene is ascribed to the Kanawha. 
 This, upon examination, was found by Mr. Jefferson 
 to be inaccurate, and in the edition of the Notes on 
 Virginia, which he retained by him until his death, 
 and in the IYth appendix to more recent editions 
 than that of 1794, he caused the paragraph above 
 cited to be substituted by the following : 
 
 " Capt. Michael Cresap and a certain Daniel 
 Greathouse, leading on these parties, surprized at 
 different times, travelling and hunting parties of the 
 Indians, having their women and children with 
 them and murdered many. Among these were 
 unfortunately the family of Logan, a chief cele- 
 
176 
 
 brated in peace and in war, and long distinguished 
 as a friend of the whites." 
 
 This is certainly a mitigation of the charge against 
 Capt. Cresap, but it leaves altogether indefinite the 
 fact as to whether Greathouse and Cresap con- 
 jointly directed these parties, or which of the two 
 murdered Logan's relatives. It relieves Cresap, 
 however, altogether from the charge of murdering 
 the Logan family in canoes, on the Kanawha, a 
 fact which seems to have been current at Williams- 
 burgh, Va., when the Abbe Robin was there and 
 received the speech of Lonan from the Williams- 
 burgh professor. 
 
 It will be well for the reader to compare the 
 speeches line by line as given by Mr. Jefferson and 
 by the Abbe. The resemblances and the variances 
 cannot fail to attract his critical notice. 
 
 This copy, if we admit the date to be the 11th 
 November, 1774, as we have stated it to have been 
 most probably, is the eldest member of this family of 
 speeches I have been able to discover in tracing 
 their pedigree. Eo manuscript copy of the time 
 has, to my knowledge, ever been found. 
 
 III. IV. 
 
 My friend Mr. Thomas H. Ellis, From the IVth series of American 
 
 of Richmond, Virginia, sent me the Archives, vol. I, p. 1020, I extract 
 
 following authentic copy of the mes- the following : 
 
 sage of Logan, extracted from the " New York, February 16, 1775. 
 
 Virginia Gazette, No. 1226. Extract of a letter from Virginia : ' I 
 
 make no doubt but the following spe- 
 
 " WnxiAMSBijRGH, February 4, 1775. cimen of Indian E i oq uence and mis- 
 
 " The following is said to be a mes- taken valour will please you; but 
 
177 
 
 sage from Captain Logan (an Indian 
 warrior) to Gov. Dunmore, after the 
 battle in which Col. Charles Lewis 
 was slain, delivered at the treaty : 
 
 " I appeal to any white man to say 
 that he ever entered Logan's cabin 
 but I gave him meat, ; that he ever 
 came naked but I clothed him. In 
 the course of the last war Logan re- 
 mained in his cabin an advocate for 
 peace. I had such an affection for 
 the white people that I was pointed 
 at by the rest of my nation. I should 
 have ever lived with them, had it not 
 been for Colonel Cressop, i who last 
 year, cut off in cold blood, all the re- 
 lations of Logan, not sparing women 
 and children. There runs not a drop 
 of my blood in the veins of any hu- 
 man creature. This called upon me 
 for revenge ; I have sought it, I have 
 killed many, and fully glutted my 
 revenge. I am glad that there is a 
 prospect of peace on account of my 
 nation ; but I beg you will not enter- 
 tain a thought that any thing I have 
 said proceeds from fear ! Logan dis- 
 dains the thought ! He will not turn 
 on his heel to save his life ! Who is 
 
 there to mourn for Logan ? No 
 
 one. 1 ' 
 
 must make allowance for the unskill- 
 fulness of the interpreter : 2 
 
 " The speech of Logan — a Shawa- 
 nese Chief — to Lord Dunmore: 
 "I appeal to any white man to say 
 if ever he entered Logan's cabin hun- 
 gry and I gave him not meat, if ever 
 he came cold or naked and I gave him 
 not clothing f During the course of the 
 last long and bloody xoar Logan re- 
 mained in his tent an advocate for 
 peace ; nay, such was my love for the 
 whites, that those of my own country 
 pointed at me as they passed by, and 
 said, ' Logan is the friend of white 
 men!'' I had even thought to live 
 with you, but far the injuries of one 
 man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, 
 in cool blood and unprovoked cut off 
 all the relations of Logan not even 
 sparing my women and children. 
 There runs not a drop of my blood 
 in the veins of any human creature. 
 This called on me for revenge. I have 
 sought it — I have killed many — I 
 have fully glutted my vengeance. For 
 my country I rejoice at the beams of 
 peace ; but do not harbor the thought 
 that mine is the joy of fear. Logan 
 never felt fear. He will not turn on 
 his heel to save his life. Who is there 
 to mourn for Logan ? Not one." 
 
 1 He is here, in this message delivered in October, 1774, called Colonel Cres- 
 sop, both title and name being inaccurately given. In the note left by Logan 
 in the house in Virginia whose inhabitants he had murdered, dated 12th July, 
 1744, he styles him Captain Cresap. Thus he evidently knew his proper title 
 anterior to the message in October, in which he miscalls him. That the title, 
 if introduced at all, was assigned by Logan is unquestionable, for Gibson says 
 so in his preceding testimony. 
 
 2 The Honorable William C. Hives, of Virginia, after receiving a copy of the 
 first edition of my narrative, mentioned the following fact to me in a letter 
 dated Castle Hill. 26th Sept. 1857: 
 
 * * * The copy " of the Logan speech," published in the New York 
 paper, which you have quoted from the 4th series of the American Archives, 
 was sent by Mr. Madison to his friend William Bradford, of Philadelphia (after- 
 wards attorney general of the United States), in a letter bearing date 20th 
 January, 1775. This is proved by the extract given there of the letter from 
 "Virginia, which corresponds exactly with the language of Mr. Madison's letter 
 of the above date, now among his papers in my possession. Mr. Madison in 
 communicating the speech to' his friend Bradford, says he had " never seen it 
 in print : and you will observe that his letter is dated two weeks before the 
 publication in the Williamsburgh Gazette.'''' 
 
 23 
 
178 
 
 The variance of these two copies is not a little 
 singular; the one published on the 4th Feb., 1775, 
 at Williamsburgh, Va., and the other only fourteen 
 days after, in New York, on the 16th of the same 
 month in the same year. 
 
 The Virginia announcement states it to be only a 
 "message" which was " said to have been" sent by 
 Captain Logan (who was known to be a Mingo), to 
 Lord Dunmore. The New York copy, during the 
 transit from Virginia, is magnified into a speech, 
 and dignifies the orator as a" Siiawanese chief." 
 Nor has the language of the document deteriorated 
 by travel. The Indian abruptness and directness 
 have been softened, and the reader will particularly 
 note the variances which I have endeavored to point 
 out by causing the chief passages to be printed in 
 italics. 
 
 The next member of this eloquent lineage blooms 
 in mature perfection, in the pages of Mr. Jefferson's 
 Notes on Virginia; and, with its translation into 
 French, in the year 1788, I shall close my analysis 
 of the genealogy. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson says in his IVth Ap- Extract from Recherches Histori- 
 
 pendix : " the speech itself" ques et Politique^ mr les Etats-Unis 
 
 was " so fine a morsel of eloquence de VAmerique Septentrionale." 1788, 
 that it became the theme of every vol. IV, p. 154. 
 conversation, in Williamsburgh par- 
 ticularly, and generally indeed, where- 
 soever any of the officers resided or 
 resorted. I learned it in Williams- 
 burgh ; I believe at Lord Dunmore's, 
 and I find in my pocket book of that 
 year (1774), an entry of the narra- 
 tive as taken from the mouth of some 
 
179 
 
 person, whose name, however, is not 
 noted nor recollected, precisely in the 
 words stated in the Notes on Virginia : 
 
 V. 
 
 " I appeal to any white man to say 
 if ever he entered Logan's cabin hun- 
 gry, and he gave him not meat ; if ever 
 he came cold and naked, and he 
 clothed him not. During the course 
 of the last long and bloody war, Lo- 
 gan remained idle in his cabin, an 
 advocate for peace. Such was my 
 love for the whites that my country- 
 men pointed as they passed, and 
 said : ' Logan is the friend of white 
 men.' I had even thought to have 
 lived with you, but for the injuries 
 of one man. Colonel Cresap, 1 the 
 last spring, in cold blood, and unpro- 
 voked, murdered all the relations of 
 Logan, not sparing even my women 
 and children. There runs not a drop 
 of my blood in the veins of any living 
 creature. This called on me for re- 
 venge. I have sought it : I have 
 killed many : I have fully glutted my 
 vengeance. For my country, I re- 
 joice at the beams of peace ; but do 
 not harbor a thought that mine is the 
 joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. 
 He will not turn on his heel to save 
 his life. Who is there to mourn for 
 Logan ? Not one." 2 
 
 VI. 
 
 u Y-a-t'il un homme blanc qui 
 puisse dire qu'il soit jamais cntre 
 ayant faim dans la cabanc de Logan, 
 et a qui Logan n'ait pas donne a 
 manger, et que Logan n'ait pas re- 
 vetu ! Durant le cours de la derniere 
 longue et sanglante guerre, Logan est 
 rcste oisif dans sa cabanc, exhortant 
 sans cesse ses compatriotes d la paix. 
 Telle etoit son amitie pour les Wanes, 
 que ses fr eres, le montrant an doigt 
 en passant, disoient : ' Logan est l'ami 
 des blancs.' II voulolt mGme aller 
 vivre au milieu de vous, avant qu'un 
 homme le Colonel Cresap, au prin- 
 tems dernier, de sang froid et sans 
 provocation, eut assassine tous les 
 parens de Logan, sans Gpargner meme 
 les femmes et les enfens. Ill ne coule 
 plus maintenant aucune goutte de 
 mon sang dans aucune creature vi- 
 vante. J'ai voulu me venger ; J'ai 
 combattu : j'ai tug beaucoup de blancs. 
 J'ai assouvi ma vengeance. Je me 
 rejouis pour mon pays des approches 
 de la pais ; mais gardez vous de pen- 
 ser jamais que cette joie solt celle de 
 la crainte. Logan n*a jamais connu 
 la crainte : II ne tournera jamais ses 
 pieds pour sauver sa vie. Qui reste- 
 t'il maintenant pour pleurer Logan ? 
 Personne." 
 
 The slight variations in the transla- 
 tion are noted by italics. 
 
 It will be observed with pleasure by those persons 
 w T ho are interested in the honor of Captain Michael 
 
 1 Cresap was only a captain ; but the translated Robin edition 
 makes the felon a major, while Mr. Jefferson's elevates him into a 
 colonel, though Logan had called him simply captain in his bloody 
 missive of 21st July, 1774. 
 
 2 Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, ed. 1794, p. 91. 
 
180 
 
 Cresap's name, that the speech, as given in the Vllth 
 volume of our great national historian, Mr. Ban- 
 croft, published since the issue of the first edition of 
 this narrative, does not charge Cresap with the 
 Yellow Creek massacre, but omits his name entirely. 
 
APPENDIX No. 3. 
 
 The Speech and the Death of Tah-gah-jute or Logan. 
 
 While the preceding pages have been passing 
 through the press I had the honor to receive from 
 Mr. Lyman C. Draper, the distinguished and inde- 
 fatigable secretary of the Wisconsin Historical Soci- 
 ety, the following letters concerning the speech and 
 death of Tah-gah-jute or Logan. The letters he 
 quotes from his MS. collections are so interesting 
 that I think historical students will be glad to receive 
 and preserve them; and I have, therefore, added 
 them at the end of this volume as illustrative of the 
 story. I must record my great indebtedness to Mr. 
 Lyman C. Draper for the communication of nume- 
 rous facts and authorities, while I was occupied in 
 the composition of this essay in 1851, and lately, also, 
 while preparing the present edition. No student of 
 American border life, in early days, has accumulated 
 so large, various, and valuable a stock of original 
 MSS. and printed authorities on the subject, as this 
 kind and enlightened scholar. No one opens his 
 treasures with more generosity to his friends and 
 colaborers. I may be permitted, also, to express the 
 hope — in which, I am sure American historians 
 will cordially unite — that Mr. Draper will soon 
 
182 
 
 commence the publication of that series of Pioneer 
 Histories and Biographies, upon which, it is known, 
 he has been employed for so many years. 
 
 Logan's Death. 
 "Pleasant Branch, Dane Co., Wis., 
 
 May 20th, 1867. 
 " My Dear Colonel Mayer : 
 
 " I was yesterday looking over and assorting some 
 of my old manuscripts, preparatory to a pasting pro- 
 cess for binding, and I came across a notice of the 
 last days of Logan that I had entirely forgotten, and 
 thinking you might possibly still be able'to use it, if 
 you should desire to do so, I will copy and send it. 
 
 "In August, 1781, Maj. Charles Cracraft, of Wash- 
 ington Co., Pa., and twelve men, descending the 
 Ohio, as a part of Gen. G. Ii. Clark's intended 
 expedition against Detroit, were intercepted near 
 the mouth of the Great Miami, by a large body of 
 Indians, and made prisoners. Maj. Cracraft's son, 
 Wm. Cracraft, has furnished me his recollections of 
 his father's relation of his captivity and events con- 
 nected therewith, and among them the following 
 about Logan, which he communicated to me under 
 date October 1st, 1853, by which you will perceive 
 I did not possess it when you prepared and published 
 your original work on Logan and Cresap in 1851. 
 I will give it in the plain narrative communicated 
 to me, and if you have occasion to use it you must 
 put in shape : — 
 
183 
 
 " i I think in my last letter to you mention was made 
 of an acquaintance had by my father, at the time of 
 his captivity with Alexander Macomb, a resident 
 near Detroit, and father of the late Gen. Alex. 
 Macomb, of the TJ. S. Army' [where (Mr. Cracraft 
 mentions elsewhere), his father was ever kindly 
 treated, and furnished with reading matter, to while 
 away the tedium of his captivity, having given his 
 parole not to run away, nor pass more than three 
 miles beyond the limits of Detroit] ' At that time, 
 a certain William McMillen, who had been taken 
 prisoner by the celebrated Indian chief and warrior, 
 Logan, was in the employ of Mr. Macomb, working 
 on his farm, and there my father became acquainted 
 with McMillen, and learned from him much of 
 Logan's life and history. It appears that Logan 
 and McMillen had hunted together before the war; 
 and McMillen was made prisoner by Logan and his 
 party near Clover Lick, on the Greenbrier fork of 
 the Great Kanawha river, Virginia, and taken to 
 Detroit and retained there, and with the privilege 
 of personal freedom by remaining in or near the 
 post of Detroit. It appears that McMillen was a 
 favorite of Logan, for the latter called often to see 
 him, when returning to Detroit with scalps and 
 prisoners. 
 
 "'I will give you as near as possible the relation 
 given by my father as to Logan's death. Many 
 years before my father's decease, I had read Jeffer- 
 son's account of Logan with much interest, which 
 
184 
 
 accounts for my recollection of the narrative given 
 me by my father. And now to the narrative : 
 
 " ' It appears that Logan in one of his trips to 
 Detroit, and I might say his last one, with scalps 
 and prisoners, after having made disposition of them 
 according to the then British regulations, got into 
 an Indian drunken frolic and became so troublesome 
 that Captain Bawbee, the commissary of the Indian 
 department, kicked him out of the store-house. 
 Logan took it in high dudgeon, and the next day 
 he went to Mr. Macomb's residence to hunt up 
 William McMillen ; and, after meeting him and 
 passing the usual salutations, Logan said: 'Bill, I 
 want to have a talk with you, and wish you to meet 
 me at the Spring Wells, below Detroit/ signifying 
 the time by pointing to where the sun would be 
 in the horizon. McMillen acceded to his request 
 and at the appointed time met Logan at the Spring 
 Wells. 
 
 " ' Logan commenced by giving an account of the 
 abuse he had received from the British at the hands 
 of Bawbee. 'Bill,' said he, addressing McMillen, 
 ' Why, Bawbee kicked me out of his house, and 
 called me a dog ! Bill, I won't fight for the British 
 any more ; they have treated me very bad. Now, 
 Bill, take this tomahawk, and tell how many pri- 
 soners, and how many scalps, I have taken from the 
 Big Knives [the Virginians] for the British.' Logan 
 had made a notch-record on one side of his hatchet 
 handle for each prisoner taken, and on the other 
 
185 
 
 side for each scalp. McMillen said he counted 
 them, and they exceeded seventy. ' Now, Bill,' 
 continued Logan, ' I would go back to the Big 
 Knives, if I thought the}' would not kill me, and 
 would kill and take as many of the British as I 
 have done of the Big Knives ; but I dare not go. 
 Bill, I can kill as many bucks as any Indian on the 
 Sciota river ; I will go home, and hunt deer, raccoon 
 and beaver.' And, from the narration, it seems that 
 Logan soon left Detroit for his home on the heads 
 of the Sciota; and meeting some of his nation, on 
 his journey homeward, who had some rum, he 
 became boosy again, and then pursued his way to 
 his camp ; and in passing the Indian wigwam of the 
 squaw whom he claimed for his cousin, he asked 
 her for something to eat. She said they had nothing. 
 Logan called her a liar, and took his wiping-stick 
 or ramrod and gave her a severe whipping, calling 
 her a lazy bitch, then mounted his horse and made 
 off. The husband of the squaw coming home, and 
 finding his wife still crying, and learning the cause 
 of her trouble, and the course that Logan had gone, 
 and knowing that he would have to make a cir- 
 cuitous route to avoid a swamp, took a nearer way, 
 and got ahead of Logan, and lay in ambush until 
 he came near, and then shot. At the crack of the 
 rifle, Logan sprang from his horse, with his gun in 
 one hand, while with the other he struck himself on 
 the breast, at the same time advancing a few steps 
 towards the place where the concealed Indian lay, 
 24 
 
186 
 
 exclaiming, ' I am a man ! ' and he fell to the 
 ground to rise no more. Thus ended the life of 
 Logan, the once mighty Mingo chief and warrior, 
 whose name and acts had carried dismay and terror 
 to the frontier settlers.' 
 
 " So much for the Cracraft narrative. 1 see no 
 reason to doubt its correctness, for I should think 
 its details quite as reliable as any of the accounts 
 we have of Logan's death, and much more circum- 
 stantial. Cracraft, the elder, was a major at the 
 time of his captivity, and was a man of intelligence 
 and observation, and is entirely worthy of credit. 
 His son is equally worthy. 
 
 Logan's Speech. 
 " Since I am on the Logan subject, I may as well 
 give you copies of two statements I have with refer- 
 ence to the delivery of Logan's speech to John 
 Gibson. The first is from the late chief justice, 
 John B. Gibson, of Pennsylvania, a nephew of Col. 
 John Gibson, and communicated to me by Judge 
 Gibson in the form of a copy of a letter he had 
 previously sent to the late E. D. Ingraham, of Phila- 
 delphia : 
 
 " ' Philadelphia, 21st Nov., 1846. 
 " ' Dear Sir : The facts you request are briefly 
 these. The last time I saw General John Gibson, 
 he related to me the circumstances of Logan's 
 speech exactly as I had heard them from him 
 before. He died a few months afterwards with his 
 
187 
 
 faculties unimpaired. The facts are, in substance, 
 these : At the outbreak of what is unjustly called 
 Cresap's tear — for Colonel Oresap had nothing to do 
 with the murder of Logan's family, which provoked it — 
 Mr. Gibson, who had many years before been a pri- 
 soner for a long time among the Indians, attended 
 Lord Dunmore in his expedition against the Indian 
 towns, and speaking the Delaware tongue vernacu- 
 larly, was sent into the principal one [village], with 
 a flag, and an offer of peace. Midway he found 
 Logan standing with folded arms, at the side of the 
 path where it crossed a small stream, who to the 
 salutation, ' How do you do, my friend, Log.? lam 
 glad to see you,' sullenly replied, ' I suppose you 
 are,' and turned away. On meeting the chiefs in 
 council, Mr. Gibson was sorry to see that Logan 
 was not among them ; but while he was opening the 
 terms of his mission, he felt himself plucked by the 
 cape of his capote, and, turning, saw Logan at his 
 back, with his face convulsed with passion, and 
 beckoning to follow him. Logan rapidly led the 
 way to a coppice outside the town, and, pointing to 
 a log for a seat, burst into a torrent of tears. When 
 he had regained the power of utterance, he pro- 
 nounced the speech that has been the subject of so 
 much discussion, with a view to remove from Lord 
 Dunmore's mind any doubt he might entertain as to 
 the sincerity of the peace in consequence of Logan's 
 refusal to take part in the treaty. At his return to 
 camp, Mr. Gibson made an accurate translation of 
 
188 
 
 it, which, as it was much admired, was probably pre- 
 served by Lord Dunmore among the archives of the 
 government. After the lapse of almost half a 
 century, General Gibson would not assert that the 
 speech published by Mr. Jefferson was a literal copy 
 of his translation; but he was sure it contained the 
 substance of it. 
 
 " ' Here it is proper to remark, that he was as com- 
 petent as Mr. Jefferson, or any one else, to give it 
 the simple dress in which it appears. But whoever 
 was entitled to the merit of it, General Gibson said 
 that it was a poor picture of the original, uttered, 
 as it was, in accents dictated by an abiding sense of 
 his wrongs, and in tones expressive of the hopeless 
 desolation of his heart. It was its last passionate 
 throb. The man was done with impulses, even of 
 revenge. He sunk into apathy from intemperance, 
 and in the course of a year was murdered in a 
 drunken fray. It is some thirty years since I have 
 seen the statement published by Mr. Jefferson, and 
 know not how far it agrees with these particulars. 
 They have ceased to be matters of interest; but they 
 are probably the last that will be heard of poor 
 
 Logan. 
 
 " ' Very truly, dear sir, 
 
 " < Your obedient servant, 
 " ' John Bannister Gibson. 
 " ' Edward D. Ingraham.' 
 
 " On receipt of the preceding I wrote to Judge 
 Gibson, reminding him that Dunmore in 1774, had 
 
189 
 
 invaded the Sliawanoe country, and that it was evi- 
 dently a Sliawanoe or Mingo town, not a Delaware 
 one as he intimated, to which John Gibson had been 
 sent, and he replied as follows : 
 
 " ' Carlisle, 24th February, 1848. 
 
 " ' Dear Sir : I have not the least objection to the 
 corrections you propose. I know from particular cir- 
 cumstances, however, that General Gibson not only 
 spoke the Delaware language, but that he used it 
 in conversing with Logan. I was told many years 
 ago by a person who was present at the trial of the 
 distinguished Captain Samuel Brady, for killing 
 Indians under belief that hostilities had commenced, 
 that while General Gibson was interpreting the 
 questions put to the Indian witnesses and their 
 answers, one of them, then blind from age, asked 
 the name of the Delaware chief who was then 
 speaking. I was told also by General Gibson him- 
 self, that when he met with Logan on his way to 
 the Shawanese town, he accosted him in his own 
 language, and, that to his surprise, Logan who 
 spoke English very imperfectly, and seldom when 
 he could help it, replied to him in English. An 
 impression received by me from the late missionary 
 Mr. Heckewelder, is, that the Delaware language 
 was the parent from which sprung the Mingo, 
 Shawanese, and other tongues as dialects of it. 
 I think it certain that the languages of these tribes 
 are essentially the same. Logan, who adopted 
 
190 
 
 the name of one of the proprietary servants who 
 was the father of the late Doctor Logan, of Grer- 
 mantown, was the son of Shikellemus, a Mingo 
 chief, and the fast friend of the Penns, lived at an 
 early day on an island in the Susquehanna at the 
 mouth of the Juniata, where I saw the ruins of his 
 cabin when I was a boy. 
 
 " 'I was told by the late Judge Brown, now dead 
 some thirty years, that Logan had frightened the 
 settlement from its propriety by threatening to take 
 the scalp of a man who owed him a few shillings 
 but repudiated the debt. To prevent mischief, 
 Judge Brown, who was then a justice of the peace, 
 proposed to collect it for him ; but Logan thought 
 that if it was to be done by the arm of flesh, he was 
 himself as competent to the task as any one else. 
 He, however, consented; and to his amazement, 
 the money was recovered. He could not conceive 
 how the power of the king could work such won- 
 ders at the distance of three thousand miles. He 
 could no more comprehend the nature of delegated 
 power than he could have comprehended the nature 
 of the magnetic telegraph. He was, in truth, a 
 mere savage, and his uncultivated eloquence, like 
 poetry, only the concentrated language of feeling. 
 I am ignorant of the date of his emigration to the 
 banks of the Ohio. 
 
 a » Yery truly,, your obedient servant, 
 " < John B. Gibson. 
 
 " * Lyman C. Draper, Esq.' 
 
191 
 
 From Rev. Wm. .Robinson, Jr. 
 
 " < Alleghany, March 8th, 1848. 
 "< J. W. Biddle, Esq., 
 
 " ' Dear Sir: I have put off from day to day answer- 
 ing the enquiries of Mr. Draper in reference to 
 Gen. Gibson's narrative of the circumstances under 
 which the speech of Logan was delivered. In this 
 case, it has been 'put off to a more convenient 
 season,' as the daughter of Gen. Gibson is now on 
 a visit at my house, and on comparing her remem- 
 brance with my own of the detail of that event, as 
 given by her father, they correspond exactly. 
 
 " ' I shall, therefore, briefly state, that some thirty 
 years since, on a visit to Braddock's Field, the resi- 
 dence of George Wallace, Esqr., son-in-law of Gen. 
 Gibson, where the latter made his home, Logan's 
 speech became very naturally the subject of con- 
 versation as it was of deep interest. The general 
 stated that at the delivery of the speeches of the whites 
 at the council, Logan rose up from the place where 
 he had been sitting, and approaching Gibson, gave 
 him a tug at his hunting shirt, and with an Indian's 
 brevity said to him, ' Gibson, come ; ' in the act of 
 moving off, another Indian begged him not to go, 
 intimating that Logan might do him mischief. 
 This, however, though delaying him for several 
 steps behind Logan, did not deter him from follow- 
 
192 
 
 ing; and in this way they proceeded without Logan 
 once ever looking round, for something like a mile, 
 when they reached a thick copse of hazel bushes, into 
 which Logan penetrated and Gibson after him, until 
 they reached an old log, on which he beckoned the 
 general to sit down. 
 
 " ' At this time the general observed that Logan's 
 agitation, with an evident effort to conceal it, was 
 intense, and, in a moment, he burst into a flood of 
 tears. He then soon resumed his composure, and 
 proceeded to deliver the celebrated speech which has 
 been the subject of so much remark and interest 
 everywhere. The speech was delivered in his native 
 tongue, for the general was familiar with the lan- 
 guage, and an Indian never makes a speech in any 
 other. And the general would no doubt have 
 stated such an unusual fact, if it had been other- 
 wise. 
 
 " ' I knew Gen. Gibson from my earliest childhood; 
 he was one of the most artless and unsophisticated 
 men in the world, and the last man on earth that 
 would make a false statement in narrating events. 
 He was a pretty good English scholar, with a 
 remarkable memory, yet without any fancy or im- 
 agination, though watchful and observant of all 
 around him. 
 
 " • If you think this relation of sufficient interest, 
 you can communicate it to Mr. Draper, and should 
 be happy that I could be of any service in the 
 matter. 
 
193 
 
 " ' I have written this in haste, and you must trans- 
 cribe it so that it can be read. 
 
 " ' W. Kobinson, Jr.' 
 
 " The preceding you will see, was addressed to the 
 late Jas. W. Biddle, of Pittsburg, for me, I have 
 copied rapidly so as to be in time for our mail. I 
 feel sure you have now all I possess about Logan. I 
 only wish it may be in time to be of service to you. 
 " Truly yours, 
 
 " Lyman C. Draper. 
 " To Colonel Brantz Mayer, Baltimore." 
 
 25 
 
INDEX 
 
 AinrsTRONG, John, 43, note. 
 
 Arnold, Wood-worth, 43, note. 
 
 Authorities, as to the campaigns and battles of the Indian War of 
 
 1774, 117, note; as to its origin, etc., 82, note; as to its 
 
 causes, 84. 
 
 Backwoodsmen, trade with the East, through the Cumberland 
 
 Gap to Baltimore, 20. 
 Baker's cabin, opposite mouth of Yellow creek, scene of the 
 
 massacre of Logan's kindred, 97 ; Baker assembles a party 
 
 for protection, 101 ; the murder there, described, 101. 
 Bar tram, John, rare tract by, 44, note. 
 Bawbee, Capt., British Commissary Indian Department, kicks 
 
 Logan out of the store-house, 184. 
 Benton, Col. T. H., letter to B. Mayer concerning Logan, etc., Ill, 
 
 note. 
 Biddle, J. W., letter to, from Rev. W. Robinson, Jr., concerning 
 
 the Logan speech, etc., 191. 
 Bird, Capt., Logan a marauder with him, 137. 
 Bledsoe, Capt. Anthony, letter to Col. Preston, 111, note. 
 Bliss, L. C, Jr., first publishes a copy of Gen. G. R. Clark's letter 
 
 concerning the Cresap and Jefferson controversy, 14G. 
 Boone's party, rear of, some of his sons slain, 73, note. 
 Boundaries of British America, 100 years ago, 1, 2. 
 Bouquet's treaty, unfulfilled, 67. 
 Bowman, James L., MS. of, 65, note. 
 Braddock's defeat in 1755, and condition of the Indian wilderness 
 
 after it, 48. 
 Braddock's road, the same that was first marked through the 
 
 Alleghanies by Col. Thomas Cresap, 28. 
 
196 
 
 Brainard, David, visits Sliamokin 1745, his account of its vicious 
 condition, 45. 
 
 Brown, Coleman, attacked by Logan and his Avar party, 107. 
 
 Brown, Judge, 50 ; bear hunt, 51. 
 
 Brown, Dr. Samuel, letter to Gen. G. R. Clark concerning the 
 Jefferson and Cresap controversy, 148 ; and to Jefferson trans- 
 mitting Gen. Clark's letter, 156. 
 
 Brown, Thomas and Basil, brothers, possessors of the site of 
 Brownsville, 64, 65. 
 
 Brown, William, adventure with Logan, 50. 
 
 Brownsville, Pa., 13. 
 
 Caldwell, John, affidavit as to the Logan and Cresap affair, and 
 as to Mr. Jefferson, 161. 
 
 California, a field of missionary labor only to 1846, 3. 
 
 Callender, 72. 
 
 Camerhoff, Bishop, visits Sliamokin 1748, 47. 
 
 Camp Charlotte, 119. 
 
 Campbell, Major Arthur, letter from, 111, note. 
 
 Campbell, Thomas, poet, paraphrases Logan's speech in Gertrude 
 of Wyoming, 142 ; corrects the stricture as to Brant in a note, 
 142, note. 
 
 Chartres, Fort, 68. 
 
 Christian, Col. William, letter of, to Col. W. Preston, 120. 
 
 Clark, George Rogers, on the Ohio, with settlers, spring of 1774, 
 87 ; enrolls his band of men for protection, party fired on, 
 88 ; his letter concerning the Cresap and Logan controversy, 
 addressed to Dr. S. Brown for Mr. Jefferson, and to correct 
 Jefferson, 149. 
 
 Committee of safety of Maryland arrest Connolly, 78 ; appoints 
 Cresap captain, 126 ; its original papers in archives of Mary- 
 land Historical Society, 80, note. 
 
 Connolly, Dr. John, at Pittsburgh, 76 ; his arrest and examination at 
 Fredericktown, Maryland, 78 ; his project to raise the Indians, 
 80, note; under Dunmore at Pittsburgh, 92; his message to 
 G. R. Clark's party, 92. 
 
 Conoys, their hunting ground assigned, 42. 
 
 Cornstalk, Indian chief, 118 ; treaty of, 119. 
 
 Cracrafts, account of Logan's death, appendix No. 3, 182, et seq. 
 
 Craddock, Rev. Mr., his school in Baltimore county, Maryland, 
 37 ; Cresap educated there, 37. 
 
197 
 
 Craig, Neville B., concerning Logan's speech, 167. 
 
 Crawford, Valentine, Washington's land agent in the west, 1774, 
 87; letter to Washington, fixes date of Yellow creek mas- 
 sacre, 98, note. 
 
 Cresap, Capt. Michael, date of birth, 37; taught at Rev. Mr. 
 Craddock's school, Baltimore county, 37; runs away from 
 school, whipped and sent back, 38; marries Miss Whitehead, 
 and settled by his father as a trader, 38 ; unlucky, 39 ; light 
 with London agent in Fredericktown, 39 ; commences settling 
 lands on the Ohio, 40 ; " Cresap's war," 65 ; on the Ohio in 
 the spring of 1774, 87 ; sent for by G. R. Clark's party, 89 ; 
 peaceful councils, 90; he receives Connolly's message, 21 
 April, 1774; counsels not to attack Logan's camp, 96; draws 
 off his men, 96 ; Logan's letter to Cresap left at Roberts's 
 after the murder, tied to a war club, 112 ; Cresap goes to 
 Maryland, stopped at Catfish's camp (Washington, Pennsyl- 
 vania), by a letter from Connolly, 113 ; Cresap commissioned 
 by Lord Dunmore as captain in militia, Hampshire county, 
 Virginia, 10 June, 1774, 114; Cresap at treaty of Camp Char- 
 lotte, what he said when he heard himself charged by Logan 
 with the Yellow creek massacre, 125 ; Cresap returns to 
 Maryland in autumn of 1774; in 1775 again went west and 
 became sick, 125 ; returns towards Maryland, and is met by 
 notification of appointment in the Rifle Corps, 126 ; Cresap's 
 Rifle Company described in letter from Philadelphia, August 
 1775, 128 ; the skill of his men as marksmen ; their hardi- 
 hood, 129, 130; Cresap at Boston, joins American army 1775, 
 131 ; becomes ill, endeavors to reach home, dies in New 
 York aged thirty-three, 131 ; buried in Trinity church-yard, 
 N. Y., 1775, account of his funeral, 132, note ; his grave and 
 grave-stone discovered by B. Mayer, in 1860, 133, note; fac 
 simile of grave-stone and inscription, 144. 
 
 Cresap, Col. Thomas, father of Michael, emigrates from York- 
 shire, England, 21 ; marries and settles at Havre de Grace, 
 Maryland, 21 ; his adventures, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 ; settles at 
 Old Town, Alleghany county, Maryland, and becomes large 
 landed proprietor, 27 ; renews his intimacy with Washington, 
 27 ; employed by the Ohio Company, 1748 ; marks the road for 
 the first time across the Alleghanies, 28 ; at age of ninety 
 digested a plan for exploration to the Pacific, 29 ; harrassed by 
 the savages, 31 ; characteristic letter from him describing an 
 
198 
 
 Cresap, Col. Thomas - 
 
 Indian raid, 32, note; his map of the fountain head of the 
 Potomac, 33 ; his Indian name, Big Spoon, 35 ; marries 
 second time at eighty, visits Nova Scotia at one hundred, 
 dies at one hundred and six, 36. 
 
 Dah-gan-on-do, or Captain Decker, his narrative of Logan's 
 death as he received it from Tod-kah-dohs, 140. 
 
 Development, the progress of, the Discoverer, the Conqueror, 
 Pioneer, Hunter, Farmer, Merchant, 9. 
 
 De Yong, the tailor, Logan's adventure with him, 54. 
 
 Doddridge, Rev. Dr., 20. 
 
 Draper, Lyman C, records Michael Myers's narrative, 100, note; 
 his eminence as a historical student and scholar, 181 ; his 
 pioneer histories and biographies, 182; letter from, to B. 
 Mayer concerning the speech and death of Logan, 182; letter 
 from, to Judge Gibson concerning the Logan and Cresap 
 story, 188. 
 
 Dunlop, James, letter to B. Mayer, concerning Logan's speech, 
 1C7. 
 
 Dunmore's, Lord, speech to the Delawares and chiefs of the Six 
 Nations, reference to, 73, notes ; issues his proclamation, 25 
 April, 1744 ; soreness of feeling between the Virginia planters 
 and the Pennsylvania traders, 74, 75 ; letter to Gen. Haldi- 
 mand, 77, note; Lord Dunmore's " loving message " to the 
 "Cornstalk" Indian chief, 80, note; his proposals to Gen. 
 Gage to raise an army to obstruct communication between 
 the northern and southern governments, 80, note ; letter from 
 Lord Dunmore to Lord Dartmouth about raising the In- 
 dians, 79. 
 
 Du Quesne, Fort, or Fort Pitt, or Pittsburgh, 13. 
 
 Dutch family, massacred on the Kanawha, 1773, 73. 
 
 Ellis, allowed to pass by the Indians because he was a Pennsyl- 
 
 vanian, 72. 
 Emigration, tendencies of, 5. 
 Evans, Lewis, the geographer, travels with Bartram and Kalm, 
 
 1743, 45, note. 
 
 Fort Pitt, or Pittsburgh, 13. 
 French forts, 30. 
 
199 
 
 Gibson, Joiin, alleged father of Indian child rescued at Yellow 
 creek massacre, 121 ; despatched to seek Logan at treaty of 
 Camp Charlotte, 121 ; interview with Logan, 122 ; statement 
 as to Logan's speech, 166, 169. 
 
 Gibson, the late Hon. Judge John Bannister, chief justice of 
 Pennsylvania, brother of General John Gibson, his account 
 of the Logan and Cresap affair in a letter to the late Edward 
 D. Ingraham, 186 ; letter from him to Lyman C. Draper, 
 same subject, 189. 
 
 Gilmor papers, the, in collection of Maryland Historical Society, 
 34, note. 
 
 Greathouse, Daniel, and his party, charged with the Yellow creek 
 massacre, 98, note. 
 
 Heckwelder, Rev. J., his opinion of Shikellamy, etc., 47 ; he 
 
 meets Logan, 1772, near the Beaver, 54. 
 Hellen, Thomas, attacked by Logan and his war party, 107. 
 Hite's account of the murder of Spier's family, 110. 
 Hog, Mr., and three white men killed on the Kanawha, 1774, 73. 
 Horse-head Bottom, an Indian town on the Scioto, 88. 
 House, first, said to have been built west of the mountains, 64. 
 House warmings of pioneers, 19. 
 Hunter-pioneers, description of, 16 ; their habits and manners, 
 
 17, 18. 
 
 Indian history, its character, 41. 
 
 Indian hostilities commenced, 1774, 93. 
 
 Indian morality, proper standard to judge them historically, 69. 
 
 Ingraham, Edward D., letter to him from the late Chief Justice 
 
 J. B. Gibson, of Pennsylvania, concerning the Logan and 
 
 Cresap controversy, speech, etc., 186. 
 Innes, Judge, at Col. Wm. Preston's in fall of 1774, 110. 
 Introductory remarks, 1. 
 
 Jacob's, J. J., Life of Cresap, noticed, 35, note; Jacob, in 
 Michael Cresap's store, 36 ; in Revolutionary war 36 ; marries 
 Michael Cresap's widow, 36, noU ; letter from his son to 
 B. Mayer, relative to his father's military rank in revolution- 
 ary war, 37 ; accounts of notification to Cresap of his military 
 appointment in 1775, 126. 
 
200 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, his Notes on Virginia, published in 1781, 
 the origin of the Logan and Cresap story and speech, 140 ; 
 his candor criticised, preface and page 160 ; his controversy 
 with Luther Martin, 160, 161 ; Caldwell's affidavit relative to 
 his inquiries 161 ; Dr. Brown's letter to him, transmitting 
 Gen. Clark's narrative of the Cresap and Logan affair, 156 ; 
 Gen. Clark's letter concerning it, 149. 
 
 Kalm, Peter, travels with John Bartram, his account of the cata- 
 racts of Niagara, 44, note. 
 
 Kenton, Simon, encounters Logan — captive — Logan's conduct to 
 him, 136. 
 
 Killbuck, an Indian chief, 91, note. 
 
 Kishicoquillas creek and valley, beauties of, 50. 
 
 Lawyers unknown in the early western settlements, 19. 
 
 Lee, Hancock, 114. 
 
 Lewis, Col. Andrew, to raise four regiments, 115. 
 
 Logan, the Indian, named for the secretary of Pennsylvania, 49 ; his 
 cabin, its site on the head waters of the Juniata, 50 ; in 
 Mifflin county, Pa., 50 ; adventure with William Brown and 
 James Reed, 51 ; characteristic anecdotes of, in early life, 53, 
 54, 55, 56; personal description of, 53, note; his intempe- 
 rance, 57, 58, 59, 60; his Indian, or true name, Tah-gah-jute, 
 or " Short-dress," 59 ; personal appearance, 59 ; Logan's 
 declarations to Rev. Mr. McClure, 60 ; Logan's camp to be 
 assaulted, Cresap counsels against it, 96; Logan's camp near 
 mouth of Yellow creek, 97; his letter to Cresap charging 
 him with the Yellow creek murder, left tied to a war club at 
 Roberts's, 112 ; not at battle of Point Pleasant, 119 ; interview 
 with John Gibson, his speech, or message, sent by Gibson, 
 122 ; the speech, 122, 123 ; Logan and Capt. J. Wood, July, 
 1775, 134 ; his condition and conduct, 136 ; Logan and Simon 
 Kenton, 1778, 136 ; Logan on the Holston, 1779, scalping in 
 1780, 137; a marauder with Capt. Bird, 137 ; Logan's speech, 
 different versions of, see appendix No. 2, 172 ; evidence pro 
 and con the speech, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172 ; 
 Abbe Robin's copy of speech, 172 : Barton's Medical and 
 Physical Journal, 173, note; analysis of the speech, 174, etc. ; 
 version of Virginia Gazette, 176 ; Mr. Madison's copy, 177 ; 
 
201 
 
 Logan, the Indian — Continued. 
 
 Jefferson's copy, 179; a French copy, 179; Logan's death, 
 various accounts of, 138, 139, note ; Vigne's, Ohio Historical 
 Collection, etc., account of his death, by Major Cracraft, 
 appendix No. 3, 182 ; Logan disgraced by Bawbee, the 
 Indian commissary, at Detroit, determines to fight no longer 
 for the British, 184 ; had taken seventy scalps for the British 
 in 1781, 185 ; whips his squaw cousin, and is slain by her 
 husband, 185. 
 
 Logan, Dr. James, secretary of Pennsylvania, died 1751, 49. 
 
 Loudon's Indian Wars, 20. 
 
 Mack, brother, 44; his nephew at Shamokin, 1747, 46. 
 
 McClay, 50. 
 
 McClure, Rev. Mr., meets Logan near Fort Pitt, 58. 
 
 McComb, Alexander (Gen. McComb's father), at Detroit, 183. 
 
 McCurtin's Journal, notice of M. Cresap, 127, note. 
 
 McDonald, Major Angus, 115; march through the wilderness, 
 
 11G: destroys Indian towns, 117. 
 McKee's account of Logan's speech, 168. 
 McMillen, William, Logan's prisoner at Detroit, 183. 
 McNitt, 50. 
 Map, by Col. T. Cresap, of the true fountains of the Potomac, in 
 
 MS., in collection of Maryland Historical Society, 34. 
 Map of Indian towns on Pickaway plains, 124, note. 
 Martin, a Virginian trader, and two companions, killed on the 
 
 Hockhocking, 72. 
 Martin, Hon. Luther, attorney general of Maryland, distinguished 
 
 federal politician, marries daughter of Capt, Michael Cresap, 
 
 atiacks Mr. Jefferson for his assault on his father-in-law's 
 
 memory, 160, 161. 
 Massachusetts laws as to bounties for Indians' scalps, 69 ; bounties 
 
 paid for ten scalps, £1,000, 70; chaplains accompanied the 
 
 attacking parties, 70, 71. 
 Milestone, antique one, near Frost burg, Md., the inscriptions on 
 
 its sides, 29, in note. 
 Milliken, Samuel, 50. 
 
 Mohicans, their hunting ground assigned, 42. 
 Monseys, their hunting ground assigned, 42. 
 Morrison, Major James, 157. 
 
 26 
 
202 
 
 Myers, Michael, his narrative on the attack of Logan's camp, 98, 
 99, et seq. 
 
 Nanticokes, their hunting ground assigned, 42. 
 
 Nemacolin, an Indian, and Col. Thomas Cresap, to mark the first 
 
 road through the Alleghanies, 28. 
 New River, persons slain on, 68. 
 Norris, Mrs., her narrative, 56. 
 
 Ohio, the, the recognized boundary between the whites and 
 
 Indians ninety years ago, 2. 
 Ohio Company, the, its grant from the king, 27. 
 Ohio Historical Collections, Howe's account of Logan's death, 140. 
 Old Time Magazine, republishes documents, etc., concerning the 
 
 Logan- Cresap- Jefferson-Martin controversy, 161. 
 Outalissi and Logan, in Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming, 142. 
 
 Patterson, Col. Robert, early pioneer, 158. 
 Penn, Gov., letter from Arthur Sinclair, 106. 
 Pennsylvanian authorities warn the. Indians that they were not 
 
 aggressors in 1774, 83. 
 Pennsylvania traders, favored by the savages, 72 ; soreness of 
 
 feeling between them and the Virginia planters, 74. 
 Pequawket, fight at, ballad of, 71 ; Chaplain Frye wounded at> 
 
 71. 
 Pittsburgh, 13. 
 Point Pleasant, battle of, 118. 
 Preston, Col. William, 110 ; letter from, 10th September, 1774, as to 
 
 Indian murders, 110, note ; MSS. of Col. Preston in possession 
 
 of Mr. Lyman C. Draper, 111, note. 
 
 Red Hawk, the, a Shawanese, insults Col Bouquet, 68. 
 
 Red Stone, Old Fort, now Brownsville, 13; deception of its site, 
 
 etc., 61, 62 ; rallying point, etc., of pioneers, 63. 
 Reed, James, adventure with Logan, 50. 
 
 Richards and Russell, and others, slain near Cumberland Gap, 73. 
 Rives, Mrs. W. C, her Tales and Souvenirs, 135, note. 
 Roberts, John, family murdered, 111 ; letter to Cresap left on the 
 
 premises by Logan, 112. 
 Robinson, William, attacked by Logan and his war party, 107 ; 
 
 adopted by the Indians, writes a letter for Logan, 109. 
 
203 
 
 Robinson, Rev. William, Jr., letter to J. W. Biddle, Esq., con- 
 cerning Logan's speech, etc., 191. 
 
 Sappington, John, his account of the Yellow creek massacre, 
 104, 105 ; he is the man who killed Logan's brother ; McKee's 
 certificate, 105, note. 
 
 Schmidt, Anthony, the blacksmith, sent from the Mission at 
 Bethlehem to Shamokin, 46. 
 
 Settlements, the limits of the early, 14. 
 
 Seward, William H., Hon., secretary of state, verifies the letters 
 of Brown and Clark, as to the Jefferson and Cresap con- 
 troversy, as taken from the originals in the State Depart- 
 ment, 160. 
 
 Shamokin, Indian village, site of, etc., 43, el note ; modern Sun- 
 bury. 
 
 Shawanese, the, fail to comply with the treaty of 1764, 67 ; their 
 name, 67, note ; their murders and robberies, 72 ; their hunt- 
 ing ground assigned, 42. 
 
 Shikellamy, chief of a tribe at Shamokin, 42 ; alleged to be a 
 Frenchman of Canada, 44, note ; what he presided over, 43, 
 note ; notices of his sons and their deeds, 49, note. 
 
 Sinclair, Arthur, letter to Gov. Penn, 106. 
 
 Smith, Devereux, to Dr. Smith, letter, 93, note. 
 
 Smith, James, 43, note. 
 
 Speech, Logan's, 122, 123, characterized. 
 
 Spier's, 72; family murdered, 110, note. 
 
 Stag-dances and pioneer frolics at Red Stone Old Fort, 64. 
 
 Stone, William L., Life of Brant, 141. 
 
 Stroud, Adam, wife and seven children murdered, 72. 
 
 Stuart, Col., his narrative referred to, 117, note. 
 
 Susquehannah river valley, the, assigned as the hunting ground 
 of the Shawanese, Conoys, Nanticokes, Monseys and Mo- 
 hicans, 42. 
 
 Tah-gah-jute, or Short Dress, the Indian name of Logan; 
 
 authority for, 59, et note. 
 Tod-kah-dohs, or the Searcher, his account of Logan's death, 139, 
 
 note. 
 "Tomahawk improvement " — a mode of securing a title to land 
 
 by girdling and marking trees, 64. 
 Tomlinson, Benjamin, account of Logan's speech, 168. 
 
204 
 
 Tomlinson, Jacob, his account of the Yellow creek massacre, 
 
 105, etc., note. 
 Treaty of Camp Charlotte, 119. 
 
 Vigne's account of Logan's death, 140. 
 
 Virginia's territorial claim, in 1774, 13. 
 
 Virginians butchered, 72 ; twenty Virginians and the party robbed 
 
 in 1771. 
 Virginia planters and Pennsylvania traders, animosities between, 
 
 74, 75. 
 
 War of 1774, called Cresap's war and Dunmore's war, outbreak 
 
 and causes of, 65, 77, note, et seq., 82, note ; summary of causes 
 
 84 ; campaigns and battles, 117, note. 
 Washington, George, land-holder on the Ohio, etc., 1774, 86, note; 
 
 advertisement, 86. 
 Weiser, Conrad, 44 ; his opinion of Shikellamy, 47 ; he travels 
 
 with John Bertram, Kalm and others, 1743, 45. 
 Wharton's Company waylaid and killed, 68. 
 Wheeler, Dr., 93, note. 
 
 Wheelock, Rev. Eleazer, memoirs of, 59, note. 
 Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare, statement as to Logan's 
 
 speech, 166. 
 Wood, Capt. James, interview with Logan, 1775, 134; journal of, 
 
 135. 
 
 Yellow creek massacre, the r described, 102, et seq. 
 
 Zeisbergeii visits Shamokin, 1748, 47. 
 Zinzendorf, Count, 44. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 94, 2d line from top, for "privat," read private. 
 14 100, 6th line from bottom, for u in," read on. 
 44 104, 15th line from top, for •' by," read of. 
 
 " 119, 3d line from bottom, for " not find of,'* read not find one of. 
 " 120, 3d line from bottom, for " necessary,'* read unnecessary. 
 
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