V t ;v * * N ^* : 
 
.HISTORY 
 
 _ OF THE 
 
 POLK ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 LUCIEN B. CHASE, 
 
 A MEMBER OF THE TWENTY-NINTH AND THIRTIETH 
 CONGRESSES. 
 
 
 NEW-YORK : 
 GEORGE P. PUTNAM, 155 BROADWAY, 
 
 M.DCCC.L. 
 
ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by 
 
 LUCIEN B. CHASE, 
 
 in the Clerk s Office of the District Court for the Southern District 
 of New-York. 
 
 JOHN 
 
 Printer and Stereot yp e T 
 49, 51 and 53 Ann-st. 5 N. Y. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IT was with a just appreciation of the difficult task 
 before me, that I commenced the history of Mr. 
 Folk s administration. I have endeavored to de 
 lineate, and I hope with impartiality, the transac 
 tions which signalized that eventful epoch. Having 
 been in Congress during the presidential term of 
 Mr. Polk, many occurrences recorded in these pages 
 passed under my own observation, which greatly 
 facilitated my researches. I have incorporated co 
 pious notes, containing arguments upon both sides 
 of important questions, for the purpose of present 
 ing the views of Mr. Folk s contemporaries. The 
 work is respectfully submitted to the consideration 
 of my countrymen, with the hope that they will 
 deal gently with its faults, in return for the infor 
 mation which I trust it contains. 
 
 The events which transpired during the admi 
 nistration of James K. Folk will exercise a vast 
 influence upon the destiny of this confederacy. 
 
 224362 
 
1Y PREFACE. 
 
 Future generations will designate it as an age of 
 progress and reform. History will preserve the evi 
 dences of the chivalry and military enthusiasm 
 which, during the Mexican war, covered the Amer 
 ican arms with immortal renown. 
 
 Too brief a period has elapsed since those scenes 
 occurred, to justify the belief that they will be 
 weighed at the present day with an impartial judg 
 ment. Political and personal animosities have not 
 yet been allayed by the soothing hand of time. 
 Mr. Polk, but a few months ago, retired from his 
 elevated position only to be gathered to the tomb. 
 Posterity, however, will regard with unprejudiced 
 minds the brilliant career of that administration, 
 which for startling incidents, bold and comprehen 
 sive policy, and grand and successful design, stands 
 unrivalled upon the pages of American history. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Early History of James K. Polk. His Election to Congress. Chosen Go 
 vernor of Tennessee. Influences which produced his nomination for the 
 Presidency in 1844. Presidential contest of 1844. Elevated to the Pre 
 sidency. Selection of his Cabinet. .-.. 9 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 First Annual Message of Mr. Polk. Annexation of Texas. Adjustment of 
 the Oregon Question. . .30 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Different races in Mexico. The information is received there thai Joseph 
 Bonaparte was placed upon the throne of Spain. Course pursued by the 
 Mexicans. Rupture between the Natives and Europeans. Insurrection 
 headed by Hidalgo. Plan of Igualo. Iturbide proclaimed Emperor. He 
 is banished, and on his return to Mexico, is shot. Revolutions. Santa 
 Anna elected President. Texas Revolution. 55 
 
 A CHAPTER IY. 
 
 The Boundaries of Texas. Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824. 
 The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was 
 ceded to Spain in 1819. Grant of land to Moses Austin. Settlement of 
 Texas. General Cos with a military force crosses the Nueces. Colli 
 sion of Arms. Cos is forced to surrender. Santa Anna invades Texas in 
 person. The garrison of Alamo slaughtered. Murder of Tanning s 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 command. Battle of San Jacinto. Santa Anna makes a treaty with 
 the Texans. The Mexicans evacuate Texas. The claim of Texas to 
 the Rio Grande. 77 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Independence of Texas. She applies for admission into the Union. Acquisi 
 tion of territory by Mr. Jefferson. Transfer of Texas to Spain by the 
 Treaty of 1819. Efforts of President Adams to have the title reconveyed. 
 Territory acquired while Mr. Webster was Secretary of State. Efforts 
 of England and France to prevent annexation. Passage of the annexa 
 tion resolutions. Extension of our boundary 97 
 
 CHAPTER VI.| 
 
 American Consul at Mexico directed to open negotiations. The Mexicans 
 agree to receive a commissioner. Mr. Slidell appointed Minister Pleni 
 potentiary. The Mexicans refuse to receive him in that character. 
 Causes of rupture which had long existed. The Mexicans raise troops. 
 Herrera forced to resign i i favor of General Paredes. Orders issued to 
 the Mexican commanders upon the frontiers to attack the Americans. 
 Course pursued by the opposition members of Congress. Assault upon 
 the foreign policy of Mr. Polk. Ill 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Forward movement of the American troops. The number and discipline of 
 the American army. General Taylor reaches Point Isabel. Fort Brown 
 erected. The Mexicans cross the Rio Grande. General Taylor moves 
 from Fort Brown to Point Isabel. Bombardment of Fort Brown. Battle 
 of Palo Alto. Resaca de la Palma. The action of Congress. Reorga 
 nization of the army. The object for which the war was prosecuted 
 Difficulty with General Scott. Requisitions made upon the Governors of 
 several States for volunteers. Plan of campaign. Action of General 
 Gaines. General Taylor marches from Camargo in the direction of Mon 
 terey. Capture of Monterey. Internal affairs of Mexico. Pass granted 
 to Santa Anna. General Wool marches upon Monclova. General Kear 
 ney takes Santa Fe. Colonel Doniphan advances upon Chihuahua. Vic 
 tory of Sacramento. General Kearney starts for California. Operations 
 of Colonel Fremont and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. Orders issued 
 to raise contributions from the Mexicans. General Taylor advises the 
 adoption of a defensive line Preparations made to attack Vera Cruz. 
 Civil Governments authorized by the President. Movements of Colonel 
 Price. . . 134 
 

 CONTENTS. VU 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 General Scott directed to proceed to the seat of war. General Taylor ad 
 vised to act upon the defensive. Complaints of General Taylor, Move 
 ments of Santa Anna. He advances upon Agua Nueva. Battle of Sue- 
 no Vista. General Scott takes Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan 
 De Ulloa. Capture of Alvarado. Victory of Cerro Gordo. Jalapa and 
 Perote fall into the hands of the Americans. JL^intment of Mr. Trist 
 as Commissioner to Mexico. Puebla is surrendered to General Worth. 
 Arrival of reinforcements from the United States. The American 
 army enter the Valley of Mexico 187 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Battle of Contreras. Worth s division storms San Antonio. Victory of 
 Churubusco. Armistice granted. Negotiations broken off. Sanguinary 
 battle of ]\Iolino del Rey. Storming of Chapultepec. Surrender of the 
 city. Santa Anna resigns the Presidency. Attacks Colonel Childs at 
 Puebla. Major Lally forces his way from Vera Cruz to Jalapa. He is 
 joined by General Lane with 2,500 men. Battle of Huamantla. Powers 
 invested in Mr. Trist revoked. Contributions exacted. Treaty concluded 
 by Mr. Trist. General Scott recalled. General Butler appointed to the 
 - command of the army. Treaty of Guada loupe Hjdalgo. Americans 
 evacuate Mexico. The arrfty otthe United States. Territory acquired 
 from Mexico. Its value 227 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Tariff. Opinions of Messrs. Clay and Polk upon that question. Mes 
 sage of Mr. Polk. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Passage of 
 .the Tariff of 1846. ^Arguments of the friends and opponents of free trade. 
 The Constitutional Treasury established. Discussions in the Constitu 
 tional Convention Public Debt of the United States. Proposed Tax 
 upon Tea and Coffee 307 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 Internal Improvements. Contest between Congress and the Executive upon 
 that question. Discussions upon the power granted Congress to authorize 
 the States to lay duties upon tonnage in the Constitutional Convention. 
 Public lands. Pre-emption rights. Lands granted to several States. 
 
V1U CONTENTS. 
 
 Land granted to soldiers. Post-Office Department. Rates of postage. 
 Foreign mails. Lines established to Chagres and California. The 
 Navy 396 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The veto power exercised by Mr. Polk. The instructions to Mr. Slidell. 
 The slavery question. The Wilmot Proviso. The slavery question in the 
 Constitutional Convenlioii. The Missouri compromise. Territorial Go- 
 vernment for Oregon,. Admission of Wisconsin and Iowa into the Union. 
 Progress made in the arts and sciences. State of American literature 
 and education. Conclusion 429 
 
THE POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Early History of James K. Polk. His Election to Congress. Chosen Go 
 vernor of Tennessee. Influences which produced his nomination for the 
 Presidency in 1844. Presidential contest of 1844. Elevated to the Pre 
 sidency. Selection of his Cabinet. 
 
 JAMES KNOX POLK, the eleventh President of the 
 United States, was born in Mecklenburgh county, 
 North Carolina, on the 2d of November, 1795. 
 He was the eldest of ten children. His ancestors 
 emigrated from Ireland during the first part of the 
 eighteenth century, and settled in the State of 
 Maryland. A portion of the family removed, first 
 to Pennsylvania, and about the year 1750 they 
 located in North Carolina. In 1806, Major Samuel 
 Polk, the father of James K. Polk, emigrated to 
 Tennessee and settled upon Duck River. It was 
 here that young Polk endured the hardships of a 
 border life until his constitution, which was then 
 quite delicate, came near giving way under the toil 
 and fatigue to which he was exposed. Yielding to 
 the persuasions of his son. Major Polk enabled him 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to enter the college at Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 
 in 1815, where he graduated in three years, with 
 the highest honors. He was distinguished at col 
 lege for laborious application to his studies, and by 
 a strict conformity to the regulations of the insti 
 tution. He was always present at recitations, and 
 invariably attended morning and evening prayers 
 in the Chapel. 
 
 "When he completed his collegiate education, he 
 entered the office of the celebrated Felix Grundy 
 to prepare himself for the practice of the law. He 
 commenced the arduous duties of his profession in 
 1820, in the county of Maury, and at once assumed 
 a high position at the bar. 
 
 In 1821 he was Clerk to the Legislature of Ten 
 nessee. His political career commenced in 1823, 
 when he was elected a member of the Legislature 
 of Tennessee. In 1825 he was elevated to a seat in 
 Congress. He was re-elected every succeeding two 
 years until 1839. In 1835 he was Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives, to which position he was 
 re-elected in 1837. In 1839, he was chosen Gover 
 nor of Tennessee, and in 1844 President of the 
 United States. The rapidity with which lie was 
 elevated, step by step, to the highest position on 
 earth, is indeed remarkable, and proves conclu 
 sively that his success was not the result of circum 
 stances alone. 
 
 No one who knew Mr. Polk ever considered 
 him a brilliant genius. His mind possessed solidity 
 rather than imagination. His perception was intui 
 tive, and his memory retentive to an extraordinary 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 11 
 
 degree, while his judgment rarely led him into 
 error. His manners were remarkably affable, and 
 always made an impression upon those who knew 
 him. Among his intimate friends, he indulged his 
 wit and humor with perfect freedom, and they 
 always found him a pleasant and instructive com 
 panion. 
 
 The career of Mr. Polk was as remarkable for 
 its brilliancy as for the substantial fruits which it 
 produced. The prominent trait of his character 
 was extraordinary energy. In college, at the bar, 
 in his political canvasses, and in the discharge of 
 his executive duties, he was alike distinguished for 
 his untiring industry and indomitable will. This 
 frequently induced him to devote his attention too 
 much to minute details, and had the effect of im 
 pairing his constitution. It was in his canvasses 
 that he exhibited all the resources of his mind. 
 Disaster only had the effect of arousing his powers, 
 and stimulated him to win victory where others 
 were subdued by defeat. Three times he canvassed 
 the State of Tennessee as a candidate for Governor. 
 In 1839 he was elected over Newton Cannon, and 
 in 1841 and 1843 he was defeated by James 0. 
 Jones. No one who has not experienced the 
 fatigues of such a struggle, can appreciate its 
 labors. Undismayed by the task before him, Col. 
 Polk always commenced the contest buoyant with 
 hope. He invariably succeeded in inspiring his 
 friends with his own enthusiasm ; no obstacle could 
 deter him from an energetic discharge of his duty. 
 Subsisting upon the plainest food, and perfectly 
 
12 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 temperate in his habits, he accustomed himself to a 
 rigid system of diet, which alone could have sus 
 tained him in his political conflicts. 
 
 His powers of endurance were taxed to their 
 utmost capacity during his presidential career. Ele 
 vated to that responsible position at the age of 
 forty-nine, being younger by several years than 
 either of his predecessors, he was determined to em 
 ploy all the resources of his intellect in the dis 
 charge of his duties. His administration occurred 
 in times big with great events, and his sound judg 
 ment, and inflexibility of purpose, enabled him to 
 control them with unparalleled success. 
 
 The amiable and accomplished Mrs. Polk pre 
 sided with great dignity and grace over the pre 
 sidential mansion during the term of President 
 Polk, All who approached her were warmly im 
 pressed with her unaffected -affability of manner, 
 and probably no lady ever occupied that position, 
 who left it with so many friends. 
 
 The prominent aspirants for the presidency in 
 1844, were Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay. The 
 democratic party were anxious to atone for the 
 terrible defeat which they sustained in 1840, and 
 the whigs were determined to do justice to the 
 distinguished leader, who was the " embodiment " 
 of their principles. These two gentlemen, either 
 imagined that Mr. Tyler had pressed the question 
 of the annexation of Texas to the United States, to 
 advance his own prospects for the presidency, and 
 were, therefore, determined to frustrate his designs 
 by forcing their supporters to oppose that measure ; 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 13 
 
 or they were honestly opposed to the consummation 
 of that event. And while a large majority of both 
 parties, at least in the slave-holding States, were 
 anxiously endeavoring to promote a union of the 
 two republics, and were taking prompt and decisive 
 steps to produce that result, they were astounded 
 by the publication of letters from Messrs. Clay and 
 Van Buren, in opposition to that measure.* The 
 attachment of the whig party to Mr. Clay proved 
 more powerful than their desire for the admission 
 
 * " In the future progress of events, it is probable that there will be a 
 voluntary or forcible separation of the British North American possessions 
 from the parent country. I am strongly inclined to think it will be best 
 for the happiness of all parties, that, in that event, they should be erected 
 into a separate and independent republic. With the Canadian republic 
 on one side, that of Texas on the other, and the United States, the friend 
 of both, between them, each could advance its own happiness by such 
 constitutions, laws, and measures, as were best adapted to its peculiar 
 
 condition !" 
 ********* 
 
 " In conclusion, they [his objections to annexation] may be stated in a 
 few words to be, that I consider the annexation of Texas, at this time, 
 without the assent of Mexico, as a measure compromising the national 
 character, involving us certainly in a war with Mexico, probably with 
 other foreign powers, dangerous to the integrity of the Union, inexpe 
 dient in the present financial condition of the country, and not called for 
 by any general expression of public opinion." Letter of MR. CLAY, May 
 9, 1844. 
 
 " I by no means contend that, a formal recognition of Texas by Mexico 
 is necessary to justify us in assenting to her annexation to the United 
 States. Time and circumstances may work such a change in the rela 
 tions between these two countries as to render an act of that character 
 on the part of Mexico unnecessary and unimportant. What I mean to 
 say is, that, from all the information I have been able to obtain on the 
 subject, no change has yet taken place that would make the objections I 
 have here detailed inapplicable." Letter of MR. VAN BUREN, April "20, 
 1844. 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of Texas into the Union; while the doctrines of 
 Mr. Van Buren, meeting with no sympathy from a 
 majority of the democratic party, resulted in his 
 defeat in the Baltimore Convention, and produced 
 the nomination of Mr. Polk. At the meeting of 
 that convention, the claims of the latter gentleman 
 were alone pressed, for the office of Vice President, 
 and it was only when there was danger that vio 
 lence and anarchy w^ould produce a dissolution of 
 the body, that he was selected as the compromise 
 candidate.* About the same time the Whig Con- 
 
 * The Baltimore Convention assembled on the 27th of May, 1844. 
 Mr. Hendricks R. Wright of Pennsylvania was appointed President. 
 The two-thirds rule was adopted by a vote of 148 to 116. This was re 
 garded as a test vote, the Van Buren men going in a mass against it. 
 
 The first ballot resulted in the following vote : Van Buren, 146 ; Cass, 
 83 ; Johnson, 24 ; Buchanan, 4 ; Woodbury, 2 ; Stuart, 1 ; Calhoun, 6. 
 
 The second ballot: Van Buren, 127: Cass, 94; Johnson, 33; Bu 
 chanan, 9; Stuart, 1 ; Calhoun, 1. 
 
 Third ballot: Van Buren, 121; Cass, 92; Johnson, 33 ; Buchanan, 
 11 ; Woobury, 2 ; Calhoun, 2. 
 
 Fourth ballot: Van Buren, 111 ; Cass, 105; Johnson, 32 ; Buchanan, 
 17; Calhoun, 1. 
 
 Fifth ballot: Van Buren, 103; Cass, 107; Johnson, 29; Buchanan, 
 26. 
 
 Sixth ballot: Van Buren, 101; Cass, 116; Johnson, 23 ; Buchanan, 
 25 ; Calhoun, 1. 
 
 Seventh ballot : Van Buren, 99 ; Cass, 123 ; Johnson, 21 ; Buchanan, 
 22; Calhoun 1. 
 
 The excitement now became intense, and disorder and confusion 
 prevailed. 
 
 An effort was now made to establish the majority rule, but failed ; 1 18 
 voting for, and 148 against. On Wednesday the Convention again met. 
 
 Eighth ballot : Van Buren, 104 ; Cass, 114 ; Buchanan, 2 ; Polk, 44 ; 
 Calhoun, 2. 
 
 Ninth ballot : Polk, whole number of votes, 266. 
 
 Mr. Wright was nominated for the Vice Presidency, but declined 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 15 
 
 vention, with great unanimity and enthusiasm, nomi 
 nated Mr. Clay, and thus the two aspirants were 
 placed before the American people. Accusations 
 were made by each party against the other, of un 
 fairness in conducting the canvass. It was asserted 
 by the whige, that the northern democracy touched 
 lightly upon the question of annexation, and in 
 scribed upon their flags the motto of " Polk, Dallas, 
 and the Tariff of 1842 ;" the democrats as posi 
 tively declared that the southern whigs did not 
 hesitate to denounce the question of the annexation 
 of Texas after the publication of Mr. Clay s letter, 
 although they had most zealously advocated that 
 measure while his opinions were unknown. 
 
 It is but justice to both parties to say, that the 
 canvass was the most exciting since the organiza 
 tion of our Government, and was conducted with 
 as much fairness as usually characterizes those strug 
 gles. It is an evil which is an inevitable result of 
 all elections where parties are zealously supporting 
 their favorite candidates, that all the opinions, even 
 if frankly promulgated by the aspirants, are not as 
 frankly reiterated by partisan orators and the press 
 of the country. Still this conduct upon the part 
 of the politicians does not prevent the people from 
 honestly giving their support to that individual 
 
 accepting the nomination, and on Thursday the Convention proceeded to 
 elect another candidate. 
 
 First ballot : Fairfield, 87 ; Woodbury, 56 ; Cass, 29 ; Johnson, 26 ; 
 Stewart, 23 ; Dallas, 13 ; Marcy, 5. 
 
 Second ballot : Dallas, 220 ; Fairfield, 30 ; Woodbury 6. 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 who will illustrate, in the administration of public 
 affairs, the political opinions which they advocate. 
 It cannot be denied that it was known to the Ame 
 rican people, that Mr. Polk was in favor of the im 
 mediate annexation of Texas to the United States, 
 and in triumphantly electing him, they consequently 
 sanctioned that measure.* 
 
 The prominent questions discussed during the 
 canvass of 1844 were the currency, the tariff, the 
 annexation of Texas, the veto power, and the dis 
 tribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public 
 lands. The Democratic Convention which nominated 
 Mr. Polk at Baltimore, in May, 1844, laid down a 
 
 * " You request from me an explicit expression of opinion upon this 
 question of annexation. Having 1 at no time entertained opinions upon 
 public subjects which I was unwilling to avow, it gives me pleasure to 
 comply with your request. I have no hesitation in declaring that I am in 
 favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas to the territory and govern 
 ment of the United States. I entertain no doubts as to the power or ex 
 pediency of the re-annexation. * 
 
 " It is a part of the great valley of the Mississippi, directly connected 
 by its navigable waters with the Mississippi River, and having once been 
 a part of our Union, it should never have been dismembered from it. 
 The government and people of Texas, it is understood, not only give 
 their consent, but are anxiously desirous to be re-united to the United 
 States. If the application of Texas for a re-union and admission into 
 our confederacy shall be rejected by the United States, there is imminent 
 danger that she will become a dependency, if not a colony of Great 
 Britain an event which no American patriot, anxious for the safety and 
 prosperity of this country, could permit to occur without the most stren 
 uous resistance. Let Texas be re-annexed, and the authority and laws of 
 the United States be established and maintained within her limits, and 
 also in the Oregon Territory, and let the fixed policy of our government 
 be, not to permit Great Britain, or any other foreign power, to plant a 
 colony or hold dominion over any portion of the people or territory of 
 either." Letter of JAMES K. POLK, April 23, 1844. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 platform for tlie campaign.* The whig party at 
 the time they nominated Mr. Clay at Baltimore, on 
 
 * Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, 
 derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown 
 therein, ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents 
 of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise 
 doubtful constitutional powers. 
 
 2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the Federal Govern 
 ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of intema_ 
 improvement. 
 
 3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal 
 Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several 
 States contracted for local or internal improvements, or other state pur 
 poses, nor would such assumption be just and expedient. 
 
 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to 
 foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish 
 the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our com 
 mon country ; that every citizen of the country has a right to demand and 
 insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to compel an ample 
 protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign 
 aggression. 
 
 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce 
 and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and 
 that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the 
 necessary expenses of the Government. 
 
 6. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we 
 believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of 
 the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of 
 the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the 
 control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of 
 the people. 
 
 7. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere 
 with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that 
 such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to 
 their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of the 
 abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with the 
 question of slavery, or take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calcu 
 lated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that 
 all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of 
 the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and 
 ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions. 
 
 2 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the 1st of May, 1S44, adopted certain resolu 
 tions.* 
 
 The struggle was fiercely contested, and almost 
 every expedient was resorted to for the purpose of 
 winning votes. The friends of both the candidates 
 
 8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking 
 institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, 
 and the rights of the people. 
 
 Resohcd, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly 
 applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution ; and that we 
 are opposed to the law lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution 
 of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and 
 repugnant to the Constitution. 
 
 Resolutions were also adopted against taking from the President the 
 right of exercising the veto power ; and proclaiming our title to the whole 
 of the territory of Oregon and against surrendering any portion of it to 
 Great Britain, and also in favor of the annexation of Texas. 
 
 Mr. Benjamin F. Butler was chairman of the committee who reported 
 the resolutions. 
 
 * The Whig Convention assembled at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844. 
 lion. Ambrose Spencer, of New- York, was appointed President. Henry 
 Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for 
 the Vice Presidency. 
 
 The following resolutions were unanimously adopted at the Whig 
 Convention of May, 1844. 
 
 " Resoh-nJ, That in presenting to the country the names of Henry 
 Clay for President, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice President, the 
 convention is actuated by the conviction that all the great principles of 
 the whig party principles inseparable from the public honor and pros 
 perity will be maintained and advanced by the election of these candi 
 dates. 
 
 " Resolrcd, That these principles may be summed as comprising a well 
 regulated national currency, a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary 
 expenses of the government, and discriminating with special reference to 
 the protection of the domestic labor of the country, the distribution of the 
 proceeds from the sales of the public lands, a single term for the Pre 
 sidency, a reform of executive usurpations, and generally such an admin 
 istration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of 
 the public service the greatest practicable efficiency, controlled by a well 
 regulated and wise economy." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 19 
 
 were conndent of success, and were animated with 
 the greatest ardor and enthusiasm. The result was 
 the election of Messrs. Polk and Dallas to the Pre 
 sidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, 
 by a majority of sixty-five electoral votes.* 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1845, the President elect 
 of the United States delivered his Inaugural Ad 
 dress in the presence of the assembled representa 
 tives of the American people, the Supreme Court 
 of the United States, the diplomatic corps, and an 
 
 * 
 
 
 For President. 
 
 For Vice President 
 
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 Virginia, 
 
 17 
 
 
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 11 
 
 
 11 
 
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 South Carolina, 
 
 9 
 
 
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 Georgia, .... 
 
 10 
 
 
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 Kentucky, 
 
 
 12 
 
 
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 13 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 
 13 
 
 
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 23 
 
 Ohio, .... 
 
 
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 Louisiana, .... 
 
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 Mississippi, 
 Indiana, .... 
 
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 Illinois, .... 
 
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 Alabama, .... 
 
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 Missouri, 
 
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 Arkansas, .... 
 
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 Michigan, 
 
 5 
 
 
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 275 
 
 
 170 
 
 105 
 
 170 
 
 105 
 
20 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 immense concourse of spectators, and took the oath 
 of office, which was administered by the Chief 
 Justice.* 
 
 Mr. Clay, the unsuccessful candidate of the whig 
 party for the presidency, had for a long period been 
 an aspirant for that office. As early as 1824, he 
 was supported for that position by many warm 
 admirers. Perhaps no man in the Union has won 
 the attachment of so many ardent and enthusiastic 
 personal friends as Mr. Clay. ~No disaster can 
 dampen their zeal, and each successive defeat only 
 has the effect of attaching them still more closely 
 to his person and his fortunes. He is, indeed, a 
 noble leader. His bold and impassioned eloquence, 
 his affability and fascination of manner, and his 
 unwavering devotion to his friends, altogether con 
 stitute him one of the most influential statesmen 
 which this country has ever produced. 
 
 His patriotism has been too often put to the 
 test to admit of doubt. Upon two occasions he 
 has interposed his form between, the exasperated 
 citizens of the North and South. When the ex 
 citement raged with frightful violence before the 
 admission of Missouri, and threatened to destroy 
 the Union itself, with a promptness and sincerity 
 which proved that a patriot s heart beat within his 
 bosom, he poured oil upon the troubled waters 
 and assisted to allay the storm. And now, when 
 danger thickens, and a dark and threatening cloud 
 hovers over the Temple of Liberty, his tall and 
 venerable form is again seen protecting from sacri- 
 
 * For the Inaugural Address, see Appendix. 
 
POLK ADMINISTBATION. 21 
 
 lege and violence our glorious Constitution, and in 
 tones which are tremulous with age, he implores 
 our distracted countrymen to pause in their career, 
 and save the American Confederacy from the fright 
 ful horrors which must flow from its dissolution. 
 
 The difficult and delicate duty now devolved 
 upon Mr. Polk of selecting his cabinet, and upon 
 a wise choice of those persons much of the popu 
 larity and success of his administration depended. 
 Not only was it necessary to call around him states 
 men whose ability and experience would enable 
 them to illustrate the broad and comprehensive 
 platform which he had laid down in his inaugural 
 address, but whose commanding talents and popu 
 larity with the American people would recommend 
 its adoption by their representatives. Among the 
 names wl^ch Mr. Polk presented to the Senate as 
 his cabinet officers, were some of the most distin 
 guished statesmen in the Union, and in their selec 
 tion he exhibited a thorough knowledge of those 
 
 o o 
 
 men, whose great abilities and remarkable energy 
 greatly assisted in erecting that splendid super 
 structure which has given an undying reputation 
 to his administration. 
 
 The long service of Mr. Buchanan in the Sen 
 ate, where he had encountered in debate the 
 profoundest statesmen in the land, qualified him 
 thoroughly for the department of State. Logical 
 and sound in his reasoning, with a sagacity which 
 could discover dangers in the future, and the ability 
 to avoid them, however threatening and sudden 
 their approach, he was always a formidable foe to 
 
22 HIS TOE Y OF THE 
 
 meet. His diplomatic communications gave evi 
 dence of thorough preparation, and in every con 
 flict between himself and the representatives of 
 foreign powers, they retired confounded and dis 
 comfited before his unanswerable arguments. His 
 judgment was sound and comprehensive, and his 
 mind was enriched by a course of long and painful 
 study. In the Senate he never wielded the glit 
 tering blade of Clay, nor the ponderous falchion of 
 Webster. But whenever he addressed that body 
 it was with a majesty of diction, an amplitude of 
 information, and an iron and irresistible strength of 
 reasoning which seldom failed to convince, where 
 it did not control. He was as successful in the 
 cabinet as he had been in the Senate, and his vast 
 powers were ever equal to the responsibilities which 
 devolved upon the department of State, while his 
 opinions were always received with marked atten 
 tion in cabinet council. The policy which lie un de 
 viating! y advocated in the settlement of our diffi 
 culties with England and Mexico, was bold and 
 decisive. While the delicate position he occupied 
 in relation to the interests of Pennsylvania, after 
 the course which he pursued in the campaign of 
 1844, rendered him somewhat timid upon the great 
 domestic question of free trade. 
 
 Robert J. Walker, who was assigned to the 
 Treasury Department, had also for many years been 
 a distinguished Member of the Senate, where his 
 powers were illustrated and gave indications of 
 what might be expected from his extraordinary 
 energy, in the responsible position to which he was 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 23 
 
 called in the Cabinet of Mr. Polk. He possessed 
 solidity, without being brilliant, and always ex 
 hausting the subject which he was investigating, he 
 rarely failed to produce an impression upon the 
 Senate. It was only when he was aroused by the 
 magnitude of the subject under discussion, that he 
 employed all that w^as gorgeous, yet pointed, in 
 the arts of oratory. At such moments his sarcasm 
 and irony told with great effect upon his adversary. 
 Ordinarily, however, his power consisted in argu 
 mentation, and in that field he had but few equals. 
 It was chiefly upon his labors as Secretary of the 
 Treasury, that he will rest his claims to an endur 
 ing fame. It was in that department that he em 
 ployed all the energies of his nature, and the re 
 sources of his vast and varied acquirements, in the 
 advocacy of free trade. We have only to look 
 over the voluminous pages which he submitted to 
 Congress, crowded with facts and arguments, to be 
 come satisfied that his mind was absorbed with the 
 one idea which his pen so faithfully illustrated. 
 The subject was greatly embarras sed by the war 
 with Mexico, and the success with which he carried 
 the financial credit of the country through that 
 contest, proved him incontestably the ablest finan 
 cier whom our country has produced since the days 
 of Robert Morris. The opposition of Webster and 
 Evans, and the denunciations of the whig party, 
 could not arrest the success of that policy, which 
 triumphed over the assaults of its enemies, and 
 more than realized the warmest anticipations of 
 its friends. 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The appointment of Mr. Marcy as Secretary of 
 "War was another fortunate movement for Mr. Polk. 
 As Governor of the State of New York, and one 
 of her judges, he had obtained a high reputation. 
 With a grasp of comprehension which enabled him 
 at once to master a subject, and a force and appo- 
 siteness of reasoning which demonstrated his views, 
 a soundness of judgment, and an intimate know 
 ledge of men, he was well fitted by nature and 
 education to become the confidential adviser of the 
 President, and the head of the War Department. 
 The Mexican war served to develope the great 
 features of his character. The adoption of the 
 celebrated plan^of the campaign, and its successful 
 prosecution, in all its parts, required the resources 
 of an intellect of no ordinary description. The 
 patience with which he received and replied to the 
 complaints which the officers of the army made to 
 him, were generally characterized by frankness and 
 urbanity, and it ^yas only in his response to the 
 charges made by General Scott against the admin- 
 
 O v O 
 
 istration and the War Department, that he in 
 dulged in a bitterness of sarcasm which added 
 
 o 
 
 point and force to the crushing and irresistible 
 reply. 
 
 George Bancroft, the historian, was appointed 
 Secretary of the Navy. He occupied that position 
 but a brief period, however, when he was appointed 
 the successor of Mr. Everett at the Court of St. 
 James. His selection by Mr. Polk as one of the 
 members of his Cabinet, was not only a proper 
 tribute to his vast and varied acquirements as a 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 25 
 
 scholar, but to his ability as a man. Deeply versed 
 in the lore of ancient and modern times, his writ 
 ings display evidences of profound thought and 
 thorough study ; and without possessing transcen 
 dent abilities, or a brilliant genius, his works bear 
 evidence of careful preparation and logical and 
 argumentative power. As a speaker, his manner 
 is not prepossessing. Nature has not favored him 
 with a rich and melodious voice, or a dignified and 
 attractive presence. But the gorgeous imagery 
 and the sparkling gems which ornament his lan 
 guage, gild the philosophical thought and classical 
 erudition, and display the intellectual wealth which 
 years of research have enabled him to acquire. 
 
 Not only has he obtained great celebrity as an 
 essayist and historian, but the policy which he 
 advocated while at the head of the Navy Depart 
 ment gave him the character of an accomplished 
 statesman. While his views were sufficiently en 
 larged and liberal, they received the approbation 
 of one of the most ultra economists and reformers 
 in the House of Representatives. * 
 
 Twice .have individuals who had illustrated the 
 pages of English literature, been called to preside 
 over the Navy Department, f and the same honor 
 should have been conferred upon another, J whose 
 experience in early life and subsequent investiga 
 tions, eminently qualified him for the discharge of 
 its duties. His pen has not only adorned the annals 
 
 * James J. McKay, of North Carolina, 
 f James K. Paulding and George Bancroft. 
 | J. Fenimore Cooper. 
 
26 HISTOEYOPTIIE 
 
 of our country with, his splendid naval history, but 
 has contributed to American literature its brightest 
 geins, and which will only perish with the English 
 
 The Post Office Department was filled by Cave 
 Johnson, of Tennessee, who had been for many 
 years one of the most influential Members of the 
 House of Representatives. He had obtained great 
 celebrity for his inflexible honesty, laborious indus 
 try, and for the vigilance with which he guarded 
 the public treasury. Gifted with an integrity which 
 was above suspicion, he was a terror to all who are 
 endeavoring to obtain the sanction of Congress to 
 fraudulent claims ; and whenever his tall and vener 
 able form was seen to rise for the purpose of ad 
 dressing the House in opposition to private claims 
 which were, not founded in justice, the agents who 
 had been preparing them knew that their fate was 
 sealed. Perhaps no member exercised so great an 
 influence over the House of Representatives during 
 his Congressional career as Mr. Johnson. His long 
 service in that body, his standing and ability, and 
 the argumentative and persuasive eloquence which 
 characterized his speeches, always produced a re 
 markable effect upon that body. Mild and cour 
 teous in his manner, he won the respect of his po 
 litical opponents, while his unshaken attachment to 
 his friends bound them to him by the warmest ties. 
 The constancy of his affection for men was only 
 surpassed by his devotion to principle ; and nothing 
 less than a thorough conviction of utter worthless- 
 ness, would induce him to abandon a man whom he 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 2? 
 
 had once called Ms friend. As an orator, he 
 was generally calm and argumentative, his promi 
 nent characteristic being convincing and irresistible 
 power. He never studied the arts of declamation, 
 and did not seek to gild his speeches with the cor 
 uscations of genius. A splendid exordium and 
 brilliant peroration cannot be found in one of his 
 efforts. He appealed to the reason and not to the 
 imagination, and always with effect. Yet upon 
 several occasions, when unwarrantable attacks were 
 made upon him, or when his indignation was aroused 
 by conduct which he reprobated,* his retorts were 
 terrible, and his anathemas annihilating. Upon 
 such occasions his majestic form towered, and his 
 stern glance was fixed upon the offender, who 
 writhed beneath the biting and withering sarcasms 
 which were poured from the lips of the speaker. 
 With a facility of illustration, and a fiery and im 
 passioned eloquence, he returns again and again to 
 the assault, until his blasting irony has pierced the 
 shield in which the delinquent supposed himself 
 encased, and he lies prostrate and bleeding before 
 the indignant orator. 
 
 Under his administration of the Post Office De 
 partment commenced the reduction of the postage, 
 which he opposed while a Member of Congress, but 
 to which he subsequently gave the influence of his 
 name and popularity. He infused his own energy 
 into the public service, and not only were contracts 
 made for conveying the mail through the several 
 
 * See his reply to Messrs. Hoge, Hammett, and Holmes, 28th Congress. 
 
28 HISTOEYOFTIIE 
 
 States and Territories, but for transmitting it to 
 Europe. ~No combination could force him to yield 
 to demands which he thought unjust. Repeatedly 
 and violently assailed by the press for discharging 
 his duty, his firmness continued unshaken, and he 
 witnessed unmoved, alike the flattery and the abuse 
 of those who attempted to control him. Immova 
 bly fixed in the honesty of his purposes, he faith 
 fully discharged his duties; and when lie retired 
 from the position which he had so ably occupied, 
 the country lost the services of an honest man. The 
 ofiice which he filled brought him more immedi- 
 
 o 
 
 ately in contact with the people than any other 
 under the Government ; and those persons whose 
 letters were delayed, no matter what the cause, 
 were always ready to attribute it to the fault of 
 Cave Johnson. It is always convenient to have 
 some one to blame ; and those gentlemen who were 
 so querulous while he was at the head of the De 
 partment, continued to pour the vials of their wrath 
 upon the head of his successor. 
 
 John Y. Mason of Virginia, a member of Mr. 
 Tyler s Cabinet, received at first from Mr. Polk 
 the office of Attorney General, but subsequently 
 was transferred to the position of Secretary of the 
 Navy. This gentleman is the very soul of convi 
 viality. Bland and urbane in his manners, lie was 
 always very popular with both political parties, 
 while he gave almost universal satisfaction to the 
 officers of the Xavy. His judgment was sound and 
 discriminating, and without obtaining as much char 
 acter for energy and industry as the other members 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 29 
 
 of the Cabinet, still his grasp of intellect and sound 
 practical common sense, enabled him to seize upon 
 the strong points of a question with remarkable 
 facility. He possessed a thorough knowledge of 
 the masses, and was, therefore, a safe Cabinet coun 
 sellor. 
 
 Messrs. Clifford of Maine, and Toucey of Con 
 necticut, also occupied the position of Attorney 
 General in Mr. Folk s Cabinet, and proved safe and 
 wise counsellors, and profound and able lawyers. 
 The former gentleman was appointed a Commis 
 sioner to Mexico, and the latter continued in office 
 until the close of the administration. 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 First Annual Message of Mr. Polk. Annexation of Texas. Adjustment of 
 the Oregon Question. 
 
 O^ the first day of December, 1845, the members 
 of the 2 9 tli Congress assembled at Washington, 
 The Hon. John W. Davis of Indiana was elected 
 Speaker of the House, and the accomplished Vice 
 President of the United States presided over the 
 deliberations of the Senate. On the following day, 
 Mr. Polk delivered his first annual message to Con 
 gress. At that time, although many difficulties 
 were unadjusted between the United States and 
 several foreign powers, still our country w^as at 
 peace with all the world.* The policy which gov 
 erned the administration was that upon which alone 
 the honor of the country can be maintained.f To 
 do exact justice to all nations, wins their good 
 
 * " In calling the attention of Congress to our relations with foreign 
 powers, I am gratified to be able to state that, though with some of them 
 there have existed since your last Session serious causes of irritation and 
 misunderstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken place." Message 
 of Mr. POLK to Congress, December 2d, 1845. 
 
 f " Adopting the maxim in the conduct of foreign affairs, to ask 
 nothing that is not right, and submit to nothing that is wrong, it has 
 been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all nations, but at the same 
 time, to be prepared to resist aggression, and to maintain all our just 
 rights." Ibid. For this message see Appendix. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 31 
 
 opinion, while a determination to enforce it in re 
 turn, commands tlieir respect. 
 
 The message called the attention of Congress to 
 the question of the annexation of Texas, and in 
 formed that body that he had approved the selec 
 tion made by his predecessor of the 1st and 2d 
 sections of the resolution for annexing Texas to the 
 United States. It only remained for Congress to 
 admit that State into the Union under the consti 
 tution which had been established by the people, 
 and a bill for that purpose was enrolled on the 2Yth 
 of December, 1845. A liberal course towards that 
 State was recommended by the President, that her 
 citizens might never regret a re-union with the land 
 of their nativity. 
 
 The settlement of the boundary between the 
 United States and Great Britain, occupied the at 
 tention of the administration at an early day. The 
 bold and decisive language used by Mr. Polk in his 
 inaugural address,* produced quite a sensation in 
 England, and the British ministry were satisfied 
 that the period for procrastination and delay had 
 passed, and that the question must be promptly 
 met. 
 
 The attention of Congress was called to the sub 
 ject by Mr. Polk in his first annual message, and 
 
 * " Nor will it become in a less degree my duty to assert and main 
 tain by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that por 
 tion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to 
 the country of Oregon is clear and unquestionable, and already are our 
 people preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their wives 
 and children." Mr. FOLK S Inaugural Address. 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the speedy adjustment of tlie boundary was strongly 
 recommended.* 
 
 In connection with the Oregon question, Mr. 
 Polk committed a fatal error, amounting to what 
 Talleyrand would call a "blunder," and which, 
 having the effect of alienating some of his warmest 
 friends, greatly embarrassed his administration 
 throughout. In his first communication to the 
 American people, he proclaimed to the world, that 
 our title to the country of the Oregon was " clear 
 and unquestionable." In that assertion he was but 
 reiterating the opinions of his constituents, solemnly 
 expressed at the ballot-box. The statement was 
 still more solemnly uttered in his message to 
 Congress.f In the same communication he an 
 nounced a principle which should control the Gov 
 ernment of the United States. J If it is the un- 
 
 * " All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of 
 Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the 
 security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may here 
 after inhabit Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that 
 territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give, and 
 I recommend that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, 
 and terminating, in this manner, the convention of the 6th of August, 
 1827." Message of Mr. POLK to Congress, December, 1845. 
 
 f " With this conviction the proposition of compromise which had 
 been made and rejected, was by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, 
 and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted, and as is believed, 
 maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments." Ibid. 
 
 | " Near a quarter of a century ago, the principle was distinctly an 
 nounced to the world in the annual message of one of my predecessors, 
 that the American continents, by the free and independent condition 
 which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be con 
 sidered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. 
 This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any Euro 
 pean power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 33 
 
 change able policy of this country to prevent Euro 
 peans from colonizing any portion of this continent, 
 it applies to territory to which we have no claim, 
 as well as to that which belongs to us ; and if we can 
 not suffer them to colonize parts of the American 
 continent to which we have no claim, how can we 
 surrender territory to which our title is " clear and 
 unquestionable ?" * 
 
 It is true, Mr. Polk stated that he proposed to 
 the British Government to settle the boundary 
 upon the 49th of north latitude, in deference to 
 what his predecessors had done ; yet by that offer 
 he agreed to surrender nearly 200,000,000 acres 
 of land which rightfully belonged to the United 
 States.f It is difficult to reconcile this course of 
 
 the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper 
 occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, 
 and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The 
 re-assertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is 
 at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power 
 should cherish the disposition to resist." Message of Mr. POLK to Con 
 gress, December, 1845. 
 
 * " The proposition thus offered and rejected, repeated the offer of 
 the parallel of 49 of north latitude, which had been made by two pre 
 ceding administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Bri 
 tain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia River." Ibid. 
 
 f " Upon the whole : From the most careful and ample examination 
 which the undersigned has been able to bestow upon the subject, he is 
 satisfied that the Spanish American title, now held by the United States, 
 embracing the whole territory between the parallels of 42 and 54 40 , 
 is the best title in existence to this entire region ; and that the claim of 
 Great Britain to any portion of it has no sufficient foundation. Even 
 British Geographers have not doubted our title to the territory in dispute. 
 There is a large and splendid globe now in the Department of State, 
 recently received from London, and published by Malby and Company, 
 3 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 action witli the principle which was proclaimed by 
 Mr. Monroe, and which Mr. Polk himself had so 
 forcibly reiterated, especially when his offer ex 
 tended privileges to Great Britain never offered by 
 his predecessors, consisting in the use of free ports 
 on the southern extremity of Vancouver s Island. 
 But when the proposition which he made to Great 
 Britain was almost insultingly rejected,* there was 
 no reason why that boundary should be accepted 
 by our Government, if tendered by England. I 
 know it has been asserted by high authority, that 
 Mr. Polk could not refuse a proposition which he 
 had himself offered to that power. If the offer 
 made by the Executive had been accepted, then it 
 would have been binding, but it was rejected, and 
 then withdrawn ; the two Governments, therefore, 
 
 manufacturers and publishers to the Society for the Diffusion of Useful 
 Knowledge, which assigns this territory to the United States. 
 
 " Notwithstanding such was and still is the opinion of the President, 
 yet in the spirit of compromise and concession, and in deference to the 
 action of his predecessors, the undersigned, in obedience to his instruc 
 tions, proposed to the British Plenipotentiary to settle the controversy by 
 dividing the territory in dispute by the 49th parallel of latitude, offering 
 at the same time, to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on Van 
 couver s Island south of this latitude which the British Government might 
 desire. The British Plenipotentiary has correctly suggested that the free 
 navigation of the Columbia River was not embraced in this proposal to 
 Great Britain ; but, on the other hand, the use of free ports on the 
 southern extremity of this island had not been included in former offers." 
 Letter of the Secretary of State to the British Minister, August 30th, 
 1845. 
 
 * " The English Ambassador expressed the wish that the Government 
 of the United States would make some further proposal for the settle 
 ment of the Oregon question, more consistent with fairness and equity, 
 and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government. " Mr. 
 FOLK S Message to Congress, December, 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 35 
 
 occupied the same position which they did before 
 it was made. The argument is, that we could not 
 refuse an oifer we were blind enough to make our 
 selves. All agree that the President could not 
 have made a more liberal proposition ; and still, in 
 1818 and in 1826, our Government tendered to 
 Great Britain the 49th of north latitude, together 
 with the free navigation of the Columbia River 
 south of that line. Now if we were bound to 
 accept as liberal an offer as we had made, we 
 should be forced to accede to the proposition which 
 we proposed in 1818 and in 1826. If that would 
 not have been admissible, then the argument fails 
 to exculpate the administration. 
 
 The announcement by Mr. Polk that our title 
 was good to the whole of the Oregon Territory, 
 was supported by the facts which were fully illus 
 trated in that celebrated debate in Congress, which 
 Mr. Adams pronounced the ablest he had ever 
 listened to. The territory west of the Rocky 
 Mountains, and between latitude 42 and 61, un 
 questionably belonged to Spain prior to the Nootka 
 Convention between that country and England, in 
 1790; and it is important to ascertain whether 
 Spain conveyed the sovereignty which she pos 
 sessed in Oregon to Great Britain by the terms of 
 that convention. To determine that fact it is only 
 necessary to examine the third, fourth, and fifth 
 articles.* By the third article it was simply agreed 
 
 * "ART. 3. In order to strengthen the bonds of friendship, and to pre 
 serve in future a perfect harmony and good understanding between the 
 two contracting parties, it is agreed that their respective subjects shall 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 that the subjects of the two high contracting parties 
 should have the right of trading with the Indians 
 and navigating the waters in that portion of the 
 world, and to make settlements, subject to the re 
 strictions specified in the subsequent articles. Ar 
 ticle 4 tli specified that the subjects of Great Britain 
 should not navigate or carry on their fishery within 
 ten sea leagues from any part of the coasts occupied 
 by Spain. It is difficult to imagine what rights 
 England could have had where such particular 
 language was used to guard the privileges of Span 
 ish subjects. Article 5th stated that all islands, 
 and parts of the northwestern coasts of North 
 America, situate to the north of the part-s of i!i3 
 said coa-st S already occupied Ijy Spain, should be 
 
 not bo disturbed or molested either in navigating or carrying on their 
 fisheries in the Pacific ocean or in the South seas, or in landing on the 
 coasts of those sens in places not already occupied, for the purpose of 
 carrying on their commerce with the natives of the country, or of making 
 settlements there the whole subject, nevertheless, to the restrictions 
 specified in the two following articles." 
 
 " ART. 4. His Britannic Majesty engages to take the most effectual 
 measures to prevent the navigation and the fishing of his subjects in the 
 Pacific ocean or in the South seas from being made a pretext for illicit 
 trade with the Spanish settlements ; and with this view, it is moreover 
 expressly stipulated, that British subjects shall not navigate, or carry on 
 their fishery in the said seas, within the space of ten sea leagues from 
 any part of the coasts already occupied by Spain. 
 
 " ART. 5. As well in the places which are to be restored to the British 
 subjects, by virtue of the first article, as in all other parts of the north 
 western coasts of North America, or of the islands adjacent, situate to 
 the north of the parts of the said coast already occupied by Spain, 
 wherever the subjects of either of the two powers shall have made settle 
 ments since the month of April, 1789, or shall hereafter make any, the 
 subjects of the other shall have free access, and shall carry on their trade 
 without any disturbance or molestation." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 37 
 
 open to the subjects of both nations to carry on 
 their trade without disturbance or molestation. It 
 becomes important to ascertain what was the most 
 northern point "occupied" by Spain in 1790. Lieu 
 tenant Meares, a subject of Great Britain, estab 
 lishes conclusively that eighteen months before the 
 convention of 1790 was signed, the Spaniards occu 
 pied Nootka,* and that place is north of latitude 
 49 J. All that England can make, then, out of 
 that convention, is a joint right of trade with Spain 
 in the country north of latitude 49 i. At the 
 time this treaty was made between England and 
 Spain, the former power was only anxious to enable 
 her subjects to trade with the Indians, and engage 
 in the fisheries ; there is not the slightest evidence 
 to be gathered from the terms of the convention, 
 that she w^as desirous of securing for her subjects 
 ike permanent possession of the country. This is 
 apparent from the fact that the principal object of 
 the convention appears to have been to place restric 
 tions upon the right of trade and fishing, so that 
 the subjects of the two nations might not interfere 
 with each other, and the limits of these rights were 
 
 o 
 
 defined by the settlement of the two powers. This 
 convention contained no" provisions impairing the 
 sovereignty of Spain. 
 
 All the rights which Spain possessed upon the 
 
 * Meares expressions are that Martinez " took possession of the 
 lands belonging to your memorialist, hoisting thereon the standard of 
 Spain, and performing such ceremonies as your memorialist is informed 
 are usual on such occasions. He then proceeded to build batteries, store 
 houses, &c." Memorial of LIEUT. MEARES to the British Government. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 northwest coast were ceeded by that power to tlie 
 United States by the treaty of 1819.* AdamJ 
 
 The title which we acquired to that country 
 from Spain does not preclude us from joining to it 
 the claim which was made by the United States 
 upon the ground of discoveries, explorations, and 
 settlements. In May, 1792, Captain Grey, in the 
 ship Columbia from Boston, entered the mouth of 
 the Columbia River, sailed up the stream for sev 
 eral miles, and gave it the name which it has since 
 borne. It is true that the British commissioners in 
 1826, in the statement annexed to the protocol 
 of the sixth conference, asserted that Lieutenant 
 Meares, in 17 88, entered the bay of the Columbia. 
 That he had never entered the mouth of the Co 
 lumbia River is evident from the statement which 
 he made in his journal.f Tradition had located 
 the mouth of that stream in the latitude where it 
 was afterwards found by Captain Grey, and Lieu 
 tenant Meares having failed to discover it, expressed 
 his dissatisfaction by giving to the promontory 
 
 * " The two high contracting parties agree to cede and renounce all 
 their rights, claims, and pretensions to the territories described by the 
 said line : that is to say, the United States hereby cede to his Catholic 
 Majesty, and renounce for ever all their rights, claims, and pretensions to 
 the territories lying west and south of the above described line, (42,) 
 and in like manner his Catholic Majesty cedes to the United States all 
 his rights and claims and pretensions to any territory east and north of 
 the said line, and for himself, his heirs, and successors, renounces all 
 claim to the said territories for ever." Treaty of 1819, between the United 
 States and Spain. 
 
 f " He can now safely assert that there is no such river as that of St. 
 Roc existing, as laid down in the Spanish charts." Journal of Lieut. 
 MEARES. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 39 
 
 the name of Cape Disappointment, and the bay 
 obtained the appellation of Deception Bay. But 
 admitting that he did discover the mouth of the 
 Columbia River, the Portuguese and not the Eng 
 lish were entitled to its benefits/* 
 
 The next question is, whether we followed up 
 our discovery soon enough by exploration and set 
 tlement, to perfect our title ; and in coming to a 
 conclusion upon this subject, we must take into con 
 sideration the great distance to that country, and 
 the obstacles which nature has thrown in our way. 
 The valley of the Mississippi was not then, as now, 
 thronged with a hardy and adventurous population. 
 Those vast prairies which spread out far to the west 
 ward, had never been traversed by the white man. 
 The solitude of those gloomy forests had never been 
 disturbed by any thing but the Indian warwhoop, and 
 
 * " For the expedition in question, two vessels were fitted out at the 
 Portuguese port of Macao, near Canton, in China, from which, as already 
 mentioned, several voyages had been previously made to the northwest 
 coasts of America, in search of firs. They were both placed under the 
 direction of John Meares, a lieutenant in the British navy, on half pay, 
 who sailed in the ship Felice, as supercargo ; the other vessel, the brig 
 Iphigenia, also carried a British subject, William Douglass, in the same 
 capacity ; both vessels, were, however, commanded, ostensibly at least, by 
 Portuguese captains ; they were both furnished with passports and other 
 papers in the Portuguese language, granted by the Portuguese autho 
 rities of Macao, and showing them to be the property of Juan Cavallo, a 
 Portuguese merchant of that place. The instructions for the conduct of 
 the voyage were written only in the Portuguese language, and contained 
 nothing whatsoever calculated to afford the slightest grounds for suspi 
 cion that other than Portuguese subjects were interested in the enter 
 prise. Finally, the vessels sailed from Macao on the 1st of January, 
 1788, under the Portuguese flag, and there is no sufficient proof that any 
 other was displayed by them during the expedition." Greenhoiv s His 
 tory of Oregon, p. 172. 
 
40 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 over the trackless regions of tlie Rocky Mountains 
 the grisly bear roamed unmolested. With all these 
 difficulties, common sense would lead us readily to 
 the conclusion, that in the exploration and settle 
 ment of Oregon, it was done in a reasonable time, 
 after the discovery of the mouth of the St. Roc by 
 Captain Grey. In May, 1804, Lewis and Clark, 
 commissioned by the Government of the United 
 States, began the ascent of the Missouri, and on the 
 15th of November, 1805, they arrived at the mouth 
 of the Columbia. This was evidence to the nations 
 of the earth, that our Government had asserted her 
 title to the territory. In March, 1811, Astoria was 
 settled by a colony sent from New- York. 
 
 From the admissions and acts of England, our 
 title to the whole of Oregon can be adduced. First. 
 When the negotiations of 1818 were in progress 
 between this country and England, no claim was 
 urged by the latter power to the territory of Ore 
 gon under the Nookta Convention. As eager as the 
 English are to seize every pretext for the extension 
 of their boundaries, it is not to be supposed that 
 they would suffer any opportunity to pass, without 
 apprising the nations of the earth of the rights 
 which they possess. 
 
 Second. Astoria was surrendered to the United 
 States under the first article of the Treaty of Ghent, 
 and was accepted by the American Commissioner.* 
 
 * " In obedience to the commands of his Royal Highness, the Prince 
 Regent, signified in a dispatch from the Right Honorable the Earl Ba- 
 thurst, addressed to the partners or agents of the Northwest Company, 
 bearing date the 27th of January, 1818, and in obedience to a subsequent 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 41 
 
 Third. In 1819 we acquired all the rights of 
 Spain to the northwest coast, north of the 42d de 
 gree of north latitude, without any protest upon 
 the part of Great Britain, who well knew that Spain 
 claimed the sovereignty of the soil as far north as 
 latitude 61. 
 
 Fourth. By the convention between the United 
 States and Russia in 1824, the boundary between 
 the two powers was fixed in latitude 54 40 *. We 
 thus ceded to Russia 6 and 20 , or an extent of 
 country along the coast of 360 miles. If England 
 
 order, dated the 26th of July, from W. A. Sheriff, Esq., captain of his 
 Majesty s ship Andromache, we the undersigned, do, in conformity to the 
 first article of the Treaty of Ghent, restore to the Government of the Uni 
 ted States, through its agent, J. B. Prevost, Esq., the settlement of Fort 
 George, on the Columbia river. 
 
 " Given under our hands, in triplicate, at Fort George, (Columbia 
 river,) this 6th day of October, 1818. 
 
 F. HICKEY, 
 " Captain of his Majesty s ship Blossom. 
 
 "J. KEITH, 
 " Of the Northwest Company." 
 
 " I do hereby acknowledge to have this day received, in behalf of the 
 Government of the United States, the possession of the settlement desig 
 nated above, in conformity to the first article of the Treaty of Ghent. 
 Given under my hand, in triplicate, at Fort George, (Columbia river,) this 
 
 6th day of October, 1818. 
 
 " J. B. PREVOST, 
 
 " Agent of the United States." 
 
 * " It is moreover agreed, that, hereafter, there shall not be formed by 
 the citizens of the United States, or under the authority of the United 
 States, any establishment upon the northwest coast of America, nor in 
 any of the islands adjacent to the north of fifty-four degrees and forty 
 minutes of north latitude ; and in the same manner, there shall be none 
 formed by Russian subjects, or under the authority of Russia, south of the 
 same parallel." Convention between the United States and Russia, 1824. 
 
42 IIISTOKYOFT1IE 
 
 had possessed title to this soil, would she have calmly 
 and quietly suffered it to be traded off by one power 
 to another ? 
 
 Fifth. So far from objecting to the establishment 
 of the boundary between the United States and 
 Russia, upon the parallel of 54 40 , and a conse 
 quent conveyance to Russia of 6 of territory 
 which we obtained from Spain, England, in 1825, 
 established her boundary with Russia, making the 
 parallel of 54 40 the basis. By that convention 
 England obtained from Russia an extent of country 
 three hundred and sixty miles in length, which the 
 Russians derived from the United States the latter 
 power holding under Spain. And yet the English 
 Government dispute the validity of our Spanish 
 title.* 
 
 Sixth. By the convention of 1818, England had 
 a joint right of trade with the United States, in the 
 territories possessed by both powers west of the 
 
 * ARTICLE 3. : The line of demarkation between the possessions of the 
 high contracting parties upon the coast of the continent, and the islands 
 of America to the northwest, shall be drawn in the manner following : 
 Commencing from the northernmost point of the Island called Prince of 
 Wales s Island, which point lies in the parallel of 54 40 north latitude, 
 and between the 131st and 133d degree of west longitude (meridian of 
 Greenwich). The said line shall ascend to the north along the channel 
 called Portland channel, as far as the point of the continent whore it 
 strikes the 56th degree of north latitude. From this last mentioned point 
 the line of demarkation shall follow the summit of the mountains situate 
 parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of the 141st degree 
 of west longitude (of the same meridian). And, finally, from the said 
 point of intersection, the said meridian line of the 141st degree, in its pro 
 longation as far as the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between Rus 
 sian and British possessions on the continent of America to the north 
 west." Treaty between England and Russia, 1825. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 43 
 
 Stony Mountains.* The convention of 1827, in 
 definitely extended and continued in force the con 
 vention of 1818, giving, however, to either of the 
 contracting parties the right to abrogate it upon 
 giving to the other party twelve months notice. 
 
 England, under the convention of 1818, had a 
 right to trade between the 42d and the 61st degrees 
 of north latitude, as our title embraced the terri 
 tory between these parallels. But between the 
 conventions of 1818 and 1827, the convention of 
 1824 was adopted between Russia and the United 
 States, by which we transferred the soil north of 
 54 40 to Russia, and consequently when the con 
 vention of 1827 was adopted, England had not the 
 right of trade even, north of 54 40 . It is not to 
 be supposed that England, if she had rights in Ore 
 gon at that time, would have suffered them to be so 
 grossly violated. 
 
 But there is another treaty which precludes 
 Great Britain from setting up a claim to territory 
 west of the Mississippi river. By the seventh arti 
 cle of the treaty between Great Britain and France 
 
 * " It is agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party 
 on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, 
 shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of 
 all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from 
 the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citi 
 zens, and subjects of the two powers ; it being well understood that this 
 agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which 
 either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of said 
 country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or 
 State to any part of the said country, the only object of the high contract 
 ing parties, in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences 
 among themselves." 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 in 1763, tlie boundary between the two countries in 
 the new world was fixed irrevocably in the middle 
 of the Mississippi river, from its source to the river 
 Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along 
 the middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas 
 and Pontchartrain, to the sea.* In 1803, "France 
 conveyed to the United States whatever rights she 
 acquired to the territory lying west of the Missis 
 sippi river from England, by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 A determination to enforce the claim which we 
 had to the territory of Oregon, had been solemnly 
 announced in various forms by the Government of 
 the United States. The recommendation contained 
 in the President s message to Congress, to give no 
 tice to Great Britain that the joint occupancy of 
 the territory of Oregon should cease, was discussed 
 at ere at length in Congress. A debate remarkable 
 
 o o 
 
 for its ability, and the display of varied and exten 
 sive acquirements, followed the introduction of reso 
 lutions giving the twelve months notice, in pursu 
 ance of the convention of 1827.- Masterly inacti 
 vity was proclaimed by the distinguished Senator 
 from South Carolina, as the true policy of the Uni 
 ted States. Pecuniary interests and sectional feel 
 ing characterized the progress of that discussion. 
 Fears were manifested that the country would be 
 involved in a war with Great Britain, resulting in 
 
 * " The confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty in 
 that part of the world (the continent of America) shall hejixed irrevoca 
 bly, by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its 
 source to the river Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the 
 middle of this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the 
 sea." Treaty of 1763, between France and Great Britain. 
 
POLK ADHINISTEATION. 45 
 
 the destruction of our commerce, and financial em 
 barrassment and ruin. Southern representatives 
 gave indications of a willingness to surrender a por 
 tion of the territory, to destroy the growing ascen 
 dency of the north. The characteristics of the 
 members from the two great sections of the Con 
 federacy seemed to have changed, and impassioned 
 eloquence, and fiery denunciation breathed through 
 every sentence which was uttered by the represen 
 tatives from the Northern States ; while a tempori 
 zing, if not a timid policy, controlled many of the 
 representatives from the South. After a long and 
 protracted discussion, the resolutions passed the 
 House of Representatives on the 9th of February, 
 1846,* 163 members voting in the affirmative, and 
 54 in the negative. Of the affirmative votes, 124 
 were democrats, and 39 were whigs: 38 whigs 
 voted in the negative, and 16 democrats. It will 
 
 * " Joint resolution of notice to Great Britain to" annul and abrogate 
 " the convention between Great Britain and the United States, of the sixth 
 of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, relative to the country 
 : on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony Mountains, - 
 commonly called Oregon. 
 
 " Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
 States of America, in Congress assembled, that the President of the Uni 
 ted States cause notice to be given to the Government of Great Britain, 
 that the convention between the United States of America and Great 
 Britain, concerning the territory of the northwest coast of America, west 
 of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, of the sixth day of August, eighteen 
 hundred and twenty-seven, signed at London, shall be annulled and abro 
 gated twelve months after giving said notice. 
 
 " Resolved, That nothing herein contained is intended to interfere with 
 the right and discretion of the proper authorities of the two contracting 
 parties, to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the 
 controversy respecting the Oregon territory." Resolutions lohich passed 
 the. House of Representatives, U. S., February 9th, 1849. 
 
46 HIST OK Y OF THE 
 
 be discovered tliat a large majority of those wlio 
 voted for tlie resolutions were democrats, while a 
 large majority of those wlio recorded their names 
 in the negative, were whigs. 
 
 The resolutions were transmitted to the Senate 
 and were amended in that body by a vote of 30 to 
 24, and, as amended, they passed the Senate on the 
 16th of April, 1846. Forty Senators voting in the 
 affirmative and fourteen in the negative.* It will 
 be discovered that there was a striking difference 
 between the resolutions passed by the House and 
 by the Senate. The former were mandatory, and 
 directed the President to cause notice to be given, 
 while the latter threw upon the Executive the en 
 tire responsibility of performing that act. The 
 House resolutions specified that it was not the in 
 tention of that body to interfere with the right 
 and discretion of the proper authorities to renew 
 or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement 
 of the controversy respecting the Oregon territory. 
 The resolutions of the Senate asked the earnest 
 and immediate attention of both Governments to 
 renewed efforts for the amicable settlement of all 
 
 * " And, therefore, steps be taken for the abrogation of the said con 
 vention of the 6th of August, 1827, in the mode prescribed in its second 
 article, and that the attention of the Governments of both countries may 
 be the more earnestly and immediately directed to renewed efforts for the 
 amicable settlement of all their differences and disputes in respect to the 
 said territory. 
 
 " And be it further resolved, That the President of the United States 
 be, and he is hereby, authorized, at his discretion, to give to the British 
 Government, the notice required by its said second article for the abroga 
 tion of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827." Senate Reso 
 lutions. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 47 
 
 their differences and disputes in respect to said ter 
 ritory. On the 18th of April the House proceeded 
 to amend the amendment of the Senate,* by a vote 
 of 100 to 87, and as amended they passed "by a 
 vote of 144 to 40. A motion was made on the 
 20th of April, by Mr. Allen of Ohio, that the 
 Senate agree to the amendments, which was nega 
 tived by a vote of 29 to 21. A committee of con 
 ference was appointed by ballot, and resulted in 
 the selection of Messrs. Berrien, Haywood, and 
 Corwin. Those who were in favor of enforcing our 
 rights to the whole of Oregon, saw in the selection 
 of this committee a surrender of a portion of that 
 territory. There was much more in the parliamen 
 tary tactics of the opposition members of the Sen 
 ate, and the reserve who acknowledged John C. 
 Calhoun as their leader, than was generally sup 
 posed. Those who did not absolutely deny our 
 title to the whole of the Oregon territory, still 
 managed by an evasive and subtle policy to throw 
 obstacles in the way of a prompt adjustment of the 
 question. Instead of assuming the power which 
 justly belonged to Congress of giving the notice to 
 Great Britain, they were determined to throw the 
 entire responsibility upon the Executive. 
 
 The Senate committee met the one appointed 
 by the House, consisting of Messrs. C. J. Ingersoll, 
 Owen, and Hilly ard, and their joint efforts pro- 
 
 * " And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States 
 is authorized and requested to give to the British Government the notice 
 required by its said second article for the abrogation of the convention of 
 the 6th of August, 1827." Amendment of the House to the Amendment 
 of the Senate, Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29#i Congress, p. 692. 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 duced what was scarcely regarded as a compromise 
 between the two Houses."" The Senate agreed to 
 the report of the committee by a vote of 42 to 10, 
 and the House by a vote of 142 to 46. Although 
 
 / o 
 
 the report which thus received the sanction of Con 
 gress, threw the responsibility upon Mr. Polk of 
 giving the notice ; many members who voted for it 
 were resolutely determined to enforce our claim 
 to every foot of territory to which we were enti 
 tled. They gave a reluctant vote for the resolu 
 tions, because there was no probability that the 
 Senate would abandon the position which they had 
 assumed. They also had a perfect reliance in the 
 firmness and decision of the Executive. And be 
 lieving that the termination of the joint occupancy 
 
 * " With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of 
 the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, in the mode prescribed 
 in its second article, and that the attention of the Governments of both 
 countries may be the more earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper 
 measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the differences and 
 disputes in regard to the said territory 
 
 " Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
 States of America, in Congress assembled, That, the President of the 
 United States be, and he is hereby, authorized, at his discretion, to trive 
 to the Government of Great Britain the notice require:! by the second 
 article of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, for the abro 
 gation of the same. 
 
 "C. J. IXGERSOLL, 
 " ROBERT DALE OWEN, 
 "HENRY W. HILL YARD, 
 " Committee upon the part of the House. 
 
 " JOHN McPIIERSON BERRIEN, 
 
 "THOMAS COR WIN, 
 
 " WILLIAM II. HAYWOOD, JR., 
 
 " Committee upon the part of the Senate." 
 
 Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29/7i Congress, p. 720. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 49 
 
 of that territory was the only means of settling the 
 qustion, they sanctioned the resolutions. 
 
 The notice which Congress had authorized the 
 President to give the English Government for the 
 termination of the joint occupation of Oregon was 
 communicated soon after through the American 
 Minister at London.* This was followed by an 
 offer upon the part of Mr. Packenham, to settle 
 the question upon the basis of the proposition made 
 by Mr. Polk in 1845. On the 10th of June, 1846, 
 the Executive transmitted the proposal to the Sen- \ 
 ate, and solicited the advice of that body as . to 
 the course he should pursue. He stated in his mes 
 sage that the opinions which he had expressed in 
 December, 1845, were unchanged; and that if the 
 Senate should decline, by the constitutional rnajo- 
 
 * " Now, therefore, after a careful consideration of the premises, I, 
 James K. Polk, President of the United States, in the exercise of the 
 authority and discretion vested in me by the said joint resolution con 
 cerning the Oregon Territory, and in pursuance of the second article of 
 the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, therein mentioned, do hereby, 
 in behalf of the United States, give notice to her Majesty, the Queen of 
 the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, that at the end of 
 twelve months from and after the delivery of these presents by the Envoy 
 Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Lon 
 don to her Britannic Majesty, or her Majesty s Principal Secretary of State 
 for Foreign Affairs, the said convention shall be entirely annulled and 
 abrogated. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United 
 States to be hereunto affixed, given under my hand at the 
 [L. s.] City of Washington, this twenty eighth-day of April, A. D. 
 1846, and of the Independence of the said States the sev 
 entieth. 
 
 JAMES K. POLK. 
 " By the President, 
 
 " JAMES BUCHANAN, Secretary of State." 
 4 
 
 
50 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 rity, to advise Mm to accept the proposition, lie 
 should reject it. If, on the contrary, they should, 
 "by the majority required to ratify a treaty, advise 
 him to accept the offer of the British Government, 
 he would do so.* 
 
 In this communication he committed himself to 
 the action of the Senate, and it was well understood 
 at Washington what advice that body would give 
 
 * " To the Senate of flic United States. 
 
 " I lay before the Senate a proposal, in the form of a convention, pre 
 sented to the Secretary of State on the sixth instant, by the Envoy Ex 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty, for the 
 adjustment of the Oregon question, together with a protocol of this pro 
 ceeding. 1 submit this proposal to the consideration of the Senate, and 
 request their advice as to the action which, in their judgment, it may be 
 proper to take in reference to it. 
 
 " In the early periods of the Government, the opinion and advice of 
 the Senate were often taken in advance upon important questions of our 
 foreign policy. General Washington repeatedly consulted the Senate, 
 and asked their previous advice upon pending negotiations with foreign 
 powers, and the Senate in every instance responded to his call by giving 
 their advice, to which he always conformed his action. This practice, 
 though rarely resorted to in later times, was, in my judgment, eminently 
 wise, and may, on occasions of great importance, be properly revived. 
 The Senate are a branch of the treaty-making power ; and. by consult 
 ing them in advance of his own action upon important measures of for 
 eign policy which may ultimately come before them for their considera 
 tion, the President secures harmony of action between that body and 
 himself. 
 
 : My opinions and my action on the Oregon question were fully made 
 known to Congress in my annual message of the 2d of December last, 
 and the opinions therein expressed remain unchanged. Should the Sen 
 ate, by the constitutional majority required for the ratification of treaties, 
 advise the acceptance of this proposition, or advise it with such modifica 
 tions as they may, upon full deliberation, deem proper. T shall conform 
 my action to their advice. Should the Senate, however, decline by such 
 constitutional majority to give such advice, or to express an opinion on 
 the subject, I shall consider it my duty to reject the offer." Message of 
 Mr. POLK to the Senate, June IQtli, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 51 
 
 him. To reject the proposal of the English Gov 
 ernment would have brought him into collision 
 with a large majority of the Senate. The nerves 
 which had remained unmoved during many polit 
 ical struggles, and the firmness which had often 
 overcome the most fiery opposition, where the 
 cheeks of the resolute and bold blanched with ter 
 ror, were shaken at the prospect of a rupture with 
 Great Britain unsanctioned by one branch of the 
 legislative power. 
 
 Upon the receipt of the Executive message, 
 Mr. Allen moved that it be referred to the Com 
 mittee on Foreign Relations, of which he was chair 
 man. This proposition was rejected by the deci 
 sive vote of 37 to 9. A resolution was then intro 
 duced advising the President to accept the pro 
 posal of the British Government. Mr. Mies moved 
 to amend that proposition* by providing that the 
 right to navigate the Columbia River by the Hud 
 son Bay Company, and all British subjects trading 
 with them, be limited to the year 1863. This 
 amendment was rejected by a vote of 31 to 10, and 
 the resolution as originally introduced was passed 
 by a vote of 38 to 12.f Two more than the re 
 quisite number of votes were given in favor of the 
 
 * " Resolved, That the right of navigating the Columbia River, se 
 cured to the Hudson Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading 
 with the same, be limited to the year A. D. 1863, when it shall cease and 
 determine." Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29th Congress, p. 1223. 
 
 f " Resolved, (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring,) That 
 the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, advised to accept 
 the proposal of the British Government, accompanying his message to the 
 Senate, dated 10th June, 1846, for a convention to settle boundaries be 
 tween the United States and Great Britain, west of the Rocky or Stony 
 Mountains . / bi d. 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 acceptance by the President of the offer made by 
 Great Britain. 
 
 On the 16th of June a message was received 
 from the President of the United States announcing 
 the fact, that a convention between the two Gov 
 ernments for the settlement of the Oregon boun 
 dary, had been signed on the day before.* On the 
 
 * " Convention between the United States of America and her Ma 
 jesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britian and Ireland, 
 concluded at Washington, the 15th of June, 1846. 
 
 " The United States of America and her Majesty, the Queen of the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, deeming it to be desirable 
 for the future welfare of both Governments, that the state of doubt and 
 uncertainty which has hitherto prevailed respecting the sovereignty and 
 government of the territory on the northwest coast of America, lying 
 westward of the Rocky or Stony Mountains, should be finally terminated 
 by an amicable compromise of the rights mutually asserted by the two 
 parties over the said territory, have respectively named plenipotentiaries 
 to treat and agree concerning the terms of such settlement : that is to 
 say, The President of the United States of America has on his part 
 furnished with full powers James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the 
 United States, and her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of 
 Great Britain and Ireland, has on her part, appointed the right honorable 
 Richard Packenham, a member of her Majesty s most honorable Privy 
 Council, and her Majesty s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo 
 tentiary to tho United States, who. after having communicated to each 
 other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have 
 agreed upon and concluded the following articles : 
 
 " ART. I. From the point on the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude 
 where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions be 
 tween the United States and Great Britain terminates, the line of boun 
 dary between the territories of the United States and those of her Bri 
 tannic Majesty shall be continued westward along the said forty-ninth 
 parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates 
 the continent from Vancouver s Island, and thence southerly through the 
 middle of the said channel and of Fuca s Straits to the Pacific Ocean. 
 Provided, however, that the navigation of the whole of the said channel 
 and straits, south of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, remain free 
 and open to both parties. 
 
 " ART. II. From the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of north 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION 
 
 18th of June, 1846, the Senate, by a vote of 41 to 
 14, advised and consented to the ratification of the 
 treaty.* 
 
 latitude shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the Co 
 lumbia River, the navigation of the said branch shall be free and open to 
 the Hudson s Bay Company and to all British subjects trading with the 
 same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the 
 Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free 
 access into and through the said river or rivers ; it being understood that 
 all the usual portages along the line thus described shall in like manner 
 be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, 
 with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as 
 citizens of the United States ; it being, however, always understood that 
 nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intending to 
 prevent, the Government of the United States from making any regu 
 lations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not incon 
 sistent with the present treaty. 
 
 " ART. III. In the future appropriation of the territory south of the 
 forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, as provided in the first article of this 
 treaty, the possessory rights of the Hudson s Bay Company, and of all 
 British subjects who may be already in the occupation of land or other 
 property, lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected. 
 
 " ART. IV. The farms, lands, and other property of every description, 
 belonging to the Paget s Sound Agricultural Company, on the north side 
 of the Columbia River, shall be confirmed to the said company. In case, 
 however, the situation of those farms and lands should be considered by 
 the United States to be of public and political importance, and the United 
 States Government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the 
 whole or any part thereof, the property so required shall be transferred to 
 the said Government, at a proper valuation to be agreed upon between the 
 parties. 
 
 " ART. V. The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the 
 United States, by and with the advice of the Senate thereof, and by her 
 Britannic Majesty, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at London at 
 the expiration of six months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible. 
 
 In witness whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the 
 same, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms. 
 
 Done at Washington the fifteenth day of June, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-six. 
 
 [L. s.] JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 [L. s.] RICHARD PACKENHAM." 
 
 * Those who voted in the affirmative were Messrs. Archer, Ashley, 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Bagby, Barrow, Benton, Berrien, Calhoun, Chalmers, Thomas Clayton, 
 John M. Clayton, Colquitt, Corvvin, Critter den, Davis, Dayton, Dix, Evans, 
 Green, Hay wood, Houston, Huntington, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson 
 of Louisiana, Lewis, McDuffie, Mangum, Miller, Moorehead, Niles, Pearce, 
 Penybacker, Phelps, Rusk, Sevier, Simmons, Speight, Turney, Upham, 
 Webster, Woodbridge, and Yulee. 
 
 Those who voted in the negative were Messrs. Allen, Atchison, 
 Atherton, Breese, Bright, Cameron, Cass, Dickenson, Fairfield, Hannegan, 
 Jenness, Semple, Sturgeon, and Westcott. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 55 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Different races in Mexico. The information is received there that Joseph 
 Bonaparte was placed upon the throne of Spain. Course pursued by the 
 Mexicans. Rupture between the Natives and Europeans. Insurrection 
 headed by Hidalgo. Plan of Igualo. Iturbide proclaimed Emperor. He 
 is banished, and on his return to Mexico, is shot. Revolutions. Santa 
 Anna elected President. Texas Revolution. 
 
 THE war with. Mexico occupied much of the atten 
 tion of the administration. Mr. Polk had no sooner 
 taken the oath of office, than he found our relations 
 with that country .were extremely delicate. No 
 efforts which he could make, appeared to appease 
 the Mexicans, or to induce them to act in good faith 
 towards us. 
 
 It is now my purpose to trace the events which 
 preceded the commencement of hostilities upon the 
 Rio Grande, and to follow our victorious troops 
 through their triumphant progress, until the capital 
 of Mexico surrendered to their prowess and valor. 
 
 Before examining into the immediate causes of 
 the war with Mexico, I will briefly refer to the 
 prominent revolutions which occurred in that coun 
 try previous to that event. The contest was waged 
 with a so called republic : yet Mexico hardly de 
 serves the name. Since the struggle terminated, 
 which produced a separation from Spain, Mexico 
 has been the theatre of anarchy and blood. Revo- 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 lution and violence have succeeded each other in 
 rapid succession. The existence of each govern 
 ment has seldom lasted longer than two years, and 
 instability and misrule have always controlled the 
 fortunes of the Mexicans. This result, so fatal to 
 law and order, has undoubtedly been produced by 
 the peculiar mental organization of that people, and 
 the amalgamation of the different races, which are 
 found within the borders of Mexico. 
 
 The people are divided into seven great classes : 
 1st, the Europeans ; 2d, the Creoles or whites, of 
 pure European blood, but horn in America ; 3d, the 
 Indians ; 4th, the mestizos, or mixed breeds of 
 whites and Indians ; 5th, the mulattoes, or descend 
 ants of whites and negroes ; 6th, the negroes ; and 
 7th, the descendants of negroes and Indians, The 
 pure Indians, in 1803, exceeded two millions and a 
 half, and at the time of the revolution there were 
 only eighty thousand Europeans. Among such a 
 motley collection, perhaps it would be too much to 
 anticipate the prevalence of republicanism. 
 
 The first manifestation of excessive zeal exhi 
 bited by the Mexicans in the affairs of the mother 
 country, was upon the reception of the news that 
 the Spanish Bourbons had been dethroned, and the 
 crown usurped by a Bonaparte. 
 
 In July, 1808, a determination was manifested 
 throughout Spanish America, to sustain the cause 
 of the dethroned princes. Iturrigaray, the viceroy, 
 proclaimed the establishment of the Spanish Junta, 
 and required the ayuntamiento to yield obedience 
 to its orders. Although they were true to Ferdi- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 57 
 
 nand, still they refused obedience to the junto, and 
 proposed the creation of a similar body in Mexico,- 
 and Iturrigaray was inclined to yield to their wishes. 
 Probably this determination was manifested upon 
 the part of the ayuntamiento, because a majority 
 of them were natives of the soil; and there was 
 exhibited a jealousy of the mother country. The 
 audiencia was composed of the civil and military 
 officers sent out from Spain ; there was a natural 
 antipathy, then, between this body and the natives 
 of Mexico. Finding the remonstrances ineffectual, 
 which they urged against the course of the ayunta 
 miento, the audiencia seized the person of Iturri 
 garay, and confined him in the palace. This act of 
 violence rendered the rupture complete between 
 the Europeans and the natives of the soil ; and from 
 that time commenced those dissensions which termi 
 nated in tearing from the crown of Spain its bright 
 est jewel. For the time, however, the audiencia 
 triumphed and overcame all opposition to the cen 
 tral junto. About this time, Don Francisco Xavier 
 Vanegas was appointed to the viceroy alty of Mex 
 ico. This appointment proved most unfortunate for 
 the interest of Spain in the new world. Passion 
 ate, headstrong and violent, he was totally unfitted 
 for a position of so much importance, and hastened 
 the crisis, which even the most prudent could not 
 long delay. At this moment there appeared upon 
 the stage, a man whose genius and patriotism at 
 once aroused the slumbering energies of the Mexi 
 cans, and gave an impetus to the revolutionary spi 
 rit, which soon involved the whole country in the 
 turmoils and violence of an insurrection. 
 
58 JUST OK Y OF THE 
 
 That man was Don Miguel Hidalgo Y Costilla. 
 lie was tlie cnra or priest of Dolores. He was 
 thoughtful and inquiring, possessing undoubted abi 
 lity, and whatever acts of barbarity lie may have 
 committed in his subsequent career, he was never 
 theless a man of kindly and generous impulses. 
 His attention had been turned to agricultural pur 
 suits. He had introduced the silk-worm, and had 
 planted around his habitation the vine. These were 
 destroyed, and this act of injustice aroused his re 
 sentment. The barbarities which he daily saw in 
 flicted upon his countrymen, were now illustrated in 
 his own case. By his eloquence and fiery ardor, he 
 aroused the indignation of his neighbors, who flocked 
 to his standard, and he soon found himself at the 
 head of fifty thousand raw and undisciplined troops. 
 Several battles were lost and won ; victory alter 
 nately crowned the efforts of the Spaniards and 
 Mexicans, until July, 1811, when Hidalgo was taken 
 prisoner and shot. With his death almost expired 
 the hopes of the patriots. It is true, in different 
 parts of the country the contest was continued by 
 broken divisions of the Mexican army, with varied 
 success, until the Congress was forcibly dissolved by 
 the Mexican General Teran. This resulted in the 
 overthrow, in quick succession, of Victoria, Bravo, 
 Eayan, Guerrero, and Teran. 
 
 These disasters were, to a certain extent, com 
 pensated by the introduction into Mexico of the 
 Spanish constitution, in 1812. This event for a 
 while gave satisfaction to the Mexicans, but the 
 germ of Independence which began to bud during 
 
POLK ADMINISTE ATT ON. 59 
 
 the first insurrection gradually expanded into full 
 bloom, and on the 24th of February, 1821, Iturbide, 
 then in the service of Spain, assembled the chief 
 officers of his army at Iguala, and presented them 
 a set of propositions for the institution of a national 
 government, which are termed in the history of 
 that country, "the plan of Iguala." It proposed 
 that Mexico should form an independent empire, 
 the throne being offered to the king of Spain, and 
 in the event of his refusal, to the other princes of 
 his family, in succession.* 
 
 The independence of Mexico dates from this 
 movement. Not satisfied with the establishment of 
 a republican form of government, Iturbide usurped 
 the supreme authority. In 1824 he was proclaimed 
 Emperor. A revolution which quickly succeeded, 
 expelled him from power, and he was banished from 
 the land. Returning, however, against his express 
 stipulations, he was arrested in July, 1824, and im 
 mediately shot.f 
 
 * 1. "That Mexico should form an independent empire, the crown of 
 which should be offered to the king of Spain, and in the event of his re 
 fusal, to the other princes of his family in succession, on condition that 
 the person accepting should reside in the country, and should swear to 
 observe a constitution to be fixed by a congress. 
 
 2. " That the Roman Catholic religion should be supported, and the 
 rights, immunities, and property of its clergy should be preserved and 
 secured. 
 
 3. " That all the actual inhabitants of Mexico, whatever might be 
 their birth-place or descent, should enjoy the same civil rights." 
 
 STATEMENT OF ITURBIDE. 
 
 f " The epoch in which I have lived has been a critical one ; equally 
 critical is the moment at which I am about to submit to the world a sketch 
 of my political career. The public are not uninformed of my name, or 
 
60 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Subsequently to that event, and previous to the 
 year 1828, one revolution succeeded another in 
 quick succession. Violence, misrule and mob law 
 
 of my actions ; but they have known both through a medium greatly dis 
 colored by the interests of those persons who have transmitted them to 
 distant countries. There is one great nation particularly, in which seve 
 ral individuals have disapproved of my conduct, and have misrepresented 
 my character. It becomes my duty, therefore, to relate my own history. 
 I shall tell, with the frankness of a soldier, both what I have been and 
 what 1 am. My actions and their motives may thus be fairly judged by 
 every impartial person of the present age, still more by posterity. I know 
 no other passion or interest save that of transmitting to my children a 
 name which they need not be ashamed to bear. 
 
 " It would be an idle waste of time to set about refuting the various 
 attacks which have been circulated against me ; they are framed in terms 
 calculated only to reflect dishonor upon their authors. 
 
 " It was my good fortune to break the chains which enthralled my 
 country : I proclaimed her independence : I yielded to the voice of a grate 
 ful and a generous people, and allowed myself to be seated on a throne 
 which I had created, and had destined for others : I repressed the spirit of 
 intrigue and disorder. These are my crimes ; notwithstanding which I 
 now appear, and shall continue to appear, with as sincere a countenance 
 before the Spaniards and their king, as I have worn before the Mexicans 
 and their new rulers. To both countries I have rendered important servi 
 ces, though neither knew how to profit by the advantages which I acquired 
 for them. 
 
 " In the year 1810, 1 was simply a subaltern officer ; a lieutenant in 
 the provincial regiment of Valladolid, my native city. It is well known, 
 that the individuals who serve in those troops receive no pay. The mili 
 tary profession was not the principal object of my pursuit. I possessed an 
 independence, and attended to the improvement of my property, without 
 disturbing my mind with the desire of obtaining public employments. I 
 did not stand in need of them, either for the purpose of affording rne a 
 subsistence, or of adding distinction to my name, as it pleased Providence 
 to give me an honorable origin, which my forefathers have never stained, 
 and which down to my time all my kinsmen have supported by their 
 conduct. 
 
 " When the revolution, set on foot by Don Miguel Hidalgo, curate of 
 Dolores, broke out, he offered me the rank of lieutenant-general. The 
 offer was one that might have tempted any young man without experience, 
 and at an age when his ambition might be excited. I declined it, howev- 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 61 
 
 prevailed throughout the land. In 1828, Santa 
 Anna, who was then Governor of Vera Cruz, insti 
 gated a revolt in the city of Mexico, and was, by 
 
 er, because I was satisfied that the plans of the curate were ill contrived, 
 and that they would produce only disorder, massacre, and devastation, 
 without accomplishing the object which he had in view. The result 
 demonstrated the truth of my predictions. Hidalgo, and those who fol 
 lowed his example, desolated the country, destroyed private property, deep 
 ened the hatred between the Americans and Europeans, sacrificed thou 
 sands of victims, obstructed the fountains of public wealth, disorganized 
 the army, annihilated industry, rendered the condition of the Americans 
 worse than it was before, by exciting the Spaniards to a sense of the dan 
 gers which threatened them ; they moreover corrupted the manners of the 
 people, and far from obtaining independence, increased the obstacles which 
 were opposed to it. 
 
 " If, therefore, I took up arms at that epoch, it was not to make war 
 against the Americans, but against a lawless band who harassed the coun 
 try. The Mexican Congress, at a later period, proposed that statues 
 should be erected to the leaders of that insurrection, and that funeral 
 honors should be paid to the ashes of those who perished in it. I have 
 warred with those chiefs, and I should war with them again under similar 
 circumstances. The word insurrection in that instance did not mean in 
 dependence and equal liberty ; its object was, not to reclaim the rights of 
 the nation, but to exterminate all the Europeans, to destroy their posses 
 sions, and to trample on the laws of war, humanity, and religion. The 
 belligerent parties gave no quarter : disorder presided over the operations 
 on both sides, though it must be acknowledged, that one party are censu 
 rable, not only for the evils which they caused, but also for having pro 
 voked the other party to retaliate the atrocities which were perpetrated 
 by their enemies. 
 
 " About the month of October, in the year 1810, 1 was offered a safe 
 conduct for my father and family, together with assurances that his pro 
 perty and mine should be exempted from conflagration and plunder, and 
 that the people attached to them should not be subject to assassination 
 (which was at that time a matter of ordinary occurrence), on the sole 
 condition that I should quit the standard of the king and remain neutral. 
 These propositions were made to me by the leaders of that disastrous in 
 surrection, and are well known to the Mexicans. I was then at San 
 Felipe del Obraje, commanding a small detachment of infantry, and at a 
 distance of four leagues from me was Hidalgo with a considerable force. 
 I gave the same answers to these overtures, as to the propositions already 
 
G2 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Congress of the Republic, proclaimed an out 
 law. Even at that early period in his career, he 
 was remarkable for his wily and subtle policy, and 
 
 mentioned. I always looked upon that man as criminal, who, in a season 
 of political convulsions, sheltering himself in cowardly indolence, re 
 mained a cold spectator of the evils which oppressed his country, and 
 made no effort to mitigate, at least, if he could not remove, the sufferings 
 of his fellow-citizens. I therefore kept the field, with a view equally to 
 serve the king, the Spaniards, and the Mexicans. 
 
 " I was in consequence engaged in several expeditions, and had the 
 good fortune to see victory never desert the troops under my command, 
 except on one inconsiderable occasion (in 1815), when I made an attack 
 on Coporo, a military point which was well fortified, and inaccessible from 
 the nature of the ground. I then served under the orders of Llanos, a 
 Spanish General. He commanded me to attack the place ; delicacy for 
 bade me to offer any opposition to his mandate, though I was fully con 
 vinced that the result could not be favorable. As soon as I was on the 
 march, I communicated my opinion to the general by dispatch : I retreat 
 ed, as 1 had foreseen I should do, but I had the good fortune to preserve 
 four-fifths of my force, in an action in which I apprehended that I should 
 have lost the whole. 
 
 ; I engaged with the enemy as often as he offered battle, or as I came 
 near him, frequently with inferior numbers on my part. I led the sieges 
 of several fortified places, from which I dislodged the enemy, and I ren 
 dered them incapable of serving afterwards as asylums for the discon 
 tented. I iiad no other opponents than those of the cause which I defend 
 ed, nor any other rivals than those who were envious of my success. 
 
 " Tn 1816 the provinces of Guanajuato and Valladolid. and the army 
 of the north, were under my command ; but I resigned my office through 
 a sense of delicacy, and retired to pursue my natural disposition, in the 
 cultivation of my estates. The reason of my resignation was this : two 
 inhabitants of Querataro, who were subsequently assisted bv four or live 
 families in Guanajuato, three of which consisted of the families of three 
 brothers, and ought therefore to be considered as one, sent a memorial 
 against me to the viceroy. Many were the crimes of which they accused 
 me ; they could not, however, find one witness to support their charges, 
 though I had resigned for the purpose of removing every obstacle to 
 their coming forward, by taking away the motives of hope on the one 
 side, or of fear on the other. The families of the countess dowao-er of 
 Rul. and of Alaman, gave proof, by abandoning the accusation, that they 
 had been taken by surprise, and that they had been deceived. The vice- 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 63 
 
 sustained by the gallant and ever-faithful citizens 
 of the province of Vera Cruz, he made a bold stand 
 against the authorities of the country. Alternately 
 
 roys, Calleja and Apodaca, took cognizance of the matter, and after hear 
 ing the reports of the ayuntamientos, the curates, the political chiefs, the 
 commandants and military chiefs, and of all the most respectable persons 
 in the two provinces, and the army (who not only made my cause their 
 own, but gave me tokens of their unqualified approbation), they affirmed 
 the dictamen of their auditor, and of the two civil ministers, declaring that 
 the accusation was false and calumnious in all its parts, that I had per 
 mission to institute an action of damages against the slanderers, and that 
 I might return to discharge the functions of the office which I had re 
 signed. 1 did not choose to resume the command, nor to exercise my 
 right of action, and I gave up the pay which I enjoyed. 
 
 " The ingratitude which I experienced from men had wounded my 
 feelings deeply ; their insincerity, to call it by no severer name, made me 
 shun every opportunity of again becoming the object of their attacks. 
 Besides, the anger of the contending parties having expended itself, and 
 the country having returned to a state of comparative tranquillity, I was 
 relieved from that sense of obligation which six years before had com 
 pelled me to have recourse to arms. My country no longer stood in need 
 of my services, and without betraying my duty, I thought that I might 
 now rest from the toils of the camp. 
 
 ; In 1820 the constitution was re-established in Spain. The new order 
 of things, the ferment in which the Peninsula was placed, the machina 
 tions of the discontented, the want of moderation amongst the supporters 
 of the new system, the vacillation of the authorities, and the conduct of 
 the Government and Cortes at Madrid (who, from the decrees which they 
 issued, and the speeches which some of the deputies pronounced, ap 
 peared to have determined on alienating the colonies) , filled the heart of 
 every good patriot with the desire of independence, and excited amongst 
 the Spaniards established in the country, the apprehension that all the hor 
 rors of the former insurrection were about to be repeated. Those who 
 exercised the chief authority, and had the forces at their command, took 
 such precautions as fear naturally dictated : and those persons who at the 
 former epoch had lived by disorder, made preparations for again turning it 
 to advantage. In such a state of things the richest and most beautiful 
 part of America was about to become again the prey of contending fac 
 tions. In every quarter clandestine meetings took place, for the purpose 
 of discussing the form of government which ought to be adopted. Among 
 the Europeans and their adherents, some wished for the establishment of 
 
64 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 successful, and a refugee, lie managed for several 
 
 years to create revolutions and counter-revolutions. 
 
 To repress the demonstrations under Santa 
 
 the Spanish constitution. They succeeded in realizing their views to a 
 certain extent, but the system was badly understood, and the loose manner 
 in which it was obeyed, indicated the shortness of its duration. There 
 were some who conceived that it ought to undergo modifications, inas 
 much as the constitution framed by the Cortes at Cadiz was inapplicable 
 to New Spain. Others there were who sighed after the old absolute 
 government, as the best support of their lucrative employments, which 
 they exercised in a despotic manner, and by which they had gained a 
 monopoly. The privileged and powerful classes fomented these different 
 parties, attaching themselves to the one or the other, according to the ex 
 tent of their political information, or the projects of aggrandizement which 
 their imaginations presented. The Americans wished for independence, 
 but they were not agreed as to the mode of effecting it, still less as to the 
 form of government which they should prefer. With respect to the for 
 mer object, many were of opinion that in the first place, all the Europeans 
 should be exterminated, and their property given up to confiscation. The 
 less sanguinary would have been contented with banishing them from the 
 country, thus reducing thousands of families to a state of orphanage. 
 The moderate party suggested only that they should be excluded from all 
 public offices, and degraded to the condition in which they had kept the 
 natives of the country for three centuries. As to the form of govern 
 ment, one party proposed a monarchy, tempered by the Spanish, or some 
 other constitution ; a second party wished for a federative republic ; a 
 third for a central republic ; and the partisans of each system, full of 
 enthusiasm, were impatient for the accomplishment of their different 
 objects. 
 
 " I had friends in the principal towns, many of whom had been long 
 connected with my family ; others I had known in my expeditions, and 
 during the period when I held my command. The army, I had reason to 
 believe, was strongly attached to me. All those who knew me did their 
 utmost to supply me with information. I had visited the best provinces, 
 obtained accurate information as to the nature of the country and the 
 character of the inhabitants, the points capable of being fortified, and the 
 resources upon which dependence might be placed. I saw new revolu 
 tions on the eve of breaking out ; my country was about to be drenched 
 in blood ; I was led to believe that I had the power to save her, and I did 
 not hesitate to undertake so sacred a duty. 
 
 " I formed my plan, known under the title of { the plan of Iguala. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 65 
 
 Anna, Bustamente, then President of Mexico, dis 
 patched General Calderon with an effective force, 
 who defeated Santa Anna on the 3d of March at 
 
 pamphlet, which I have seen, has asserted that that project was the work 
 of a club of serviles, who held their meeting at the profesa, a building 
 belonging to the congregation of St. Philip, in Mexico. Any person who 
 reads the document must be convinced, from its contents alone, that it 
 could not have been dictated by servilism ; I put out of the question the 
 opinions of those persons to whom it is attributed, and shall only say that 
 they are matters upon which the multitude is very commonly mistaken. 
 For me, I look upon those persons as men eminently respectable for their 
 virtues and their knowledge. After the plan had been drawn out, I con 
 sulted upon it with distinguished individuals of different parties ; not one 
 of them disapproved of it ; it was not modified in any manner ; nothing 
 was added or erased. 
 
 " In tracing out this project, my aim was to give independence to my 
 country, because such was the general desire of the Americans ; a desire 
 founded on natural feelings, and on principles of justice. It was, besides, 
 the only means by which the interests of the two nations could be secured. 
 The Spaniards would not allow themselves to be convinced that their de 
 cline began with their acquisition of the colonies, while the colonists were 
 fully persuaded that the time of their emancipation had arrived. 
 
 " The plan of Iguala guarantied the religion which we inherited from 
 our ancestors. To the reigning family of Spain, it held out the only pros 
 pect which survived for preserving those extensive and fertile provinces. 
 To the Mexicans, it granted the right of enacting their own laws, and of 
 having their government established within their own territory. To the 
 Spaniards, it offered an asylum, which, if they had possessed any foresight, 
 they would not have despised. It secured the rights of equality, of pro 
 perty, and of liberty, the knowledge of which is within the reach of every 
 one, and the possession of which, when once acquired, every man would 
 exert all his power to preserve. The plan of Iguala extinguished the 
 odious distinction of castes, offered to every stranger safety, convenience, 
 and hospitality ; it left the road to advancement open to merit ; conciliated 
 the good opinion of every reasonable man ; and opposed an impenetrable 
 barrier to the machinations of the discontented. 
 
 " The operation of putting the plan into execution was crowned with 
 the happy result which I had anticipated. Six months were sufficient to 
 untwist the entangled knot which had bound the two worlds. Without 
 bloodshed, without fire, robbery, devastation, without a tear, my country 
 was free, and transformed from a colony into an empire. In order to ren- 
 5 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Talome, and besieged him in the city of Vera Cruz. 
 Fortune, however, did not long desert him. Cal- 
 deron was forced to retreat. Bustarnente resigned 
 
 der the work conformable to received customs, only one additional circum 
 stance was required a treaty, which the diplomatists would add to the 
 long catalogue of those which they already possess, and which commonly 
 turn out to be only so many proofs of the bad faith of men, as they are 
 not seldom violated when it is the interest of one of the parties, and he 
 happens to be the strongest. Nevertheless, it is right to follow the laws 
 of custom. On the 24th of August, I had an interview with that most 
 worthy Spanish general, Don Juan de O Donoju ; and on the same day 
 was concluded between us a treaty, which bears the name of the place 
 where it was signed, and was sent off to his majesty, Ferdinand VII., by 
 un officer of O Donoju s suit. 
 
 The treaty of Cordova opened to me the gates of the capital, which 
 otherwise I could have forced. But it is always delightful to me to be 
 spared the necessity of exposing my men, and of shedding the blood of 
 those who have been my companions in arms. 
 
 There were persons who raised questions on the treaty of Cordova, 
 by doubting my authority, as well as that of O Donoju, to enter into a 
 compact upon a matter of so much delicacy. It would be easy to answer 
 them, by saying that in me was deposited the will of the Mexican people 
 tit that period ; in the first place, because that which I signed in their 
 name was conformable to what they must have desired; and secondly, 
 because they had already given proofs of their sentiments ; such as were 
 able to bear arms, by joining me, and others by assisting me in every way 
 which lay in their power. In every place through which I passed, I was 
 received in the most enthusiastic manner. Seeing that no one was forced 
 to exhibit these demonstrations, it is to be inferred that they approved ot 
 my intentions, and that their ideas accorded with mine. With respect to 
 General O Donoju. ho was the principal authority furnished with creden 
 tials from his Government, and even though he might not have received 
 specific instructions for that particular case, the circumstances authorized 
 him to do the best he could for his country. 
 
 " Had this general commanded an army superior to mine, and pos 
 sessed resources sufficient to enable him to carry on war against me, he 
 might have properly refused to sign the treaty of Cordova, without first 
 communicating with his Government, and receiving its answer. But 
 attended as ho was with scarcely a dozen officers, the whole country 
 being in my power, his mission being adverse to the sentiments of the 
 people, unable to procure intelligence of the state of things, without any 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 67 
 
 the Presidency, and was succeeded by Pedraza. In 
 1833, Santa Anna himself was elected President of 
 Mexico. The dissolution of Congress by the Pre- 
 
 knowledge of the localities, shut up in a weak fortress, which was ex 
 posed to our fire, with an army in front of him, and the few troops of the 
 king who had remained in Mexico, commanded by an intrusive chief ; 
 under such circumstances, let those persons who disapprove of the con 
 duct of O Donoju say what they would have done if they had been in his 
 place, or what they imagine he ought to have done ? He must have 
 signed the treaty of Cordova, or have become my prisoner, or have re 
 turned to Spain ! he had no other alternative. If he had chosen either of 
 the latter, all his countrymen would have been compromised, and the 
 Government of Spain would have lost every hope of those advantages 
 which it then obtained ; advantages which it never would have acquired, 
 if I had not been in the command, and if O Donoju had not been an able 
 politician as well as a faithful Spaniard. 
 
 " I entered Mexico on the 27th of September, 1821 ; on the same 
 day was installed the Junta of Government which is spoken of in the 
 plan of Iguala, and the treaty of Cordova. It was nominated by me, but not 
 according to my arbitrary choice ; for I wished to assemble together such 
 men of every party as enjoyed the highest reputation amongst their 
 friends. This was the only means which could be resorted to in such 
 extraordinary circumstances for consulting the public opinion. 
 
 " Up to this point my measures gained general approbation, and in no 
 instance were my hopes deceived. But as soon as the junta began to 
 exercise its functions, it perverted the powers which had been granted to 
 it ; and within a few days after its installation, I saw what was likely to 
 be the issue. From that moment I shuddered for the fate that awaited my 
 fellow-citizens. It was in my power to resume the whole authority, and 
 I asked myself, ought I not to resume it, if such a step be essential to 
 the safety of my country ? I considered, however, that it would have 
 been rash in me to resolve on undertaking such an enterprise, relying 
 solely on my own judgment. If I were to consult with others, my design 
 might transpire, and intentions, which had sprung solely from my love 
 for my country, and from a desire to promote its happiness, might be 
 attributed to ambitious views, and construed into a violation of my pro 
 mise. Besides, even if I were to accomplish every thing which I pro 
 posed, I could not have done it without infringing on the plan of Iguala, 
 which it was my great object to maintain, because I looked upon it as the 
 aegis of the public welfare. These were the true reasons which, to 
 gether with others of less importance, restrained me from taking any de- 
 
68 HISTOETOFTHZ 
 
 sident was quickly followed by a change in the 
 form of government. The State Legislatures were 
 dissolved, and a Central Government, whole and in 
 cisive measures. They would have brought me into collision with the 
 favorite feelings of the cultivated nations of the world, and have rendered 
 me. for some time, an object of hatred to a set of men. who were infatu 
 ated by chimerical ideas, and who had never learned, or had soon forgotten, 
 that the republic which was most jealous of its liberty, possessed also its 
 dictators. I may add. that I have always endeavored to te consistent in 
 my principles; and as I had proposed to form a junta. I fultiiled my pro 
 mise, and was reluctant to undo the work of my own hands. 
 
 " There were at this time, some deputies in Mexico who set little value 
 on the public happiness, when it is opposed to their private interest, and 
 who had acquired reputation by some actions that appeared generous to 
 those who were benefited by them without knowing the secret views by 
 which they had been prompted. They were well acquainted with the 
 mysteries of intrigue, ever ready to stoop to servility when they found it 
 expedient, and to assume insolence when their star was in the ascendant. 
 These men disliked me because I had hitherto been successful in my 
 career, and they begun to foment those parties which were afterwards 
 known under the titles of Republicans and Bourbonists. and which, 
 however they differed on other points, were united in their opposition 
 to me. 
 
 - The republicans were hostile to me. because they well knew they 
 could never bring me to contribute to the establishment of a government, 
 which, whatever might be its attractions, did not suit the Mexicans. 
 Nature produces nothing by sudden leaps : she operates by intermediate 
 degrees. The moral world follows the laws of the physical. To think 
 that we could emerge all at once from a state of debasement, such as that 
 of slavery, and from a state of ignorance, such as had been indicted upon 
 us for three hundred years, during which we had neither books nor in 
 structors, and the possession of knowledge had been thought a sufficient 
 cause for persecution ; to think that we could cr-ain information and refine 
 ment in a moment, as if by enchantment ; that we could acquire every 
 virtue, forget prejudices, and give up false pretensions, was a vain ex 
 pectation, and could only have entered into the visions of an enthusiast. 
 
 " Tne Bourbonists, on the other hand, wished for my fall, because, as 
 soon as the decision of the government of Madrid was made known, 
 through its decree of the 13th of February, which was subsequently 
 transmitted by the minister for the colonies, and in which the conduct of 
 O Donoju was form:. 1 . .;. 1. the treaty of Cordova became null 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 69 
 
 divisible, was established. This act produced re 
 sistance upon the part of Coahuila, Texas, and 
 Zacatecas. The latter State was reduced to sub- 
 
 and void, as to that part of it which invited the Bourbons to the crown of 
 Mexico, and effective with respect to the nation s entering into the full 
 enjoyment of its right to elect as sovereign the individual whom it would 
 deem most worthy of that high office. The Bourbonists, therefore, no 
 longer expecting that a Bourbon would reign in Mexico, thought only of 
 our returning to our former state of dependence ; a retrogression which 
 was impossible, considering the impotence of the Spaniards, and the 
 determination of the Americans. 
 
 " Hence I became the object of attack to both these parties, because 
 as I had the public force at my command, and was the centre of general 
 opinion, it was necessary to the preponderance of either party that I 
 should cease to exist. 
 
 " The leaders of the factions spared no pains to gain proselytes ; and 
 certainly they found many to adhere to them. Some who were the least 
 experienced, suffered themselves to be easily led away ; because they saw 
 nothing more in the projects on foot than what was represented to them, 
 and there is no design of which different views may not be given ; some 
 hoped that by the subversion of the Government they might advance their 
 own fortunes ; and others, the natural enemies of established order, in 
 whatever system it prevails, were anxious only for a change. Among 
 the latter, one might be named who values himself on his literary accom 
 plishments, and has made himself conspicuous in the revolution.* 
 
 " The first duty of the junta after its installation, was to frame the 
 convocatoria, or proclamation for the assemblage of a Congress, which 
 was to give a constitution to the monarchy. The junta took more time 
 to perform this duty than the urgency of the case permitted, and com 
 mitted several errors in framing the convocatoria. It was extremely de 
 fective, but with all its imperfections it was accepted ; I could do no more 
 than perceive the evil, and lament it. The census of the provinces was 
 not consulted ; hence, for instance, one deputy was appointed for a pro 
 vince containing a hundred thousand inhabitants, and four for a province 
 scarcely peopled by half that number. Nor did it at all enter into the 
 calculations of the junta, that the representatives ought to be in propor 
 tion to the civilization of the represented. Three or four individuals 
 might be easily selected from among a hundred well-educated citizens, 
 who might possess the qualifications necessary to constitute good deputies ; 
 
 * The individual here referred to is probably Don Lucas Alaman. 
 
70 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 mission by Santa Anna in person, while General 
 Cos was dispatched for the purpose of forcing the 
 Texans to yield. Thus violence and fraud pro- 
 
 whilst among a thousand, who are without education, and are ignorant of 
 the first rudiments, scarcely one man can be met with of sufficient ability 
 to know what is conducive to the public welfare whose mind is suffi 
 ciently enlarged to take accurate views of public affairs, or at least to 
 save him from extravagant errors respecting them ; who has sufficient 
 firmness of character to vote according to what he thinks best, and not to 
 deviate from his opinion when once convinced of its truth ; and whose 
 experience enables him to perceive the grievances which afflict his pro 
 vince, as well as the remedy which they require. For, although that 
 remedy might not always be within his reach, such experience would 
 enable him, on hearing others proposed, to form a sound judgment upon 
 them. 
 
 " These defects were quite sufficient to extinguish every hope, that any 
 benefits would be derived from the convocatoria of the junta. It had 
 many other faults which I have not mentioned, as I do not mean to com 
 ment upon them. But there is one which I cannot pass over in silence, 
 that of having the deputies nominated at the will, not of a district (partido), 
 for that would be of a majority of the citizens, but of the ayuntamientos 
 of the principal towns. See the injury thus done to the country people 
 at large ! In the elections a vote was given by the junta, to the electors, 
 chosen by the country people ; and a voice w r as also given to the indivi 
 duals who composed the ayuntamiento of the principal town of each de 
 partment. But in electing the ayuntamientos, it was possible to get into 
 them by a little management, as was in fact frequently done ; because the 
 wish of aspiring to the functions of these bodies, was not so general 
 as the ambition of obtaining a seat in Congress. The ayuntamientos 
 were, therefore, filled up at their own pleasure, and were consequently 
 vitiated ; and as all the members possessed a vote in the elections for de 
 puties, the ayuntamientos became almost the only electors. This is evi 
 dent to any one who knows how thinly the population is distributed over 
 that country, and how great a disproportion exists between the number of 
 inhabitants in a town, and in its dependencies. 
 
 " To render this clearer, let it be supposed that a principal town of a 
 province contains four, eight, or ten thousand inhabitants, leaving out of 
 the question the city of Mexico, the population of which exceeds one 
 hundred and seventy thousand souls, and other cities densely inhabited. 
 The ayuntamiento of such a town consists, perhaps, of fifty or sixty mem 
 bers ; the departments which have to send electors to the principal town. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 duced a radical change in the internal affairs of 
 Mexico, and the sovereignties of the States were 
 substituted by the establishment of a Central Gov- 
 
 name no more than eight or ten. This small number, therefore, acting in 
 conjunction with all the members of the ayuntamiento, is reduced to a 
 cipher, and the election terminates according to the pleasure of that body. 
 Thus the people were deceived by being told, that in them resided the 
 sovereignity, which they were to delegate to the deputies whom they were 
 about to name ; when in fact there was no such nomination, except on 
 the part of the ayuntamiento, or rather, indeed, of the directors of the 
 junta, who, after the dissolution of that body, passed into the Congress, in 
 order to continue their manoeuvres . 
 
 " To this system, so framed, was added intrigue in the elections ; the 
 most worthy men were not sought for, nor even those who were decided 
 for any particular party. It was quite sufficient if the candidate were my 
 enemy, or so ignorant that he might easily be persuaded to become so. If 
 he possessed either of these requisites, he was deemed competent to dis 
 charge the sacred functions which were to be intrusted to him. 
 
 . " If the archives of state have not been spoliated, remonstrances may be 
 found amongst them from almost all the provinces, pointing out the nullity 
 of the powers conferred on the deputies. Several individuals were elected 
 who had been accused of conduct notoriously scandalous ; some had been 
 prosecuted as criminals : others were men of broken fortunes, tumultuous 
 demagogues, officers who had capitulated, and who, violating the laws of 
 war and their paroles, had again taken up arms against the cause of 
 liberty, and after suffering defeat had surrendered a second time. Some 
 of the new deputies were obstinate anti-independents, and one was an 
 apostate monk, although by law no member of the religious orders could 
 have a seat in Congress. The authors of the remonstrances offered also 
 to prove, that the rules for the conduct of the elections, as they were laid 
 down in the convocatoria, had been infringed ; and that the persons re 
 turned were not those whom the majority approved, but those who were 
 the most skilful in intrigue. These documents were all sent to my depart 
 ment, when I was generalissimo and admiral-in-chief ; when I became 
 Emperor, I directed them to be transmitted to the department of the 
 interior, for the purpose of being deposited in the archives. I did not wish 
 to lay them before the Congress, because, even if justice were done, which 
 could hardly be expected, I saw that they would be productive only of 
 odium, and of legal prosecutions. 1 considered that time would be lost in 
 new elections, as it would be necessary to have the most of them renewed, 
 and I felt that our most important care was first to organize the govern- 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 eminent. Stability did not follow this event. The 
 history of the country from +he insurrection under 
 Hidalgo has presented a succession of revolutions. 
 
 ment. Besides, I thought that the errors into which this Congress might 
 fall, might be corrected by that which should succeed it. This mode of 
 reasoning, which would have been questionable, perhaps under any other 
 circumstances, was suitable to those which then existed, because the ob 
 ject was to avoid greater evils. 
 
 " The result of the elections, therefore, was the formation of a Congress, 
 perfectly conformable to the wishes of the party who influenced its nomi 
 nation. A few men of undoubted virtue and wisdom, and of the purest 
 patriotism, whose fair reputation was so widely extended that no machina 
 tions could prevent them from having a majority of suffrages, found them 
 selves confounded with a multitude of intriguers, of assuming manners 
 and sinister intentions. I do not desire to be credited on my mere asser 
 tions ; examine the acts of the Congress during the eight months that 
 elapsed from its installation until its suspension. The principal object of 
 its assembling was to draw up a constitution ft./ the empire : not a single 
 line of it was written. In a country, naturally the richest in the world, the 
 treasury was exhausted ; there were no funds to pay the army or the public 
 functionaries ; there was no revenue, not even a system of finance estab 
 lished, as that which had existed in the time of the Spanish rule had been 
 abolished, without any other system having been substituted for it. The 
 Congress would not occupy itself in matters of such essential importance, 
 notwithstanding the repeated and urgent solicitations which I made to it in 
 person, and through the secretaries of state. The administration of justice 
 was wholly neglected ; in the changes which had taken place, some of the 
 officers had left the empire, some died, others had embraced new avoca 
 tions, and the offices and tribunals were nearly deserted. Upon this sub 
 ject, also, the Congress declined to take any steps : in short, although the 
 empire was in the weakness of infancy, and wanted their assistance at 
 every point, they did nothing. The speeches which were pronounced, 
 turned on matters of the most trifling description, and if any of them hap 
 pened to touch on topics deserving of consideration, they were, to say the 
 least of them, foreign to the exigencies of the moment. What honors 
 should be paid to the chiefs of the insurrection who had fallen ? What 
 should be the form for the oath of an archbishop ? Who ought to nomi 
 nate the supreme tribunal of justice ? Such, together with a demand for 
 an apostate friar, who was a prisoner in the castle of San Juan de Ulua, 
 and other similar subjects, formed the grave occupations of a body so au 
 gust, in its institution ! Add to this, that not a single regulation was made 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 73 
 
 The people would now yield voluntary submission 
 to a crown, and then become zealous supporters of 
 popular liberty. But short intervals of calm would 
 occur between the scenes of anarchy and violence. 
 
 for the government of the interior. The result was, that the Congress 
 became the opprobrium of the people, and fell into a state of abject con 
 tempt. The public prints exposed its defects, and even one of the depu 
 ties stated his opinion, that it stood in need of reformation. 
 
 " It soon became manifest that the object of those who gave all its 
 movements to that machine, was only to gain time, and to deceive each 
 other until they found an opportunity, for the arrival of which they se 
 cretly labored, in order to throw off the mask. Notwithstanding the cun 
 ning which they used, and the dissimulation with which they endeavored 
 to carry out their designs, the people and the army saw through their real 
 views. Neither the army nor the people desired slavery on one hand, or 
 republicanism on the other ; nor did they wish to see me deposed, or even 
 in any manner offended, and from these feelings arose that distrust with 
 which the whole nation received all the resolutions that originated in so 
 vitiated a body. 
 
 " About the month of April, 1822, a state of agitation was observable, 
 which threatened to end in anarchy. A public measure, effected in a 
 scandalous manner, discovered the hypocrisy of its authors. The Con 
 gress deposed three of the regents, leaving in office with me only one, 
 who was well known to be my enemy, for the purpose of reducing my 
 vote in the executive to a nullity. They did not attempt to depose me, 
 from an apprehension that they would be resisted by the army and the 
 people, of my influence with whom they were well aware. This resolu 
 tion was passed in the most precipitate and singular manner. The ques 
 tion was proposed, discussed, agreed to, and carried into execution in one 
 sitting, whereas it had been previously settled by decree, that every pro 
 position which was submitted to the Congress, should be read three times, 
 at three distinct sittings, before it should be discussed. After this step 
 they proposed another ; a commission, appointed for that purpose, pre 
 sented a regulation concerning the regency, in which the command of the 
 army was declared incompatible with the functions of the executive power. 
 They were jealous of my having the soldiery at my disposal : to such 
 men fear was very natural. This regulation, although it did not receive 
 the sanction of the legislature on account of the want of time, left no 
 doubt of the designs which were entertained against me, and was the im 
 mediate cause which accelerated the event of the 18th of May. At ten 
 o clock, on that memorable night, the people and garrison of Mexico pro- 
 
4 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Indeed, from 1828 to 1833, Mexico witnessed 
 the ascendency of Santa Anna, the triumphs of 
 Bustamente, the elevation of Guerrero, the popu- 
 
 claimed mo Emperor. " Live Agustin the First !" was the univeral cry. 
 Instantly, as if all were actuated by the same sentiment, that extensive 
 capital was illuminated ; the balconies were decorated, and filled with the 
 most respectable inhabitants, who joyously echoed back the acclamations 
 of the immense crowds of people which thronged all the streets, especial 
 ly those near the house where I resided. Not one citizen expressed any 
 disapprobation, a decided proof of the weakness of my enemies, and of the 
 universality of the public opinion in my favor. No accident or disorder 
 of any kind occurred. The first impulse of my mind was to go forth and 
 declare my determination not to yield to the wishes of the people. If I 
 restrained myself from appearing before them for that purpose, it was 
 solely in compliance with the counsel of a friend who happened at the mo 
 ment to be with me. " They will consider it an insult," he had scarcely 
 time to say to me, " and the people know no restraint when they are irrita 
 ted. You must make this fresh sacrifice to the public good ; the country 
 is in danger ; remain a moment longer undecided, and you will hear their 
 acclamations turned into death-shouts." I felt it necessary to resign my 
 self to circumstances ; and I spent the whole of that night in allaying the 
 general enthusiasm, and persuading the troops to give time for my deci 
 sion, and in the meanwhile to render obedience to the Congress. I went 
 out repeatedly to harangue them, and wrote a short proclamation, which 
 was circulated the following morning, and in which I expressed the same 
 sentiments as those I addressed to the people. I convened the regency, 
 assembled the generals and superior officers, communicated what had oc 
 curred by dispatch to the president of the Congress, and requested him to 
 summon immediately an extraordinary sitting. The regency was of 
 opinion that I ought to yield to public opinion ; the superior officers of the 
 army added, that such also was their unanimous opinion, that it was ex 
 pedient I should do so, and that I was not at liberty to act according to my 
 own desires, as I had dedicated myself entirely to my country ; that their 
 privations and sufferings would be useless if I persisted in my objections ; 
 and that having compromised themselves through me, and having yielded 
 me unqualified obedience, they had a claim to my compliance. They sub 
 sequently drew up a memorial which they presented to the Congress, re 
 questing it to take this important matter into its consideration. This 
 paper was signed also by the individual who subsequently officiated as pre 
 sident of the act of Casa-Mata, and by one of the present members of the 
 executive body. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 
 
 larity of Gomez Farias, the victories of Bravo, the 
 Presidency of Pedraza, and the disgrace of each 
 and all in succession. In 1834 Santa Anna forced 
 
 " The Congress met on the following morning ; the people crowded to 
 the galleries and the entrance to the chamber : their applauses were in 
 cessant ; a joyous agitation was observable in every face ; the speeches 
 of the deputies were interrupted by the impatience of the multitude. It 
 is difficult to obtain order in moments like these ; but such an important 
 discussion required it, and in order to attain that object, the Congress re 
 quired that I should be present at the sitting. A deputation was appoint 
 ed, who communicated the invitation to me. I declined it, because as they 
 were about to treat of me personally, my presence might be considered as 
 a restraint on the freedom of debate, and an impediment to the clear and 
 frank expression of each individual s opinion. The deputation and several 
 general officers, however, prevailed on me to accept the invitation, and I 
 immediately went out in order to proceed to the place where the Congress 
 were assembled. The streets were scarcely passable, so crowded were 
 they with the inhabitants of the capital ; they took the horses from my 
 carriage, and I was drawn by the people, and amidst their enthusiastic ac 
 clamations, to the palace of the Congress. On entering the hall where 
 the deputies were assembled, the vivas were still more enthusiastic, and 
 resounded from every quarter. 
 
 " The question of the nomination was discussed, and there was not a 
 single deputy who opposed my accession to the throne. The only hesi 
 tation expressed by a few, arose from a consideration that their powers 
 were not extensive enough to authorize them to decide on the question. 
 It appeared to them that it would be necessary to notify the subject to 
 provinces, and to require from them an enlargement of powers already 
 granted, or new powers specifically applicable to this case alone. I sup 
 ported this opinion, as it afforded me an opportunity of finding out some 
 means for evading the acceptance of a situation which I was most anx 
 ious to decline. But the majority were of a contrary opinion, and I was 
 elected by seventy-seven voices against fifteen. These latter did not deny 
 me their suffrages ; they confined themselves simply to the expression of 
 their belief, that the provinces ought to be consulted, since they did not 
 think their powers ample enough, but at the same time they said that they 
 were persuaded that their constituents would agree with the majority, and 
 think that what was done was in every respect conducive to the public 
 welfare. Mexico never witnessed a day of more unmixed satisfaction ; 
 every order of the inhabitantg testified it. I returned home as I had pro 
 ceeded to the Congress, my carriage drawn by the people, who crowded 
 
76 HISTOKYOFTHE 
 
 the Congress to suspend its Sessions, and while that 
 body were engaged in remodelling the constitution, 
 commenced the Texas revolution, which ended in 
 the independence of that country, thus severing for 
 ever from Mexico a large portion of her territory, 
 and which subsequently produced results of the 
 greatest magnitude, involving two great republics 
 in the conflict of arms, and terminating in the con 
 quest of Mexico and the dismemberment of her 
 territory. This brings us to the important question 
 of the Texas revolution, the independence of that 
 country, its annexation to the United States, and 
 the war which ensued, which will be examined 
 more in detail. 
 
 around to congratulate me, expressing the pleasure which they felt on 
 seeing their wishes fulfilled." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 77 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Boundaries of Texas. Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824. 
 The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was 
 ceded to Spain in 1819. Grant of land to Moses Austin. Settlement of 
 Texas. General Cos with a military force crosses the Nueces. Colli 
 sion of Arms. Cos is forced to surrender. Santa Anna invades Texas in 
 person. The garrison of Alamo slaughtered. Murder of Tanning s 
 command. Battle of San Jacinto. Santa Anna makes a treaty with 
 the Texans. The Mexicans evacuate Texas. The claim of Texas to 
 the Rio Grande. 
 
 THE Texas Revolution, and its consequences, were 
 prominent causes of the war with Mexico; and 
 therefore the settlement of Texas, its independence 
 and annexation to the United States, must be "brief 
 ly examined. It has been unjustly asserted by 
 those whose position entitled their opinions to some 
 consideration, that the first settlers of Texas were 
 outlaws from their native land. That their object 
 in emigrating to Texas was to seek an asylum, and 
 when they had obtained sufficient strength, to sever 
 from Mexico by force that portion of her territory. 
 This charge is as unfounded as unjust. 
 
 In the investigation of this branch of the sub 
 ject, it becomes important to ascertain what were 
 the boundaries of Texas, at the date of her revolu 
 tion. 
 
 It has been asserted, that, as the independence 
 of that country was accomplished by revolution, 
 
78 HISTORY OF TIIE 
 
 only so much as was forcibly wrested from Mexico 
 by the sword, was annexed to this country. On 
 the other side, it has been as strenuously insisted, 
 that the country known as Texas, has always been 
 bounded on the south and west by the Rio Bravo ; 
 and to the extent of these boundaries was incorpo 
 rated as a State into the Mexican confederacy. The 
 several States of Mexico, in 1824, adopted a consti 
 tution similar to our own ; and it has been insisted, 
 that Texas, as one of those States, becoming a party 
 to the compact, was bound by its provisions only so 
 long as they remained in force. That the constitu 
 tion of 1824 was a compact of States, there can be 
 no doubt.* Santa Anna, subsequently to that pe 
 riod, having by force and fraud violated that con 
 stitution, each State in the confederacy was resolved 
 into its original element.f It is not easily con 
 ceived how this reasoning can be successfully con 
 troverted. It is strongly fortified by analogy. 
 
 * ART. 4. The Mexican nation adopts for its government the form of 
 republican representative, popular, federal. 
 
 ART. 5. The parts of this federation are the States and Territories. 
 
 A;;T. 171. The articles of this Constitution, and the constitutional 
 act which establishes the liberty and independence of the Mexican nation, 
 its religion, form of government, liberty of the press, and division of the 
 supreme powers of the federation and the States, can never be reformed. 
 Nrj /cr/n Constitution of 1824. 
 
 " Airr. 12. It is free and independent of the other United Mexican 
 States, and of every other foreign power and dominion." Passed March 
 llth, 1827. and accepted by Mexico. Constitution of Texas. 
 
 f Vattel says it is a truth " acknowledged by every sensible writer, 
 whose prn is not enslaved by fear or sold for hire, that as soon as a prince 
 attacks the constitution of the state, he breaks the contract which bound 
 the people to him ; the people become free by the act of the sovereign, 
 and can no longer view him but as a usurper, who would load them with 
 oppression." 
 
POLK ADMIN>S<rE ATION. 79 
 
 When the effort was made to formNmr own Consti 
 tution as a substitute for the old article^of confede 
 ration, delegates from the several States ^assembled 
 in convention. The instrument which was then 
 drawn up, until sanctioned by nine States, was not 
 more obligatory than so much blank paper. \Pre- 
 viously to becoming parties to the instrument,\the 
 States were independent sovereignties. They w^re 
 known to possess certain limits, not always, it us 
 true, very well defined, so far as the territories we^e 
 concerned which belonged to them, but sufficiently 
 so for all practical purposes. Suppose, then, thes0 
 States had refused to become parties to the COEJ- 
 stitution, each would have preserved its sove 
 reignty entirely independent of the rest. Again, 
 suppose that nine States the number required by 
 the Constitution to give it life, had become parties 
 to it, and the three remaining States, had uncondi 
 tionally refused to sanction it, there was no power 
 to force them. They might have remained to tjdis 
 day separate and independent sovereignties. But 
 for a still further illustration : suppose at this clay 
 the Union, which is composed of thirty States/ and 
 has expanded in power and grandeur until Jt has 
 become one of the first powers on the earth, should 
 be violently assailed by a victorious chieftain, fresh 
 from the battle-field, with his trained bands obedient 
 to his will, and the Constitution should be destroyed, 
 will any one insist that the States wornd be bound 
 by the decrees of the usurper ? On the contrary, 
 all would admit that the boncls which bound the 
 Union together, having^been violently dissevered, 
 
80 HISTORY or THE 
 
 eacli State would become free and independent. If 
 this reasoning, from analogy, be conclusive, no 
 one can deny that when the Constitution of 1824, 
 to which Texas had become a party, was destroyed 
 by Santa Anna, that Texas at once resumed the 
 rights which she possessed before becoming a party 
 to that compact. The country known as Texas, 
 was ceded by France to the United States by the 
 treaty of 1803. We have the authority of some of 
 the most distinguished American, French, and Spa 
 nish statesmen, for saying, that the southern and 
 western boundary of Texas was the Rio Bravo.* 
 
 * Mr. Adams in 1818 says : ; The claim of France always did extend 
 westward to the Rio Bravo. She always claimed the territory which you 
 call Texas, as being within the limits, and forming a part of Louisiana." 
 
 Mr. Clay, in his Raleigh letter, written in 1844, said : " The United 
 States acquired a title to Texas, extending, as I believe, to the Rio del 
 Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana." 
 
 In Spain, Texas has gone to the Rio Bravo ever since the beginning of 
 1700. Mr. Cevallos, negotiating with Pinckney and Monroe, writes at 
 Aranjnez, April 13th, 1805 : " The limits between Louisiana and the 
 Texas have been always known, even when the French possessed Lou 
 isiana. Near the beginning of the last century, the venerable Alanzet. of 
 the order of San Francisco, founded in the province of Texas, towards the 
 confines of Louisiana, different missions, among them Nacogdoches." And 
 a few years after he wrote, " it was generally known in the writings of 
 those times, that the province of Texas, or new Philippines, had its boun 
 daries about the middle of the Gulf of Mexico, to Pocenes, the Rio Grande, 
 and to the East Louisiana." 
 
 Let us hear Don Onis to Mr. Adams, January 16, 1817 : " You did 
 me the honor to applaud a proposition so frank and liberal, as dictated by 
 equity and good faith, and made known to me with the same frankness, 
 that the United States desired to unite to its dominions all the territories 
 which belong to Spain to the east of the Mississippi ; and that, for them, 
 they would offer to Spain those which were between the Rio del Norte 
 and the Colorado. But as not only these lands, but all those which lie 
 between the Colorado and Cape North, drawing a line by the river Mer- 
 mento, or Mermentao, towards the Presidio of Adias, and from thence, by 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 81 
 
 Unfortunately that Territory was ceded to Spain 
 by the treaty of 1819, and subsequently to that pe 
 riod was wrested from, that Government with the 
 
 the Arryo Onda, towards Natchitoches, are a part of the province of Texas, 
 belonging to, and in the uninterrupted possession of, his Majesty, without 
 there having been, in relation thereto, any dispute between France and 
 Spain, (that dispute being solely as to Natchitoches, which fort the 
 French raised unjustly in the territory of his Catholic Majesty,) it results 
 that this proposition not only does not offer compensation to his Majesty* 
 for West and East Florida, whose cession to the United States you inti 
 mate would be very agreeable, but it involves the relinquishment of the 
 property and possession which his Majesty has of the territory in the pro 
 vince of Texas, which lies between the Colorado and the vicinity of Natch 
 itoches." (For Foreign Relations, 438.) There is no pretence that 
 Spain altered the boundaries of provinces, between 1821 and 1824. At 
 the latter date the Confederation of Mexico was established, taking the 
 provinces as they then stood. (See While s Recapitulation, 375, Title X.) 
 
 CONSTITUTIVE ACTS OF THE MEXICAN FEDERATION. 
 
 FORM OF GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION. 
 
 ART. 1. The Mexican nation is composed of provinces formally 
 known as the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the Captain-generalship of Yu 
 catan, and the internal provinces of the east and west. 
 
 ART. 6. The integral parts are free, sovereign, and independent 
 States, in as far as regards exclusively its internal administration, accord 
 ing to the rules laid down in this Act, and in the General Constitution. 
 
 ART. 7. The States at present composing the federation are as 
 following, viz. : Guanajuato, the internal State of the west, composed of the 
 provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa ; the internal State of the east comprising 
 the provinces of New Leon, Coahuila, and Texas ; the internal State of 
 the north, containing the provinces of Chihuahua, Durango, and New Mex 
 ico ; Mexico ; Michoacan, Oajaca, Puebla de los Angeles, Queretaro, San 
 Luis Potosi, New Santander, called also Tamaulipas, Tabasco, Lascala, 
 Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Yucatan, and Zacatecas. The Californias and the 
 district of Coluira, (except the town of Fomiela, which remains annexed 
 to Jalisco,) will for the present be territories of the federation, and direct 
 ly subject to its supreme power. 
 
 Dated Mexico, January 31, 1824. 
 
 JOHN GAZENAN. 
 
 Page 380. The Federal Constitution of the United Mexican States, 
 sanctioned the General Constituent Congress on the 4th of October, 1824. 
 388, Title 11. Only section. 
 6 
 
2 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 remainder of the Mexican provinces. After the 
 cession of Texas to Spain, it -was well understood by 
 statesmen and intelligent men of every party, that 
 the western boundary of that country continued to 
 be the Rio Grande ;* at all events, for a consider- 
 
 ART. 4. The Mexican nation adopts for the form of its Govern 
 ment a popular, representative, and federal republic. 
 
 ART. 5. The constituent parts of the federation are the following 
 Stales and Territories, viz. : The States of Chiapas, Chihuahua, Coahuila, 
 and Texas, Durango, Guanajuato. Angeles, Queretaro, San Luis Potosi, 
 Sonora and Sinaloa, Tabasco, Tamaulipas, Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Yucatan, 
 and Zacatecas; the Territories of Upper California, Lower California, 
 Colima, and Santa Fe, de Nuevo Mexico. A constitutional law will fix 
 the character of Tlascula. 
 
 Dated 4th of October, 1824, fourth year of independence, third of li 
 berty, and second of confederation. 
 
 LORENZO DE ZAVALA, President. 
 
 Laws and Decrees of tJie State of Coahuila and Texas. 
 
 DECREE NO. I. 
 
 The Territory of the State shall be that recognized as both provinces, 
 until the present time. August 15, 1824. 
 
 429. DECREE NO. 13. 
 
 ART. 1. In that part of this State known as the Province of Texas, 
 a political authority shall be provisionally established, styled " Chief of 
 Department of Texas." February 1, 1825. 
 
 Mr. Madison says, January 31, 1804, to Mr. Livingston, " With re 
 spect to the western extent of Louisiana, Mr. Laussat held a language 
 more satisfactory. He considered the Rio Bravo, or Del Norte, as far as 
 the thirtieth degree of north latitude, as its true boundary on that side." 
 Foreign Relations, page 574. 
 
 * " Texas is bounded southeast by the Gulf of Mexico ; west and south 
 west by the Rio del Norte." Morse s Geographical Dictionary, edition 
 1821. 
 
 " Texas, province of Mexico, bounded southwest by the Rio Grande 
 del Norte." Brooks 9 s Universal Gazetteer, edition 1823. 
 
 " Texas claimed by Spain as a part of the internal provinces, and 
 bounded west by the Del Norte," &c. Worcester Gazetteer, 1823. 
 
 Texas, province of Mexico, in the former provincios internes, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 83 
 
 able distance up that stream.* It cannot be denied 
 then, that the Texas which became a party to the 
 compact of 1824, was the Texas which was acquired 
 from France in 1803, and which was ceded to Spain 
 in 1819. The Rio Grande was regarded as the 
 western boundary of Texas, not only by well-in 
 formed persons in this country, but was not dis 
 puted by the Mexican authorities. 
 
 No claim had been made by the Government of 
 Mexico, or by any of her military chieftains to the 
 Nueces as the eastern boundary of the Mexican 
 Republic previous to the battle of Palo Alto. In 
 their pronunciamentos they have demanded the 
 Sabine as the boundary of their possessions. They 
 have claimed " the whole or none." And whenever 
 they have given any evidence of being wearied of 
 the attempt to re-conquer Texas, they have indi 
 cated the Rio Del Norte as the extent of their 
 sacrifice, f In 1821 a large party of American citi- 
 
 bounded southwest by the Rio Grande del None. Darby s Gazetteer, 
 edition 1827. 
 
 " Texas, province of Mexico in the former internal provinces, is bound 
 ed southwest by the Rao Grande." Davenport s Gazetteer, edition 1832. 
 
 In his letter to Aaron V. Brown, General Jackson says : " Remember 
 also, that if Texas be annexed to the United States, our western boundary 
 would be the Rio Grande, which is itself a fortification, on account of its 
 extensive barren and uncultivated plains." 
 
 "The real Texas which we acquired by the treaty of 1803, and 
 flung away by the treaty of 1819, never approached the Rio Grande, ex 
 cept near its mouth," &c. 
 
 * Again : " I draw a broad line of distinction between the Province 
 of Texas and the Republic of Texas. The province laid between the 
 Sabine and the lower Rio del Norte, and between the Gulf of Mexico and 
 the Red River. The republic of Texas stretches to the whole extent of 
 the left bank of the Rio del Norte. Of the two Texases, I go for the reco 
 very of the old one." 
 
 f Proclamation of General Adrian Woll, June 20th, 1844. Dispatch 
 
84 HISTOKYOFTHE 
 
 zens formed the determination of settling upon a large 
 tract of land, granted by Mexico to Moses Austin. 
 They were not a lawless band of outlaws, deter 
 mined to plunder Mexico of lier territory, but were 
 invited to go thither. The Mexicans, finding it ex 
 ceedingly inconvenient to contend against the wild 
 and desperate bands of Indians who were continu 
 ally making incursions and carrying fire and slaugh 
 ter among their defenceless hamlets, sought the 
 protection of the western rifle against their terrible 
 foes, and when they had formed a barrier between 
 the Indians and Mexicans, the latter sought to dis 
 arm and render defenceless those who had gener 
 ously proved their protectors. To submit to this 
 cowardly aggression was impossible. The remorse 
 less bands of savages, who hung like a dark and 
 threatening cloud around their settlements, were 
 only kept aloof by the dreaded rifle ; and if the 
 Texans had been disarmed, the tomahawk and 
 scalping-knife would have carried death and dis 
 may into every dwelling in Texas. Resistance or 
 indiscriminate massacre w^as the only alternative. 
 That Santa Anna had resolved upon their destruc 
 tion they had no reason to doubt. The members 
 of the Legislature of Coahuila were seized and im 
 prisoned for merely protesting against the acts of 
 the Central Government. In this state of excite 
 ment, surrounded by dangers upon all sides, the 
 Texans elected delegates to meet in convention at 
 
 of General Filisola, May 31st, 1836. Articles of agreement signed May 
 14th, 1836, by Santa Anna, Gen. Filisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Antonio 
 Ganoa, and Don Joachin Ramyres. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATIOK. 85 
 
 San Felipe in October, 1835. About this time 
 General Cos, with a considerable body of troops, 
 crossed the Rio Grande, and leaving a portion of 
 his forces at Lipantitlan, on the west side of the 
 Nueces, and at Goliad, marched with his main force 
 to San Antonio. And while the delegates were 
 quietly assembling, General Cos sent a body of two 
 hundred cavalry to Gonzales, a small town in the 
 neighborhood of that place, and demanded of the 
 citizens the surrender of a small cannon which they 
 used as a defence against the Indians. Their reply 
 was grape and canister, and thus the Texas revo 
 lution commenced. The news of this collision at 
 once aroused the people of Texas to the defence of 
 their homes. They shouldered their rifles and hur 
 ried to the scene of contest. They rallied from 
 both sides of the Nueces, and from the banks of 
 the Rio Grande. In a few days Goliad and Lipan 
 titlan had fallen into their possession. The conven 
 tion which had assembled at San Felipe issued a 
 declaration against the Central Government, and 
 declared in favor of the Constitution of 1824. De 
 termined that not a Mexican soldier should degrade 
 the soil of Texas, they concentrated their forces 
 around San Antonio and forced General Cos to 
 surrender. Among the number who left their fire 
 sides to drive from the province the Mexican inva 
 ders, as I have already stated, were persons who 
 resided between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. 
 In the moment of peril they gallantly shared the 
 dangers which threatened all ! In the hour of tri 
 umph gratitude was not forgotten ; they were not 
 
86 IIISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the men basely to disregard tlie interests of that 
 portion of the people of Teyas. Many of them fell 
 during the struggle. The rights of the widow and 
 orphan have been asserted, and to the honor of the 
 Texas nation be it said, that they would have haz 
 arded their national existence in the defence of her 
 citizens residing in every portion of her dominions. 
 By the terms of the capitulation of General Cos, 
 the rights of those citizens were guaranteed. 
 
 Thus ended the first conflict between the Mexi 
 cans and the people of Texas. Not only did they 
 manifest a determination to resist all attempts to 
 subjugate them, but the result proved their ability 
 to do so. The terms of the capitulation of Gen. 
 Cos, establishes the first link in the revolutionary 
 chain of title of Texas to the Eio Grande, as her 
 western boundary.* 
 
 General Cos, with his soldiers and convicts, re- 
 crossed the Rio Grande. To this date, then, al 
 though assailed without any justification whatever, 
 by those who should have been actuated by feelings 
 of gratitude, the Texans exhibited a determination 
 
 * " Capitulation entered into by General Martin Prefedo De Cos, of the perma 
 nent troops, and General Edward Burlcson, of the Colonial Troops of Texas. 
 Being desirous of preventing the further ejfusion of blood, and the ravages 
 of civil u~ar. ice have agreed on the following stipulations : 
 
 " 1st. That General Cos and his officers retire with their arms and 
 private property into the interior of the republic, under parole of honor 
 that they will not in any way oppose the establishment of the Federal 
 Constitution of 1824." 
 
 " 3d. That the General take the convicts lately brought in by Colonel 
 Ugartachea, beyond the river Rio Grande." 
 
 " 14th. General Burleson will furnish General Cos with such provi 
 sions as can be obtained, necessary for his troops to the Rio Grande, at 
 the ordinary price of the country." 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 87 
 
 to adhere to the constitution of 1824. Reared un 
 der the beneficent institutions of the United States, 
 they were attached to the liberal principles which 
 the constitution of 1824 guaranteed. They were 
 willing to shed their blood in its defence. But 
 Santa Anna as resolutely prepared to enforce their 
 obedience to his despotic will. He gathered a large 
 and well appointed army, resolved to subdue the 
 spirit of the Texans, or ravage their country with 
 fire and sword. All Mexico lay prostrate at his 
 feet. JSTo voice was raised in the defence of consti 
 tutional liberty ; and it was left for the gallant little 
 band of Texan heroes to battle alone with the for 
 ces of the usurper. It was then that a convention 
 was called in haste, and a declaration of independ 
 ence was issued,* and appealing to the God of bat- 
 
 * " It has dissolved, by force of arms, the State Congress of Cohuila 
 and Texas, and obliged our representatives to fly for their lives from the 
 seat of Government ; thus depriving us of the fundamental political right 
 of representation. 
 
 " It has demanded the surrender of a number of our citizens, and or 
 dered military detachments to seize and carry them into the interior for 
 trial, in contempt of the civil authorities, and in defiance of the laws and 
 the constitution. 
 
 " It denies us the right of worshipping the Almighty according to the 
 dictates of our own conscience, by the support of a national religion, cal 
 culated to promote the temporal interest of its human functionaries,Tather 
 than the glory of the true and living God. 
 
 " It has demanded us to deliver up our arms, which are essential to our 
 defence the rightful property of freemen, and formidable only to tyran 
 nical governments. 
 
 " It has invaded our country both by s ea and by land, with the intent to 
 lay waste our territory and drive us from our homes ; and has now a large 
 mercenary army advancing to carry on against us a war of extermination. 
 
 " It has, through its emissaries, incited the merciless savage, with the 
 tomahawk and scalping knife, to massacre the inhabitants of our defence 
 less frontiers." Texan Declaration of Independence, March 2d, 1836. 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ties for the justice of their cause, they prepared for 
 the conflict. The first blood which was shed in this 
 struggle, watered the territory between the Nueces 
 and the Eio Grande. The Alamo was surrounded 
 by 9,000 Mexicans, and the fort was only taken 
 after a terrible struggle, in which every one of its 
 defenders perished. This victory was won by the 
 Mexicans at a dreadful sacrifice of life. The Tex- 
 ans were armed with the much dreaded rifle, which 
 produced dreadful havoc in the ranks of their foes. 
 Colonel Fanning, unable to defend Goliad, accepted 
 terms of capitulation which guaranteed the lives of 
 his command. These stipulations were violated by 
 Santa Anna, who ordered about four hundred pri 
 soners to be shot ; an act of cold-blooded barbarity 
 which for all time will place the seal of infamy upon 
 his character. 
 
 The bands of Santa Anna swept like the besom 
 of destruction across that portion of Texas lying 
 west of the Nueces. Nearly all of the male inha 
 bitants in that part of the country found bloody 
 but honorable graves. The Mexican army contin 
 ued rapidly to advance, spreading fire and devasta 
 tion in their terrible career, until Santa Anna was 
 encountered upon the battle field of San Jacinto by 
 780 Texans on the 21st of April, 183G, and after 
 a short but desperate conflict, was defeated and ta 
 ken prisoner. The punishment which he deserved 
 was death. He had violently overturned the con 
 stitution of his country, and sought at the point of 
 the bayonet, to subjugate a people who had protected 
 the Mexicans against the inroads of the savages. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 89 
 
 He had conducted the contest as only a savage 
 could be capable. He had disregarded the rules 
 by which civilized nations are governed, and murder 
 and indiscriminate slaughter marked his progress. 
 But the Texans not only wielded their glittering 
 blades upon the field of battle with terrible effect, 
 but could treat with humanity a prostrate foe. A 
 treaty was entered into with Santa Anna, 12th of 
 May, 1S36.* By the terms of this treaty Texas 
 
 * " Articles of agreement and solemn compact made and adopted by Dai id G. 
 Burnett, President of the Republic of Texas, and the undersigned, members 
 of the cabinet thereof, on the one part, and Don Antonio Lopez De Santa 
 Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico, and Don Vlncente FUisola. gene 
 ral of division, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramyres Y Sesma, and Don 
 Antonio Gaona, generals of brigades of the armies of Mexico. 
 
 " 1st. That the armies of Mexico shall, with all practical expedition, 
 evacuate the territory of Texas, and retire to Monterey, beyond the Rio 
 Grande." 
 
 " 3d. That the army of Texas are to march westwardly, and to occupy 
 such posts as the commanding general may think proper on the east side 
 of the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte." 
 
 i( 5th. That the following be, and the same are hereby, established and 
 made the lines of demarkation between the two Republics of Mexico and 
 Texas, to wit : The line shall commence at the estuary or mouth of the 
 Rio Grande, on the western bank thereof, and shall pursue the same bank 
 up the said river, to the point where the river assumes the name of Rio 
 Bravo Del Norte ; from which point it shall proceed on the same western 
 bank to the head waters, or source of said river, it being understood that 
 the terms Rio Grande and Rio Bravo Del Norte apply to and designate 
 one and the same stream. From the source of said river, the principal 
 head branch being taken to ascertain that source, a due north line shall be 
 run until it shall intersect the boundary line established and described in 
 the treaty negotiated by and between the Government of Spain and the 
 Government of the United States of the north ; which line was subse 
 quently transferred to and adopted in the treaty of the limits made be 
 tween the Government of Mexico and that of the United States ; and 
 from this point of intersection the line shall be the same as was made and 
 established in and by the several treaties above mentioned, to continue to 
 the mouth or outlet of the Sabine river, and from thence to the Gulf of 
 Mexico. 
 
90 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 was to be evacuated, and the Rio Grande was to be 
 established as the boundary line between the two 
 republics. This is the second link in the revolu 
 tionary chain of title which Texas won to that 
 river. I know it has been asserted that Santa Anna 
 being at that time a prisoner, all stipulations which 
 he might agree to, were void. This objection seems 
 more to be relied upon by certain American Mem 
 bers of Congress than by the Mexicans themselves. 
 
 Santa Anna commenced the war, and it is a 
 principle of the law of nations that he had the right 
 to terminate it.* The fact that he was a usurper 
 does not affect the principle.f 
 
 The only question to be inquired into is, did he 
 act voluntarily. There is abundant evidence to 
 prove that he did.J If the law of nations was 
 
 < ; 9th. The release of the President Santa Anna shall be made imme 
 diately on receiving the signatures of the Generals Don Viente Filisola, 
 Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramyres Y Sesma, and Don Antonio Gaona, 
 to this agreement, and his conveyance to Vera Cruz as soon afterwards as 
 may be convenient." 
 
 * " The same power who has the right of making war, of determining 
 on it, of declaring it, and of directing its operations, has naturally that 
 likewise of making and concluding a treaty of peace." Vattel, p. 432. 
 
 f " Other states, as having no right to interfere with the domestic 
 concerns of that nation, or to interfere in her government, are bound to 
 abide by her decisions, and to look no further than the circumstances of 
 actual possession. They may, therefore, broach and conclude a treaty of 
 peace with the usurper." Valid, p. 436. 
 
 t ; When 1 offered to treat with this Government (Texas), I was 
 convinced that it was useless for Mexico to continue the war. I have 
 acquired exact information respecting the country which I did not possess 
 four months ago. 1 have too much zeal for the interests of my country 
 to wish for any thing which is not compatible with them. Being always 
 ready to sacrifice myself for its glory and advantage, I never would have 
 hesitated to subject myself to torments of death rather than consent to any 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 91 
 
 different it would lead to the most disastrous con 
 sequences. In that event, exterminating war might 
 be the result. Suppose all the members composing 
 the Government at Washington, should be taken 
 prisoners by an invading foe. If they had no power 
 to make a binding treaty, peace - would never be 
 made, and a perpetual war would be the conse 
 quence. If General Scott had captured the Mexi 
 can authorities when he took possession of the city 
 of Mexico, will any one assert that they would not 
 have had the power to make a peace ? If not, Mex 
 ico must have remained a subjugated province of 
 this country. But again, to put a stronger case : 
 suppose an absolute monarch should fall into the 
 hands of his foes, unless he could make a treaty, 
 the contest would be protracted for years. Until 
 mankind become as remorseless and savage as 
 beasts of prey, no such sanguinary rules could be 
 adopted for the government of nations. The Tex- 
 ans complied faithfully with all the articles which 
 the treaty contained. The Mexicans availed them 
 selves of all the advantages which resulted from it. 
 They not only in that way ratified the treaty, but 
 
 compromise, if Mexico could thereby obtain the slightest benefit. I am 
 firmly convinced that it is proper to terminate this question by political 
 negotiaton." Letter of Santa Anna, July 4th, 1836. 
 
 " His Excellency, (Santa Anna,) in my humble opinion, in the treaties 
 agreed upon, and that I had the honor to send to your Excellency, acted 
 with entire liberty, and had nothing more in view than the interest of his 
 country." Dispatch of General Filisola, June 10th, 1836. 
 
 " I do not mention other reasons, perhaps more convincing, and, in 
 fine, I think I have saved the whole army from a disaster, and the national 
 decorum from a positive disgrace." Dispatch of General Filisola, May 
 31sZ, 1836. 
 
92 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 tlie President pro tern, of the Mexican Republic, 
 during the absence of Santa Anna, expressly autho 
 rized any act which would release the President 
 from captivity, and relieve the Mexican forces in 
 Texas from the imminent peril which surrounded 
 them. This Avas done in a dispatch of the Secre 
 tary of War and Marine on the loth of May, 1836, 
 addressed to General Filisola.* Not only was ex- 
 
 " Secretary s Office of War and Marine, ) 
 Central Section, First Bureau. ) 
 
 * " Excellent Sir : With the most profound sorrow, his Excellency, 
 the President pro tern., has learned, by the official letter of your Excel 
 lency of the 25th of last month, the defeat suffered on the 21st of the 
 same month, by the division commanded in person by the President Gen- 
 eral-in-chief of the army, (Santa Anna,) and the very lamentable misfor 
 tune that his Excellency should be made prisoner with other chiefs and 
 officers. 
 
 " His Excellency, the President pro tern., is in some measure con 
 soled that a general so experienced as your Excellency should be the one 
 who obtains the command, the which he expressly confirms. 
 
 " The first desire that his Excellency has, is that you address the 
 enemy s general, exacting from him, by decorous means, the liberty of the 
 President Gencral-in-chief. or at least during the time this point can be 
 regulated, the consideration due to his high dignity, and to a person so 
 distinguished in the annals of American history, and for whose preserva 
 tion the entire nation is interested by gratitude, and because he is chief 
 of it. 
 
 " His Excellency, the President pro tern., counts upon your Excel 
 lency s directing all your efforts to save the remainder of the army, by 
 concentrating it so as to render it more respectable, placing it in a con 
 venient place for receiving provisions, for which the most efficacious 
 measures are adopted. The preservation of Bexar is of absolute neces 
 sity, in order that the Government, according to circumstances, may act 
 as they see fit. 
 
 " The fate of all the prisoners is very interesting to the nation, and it 
 is recommended to your Excellency to endeavor to alleviate it, giving 
 authority from this moment to propose exchanges, and to preserve for this 
 purpose, and because humanity exacts it, the lives of the prisoners made 
 and that may be made from the enemy. Your Excellency knows the 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 93 
 
 press authority granted by the Government ad in 
 terim, in addition to the voluntary act of Santa 
 Anna, but he obtained thereby the release of him 
 self and his army. All the advantages resulting 
 from, the treaty were reaped by the Mexicans, and 
 surely there is no reasoning based upon morality, 
 which could excuse a repudiation of what had been 
 so solemnly agreed upon. No portion of the spirit 
 which actuated the noble Roman who returned to 
 his foes, after having advised a rejection of the 
 terms offered by the Carthagenians, can dwell in 
 the bosom of that man, be he Mexican or Ameri 
 can, who can justify the faithless conduct of the 
 Mexican authorities. 
 
 Since the battle of San Jacinto was fought, 
 there have been several incidental recognitions by 
 the Mexican chiefs, of the Rio Grande as the boun 
 dary between the two countries.* After General 
 Filisola had withdrawn beyond the Rio Grande ; 
 General Felix Houston, with a body of Texans, 
 took, and kept possession of the east bank of that 
 river. The garrison of Loredo, which had been 
 maintained for years, was also withdrawn beyond 
 the Rio Grande, and the whole territory was left 
 
 circumstances which may result from an imprudence committed in this 
 affair, but the Government fears nothing as regards this, because it knows 
 how great is the skill and zeal of your Excellency for the best service of 
 the country." 
 
 * 3d. Every individual who shall be found at the distance of one league 
 from the left bank of the Rio Bravo, will be regarded as a favorer and 
 accomplice of the usurpers of that part of the national territory, and as a 
 traitor to his country, and after a summary military trial, shall be pun 
 ished as such. 
 
 Proclamation of Adrian Woll, Gen. of brigade, 1844. 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 in the possession of the Texans. The triumph of the 
 patriots was complete, and +he terrible chastisement 
 inflicted upon the invader, taught him to treat with 
 respect those who knew so well how to defend their 
 rights. It is not easy to enslave men who have a 
 just appreciation of their privileges, and possess 
 the courage to defend them. No more gallant men 
 ever unfurled their banners to the breeze, than the 
 Texans who rallied around Houston and Kusk, at 
 the battle of San Jacinto. They fought with the 
 knowledge, that certain death followed in the path 
 of defeat, yet they shrunk not from the trial, and so 
 fearful was the collision, that the Mexican heart 
 was appalled, and twice only during the eight suc 
 ceeding years, did a Mexican force cross the Rio 
 Grande, and then only to be driven ignominiously 
 back. Texas emerged from the contest free and 
 independent.* 
 
 * " Mexico may have chosen to consider, and may still choose to con 
 sider Texas as having been at all times since 1835, and as still continuing a 
 rebellious province ; but the world has been obliged to take a very different 
 view of the matter. From the time of the battle of San Jacinto, in April, 
 1836. to the present moment, Texas has exhibited the same external signs 
 of national independence as Mexico herself, and with quite as much stabi 
 lity of government, practically free and independent, acknowledged as a 
 political sovereignty by the principal powers of the world ; no hostile foot 
 finding rest within her territory for six or seven years, and Mexico herself 
 refraining for all that period from any further attempt to re-establish her 
 own authority over that territory, it cannot but be surprising to find Mr. 
 de Bocanognu (the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico,) complaining, 
 that for that whole period, citizens of the United States, or its Govern 
 ment, have been favoring the rebels of Texas, and supplying them with 
 vessels, ammunition, and money, as if the war for the reduction of the 
 province of Texas had been constantly prosecuted by Mexico, and her 
 success prevented by these influences from abroad." Mr. Webster, Secre 
 tary of State, July 8, 1842. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 95 
 
 The people of Texas had given such evidence 
 of their ability to maintain * their independence of 
 Mexico, that it was acknowledged, not only by the 
 United States, but also by several of the principal 
 powers of Europe. It was a fact well known to the 
 Government and people of the United States pre 
 vious to the annexation of Texas, that the inhabitants 
 of that country claimed the Eio Grande as its 
 western boundary. Upon all occasions, they had 
 given evidence that such was their opinion. There 
 was a provision in the constitution of Texas, authoriz 
 ing a representation of the counties of Bexar and San 
 Patricio. The first Congress of Texas passed an 
 act, extending her jurisdiction over the country to 
 the Rio Grande.* An act was also passed to incorpo 
 rate the Texas railroad, navigation, and banking 
 company, with the right of connecting the waters 
 of the Rio Grande with the Gulf, by means of in 
 ternal navigation.-)- An act to raise revenue by 
 impost duties, was also passed, and one of the col 
 lection districts commenced at the Rio Grande. J 
 An act was passed fixing the dividing line between 
 the counties of Bexar and San Patricio. Other 
 laws to the same effect were enacted. 
 
 The citizens of Texas had now passed through 
 the different states of colonists, revolutionists, and 
 independent freemen. A small band of men, in 
 spired by an unconquerable love for liberty, had 
 
 * Law of Texas approved, December 19, 1836. 
 f Law of 16th December, 136. 
 j Law of June 12th, 1837. 
 
 5 Law of May 24, 1828. Law of the 21st December, 1838. Law, 
 February 5th, 1840. January 14th, 1843. December 19th, 1843. 
 
96 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 boldly encountered the trained bands of eight mil 
 lions of people. Conduct more savage and unre 
 lenting than was practised towards them, never dis 
 graced the annals of Indian warfare. But the Texans 
 were more terrible upon the battle field, than any 
 foes which that mixture of the European, Indian 
 and African race had yet attempted to subdue ; and 
 the results of one campaign taught them to fear a 
 collision with men, who, although merciful in the 
 
 I o 
 
 moment of triumph, were still resistless in the shock 
 of battle. 
 
 I will merely add, that there is no force in the 
 assertion, that the Texans only acquired a title by 
 conquest to that portion of Texas, lying this side of 
 the Nueces. It surely was not necessary that they 
 should maintain soldiers upon every square foot of 
 the territory. It is only necessary to possess the 
 ability to make good the usurpation at all times. 
 That was certainly the case with the Texans, from 
 the battle of San Jacinto ; until the moment of an 
 nexation, no hostile foot found a resting-place with 
 in her borders. 
 
 The American colonies declared their indepen 
 dence of Great Britain, in ITT 6. The stniff^le con- 
 
 oo 
 
 tinned more than seven years. Suppose that Eng 
 land, instead of making a treaty, had withdrawn 
 from the contest, would not our title be as good to 
 every part of the thirteen States, as to that portion 
 which was enriched by the blood of our revolution 
 ary sires ? And yet, how small a portion of that 
 territory was trod by an American soldier. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 97 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Independence of Texas. She applies for admission into the Union. Acquisi 
 tion of territory by Mr. Jefferson. Transfer of Texas to Spain by the 
 Treaty of 1819. Efforts of President Adams to have the title reconveyed. 
 Territory acquired while Mr. Webster was Secretary of State. Efforts 
 of England and France to prevent annexation. Passage of the annexa 
 tion resolutions. Extension of our boundary. 
 
 I COME now to an examination of those events which 
 resulted in the annexation of Texas to the United 
 States. It is not true that the Government of this 
 country ever sought to acquire that territory by 
 conquest. On the contrary, all proper exertions 
 were used in 1836, by the Administration then in 
 power, to restrain the ardor of our people, who 
 seeined determined to fly to the rescue of their 
 brethren whose blood was watering the soil of 
 Texas. The neutrality of our Government was 
 preserved. This was not only the case, but to pre 
 vent any unjust accusations against its good faith, 
 the application which Texas made, in a short time 
 after the battle of San Jacinto, for annexation to 
 this country, was rejected. At a general election 
 in September, 1836, the citizens of Texas declared 
 with great unanimity in favor of a union with the 
 United States ; and in November following the in 
 dependence of that republic, authorized the ap- 
 7 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 pointment of a minister to accomplish that result. 
 But all their propositions were rejected by the ad 
 ministration of President Jackson. And it was not 
 until a sufficient number of years had elapsed, du 
 ring which time the Texans had exhibited far more 
 ability to maintain their independence, than the 
 Mexicans themselves, that the question of the an 
 nexation of Texas was seriously agitated in the 
 United States. It is a remarkable fact, that the 
 territory which we had upon several occasions of 
 fered to purchase from Mexico, she lost by her 
 treacherous and unjustifiable conduct towards the 
 citizens of Texas. 
 
 It was not left to the administration of Mr. 
 Polk to originate the doctrine that our boundaries 
 should be extended. Mr. Jefferson, by the treaty 
 of 1803 with France, immeasurably advanced the 
 interests of his country. This was unfortunately, 
 to a considerable extent, impaired by the cession to 
 Spain under the treaty of 1819 ; and no doubt, see 
 ing the error committed by the cabinet of which 
 he was a member, Mr. Adams, during the term of 
 his presidency, made early and sincere endeavors to 
 restore the boundaries of the United States to the 
 Rio Del Norte. To accomplish this object, the 
 constant exertions of his administration were em 
 ployed. On the 26th of March, 1825, Mr. Clay, 
 then Secretary of State, addressed a letter to Mr. 
 Poinsett, our Minister at Mexico, in which he stated 
 that the line of the Sabine approached too near our 
 western mart, and suggested the Rio Del Norte in 
 
POLK A DM I N IS TB ATI ON. 99 
 
 lieu of it.* Similar instructions were reiterated to 
 Mr. Poinsett, March 15th, 182T.f 
 
 The policy which dictated the extension of our 
 boundaries, was adopted by the administrations of 
 Presidents Jackson,* Van Buren and Tyler 
 
 * " Some difficulties may possibly hereafter arise between the two 
 countries, from the line thus agreed upon, against which it would be advi 
 sable now to guard, if practicable ; and as the Government of Mexico 
 may be supposed not to have any disinclination to the fixation of a new 
 line, which would prevent those difficulties, the President wishes you to 
 sound it on that subject, and to avail yourself of a favorable disposition, if 
 you should find it, to effect that object. The line of the Sabine approaches 
 our great western mart nearer than could be wished. Perhaps the Mexi 
 can Government may not be unwilling to establish that of the Rio Brazos 
 de Dios, or the Rio Colorado, or the Snow Mountains, or the Rio Del 
 Norte, in lieu of it." 
 
 f " That of the Sabine brings Mexico nearer our great western com 
 mercial capital than is desirable ; and although we now are, and for a long 
 time may remain perfectly satisfied with the justice and moderation of our 
 neighbors, still it would be- better for both parties, that neither should feel 
 that he is in any condition of exposure on the remote contingency of an 
 alteration in existing friendly sentiments." 
 
 " Tmpressed with these views, the President has thought the present 
 might be an auspicious period for urging a negotiation, at Mexico, to set 
 tle the boundary between the territories of the two republics. The suc 
 cess of the negotiation will probably be promoted by throwing into it other 
 motives than those which strictly belong to the subject itself. If we 
 could obtain such a boundary as we desire, the Government of the United 
 States might be disposed to pay a reasonable pecuniary consideration. 
 The boundary which we prefer, is that which, beginning at the mouth of 
 the Rio Del Norte, on the sea, shall ascend that river to the mouth of the 
 Rio Puerco, thence ascending this river to its source, and from its source, 
 by a line due north, to strike the Arkansas ; thence, following the course 
 of the southern bank of the Arkansas to its source, in latitude forty-two 
 degrees north, and thence, by that parallel of latitude, to the South Sea." 
 
 " There should also be a provision made for the delivery of the country 
 to the United States simultaneously, or as nearly so as practicable, with 
 the payment of the consideration." 
 
 * " Sir, it is the wish of the President that you should, without delay, 
 open a negotiation with the Mexican Government, for the purchase of so 
 much of the province of Texas as is hereinafter described, or for such 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Mr. Webster, in settling the north eastern boun 
 dary question, managed to acquire about one mile in 
 width along the northern boundary of Venn out and 
 New- York, including House s Point, thus acceding to 
 the doctrine that territory may be acquired without 
 danger to our institutions. Indeed, the policy 
 which prompts the acquisition of contiguous terri 
 tory, has so long governed the most illustrious of 
 our public men, and has so often received the sanc 
 tion of the American people, that it may now be 
 regarded as settled for ever. 
 
 o 
 
 It was unfortunate that at a time when so im 
 portant a question as the annexation of Texas was 
 agitated, that Mr. Tyler occupied the presidential 
 chair. He had, for reasons which it is not necessary 
 to enumerate here, lost his influence with the whig 
 and democratic parties. So far as the annexation of 
 Texas was concerned, instead of receiving addi 
 tional weight from his sanction, it had the effect of 
 placing obstacles in the way of its consummation. 
 
 There was besides other embarrassments of a 
 grave character, which surrounded the subject. 
 The rapid strides which the United States had been 
 making to national greatness, was viewed with 
 jealousy by Great Britain. The acquisition of so 
 large a portion of territory as was included within 
 the boundaries of Texas, was regarded with evident 
 marks of dissatisfaction ; and all the powers possessed 
 
 part thereof as they can be induced to cede to us, if the same be conforma 
 ble to either of the localities with which you are hereinafter furnished." 
 Dispatch of the Secretary of Slate to our Minister in Mexico, August 
 25/fc, 1829. 
 

 POLK ADMINISTRATION. 101 
 
 by the most accomplished corps of diplomatists of 
 modern times were employed to arrest the movement. 
 France, too, was not idle. The two great maritime 
 powers of the old world had taken the field against 
 us. Mr. Packenham, for several years the British 
 minister at Mexico, was accredited to the United 
 States. Mr. Bankhead, once the minister of Eng 
 land to this country, was sent to Mexico. Captain 
 Elliott, the British, and M. Saligny, the French 
 minister in Texas, employed all their powers to pre 
 vent the union. Vessels of war were put in requi 
 sition, and protests and protocols were freely em 
 ployed, but still without effect. France and Eng 
 land were not only violently opposed to the annex 
 ation of Texas from national considerations, but the 
 English and Americans who were determined to 
 prevent the acquisition of additional slavery terri 
 tory, were taking active and energetic measures to 
 frustrate the designs of the annexationists. The 
 American delegation to the World s Convention 
 had suggested to the abolitionists of England, that 
 the time to act had arrived ; an interview had taken 
 place between Lord Aberdeen and a deputation of 
 that convention. Combinations were formed by 
 associations of men, who are often more successful 
 in accomplishing their objects than governments 
 themselves. But the public heart in the United 
 States and Texas throbbed for a union of the two, 
 and decided steps were taken to accomplish that 
 result, 
 
 A proposition was made on the 1 7th of January, 
 1844, to Mr. Upshur, the American Secretary of 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 State, by the Texan Minister,, which, by its bold 
 ness, seemed to have startled the Cabinet of Mr. 
 Tyler.* By the terms of this communication, the 
 fear seemed to be entertained by the Texans, that 
 if annexation should be accomplished, the Mexicans 
 would immediately terminate the armistice, and at 
 once resume hostilities ; and the question was dis 
 tinctly propounded to Mr. Upslmr, whether the 
 President, after signing the treaty, and before it was 
 ratified by the other branch of the Government, 
 would order the forces of the United States to pro 
 tect Texas against foreign aggressions. Mr. Upshur 
 
 * " SIR : It is known to you that an armistice has been proclaimed 
 between Mexico and Texas ; that that armistice has been obtained through 
 the intervention of several great powers, mutHally friendly, and that nego 
 tiations are now pending, having for their object a settlement of the diffi 
 culties heretofore existing between the two countries. A proposition 
 having been likewise submitted by the President of the United States, 
 through you, for the annexation of Texas to this country, therefore, (with 
 out indicating the nature of the reply which the President of Texas may 
 direct to be made to this proposition.) I beg leave to suggest that it may 
 be apprehended, should a treaty of annexation be concluded, Mexico may 
 think proper to at once terminate the armistice, break off all negotiation 
 for peace, and again threaten or commence hostilities against Texas ; and 
 that some of the other Governments who have been instrumental in ob 
 taining their cession, if they do not throw their influence into the Mexi 
 can scale, may altogether withdraw their good offices of mediation, thus 
 losing to Texas their friendship, and exposing her to the unrestrained 
 menaces of Mexico. In view, then, of these things, I desire to submit 
 through you, to his excellency the President of the United States, this in 
 quiry : Should the President of Texas accede to the proposition of annex 
 ation, would the President of the United States, after the signing of the 
 treaty, and before it shall be ratified and receive the final action of the 
 other branches of both Governments, in case Texas should desire it, or 
 with her consent, order such number of the military and naval forces of 
 the United States to such necessary points or places upon the territory or 
 borders of Texas or the Gulf of Mexico, as shall be sufficient to protect 
 her against foreign aggression ?" 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 103 
 
 never answered it. Mr. Nelson, Ms temporary suc 
 cessor as Secretary of State, did not answer it to the 
 Texan Minister in Washington, but addressed a 
 letter to Mr. Murphy, in Texas, under date of 
 March llth, 1844. 
 
 The terms of this communication did not satisfy 
 the Texan Government, and Mr. Henderson, the 
 newly appointed minister at Washington, from that 
 country, refused to enter into negotiations. Fearful 
 of losing the prke which was almost within their 
 grasp, the administration of Mr. Tyler, on the llth 
 day of April, 1844, agreed to the demands of the 
 Texan Government.* This was followed on the 
 12th of April, 1844, by a treaty between the two 
 republics, for the annexation of Texas to the United 
 States, which was rejected by the Senate. 
 
 During each step of the negotiations the Mexi 
 can Government had issued threatening protests, f 
 
 * " GENTLEMEN : The letter addressed by Mr. Van Zandt to the late 
 Secretary of State, Mr. Upshur, to which you have called my attention, 
 dated, Washington, 17th January, 1844, has been laid before the Presi 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 " In reply to it, I am directed by the President to say, that the Secre 
 tary of the Navy has been instructed to order a strong naval force to con 
 centrate in the Gulf of Mexico, to meet any emergency ; and that similar 
 orders have been issued by the Secretary of War, to move the disposable 
 military forces on our south-western frontier, for the same purpose. 
 Should the exigency arise to which you refer in your note to Mr. 
 Upshur, I am further directed by the President to say, that during the 
 pendency of the treaty of annexation, he would deem it his duty to use all 
 the means placed within his power by the Constitution, to protect Texas from 
 all foreign invasion. I have the honor to be, &c." Letter of the Ameri 
 can Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, to the Mexican Minister, April 11, 
 1844. 
 
 f " The Mexican Government will consider equivalent to a declaration 
 of war against the Mexican Republic, the passage of an act for the incor- 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 declaring that war would be the inevitable result, 
 if the measure should be consummated. The ques 
 tion which for a time had been delayed by the Se 
 nate, was referred to the people in the celebrated 
 contest of 1844, which resulted in the elevation of 
 Mr. Polk to the presidency of the United States. 
 
 The impetus which had been given at the pre 
 sidential election to the question of annexation, re 
 sulted in the passage by Congress, on the 1st of 
 March, 1845, of a joint resolution for annexing 
 Texas to the United States* upon certain preli- 
 
 porating of Texas into the territory of the United States ; the certainty of 
 the fact being sufficient for the proclamation of war, leaving to the civiliz 
 ed world to determine in regard to the justice of the Mexican nation, in a 
 struggle which it has beerf so far from provoking." Mexican Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs to the American Minister, August 23, 1843. 
 
 " {Such a measure (the annexation of Texas), if carried into effect, can 
 not be considered by Mexico in any other aspect than as direct ag 
 gression 
 
 " And he (Almonte) moreover declares, by express order of his 
 Government, that on sanction being given by the Executive of the Union 
 to the incorporating of Texas into the United States, he will consider his 
 mission ended, seeing that, as the Secretary of State will have learned, 
 the Mexican Government is resolved to declare war as soon as it receives 
 information of that fact." Mexican Minister, at Washington, Xoiember 
 3, 1843. 
 
 " That Mexico was resolved again to undertake the campaign against 
 Texas, for which he held in readiness a large army." Proclamation of 
 President tiania Anna, June 12, 1844. 
 
 * The first resolution provides, that Congress doth consent that the 
 territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to the Repub 
 lic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of 
 Texas, with a republican form of Government, to be adopted by the people 
 of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of 
 the existing Government, in order that the same may be admitted as one 
 of the States of the Union. That the foregoing consent of Congress is 
 given upon the condition, that the said State be formed, subject to the ad 
 justment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 105 
 
 minary conditions, to which her assent was required. 
 This was done by the Congress, and the Executive 
 of Texas, and by the people in a convention elected 
 for that purpose. The threats which had so often 
 been made by the Mexican Government were put 
 in force, and all diplomatic relations were broken 
 off.* General Almonte, the Mexican Minister at 
 "Washington, in March, 1845, demanded his pass 
 ports and returned to Mexico. 
 
 What evils will result from this large acquisition 
 of Territory ? None. It is the duty of a nation, 
 as far as possible, to throw around itself the ele 
 ments of protection against the assaults of foreign 
 powers. The advantages resulting from such a 
 course are two-fold. It wins that respect and for- 
 
 with other Governments ; and the constitution thereof, with the proper 
 evidence of its adoption by the people of the said Republic of Texas, shall 
 be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Con 
 gress for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846. 
 
 The second resolution provides, that if the President of the United 
 States shall, in his judgment and discretion, deem it most advisable, in 
 stead of proceeding to submit the first resolution to the Republic of Texas 
 as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate 
 with that Republic, then, that a State to be formed out of the present 
 Republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two 
 Representatives in Congress until the next apportionment of representa 
 tion, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal 
 footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and conditions of 
 such admission, and the cession of the remaining Texan territory to the 
 United States shall be agreed upon by the Governments of Texas and the 
 United States, and the sum of $100,000 is hereby appropriated to defray 
 the expenses of missions and negotiations to agree upon the terms of said 
 admission and cession, either by treaty to be submitted to the Senate, or 
 by articles to be submitted to the two Houses of Congress, as the Presi 
 dent may direct. 
 
 * Letter of General Almonte to the American Secretary of State, 
 March 6th, 1845. 
 
106 IIISTOKY OF THE 
 
 bearance from foreign Governments, which power, 
 seldom fails to produce ; and it yields facilities for 
 a prompt and effectual vindication of rights, which 
 the unscrupulous are so ready to infringe. 
 
 If the interest of a country required the acqui 
 sition of contiguous territory, the proper means 
 should most unquestionably be used by its Govern 
 ment to acquire that territory. If our nationality 
 depended upon the forcible possession of any por 
 tion of this earth, it would be as justifiable upon 
 the part of the Government to employ the requi 
 site force to accomplish that end, as it would be for 
 a drowning man to thrust his fellow from a plank, 
 which would not support them both. They are 
 both reconcilable upon the principle of " self-pre 
 servation being the first law of nature." 
 
 There have always been found men, however, in 
 this country, opposed to the extension of our ter 
 ritorial limits. Whether the acquisition is made 
 peaceably and by negotiation, or is the result of 
 conquest, their views remain unchangeable. Some 
 base their opposition upon the assumption, that our 
 limits will become so enlarged that a dissolution of 
 the Union will be the result ; while others, more 
 selfish and illiberal in their opinions, dread the de 
 parture of power from their own contracted sphere. 
 They regard as the greatest calamity which may 
 befall them, the overshadowing influence which the 
 
 o 
 
 immense territory we have acquired will possess 
 over those small States wherein they are omnipo 
 tent. The objections of the latter are unworthy 
 of a moment s consideration. Their motives are 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 107 
 
 well understood and justly appreciated. It is 
 to the fears of the honest which I prefer to ad 
 dress myself. And in the outset I might triumph 
 antly refer to the history of this country, as a refuta 
 tion of the stale charge, that an extension of our 
 boundaries will produce, ultimately, a dissolution 
 of the Union. The old "Thirteen" were at first 
 inclined to retain dominion over those vast tracts 
 which extended far to the westward. But they 
 were finally controlled by a spirit of liberality. 
 Out of the territory which originally belonged to 
 them, have been carved several mighty States. 
 Contiguous territory has been purchased from for 
 eign powers. A vast and valuable section of coun 
 try has been taken from a conquered power, inhab 
 ited by thousands of another race. And still the 
 cohesive power of this mighty republic holds it to 
 gether. The constitution and laws cover, like a pro 
 tecting shield, all within our borders. Even upon 
 the newly acquired soil of California, where have 
 congregated the adventurous from many lands, the 
 supremacy of law and order prevails, and the 
 American, true to the allegiance and duty which 
 he owes to these States, is prepared, at all hazards, 
 to add another to the splendid galaxy which consti 
 tutes this confederacy. 
 
 While the public heart beats thus warmly from 
 the centre throughout the borders of our land, what 
 well-grounded fears can be entertained for the sta 
 bility of the Union ? It is not the extent of a coun 
 try which produces weakness, as long as patriotism 
 and virtue control the masses. And when they be- 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 come thoroughly corrupt, it matters not how lim 
 ited may be their sphere of action, they will soon 
 be deprived of that liberty which they do not 
 deserve to retain. "We are often referred by those 
 who have a fondness for historical facts, whether 
 they are particularly applicable or not to the sub 
 ject which they have under consideration, to the 
 decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 
 
 The fate of that empire can have no parallel 
 here. Its power and influence were confined within 
 " The Seven Hills." The wealth which they plun 
 dered from the conquered was carried thither to 
 corrupt her citizens. The provinces were treated 
 as a conquered country ; their citizens were robbed 
 and maltreated. And when the Romans, enervated 
 by their ill-gotten wealth, came in contact with the 
 fierce and hardy men of the north, they were over 
 thrown. What parallel is there between such a 
 career and our own brilliant destiny? Our cities 
 are very far from possessing the power of corrupt 
 ing the country, even admitting that their inhabit 
 ants are not as patriotic as where they breathe the 
 pure air of heaven. Suppose all the gold of Cali 
 fornia were poured into our large cities, what effect 
 would that have upon this vast confederacy ? Even 
 if it was confined within those cities the country 
 would be just as safe. But it is, on the contrary, 
 circulated and diffused throughout the land. 
 
 Again, Rome was shaken by internal dissen 
 sions. A successful general would take advantage 
 of a temporary popularity to encroach upon their 
 rights. A brilliant orator would excite them to 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 109 
 
 their own undoing. What could "be accomplished 
 by the most successful general, or the most accom 
 plished orator in this enlightened land ? The very 
 fact of our boundaries being so widely extended is 
 a shield against all such dangers. One portion of 
 the confederacy may be agitated, and aroused to 
 such a pitch of frenzy as almost to result in revo 
 lution, as was the case with the small State of Rhode 
 Island, while other and more distant parts of the 
 Union maintain a coolness calculated to produce the 
 best results. 
 
 In the very extension of our boundaries is the 
 surest protection against convulsions within, and 
 hostile legions from without. This country, for 
 years to come, will be the great point of attraction 
 to foreigners. Each year witnesses the arrival of 
 thousands. If, as some suppose, danger may be 
 apprehended from this vast influx of foreigners, 
 how much the danger is lessened by mingling them 
 with our own citizens, and diffusing them over our 
 widely extended domain. 
 
 There is something so just and equitable in the 
 constitution and laws of the United States, that no 
 one can have cause for dissatisfaction. The for 
 eigner who voluntarily comes to our shores, and the 
 Mexican, who, without his consent, is " annexed " 
 to this country, at once feel the influences which 
 surround them so unusual, and the privileges con 
 ferred so grateful to their feelings, that they are 
 at once and for ever bound to their new home by 
 the strongest ties of gratitude and love. And that 
 man who was born an American, would be doubly 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 dyed a traitor, who could raise Ms voice in other 
 than words of affection for his native land. 
 
 Let the boundaries of the Union, then, "be ex 
 tended ; let contiguous territory be incorporated 
 with our own ; let all the keys to our livers and 
 harbors be secured ; let the model republic increase 
 in greatness until its political, moral, and physical 
 power, shall be felt and acknowledged throughout 
 the civilized world. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. Ill 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 American Consul at Mexico directed to open negotiations. The Mexicans 
 agree to receive a commissioner. Mr. Slidell appointed Minister Pleni 
 potentiary. The Mexicans refuse to receive him in that character. 
 Causes of rupture which had long existed. The Mexicans raise troops. 
 Herrera forced to resign in favor of General Paredes. Orders issued to 
 the Mexican commanders upon the frontiers to attack the Americans. 
 Course pursued by the opposition members of Congress. Assault upon 
 the foreign policy of Mr. Polk. 
 
 THE annexation of Texas having been solemnly 
 agreed upon by treaty, the indignation of the Mex 
 ican authorities was completely aroused. On the 
 12th of July, 1845, orders were issued from the 
 office of war and marine, for the troops to be in 
 readiness to march towards any point which re 
 quired protection, against what was regarded as un 
 just aggressions.* There could be no pretence for 
 taking this step, as General Taylor had not at that 
 time taken up his position at Corpus Christi. Al 
 though Mexico "had abruptly terminated all diplo 
 matic intercourse between the two countries, and 
 had hurled defiance at the American Executive, 
 Mr. Polk was unwilling to take up the glove thus 
 rudely cast at his feet. In September, 1845, the 
 consul of the United States at the city of Mexico, 
 
 * " See orders of Garcia Conde, Office of War and Marine, Mexico, 
 July 12th, 1845." 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 was instructed by the Secretary of State to propose 
 a resumption of diplomatic intercourse. This was 
 done by Mr. Black on the 13th of October, 1845, 
 in a letter to Mr. Pena Y Pena.* This note was 
 responded to on the 15th of October, 1845, by 
 the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs,f who 
 agreed to receive a commissioner from the United 
 States, who might come with full power " to settle 
 the present dispute in a peaceful, reasonable and 
 honorable manner." Upon the condition, however, 
 that the whole naval force then lying in sight of 
 the port of Vera Cruz should be recalled. Upon 
 the reception of that note at Washington, our naval 
 force was promptly withdrawn. Mr. Slidell was 
 immediately appointed Minister to Mexico, with full 
 power to adjust all the questions in dispute. On 
 the 8th of December, 1845, he addressed a note to 
 Mr. Pena Y Pena, advising him of his arrival and 
 the object of his mission. The Mexican authorities 
 refused to receive him. The government of General 
 Herrera, then President of Mexico, was upon the 
 point of being overturned by General Paredes, and 
 the basis of this revolution was the determination 
 of Herrera to open negotiations. J As a last des- 
 
 * See note of Mr. Black, the American Consul, to Mr. Peiia Y Pena, 
 the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 f Letter of Mr. Pena Y Peiia to Mr. Black, Oct. 15th, 1845. 
 
 J " We now turn a glance to Mexico, where will be found established 
 the government of General Paredes. As one of the motives by which 
 the revolutionists supported their pronunciamento, was that the adminis 
 tration of Herrera did not desire to carry on this war, the new government 
 was bound to do so at any cost." Mexican History of the War with 
 Mexico, p. 38. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 113 
 
 perate expedient to maintain his position, Herrera 
 determined to break off all negotiations with the 
 United States, and the pretext for that course was 
 the fact, that Mr. Slidell was commissioned with full 
 power to adjust all questions in dispute between the 
 two countries, instead of being appointed a special 
 commissioner to settle the question of annexation 
 alone, leaving all the outrages upon our flag and 
 our people unadjusted.* 
 
 This will be the proper time to examine the 
 grounds of complaint which the United States had 
 against Mexico, for many years previous to the an 
 nexation of Texas. 
 
 The Mexicans had scarcely achieved their inde 
 pendence of Spain, when the United States wel 
 comed them into the sisterhood of nations. The 
 only return was a system of insult and aggression. 
 Our seamen under the flag of the Union, engaged 
 
 * "Thus began anew the negotiations in December, 1845, and the 
 minister, Mr. John Slidell, presented himself in Mexico. But immediately 
 this difficulty arose, that his Government desired him to be received as a 
 minister plenipotentiary, ordinary or general, and ours would only admit 
 him as a commissioner ad hoc for the question of Texas. The settled 
 opinion of the Government Council of the 1 6th of December of that year, 
 made known with clearness the difference between the two characters. 
 By admitting Mr. Slidell as a common envoy it resulted, that, at the time 
 of arranging the questions of Texas, he might occupy himself with other 
 subjects proper for a plenipotentiary who exercised his functions near a 
 government with which there were only peaceful relations. By admitting 
 Mr. Slidell as he wished, it resulted also, that, without Mexico receiving 
 the satisfaction due her, diplomatic negotiations would become re-estab 
 lished between both powers ; that the business of annexation would be 
 complicated with the pecuniary reclamations ; that Mexico would with 
 draw her hand from making war, and the United States would follow up 
 all the consequent advantages to her commerce and interests." Ibid. 
 p. 28. 
 
 8 
 
114 HIS TO BY OF THE 
 
 in the peaceful pursuits of commerce, were thrown 
 into dungeons and their property confiscated. Ke- 
 volutions succeeded each other in rapid succession, 
 but still there was no cessation in the spoliation of 
 our commerce, and the insults to our flag. The 
 Government of the United States again and again 
 demanded redress. Promises were made by one 
 military chieftain, only to be violated by another. 
 A treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, was 
 concluded between the two republics on the 5th of 
 April, 1841. It was confidently believed that a 
 proper regard would be paid by the Mexicans to 
 the solemn stipulation contained in that treaty. 
 But the results proved that too much confidence 
 had been placed in the good ftiith of that amalga 
 mated race. Seven years had not elapsed after the 
 treaty of 1831, before the injuries our citizens were 
 subjected to had become so intolerable, that the at 
 tention of Congress was particularly called to the 
 subject by President Jackson, in his message of 
 February, 1837. " 
 
 Committees of both houses of Congress to which 
 this message was referred, endorsed his opinion of 
 the character of the outrages of which Mexico had 
 been guilty, and recommended one more demand 
 for redress before a declaration of war, or the issu- 
 
 * " The length of time since some of the injuries have been com 
 mitted, the repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton 
 character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our 
 citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United 8tat.es, independent of 
 recent insults to this Government and people by the late extraordinary 
 Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war." 
 Message of General Jackson, February, 1837. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 115 
 
 ance of letters of reprisal. On the 12th July, 1837, 
 a demand was made upon Mexico, through a 
 special messenger dispatched to that country. The 
 reply of the Government was made on the 29th of 
 July, in which they expressed the anxious wish that 
 the equitable adjustment of existing difficulties 
 might not be delayed. These pledges were solemnly 
 made only to be broken. The attention of Congress 
 was again called to the matter by Mr. Van Buren, 
 in December, 1837. Another negotiation was en 
 tered upon, with the usual number of pledges upon 
 the part of Mexico. This negotiation, after more 
 than a year had elapsed, produced the convention of 
 April, 1839. The Board of Commissioners to act 
 upon the claims, met in the month of August, 1840, 
 and by the terms of the convention they were re 
 quired to terminate their labors within eighteen 
 months thereafter. The time expired in February, 
 
 1842, leaving many claims unadjusted. Those al 
 lowed amounted to two millions twenty-six thousand 
 one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight 
 cents. Nearly a million of dollars was left without 
 being decided upon ; besides these claims, there were 
 others, amounting to nearly three and a half mil 
 lions, which the board had not time to act upon. 
 The sum, however, adjudicated, was a positive debt 
 due, about which there could be no equivocation. 
 The Mexican government asked a postponement of 
 the payment of this sum until a future day. This 
 request was acceded to, on the 30th of January, 
 
 1843, upon condition that the principal and interest 
 accruing thereon, should be paid in five years, in 
 
116 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 equal instalments every three months. The result 
 of this forbearance was the payment alone of the 
 interest due on the 30th of .April, 1843, and three 
 out of the twenty instalments. A third convention 
 was concluded at the city of Mexico on the 20th 
 of November, 1843, for the adjustment of the 
 claims due our citizens. As usual the terms of this 
 convention were violated. How can the conduct 
 of Mexico in thus wholly disregarding her treaty 
 stipulations be excused? If these accumulated 
 wrongs had been committed by one of the powers 
 of Europe, war would have been the inevitable re 
 sult. It renders imperative the promulgation of the 
 doctrine, that while we will render strict justice to 
 all nations, we will exact it from them in return. 
 
 Having thus briefly referred to the repeated in 
 sults committed by Mexico, followed by a total dis 
 regard of solemn treaty stipulations, I will proceed 
 to show how forbearance upon our part, only tended 
 to augment their insolence, until they consummated 
 their national folly by the invasion of our territory. 
 
 Circulars were issued by the Mexican Secretary of 
 "War to the Mexican commanders, to raise troops 
 for the purpose of waging war against the United 
 States.* The annexation of Texas to this country 
 was characterized as an act of perfidy. These cir 
 culars were followed, the ensuing month, by ad 
 dresses to the troops under their command, by the 
 Mexican Generals.f Nothing could be more ex- 
 
 * Circulars of Garcia Conde, Mexican Secretary of War, of July 
 12th, and July 16th, 1845. 
 f " Comrades : The Supreme Executive has sent to me, by express, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 117 
 
 plicit than these declarations. The tone of their 
 dispatches and addresses were exceedingly warlike_, 
 and the note of preparation was heard throughout 
 Mexico. The popular feeling was aroused to such 
 a degree of enthusiasm, that a violent assault was 
 made upon the pacific policy of Herrera. A mani 
 festo was promulgated against him by the army of 
 reserve,* the ground for which was, the agreement 
 
 the news that the United States, in pursuance of their ambitious views, 
 have taken possession of the department of Texas ; he had demanded a 
 declaration of war from Congress against that unjust nation. 
 
 " The time to fight is come. We must prepare with the ardor inspired 
 by duty and patriotism, when an attack is made upon the soil, the honor, 
 and the pride of the nation. 
 
 " Arms are the only arguments to use against banditti and men with 
 out good faith. Let us hope for that justice which is invoked by all 
 society, and the decision of the civilized world. 
 
 " Large bodies of troops are on their march ; they will soon be here, 
 to share our dangers and repulse the enemy." Address of General 
 Arista to his troops, on the 12th of August, 1845. 
 
 " Soldiers ! A rapacious and grasping race have thrown themselves 
 upon our territory, and dare to flatter themselves that we will not defend 
 the patrimony which our forefathers conquered with their blood. They 
 deceive themselves : we will fly to snatch from them the spoils, the pos 
 session of which they are impudently enjoying ; and they shall learn by 
 dearly bought experience, that they are not contending with the undisci 
 plined tribes of Indians whom they robbed of their land, their heaven, and 
 their country ; and that the Mexicans will ardently combat the soldiers of 
 a nation which has sanctioned by its laws the most degrading slavery." 
 Address of General Paredes to Us troops on the 27tfi of August, 1845. 
 
 * " Had repeatedly thwarted the purpose of the army to move upon 
 Texas ; and at the same time allowed the army to be vilified for its inac 
 tion by official journals ; that it had admitted a commissioner, [meaning 
 Mr. Slidell,] with whom it was endeavoring to arrange for the loss of the 
 integrity of the republic ; that it had reduced the country almost to a 
 state of anarchy, in the midst of which it existed, without revenue, without 
 power, and almost without will ; that these evils demanded an immediate 
 remedy, and that the administration confessed its total incompetency and 
 powerlessness ; that it has lost all respectability, so necessary to a govern- 
 
118 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 to receive a Commissioner from the United States. 
 Another revolution succeeded. Herrera was forced 
 to resign on the thirtieth of December, 1845, and 
 
 O / 
 
 was superseded by General Paredes.* All these 
 exciting events preceded the march of General Tay 
 lor to the Rio Grande. The order directing him to 
 take position upon that river, was not issued until 
 the 13 th of January, 1846, and was not received 
 b} him until the 4th of February following. 
 
 That Avar was regarded by the Mexican Gov 
 ernment as their only recourse, is evident from the 
 letter of the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs 
 to our Minister, bearing date March 12, 184G.f 
 As a proof of the determination of Parecles to make 
 good his protestations, he issued on the 4th of April, 
 
 ment, and had allowed a plenipotentiary of the United States to set foot in 
 the country, and reside in the capital, with a view to bargain for the inde 
 pendence and nationality of the country, for which have been made so 
 many sacrifices." Manifesto issued at San Luis Potosi, against the gov 
 ernment of Herrera, 14th December, 1845. 
 
 * " The year 1846 witnessed at its commencement new rulers figuring 
 in the political drama, having been elevated to power by another revolution. 
 General Paredes pronounced in San Luis against Herrera. A few days 
 were sufficient for this shameful revolution to become a triumph the 
 most complete. Then Mr. Slidell renewed his suit, in considering that, 
 although the old had been terminated by a refusal, still, as the business 
 now went into new hands to be transacted, it was a favorable opportunity 
 to see if he should meet in them a better disposition." Mexican History 
 of the War with Mexico. 
 
 f : A fact such as this, or, to speak with greater exactness, so notable 
 an act of usurpation, created an imperious necessity that Mexico, for her 
 own honor, should repel it with proper firmness and dignity. The Su 
 preme Government had beforehand declared that it would look upon such 
 an act as a cams belli; and, as a consequence of this declaration, negotia 
 tion was, by its very nature, at an end, and war was the only recourse of 
 the Mexican Government." Letter of the Mexican Secretary for Foreign 
 Affairs to the American Minister, 12th March, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 119 
 
 1846, to the Mexican commander on, the Texan 
 frontier, an order to " attack" our forces " by every 
 means which war permits." And on the 18th of 
 the same month, he wrote to Ampudia that he pre 
 sumed he was at the head of a valiant army, al 
 ready fighting, or preparing for the operations of a 
 campaign.* It should not be forgotten that the 
 charges made against our Government, on the 12th 
 of March, 1846, was on account of our " usurpation 
 of their territory." And for that, it was declared 
 that war was the only recourse of the Mexican 
 Government. No allusion was made to the march 
 of General Taylor to the Eio Grande. And at the 
 time Ampudia was ordered to " attack" our forces, 
 it could not have been known in Mexico that our 
 army was in motion, General Taylor not having 
 started for the Rio Grande until the llth of March, 
 1846. 
 
 In obedience to these orders from the Govern 
 ment of Mexico, Arista crossed the Rio Grande 
 with a strong force, and commenced an attack upon 
 the American troops, and thus a state of war exist 
 ed between the two countries. 
 
 The indignation which some of our own citizens 
 have manifested since the war with Mexico was de 
 clared, because we were engaged in a conflict of 
 arms with a so-called sister republic, displays more 
 
 * " At the present date I suppose you at the head of that valiant army, 
 either fighting already, or preparing for the operations of a campaign ;" 
 and " supposing you already on the theatre of operations, and with all 
 the forces assembled, it is indispensable that hostilities be commenced, 
 yourself taking the initiative against the enemy." Letter of General 
 Paredes to General Ampudia, April 18th, 1846. 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 partisan animosity, than discriminating judgment. 
 Mexico does not deserve the appellation of a republic. 
 Eighteen revolutions have taken place in that coun 
 try within the last twenty-five years. Not peaceable 
 revolutions, effected at the ballot box, but accom 
 plished by the sword ; some of them bloodless it is 
 true, yet effected by treachery, violence, and force. 
 Principle is unknown in the administration of pub 
 lic affairs, and if we except Gomez Farias, and a 
 few other kindred spirits, the destiny of Mexico has 
 been controlled by men who do not deserve the 
 blessings of free institutions, and are unworthy of 
 being associated with the Anglo Saxon race. The 
 conflict with Mexico has been made the pretext for 
 an assault upon Mr. Polk, unparalleled in the history 
 of political warfare. The motives of the adminis 
 tration and its supporters were assailed upon the 
 floor of Congress, upon the stump, and by the press, 
 with unprecedented ferocity. The English lan 
 guage was exhausted in the selection of abusive and 
 opprobrious epithets to be poured upon the head of 
 Mr. Polk. Party animosity raged with uncontrol 
 lable fury, and the political and personal enemies of 
 the President, in seeking to prostrate him, unfortu 
 nately arrayed themselves in opposition to a war 
 forced upon us by an arrogant and perfidious enemy. 
 It will not be left to posterity to settle the measure 
 of ignominy, which justly attaches to conduct so 
 unpatriotic. 
 
 The adherence to partisan leaders, which at all 
 times is too ardent, for a brief period sustained 
 the opposition members of Congress in the cause 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 121 
 
 which they pursued. But when reason had resum 
 ed its sway, and the conduct of the administration 
 had been calmly examined, it was sustained by a 
 majority of the American people. Even at the 
 present day, Mexico is considered the aggressor; 
 and the summary and terrible punishment which 
 was inflicted upon her, is now regarded as an act 
 of justice, which at the same time vindicated our 
 own character, and chastised the presumption and 
 treachery of a perfidious people.* 
 
 * " The country, which one year ago was quiet and prosperous, at 
 peace with the world, and smiling under the profusion of Heaven s boun 
 tiful munificence, by the sole and authorized act of the President, has been 
 plunged into an unnecessary and expensive war, the end and fearful con 
 sequences of which no man can foresee. And to suppress injury, and 
 silence all opposition to conduct so monstrous, an Executive ukase has 
 been sent forth, strongly intimating, if not clearly threatening, the charge 
 of treason against all who may dare to call in question the wisdom or 
 propriety of his measures. Not only was Congress, which possesses ex 
 clusively the war-making power, never consulted upon the subject until 
 after hostilities were commenced, but the right is even now denied that 
 body to make any legislative expression of the national will as to the 
 aims and objects for which the war should be prosecuted. The new 
 and strange doctrine is now put forth, that Congress has nothing to do 
 with the conduct of war ; that the President is entitled to its uncontrol 
 led management ; that we can do nothing but vote men and money, 
 to whatever amount and extent his folly or caprice may dictate. 
 Neighboring States may be subjugated, extensive territories annexed, 
 provincial governments erected, the rights of conscience violated, and 
 the oath of allegiance, at the point of the bayonet, may be administer 
 ed to a mixed population, embracing all variety of races, languages, and 
 color, and the representatives of the people are to say nothing against 
 these extraordinary outrages against the first principles of their Govern 
 ment, or render themselves obnoxious to the imputation of giving aid 
 and comfort to the enemy. This is nothing less than the assumption 
 of the principle, that patriotism consists in pliant subserviency to Exe 
 cutive will ; that the President is supreme, and the * King can do no 
 wrong. " Speech of Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, in the House of Repre 
 sentatives, February 12th, 1847. 
 
 " I do not, at this time, intend to discuss the causes of the war, or to 
 
122 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The distinct charges made upon the floor of 
 Congress against the administration, were, that by 
 marching the army beyond the Nueces, they trod 
 
 recount the blunders and folly of the President, connected with its 
 origin. This I have done upon a former occasion ; and all the facts, I 
 believe, are now well understood by the country. The President may re 
 peat, as often as he pleases, that it was unavoidably forced upon us. 
 But such a repetition can never change the fact. It is a war of his own 
 making, and in violation of the Constitution of the country. And so his 
 tory, I doubt not, will make up the record, if truth be fairly and faithfully 
 registered in her chronicles." Ib. 
 
 " While the United States seemed to be animated by a sincere desire 
 not to break the peace, their acts of hostility manifested very evidently 
 what were their true intentions. Their ships infested our coasts ; their 
 troops continued advancing upon our territory, situated at places which 
 under no aspect could be disputed. Thus violence and insult were united : 
 thus, at the very time they usurped part of our territory, they offered to 
 us the hand of treachery, to have soon the audacity to say, that our obsti 
 nacy and arrogance were the real cause of the war. 
 
 " As soon as the Government of the United States decided to consum 
 mate its unjust projects against the American Republic, it determined to 
 unite a force to sustain them. A considerable division under the orders 
 of General Taylor, then a Brigadier General, encamped at Corpus Christi, 
 June, 1845, in observation of our operations, and ready to advance to the 
 Rio Bravo Del Norte, when ordered." Mexican History of the War in 
 Mexico. 
 
 " With these views and these feelings, and with this spirit, I go into 
 the investigation of the cause of this war, the expenditure of so much 
 money, the raising of so large and great a military force, and the breaking 
 up of the repose of that general peace with which we have been so sig 
 nally blessed for the last quarter of a century. This is the inquiry upon 
 which I am about to enter ; it is a grave and important inquiry, and one to 
 which the attention of the people of this country should be directed ; and 
 I assert in my place, that the immediate cause of all these things, and the 
 present unlocked for state of affairs, is properly chargeable upon the ad 
 ministration ; for the advance movement of our troops, or army of oc 
 cupation, as it is called, from Corpus Christi, on the Nueces, to Matamoras, 
 on the Rio Grande, into a territory, to say the least of it, well known to 
 be in dispute between Texas and Mexico ; this, I say, was the immediate 
 occasion of hostilities ; and if our army had been permitted to remain at 
 Corpus Christi, where it had been since August last, there is no evi- 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 123 
 
 upon Mexican soil, and thus the war was com 
 menced by Mr. Polk by an unconstitutional as 
 sumption of power. The question raised was one 
 of the gravest character. The war-making power, 
 as was justly asserted, is vested by that instrument 
 in Congress, and not in the Executive. It therefore 
 becomes an important inquiry in these pages to 
 ascertain where was the boundary of Texas at the 
 time she was admitted into the Union.* If the 
 
 dence or reason to believe that there would have been any outbreak be 
 tween our people and the Mexicans, upon the frontier. This is my first 
 proposition in considering the cause of this war, which I trust I shall be 
 able to make perfectly clear ; and then I trust I shall be able to make it 
 appear equally clear, that that step was unnecessary for any of the legiti 
 mate purposes for which the army was sent to Texas ; also, that it was 
 improper, under the circumstances, as being calculated to irritate and pro 
 voke hostilities ; and farther, that it was a step which the President was 
 not clothed with the proper power legally and rightfully to take, without 
 authority from Congress." Speech of Mr. Stephens of Georgia. 
 
 * Much valuable information is contained in the letter of Hon. 
 Volney E. Howard at the commencement of the 1st Session of the 31st 
 Congress. Representing the country which borders upon the Rio Grande 
 in Congress, he has been enabled to group together many facts with re 
 gard to the boundary of Texas. I give below an extract from it. 
 
 " The claim of Texas to the whole Rio Grande, from its mouth to its 
 source, and to the 42d degree of north latitude, will never be contested 
 by any intelligent lawyer who takes the trouble to investigate the grounds 
 upon which it rests. There is no greater fallacy than that of supposing 
 that the United States succeeded to the rights of Mexico in any portion 
 of the territory east of the Rio Grande. Between the Republic of Texas 
 and the United States, the question of boundary was settled finally and 
 conclusively by the Convention of 1838, which received the sanction of 
 the legislative departments of both Governments. The treaty with Spain 
 of 1819. fixed the northern boundary between Spain and the United States 
 at the 42d parallel of latitude. The treaty of 1 828 revived that boundary 
 between the United States and Mexico, reciting that the treaty of 1819 
 was binding upon Mexico. The Convention between Texas and the 
 United States, of 1838, recited that the treaty with Mexico of 1828, is 
 binding upon the Republic of Texas, the same having been entered into 
 
124 II IS TOBY OF THE 
 
 Rio Grande was the western limit of that State, it 
 is an undeniable fact that the President, as the Coni- 
 mander-in-Chief of the army, had a right to order 
 
 at a time when Texas formed a part of the said United Mexican States. 
 And whereas, it is deemed proper and expedient, in order to prevent future 
 disputes and collisions between the United States and Texas in regard to 
 the boundary between the two countries as designated "by the treaty, that a 
 portion of the same should be run and marked without unnecessary de 
 lay, &c. This Convention was ratified and carried out by the act of the 
 United States Congress of January 11, 1839, under which the eastern 
 boundary of Texas was actually run and marked by the two Governments 
 as far as the 34th degree of north latitude. The very act under which 
 this Convention was negotiated upon the part of Texas, was her boun 
 dary act of 1846, by which her boundary is declared to be the Rio Grande 
 to its source ; and thence to the 42d degree of north latitude ; and thence 
 east and south according to the boundary formerly existing between the 
 United States and Mexico. This Convention was an express recognition 
 of the entire boundary of Texas, and made with reference to the act of 
 the Texas Congress of 1836. Whatever might have been its effect upon 
 Mexico, this Convention is for ever conclusive of the boundary as against 
 the United States, by an act as solemn as a treaty stipulation. 
 
 " The Texas act of boundary, together with other laws not inconsist 
 ent with the constitution of the United States, the resolutions of annex 
 ation, or the constitution of the State, was declared in force by the con 
 stitution under which she was admitted into the Union, and therefore 
 ratified by the Congress of the United States. 
 
 " Texas was admitted into the Union with specified boundaries, subject 
 only to the right of the United States to settle all questions of boundary 
 which may arise with other Governments meaning, of course, Gov 
 ernments other than the United States. This was a naked power, coupled 
 with no interest, which must be strictly construed. Under it the Texas 
 boundary, with any foreign Government, might have been settled. But 
 as the late treaty with Mexico removed the possibility of such a question 
 with any other Government, the power is at an end. Neither could the 
 United States, thus acting as the trustee of Texas to settle the boundary 
 with other Governments, acquire of any Government a right in opposi 
 tion to the claim of Texas. To assert such a proposition, is to affirm 
 that the trustee may acquire the subject-matter of the trust, in opposition 
 to the beneficiary ; or that the judge or arbitrator may adjudge the subject 
 of controversy to himself, in opposition to the parties litigant. It is evi 
 dent that whatever right the United States acquired under the treaty with 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 125 
 
 it to the banks of that river. If, on the contrary, 
 the Nueces was the boundary of Texas, the powers 
 of Congress were encroached upon when General 
 
 Mexico to the country east of the Rio Grande, was acquired as the trustee 
 of Texas, and enures to the benefit of that State. 
 
 " The United States, having neglected to settle the boundary in the 
 treaty with Mexico, have now no constitutional power to change or alter 
 the boundary of Texas, any more than that of any other sovereign State. 
 It was admitted in the case of Maine, that this Government, without the 
 consent of Maine, could not negotiate for less than the claim of Maine. 
 In his remarks on the resolutions of annexation, in the Senate, February 
 5th, 1845, Col. Benton said : In fact, when once admitted as a State, 
 she (Texas) never can be reduced without her consent. The Constitu 
 tion forbids it. Having given her consent to the alteration only in a 
 particular manner, it cannot be effected in any different method. 
 
 " The joint resolutions of annexation evidently intended that the whole 
 of New Mexico on the east bank of the Rio Grande should be embraced 
 within the State of Texas, because they give three guarantees applicable 
 to this very country : 1. That Texas may be subdivided into five States. 
 2. That in any State south of 36 30 (the Missouri compromise line), 
 slavery may exist at the option of the people of the same. 3. That in 
 any State or States to be formed north of that line, Slavery is prohibited. 
 Now, the Missouri compromise line divides the country formerly com 
 prised in New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande, nearly centrally Santa 
 Fe being situated in about latitude 35 45 north. It is incomprehensible 
 that the Congress of the United States should have thus provided for the 
 domestic government of this very territory, as a part of Texas, if it was 
 in Mexico and not in Texas. By what right could the United States, in 
 a compact with Texas, assume to regulate the government of a depart 
 ment of Mexico, and make rules for its admission as a State into the 
 American Union ? The resolutions of annexation, in terms, define the 
 boundaries of Texas to the extent of one or more States north of 36 30 . 
 They assert expressly that to this extent the country rightfully belongs 
 to Texas, and is included within her limits. And the limit of one State, 
 thus given, will include the whole of New Mexico east of the Rio Grande. 
 There is a fourth guarantee given by the compact of annexation, as appli 
 cable to this territory east of the Rio Grande. If a new State is not 
 formed wholly to the north of 36 30 , slavery exists in Texas to the 
 42d degree of north latitude. It exists at present under the constitution 
 with which the State was admitted into the Union. When Texas was 
 admitted, by her law slavery existed to her utmost extent, and no restraint 
 
126 HIS TO It Y OF THE 
 
 Taylor was ordered to Corpus Christ!, and the wliig 
 party, who pretend to be the conservators of the 
 constitution, were not themselves entirely guiltless 
 
 was placed upon it by the resolutions of annexation, but the prospective 
 provision to operate in case a State was formed north of 36 30 . Nay, 
 more ; the resolutions give another guarantee, not only to Texas, but to 
 her creditors, as applicable to this territory, in pledging her public lands 
 to the payment of her public debt. 
 
 " The boundaries of Texas, as above-mentioned, were defined in the 
 treaty with Santa Anna, which was a valid treaty, because he represented 
 a Government not only de facto, but de jure the federal constitution 
 having been overturned, and the States reduced to departments ; all of 
 which, together with his authority, were ratified by the Congress of Mex 
 ico in 1835. Nor was the treaty affected by the fact that Santa Anna 
 was a prisoner of war at the time of its execution, because it was exe 
 cuted by his generals who were not prisoners, and especially by Filisola, 
 upon whom, by law and special appointment, the authority of the com 
 mand and the faculties of chief devolved. The treaty was valid without 
 the signature of Santa Anna ; and Mexico having acted on it, and re 
 ceived the benefit of its stipulations, could not, under the law of nations, 
 repudiate it afterwards certainly not without returning the property and 
 military stores which were secured to her by the treaty. 
 
 " Mexico herself virtually acknowledged the boundary of the treaty by 
 her truce of 1844, and ordered all the Mexican settlements a league be 
 yond the Rio Grande to be broken up, and the inhabitants to fall back on 
 the Rio Grande treating all as traitors found beyond that line, at least 
 on the lower Rio Grande. The Mexican Commissioners who negotiated 
 the present treaty, have admitted that the Rio Grande had been indicated 
 as the boundary for twelve years. The American Commissioner. Mr. 
 Trist. in his correspondence with the Mexican Government, asserted the 
 boundaries of Texas as claimed by herself. It is fair to presume that 
 Mexico intended to provide for the treaty of 1836 with Texas, by making 
 Disturnell s map of 1847 a part of the treaty, and declaring it authentic; 
 which map shows the whole of the country east of the Rio Grande to be 
 in Texas and New Mexico, as defined by the map, entirely situated west 
 of that river. Thus the New Mexico, acquired by the United States, is 
 defined as situated west of the Rio Grande by the treaty. Mexico has 
 transferred nothing east of that river. She admitted by the map that she 
 owned nothing on that side of the Rio Grande at the time of the ratifi 
 cation of the treaty. 
 
 " I trust that the rights of Texas in Santa Fe will be speedily ad- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 127 
 
 in thus tamely submitting to an assumption of their 
 constitutional rights. Long before the Mexicans 
 crossed the Rio Grande and commenced an assault 
 upon our forces, Mr. Polk had apprised Congress, 
 in the usual form, in his message of December, 1845, 
 that he regarded the Rio Grande as the western 
 boundary of Texas,* and yet no word of denial was 
 uttered by those who subsequently assailed his con 
 duct with so much bitterness, until after a collision 
 had occurred between the armies of the two repub 
 lics. In addition to this assertion of Mr. Polk, 
 made in a message of the President of the United 
 
 o 
 
 States to the assembled representatives of the 
 American people, he communicated " with the ac 
 companying documents," the still more explicit lan 
 guage of the Secretary of War.f Our Minister, 
 
 mitted, for nothing short of this will avoid a serious collision with her 
 authorities." 
 
 * " The jurisdiction of the United States, which, at the formation of 
 the Federal Constitution, was bounded by the St. Mary s on the Atlantic, 
 has passed the capes of Florida, and been peacefully extended to the 
 Del Norte." Message of Mr. Polk, Dec. 1845. 
 
 f " Pursuant to your directions, an army of occupation was assem 
 bled in that State, and Brigadier General Taylor assigned to the command 
 of it. He was instructed to repel Mexican aggressions, and to protect 
 the country from Indian invasions ; to regard the Del Norte as the west 
 ern boundary ; to select a position for his forces with reference to this 
 frontier, but to leave unmolested Mexican settlements, and also military 
 posts, should there be any such posts on the east bank of that river which 
 were in the occupation of Mexican forces previously to the period when 
 Texas assented to the terms of annexation." Should Mexico deny our 
 right to possess the country up to the Del Norte to the extent justly 
 claimed by Texas before annexation, and the free common use of the wa 
 ters of that river, it is presumed that authority will be given to enforce 
 it in both respects. In the event of resistance, there may be occasion to 
 employ an additional force, and authority should be given for raising it in 
 that contingency. In a more desirable state of our relations with Mexi- 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Mr. Donalson, assured all parties in Texas that our 
 Government would sustain the claim of that coun 
 try to the Rio Grande, as her western boundary.* 
 
 After all these declarations were communicated 
 to Congress, under the highest official responsibility, 
 why did if ot the whig party raise their voices against 
 these assumptions upon the part of the Executive ? 
 Weeks and months elapsed, but still no serious at 
 tempt was made to arrest what they Subsequently 
 declared to be the usurpations of the President, 
 until blood had been spilt upon the banks of the 
 Rio Grande. And then, when war actually existed, 
 and our gallant soldiers were sustaining against 
 overwhelming numbers the honor of our flag, it 
 was left to Members of Congress to make use of 
 an after-thought, in order to assail the administra 
 tion. 
 
 The basis of the accusations against Mr. Polk 
 were, that he had ordered the army to march upon 
 disputed territory. This was true, for our title to 
 the whole of Texas, not only to the Nueces, but to 
 the Sabine, was disputed by the Mexican authori 
 ties. They made no distinction between the east 
 ern and western part of Texas, and whenever they 
 spoke of re-conquering that country, it was upon 
 the western bank of the Sabine that the Mexican 
 
 co, her unsettled political condition will suggest, as a wise precaution, the 
 guarding of that frontier by a considerable body of troops." 
 
 * " But whilst from such views I encouraged no aggressive movement 
 on the part of Texas, to take forcible possession of the Rio Grande, I 
 have, nevertheless, omitted no opportunity of satisfying all parties here 
 that the United States would, in good faith, maintain the claim, and that I 
 had every reason to believe that they would do so successfully." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 129 
 
 banner was to be planted. If, then, the act of or 
 dering our army to march upon disputed territory 
 was unconstitutional, the crime of which the Presi 
 dent was accused, was consummated the moment 
 the stars and stripes were unfurled within the bor 
 ders of Texas. The threatened impeachment of 
 the President should have been proclaimed at that 
 time ; and those who have proved so sensitive at 
 what they pronounced an usurpation of power on 
 the part of the President, were certainly not wholly 
 guiltless themselves. But admitting that Mexico 
 had a claim to the country between the JNTueees and 
 Rio Grande, Mr. Polk was not without a precedent 
 in ordering General Taylor to take possession of it.* 
 
 * " Among the events growing out of the state of the Spanish mo 
 narchy, our attention was imperiously attracted to the change developing 
 itself in that portion of West Florida, which, though of right appertaining to 
 the United States, had remained in the possession of Spain, awaiting the 
 result of negotiations for its actual delivery to them. 
 
 " The Spanish authority was subverted, and a situation produced ex 
 posing the country to ulterior events which might essentially affect the 
 rights and welfare of the Union. In such a conjuncture I did not delay 
 the interposition required for the occupancy of the territory west of the 
 river Perdido, to which the title of the United States extends, and to 
 which the laws provided for the territory of Orleans are applicable. With 
 this view the proclamation, of which a copy is laid before you, was con 
 fided to the Governor of that territory to be carried into effect. The lega 
 lity and necessity of the course pursued, assure me of the favorable 
 light in which it will present itself to the Legislature, and of the prompti 
 tude with which they will supply whatever provisions may be due to the 
 essential rights and equitable interests of the people thus brought into the 
 bosom of the American family." 
 
 "From the inclosed proclamation of the President of the United 
 States, you will perceive his determination to take possession of the ter 
 ritory therein specified, in the name and behalf of the United States." 
 
 " Considering, finally, that the acts of Congress, though contemplating 
 a present possession by foreign authority, have contemplated also an even- 
 9 
 
130 HISTOKY OP THE 
 
 The right to take possession of disputed terri 
 tory dates at a still earlier period of our country s 
 history, and has the sanction of a still more com 
 manding authority.* Subsequently to the treaty of 
 
 tnal possession of the said territory by the United States, and are accord 
 ingly so framed as in that case to extend their operation to the same, now 
 be it known that I, James Madison, President of the United States of 
 America, in pursuance of these weighty and urgent considerations, [not, 
 as usual, by virtue of the authority vested in me,] have deemed it right 
 and requisite that possession should be taken of the said territory in the 
 name and in behalf of the United States." Message of President Madi 
 son, Dec. 10, 1810. [3 Foreign Relations, p. 337.] 
 
 * From every account, the enemy amounted to two thousand combat 
 ants ; the troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hun 
 dred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to 
 flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army 
 in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which terminated under 
 the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as you will observe by 
 the inclosed correspondence between Major Campbell, the commandant, 
 and myself upon the occasion." Official Letter of General Wayne to the 
 Secretary of War, August 28th, 1794. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MAJOR-GENERAL WAYNE, 
 AND MAJOR WILLIAM CAMPBELL. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 " MIAMIS RIVER, August 21,1794. 
 
 " SIR : An army of the United States of America, said to be under 
 your command, having taken posts on the banks of the Miamis for up 
 wards of the last twenty-four hours, almost within reach of the guns of 
 this fort, being a post belonging to his Majesty the King of Great Bri 
 tain, occupied by his Majesty s troops, and which I have the honor to com 
 mand, it becomes my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in 
 what light I am to view your making such near approaches to this gar 
 rison. 
 
 " I have no hesitation on my part to say, that I know of no war exist 
 ing between Great Britain and America. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient and 
 very humble servant, " WILLIAM- CAMPBELL, 
 
 ; Major 24th Reg. commanding a British post on 
 
 the banks of the Miamis. 
 "To Major-General Wayne, &c. &c. &c." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 131 
 
 peace of 1783, between this country and Great Bri 
 tain, contrary to its provisions, the former power 
 retained possession of several forts upon the fron 
 tiers, from which they instigated the savages to 
 wage hostilities against the United States. Wash 
 ington was annoyed by the incursions of the Indians. 
 Harmer and St. Clair had been successively defeated. 
 In 1794, our forces in the northwest were placed 
 under the command of "mad Anthony Wayne," 
 who, on the 28th of August, 1794, defeated the al 
 lied Indians and the British, under the guns of a 
 fort in possession of the English ; Wayne then ra 
 vaged the possession of Colonel McKee, the British 
 Indian agent, and which was in disputed territory, 
 actually in the occupancy of the British troops. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 " CAMP ON THE BANK OF THE MlAMIS, August 21s/, 1794. 
 
 " SIR : I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the 
 motives which have moved the army under my command to the position 
 they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the 
 United States of America. 
 
 " Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your in 
 terrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, 
 that were you entitled to an answer, the most satisfactory one was 
 announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, 
 in an action against the horde of savages, in the vicinity of your posts, 
 which terminated gloriously to the American arms ; but, had it continued 
 until the Indians, &c., were drove under the influence of the post and 
 guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of 
 the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established 
 at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the 
 United States. 
 
 " I have the hoflor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient, 
 and very humble servant, 
 
 " (Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE, 
 
 Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army. 
 
 " To Major William Campbell, &c. &c." 
 
132 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 This conduct upon the part of General Wayne, was 
 sustained by General Washington. 
 
 I reiterate the fact, that Mexico made no dis 
 tinction between the country lying east and west 
 of the Nueces. They claimed the whole of Texas, 
 as a revolted province, when they were mustering 
 their troops upon the banks of the Rio Grande, 
 with the avowed determination of reconquering that 
 country. What, under the circumstances, was the 
 proper course for the administration to pursue ? 
 Were plighted faith and pledged honor to be dis 
 regarded ? Were the Mexicans to be allowed to 
 cross the Rio Grande, and re-enact the bloody 
 scenes which characterized their progress before 
 the fatal defeat at San Jacinto ? The President 
 had the right to lead our forces in person, to the 
 uttermost limit of the Texan territory. The ques 
 tion in dispute could be settled by one of two 
 methods by negotiation or by force. The for 
 mer we had tendered to Mexico after she had 
 abruptly broken off all diplomatic intercourse. Our 
 proposition was scornfully rejected, and she elected 
 to decide the contest by the ordeal of battle. 
 When this was known, it surely cannot be insisted 
 that the Mexicans had a better right to take pos 
 session of disputed territory than the soldiers of the 
 United States. The very fact of possession might 
 have affected our title. Mexico might have claimed 
 that possession as an evidence of the inability of 
 Texas and the United States to enforce their claim 
 to every part of the disputed territory.* 
 
 * It is evident from the correspondence of General Taylor with the 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 133 
 
 Mexican General Ampudia, that he regarded the territory between the 
 Nueces and Rio Grande as American soil. " While this communication 
 was in my hands, it was discovered that the village of Frontone had been 
 set on fire and abandoned. I viewed this as a direct act of war, and in 
 formed the deputation that their communication would be answered by me 
 when opposite Matamoras, which was done in respectful terms." Letter 
 of General Taylor to General Ampudia, dated Matamoras, Texas, April 
 22, 1846. 
 
 Frontone was situated west of the Arroyo Colorado. The burning 
 of this village could not have been regarded by General Taylor as " a di 
 rect act of war" unless he considered it American territory. 
 
 He also stated to the Mexican general that the course pursued by the 
 army under his command had been governed by a strict regard of justice 
 and humanity. " I need hardly advise you that, charged, as I am, in only 
 a military capacity, with the performance of specific duties, I cannot enter 
 into a discussion of the international question involved in the advance of 
 the American army. You will, however, permit me to say that the Govern 
 ment of the United States has constantly sought a settlement by negotia 
 tion of the question of boundary ; that an envoy was dispatched to Mexico 
 for that purpose ; and that up to the most recent dates said envoy had not 
 been received by the actual Mexican Government, if indeed he has not 
 received his passports and left the republic. In the mean time I have been 
 ordered to occupy the country up to the left bank of the Rio Grande, 
 until the boundary shall be definitely settled. In carrying out these in 
 structions I have carefully abstained from all acts of hostility, obeying, in 
 this regard, not only the letter of my instructions, but the plain dictates 
 of justice and humanity." Ib., April 12, 1846. 
 
 " After all that has passed since the American army first approached 
 the Rio Bravo, I am certainly surprised that you should complain of a 
 measure, which is no other than a natural result of the state of war so 
 much insisted upon by the Mexican authorities as actually existing at this 
 time. You will excuse me for recalling a few circumstances to show that 
 this state of war has not been sought by the American army, but has been 
 forced upon it, and that the exercise of the rights incident to such a state 
 cannot be made a subject of complaint." lb., April 22, 1846. 
 
 - 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Forward movement of the American troops. The number and discipline of 
 the American army. General Taylor reaches Point Isabel. Fort Brown 
 erected. The Mexicans cross the Rio Grande. General Taylor moves 
 from Fort Brown to Point Isabel. Bombardment of Fort Brown. Battle 
 of Palo Alto. Resaca de la Palma. The action of Congress. Reorga 
 nization of the army. The object for which the war was prosecuted. 
 Difficulty with General Scott. Requisitions made upon the Governors of 
 several States for volunteers. Plan of campaign. Action of General 
 Gaines. General Taylor marches from Camargo in the direction of Mon 
 terey. Capture of Monterey. Internal affairs of Mexico. Pass granted 
 to Santa Anna. General Wool marches upon Monclova. General Kear 
 ney takes Santa Fe. Colonel Doniphan advances upon Chihuahua. Vic 
 tory of Sacramento. General Kearney starts for California. Operations 
 of Colonel Fremont and Commodores Sloat and Stockton. Orders issued 
 to raise contributions from the Mexicans. General Taylor advises the 
 adoption of a defensive line. Preparations made to attack Vera Cruz. 
 Civil Governments authorized by the President. Movements of Colonel 
 Price. 
 
 THE forward movement of the American troops 
 from Corpus Christ! to the Rio Grande was ordered, 
 as suggested by General Taylor himself.* The rear 
 
 * " For these reasons our position thus far has, I think, been the best 
 possible ; but now that the entire force will soon be concentrated, it may 
 well be a question whether the views of Government will be best carried 
 out by our remaining at this point. It is with great deference that I make 
 any suggestions on topics which may become matters of delicate negotia 
 tion ; but if our Government, in settling the question of boundary makes the 
 line of the Rio Grande an ultimatum, I cannot doubt that the settlement will 
 be greatly facilitated and hastened by our taking possession at once of one or 
 two points on or quite near that river. Our strength and state of prepara 
 tion should be displayed in a manner not to be mistaken. "-^Dispatch of 
 General Taijlor to the Secretary of War, dated at Corpus Christi, on Ihe 
 4th of October, 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 135 
 
 of the army left the former place on the llth of 
 March, 1846. It may be proper at this place 
 briefly to examine into the numbers, state of disci 
 pline, and arms of the regular force of the United 
 States. Much jealousy has been manifested by our 
 citizens ever since the declaration of independence, 
 of standing armies. A preference has always been 
 exhibited for militia or volunteer troops ; and al 
 though raw soldiers during the revolutionary strug 
 gle did not often prove as steady under fire as the con 
 tinental line, still in the last war with Great Britain, 
 and the more recent one with Mexico, the volun 
 teers fought with a desperation which established be 
 yond a doubt, that perfect reliance may be placed 
 upon them in the fury of battle. It is true that 
 they will not yield the same passive, uncomplaining 
 obedience, which in the " regular" affords his com 
 mander so much delight ; but that pride and emula 
 tion which stimulates the volunteer, will prompt him 
 to avoid the dangers of a court-martial, while he fights 
 with a degree of enthusiasm that is irresistible. 
 The graduates of the military academy at West 
 Point, during the conflict with Mexico, elevated the 
 character of that institution to an extraordinary 
 degree of renown. Before the war commenced, a 
 strong prejudice prevailed throughout the country 
 against it, and the opposition had become so decid 
 ed, that it was in danger of being discontinued. 
 It is now, however, established upon a firmer basis 
 than ever, and if our main reliance in time of war 
 is to be upon the volunteers, this only renders the 
 preservation of that institution still more iinpera- 
 
136 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 tive. In tlie selection of their officers, the volun 
 teers will almost invariably elect those persons who 
 have obtained a regular military education, or by 
 their experience are qualified to command. While, 
 then, military education should be taught at West 
 Point, perfect reliance may be placed in the volun 
 teer force of the country in sustaining the honor of 
 our fla^. In 1845 the whole number of the regular 
 
 O O 
 
 army of the United States amounted to T,8S3, 
 many of whom were foreigners. General Taylor 
 before leaving Corpus Christi had under his com 
 mand about 3,500 men, and when he reached the 
 Rio Grande his effective force was less than 3,000. 
 
 When the American troops arrived near the 
 Rio Grande, they found the Mexicans prepared to 
 assume offensive operations. On the 10th of April, 
 1846, Colonel Cross was murdered, and on the 18th 
 of the same month Lieutenant Porter with a small 
 body of men were taken prisoners after a desperate 
 resistance, and were inhumanly butchered. On the 
 24th of April General Arista arrived at Mat amor as, 
 and informed General Taylor that he considered 
 hostilities commenced, and that he should prosecute 
 them.* On the 24th of the same month Captain 
 Thornton, with a party of dragoons consisting of 63 
 men, became engaged with a very large force of the 
 Mexicans, in which 16 were killed and wounded, and 
 the rest were forced to surrender.f On the 26th of 
 April General Taylor issued a call upon the Gover- 
 
 * Dispatch of General Taylor, April 26th, 1846, Executive docu 
 ments, second Session, 29th Congress, 
 f Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 
 
 nor of Texas for two regiments of mounted troops, 
 and two of infantry, and upon the Governor of 
 Louisana for four regiments of infantry, for the pur 
 pose of prosecuting the war with energy, and carry 
 ing it into the enemy s country.* On the 28th of 
 April, 1846, the camp of Captain Walker was sur 
 prised, and five men w^ere killed. A family of 
 fourteen persons unarmed were taken prisoners, two 
 of whom were females ; their throats were cut, and 
 after every indignity was perpetrated upon their 
 persons, they were left exposed to the storms of 
 heaven, and prowling beasts. On the 3d of May, 
 although the enemy had made demonstrations on 
 the east bank of the river, still, owing to the nature 
 of the country, and the deficiency in the American 
 army of light troops, General Taylor was kept ig 
 norant of their niovements.f He had received in 
 formation that the Mexicans were preparing to 
 cross the river below Fort Brown, with the object 
 of forming a junction with those who had crossed 
 the river above ; and entertaining the belief that 
 they designed making a descent upon his depot at 
 Point Isabel, he hastened the operations on the 
 field-work, and was enabled to prepare it for a suc 
 cessful defence on the 1st of May.J Leaving the 
 7th infantry under the command of Major Brown, 
 with Captain Lowd s and Lieutenant Bragg s com 
 panies of artillery in charge of the work, General 
 
 * " Which will be required to prosecute the war with energy, and 
 carry it, as it should be, into the enemy s country." Ibid. 
 
 f Dispatch No. 32 of General Taylor, dated May 3d, 1846, at Point 
 Isabel. 
 Ibid. 
 
138 HISTORY or THE 
 
 Taylor started with the main force under his com 
 mand, for Point Isabel, where they arrived the next 
 day, without discovering any signs of the enemy. 
 On the morning, and during the day of May 3d, dis 
 charges of cannon were heard in the direction of 
 Fort Brown ; and General Taylor dispatched a 
 squadron of cavalry, covering a small party to com 
 municate with Major Brown."" The squadron re 
 turned on the morning of the 4th, without bringing 
 news from the Fort ; but on the 5th of May Cap 
 tain Walker of the rangers arrived at Point Isabel, 
 after running the gauntlet during the night before. 
 This act of gallantry upon the part of Captain Wal 
 ker deserves especial attention, as it exemplified 
 the cool and daring courage of that celebrated 
 ranger. When it was deemed important to com 
 municate with General Taylor, Captain Walker 
 volunteered to be the bearer of dispatches from 
 Major Brown. Starting at night, with no other 
 guide through the ranks of the enemy but the wind 
 upon his cheek, he successfully accomplished the en 
 terprise. From a dispatch brought by him, General 
 Taylor ascertained that, on the morning of the 3d of 
 May, the Mexican batteries opened upon Fort Brown, 
 and the American guns were immediately manned 
 and a fire was kept up from the six and 18 -pound 
 ers, which resulted in dismounting several of the 
 Mexican pieces. They continued, however, to fire 
 upon the fort until 12 o clock at night. On the 
 7th of May, General Taylor started on his return 
 from Point Isabel, for the purpose of raising the 
 
 * Dispatch No. 32 of General Taylor, dated May 3d, 1846, at Point 
 Isabel. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 139 
 
 siege of Fort Brown, determined to fight the enemy 
 in whatever force he might attempt to obstruct his 
 progress.* On the 8th of May he encountered 
 6,000 of the enemy at the field of Palo Alto, and 
 after an action of five hours repulsed them. The 
 force under General Taylor did not exceed 2,300 
 men. What renders this battle somewhat remark 
 able is the fact, that although it lasted five hours, 
 the loss of the Americans was only four men killed, 
 and three officers and thirty-nine men wounded. f 
 
 * Dispatch of General Taylor 3 to the War Department, May 7th, 
 1846. 
 
 f " HEAD QUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION, 
 
 Camp near Palo Alto, May 9, 1846. 
 
 " SIR : I have the honor to report, that I was met near this place yester 
 day on my march from Point Isabel, by the Mexican forces ; and after an 
 action of about five hours, dislodged them from their position, and en 
 camped upon the field. Our artillery, consisting of two 18-pounders, and 
 two light batteries, was the arm chiefly engaged, and to the excellent 
 manner in which it was manoeuvred and served, is our success mainly 
 due. 
 
 " The strength of the enemy is believed to have been about 6,000 men, 
 with 7 pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry ; his loss is probably at least 100 
 killed. Our strength did not exceed, all told, 2,300, while our loss was com 
 paratively trifling ; 4 men killed, 3 officers and 39 men wounded ; several 
 of the latter mortally. I regret to report that Major Ringold, 3d artillery, 
 and Captain Page, 4th infantry, are severely wounded ; Lieutenant Luther, 
 2d artillery, slightly so. 
 
 " The enemy has fallen back, and it is believed has repassed the river. 
 I have advanced parties now thrown forward in his direction, and shall 
 move the main body immediately. 
 
 " In the haste of this first report, I can only say, that the officers and 
 men behaved in the most admirable manner throughout the action. 
 
 " I shall have the pleasure of making a more detailed report, when 
 those of the different commanders shall be received. 
 
 " I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 " Z. TAYLOR, 
 
 Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A., commanding. 
 " The ADJUTANT GENERAL of the Army, 
 Washington, D. C." 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 It is almost inconceivable, that so large a body of 
 men should have been lighting in the open field, 
 for that length of time, without doin^* more execu- 
 
 o ~ 
 
 tion. The loss of the Mexicans was estimated at 
 more than 200. The artillery was the arm prin 
 cipally engaged, and fully sustained the high repu 
 tation of those who had devoted so much time to 
 its perfection. Major Eiugold of the flying artillery 
 was mortally wounded : but his death Avas terribly 
 revenged by Duncan, Eidgely and their comrades, 
 who fought with an enthusiasm that carried havoc 
 and dismay into the ranks of the enemy. 
 
 The American army encamped upon the field of 
 battle, and a council of war was called to deter 
 mine whether they should advance, or act upon the 
 defensive. A majority Avas in favor of the latter 
 course: but the commanding general, sustained by 
 the advice of Belknap, Duncan, and others, deter 
 mined to force his way to Fort Brown. In the 
 mean time. Arista Avas reinforced by a body of 
 2.0oO troops, thus making his force amount to about 
 8,000. At 2 oV-lock on the 9th of May, General 
 Taylor advanced along the Matamoras road,* and 
 when he approached Resaca de la Palma. lie found 
 a ravine which crossed the road, lined with the ar 
 tillery of the enemy. Taylor directed a battery of 
 field artillery to assail the position, and the fire of 
 artillery and small arms was continued, until the 
 batteries of the Mexicans were carried by the in 
 fantry and dragoons, and they were pursued to the 
 
 * Dispatch of General Taylor to the War Department. May 9th, 
 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 14:1 
 
 river. Seven pieces of artillery, a large quantity of 
 ammunition, three standards, and about 100 prison 
 ers, including General La Vega, were captured. 
 The loss of the Americans was 39 killed and 82 
 wounded. The loss of the Mexicans in the two bat 
 tles has been estimated at 1,000 men. Although 
 great bravery was exhibited by the infantry and 
 dragoons, still the gallantly of the artillerymen was 
 conspicuous. They fought with a reckless, yet sys 
 tematic daring, which claims our highest admira 
 tion ; wherever the dark masses of the enemy were 
 preparing to advance, they were quickly met by the 
 flying artillery, and the storni of grape and canister 
 never failed to drive them back in disorder. One 
 instance is related of chivalrous devotion, which,, in 
 the army of Bonaparte would have won a high po 
 sition. When Captain May, who had been occupy 
 ing the position of the u black sluggard," was some 
 what peremptorily ordered by Taylor to charge a 
 Mexican battery, he was arrested in full career by 
 Ridgely, who called out " stop, Charley, let me draw 
 their fire : and the grape and canister from KidgelyV 
 battery were quickly responded to ; and although 
 the saddles of many of the dragoons were emptied 
 by the fire of the Mexican infantry, yet the remain 
 der dashed over empty guns. 
 
 The news of these two victories quickly spread 
 throughout the United States, and startled the inha 
 bitants of each city and hamlet throughout the 
 land. The intelligence produced a deep s 
 at Washington, where the American C _ ss was 
 then in session. The threats which had often been 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 made by tlie Mexicans to wash out with blood the 
 stain upon their national character, by what they 
 called a dismemberment of their territory, had now 
 been attempted. They had crossed the Rio Grande, 
 and upon two fields they had encountered the Ame 
 rican army. The war had commenced, and it de 
 volved upon Congress to devise the means for its 
 energetic prosecution. The regular army in April, 
 1846, was 7,244, and the force on the Texas fron 
 tier in May, present and absent, was 3,554.* 
 
 With this small body of men, it was not to be 
 expected that we could encounter successfully 
 8,000,000 of people upon their own soil, and by the 
 act of the 13th of May, 1846, the President was 
 authorized to call into the field 50,000 volunteers, 
 to serve for one year, or during the war ; and an 
 appropriation was made for the purpose of carrying 
 it into effect. The preamble to that act has been 
 made the subject of much discussion in Congress 
 and elsewhere. It declared that " whereas by the 
 act of the Republic of Mexico war exists," &c. 
 The opposition members of Congress distinctly 
 charged that the war was brought on by the uncon 
 stitutional order given by Mr. Polk for the concen 
 tration of our troops upon the Rio Grande ; but I 
 have already shown the fallacy of that assumption. 
 It was nevertheless entertained, and although the 
 whigs were disposed to vote for an appropriation of 
 money and the raising of men for the purpose of 
 relieving General Taylor, still they made strenuous 
 
 * Report of the Adjutant-General to the War Department, April 5th, 
 1848. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 143 
 
 exertions to strike the preamble from the bill. This 
 they were unable to do, and upon its passage, they 
 all voted for it with the exception of fourteen mem 
 bers of the House, and two or three Senators.* It 
 had been insisted that those members of the oppo 
 sition who voted for the bill, were estopped from 
 subsequently denying that Mexico commenced the 
 war. The position which they occupied was an ex 
 ceedingly delicate one. They ha d to adopt one of 
 two alternatives ; either to vote for the preamble, 
 which they declared was untrue, or to vote against 
 the bill. They did not choose to place themselves 
 upon the record as voting against granting supplies ; 
 although the prosecution of a war unjustly com 
 menced by us, can hardly be reconcilable with the 
 doctrines of the Bible, or the precepts of morality. 
 The course pursued by those who voted against the 
 bill, was consistent with the declaration that the 
 war was unjust, and they have had far less difficulty 
 in reconciling their assertions and their votes, than 
 those who declared the war was wrongfully com 
 menced, yet abused Mr. Polk because it was not 
 more vigorously prosecuted. 
 
 The course pursued by the opposition members 
 of Congress with regard to the origin and prosecu 
 tion of the war, was very inconsistent. Scarcely 
 did the collision of arms take place upon the Rio 
 Grande, before they denounced the course pursued 
 by the Executive as unauthorized and unconstitu 
 tional ; and a portion of them opposed its prosecu 
 tion, and voted against supplies throughout the con- 
 
 * See Congressional Globe, first session 29th Congress. 
 
144 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 test, while the remainder violently assailed the ad 
 ministration because the war was not prosecuted 
 with more vigor. Although it was the general im 
 pression after each battle, that the Mexicans would 
 conclude a peace, still those members gave frequent 
 expression to their indignation because more men 
 were not called into the field, that each victory 
 might immediately be followed by a forward move 
 ment. Those members, who had denounced the 
 conduct of the President because he had " com 
 menced an unconstitutional war," and who had with 
 extreme bitterness assailed him because that war 
 had not been prosecuted with more energy ; at a 
 later period in the struggle, voted to lay upon the 
 table a resolution, declaring that it was inexpedient 
 for our army to retreat from the positions which 
 they had w^on in Mexico, for the purpose of falling 
 back upon a defensive line.* This resolution was 
 laid on the table upon the motion of Mr. Stephens, 
 of Georgia, by a vote of 96 to 89. All who voted to 
 lay the resolution on the table were whigs, and all 
 who voted against it were democrats. 
 
 After the war with Mexico was recognized by 
 the Congress of the United States, it remained to be 
 
 o / 
 
 seen whether the ranks of the army could be filled 
 by volunteers. A feeling of indignation was aroused 
 from Maine to Texas, that Mexicans, who had so 
 frequently violated their most solemn treaty sti- 
 
 * Mr. Chase offered the following resolution : " Resolved, that it is in 
 expedient to order our troops to retreat from the positions which they have 
 gallantly won in Mexico, for the purpose of falling back upon a defensive 
 line." Congressional Globe, 1st session, SQihCongress, p. 179. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 145 
 
 pulations, should consummate their folly by the 
 invasion of our territory; and the alacrity with 
 which our people responded to the call upon their 
 patriotism, proved at once that they would defend 
 the honor of our country, by whatever nation as 
 sailed ; and the ardor with which they rushed to the 
 field, proved them the most warlike people of the 
 age. Wherever was unfurled the stripes and stars, 
 and whenever was heard the roll of the drum, there 
 were gathered the volunteers of every age and con 
 dition ; and where only 50,000 volunteers were au 
 thorized, 500,000 gallant spirits responded to the 
 call. The spectacle witnessed, was literally that of 
 a nation in arms. The organization of the volun 
 teers was promptly attended to by the President ; 
 and for this purpose officers were appointed, who 
 subsequently distinguished themselves. Two Major- 
 Generals were commissioned Butler and Patter 
 son; and eight Brigadiers Lane, Smith, Hamer, 
 Quitman, Pierce, Cadwallader, Pillow, and Shields. 
 The President of the United States promptly 
 availed himself of the authority granted by Con 
 gress for the purpose of prosecuting the war vigo 
 rously against Mexico. He had several times an 
 nounced to Congress that the war was not waged 
 with a view to conquest, but for the purpose of 
 obtaining an honorable peace, and thereby to se 
 cure ample indemnity.* This language may be re- 
 
 * " The war has not been waged with a view to conquest ; but having 
 been commenced by Mexico, it has been carried into the enemy s country, 
 and will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a view to obtain an honor 
 able peace, and thereby secure ample indemnity for the expenses of the 
 10 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 garded as rather equivocal. It is difficult to con 
 ceive how indemnity could b^ obtained from Mexico 
 in any other way, than by that which a subsequent 
 message of Mr. Polk expressed to be a dismember 
 ment of the Mexican territory.* 
 
 That the attention of the administration was at 
 an early day directed to the acquisition of Cali 
 fornia, there can be no doubt. Confidential instruc 
 tions were issued from the Navy Department to 
 Commodore Sloat as early as June 24th, 1845, in 
 which it was intimated that hostilities would ensue. 
 Sloat was directed particularly to avoid any act of 
 aggression, but in case Mexico should declare war 
 against us, he was directed to employ the force 
 under his command to the best advantage.f This 
 
 war, as well as to our much injured citizens, who hold large pecuniary 
 demands against Mexico." Message of President POLK, December, 1846. 
 
 * " The extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the 
 United States constitute indemnity for the past, and the brilliant achieve 
 ments and signal successes of our arms will be a guarantee of security for 
 the future, by convincing all nations that our rights must be respected." 
 Message of Mr. POLK to Congress, July 6th, 1848. 
 
 f " Should Mexico, however, be resolutely bent on hostilities, you will 
 be mindful to protect the persons and interests of citizens of the United 
 States near your station, and should you ascertain beyond a doubt that the 
 Mexican Government has declared war against us, you will at once em 
 ploy the force under your command to the best advantage. The Mexican 
 ports on the Pacific are said to be open and defenceless. If you ascer 
 tain with certainty that Mexico lias declared war against the United 
 States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, 
 and blockade or occupy such other ports as your force may permit. 
 
 " The great distance of your squadron, and the difficulty of commu 
 nicating with you, are the causes for issuing this order. The President 
 hopes most earnestly that the peace of the two countries may not be dis 
 turbed. The object of these instructions is to possess you of the views 
 of the Government, in the event of a declaration of war on the part of 
 Mexico against the United States an event which you arc enjoined to do 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 order was followed by the expedition under General 
 Kearney. I do not make these observations for the 
 purpose of condemning the object which the Cabi 
 net desired to accomplish ; on the contrary, to ac 
 quire " indemnity for the past and security for the 
 future " is perfectly justifiable, and especially where 
 a war is forced by a perfidious people upon us. 
 And under all circumstances, the avowal should 
 have been boldly made that we prosecuted a war 
 of conquest, if necessary, for the purpose of accom 
 plishing that result. If that had been done, an 
 obstinate enemy would soon have been brought to 
 terms, when they ascertained that the longer the 
 contest was protracted the greater indemnity would 
 be demanded. 
 
 The energy which the President always dis 
 played, did not fail him in the prosecution of the 
 war, and what was regarded as the dilatory move 
 ments of General Scott, produced a personal inter 
 view between the Secretary of War and the Com 
 mander-in-chief of the army. The result of this 
 conference seems to have given offence to General 
 Scott, and produced from him a letter which ex 
 cited much ridicule, and caused mingled feelings of 
 sorrow, surprise, and indignation. To receive the 
 command of the army in person, as was subse 
 quently exemplified, could but add new laurels to 
 those he had already won. The secret of his prov 
 ing so sensitive has been ascribed to his aspiration 
 for political honors. If that was the correct solu- 
 
 every thing consistent with the national honor, on your part, to avoid." 
 Letter o/Mr. BANCROFT, to Commodore Sloat, June 243h, 1845. 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tion of the difficulty, it is strange that a person so 
 conscious of the influence which military achieve 
 ment exercises over the American people as Gene 
 ral Scott must be, should hesitate to place himself 
 at the head of the army, for the purpose of adding 
 fresh brilliancy to that reputation which in early 
 life immortalized his name. There was no necessity 
 "to protect himself from a fire in his rear from. 
 Washington. 7 * The administration could have no 
 motive whatever in embarrassing the movements 
 of the Comniander-in-Chief. He ought to have 
 been satisfied that his own success would add to 
 the reputation of the administration, and that the 
 defeat of the army would prove as disastrous to 
 the Cabinet as to himself. As it was, the course 
 which he thought proper to pursue in a moment of 
 error, resulted in the withdrawal of the leadership 
 of the army which had been tendered. It required 
 the effect produced by his brilliant campaign in 
 Mexico, to eradicate the unfavorable impression pro 
 duced upon the minds of the American people by 
 his letter to the Secretary of War. 
 
 Under the act of May 13th, 1846, requisitions 
 were immediately made upon the Governors of the 
 States of Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, 
 Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, 
 Ohio, and Texas, for a volunteer force amounting 
 to twenty-six regiments, which, with a battalion 
 from the District of Columbia and the State of 
 Maryland, numbered in all about 23,000 effective 
 men, to serve for the period of twelve months, or 
 
 * Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, May 21st, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 149 
 
 
 
 to the end of the war. A large portion of this 
 force was placed under the command of General 
 Taylor, who had made the Rio Grande the base of 
 his operation.* The plan of operations designed 
 by the administration, was to attack Mexico in 
 several directions. Taylor was to advance in the 
 direction of Monterey ; General Wool was to march 
 from Antonio De Bexar, in the direction of Chi 
 huahua ; and General Kearney was to assemble the 
 volunteers from the State of Missouri, and a few 
 hundred regular troops at Fort Leavenworth, and 
 make a descent upon Santa Fe, and from thence 
 with a portion of his command was to advance 
 rapidly upon California. Any one, by glancing at 
 a map, will at once discover the comprehensiveness 
 of this plan. The advance of General Taylor and 
 General Wool into that portion of the Mexican 
 territory, would be calculated to convince the Mexi 
 cans of the importance of re-opening negotiations, 
 whilst the expedition under General Kearney would 
 obtain possession of that portion of Mexico which it 
 was desirable to retain. 
 
 Before General Taylor took his departure from 
 Camargo, considerable embarrassment was experi 
 enced for the want of transportation and supplies 
 for so large a force. These difficulties were made 
 the subject of complaint by General Taylor, f This 
 
 * Report of the Secretary of War, December 5th, 1846. 
 
 f " HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF OCCUPATION, ) 
 CAMARGO, September 1st, 1846. 
 
 " SIR : Before marching for the interior, I beg leave to place on re 
 cord some remarks touching an important branch of the public service, the 
 proper administration of which is indispensable to the efficiency of a cam- 
 
150 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 dispatch was referred by tlie War Department to 
 the Quartermaster General, Thomas S. Jesup.* The 
 complaints of General Taylor were triumphantly 
 
 paign. I refer to the quartermaster s department. There is at this mo 
 ment, when the army is about to take up a long line of march, a great de 
 ficiency of proper means of transport, and of many important supplies. 
 
 " On the 26th of April, when first apprising you of the increased force 
 called out by me, I wrote that I trusted the War Department would give 
 the necessary orders to the staff department for the supply of this large 
 additional force ; and when first advised of the heavy force of twelve 
 months volunteers ordered hither, I could not doubt that such masses of 
 troops would be accompanied, or preferably preceded, by ample means of 
 transportation, and all other supplies necessary to render them efficient. 
 But such has not been the case. Suitable steamboats for the Rio Grande 
 were not procured without repeated efforts directed from this quarter, and 
 many weeks elapsed before a lodgment could be made at this place, the 
 river being perfectly navigable. After infinite delays and embarrassments, 
 I have succeeded in bringing forward a portion of the army to this point, 
 and now the steamers procured at Pittsburg are just arriving. I hazard 
 nothing in saying that if proper foresight and energy had been displayed 
 in sending out suitable steamers to navigate the Rio Grande, our army 
 would long since have been in possession of Monterey. 
 
 " Again, as to land transport. At this moment our wagon train is 
 considerably less than when we left Corpus Christi our force being in 
 creased fivefold. Had we depended upon means from without, the army 
 would not have been able to move from this place. But fortunately the 
 means of land transport existed to some extent in the country in the shape 
 of pack-mules, and we have formed a train which will enable a small army 
 to advance perhaps to Monterey. I wish it distinctly understood, that our 
 ability to move is due wholly to means created here, and which could not 
 have been reckoned upon with safety in Washington. 
 
 " I have adverted to the grand points of water and land transportation. 
 Of the want of minor supplies the army has suffered more than enough. 
 The crying deficiency of camp equipage has been partially relieved by the 
 issue of cotton tents of indifferent quality. Our cavalry .has been para 
 lyzed by the want of horse-shoes, horse-shoe nails, and even common black 
 smith s tools, while many smaller deficiencies are daily brought to my 
 notice. 
 
 " I respectfully request that the above statement, which I make in jus- 
 
 * Letter of the Secretary of War to General Jesup, Sept. 21, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 151 
 
 answered by the Quartermaster General.* Being, 
 at the time he answered the charges of General 
 Taylor, near the scene of operations, and at the 
 
 tice to myself and the service, may be laid before the General-in-chief and 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 " I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "Z. TAYLOR, 
 
 Major General U. S. A. commanding. 
 " The ADJUTANT GENERAL of the Army, 
 Washington. D. C." 
 
 * " NEW-ORLEANS, December 5th, 1846. 
 
 " SIR : When I received your letter of the 21st of September, on the 
 subject of Major General Taylor s complaints, I was apprehensive that 
 neglect or .omissions had occurred on the part of some one or more of 
 the subordinate officers of the department, by which his operations had 
 been seriously embarrassed ; but I have looked into the whole matter, and 
 I am bound in justice to say that no class of officers, not even General 
 Taylor and the most distinguished men around him, have better or more 
 faithfully performed their duty ; and if any thing has been wanting which 
 they could have supplied, it has been because the proper orders were not 
 given, or timely requisitions made. 
 
 " In conducting a war, it is the duty of the Government to designate 
 the object to be accomplished : it is then the duty of the General who 
 conducts the operations, to call for the means required to accomplish that 
 object. If he fail to do so, he is himself responsible for all the consequences 
 of his omission. General Taylor complains of want of water and land 
 transportation, camp equipage, and shoes for his cavalry horses. As to 
 water transportation, I find that he called for a single light-draught steamer 
 early in May. Lieutenant Colonel Hunt could not at once obtain a suita 
 ble boat, but he executed the order as soon as it was possible. Late in 
 May, or early in June, General Taylor considering four boats necessary, 
 appointed his own agents to obtain them. I was at the time engaged in 
 taking measures, under the orders of General Scott, to obtain suitable 
 boats for the navigation of the Rio Grande ; but having no reliable infor 
 mation in relation to the navigation of that river, and believing General 
 Taylor s agents possessed of the requisite knowledge, I preferred that 
 they should execute his orders ; and I limited my action in the matter to 
 doubling the number called for by General Taylor ; and authorizing a 
 further increase if considered necessary by his brother and one of his 
 agents. The number required by the General was, I believe, nearly 
 quadrupled ultimately by the officers of the department. As to the com- 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 place through which most of tlie supplies passed, 
 General Jesup could speak understandmgly upon 
 the subject. He declared lie was bound in justice 
 
 plaint of the General that the steamers from Pittsburg were then (Sep 
 tember 1st), just arriving, it is proper to state that these were the very 
 boats procured by one of his own agents. When at Pittsburg I inquired 
 into the delay of those boats, and it is but justice to Captain Sanders, Ge 
 neral Taylor s agent, to say that no effort was spared to get them into ser 
 vice as early as possible. 
 
 " As to the complaint in regard to the want of land transportation, it is 
 proper to remark that there was no information at Washington, so far as I 
 was informed, to enable me or the War Department to determine whether 
 wagons could be used in Mexico. General Taylor, though he had both 
 mounted troops and topographical engineers, had not supplied the want of 
 that information. Besides, he had not, as far as I know and believe, inti 
 mated to any department his intentions or wishes in regard to the means 
 of transportation to be used. It was known that he had a wagon train, 
 amply sufficient for double the force he commanded before the arrival of 
 the volunteers. Added to that, he had General Arista s means of trans 
 portation ; and he was in a country abounding in mules the means of 
 transportation best adapted to the country, and the only means used by 
 the enemy. A general is expected to avail himself of the resources of 
 the country in which he operates. If General Taylor failed to do so, and 
 was without the necessary transportation, he alone is responsible. Those 
 means were limited only by his own will. He had officers of the Quar 
 termaster s Department able to have executed his orders, and willing to 
 carry out his views : his authority alone was wanting. 
 
 " As to the camp equipage, you are aware that the appropriation which 
 I asked for last year was stricken out, and that not a cent was appropria 
 ted, which could be legally applied to that object, before the 9th and 13th 
 of May. When the appropriations were made, the officers of the depart 
 ment were compelled to obtain materials wheresoever they could get them, 
 and such as they could get. Cotton cloth was necessarily substituted for 
 linen in the fabrication of tents. I have no doubt a great deal of the ma 
 terial was of the quality represented by General Taylor ; but that was, un 
 der the circumstances, unavoidable. The officers obtained the best they 
 could get, and deserve credit for their exertions, in place of the censure 
 they have received. 
 
 " I am somewhat at a loss to imagine why the deficiency of shoes for 
 the dragoon horses was made a subject of complaint against the Quarter 
 master s Department. A blacksmith is allowed by law to every troop of 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 153 
 
 to say that no class of officers, not even General 
 Taylor, and the most distinguished men around him, 
 had better or more faithfully performed their duty 
 than the officers of his department ; and that if 
 any thing had been wanting which they could have 
 supplied, it was because the proper orders were not 
 given, or timely requisitions made. Any one who 
 will read the letter of General Jesup, will come to 
 
 dragoons. It is the duty of every commander of a troop to have his shoe 
 ing tools complete, and to have at all times the necessary shoe and nail iron ; 
 and it is the duty of the regimental commander to see that timely requisi 
 tions be made. Now, if those officers failed to have what was necessary to 
 the efficiency of their commands, let General Taylor hold them accountable. 
 The Quartermaster s department is not responsible for their neglects. 
 
 " As I came through the western country to this city, I was informed 
 that a report was circulating that General Taylor would have taken for 
 ward to Monterey a much larger force of volunteers, but for the neglect 
 of the Quartermaster s department to furnish the means of transportation. 
 In reply to that report, I respectfully ask your attention to the letter of 
 General Taylor of the 2d of July to the Adjutant General. There he 
 tells you. through that officer, that he proposes to operate from Camargo to 
 Monterey : he tells you that he will operate with a column of about 6,000 
 men : that he must rely on the country for meat, and depot at Camargo for 
 bread ; and adds, as the reason for not taking a greater force, that a column 
 exceeding six thousand men cannot be supplied on that route w T ith bread 
 alone. 
 
 " I feel, sir, that every officer of the department has performed his duty 
 faithfully, if not ably, and that the charges of General Taylor are both 
 unjust and unmerited. As regards myself, I feel that I have performed my 
 whole duty, both to the country and to the army ; and if the slightest doubt 
 remain on that subject, I owe it to myself to demand an immediate and tho 
 rough investigation of my conduct, and that of the department, from the 
 commencement of operations on the Texan frontier, as well previous to as 
 during the war. 
 
 " I am, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 " TH. S. JESUP, 
 
 Major General, Quartermaster General. 
 " The HON. WM. L. MARCY, 
 
 Secretary of War, Washington City." 
 
154 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the conclusion, that the embarrassments of which 
 General Taylor complained, were the result of a 
 failure on his part to make the necessary demands, 
 or were to be attributed to the conduct of the 
 agents he had selected himself. 
 
 o 
 
 Another source of annoyance to the administra 
 tion was the unauthorized conduct of General 
 Gaines, at that time in command of the Southwes 
 tern division. He sent forward volunteers to Texas, 
 in number considerably, exceeding the call made by 
 General Taylor, for that description of force.* The 
 call of General Gaines was recognized to the extent 
 of the number of volunteers sent to the Rio Grande, 
 up to May 28th, 1846. The motives of that officer 
 no one was prepared to call in question ; but from 
 his advanced age, he was not in a condition to de 
 cide with as much judgment as he once possessed, 
 as to the real necessities of the case. His action 
 caused the War Department much embarrassment.f 
 He called out and mustered into service, troops not 
 comprised in the demand of General Taylor, on 
 Louisiana and Texas. Volunteers from Alabama 
 and Missouri, who had left those States before the 
 call of General Gaines could be countermanded by 
 the President, were received into service. These 
 volunteers were not raised under the provisions of 
 the act of May, 1846 ; they were, therefore, to be 
 regarded in service by virtue of the act of 1795, 
 consequently, for the term of three months. There 
 was no authority to receive the volunteers into ser- 
 
 * Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Taylor, May 28th, 1846. 
 
 f Letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, June 26th, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 155 
 
 vice for six months. By the law of 1795, they were 
 to serve for three months, and by the law of May, 
 1846, for twelve months, or during the war. To re 
 fuse to receive them after the sacrifices they had 
 made, was the cause of much regret, but there was no 
 other alternative ; they were not legally in the pub 
 lic service, under any existing law, and the Presi 
 dent had no power to receive them, unless they 
 thought proper to offer their services under the act 
 of May, 1846. 
 
 It was deemed advisable, in the mean time, to 
 transfer General Gaines from the Southern to the 
 Northern department, and he was ordered to make 
 his head-quarters at New- York, instead of New 
 Orleans. 
 
 After the arrival of the requisite number of 
 volunteers from the United States, General Taylor 
 prepared to advance upon Monterey, by the way of 
 Camargo. He left Matamoras during the latter 
 part of August, with a column consisting of about 
 6,000 regular and volunteer troops, and arrived 
 before Monterey on the 19th of September, 1846.* 
 Our troops were now in view of a large city, whose 
 natural defences and massive fortifications rendered 
 it almost impregnable. More than forty pieces of 
 artillery defended its frowning walls, and the battle 
 ments were protected by 7,000 troops of the line, 
 and more than two thousand irregulars. It was 
 here that the chivalrous Worth obtained the op 
 portunity for which he panted, to make amends for 
 his absence from the battle-fields of Palo Alto and 
 
 * Dispatch of General Taylor, dated Monterey, September 22, 1846. 
 
156 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Resaca de la Palma. Believing himself injured by 
 the decision which permitted General Twiggs to 
 rank him, he left Texas, and appearing at Wash 
 ington, tendered his resignation to the President. 
 In opposition to the opinion which prevailed at the 
 seat of Government, Mr. Polk refused to accept it, 
 and his military skill and daring courage were given 
 to his country in the struggle which ensued. When 
 he heard of the collision between the rival forces 
 on the banks of the Rio Grande, and which he did 
 not anticipate, he withdrew the tender which he 
 had made of his commission, and repaired immedi 
 ately to the seat of war. Although his gallantry 
 was conspicuous among all those leaders who sur 
 rounded General Scott, I take this opportunity of 
 referring briefly to that commander. General 
 Worth entered the army at an early period of his 
 life ; his headlong impetuosity at the sanguinary 
 battles of Lundy s Lane and Chippewa, obtained 
 for him a high reputation, which was greatly in 
 creased by his services in Florida. The best dis 
 ciplinarian in the army, he was yet the idol of the 
 soldiery. Gifted with an imposing presence, an 
 eye which has been compared to the eagle s, an 
 affability of manner, a courage perfectly regardless 
 of death in the hour of battle, a fixedness of pur 
 pose, and a coolness of judgment which the thunders 
 of artillery could not disturb ; he combined every 
 requisite which should characterize a man and a 
 soldier. Burning with impatience to silence, by 
 some splendid achievement, the whispers which his 
 absence from the conflicts of the 8th and 9th of 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 157 
 
 May produced, lie joined the army of invasion. 
 The conduct of General Taylor in giving him 
 a separate command, at Monterey, displayed the 
 frankness of the disinterested soldier. It was fear 
 ed by those who did not understand the character 
 of General Worth, that in the effort to gain a bril 
 liant victory he would be regardless of the lives 
 of his men, but the result proved him a better man, 
 and a more skilful general. 
 
 From the configuration of the country through 
 which the road passed, leading to Saltillo, it was de 
 termined to attack the town in that direction. For 
 this purpose, the second division was placed under 
 the command of General Worth, and at 2 o clock, 
 P. M., on the 20th September, 1846, he. started to 
 execute the duty assigned him. The enemy, in the 
 mean time, had thrown reinforcements into the 
 Bishop s palace, and upon the heights which com 
 manded it.* To divert the attention of the Mexi 
 cans, Generals Butler and Twiggs displayed their 
 divisions before the town. On the morning of the 
 21st, the division under General Worth was put 
 in motion, and soon encountered a strong force of 
 cavalry and infantry, and after a sharp conflict the 
 Mexicans were defeated. The examinations made 
 proved the impracticability of making any effective 
 advances upon the city, without first obtaining pos 
 session of the exterior forts and batteries. About 
 300 men composed a storming party for the purpose 
 of effecting that object ; one fort after another was 
 taken under a tremendous fire, until they were ena- 
 
 * Dispatch of General Taylor, October 9th, 1846. 
 
158 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 bled to bring their guns to bear upon the Bishop s 
 palace.* To carry the building was the next object 
 to be accomplished. It is situated about midway 
 the southern slope of the hill Independencia. This 
 was accomplished on the 22d, by one of the most 
 brilliant feats recorded in the annals of warfare. 
 The position they had thus gained enabled them 
 to send their iron hail into the Grand Plaza. The 
 town was now perfectly under the control of Worth s 
 artillery. In the mean time, a demonstration was 
 made by the forces under the immediate command 
 of General Taylor, upon the other end of the town. 
 Here the loss of the Americans was very severe, 
 and it was only by " burrowing " through the 
 houses that they could make much progress into 
 the heart of the city. The display of daring upon 
 the part of both regulars and volunteers was highly 
 satisfactory, and added still more to the reputation 
 of the forme] , and covered with renown the deeds 
 of the latter. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 24th of September, 
 General Taylor received a communication from 
 Ampudia, proposing to evacuate the town, upon 
 condition that he should be suffered to take with 
 him the personel and materiel of war.f This pro 
 position was refused by General Taylor,^ and the 
 unconditional surrender of the town and the garri- 
 
 * Report of General Worth, September 28th, 1846. 
 
 f Letter of General Ampudia, September 23d. to General Taylor. 
 
 | " A complete surrender of the town and garrison, the latter as pris 
 oners of war, is now demanded. The garrison will he allowed, at your 
 option, after laying down its arms, to retire to the interior, on condition 
 of not serving again during the war, until regularly exchanged." Letter 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 159 
 
 son as prisoners of war was demanded. Upon the 
 same day that General Taylor made this response 
 to the Mexican General-in-Chief, much more favor 
 able terms were extended to him.* The city, forti 
 fications, cannon, munitions of war, and all other 
 public property, with some exceptions, were sur 
 rendered, but the Mexican forces were allowed to 
 retain their accoutrements, one battery of six pieces, 
 with twenty-one rounds of ammunition. They were 
 to retire within seven days from that date, beyond 
 the line formed by the pass of the Rinconada, the 
 city of Linares and San Fernando De Pressas, and 
 the forces of the United States were not to advance 
 beyond the line specified before the expiration of 
 eight weeks, or until the order or instructions of 
 the respective Governments could be received. The 
 Mexican flag when struck at the citadel was to be 
 saluted by its own battery. The terms of this 
 capitulation created much dissatisfaction in the 
 United States. It was a subject of much regret 
 that General Taylor did not exact from the enemy 
 more rigorous terms. The Secretary of War, in 
 response to the communication from General Taylor, 
 was directed by the President to inform him that 
 he regretted it was not deemed advisable to insist 
 upon the terms which he had first proposed, al 
 though it was suggested that the circumstances 
 doubtless justified the change.* The reasons given 
 
 * See terms of the capitulation of Monterey, Executive Documents, 
 2d Session 29th Congress, volume 4, Doc. No. 119. 
 
 f " In relation to the terms of capitulation of Monterey, the President 
 instructs me to say that he regrets it was not advisable to insist upon the 
 
160 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 by General Taylor* for acceding to the terms of 
 capitulation, were first, the impossibility of prevent 
 ing the escape of the Mexicans through the various 
 passes leading from the city, and the destruction of 
 their artillery and magazines ; and secondly, the im 
 possibility of moving forward in force until the 
 time selected for the cessation of hostilities had ex- 
 pired.f The Secretary of War informed General 
 
 terms which you had first proposed. The circumstances which dictated 
 doubtless justified the change. The President, uninformed of these cir 
 cumstances, does not know in what degree the recent change in the Gov 
 ernment of Mexico may have contributed to this result. Certain it is, 
 however, that the present rulers of that republic have not yet given any 
 evidence that they are favorable to the interests of peace. Of this you 
 will have already been informed by my dispatch of the 22d ultimo." 
 Letter of tlie Secretary of War to General Taylor, October 13th, 1846. 
 
 * " The force with which I advanced on Monterey was limited by 
 causes beyond my control, to about 6,000 men. With this force, as every 
 military man must admit who has seen the ground, it was entirely impos 
 sible to invest Monterey so closely as to prevent the escape of the garri 
 son. Although the main communication with the interior was in our 
 possession, yet one route was open to the Mexicans throughout the ope 
 rations, and could not be closed, as were also other minor tracks and 
 passes through the mountains. Had we, therefore, insisted on more 
 rigorous terms than those granted, the result would have been the escape 
 of the body of the Mexican force, with the destruction of its artillery and 
 magazines ; our only advantage being the capture of a few prisoners of 
 war, at the expense of valuable lives and much damage to the city. The 
 consideration of humanity was present to my mind during the conference 
 which led to the convention, and outweighed in my judgment the doubtful 
 advantages to be gained by a resumption of the attack upon the town. 
 This conclusion has been fully confirmed by an inspection of the enemy s 
 position and means since the surrender. It was discovered that his 
 principal magazine, containing an immense amount of powder, was in 
 the cathedral, completely exposed to our shells from two directions. The 
 explosion of this mass of powder, which must have ultimately resulted 
 from a continuance of the bombardment, would have been infinitely dis 
 astrous, involving the destruction not only of Mexican troops, but of 
 non-combatants, and even our own people, had we pressed the attack." 
 
 f " In regard to the temporary cessation of hostilities, the fact that 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATIOK. 161 
 
 Taylor that lie would perceive by the tenor of the 
 dispatches from the War Department, that the Gov 
 ernment did not contemplate the occurrence of any 
 contingency in the prosecution of the war in whidh 
 it would be expedient to suspend hostilities before 
 the offer of acceptable terms of peace; and also 
 gave him instructions to terminate the armistice 
 immediately.* It cannot be regarded in any other 
 light than as a most unfortunate result, that after a 
 loss of 12 officers and 108 men killed, 31 officers 
 and 337 men wounded in capturing the city, that 
 8,000 Mexicans should be suffered to retire with 
 arms in their hands without even a parole of honor 
 that they would not fight again during the war. 
 That Ampudia would have acceded to any terms 
 when his head-quarters were brought under the fire 
 
 we are not at this moment (within eleven days of the termination of the 
 period fixed by the convention) prepared to move forward in force, is a 
 sufficient explanation of the military reasons which dictated this suspen 
 sion of arms. It paralyzed the enemy during a period when, from the 
 want of necessary means, we could not possibly move. I desire distinctly 
 to state, and to call the attention of the authorities to the fact, that with 
 all diligence in breaking mules and setting up wagons, the first wagons in 
 addition to our original train from Corpus Christi (and but 125 in number) 
 reached my head-quarters on the same day with the Secretary s commu 
 nication of October 13th, viz., the 2d inst. At the date of the surrender 
 of Monterey our force had not more than ten days rations ; and even now, 
 with all our endeavors, we have not more than twenty-five. The task of 
 fighting and beating the enemy is among the least difficult that we en 
 counter ; the great question of supplies necessarily controls all the ope 
 rations in a country like this. At the date of the convention I could not, 
 of course, have foreseen that the department would direct an important 
 detachment from my command without consulting me, or without waiting 
 the result of the main operation under my orders." Letter of General 
 Taylor to the Secretary of War, November Slh, 1846. 
 
 * Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Taylor, October 13th, 1846. 
 11 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of Worth s artillery, there is every reason to be 
 lieve. As it was, the victory cannot be considered 
 as complete, when the right to salute their flag was 
 extended to the enemy, and permission given him 
 to resume hostilities again. 
 
 The destinies of Mexico were at this time con 
 trolled by Santa Anna. In August, 1846, the 
 power of Paredes was overthrown, and shortly after 
 Santa Anna returned from Havana to Mexico. The 
 permission given by Mr. Polk to Santa Anna to re 
 turn to Mexico,* has been made the subject of 
 much animadversion. It has been insisted that he 
 offered no obstructions to the return of the ablest 
 of the Mexican chieftains. During the war, public 
 opinion rather condemned this act upon the part of 
 Mr. Polk, but the time has now arrived when it can 
 be examined with more calmness, and all the cir 
 cumstances which evidently controlled him in grant 
 ing that permission, can be impartially considered. 
 It will be recollected that the basis of the revolu 
 tion which placed Paredes in power, was the fact, 
 that Ilerrera had accepted overtures for the settle 
 ment of the difficulties between the two countries.f 
 
 * [" PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.] 
 
 "UNITED STATES NAVY DEPARTMENT, May 13, 1846. 
 " COMMODORE : If Santa Anna endeavors to enter the Mexican ports, 
 rou will allow him to pass freely. 
 
 " Respectfully, yours, GEORGE BANCROFT. 
 
 " Commodore DAVID CONNER, commanding Home Squadron." 
 
 f " We now turn a glance to Mexico, where will be found established 
 the government of General Paredes. As one of the motives by which the 
 revolutionists supported their prommciamento, was. that the administration 
 of Herrera did not desire to carry on this war ; the new Government was 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 163 
 
 Paredes was not only the most clamorous of all the 
 Mexican chieftains for a war with the United States, 
 but he was known to be a monarchist in principle. 
 If necessary to enable them to contend successfully 
 against the United States, he was in favor of call 
 ing to the aid of Mexico a foreign power, by the 
 tender of a throne. Although it might be a trivial 
 affair to chastise the insolence of the Mexicans, yet 
 it would be more difficult, if they were able to 
 obtain the aid of France and Spain. This was a 
 consummation by no means improbable. The ba 
 lance of power doctrine had been proclaimed by 
 Guizot a doctrine against which our Government 
 is committed. For the purpose, then, of preventing 
 an^Jliance between Mexico and any of the Euro 
 pean powers, either to obtain troops to fight her 
 battles, or to make that country a dependency of 
 France or Spain, it was perfectly justifiable in Mr. 
 Polk to produce internal dissensions in Mexico. 
 Independent of this view of the subject, we had a 
 perfect right to produce as much anarchy and con 
 fusion in that motley assemblage called republicans, 
 as possible. Whatever may have been the crimes 
 
 bound to do so at any cost." Mexican History of the War in Mexico, 
 p. 38. 
 
 " The command of the division of reserve, destined to operate on the 
 frontier of Texas, was intrusted to General Paredes, who, although he 
 had, from causes of personal dissatisfaction, contributed to the overthrow 
 of Santa Anna, has always been known as the advocate of centralism, or 
 rather of a military despotism, ordered to advance several months since, to 
 the line of the Rio del Norte, he has, on various frivolous pretexts, con 
 stantly disobeyed or evaded his instructions, and the government, although 
 it cannot have been ignorant of his hostile intentions, has not dared to dis 
 place him" Letter of Mr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, December 27th, 
 1845. Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 34. 
 
164 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 committed by Santa Anna, he was certainly opposed 
 to the establishment of a monarchy in Mexico. 
 That danger, then, was not to be apprehended, if 
 he once more obtained the reins of government. 
 Besides, the hope was entertained that he would 
 employ his influence in restoring pacific relations 
 between the two countries.* 
 
 Those persons who have so fiercely assailed the 
 conduct of Mr. Polk, in permitting Santa Anna to 
 return, may not be apprised of the fact, that the pre 
 sent Chief Magistrate of this country placed reliance 
 in the declarations of Santa Anna, that he was 
 favorable to peace.f He supposed, that the change 
 of Government in Mexico (in his letter defending 
 himself for granting an armistice), since his las"L in 
 structions, fully warranted him in listening to the 
 propositions of Ampudia. That change of Govern 
 ment was the substitution of Santa Anna for Gene- 
 
 * Again : " In the course of civil war, the Government of General Pa- 
 redes was overthrown. We could not but look upon this as a fortunate 
 event, believing that any other administration, representing Mexico, would 
 be less deluded, more patriotic, and more prudent looking to the com 
 mon good, weighing probabilities, strength, resources, and, above all, the 
 general opinion as to the inevitable results of a national war. We were 
 deceived as perhaps you, Mexicans, were also deceived, in judging of the 
 real intentions of General Santa Anna, whom you recalled, and whom 
 our Government permitted to return." Proclamation of General Scott to 
 the Mexicans, May 11, 1847, at Jalapa. 
 
 f " In the conference with General Ampudia, I was distinctly told by 
 him that he had invited it to spare the further effusion of blood, and be 
 cause General Santa Anna had declared himself favorable to peace. I 
 knew that our Government had made propositions to that of Mexico to ne 
 gotiate, and I deemed that the change of Government in that country since 
 my last instructions, fully warranted me in entertaining considerations of 
 policy." Dispatches of General Taylor to the War Department, Novem 
 ber 8th, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 165 
 
 ral Paredes, as the President of Mexico. The in 
 structions to which he refers, did not contemplate 
 that any contingency would happen in the prosecu 
 tion of the war, in which it would be expedient to 
 suspend hostilities before the offer of acceptable 
 terms of peace.* Under these instructions, then, 
 when General Taylor agreed to a suspension of hos 
 tilities, he must have believed, not only that Santa 
 Anna would offer acceptable terms of peace, but 
 that he had already done so. Placing the permis 
 sion given Santa Anna to return to Mexico, alone 
 .upon the ground of his supposed exertions to pro 
 duce peace, the two American Executives were 
 both deceived, and the judgments of neither proved 
 infallible. 
 
 On the 27th of July, 1846, the President of 
 the United States caused propositions to be made 
 to the Mexican Government, for the termination of 
 existing difficulties in a treaty of peace.f This pro 
 position was responded to by the Mexican autho 
 rities, August 31st following. The only answer 
 made to this conciliatory offer was the proposition 
 to lay it before the Mexican Congress, to be as 
 sembled on the 6th of December thereafter. J Too 
 little reliance was placed in the favorable action of 
 that body, to authorize a suspension of hostilities 
 for so long a period. They had proved too regard 
 less of plighted faith, to render it at all probable, 
 
 * Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Taylor, October 13, 1846. 
 
 f Letter of Mr. Buchanan, to the Minister of Foreign Relations of the 
 Mexican Republic, July 27, 1846. 
 
 I Letter of Manuel Crescencio Rejon. Mexican Secretary of Foreign 
 Affairs, August 31, 1846. 
 
166 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 that where no pledges were made, the Mexican 
 Congress would agree to terms unless they were 
 forced by stern necessity ; and the proposition of 
 the Mexican Government was rejected, and they 
 were informed that the appeal to arms would be 
 continued. 
 
 The column under Brigadier General Wool, 
 consisting of about 1,400 men, destined for the con 
 quest of Chihuahua, was put in motion from San 
 Antonia de Bexar, on the 29th of September, 1846. 
 Crossing the Rio Grande, he traversed Coahuila 
 and arrived at Monclova, on the 31st of October, 
 and was well received by the inhabitants.* The 
 force of General Wool having been diverted from 
 its original destination, it never reached Chihuahua, 
 and he subsequently joined his command to the 
 army of General Taylor. 
 
 On the 30th of June, Brigadier General Kearny, 
 with 1,600 regulars and volunteers, marched from 
 Fort Leavenworth, in the direction of Santa Fe, 
 where he arrived after a march of 873 miles, on the 
 18th of August, and took possession of New Mexico 
 by a bloodless achievement. The Mexican forces 
 under the command of Governor Armijo, amount 
 ing to 4,000, ingloriously fled ; and the Governor 
 himself, with a small party of dragoons, departed in 
 haste for Chihuahua. General Kearny was autho 
 rized to muster into service a battalion from among 
 the emigrants, who were on their way to Oregon 
 and California ; in addition to this force, 1,000 volun 
 teers were started from Missouri to reinforce him. 
 
 * The reoort of the Secretary of War, December, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 167 
 
 In August, 1846, General Kearny communicated 
 to the War Department the fact, that he had under 
 his command a greater number of troops than was 
 necessary to retain possession of Santa Fe, and for 
 the conquest of California ; and that he proposed 
 sending a portion of them to reinforce General Wool, 
 whom he supposed was advancing upon Chihuahua.* 
 On the 23d of September, 1846, Colonel Doni 
 phan, with the first regiment of Missouri volunteers 
 started upon that celebrated march, which has not 
 inaptly been compared to that of Xenophon. The 
 men who composed that regiment, were young, 
 hardy, and possessed of a desperate and reckless 
 courage, and were well fitted for a service which 
 was surrounded by so many perils. It was not 
 known when Doniphan left Santa Fe, that the 
 column under the command of General Wool had 
 been diverted from its movement upon Chihuahua, 
 and he therefore penetrated with his small band of 
 heroes into a country that thronged with foes, and 
 which had never been trod by the footsteps of an 
 American soldier. 
 
 On the 25th of December, the advance guard 
 of his regiment was met by the Mexicans in force, 
 in the vicinity of Brazito, where a battle ensued, 
 resulting in the total overthrow of the enemy, with 
 a loss on their part of nearly 200 killed and wound 
 ed, and on that of the Americans of only 7 wounded. 
 Less than 500 Americans in this engagement de 
 feated 1,200 Mexicans. Continuing his march, 
 Doniphan, entered El Passo without again en- 
 
 * Report of the Secretary of War, December, 1846. 
 
168 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 countering a foe. It was here ascertained, that the 
 movement had to be made without the aid of Gene 
 ral Wool ; and the command was detained until 
 February, for the purpose of receiving reinforce 
 ments of artillery from Santa Fe, when the force 
 continued to advance towards Chihuahua. 
 
 On the 28th of February, 1847, they discovered 
 a large force of Mexicans, intrenched behind their 
 batteries at the pass of Sacramento. It was at once 
 determined to storm the Mexican intrenchments ; 
 they were furiously assaulted, and defended with 
 equal desperation. The ardor of the Americans 
 proved irresistible; the fortifications were scaled, 
 the enemy was driven from his artillery with dread 
 ful slaughter, and the victory was signal and com 
 plete. Our troops entered the capital of Chihua 
 hua in triumph, and shortly after proceeded to join 
 General Taylor at Monterey. If we except the 
 bloody victory of Molino del Key, there was no 
 more brilliant achievement during the whole war, 
 
 O 7 
 
 than the triumph at the battle of Sacramento. The 
 Mexican forces amounted to more than 4,000, and 
 their loss in killed and wounded was about 600 ; 
 while the entire force of the Americans was less 
 than 900, and their killed and wounded did not ex 
 ceed 9 men. Thus the march of Colonel Doniphan 
 and his men for more than 1,000 miles through a 
 hostile country, was rendered still more glorious by 
 his triumphs in two battles against greatly supe 
 rior numbers. 
 
 In September, 1846, General Kearny with a 
 regular force of about 300 dragoons, in pursuance 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 169 
 
 of the instructions from the War Department, 
 started for California. Passing down the Rio 
 Grande more than 200 miles, he prepared to cross 
 over to the river Gila, but after advancing about 
 180 miles, he was met by an express from California 
 dispatched by Colonel Fremont. Deeming it un 
 necessary to take an additional force into that coun 
 try, he ordered most of his troops to return to 
 Santa Fe, and continued himself with about 100 
 men. 
 
 In May, 1845, Captain Fremont left Washing 
 ton, under orders from the War Department, to 
 continue his explorations beyond the Rocky Moun 
 tains a service purely of a scientific character. 
 There were no soldiers under his command, and the 
 sixty-two men who made up his party were taken 
 as a protection against the Indians. His route lay 
 through a portion of California that was settled, 
 and he was fully apprised of the danger of a rup 
 ture between Mexico and the United States, and 
 was resolved to give no umbrage to the authorities 
 in California. Leaving his company 100 miles from 
 Monterey, he proceeded to that place alone, for the 
 purpose of explaining to Castro the object of his 
 mission, and to obtain permission to enter the val 
 ley of the San Joaquin, to obtain forage for his 
 horses and provisions for the men. His request 
 was granted ; but scarcely had he arrived at the 
 place which he had selected, before he received in 
 formation that General Castro was preparing to 
 overwhelm him with a superior force. For the 
 purpose of defending himself from this unwarran- 
 
170 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 table attack, lie intrenched Ms men upon a moun 
 tain thirty miles distant from Monterey. There he 
 remained from the 7th to the 10th of March, 1846, 
 without being attacked by the Mexicans ; and he at 
 length yielded to the wishes of some of his men, 
 discharged them, and pursued his march for Oregon. 
 After being attacked by hostile Indians, who were 
 instigated by General Castro, he was informed that 
 Castro himself was advancing against him at the 
 head of more than 400 men, and that the Ameri 
 can settlers in the valley of the Sacramento, as well 
 as his own party, were to be involved in the scheme 
 of destruction. Driven in self-defence to repel the 
 foe who like a wolf hung upon his footsteps ; on the 
 6th of June, 1846, he determined to overthrow the 
 Mexican authority in California. By rapidity of 
 movement he surprised several parties, and obtained 
 possession of nine brass cannon and several hundred 
 stand of arms. Castro was driven from one posi 
 tion to another, until he reached Cuidad de Los An 
 geles. Colonel Frelnont having formed a junction 
 with Commodore Stockton, their united forces, on 
 the 12th of August, 1846, entered the city of the 
 Angels, the Governor General Pico, and the rest of 
 the Mexican authorities, having fled. Commodore 
 Stockton took possession of the whole country, and 
 appointed Colonel Fremont Governor. In the short 
 space of sixty days the conquest of a country was 
 achieved, which has more recently attracted the 
 attention of the civilized world. 
 
 The operations thus far had failed to produce 
 the desired result of forcing Mexico to conclude a 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 peace. Far greater obstinacy was manifested by 
 the Mexicans than was anticipated by those persons 
 who did not understand the characteristics of the 
 Spanish race. The victories upon the Rio Grande 
 and the capture of Monterey did not produce a 
 termination of the war, and the necessity of carry 
 ing out the comprehensive plan laid down by the 
 "War Department became now perfectly apparent. 
 For the purpose of conciliating the Mexican inhabit 
 ants, the burdens of the contest which are ordina 
 rily borne by the citizens of an invaded country, 
 had been withheld. The private property which 
 was appropriated for the use of the army was paid 
 for at a fair price. This was far from having the 
 effect of rendering them clamorous for peace ; on 
 the contrary, protected as they were from exactions 
 by their own authorities, and furnished with a pro 
 fitable market for their produce, it was highly favor 
 able to their interests that the war should be con 
 tinued. An army of invasion possesses the un 
 doubted right of not only drawing its supplies from 
 the enemy without paying for them, but to exact 
 contributions for its support. This is often a very 
 effective way of bringing public opinion to bear 
 upon the subject. The departure from this rule 
 was made as a matter of policy, to avoid arousing 
 the Mexican nation en masse against us. Instruc 
 tions were issued from the War Department to 
 General Taylor, to require contributions to be made 
 of supplies for the army without paying for them, 
 if he was satisfied that his army could be subsisted 
 
172 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 in that way.* A letter was addressed by the "War 
 Department to General Taylor, September 22d, 
 1846, informing him that it was contemplated to 
 make a movement in the direction of Tampico, but 
 he was advised that it was not designed to with 
 draw any of the force then with him, nor to divert 
 any of the reinforcements which might be neces 
 sary to enable him to advance beyond Monterey. 
 He was told that communications would be made 
 immediately from the War Department to Gene 
 ral Patterson, because the time it would take to 
 receive information from him and to send the reply 
 from the War Department, might.be the very mo 
 ment for striking an effective blow. This com 
 munication called forth a protest, prompt and ex 
 plicit, from General Taylor.f He insisted that 
 while he was at the head of the army in Mexico, 
 he would be held responsible for its operations, and 
 therefore claimed the right of organizing all de 
 tachments from it, and of controlling the time and 
 manner of their service. In the dispatch of Gen 
 eral Taylor of October 15th, 1846, he reported at 
 considerable length his views with regard to an 
 onward movement in the direction of San Luis 
 Potosi. It was his opinion that to insure success 
 in the advance upon that city it would require an 
 army 20,000 strong, 10,000 of which should be 
 regular troops, and that besides this force, 5,000 
 
 * Letter of Secretary of War to General Taylor, September 22d, 
 1846. 
 
 f Dispatch of General Taylor to the War Department, October 15th, 
 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATIOIST. 173 
 
 men would be required to keep possession of the 
 country already under our control.* In the same 
 communication he expressed himself, in view of the 
 difficulties and expense of a movement into the 
 heart of Mexico, favorable to the occupation of a 
 defensive line.f That line was the Sierra Madre, 
 
 * " In view of the above facts, I hazard nothing in saying that a 
 column to move on San Luis from Saltillo, should, to insure success, be 
 at least 20,000 strong, of which 10,000 should be regular troops. After 
 much reflection, I consider the above as the smallest number of effective 
 troops that could be employed on this service without incurring the hazard 
 of disaster and perhaps defeat. There would be required, besides, to 
 keep open our long line, protect the depots, and secure the country 
 already gained, a force of 5,000 men ; this, without including the force 
 necessary to send to Tampico, to take or hold that place. 
 
 " And now I come to the point presented in the Secretary s letter. A 
 simultaneous movement on San Luis and Tampico is there suggested ; 
 but it will readily be seen that with only one-half the force which I con 
 sider necessary to march on one point, it is quite impossible to march on 
 both ; and that nothing short of an effective force of 25,000 to 30,000 
 men would, on military principles, justify the double movement. And it 
 is to be remarked that the possession of Tampico is indispensable in case 
 we advance to San Luis, for the line hence to the latter place is entirely 
 too long to be maintained permanently, and must be abandoned for the 
 shorter one from Tampico the moment San Luis is taken. 
 
 " I have spoken only of the number of troops deemed necessary for the 
 prosecution of the campaign beyond Saltillo. It will be understood that 
 largely increased means and material of every kind will be equally ne 
 cessary to render the army efficient ; such as cavalry and artillery horses, 
 means of transport, ordnance stores, &c." 
 
 f " It may be expected that I should give my views as to the policy 
 of occupying a defensive line, to which I have above alluded. I am free 
 to confess that, in view of the difficulties and expense attending a move 
 ment into the heart of the country, and particularly in view of the un 
 settled and revolutionary character of the Mexican Government, the occu 
 pation of such a line seems to me the best course that can be adopted. 
 The line taken might either be that on which we propose to insist as the 
 boundary between the republics say the Rio Grande, or the line to which 
 we have advanced, viz., the Sierra Madre, including Chihuahua and Santa 
 Fe. The former line could be held with a much smaller force than the lat- 
 
174 IIISTOEY OF THE 
 
 including Chihuahua and Santa Fe, or the Eio 
 Grande. The opinion, then, of General Taylor was 
 distinctly expressed, that an advance beyond the 
 Sierra Madre was impolitic. 
 
 To enable General Taylor to dispense with the 
 corps under General Worth, it was intimated to 
 him that it would be better to order General Wool 
 to join him, if it was not contemplated to hold 
 possession of Coahuila or Chihuahua.* That com 
 mander himself admitted, that nothing would be 
 gained by an advance upon Chihuahua by General 
 Wool s column, at all commensurate with the exces 
 sive length of his line of operations.f There were 
 
 ter ; but even the line of the Sierra Madre could be held with a force greatly 
 less than would be required for an active campaign. Monterey controls 
 the great outlet from the interior. A strong garrison at this point, with 
 an advance at Saltillo and small corps at Monclova, Linares, Victoria and 
 Tampico, would effectually cover the line." Letter of General Taylor to 
 the Secretary of War, October 15th, 1846. 
 
 * " It is not doubted that General Wool will be able to capture Chihua 
 hua ; but if the population should be disposed, as it is apprehended they 
 will be, to obstruct his movements and withhold supplies, it is doubtful 
 whether he has a sufficient force to sustain himself long in that position. 
 Should the contemplated military and naval operations on the Gulf coast be 
 put in execution, troops to reinforce him, in case his condition required 
 it, cannot well be spared. Under a full view of all the circumstances, it is 
 suggested whether it would not be best to have his force united with yours 
 at Monterey, or on the Rio Grande." Letter of Mr. Marcy to General 
 Taylor, October 22 d, 1846. 
 
 f " Brigadier General Wool, with a portion of his force, arrived at 
 Monclova on the 29th of October, and is now joined by the rear division. 
 He reports no practicable route to Chihuahua except the one by Parras, 
 which will bring within a few leagues of Saltillo. He inquires, what is 
 to be gained by going to Chihuahua ? And 1 am free to answer, nothing 
 at all commensurate with the excessive length of his line of operations. 
 Chihuahua, moreover, is virtually conquered, and can be occupied at any 
 moment while we hold Saltillo and Santa Fe." Letter of General Taylor 
 to Mr. Marcy, November 9th, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 
 
 no reasons then, why General Wool should not be 
 ordered to join his column with that of General 
 Taylor. 
 
 The design of making a descent upon Victoria 
 and Tampico had not been abandoned. The column 
 destined for this expedition reached Victoria on the 
 23d of January, 1847, but before its arrival a naval 
 force, under the command of Commodore Perry, 
 had taken possession of Tampico. The descent of 
 the fleet upon this place was made for the purpose 
 of masking the movement upon Vera Cruz. In the 
 mean time, General Wool was stationed at Parras 
 with 2,400 men, and General Worth with his com 
 mand of 1,200 men was advanced to Saltillo, while 
 the headquarters of General Butler were at Monte 
 rey.* General Taylor himself left Monterey on the 
 15th of December, for the purpose of forming a 
 junction with General Patterson at Victoria. His 
 course was, however, arrested before reaching that 
 place, by a dispatch from General Worth, conveying 
 the information that Santa Anna was about to avail 
 himself of the diversion in the direction of Victo 
 ria, for the purpose of making a descent upon the 
 advanced posts of the army. Taylor returned with 
 the regular troops under his command to Monterey. 
 General Worth was promptly reinforced by the di 
 vision under the command of General Wool, and 
 by the disposable force at Monterey under General 
 Butler. General Taylor himself was advancing to 
 Saltillo, when he was informed that the advanced 
 
 * Report of General Taylor to the War Department, December 8th, 
 1846. 
 
176 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 posts of the Mexicans had been withdrawn. He 
 then continued in the direction of Victoria, where 
 he arrived on the 4th of January, 1847, and awaited 
 further communications from General Scott. The 
 troops of the United States now held possession of 
 the country this side of the Sierra Madre, extend 
 ing from Tampico to Saltillo and Santa Fe ; still 
 Mexico refused to accede to terms. It was there 
 fore resolved to make a descent upon Vera Cruz, 
 and to strike at the heart of the Mexican territory. 
 While the line of the Sierra Madre was to be re 
 tained, and the advance of our troops in the direc 
 tion of San Luis was to be left for future determi 
 nation, a large force under the immediate command 
 of General Scott was preparing to attack the castle 
 of San Juan de Ulloa. As early as September, 
 1846, the attention of the Government was directed 
 to that quarter, and on the 23d of November there 
 after, General Scott received instructions from the 
 War Department to place himself at the head of 
 the invading forces. This was done without the 
 least injustice to General Taylor, who had advanced 
 into the enemy s country as far as he thought advi 
 sable, and was very properly left to defend what 
 had been so gallantly acquired ; while the command 
 of the other column was very appropriately assigned 
 to the Commander-in-chief of the army. 
 
 That the very kindest feelings were entertained 
 by General Scott towards General Taylor, there 
 can be no doubt.* And that there was a discre- 
 
 * " I shall much regret not having an early opportunity of felicitating 
 you in person upon your many brilliant achievements ; but we may meet 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 tionary power left to General Taylor as to tlie num 
 ber of troops he would suffer to be withdrawn from 
 his line of operations, is perfectly undeniable.* 
 
 somewhere in the interior of Mexico. I am not coming, my dear General, 
 to supersede you in the immediate command on the line of operations 
 rendered illustrious by you and your gallant army. My proposed theatre 
 is different. But, my dear General, I shall be obliged to take from you 
 most of the gallant officers and men (regulars and volunteers), whom you 
 have so long and so nobly commanded. I am afraid that I shall, by impe 
 rious necessity the approach of the yellow fever on the Gulf coast re 
 duce you, for a time, to stand on the defensive. This will be infinitely 
 painful to you, and for that reason distressing to me. But I rely upon 
 your patriotism to submit to the temporary sacrifice with cheerfulness. No 
 man can better afford to do so. Recent victories place you on that high 
 eminence, and I even flatter myself that any benefit that may result to 
 me personally from the unequal division of troops alluded to, will lessen 
 the pain of your consequent inactivity." Letter of General Scott to Gene 
 ral Taylor, dated at New-York, November 25/ft, 1846. 
 
 * " In looking at the present disposition of the troops, it appears to be 
 scarcely possible to get the requisite number of regulars without drawing 
 some of those now with you at Monterey, or on the way to that place. 
 Should you decide against holding military possession of any place in Coa- 
 huila or Chihuahua, and order the troops under General Wool to join you, 
 it is presumed that the requisite force for the expedition to Vera Cruz 
 could be detached without interfering with your plans of operation. Whilst 
 the Government is anxious that nothing should occur to prevent the expe 
 dition to Vera Cruz, regarding it of great importance, yet if by withdraw 
 ing from your immediate command the force necessary for this purpose the 
 army with you may be placed in danger, this expedition must for the pre 
 sent be either deferred or abandoned a result deeply to be regretted. On 
 the spot, you will know the strength of the force advancing against you, 
 and the number of troops necessary to resist it ; you will by no means 
 weaken yourself so as to expose the army under your command to the 
 probable hazard of disaster. It is desirable to avoid delay ; you will, there 
 fore, unless it materially interferes with your own plan of operations, or 
 weakens you too much in your present position, make the necessary ar 
 rangements for having four thousand men (of whom fifteen hundred or 
 two thousand should be regular troops), ready to embark for Vera Cruz, 
 or such other destination as may be given them, at the earliest practicable 
 period. The place of embarkation will probably be the Brazos Santiago, 
 or in that vicinity." Letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, 
 12 
 
ITS HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 During the first session of the 29th Congress, the 
 President recommended to Congress to make an ap 
 propriation of money to be placed under the con 
 trol of the Executive, to be used, if necessary, in 
 concluding a treaty of peace with Mexico. There 
 was a precedent for this application. On the 26th 
 of February, 1803, two millions of dollars was 
 placed at the disposal of President Jefferson, for the 
 purpose of enabling him to acquire Louisiana from 
 France, and the same amount was appropriated in 
 1806, to enable him to acquire the Florid as from 
 Spain. The appropriation desired by Mr. Polk 
 was not made until the second session of the 29th 
 Congress, when the object of the law was distinctly 
 specified. * 
 
 Scarcely had Congress convened, in December, 
 1846, before the conduct of General Kearny, in es 
 tablishing a civil government in New Mexico, was 
 made the subject of animated discussion. It was 
 vehemently asserted that Mr. Polk had been guilty 
 of a lawless assumption of power not delegated by 
 the Constitution ; and the gallant officers he had 
 sent to conquer New Mexico and California, were 
 denounced as his " satraps and tetrarchs."f On the 
 
 October 22c?, 1846. Executive Documents, 2d session 29th Congress. 
 Volume 4. Doc. No. 119, p. 86. 
 
 * " To enable the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits and 
 boundaries, with the Republic of Mexico, to be used by him in the event 
 that said treaty, when signed by the authorized agents of the two Govern 
 ments, and duly ratified by Mexico, shall call for the expenditure of the 
 same, or any part thereof." Act of 1847. 
 
 f : He (Mr. D.) had not proposed to inquire of the President as to the 
 manner in which he had conducted, or proposed to conduct the operations 
 of the war; because he was too well acquainted with his own position and 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 179 
 
 15th of December a resolution passed the House of 
 Representatives, requesting the President to com 
 municate to that body, all orders and instructions 
 which he had given to the commanders of the army 
 and navy concerning the establishment of civil gov 
 ernment in any portion of the territory of Mexico.* 
 It was expected by the opposition members of Con 
 gress, that he had transcended his constitutional 
 
 duty as a member of Congress, and that of the President. But when he 
 saw foreign countries occupied by our army and navy ; when he heard 
 officers of our Government proclaiming themselves governors of provinces, 
 appointing subordinate officers, fixing their salaries and the duration of 
 their offices establishing, in a word, the whole machine of civil govern 
 ment, he demanded of the President his authority for permitting and sanc 
 tioning such a course of proceedings. What ! was our American Presi 
 dent an emperor, sending forth his Agrippa and his Marcellus, his pro 
 consuls, to establish and to govern the provinces they might conquer by 
 force of arms ? Was the President of the United States, an officer deriv 
 ing his breath and being from the Constitution of the United States, to 
 authorize his satraps and his tetrarchs to set up governments at their plea 
 sure, and prescribe to them laws and regulations at their discretion ? If 
 he could, Mr. D. wanted to know under what grant of the Constitution he 
 exercised such a power ? The President, he admitted, was made by the 
 Constitution commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United 
 States, and he could do, in time of war, whatever pertained to that author 
 ity. He could do nothing, however, in relation to the conduct of either 
 army or navy, but what grew out of, and was immediately connected with, 
 that authority. But for the express grant of the Constitution, he could 
 do nothing in conducting the war at all. The whole duty would, in that 
 case, devolve upon Congress, and such agents as Congress might be 
 pleased to appoint. The President could discharge no function in rela 
 tion to the war, but such as resided in him as Commander-in-chief of the 
 army and navy of the country. As President, he could legitimately take 
 no part in a war of conquest none whatever none, none. Then Mr. D. 
 wanted to know from the President, and from his partisans, by what im 
 perial or regal authority his majesty undertook to act in the premises re 
 ferred to in the resolution of inquiry." Speech of Garret Daiis, Kentucky, 
 H. of R. V. S., December 9, 1846. 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress. 
 
180 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 powers, in giving orders to the commanders of the 
 army, and upon the strength of that assumption, 
 before the resolution of inquiry was passed, he was 
 freely characterized by all those appellations which 
 do not indicate an honest man. But in this in 
 stance, as well as in many others, they entirely mis 
 conceived the character of the Executive, and it was 
 a long time before they could be convinced that he 
 was a perfect master of the powers which apper 
 tained to his office, and that he would fearlessly dis 
 charge them, regardless of the consequences. On 
 the 22d of December, 1846, Mr. Polk transmitted to 
 the House of Representatives all the orders or in 
 structions which had been issued to our officers with 
 regard to the establishment of civil governments. In 
 that communication he stated that the regulations 
 authorized were temporary, and dependent on the 
 rights acquired by conquest, and were but the ame 
 liorations of martial law. 
 
 Among the documents which the President 
 transmitted with that message to the House, was 
 the form of government established and organized 
 by General Kearny, at Santa Fe, which was not 
 brought to the notice of the President until after 
 his annual message of the 8th of December, 1846.* 
 The government organized and established by Ge 
 neral Kearny never did receive the sanction of the 
 Executive. That organic law is a very curious 
 compilation. It occupies forty-six pages in the Exe 
 cutive documents, and is assuredly a rare produc- 
 
 * Letter of the Secretary of War to the President, December 21, 
 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 181 
 
 tion ; and no one can peruse it, who is aware that 
 laws of that kind can only be passed by Congress, 
 without being amused at the naivete with which 
 this modern Solon compiled a constitution and laws 
 for New Mexico ; and it is difficult to believe that 
 the whole affair was not a broad joke.* 
 
 * ORGANIC LAW OF THE TERRITORY OF NEW MEXICO. 
 
 The Government of the United States of American ordains and estab 
 lishes the following Organic Law, for the territory of New Mexico, which 
 has become a territory of the said Government. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 SEC. 1. The country heretofore known as New Mexico, shall be 
 known hereafter, and designated as the territory of New Mexico, in the 
 United States of America, and the temporary government of the said 
 territory shall be organized and administered in the manner herein pre 
 scribed. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 EXECUTIVE POWER. 
 
 SEC. 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a Governor, who 
 shall reside in the said territory, and hold his office for two years, unless 
 sooner removed by the President of the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 LEGISLATIVE POWER. 
 
 SEC. 1. The Legislative power shall be vested in a General Assembly, 
 which shall consist of the Legislative Council and a House of Representa 
 tives. 
 
 SEC. 8. All free male citizens of the territory of New Mexico, who 
 then are, and for three months next preceding the election, shall have 
 been residents of the county or district in which they shall offer to vote, 
 shall be entitled to vote for a delegate to the Congress of the United 
 States, and for members of the General Assembly, and for all other 
 officers elected by the people. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 JUDICIAL POWER. 
 
 SEC. 1 . The Judicial power shall be vested in a Superior Court ; 
 and inferior tribunals to be established by law. 
 
182 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The course pursued by the President and his 
 subordinates in New Mexico, and California, pre 
 sents some points of the gravest consideration. The 
 powers and duties of belligerents should be well 
 denned. While it is admitted that a conquered 
 people should not be subjected to the despotic will 
 of the conqueror, regardless of the moral obligations 
 of humanity; still it is undeniable, that they are 
 shorn of those rights which they possessed before 
 they came under his power. Mi 1 . Polk laid down 
 the doctrine correctly, when he stated, that by the 
 law of nations, a conquered territory is subject to 
 be governed by the conqueror while he holds mili 
 tary possession. The government which previous 
 ly existed, being superseded, it is not only the right 
 but the duty of the conqueror to maintain civil 
 order, which will at the same time preserve his con 
 quest.* If it was necessary, to preserve possession 
 of the conquered territory, that the harsh and strin 
 gent rules of martial law should be enforced, then 
 that course would be justifiable. This may be done 
 
 Done in the Government House, in the city of Santa Fe, in the territory 
 of New Mexico, by Brigadier General Stephen VV. Kearny, hy virtue 
 of the power and authority conferred upon him by the Government of 
 the United States, this twenty-second day of September, 1846, 
 
 S. W. KEARNY, 
 Brigadier General U. S. A 
 
 I have only copied a small portion of the Organic Law. The power 
 of the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary, were defined at great 
 length, and their salaries specified. The time of electing the delegate to 
 Congress was also specified. Then followed an elaborate bill of rights. 
 The production can be found in vol. 3 of Executive Documents, 2d ses 
 sion 26th Congress. Doc. 19, Page 27. The Author. 
 
 * Message of President Polk, December 8th, 1846. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 183 
 
 for the benefit of the conqueror. But if this course 
 is not necessary, rules should be established to pre 
 vent civil discord and violence. This policy is de 
 manded by the immutable principles of justice to 
 the conquered people. The question presents itself 
 in two points of view : the first is external, a ques 
 tion under the rules of international law, between 
 us and Mexico. The other is a domestic question, 
 under the Constitution of the United State, between 
 the co-ordinate branches of the Government. The 
 former I have briefly considered. The latter in 
 volves far more weighty considerations; the con 
 stitutional division and exercise of powers granted 
 by the Constitution. The question, as to how far 
 the President could exercise over conquered pro 
 vinces certain powers, had never been decided, and 
 upon the establishment of a principle which should 
 properly define his powers much depended. After 
 mature reflection, I am convinced that the President, 
 as such, possesses no power under the Constitution 
 to exercise control over conquered territory during 
 the existence of war. If that power be admitted, 
 it can be exercised by him without being under the 
 control of Congress. If so disposed, he could estab 
 lish Governments, select officers, levy armies, and 
 surround himself in the conquered territories with 
 all the pomp and pageant of a Sultan. But 
 all the necessary powers are conferred upon him, 
 under that clause of the Constitution which pro 
 claims that he is the Commander-in-chief of the army 
 and navy of the United States ; in which capacity 
 his conduct is under the immediate supervision of 
 
184 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the legislative power. In this view of the sub 
 ject, it will be seen that all the powers which it is 
 necessary for the President to possess, are provided 
 by the Constitution, while the dangers which might 
 result from the occupancy of the Presidential chair, 
 by a man too ambitious and unscrupulous, are guard 
 ed against. The power, then, to establish all go 
 vernments necessary to preserve our conquests in 
 New Mexico, is obviously derived from the position 
 of Mr. Polk as the Commander-in-chief of the army. 
 Passing to the consideration of the attack made 
 
 o 
 
 in Congress upon Mr. Polk, because he had estab 
 lished through his subordinate a civil government 
 in that portion of the country, which he had him 
 self, in effect, claimed to be a part of Texas ; I can 
 only say that Santa Fe belonged either to Texas or 
 Mexico. If to the former, it was nevertheless in 
 the possession and under the control of the Mexi 
 cans, at the time the force under General Kearny 
 seized it for and in behalf of the United States, 
 and held it under the necessities of the case, by 
 military possession. If, on the contrary, it belonged 
 to Mexico, it was rightfully held as a conquered 
 province ; and in either point of view Mr. Polk was 
 guilty of no act of usurpation. 
 
 About the loth of December, 1846, Colonel 
 Price, who had been left in command of New Mex 
 ico, received information of an attempt to excite an 
 insurrection among the people of that section of 
 the country. On the 19th of January, 1847, Go 
 vernor Bent, together with five other persons, were 
 murdered at Taos. This was quickly followed by 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 185 
 
 other butcheries in that vicinity. Colonel Price 
 was informed of these events on the 20th of Janu 
 ary, and also that the Mexicans were advancing 
 upon Santa Fe. He at once resolved to meet them. 
 His force amounted to only three hundred and fifty- 
 three rank and file. The enemy were concentrated 
 near the town of Canada, in the vicinity of the Rio 
 del Norte, and were intrenched upon the heights 
 commanding the road to that town, and had forti 
 fied three strong houses at the base of the hill. 
 The American artillery was immediately opened 
 upon these positions, and in a short time the Mexi 
 cans were flying in every direction. The number 
 of the enemy was estimated at 1500, and his loss 
 was thirty-six killed. The loss of the Americans 
 was two killed and six wounded. 
 
 Some six hundred Mexicans were discovered 
 upon the hills near the pass of Embrido, who were 
 repulsed by two hundred Americans. The enemy 
 retreated, and fortified himself, to the number of 
 six hundred, in the Pueblo de Taos, a place of re 
 markable strength, whither he was followed by the 
 Americans, now numbering about 490 men. It 
 was surrounded by adobe walls and strong pickets,* 
 and inclosed several buildings of sufficient capacity to 
 hold several hundred men. On the 3d the artillery 
 opened upon the place, but without much effect. The 
 batteries re-opened upon the town on the morning of 
 the fourth. The guns were not of sufficiently large 
 calibre to penetrate the walls of the church, and it 
 
 * See report of General Price to the Adjutant General, February 15th, 
 1847. 
 
186 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 was determined to storm that building; and i*ot- 
 withstanding the most desperate resistance it was 
 taken, not, however, until a six-pounder was brought 
 to bear within ten yards of its walls. On the 5th 
 the enemy proposed terms, which were accepted. 
 His loss was one hundred and fifty killed, widle 
 that of the Americans was seven killed and forty- 
 five wounded. The severe chastisement inflicted 
 upon them for their dastardly murder of Ameri 
 cans produced a salutary result, which was not the 
 less effective from the fact that it was performed by 
 greatly inferior numbers. 
 
 The war thus far had been triumphantly success 
 ful, and whatever disparity of numbers were en 
 gaged, victory always perched upon the American 
 banner. It should not be supposed that the enemy 
 were easily defeated. Their constancy under the 
 most appalling fire, when the iron hail from our 
 flying artillery crashed through their ranks, would 
 have done honor to the most resolute veterans. At 
 Palo Alto, where that instrument of death swept 
 away their columns, they displayed the most un 
 daunted courage ; and at Resaca they made a gallant 
 stand in the face of the American infantry and ar 
 tillery, when bayonets gleamed, and grape and can 
 ister decimated their ranks. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 187 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 General Scott directed to proceed to the seat of war. General Taylor ad 
 vised to act upon the defensive. Complaints of General Taylor. Move 
 ments of Santa Anna. He advances upon Agua Nueva. Battle of Bue- 
 na Vista. General Scott takes Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan 
 D Ulloa. Capture of Alvarado. Victory of Cerro Gordo. Jalapa and 
 Perote fall into the hands of the Americans. Appointment of Mr. Trist 
 as Commissioner to Mexico. Puebla is surrendered to General Worth. 
 Arrival -of reinforcements from the United States. The American 
 army enter the Valley of Mexico. 
 
 SOON after the war commenced, General Scott laid 
 down his plan of operations for its prosecution ; and 
 although at the time it was considered rather too 
 elaborate and complicated, yet it may well be a 
 question whether he did not write more understand- 
 ingly than any one whose views were presented. 
 To repulse an enemy from our territory, and to 
 carry the war from our own borders into the 
 heart of his territory, required not only great mili 
 tary skill, but necessarily demanded the expen 
 diture of a large amount of money. To organize 
 and discipline the men, to furnish transportation, to 
 provide supplies, to obtain the requisite amount of 
 arms and ammunition, required no ordinary fore 
 sight and sagacity. In addition, thereto, an attempt 
 was to be made upon a hostile coast, with what was 
 regarded as an impregnable fortress frowning upon 
 them. To surmount all these obstacles, the splendid 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 military talents, and great experience of the Com 
 mander-in-chief of the army was called forth. On 
 the 23d of November, 1846, General Scott received 
 orders from the Department to repair to the seat of 
 war, and organize an expedition to operate on the 
 Gulf coast.* The operations of General Scott were 
 not controlled by positive instructions, but he was 
 left to the dictates of his own judgment in forming 
 and executing his plan of the campaign. In the mean 
 time, General Taylor was directed by the War De 
 partment to act upon the defensive,-}- and was in 
 formed that it was not advisable to penetrate be 
 yond Monterey, while the expedition against the 
 sea-coast was advancing. Especial care was taken 
 by the War Department to impress upon the minds 
 of Scott and Taylor the danger of an attack by 
 Santa Anna in the direction of Monterey, while the 
 former General was advancing towards Vera Cruz. J 
 Taylor himself admits, that he was advised by the 
 Commander-in-chief to evacuate Saltillo, but that he 
 was fearful of the moral effect upon the volunteers. 
 On the 15th of January, 1847, Taylor wrote his 
 somewhat celebrated letter of complaint to Scott, | 
 in which he alludes to the number of regulars that 
 were withdrawn from his line of operations, leaving 
 him with less than 1,000 of that description of 
 
 * Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, November 23d, 
 1846. 
 
 f Letter of the Secretary of War to General Taylor, January 4th, 
 1847. 
 
 \ Letter from Marcy to Scott, January 4th, 1847. 
 
 \ February 7, 1847. 
 
 || Letter of Taylor to Scott, January 15th, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 189 
 
 troops, and a volunteer force, partly of new levies, 
 to hold a defensive line. Taylor himself had spoken 
 of the impracticability of penetrating to the heart 
 of Mexico via San Luis, and had recommended a 
 defensive line of operations. The Cabinet, however, 
 differed with him upon that point ; and as they had 
 determined to attack Mexico in another direction, 
 it was important to ascertain how many troops 
 could be spared from Taylor s command to reinforce 
 General Scott. Notwithstanding the complaints of 
 General Taylor, that about 4,000 men were taken 
 from his division to reinforce the expedition to Vera 
 Cruz, he subsequently stated to the War Depart 
 ment, that the force still remaining under his com 
 mand would enable him to hold the positions then 
 occupied.* 
 
 He was apprised that he was to act upon the 
 defensive, and was especially directed to retain a 
 sufficient number of troops, so that the safety of his 
 army would not be endangered.f That he did re 
 tain under his command a sufficient number for that 
 purpose we have seen from his letter of January 
 27th. 
 
 I wish to be explicit upon this branch of the 
 
 * " The force with which I am left in this quarter, though greatly de 
 ficient in regular troops, will, doubtless, enable me to hold the positions 
 now occupied." Letter of General Taylor to the War Department, Jan 
 uary 27*fc, 1847. 
 
 f " On the spot, you will know the strength of the force advancing 
 against you, and the number of troops necessary to resist it ; you will by 
 no means weaken yourself so as to expose the army under your command 
 to the probable hazard of disaster." Letter of Mr. Marcy to General 
 Taylor, October 22d, 1846. 
 
 
190 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 subject, because the infamous and false assertion 
 was uttered upon the floor of Congress, that Mr. 
 Polk sought to weaken General Taylor for the pur 
 pose of having his army cut off by Santa Anna.* 
 It will be seen, that the extent to which General 
 Taylor would weaken himself was left entirely to 
 his own discretion. As w^as truly stated by the 
 Secretary of War, he was upon the ground, and 
 was far more capable of judging what number of 
 troops it would require to defend himself against 
 any column the Mexicans might bring against him. 
 He had already given it as his opinion that an ad 
 vance upon San Luis Potosi was impolitic, and 
 surely it will not be insisted that any greater num 
 ber of troops should have been left under his com 
 mand than was necessary to keep up the defensive 
 line he had himself advocated. It cannot be said 
 with truth that he granted his permission for the 
 departure of the troops under General Worth, as a 
 reinforcement to General Scott, because he was 
 willing magnanimously to add to the laurels of a 
 brother soldier at the risk of being himself sacri 
 ficed. General Taylor suffered those troops to join 
 General Scott because he had no apprehensions that 
 Santa Anna would advance, if at all, in sufficient 
 force to jeopard the safety of his army, and because 
 he must have considered a large addition to Scott s 
 force necessary.f His dispatches to the War De- 
 
 * See debates, Congressional Globe, 30th Congress. 
 
 f ; Should the Government determine to strike a decisive blow at Mex 
 ico, it is my opinion that the force should land near Vera Cruz or Alva- 
 rado, and, after establishing a secure depot, march thence on the capital. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 191 
 
 partment on the Yth and 14th of February, 184T, 
 are a triumphant refutation of the infamous charge 
 made against the Executive. In those reports he 
 states that there were rumors of Santa Anna s ad 
 vance in force from San Luis, but that he placed no 
 reliance in the rumor.* If General Taylor, who 
 was upon the scene of operations, placed no reli 
 ance in the rumor that he was to be attacked by 
 Santa Anna, should Mr. Polk be blamed for not 
 knowing that fact, when he was more than 3,000 
 miles from General Taylor s head-quarters ? It 
 should be remembered, that the opinion of General 
 Taylor was expressed only seven days before the 
 battle of Buena Vista. The falsity of the charge 
 is still further proved by the dispatch of General 
 Taylor after the battle of Buena Vista was fought, 
 in which he says that he became assured on the 
 20th of February that the enemy had assembled in 
 a very heavy force at Encarnacion, thirty miles in 
 front of Agua Nueva, with the evident design of 
 
 The amount of troops required for this service would not fall short, in 
 my judgment, of 25,000 men, of which at least 10,000 to be regular 
 troops." Letter of General Taylor to the War Department, October 15th, 
 1846, 1th Volume Executive Documents, 1st session 29th Congress. 
 
 * " I have no intelligence from the interior more recent or more au 
 thentic than that heretofore communicated. There is understood to be no 
 considerable force in our front, nor is it likely that any serious demonstra 
 tion will be made in this direction. The frequent alarms since the middle 
 of December seem to have been without substantial foundation." Dis 
 patch of General Taylor to the War Department, February 1th, 1847. 
 
 " Rumors reach our camp, from time to time, of the projected advance 
 of a Mexican force upon this position, but I think such a movement im 
 probable. The command is held at all times in readiness for the enemy." 
 Dispatch of General Taylor to the Secretary of War, February 1-lth, 
 1847. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 attacking his position.* Here, then, it seerns that 
 General Taylor was not assured of the advance of 
 Santa Anna until two days before the battle of 
 Buena Vista commenced ; and that too, when he 
 had in his camp Ben McCullock, the best living 
 spy in the world. Under all these circumstances, 
 posterity will place a just appreciation upon the 
 denunciations of partisans, who could so far degrade 
 themselves as to pour unmerited abuse upon the 
 head of the President. Mr. Polk should not be 
 held responsible for the disparity of numbers array 
 ed upon the field of Buena Vista, unless he was 
 gifted with the attributes of Deity. If it was neces 
 sary to give reasons to disprove the charge made 
 against the administration, there are two which 
 would prove it conclusively. The first is the im 
 probability of Mr. Polk being so utterly devoid 
 of those feelings which characterize a man, as wil 
 lingly to place more than 5,000 men in a condition 
 where they would be not only defeated, but in all 
 probability exterminated. He had been accused 
 of wrongfully commencing the war, and he must 
 have possessed a depravity of heart perfectly incon 
 ceivable if he could wantonly peril the existence 
 of those gallant men, who had left their kindred 
 and their firesides to defend the honor of the coun 
 try, amid the horrors of battle. The heart which 
 
 * " SIR : I have the honor to report, that having become assured on 
 the 20th inst, the enemy had assembled in a very heavy force at Encar- 
 nacion, thirty miles in front of Agua Nueva, with the evident design of 
 attacking my position, I broke up my camp at the latter place on the 21st, 
 and took up a strong line in front of Buena Vista, seven miles south of 
 Saltillo." Dispatch of General Taylor, February 24$, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 193 
 
 could conceive him guilty of such, unparalleled 
 atrocity, must be itself devoid of honor. The se 
 cond is the fact that the fame of the administra 
 tion, as well as that of the army, depended upon 
 an unbroken series of triumphs. The defeat of 
 General Taylor would not only have resulted in 
 the destruction of his army, but would have left to 
 the mercy of the foe every soldier west of the Bio 
 Grande. This would not only have been the case, 
 but the operations which were in progress against 
 the city of Mexico would have been arrested, and 
 the whole plan of the campaign would have been 
 frustrated. 
 
 There was a difference of opinion between Scott 
 and the War Department, as to the course which 
 Taylor should pursue. The administration feared 
 an advance by Santa Anna, and therefore cautioned 
 Taylor to act upon the defensive ;* while Scott ap 
 prehended, as his demonstration upon Vera Cruz 
 had been communicated to the Mexican General-in- 
 Chief, that Santa Anna would concentrate his forces 
 on the road leading from Mexico to the coast. He 
 thought, therefore, that Taylor should manoeuvre 
 offensively in the direction of San Luis.f 
 
 * " While engaged in an expedition on the sea-coast, it is not proposed 
 to penetrate the country beyond Monterey, with a view to its permanent 
 occupation, though it is desirable to maintain a threatening attitude at that 
 point. Monterey must be held with a sufficient force." Letter of the Se 
 cretary of War to General Taylor, January 4^, 1847. 
 
 f " It is, consequently, more than possible that, before this time, the 
 greater part of the Mexican army lately assembled at San Luis de Potosi 
 has reached Vera Cruz, or it vicinity. Major General Taylor s mind 
 has no doubt, ere this, arrived at the same conclusion ; and I shall write 
 to suggest to him, at his own discretion, the advantage of manoeuvring 
 13 
 
194 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 I have been thus explicit in alluding to this sub 
 ject, because it has been made the basis of unjusti 
 fiable accusations against the administration. I 
 feel no disposition to do injustice to General Taylor. 
 The sensitiveness with which military men regard 
 the integrity of their command is properly appre 
 ciated, and the anxiety with which they guard their 
 military reputation is worthy of all commendation. 
 No one can have a higher estimation of the gal 
 lantry and patriotism of that General than myself ; 
 and the heroism, displayed by himself and his men, 
 in the terrible encounter with Santa Anna, proves 
 conclusively that the pledge he made in his letter 
 of complaint to General Scott,* was fully redeemed. 
 
 While the army of invasion under the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, consisting of about 12,000 men, 
 less than half the number which General Taylor 
 deemed necessary to attack Mexico in that direc 
 tion^ was assembled at the island of Lobos, events 
 of the greatest magnitude were occurring upon the 
 northern line. 
 
 The great exertions which Santa Anna had for 
 a long time been making to organize a large force 
 at San Luis Potosi, at last proved successful. Ex- 
 
 offensively in the direction of San Luis de Potosi, after being partially re 
 inforced with some of the new regiments of volunteers." Letter of Gene 
 ral Scott to Mr. Marcu, February 4tli, 1847. 
 
 * " But, however much I may feel personally mortified and outraged 
 by the course pursued, unprecedented, at least, in our own history. I will 
 carry out in good faith, while I remain in Mexico, the views of the Govern 
 ment, though I may be sacrificed in the effort. Letter of General Taylor 
 to General Scot/, January 15/7*. 1847. 
 
 f See letter of General Tayloi to General Scott, October 15th, 1846. 
 7th volume of Executive Documents, 1st session 29th Congress. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 195 
 
 traordiuary energy had also been exhibited by the 
 Mexican Government to cany out his views, and on 
 the 8th of October Santa Anna found himself at 
 the head of an effective force of more than 20,000 
 men. Employing himself with great industry in 
 disciplining the troops under his command, he 
 was prepared to avail himself of a favorable oppor 
 tunity to precipitate his army through the moun 
 tain gorges of the Sierra Madre, upon the scattered 
 and weakened forces of General Taylor. He knew 
 the absolute necessity of arousing the desponding 
 hopes of the Mexican nation by a brilliant demon 
 stration, and he saw the time had arrived for strik 
 ing an effective blow when General Scott was too 
 far advanced towards Vera Cruz to fly to the res 
 cue of General Taylor. Leaving the city of Vera 
 Cruz and the Castle of San Juan D Ulloa to its 
 fate, he determined to carry the war " into Africa." 
 War was reduced to a science when Marshal 
 Turenue and General Montecuculli each was aware 
 what movement the other would make, by know 
 ing what he would do, under similar circumstan 
 ces. It is but just to admit that the administra 
 tion possessed some of that foresight and saga 
 city, which immortalized the French and Austrian 
 commanders ; for they repeatedly impressed upon 
 the minds of Scott and Taylor, that there was great 
 danger of a sudden movement by Santa Anna from 
 San Luis ; while the former expected a demonstra 
 tion under the Mexican leader in the direction of 
 Vera Cruz, and the latter placed no reliance in the 
 rumor that a large force was advancing against him. 
 
19G HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The favorable moment for which Santa Anna 
 had anxiously awaited from October until February 
 had now arrived, and he rapidly advanced from 
 San Luis in the direction of Agua Nueva. General 
 Taylor was assured, of this fact on the 20th of 
 February, 1847, and fell back to a more favorable 
 position for defence at Buena Vista, 7 miles south 
 of Saltillo, and 11 miles from his advanced post at 
 Agua Nueva. This movement was made at noon 
 on the 21st.* With a small force General Taylor 
 returned the same day to Saltillo, to make some 
 arrangements for the defence of that town, leaving 
 General Wool in command of the troops ; and be 
 fore his return on the morning of the 22d, the 
 enem.y were advancing and in sight, having marched 
 from Encarnacion, a distance of 40 miles, after 11 
 o clock the day previous. The position selected by 
 the American commander was one of remarkable 
 strength. The road at that point passed through a 
 narrow defile, and the valley on its right was cut 
 up by deep and impassable gullies ; while on the 
 left rugged hills and precipitous ravines extended 
 to the mountain which overlooked the battle field ; 
 thus obstructing the use of the enemy s artillery 
 and cavalry, and destroying the advantages which 
 he possessed in the numerical superiority of his in 
 fantry. At 11 o clock General Taylor received a 
 summons from Santa Anna to surrender at discre 
 tion, which he declined acceding to. No serious 
 
 * For details of this battle see report of General Taylor to the Secre 
 tary of War. Agua Nueva, March 6th, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st 
 session 30th Congress. Doc. 8, p. 132. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 197 
 
 attack was meditated by the Mexican commander 
 during that day, as he was evidently awaiting for 
 the arrival of his rear guard. The troops bi 
 vouacked without fires, and rested with arms in 
 their hands. A body of 1500 cavalry hovered upon 
 the rear of the Americans during the day, evi 
 dently having been ordered to take that position 
 for the purpose of harassing the retreat. 
 
 The American commander returned again to 
 Saltillo, and when he arrived upon the field, on the 
 morning of the 23d, the battle had already com 
 menced. The action was brought on by an attempt 
 of the enemy with light troops to outflank the 
 American left, where they were met by the riflemen 
 under Colonel Marshall and a portion of the 2d 
 Illinois volunteers. At 8 o clock, a heavy column 
 advanced along the road, for the purpose of break 
 ing the centre of our troops, but they were repulsed 
 and driven back in confusion by Washington s bat 
 tery. About this time a dark and threatening mass 
 was seen hovering upon the left, and column after 
 column was poured upon that point for the pur 
 pose of forcing it, by immensely superior numbers. 
 Here was stationed the 2d Indiana and the 2d 
 Illinois regiments, covering O Brien s battery, under 
 the immediate command of General Lane, who 
 ordered the Indiana regiment and the artillery to 
 advance. That regiment receiving a terrible fire 
 from small arms, and being raked by a cross fire of 
 grape and canister from a Mexican battery planted 
 upon the left, broke in disorder and fled from the 
 field, with the exception of a small number, who 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 were rallied by Colonel Bowles. O Brien s battery 
 was served with tremendous effect, but still the 
 Mexican battalions continued to advance, and not 
 being supported, he was forced to retire, leaving be 
 hind him one of his pieces. A gallant stand was 
 now made by the 2d Illinois regiment, but being 
 at last outflanked, it was forced to fall back. The 
 movement of the Mexicans in this part of the field 
 was completely successful, and the light troops who 
 had so gallantly defended the mountain, were forced 
 to retire, and were not rallied until they reached 
 the depot at Buena Vista, which they subsequently 
 aided to defend. Heavy columns of infantry and 
 cavalry were now poured by Santa Anna along the 
 foot of the mountain, to the rear of the Americans, 
 where they assembled in great numbers. It was 
 at this critical moment, when the victory was 
 almost within the grasp of the enemy, that General 
 Taylor arrived upon the field, accompanied by the 
 Mississippi riflemen, who were ordered into action, 
 and greatly distinguished themselves under the 
 leadership of Colonel Davis. They were gallantly 
 sustained by the 2d Kentucky and a portion of the 
 1st Illinois regiments, and by the batteries of Sher 
 man and Bragg, and the Mexicans were driven with 
 great loss from the positions they had gained. The 
 American artillery being in position on the plateau, 
 produced terrible havoc among the masses who had 
 gained the left. Again and again, the Mexican 
 columns advanced furiously to the onset, but were 
 as often driven back. The rapid and terrible dis 
 charges of artillery which had been concentrated 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 199 
 
 upon them, created disorder in their ranks, and 
 they attempted to effect a retreat to their main line. 
 In the mean time, a heavy force of the Mexicans 
 were hovering on the extreme left of the Americans, 
 evidently with the view of capturing the American 
 baggage. The troops who had retreated from the 
 field rallied to its defence, and assisted by the Arkan 
 sas and Kentucky cavalry, succeeded in protecting 
 that point. It was here that the chivalrous Colonel 
 Yell lost his life. The situation of the enemy, who 
 had broken through the left wing, and had gained 
 the rear of the Americans, was now exceedingly 
 critical. At that moment Santa Anna sent a mes 
 sage to the American commander, to propound the 
 extraordinary question of " what he wanted !" 
 Taylor immediately dispatched General Wool to 
 the Mexican General-in-chief, and at the same time 
 sent orders to cease firing.* The Mexicans still con 
 tinued the attack, and General Wool returned with 
 out having obtained an interview. Santa Anna 
 had in the mean time gained his object, which was 
 to enable that part of his army which was in inimi- 
 
 * " The position of that portion of the Mexican army which had gained 
 our rear, was now very critical, and it seemed doubtful whether it could re 
 gain the main body. At this moment I received from Santa Anna a mes 
 sage by a staff officer, desiring to know what I wanted ? T immediately 
 dispatched Brigadier General Wool to the Mexican General-in-chief, and 
 sent orders to cease firing. Upon reaching the Mexican lines, General 
 Wool could not cause the enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly re 
 turned without having an interview. The extreme right of the enemy 
 continued its retreat along the base of the mountain, and finally, in spite of 
 all our efforts, effected a junction with the remainder of the army." 
 See report of General Taylor to the Secretary of War, March 6, 
 1847. 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nent danger of being cut off. to rejoin the main 
 body.* The small demonstrations which were 
 made by General Minon in the rear of the Ameri 
 cans during this portion of the day, were easily 
 checked by Shover s battery and Webster s com 
 mand. The firing had partially ceased upon that 
 part of the field which had been so hotly disputed ; 
 but the cessation was for a very brief period. 
 
 The Illinois and Kentucky regiments, instead of 
 acting on the defensive, made an advance movement 
 
 o 
 
 to meet the foe. The collision was terrific ; the 
 ground was covered with the slain,. but the Ameri 
 cans were overwhelmed by superior numbers, and 
 were forced to retreat, leaving dead upon the field 
 Colonels Hardin and McKee, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Clay. The trophies of this brilliant charge were 
 two of Captain O Brien s pieces. He had sustained 
 his position to the very last, and until the infantry 
 which supported him was driven back in disorder. 
 At this critical moment, when the victory had almost 
 deserted the American eagles, Captain Braxton 
 Bragg, who had once before assisted to change the 
 fortunes of the day, and arrest the tide of battle, 
 which threatened to sweep over the American 
 army, arrived upon the plateau from the left, and 
 rapidly passing General Taylor, without any infant- 
 
 * " The Mexicans on the contrary assert, that Santa Anna never did 
 send such a message, but that a Mexican Lieutenant, Don Jose Maria Mon- 
 toye, having been surrounded by the Americans, and not desiring to be 
 taken prisoner, pretended to have been sent to General Taylor by 
 Santa Anna, and managed, while accompanying General Wool to the 
 Mexican General-in-chief, to separate from them, and thus rejoined the 
 Mexicans." See Mexican History of the War ivilh Mexico, p. 126. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 201 
 
 ry support, at once placed his guns in battery. 
 Nothing but his presence at that moment in the 
 face of the enemy, saved the Americans from de 
 feat. The dark and threatening masses of Mexicans 
 were moving rapidly forward with irresistible im 
 petuosity ; the centre of the American army was 
 broken, and General Taylor himself was in immi 
 nent danger of being taken prisoner. With that 
 reckless and desperate courage which characterized 
 the man, and with that intuition which could seize 
 the only moment to turn the tide of battle, Captain 
 Bragg, with his small body of artillerymen, unaided 
 and alone, confronted that fierce array of Mexicans, 
 who already saw the victory within their grasp. 
 At the moment Bragg had placed his guns in bat 
 tery, the enemy were within a few yards of their 
 muzzles, and rapidly advancing. The first discharge 
 of canister from his guns, made terrible havoc in 
 the serried ranks of the enemy ; they reeled and 
 staggered as the iron hail swept away whole platoons. 
 The second and third discharge forced them to re 
 coil in dismay from before those terrible implements 
 of death, which carried carnage and slaughter into 
 their ranks, and they fled madly from the field. That 
 was the last attempt made by the enemy to carry 
 the American position ; and the night furnished 
 the exhausted troops the opportunity for refreshing 
 themselves. Amid the dead and the dying, without 
 fires, they bivouacked upon the field of battle, list 
 ening to the groans of the wounded, and to the 
 chilling blasts which howled through the valley, 
 expecting the morning sun to witness a renewal of 
 
202 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the combat, which had already covered the field 
 with the dying and the dead. But the result of that 
 long and desperate conflict had broken the spirit of 
 the Mexican army. Where they expected to 
 achieve an easy victory, they were met with a cour 
 age bordering upon desperation, and they retired 
 from that field of slaughter dispirited and dismayed. 
 Thus ended the bloody battle of Buena Vista, which 
 resulted in the signal triumph of the American 
 arms. 
 
 The force engaged under General Taylor was 
 334 officers, and 4,425 men, of which only 453 were 
 regular troops. The strength of the Mexican army 
 was at least 20,000 men. The American loss was 
 267 killed, 456 wounded, and 23 missing. The loss 
 of the Mexicans in killed and wounded, according 
 to the lowest estimate, was 1500, and probably 
 amounted to 2,000. 
 
 When we take into consideration the disparity 
 in the numbers engaged, and the obstinacy with 
 which the victory was disputed, we cannot but come 
 to the conclusion that it was one of the most san 
 guinary battles ever fought upon this continent. It 
 was the only battle of any importance during the 
 war, in which the Americans acted upon the defen 
 sive. It is true, that they had the advantage of a 
 very strong position, and defended themselves with 
 a knowledge that almost certain death Avould follow 
 in the pathway of defeat. It is also true that the 
 last hopes of the enemy were staked upon the result 
 of this encounter. They had been for months pre 
 paring for it ; and the army was well armed and 
 
POLK ADMINISTBATION. 203 
 
 well disciplined, and with high hopes and confident 
 anticipations, they commenced the attack on the 
 morning of the 23d. Not only were they contend 
 ing for their firesides and their homes, but for the 
 food which they expected to capture in the camp 
 of General Taylor.* 
 
 Where so much desperate courage was exhibited 
 by the American army, and so many instances of 
 personal daring signalized that bloody field, it is a 
 subject of deep mortification, that a panic should 
 have induced a portion of the army to desert their 
 colors, and by an attempt to secure their own safety, 
 to hazard the existence of all. Perhaps it will not 
 be regarded as unjust to those who fought through 
 out the day with great constancy, to allude particu 
 larly to the celebrated charge of the Mississippi 
 riflemen, under Colonel Davis, which restored the 
 fortunes of the day, when the Mexican masses had 
 broken through the left of the American line ; and 
 the last desperate stand taken by Captain Bragg, 
 far in advance of any infantry support, and in the 
 face of immense columns of the enemy, when by the 
 
 * " His Excellency, the General-in-chief, furthermore orders that the 
 different corps shall to-day receive from the Commissary three days ra 
 tions, for the 21st, 22d, and 23d ; and that they require the necessary meat 
 this afternoon, for thp first meal to-morrow morning, which the troops are 
 directed to eat one hour before taking up the line of march ; and the se 
 cond will be taken in their haversacks, to be eaten in the night, wherever 
 they may halt ; this last will consist of meat, two biscuits, and a half a 
 cake of (Piloncillo) brown sugar, for each man; for, on the night of the 
 21st, there will be no fires permitted, neither will signal be made by any 
 military instrument of music, the movement at early daybreak on the 
 morning of the 22d having to be made in the most profound silence." 
 General Orders of Santa Anna, of the 20/7i February, 1847. 
 
204 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 rapid and murderous discharges of his flying artil 
 lery, he drove them back with tremendous slaughter. 
 
 Much credit is due to General Wool for his sa 
 gacity in selecting the field, and for the military 
 skill which planned the order of battle. The re 
 nown which General Taylor had acquired in the 
 victories on the Rio Grande, and in the capture of 
 Monterey, proved a tower of strength upon the 
 field of Buena Vista. The Mexicans feared, what 
 the Americans believed, that he could not be de 
 feated; and during the changing fortunes of that 
 terrible day, while victory alternately perched upon 
 the banners of the contending armies, the Ameri 
 cans turned with confidence and with hope upon 
 the stern and unyielding countenance of their chief. 
 
 Along the road leading from Buena Vista to 
 Agua Nueva, a scene of horror was presented on 
 the night of the 23d of February. The means of 
 transporting the wounded being extremely limited, 
 they were left to struggle with suffering and with 
 death, and the sighing wind and the startling cry 
 of the wolf was their only requiem. Abandoned 
 to their fate, without food, parched with thirst, 
 without medical aid, and with no shelter to protect 
 them from the piercing night-air, they awaited the 
 moment when death should release them from their 
 suffering. The main body of the army reached 
 Agua Nueva at midnight, and, dying with thirst, 
 the soldiers plunged into a stagnant sheet of water, 
 which in many cases produced instant death. Suf 
 fering for the want of food and water, dispirited 
 and disheartened by the results of the battle, they 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 205 
 
 presented a striking contrast to that splendid array 
 which, buoyant with hope and confident of victory, 
 had attacked the American army. 
 
 The wounded enemy who fell into the hands of 
 the Americans, were not only kindly treated, but 
 provisions were offered to Santa Anna by General 
 Taylor.* On the 25th Santa Anna moved his army 
 in the direction of San Luis Potosi. 
 
 While these important events were transpiring 
 Santa Anna was President, and Gomez Farias was 
 Vice President of Mexico. The capital, during the 
 absence of the President upon his northern cam 
 paign, was the scene of anarchy and violence. Fa 
 rias, in whose hands was placed the executive au 
 thority, sought to force contributions from the 
 clergy for the purpose of prosecuting the war, and 
 at the same time to destroy their power by appro 
 priating their wealth. This produced great excite 
 ment, and finally resulted in a resort to arms, and 
 the insurrection was only terminated by the arrival 
 of Santa Anna in the city. 
 
 While the Mexican nation were divided and 
 distracted by internal commotions, General Scott, on 
 the 9th of March, 1847, effected a landing in the 
 vicinity of Vera Cruz with a well appointed army 
 of 12,000 men. He had under his command several 
 officers of very high reputation ; among the number 
 were Generals Worth, Twiggs, Quitrnan, Persifer 
 F. Smith ; Colonels Duncan, Harney, Garland, Bi- 
 ley, Mclntosh, Clark, and others, besides many 
 who afterwards distinguished themselves. General 
 
 * Mexican History of the War with Mexico, p. 133. 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Worth s division of regulars first landed npon the 
 beach, and was followed by the division of the 
 United States volunteers under General Patterson, 
 and the brigade of General Twiggs. The landing 
 was effected without opposition under the guns of 
 the American squadron. The line of investment 
 was commenced on the same day, but was not com 
 pleted until March 12th, 1847,* owing to the diffi 
 culties of the ground and the want of the necessary 
 materials. During that time, too, a norther pre 
 vailed, which drove the clouds of sand into the 
 faces of the troops, and rendered their operations 
 exceedingly difficult. Frequent discharges from 
 the city and castle greatly discommoded the Amer 
 ican troops. Skirmishes took place between the 
 brigades of Pillow and Quitnian and parties of the 
 enemy. The officers and sailors of the squadron 
 greatly assisted in completing the lines around the 
 city. On the 14th, the Americans forced the enemy 
 to relinquish the space which intervened between 
 the American lines and the city. But the contin 
 uance of the storm rendered it very difficult to land 
 the heavy ordnance from the fleet until March 
 18th. On the 22d of March, at two o clock, General 
 Scott issued a summons to the Governor of Vera 
 Cruz to surrender, informing him that the city was 
 invested by sea and land. This communication was 
 responded to on the same day by the Governor, 
 Juan Morales, who rejected his proposal, and Gen 
 eral Scott ordered the seven mortars, which were 
 
 * See Reports of General Scott, Executive Documents, 1st session 
 29th Congress, volume 2. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 207 
 
 placed in battery, to fire upon the city. The lighter 
 vessels which composed Commodore Perry s squad 
 ron approached within a mile and an eighth, and 
 being somewhat protected from the raking fire of 
 the castle, they opened their artillery upon the city. 
 The discharges from the fleet and the mortars con 
 tinued during the night of the 22d, and on the 23d 
 three more mortars were added to the number. 
 During the 24th the fire somewhat slackened, but 
 on the 25th all the batteries were in operation, and 
 proved terribly destructive, especially battery num 
 ber four, which mounted four twenty-four pounders, 
 and two eight inch paixhan guns. The effect of 
 this tremendous fire upon the city of Vera Cruz 
 was most frightful. The shells, exploding in the 
 heart of the city, not only demolished the buildings, 
 but the iron missives with which they were charged 
 carried death and dismay in every direction. The 
 bombardment was so disastrous that the consuls of 
 Great Britain, France, Spain, and Russia, desired 
 General Scott to grant a truce, to enable the neu 
 trals and the Mexican women and children to aban 
 don the city. To that communication General Scott 
 replied, that he could not grant a truce unless 
 applied for by the Governor of Vera Cruz, accom 
 panied by a distinct proposition to surrender the 
 city. He also informed them that the communica 
 tion between the neutral ships of war lying in the 
 vicinity of Vera Cruz was kept open, to allow the 
 neutrals in the city an opportunity for escape. 
 
 On the 26th of March, General Scott received 
 overtures from General Landero for a suspension 
 
208 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 of hostilities, for the purpose of having honorable 
 terms made with the garrison. This proposition 
 was accepted by the Commander-in-chief, who ap 
 pointed Generals Worth and Pillow, and Colonel 
 Totten, American commissioners, and the terms of 
 capitulation were ratified by the respective com 
 manders on the 2 7th of March, 1847. It was 
 agreed that the garrison should surrender them 
 selves prisoners of war, the Mexican officers to pre 
 serve their arms and private effects, and together 
 with the rank and file of the regular portion of the 
 prisoners, to give their parole not to serve again 
 during the war, or until they were duly exchanged. 
 With the city of Yera Cruz and San Juan de Ulloa 
 were surrendered 5,000 prisoners. 
 
 This splendid achievement, accomplished as it 
 was with comparatively a very small loss, was cer 
 tainly one of the most brilliant events of the Mexi 
 can war. The Castle of San Juan de Ulloa was 
 considered impregnable by Europeans, and was only 
 taken by the French a few years previous by the 
 accidental explosion of a magazine. To land upon 
 a hostile shore, and to encircle the city of Vera 
 Cruz, under the fire of her batteries, illustrated the 
 military skill of General Scott, and the patient en 
 durance and gallantry of the American troops. A 
 new base of operations was thus obtained, which 
 opened a short and direct line to the city of Mexico. 
 
 The day after the surrender of the city, General 
 Quitman was ordered to advance upon Alvarado, 
 where he arrived on the 1st of April, but found 
 the place had been taken possession of by Lieuten- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 209 
 
 ant Hunter, who had been ordered by Commodore 
 Perry to guard the mouth of the river with the 
 steamer Scourge. Although this feat upon the 
 part of the gallant lieutenant was performed with 
 out bloodshed, still Alvarado was not taken accord 
 ing to the plan of operations, which was to call into 
 requisition Quitman s brigade, and the squadron 
 under Commodore Perry ; and he was arrested, tried 
 by a court-martial, found guilty of a disobedience 
 of orders, sentenced to a reprimand by Perry, which 
 sentence was carried into effect by that officer with 
 a harshness which produced a general feeling of dis 
 gust and indignation. 
 
 On the 6th of April, the first division of the 
 American army took up their line of march for the 
 city of Mexico. General Worth was again placed 
 in the advance. Twiggs with the second, division 
 started on the 8th, and Patterson on the 9th with 
 the third. 
 
 It was the opinion of General Scott after the 
 fall of Vera Cruz, that if American commissioners 
 were at his headquarters, a satisfactory peace might 
 be obtained.* On the 9th he received information 
 that Santa Anna had arrived with 6,000 men at 
 Jalapa ; he did not believe, however, that his force 
 amounted to half that number.f He started on 
 
 * " All the intelligent, the wealthy and sober-minded citizens of the 
 capital and elsewhere are anxious for peace, yielding to us as the basis, 
 the left bank of the Rio Grande and Upper California. With American 
 commissioners at the headquarters of this army. I think it quite probable 
 that by our arrival at Puebla, if not before, we should be met by Mexican 
 commissioners empowered to treat on that basis." Letter of General 
 Scott to the Secretary of War, April 5th, 1847. 
 
 f Dispatch of General Scott to the Secretary of War, April llth, 1847. 
 14 
 
210 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the 12 tli for the front. Twiggs, in the mean time, 
 had arrived in the vicinity of Plan del Rio, where 
 he found the Mexicans intrenched in a formidable 
 position, which was defended by a much larger force 
 than he expected. The national road crosses a 
 small, but very rapid stream, at the village of Plan 
 del Rio. Near the village were several heights, 
 upon which were planted batteries that commanded 
 the road for some distance, and rendered the posi 
 tion exceedingly formidable. General Scott at once 
 determined to storm the batteries, and drive the 
 enemy from their intrenchments, and issued his or 
 ders with as much sangfroid as if their publication 
 at the head of each regiment was equivalent to 
 their execution.* 
 
 * " General Orders, ) " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY. ) 
 
 No. 111. $ PLAN DEL Rio, April nth, 1847. $ 
 
 " The enemy s whole line of intrenchments and batteries will be at 
 tacked in front, and at the same time turned, early in the day to-morrow 
 probably before 10 o clock, A. M. 
 
 " The second (Tvviggs) division of regulars is already advanced within 
 easy turning distance towards the enemy s left ; that division has instruc 
 tions to move forward before daylight to-morrow, and take up position 
 across the national road in the enemy s rear, so as to cut off a retreat 
 towards Jalapa. It may be reinforced to-day if unexpectedly attacked in 
 force, by regiments one or two taken from Shields brigade of volunteers. 
 If not, the two volunteer regiments will march for that purpose at day 
 light to-morrow morning, under Brigadier General Shields, who will re 
 port to Brigadier General Twiggs, on getting up with him, or to the Geme- 
 ral-in-chief, if he be in advance. 
 
 " The remaining regiment of that volunteer brigade will receive in 
 structions in the course of this day. 
 
 " The first division of regulars (Worth s) will follow the movement 
 against the enemy s left at sunrise to-morrow morning. 
 
 " As already arranged, Brigadier General Pillow s brigade will march 
 at 6 o clock to-morrow morning along the route he has carefully recon- 
 noitered, and stand ready, as soon as he hears the report of arms on our 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 211 
 
 The division under Twiggs was ordered to move 
 before daylight, and take position across the na 
 tional road in the rear of the enemy, for the pur 
 pose of cutting off his retreat in the direction of 
 Jalapa. 
 
 Worth s division was commanded to attack the 
 left of the Mexicans at sunrise, while Pillow s brig 
 ade was ordered to carry the batteries near the 
 river. These orders were brilliantly executed, with 
 
 right, or sooner if circumstances should favor him, to pierce the enemy s 
 line of batteries at such point the nearer to the river the better as he 
 may select. Once in the rear of that line, he will turn to the right or 
 left, or both, and attack the batteries in reverse, or if abandoned, he will 
 pursue the enemy with vigor until further orders. 
 
 " Wall s field battery and the cavalry will be held in reserve on the 
 national road, a little out of view and range of the enemy s batteries. 
 They will take up that position at 9 o clock in the morning. 
 
 " The enemy s batteries being carried or abandoned, all our divisions 
 and corps will pursue with vigor. 
 
 " This pursuit may be continued many miles, until stopped by dark 
 ness or fortified positions towards Jalapa. Consequently the body of the 
 army will not return to this encampment, but be followed to-morrow after 
 noon, or early the next morning, by the baggage trains of the several 
 corps. For this purpose the feebler officers and men of each corps will 
 be left to guard its camp and effects, and to load up the latter in the wa 
 gons of the corps. A commander of the present encampment will be 
 designated in the course of this day. 
 
 " As soon as it shall be known that the enemy s works have been car 
 ried, or that the general pursuit has been commenced, one wagon for each 
 regiment and battery and one for the cavalry will follow the movement, to 
 receive, under the direction of medical officers, the wounded and disabled, 
 who will be brought back to this place for treatment in general hospital. 
 
 " The surgeon-general will organize this important service, and desig 
 nate that hospital as well as the medical officers to be left at it. 
 
 " Every man who marches out to attack or pursue the enemy will take 
 the usual allowance of ammunition and subsistence for at least two days. 
 
 " By command of Major General Scott. 
 
 H. L. SCOTT, 
 
 A. A. A. General. 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, Volume 2, p. 259. 
 
212 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 the exception of the assault under Pillow, whose 
 command being ordered to charge before it was 
 formed, was twice repulsed by the terrible fire from 
 the Mexican batteries. This portion of the Mexi 
 can position was much stronger than had been an 
 ticipated, and was defended by regular troops and 
 skilful and gallant officers. The charge under Co 
 lonel Harney up the steep and precipitous ascent in 
 the face of the Mexican guns, was a daring and bril 
 liant affair, and resulted in driving the enemy with 
 great slaughter from that part of the field. The 
 orders issued to the division of Worth and Twiggs 
 were executed with great gallantry, and the com 
 mand of the latter General sustained considerable 
 loss in executing his orders. About 3,000 prisoners 
 with five generals, and many other officers of rank, 
 were some of the fruits of this victory. The loss 
 of the Americans in killed and wounded was about 
 250 ; that of the enemy about 350. Among the 
 American officers who were desperately wounded 
 was General Shields. The pursuit of the enemy 
 was rapidly continued in the direction of Jalapa. 
 The rout of the Mexicans was complete, and they 
 dispersed in utter confusion, and the Americans 
 soon after took possession of Jalapa and the strong 
 fortress of Perote.* At the latter place were 
 captured 54 guns and mortars, 11,065 cannon balls, 
 14,300 bombs and hand-grenades, and 500 muskets. 
 
 7 O i 
 
 The effect produced upon the enemy by the de 
 cisive victories won by the American arms, was so 
 great, that if the Commander-in-chief had been en- 
 
 * Report of General Worth, Perote, April 22d, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 213 
 
 abled to muster the requisite force, lie might in all 
 probability have taken the city of Mexico without 
 striking another blow. But, unfortunately, the time 
 for which seven of the volunteer regiments had en 
 listed, was about to expire. Congress had passed a 
 law for the re-enlistment of such portions of them 
 as might be disposed to continue in the service of 
 the country. But it was soon evident that they 
 were resolved to return to their homes. Many of 
 them had performed arduous service, and although 
 the " Halls of the Montezumas," in which they had 
 manifested such determination to revel, were now 
 easy of access, still no one can censure them for 
 the course which they thought proper to pursue. 
 As their term of service was nearly completed, they 
 did not relish the idea of penetrating further into 
 the interior, and in view of the danger which they 
 would incur from the vomito, in passing through 
 Vera Cruz, the Commander-in-chief determined to 
 discharge them at once.* 
 
 There was no other course left to General Scott 
 but to advance on the city with an army greatly 
 
 * " The General-in-chief regrets to learn, through a great number of 
 undoubted channels, that, in all probability, not one man in ten of those 
 regiments, will be inclined to volunteer for the war. This predetermina 
 tion offers, in his opinion, no ground for reproach, considering the long ; 
 arduous, faithful, and gallant services of those corps, however deeply all 
 will regret the consequent and unavoidable delay in the prosecution of 
 this war to an early and honorable peace ; for the General-in-chief cannot, 
 in humanity and good faith, cause regiments entitled, in a few weeks, to 
 an honorable discharge, to advance further from the coast in pursuit of 
 the enemy, and thereby throw them upon the necessity of returning to 
 embark at Vera Cruz, at the season known to be, at that place, the most 
 fatal to life" General Orders, No. 135, May 4th, 1847. 
 
214 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 reduced in numbers, or to continue in the position 
 lie then occupied, and await the arrival of the ten 
 regiments of regulars authorized by Congress to be 
 enlisted. He determined to adopt the latter course. 
 Notwithstanding the strenuous exertions used by 
 the President, and those members of Congress favor 
 able to the ten regiment bill, to enforce its prompt 
 passage, it was greatly delayed by those who were 
 opposed to the bill altogether, and by others, who 
 preferred raising volunteers,* a description of troops 
 which were not as acceptable as regulars, to either 
 General Scott or General Taylor. 
 
 The adoption of regulations to enforce contribu 
 tions from the Mexicans, was ordered by the Presi 
 dent in March, 1847, by the establishment of a tariff 
 of duties at the Mexican ports. This system was 
 far from furnishing the necessary sum of money for 
 the use of the army ; and as no very considerable 
 amount of provisions could be forced from the Mex 
 icans in the interior, they were generally purchased 
 from them. General Scott, from the fact of his not 
 receiving, through the Quartermaster s department, 
 the necessary remittances of money, anticipated that 
 large contributions were expected from the Mexi 
 cans, by the Cabinet, and addressed rather a sharp 
 note to the "War Department, f 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 29th Congress. 
 
 f " If it is to be expected at Washington, as is now apprehended, that 
 this army is to support itself by forced contributions levied upon the coun 
 try, we may ruin and exasperate the inhabitants and starve ourselves ; for 
 it is certain they would sooner remove or destroy the products of their 
 farms, than allow them to fall into our hands without compensation. Not 
 a ration for man or horse would be brought in. except by the bayonet, 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 215 
 
 While the headquarters of General Scott were 
 still at Jalapa, Mr. N. P. Trist arrived in Mexico as 
 the agent of the United States, to negotiate terms 
 with the Mexicans. Although the propriety of ap 
 pointing a commissioner from the United States, 
 had been suggested by General Scott in his .letter of 
 April 5th, to the Secretary of War, still, the selec 
 tion of Mr. Trist as that commissioner was perfectly 
 unjustifiable. He neither possessed the ability, nor 
 held the position requisite for the office to which he 
 was appointed. He was vain and conceited, with 
 out possessing that judgment which the occasion 
 required. He was simply a clerk in the State De 
 partment ; scarcely known in the city of Washing 
 ton, and of whose existence the Mexicans were per 
 fectly ignorant. No reason can be assigned for his 
 selection by Mr. Buchanan, unless, indeed, as was 
 supposed, the Secretary was anxious to appropriate 
 all the eclat, resulting from the conclusion of a 
 treaty of peace, to the State Department. An indi 
 vidual should have been selected, whose standing in 
 this country would not only be a guarantee of his 
 ability to enter upon a delicate negotiation, but 
 whose modesty and good sense would have avoided 
 any collision with the officers in command of our 
 army. As it was, Mr. Trist had scarcely touched his 
 foot upon the soil of Mexico, before he became involv 
 ed in a warm controversy with the Cornmander-in- 
 
 which would oblige the troops to spread themselves out many leagues to 
 the right and left, in search of subsistence, and to stop all military opera- 
 tiono." Dispatch of General Scott to the War Department, May 20th, 
 1847. 
 
216 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 chief. It was due to General Scott that a full ex 
 planation should have been given him, with regard 
 to the mission, by the State Department, especially 
 when he supposed that the confidence of the admin 
 istration had been withdrawn from him. His feel 
 ings were pretty clearly indicated in a letter to Mr. 
 Trist,* which produced a response from that per- 
 son.f However objectionable may have been the 
 language of General Scott, when addressing the ac 
 credited agent of the Government, the response of 
 Mr. Trist is equally liable to condemnation. Both 
 communications were calculated to widen the breach, 
 and greatly to militate against the public service. 
 Mr. Trist continued with the army until he, finally, 
 in transcending his orders after the city of Mexico 
 was captured, lost the confidence of the Cabinet at 
 Washington, and General Scott was not alone in the 
 estimation which he had placed upon his character. 
 Santa Anna after his defeat at Cerro Gordo, in 
 stead of returning at once to the city of Mexico, 
 retired in the direction of Orizaba, where he was 
 making great exertions to rally his scattered forces. 
 
 * " I see that the Secretary of War proposes to degrade me, by requir 
 ing that I, the commander of this army, shall defer to you, the chief clerk 
 of the Department of State, the question of continuing or discontinuing 
 hostilities." Loiter of General Scott to Mr. Trist, 7th of May, 1845. 
 
 f " You will now, sir, I trust, understand, when the communication re 
 ferred to shall again be placed in your hands, that greatly deficient in wis 
 dom as the present (and indeed any democratic) administration of the 
 Government must necessarily be, it has not. in this particular instance, 
 fallen into so egregious a blunder as to make the transmission and delivery 
 of that communication dependent upon the amiable affability and gracious 
 condescension of General Winfield Scott." Letter of Mr. Trist to 
 General Scott, May 9lh, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 217 
 
 At this time Anaya was acting President of Mex 
 ico. His administration was resolved to continue 
 the contest, notwithstanding the repeated disasters 
 which had overwhelmed the Mexican forces. 
 
 On the 8th of May General Worth commenced 
 his march from Perote along the high road to Pu- 
 ebla, where he arrived on the loth of May, and 
 took possession of that city.* On the llth of May 
 General Scott issued a celebrated proclamation to 
 the Mexican nation, f On the 19th of May, Santa 
 Anna entered the city of Mexico, where his recep 
 tion was by no means flattering to his vanity. He 
 nevertheless assumed the duties of the Presidency, 
 and employed all his influence in procuring a re- 
 
 * The terms which were granted by General Worth to the authorities 
 of Puebla did not meet the approbation of the Commander-in-chief. An 
 issue was raised between those two officers which produced a Court of 
 Inquiry, over which Quitman presided, which sustained the opinion of 
 General Scott as to the impolicy of the terms granted by Worth. 
 
 f " Considerations of high policy and of continental American inter 
 ests precipitated events, in spite of the circumspection of the Cabinet at 
 Washington. This Cabinet, ardently desiring to terminate all differences 
 with Mexico, spared no efforts compatible with honor and dignity. It 
 cherished the most flattering hopes of attaining this end by frank expla 
 nations and reasonings, addressed to the judgment and prudence of the 
 virtuous and patriotic Government of General Herrera. An unexpected 
 misfortune dispelled these hopes, and closed every avenue to an honorable 
 adjustment. Your new Government disregarded your national interests, 
 as well as those of continental America, and yielded, moreover, to foreign 
 influences the most opposed to those interests the most fatal to the future 
 of Mexican liberty, and of that republican system which the United States 
 holds it a duty to preserve and to protect. Duty, honor, and dignity placed 
 us under the necessity of not losing a season, of which the monarchical 
 party was fast taking advantage. As not a moment was to be lost, we 
 acted with a promptness and decision suited to the urgency of the case, 
 in order to avoid a complication of interests which might render our rela 
 tions more difficult and involved." Proclamation of General Scott to the 
 Mexicans, May llth, 1847. 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 election to that office. Preparations for the defence 
 of the city were progressing with considerable en 
 ergy, the fortifications were repaired, and recruits 
 for the army were obtained with all diligence 
 These events did not withdraw the attention of the 
 Mexicans from the internal commotions which dis 
 tracted and divided their councils, and which the 
 danger to be apprehended from the American army 
 could not allay, and on the 29th of May, Santa 
 Anna resigned the Presidency. This resignation 
 not being immediately accepted by the Mexican 
 Congress, it was withdrawn on the 2d of June. It 
 was supposed by the Americans, that the state of 
 anarchy and disorder which prevailed in the city, 
 would result in the election of a President who 
 would enter into negotiations. This was certainly 
 the opinion of General Scott.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the want of patriotism upon 
 the part of the Mexicans, General Scott did not 
 deem himself in a condition to take advantage of 
 it, owing to the fact that the number of troops with 
 which he landed at Vera Cruz had been greatly 
 diminished.f One thousand men were left in hos- 
 
 * " The delay here until about the 22d inst. may, however, be com 
 pensated by one important advantage. General Santa Anna has renounced 
 the Presidency (see his printed letter herewith). It is understood that a 
 new Government will be installed on the 15th inst., and there is good 
 ground to hope under Herrera or Trias, both supposed to be desirous of 
 peace with the United States. If we were previously to occupy the 
 capital, the friends of peace (most of the leaders of the party belong to 
 the capital) would be dispersed ; or if they remained and organized under 
 our colors, their Government would be denounced and decried as set up 
 by their army, and lose all credit and weight with the Mexican people." 
 
 f "Making the further deductions of the killed and wounded, the 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 219 
 
 pital at Vera Cruz, the same number sick and 
 wounded at Jalapa, 200 sick at Perote, and on the 
 sick report at Puebla, 1,017. Making a deduc 
 tion of the killed and wounded, and the garrisons 
 at Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and Perote, there were only 
 left under his command on the 4th of June, 5,820 
 effective non-commissioned officers, artificers, musi 
 cians, and privates. 
 
 The troops which now began to arrive at Vera 
 Cruz were greatly harassed on their route to the 
 headquarters of General Scott by the guerilleros 
 who infested the line of march ; and each detach 
 ment was forced to fight its way through those 
 bands of robbers, who contended for plunder more 
 than from a desire to drive the Americans from 
 their soil. The commands of Colonel M Intosh and 
 Cadwalader were followed by the division under 
 Major General Pillow. The combined forces arrived 
 at Puebla on the 8th of July, increasing the force 
 to 10,000 men. 
 
 Before the troops took up their line of march 
 from Puebla for the city of Mexico, a reconciliation, 
 apparently sincere, had taken place between Gene 
 ral Scott and Mr. Trist.* Dreading the conse- 
 
 garrisons of Vera Cruz, Jalapa, and Perote, and we have here but 5,800 
 effective non-commissioned officers, artificers, musicians, and privates ; a 
 force evidently insufficient to garrison this large open city, and to march 
 upon the capital, where, or near it, we may probably have to beat an in 
 different army of from 12.000 to 25,000 men. This we could do with 
 4,000, but at a loss, probably, of one fourth of our numbers ; whereas, 
 with 8,000, our loss would not exceed some 300." Dispatch of General 
 Scott to the Secretary of War, June 4Z7i, 1847, Executive Documents, 1st 
 session 30th Congress, Doc. No. 60, p. 793. 
 
 * " Although daily in expectation of something of special interest to 
 
220 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 quences which might result from the ill feeling ex 
 isting between the Commander-in-chief and the 
 American commissioner, Mr. Buchanan addressed 
 Mr. Trist on the 14th of June, urging him to effect 
 a reconciliation with General Scott,* and on the 
 31st of May, the Secretary of War wrote to Gene 
 ral Scott, explaining at length the object of Mr. 
 Trist s mission.f These communications from Wash 
 ington could not have had the effect of producing 
 amicable relations between the two high American 
 functionaries in Mexico, and, therefore, this rather 
 unexpected fraternization must be attributable to 
 some other cause. The world, however, is still left 
 in doubt as to the influences which produced, so 
 suddenly, familiar and friendly intercourse between 
 gentlemen who so recently had employed phrases, 
 when addressing each other, which were not calcu 
 lated to exalt the character of either. At the 
 same time the Department of State cannot be held 
 
 communicate, nothing has occurred of that character save a happy change 
 in my relations, both official and private, with Mr. Trist. Since about 
 the 26th ult., our intercourse has been frequent and cordial ; and I have 
 found him able, discreet, courteous, and amiable." Dispatch of General 
 Scott to the Secretary of War, July 25 /ft, 1847. 
 
 * " Whilst our armies are in the country of the enemy, and our Min 
 ister of peace is at the headquarters of the commanding general, this is 
 no time for personal altercations between them, if these cnn possibly be 
 avoided. Under such circumstances, the greater the sacrifice of private 
 griefs, however well founded, which you may make upon the altar of 
 your country, the more will this redound to your honor hereafter." Sec 
 retary of State to Mr. Trist, June 14tfi, 1847. 
 
 f " Such information you would have received had Mr. Trist delivered 
 in person, as I did not doubt he would, my letter to you of the 14th inst., 
 [ultimo,] with the dispatch from the State Department to the Mexican 
 Minister of Foreign Relations." Letter of Mr. Marcy to General Scott, 
 May 3 Is*, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 221 
 
 entirely blameless for intrusting so important a 
 mission to a person who incurred the danger of a 
 disastrous breach between himself and the Com 
 mander-in-chief, by not complying to the letter with 
 the wishes of the Cabinet, as indicated in the lettei 
 of the Secretary of War of the 31st of May. 
 
 A communication which had been transmitted 
 by Mr. Trist to the Mexican Government through 
 the British legation was responded to by Senor 
 Ibarra on the 22d of June. That the Mexican Go 
 vernment was not disposed to accept propositions 
 of peace, was evident from the fact that the com 
 munication of Mr. Trist was to be referred to the 
 Mexican Congress, and the only recourse left was to 
 advance upon the city. On the Yth, 8th, 9th and 
 10th, the American troops took up their line of 
 march. The enterprise which the American forces 
 had now undertaken was exceedingly hazardous; 
 they had not only to assail positions which had 
 been rendered formidable by nature, and made still 
 more so by art, but they were advancing into the 
 heart of a wealthy and populous country, where, if 
 the people had rallied en masse, inevitable destruc 
 tion must have awaited them. 
 
 The principally travelled route from Puebla lies 
 through a highly cultivated country, until it reaches 
 San Martin Tesmalucan. From thence to Eio Frio, 
 the face of the country is more precipitous and 
 broken, and a few miles from the latter point the 
 highway descends into the valley of Mexico. When 
 the American troops had arrived at this point, they 
 saw spread out beneath them cultivated fields and 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 beautiful villages. Their eyes took in the country, 
 which had been rendered celebrated by the tri 
 umphs of the Spaniards under Cortes, and their 
 footsteps were about to press the same soil over 
 which his victorious legions passed into the city of 
 the Aztecs. The descendants of those Spaniards 
 whose prowess enabled them to seize the possessions 
 of the native princes, were themselves about to be 
 forced, by an iron destiny and an inexorable fate, to 
 submit to the northern conquerors. The army en 
 tered the valley on the 10th of August, and the 
 headquarters of the Commander-in-chief were fixed 
 at Ayotla. 
 
 An extraordinary energy seemed to have taken 
 possession of the Mexican troops, and a determina 
 tion to resist to the last extremity appeared to go 
 vern them all. Those persons who had hitherto 
 been anxious for the establishment of peace, now 
 hesitated to utter their sentiments, and all seemed 
 determined to vindicate the honor of their country. 
 Fortifications were repaired, cannon were cast, and 
 powder was manufactured with great industry. It 
 was believed that one severe repulse sustained by 
 the American troops, would destroy that prestige 
 with which repeated victories had encircled the 
 American arms. The plan of operations adopted 
 by Santa Anna, was to await the attack of the 
 Americans in his intrenchments, while the army of 
 the north under General Valencia, composed of the 
 flower of the Mexican troops, was ordered to assail 
 the invaders in the rear. The first barrier to the 
 advance of General Scott was the truly formidable 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 223 
 
 position of El Penon. This was a lofty hill, strongly 
 fortified, and commanded the great thoroughfare 
 leading to the city. On the southern line of the 
 city were the fortifications of Mexicalcingo, San 
 Antonio, the convent, and the bridge of Churubus- 
 co. Its southwestern side was defended by the for 
 tress of Chapultepec. The north, from whence no 
 danger of attack could be apprehended, was only 
 protected by three garitas ; while the eastern part, 
 where it was supposed the Americans would make 
 the most formidable demonstration, was defended 
 by El Penon. On the 9th of August the brigade 
 of General Leon, from the midst of the enthusiastic 
 and confident populace of the city, took their de 
 parture for the purpose of covering that fortifica 
 tion. Santa Anna himself visited it for the pur 
 pose of giving his final orders for its defence. 
 
 On the 12th and 13th of August, a daring and 
 successful reconnoisance of El Penon was effected 
 by a detachment from the American army. It was 
 ascertained that although El Penon might be taken, 
 yet it could be done only at a great sacrifice ; it was 
 therefore determined, instead of storming this posi 
 tion, to march along the high road which runs be 
 tween Lake Chalco and Lake Tezcuco, and pass 
 around the southern shore of Lake Chalco, and 
 thus attack the city from the south, instead of the 
 east. The credit of discovering this route, is claimed 
 by General Scott as having been made by him, long 
 before he reached the valley of Mexico,* while it is 
 
 * " These difficulties, closely viewed, threw me back upon the pro 
 ject, long entertained, of turning the strong eastern defences of the city, 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 contended by others, that before the successful re 
 connoisance of Colonel Duncan, General Scott had 
 determined to advance with the main portion of his 
 army, by Mexicalcingo, and that the orders for that 
 purpose, which he had issued, were only counter 
 manded after Duncan had proved the feasibility of 
 passing along the southern shore of Lake Chalco.* 
 It is quite probable that the inquiring mind of Ge 
 neral Scott had ascertained the fact, that there was 
 a route around Lake Chalco. This is very far from 
 being an improbable supposition, when we recollect 
 that the Commander-in-chief brought all the re 
 sources of his great experience, and a profound 
 knowledge of his profession, into action during this 
 campaign. Penetrating into the heart of the ene 
 my s country, with comparatively a small body of 
 men, and surrounded on all sides, by a nation of 
 foes, no one will doubt, who is acquainted with 
 the character of General Scott, that he availed him- 
 
 by passing around, south of Lake Chalco and Jochimilco, at the foot of 
 the hills and mountains, so as to reach this point, and hence to manoeuvre 
 on hard ground, though much broken, to the south and southwest of the 
 capital, which has been more or less under our view since the 10th in 
 stant." Report of General Scott to the Secretary of War, August 19, 
 1847. 
 
 * " In the mean time, no reconnoisance had been made over the 
 southern route, by American officers, and it is highly probable that none 
 would have ever been made, had not Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan, who 
 was intimate at Worth s headquarters, and whose views in relation to the 
 proposed operations fully coincided with those of that General, volun 
 teered to make a reconnoisance on the following day." " With a letter 
 from Worth, inclosing his written report, and recommending the change, 
 Duncan proceeded on the evening of the 14th to Ayotla, and the effect of 
 his information was, that the orders issued in the morning were counter 
 manded." Ripley s History of the War with Mexico, vol. 2, pp. 191 
 and 201. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 225 
 
 self of every opportunity to acquire information as 
 to the vulnerable point in the fortifications that de 
 fended the city. That General Scott may not have 
 been acquainted with the absolute feasibility of 
 turning Lake Chalco, until after the reconnoisance 
 under Colonel Duncan, is very likely, and he may 
 have held the army in readiness to march by Mex- 
 icalcingo. The great error General Scott commit 
 ted, was in not giving to Colonel Duncan the credit 
 which was due him for that reconnoisance, which 
 enabled the army to reach the city without either 
 storming El Penon, or passing beneath its guns. 
 
 While the Mexicans were expecting to repulse 
 the American army under the walls of El Penon, 
 their confidence was somewhat shaken when they 
 ascertained that Worth s division, followed by the 
 whole army, was advancing upon Contreras. This 
 movement was commenced on the loth, and Gene 
 ral Twiggs, with the rear guard, left Ayotla on the 
 16th, having delayed his march until that time to 
 induce the Mexicans to believe that he intended to 
 attack El Penon, or fall upon Mexicalcingo.* The 
 town of Contreras is situated upon a wide and con 
 venient thoroughfare leading to the city of Mexico ; 
 here was stationed the flower of the Mexican army 
 under General Valencia, one of the most despe 
 rately brave of the Mexican chieftains, who was 
 determined to dispute the advance of the Ameri 
 cans at all hazards. The position which he had 
 taken did not meet the approbation of Santa Anna, 
 
 * Report of General Scott to the Secretary of War, April 19th, 
 1849. 
 
 15 
 
226 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 who ordered Mm to retreat to Coyoacan and 
 Chnrubnsco, which command he refused to obey, 
 and the Mexican General-in-Chief left him to his 
 fate* 
 
 * " On the 18th, General Santa Anna ordered Valencia, that early in 
 the next day he should march with his force to Coyoacan, and send for 
 ward his artillery to Churubusco. This disposition arose from the opinion 
 he had that on the 19th the enemy would attack the fortification of San 
 Antonio. 
 
 " In answer to him, General Valencia, notwithstanding what he had 
 expressed in his first note, was inconsistent by refusing to abandon the 
 point which before had been pronounced indefensible. 
 
 " General Santa Anna, then, not opposing further than to note the 
 discrepancy between the first and second communications of General 
 Valencia, agreed that he should remain in the position occupied, and only 
 declaring, as he said afterward, that he woukl leave Valencia to act on 
 his own responsibility. 
 
 " The advices which, from the beginning of the action, he had sent 
 to General Perez and Santa Anna, he now repeated in view of the immi 
 nent danger which menaced us. 
 
 " The beat for the return of General Perez, was struck three times, 
 and General Santa Anna remained immovable with his division, whose 
 presence had made the enemy to hesitate, and General Scott to fear for 
 the issue of the battle. But Santa Anna did nothing to pass by the road 
 when it was possible, and the belief was universal that he wished to 
 surround with his division and ours the enemy s forces, and accomplish 
 in this manner their defeat. 
 
 " During all the time of this inexplicable immobility of the forces of 
 Santa Anna, the firing was going on in various directions. 
 
 " In fact, after this firing, General Santa Anna descended from the 
 Olviar. and his company in chorus threw, what his presence gave license 
 to, the blame of the defeat upon the insubordinate Valencia. The troops 
 that were with General Santa Anna withdrew by his order, leaving Va 
 lencia surrounded on all sides, and going to lodge at San Angel." Mex 
 ican History of the War with Mexico* D. 272-5-6-7. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 227 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Battle of Contrcras. Worth s division storms San Antonio. Victory of 
 Churubusco. Armistice granted. Negotiations broken off. Sanguinary 
 battle of ])folino del Key. Storming of Chapultepec. Surrender of the 
 city. Santa Anna resigns the Presidency. Attacks Colonel Childs at 
 Puebla Major Lally forces his way from Vera Cruz to Jalapa. He is 
 joined by General Lane with 2,500 men. Battle of Huamantla. Powers 
 invested in Mr. Trist revoked. Contributions exacted. Treaty concluded 
 by Mr. Tirist. General Scott recalled. General Butler appointed to the 
 command of the army. Treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo. Americans 
 evacuate Mexico. The army of the United States. Territory acquired 
 from Mexico. Its value. 
 
 PILLOW S division was ordered to make a practica 
 ble road for heavy artillery, and Twiggs division 
 was ordered to cover that operation. By three 
 o clock on the 19th, the men engaged in making 
 the new road, came under the fire of a very heavy 
 park of artillery, which was advantageously posted 
 to check their operations. This battery was sup 
 ported by large bodies of infantry and cavalry. 
 The divisions of Pillow and Twiggs advanced for 
 the purpose of storming this formidable battery. 
 This movement was met by a terrible fire from the 
 enemy s intrenchments. Not only did the heavy 
 artillery, which lined the hills, send its iron hail 
 into the ranks of the Americans, but the heavy 
 columns of infantry with great gallantry defended 
 that position. For three hours the battle raged 
 furiously, and when night set in the Americans had 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 made no impression upon the Mexican lines. Noth 
 ing could surpass the obstinacy with which the 
 Mexicans held to their position, and not all the 
 gallantry of the Americans could drive them from 
 it. General Scott, discovering that large bodies of 
 troops were advancing from the city, ordered the 
 15th regiment, under Colonel Morgan, to occupy 
 Contreras. Colonel Riley was at the time on the 
 enemy s left, while the brigade under the command 
 of General Shields was ordered to support Colonel 
 Morgan. 
 
 It was now dark, and the cold and chilling rain 
 fell in torrents. Without fires and with no tents to 
 protect them from the tempest, many of the regi 
 ments without food, the officers wandering about in 
 search of each other, the obstinate fury with which 
 the battle had been disputed, all had a tendency to 
 cast a temporary gloom over the army. But the 
 glorious results of the next day proved that the 
 confidence of the troops in their invincibility was 
 not shaken. The morning of the 20th of August 
 found the brigades of Shields, Smith, Cadwalader, 
 Riley, and Morgan s regiment around the hacienda 
 of Contreras. Worth was ordered to march with 
 one of his brigades to mask San Antonio, and with 
 the other to advance upon Contreras. Similar 
 orders were given to General Quitman, and the 
 combined forces were to be concentrated upon the 
 battle field. The plan of the attack, which re 
 sulted in the defeat of the enemy, was arranged by 
 General Smith. At three o clock in the morning, 
 the movement commenced, Eiley being in the ad- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 229 
 
 
 
 vance. After surmounting many difficulties lie 
 gained the enemy s rear, and with irresistible im 
 petuosity, stormed their intrenchments. The bri 
 gade under Colonel Ransom, composed of the 9th 
 regiment and companies from the 3d and 12th, with 
 the rifles, arriving at the same moment, attacked 
 the Mexicans with terrible effect, while the brigade 
 under Shields poured a destructive fire upon the 
 enemy during their retreat. 
 
 The results of this brilliant victory were a loss 
 upon the part of the enemy, of 700 killed, 813 
 prisoners, 83 officers, 4 generals, and 22 pieces of 
 brass ordnance. The battle was won before the 
 arrival of the division under Worth and Quitman ; 
 the former general was directed to assail San An 
 tonio in front, as soon as the divisions under Pillow 
 and Twiggs should attack it in the rear. The battle 
 now raged along the whole line.* Worth stormed 
 the intrenchments at San Antonio, and continued to 
 advance until he met Pillow, who, ascertaining that 
 San Antonio had been taken, turned to the left for 
 the purpose of attacking Churubusco. Here almost 
 the entire Mexican force, amounting to more than 
 20,000 men, commanded by Santa Anna in person, 
 rallied for a last desperate stand. The Americans, 
 flushed with victory, advanced to the attack with 
 great ardor. The position was hemmed in and furi 
 ously assaulted by portions of Worth s, Twiggs , and 
 Pillows divisions, and was carried at the point of 
 
 * Report of General Scott to the War Department, August 28th, 
 1848. 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the bayonet. The next position to attack was the 
 Convent, which, after a long and desperate defence, 
 was surrendered by the garrison. 
 
 This was a brilliant day for the American troops. 
 Victory after victory was won, and one position 
 after another fell into their hands ; and without 
 striking another blow, they might have entered the 
 capital in triumph, and thus put an end to the wai .* 
 Future events proved the error which was commit 
 ted in granting an armistice. The Mexicans TA ere 
 determined to resist to the last, and nothing but 
 reducing them to extremity, and subduing their 
 pride by the capture of the city of Mexico, would 
 force them to agree to terms. The history of that 
 country from the time of the invasion under Cortes, 
 proves that the possession of the city decides the 
 fate of Mexico. The revolutions, whether blood 
 less or produced at the point of the bayonet, have 
 never been signal until the metropolis yielded. 
 
 * " After so many victories, we might, with but little additional loss, have 
 occupied the capital the same evening. But Mr. Trist. commissioner, 
 &c., as well as myself, had been admonished by the best friends of pe9ce 
 intelligent neutrals and some American residents against precipitation, 
 lest by wantonly driving away the government and others dishonored 
 we might scatter the elements of peace, excite a spirit of national despera 
 tion, and thus indefinitely postpone the hope of accommodation. Deeply 
 impressed with this danger, and remembering our mission to conquer a 
 peace the army very cheerfully sacrificed to patriotism, to the great wish 
 and want of our country, the eclat that would have followed an entrance, 
 sword in hand, into a great capital. Willing to leave something to this 
 republic of no immediate value to us on which to rest her pride, and to 
 recover temper, I halted our victorious corps at the gates of the city, (at 
 least for a time,) and have them now cantoned in the neighboring villages, 
 where they are well sheltered and supplied with all necessaries." Report 
 of General Scott to the War Department, August 28th, 1847, Volume 
 2, Executive Documents, 1st session 30//i Congress. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 231 
 
 Wherever the pronunciamento was issued, the capi 
 tal was the point upon which the disaffected con 
 centrated, and its fall alone terminated the struggle. 
 
 To prove that the pride of the Mexican people 
 had not yet been broken, we have only to refer to 
 the events which preceded the armistice, when 
 Santa Anna was fearful of having it known that he 
 had taken the initiative. On the morning of the 
 21st General Scott offered to sign an armistice, con 
 taining a pledge upon the part of the Mexicans to 
 enter at once into the negotiations for peace, while 
 Santa Anna proposed a truce. The latter proposi 
 tion was rejected, and commissioners were appointed 
 on the 22d ; the armistice was signed on the 23d 
 and ratified on the 24th. The first article provided 
 for the absolute suspension of hostilities between 
 the two armies within 30 leagues of the city of 
 Mexico, for the purpose of enabling the commis 
 sioners to open negotiations. The third article pro 
 vided that the armistice should continue while those 
 commissioners were engaged in negotiations, or until 
 the armistice was broken off upon a notice of 48 
 hours. The fourth article stated that neither army 
 should be reinforced. 
 
 As little faith could be placed in the promises 
 of the enemy, General Scott was strongly urged by 
 some of his generals to make the surrender of Cha- 
 pultepec a guarantee of their good faith ; but to 
 this proposition the Mexicans would not agree.* 
 
 * " General Orders, ) " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, ) 
 
 No. 262. $ TACUBAYA, August 24/fc, 1847. ( 
 
 "The following military convention is published for the information 
 and strict government of the American army, its retainers and followers. 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The commissioners of the two powers met on the 
 27th of August, 1847. It is doubtful whether 
 Santa Anna agreed in good faith to open negotia- 
 
 Any infraction of one or more of the articles of the said convention shall 
 be followed by rigorous punishment. 
 
 " The undersigned appointed respectively, the three first by Major Ge 
 neral Winfield Scott, Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United 
 States, and the two last by his Excellency D. Antonio Lopez de Santa 
 Anna, President of the Mexican Republic and Commander-in-chief of its 
 armies, met with full powers, which were duly verified, in the village of 
 Tacubaya, on the 22d day of August, 1847, to enter into an armistice, for 
 the purpose of giving the Mexican Government an opportunity of receiv 
 ing propositions for peace, from the commissioner appointed by the Presi 
 dent of the United States, and now with the American army, when the 
 following articles were agreed upon : 
 
 "ART. 1. Hostilities shall instantly and absolutely cease between the 
 armies of the United States of America and the United Mexican States, 
 within thirty leagues of the capital of the latter States, to allow time to 
 the commissioner appointed by the United States, and the commissioners 
 to be appointed by the Mexican Republic, to negotiate. 
 
 " ART. 2. This armistice shall continue as long as the commissioners 
 of the two Governments may be engaged in negotiations, or until the 
 commander of either of the said armies shall give formal notice to the 
 other of the cessation of the armistice, and for forty-eight hours after such 
 notice. 
 
 " ART. 3. In the mean time, neither army shall, within thirty leagues 
 of the city of Mexico, commence any new fortification or military work 
 of offence or defence, or do any thing to enlarge or strengthen any exist 
 ing work or fortification of that character within the said limits. 
 
 " ART. 4. Neither army shall be reinforced within the same. Any 
 reinforcements in troops or munitions of war, other than subsistence now 
 approaching either army, shall be stopped at the distance of at least twen 
 ty-eight leagues from the city of Mexico. 
 
 " ART. 5. Neither army, nor any detachment from it, shall advance be 
 yond the line it at present occupies. 
 
 " ART. 6. Neither army, nor any detachment or individual of either, 
 shall pass the neutral limits established by the last article, except under 
 flags of truce bearing the correspondence between the two armies, or on 
 the business authorized by the next article ; and individuals of either army 
 who may chance to straggle within the neutral limits shall, by the oppo 
 site party, be kindly warned off. or sent back to their own army under flags 
 of truce. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 233 
 
 tions, or whether lie designed to take advantage of 
 the suspension of hostilities, for the purpose of 
 strengthening the defences of the city. By the 
 
 " ART. 7. The American army shall not by violence obstruct the 
 passage from the open country into the city of Mexico, of the ordinary 
 supplies of food necessary to the consumption of its inhabitants, or the 
 Mexican army within the city ; nor shall the Mexican authorities, civil or 
 military, do any act to obstruct the passage of supplies from the city or the 
 country needed by the American army. 
 
 " ART. 8. All American prisoners of war remaining in the hands of 
 the Mexican army, and not heretofore exchanged, shall immediately, or as 
 soon as practicable, be restored to the American army against a like num 
 ber (having regard to rank,) of the Mexican prisoners captured by the 
 American army. 
 
 " ART. 9. * * * * [Omitted.] (See Mexican ratification.) 
 
 " ART. 10. The better to enable the belligerent armies to execute these 
 articles, and to favor the great object of peace, it is further agreed between 
 the parties, that any courier with dispatches that either army shall desire 
 to send along the line from the city of Mexico or its vicinity to and from 
 Vera Cruz, shall receive a safe conduct from the commander of the oppo 
 sing army. 
 
 "ART. 11. The administration of justice between Mexicans, accord 
 ing to the general and state constitutions and laws, by the local authori 
 ties of the towns and places occupied by the American forces, shall not 
 be obstructed in any manner. 
 
 " ART. 12. Persons and property shall be respected in the towns and 
 places occupied by the American forces. No person shall be molested in 
 the exercise of his profession ; nor shall the services of any one be re 
 quired without his consent. In all cases where services are voluntarily 
 rendered, a just price shall be paid, and trade remain unmolested. 
 
 " ART. 13. Those wounded prisoners who may desire to remove to 
 some more convenient place for the purpose of being cured of their 
 wounds, shall be allowed to do so without molestation they still remain 
 ing prisoners. 
 
 " ART. 14. Those Mexican medical officers who may wish to attend the 
 wounded shall have the privilege of doing so, if their services be required. 
 
 "ART. 15. For the more perfect execution of this agreement, two 
 commissioners shall be appointed one by each party who, in case of 
 disagreement, shall appoint a third. 
 
 " ART. 16. This convention shall have no force or effect unless ap 
 proved by their excellencies the commanders respectively of .the two armies, 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 terms of a treaty which had been furnished Mr. 
 Trist by the Secretary of State, the boundary of 
 the two countries was to be the Rio Grande, the 
 
 within twenty-lour hours, reckoning from 6 o clock, A. M., of the 22d 
 day of August, 1847. 
 
 " J. A. QUITMAN, 
 
 Major General U. S. A. 
 " PERSIFER F. SMITH, 
 
 Brevet Brigadier General U. S. A. 
 "FRANKLIN PIERCE, 
 
 Brigadier General U. S. A. 
 "IGNACIO DE MORA Y. VILLAMIL. 
 " BENITO QUIJANO." 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE U. S. OF AMERICA, 
 
 TACUBAYA, August 23d, 1847. 
 " Considered, approved, and ratified with the express understanding that 
 the word supplies," as used the second time, and without qualification, in 
 the seventh article of this military convention (American copy), shall be 
 taken to mean as in both the British and American armies arms, am 
 munition, clothing, equipments, subsistence (for men), forage, money, and 
 in general all the wants of an army. That the word supplies in the Mex 
 ican copy is erroneously translated viveres instead of recursos. 
 
 "WINFIELD SCOTT, 
 General-in-chief U. S. Army." 
 
 " PALACIO NACIONAL DE MEXICO, 
 
 August 24th, 1847. 
 
 "Ratificado, suprimiendose, el articulo 9 y con esplication del 4 en 
 el sentido de que la paz temporal de este armiticio se observara en la capital 
 y veinte ocholiguas al rededor ; convenido en quela palabra supplies se 
 traduzca, recursos, y que en ella se comprenda lo que pueda. Haba 
 menester el ejercito, escepto armas y municiones. 
 
 " ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA." 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE U. S. OF AMERICA, 
 
 TACUBAYA, August 24th, 1847. 
 " I accept and ratify the foregoing qualifications added by the President 
 General of the Mexican Republic. 
 
 "WINFIELD SCOTT. 
 " By command of Major General Scott. 
 
 " H. L. SCOTT, A. A. A. General." 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 2, p. 356. 
 
POLK ADMI1S-ISTEATION. 235 
 
 undisputed title of the United States to the State 
 of Texas, and the cession by Mexico, of Upper and 
 Lower California. New Mexico was to be guaran 
 teed upon the payment of a sum which was to be 
 the subject of negotiation. 
 
 To neither of these propositions were the Mexi 
 cans disposed to agree.* Negotiation was pro 
 tracted for several days, without any prospect of 
 producing a favorable result, and it was apparent 
 that the contest would have to be decided by the 
 arbitrament of the sword. On the 6th of Septem 
 ber, a note was addressed by General Scott to the 
 Mexican General-in-chief, complaining of the viola 
 tion of several articles of the armistice,f which pro- 
 
 * " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES ) 
 OF AMERICA, TACUBAYA, September 6, 1847. 
 
 " To his Excellency the President and Commander-in-chief of the Mexican 
 
 Republic. 
 
 " SIR : The seventh Article, as also the twelfth, that stipulates that 
 trade shall remain unmolested of the armistice or military convention, 
 which I had the honor to ratify and to exchange with your Excellency, 
 the 24th ultimo, has been repeatedly violated, beginning soon after date, 
 on the part of Mexico ; and now I have good reason to believe, that, within 
 the last forty-eight hours, if not earlier, the third article of that convention 
 has been equally violated by the same party. 
 
 " Those direct breaches of faith give to this army the most perfect right 
 to resume hostilities against Mexico, without any notice whatever ; but to 
 afford time for possible explanation, apology, and reparation, I now give 
 formal notice, that unless full satisfaction on these allegations should be 
 received by me, before 12 o clock, meridian, to-morrow, I shall consider 
 the said armistice at an end, from and after that hour. 
 
 " I have the honor to be your Excellency s most ob t serv t, 
 
 "WINFIELD SCOTT." 
 
 f " But I shall desist offering apologies, because I cannot be blind 
 to the truth, that the true cause of the threats of renewing hostili 
 ties, contained in the note of your Excellency, is, that I have not been 
 
236 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 duced a response from Santa Anna, the conclusion 
 of which very nearly amounted to a threat.* Ne 
 gotiations were broken off, and hostilities were re- 
 
 willing to sign a treaty which would lessen considerably not only the ter 
 ritory of the republic, but that dignity and integrity which all nations de 
 fend to the last extremity. And if these considerations have not the 
 same weight in the mind of your Excellency, the responsibility before the 
 world, who can easily distinguish on whose side is moderation and justice, 
 will fall upon you. 
 
 " I flatter myself that your Excellency will be convinced, on calm re 
 flection, of the weight of my reasons. But if, by misfortune, you should 
 seek only a pretext to deprive the first city of the American continent of 
 an opportunity to free the unarmed population of the horrors of war, there 
 will be left me no other means of saving them but to repel force by force, 
 with the decision and energy which my high obligations impose upon me. 
 
 " I have the honor to be your Excellency s very obedient servant, 
 " ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. 
 
 " A true copy of the original, MEXICO, September 7, 1847. 
 
 " JOSE DE ROMERO." 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 2, p. 261. 
 
 * COUNTER PROJECT SUBMITTED TO MR. TRIST BY 
 THE MEXICAN COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 " 1st. There shall be firm and universal peace between the United 
 States of America and the Mexican Republic, and their respective terri 
 tories, cities, towns, and villages, not excepting persons or places. 
 
 " 2d. All the prisoners of war made on either side, whether by sea or 
 land, shall be released immediately after the signing of the present treaty. 
 It is also agreed, that if any Mexicans are now captives in the power of 
 any Indian tribe within the limits ceded by the 4th article to the United 
 States, the Government of the said United States shall exact their release, 
 and that they be restored to liberty and to their homes in Mexico. 
 
 " 3d. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, 
 all the forts, places, and possessions, which may have been taken or occu 
 pied during this present war, within the limits fixed by the 4th article for 
 this Republic, shall be restored to the Mexican Republic. In like manner 
 shall be restored the artillery, arms, and ammunition that were in all the 
 castles and strongholds when they fell into the power of the troops of the 
 United States. With respect to the artillery taken outside of the said 
 castles and fortified places, that which is still in the power of the United 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 237 
 
 sumed. At this time, the effective force of General 
 Scott was not quite 9,000 men ; and with this force 
 an attempt was to be* made to take the city, after 
 
 States troops shall be returned to Mexico at the date of the signing of the 
 present treaty. 
 
 " 4th. The dividing line between the two Republics shall commence in 
 the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the southern mouth 
 of the bay of Corpus Christi, shall run in a straight line from within the 
 said bay to the mouth of the river Nueces, thence through the middle of 
 that river, in all its course, to its source ; from the source of the river 
 Nueces shall be traced a straight line until it meets the present frontier 
 of New Mexico, on the east-southeast side: it shall then follow the pre 
 sent boundary of New Mexico on the east, north, and west, until this last 
 touches the 37th degree, which will serve as a limit for both Republics 
 from the point in which it touches the said frontier of the west of New 
 Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. The Government of Mexico promises not 
 to found any new settlements or establish colonies in the tract of land 
 which remains between the river Nueces and the Bravo del Norte. 
 
 " 5th. As a just compensation for the extension of their old limits, 
 which the United States acquire by the previous article, the Government 
 of the said United States is bound to pay over to the Republic of Mexico 
 the sum of , which shall be placed in the city of Mexico at the dis 
 posal of the said Government of the Mexican Republic, in the act of ex 
 changing the ratifications of this treaty. 
 
 " 6th. The Government of the United States is further bound to take 
 upon itself, and satisfy fully, the claimants to all the instalments which 
 are due up to this time, and may become due in future, by reason of the 
 claims now liquidated and decided against the Mexican Republic, agreea 
 bly to the conventions arranged between the two Republics on the llth of 
 April, 1839, and 30th of January, 1843, in such manner that the Mexican 
 Republic shall have absolutely no further payment to make on account of 
 said claims. 
 
 ; 7th. The Government of the United States is also bound to take 
 upon itself, and pay fully, all the claims of its own citizens, not yet de 
 cided against the Mexican Republic, whatever may be the title or motive 
 from which they may proceed, or on which they are founded : so that 
 from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, 
 the accounts of every kind that exist, or may be supposed to exist, be 
 tween the Government of Mexico and the citizens of the United States, 
 shall remain settled definitely and for ever. 
 
 " 8th. In order that the Government of the United States may be able 
 
238 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the Mexicans had had more than two weeks to pre 
 pare for its defence, and to recover from the dismay 
 produced by the victories of Contreras and Churu- 
 
 to satisfy, in observance of the previous article, the claims not yet decided, 
 of its citizens against the Mexican Republic, there shall be established by 
 the Government of the said United States a tribunal of commissioners, 
 whose decision shall be conclusive and definitive : provided that, in de 
 ciding on the validity of any demand, it may be adjusted by the principles 
 and rules which were established in the articles 1st and 5th of the con 
 vention (not ratified) which was concluded in Mexico on the 20th of 
 November, 1843, and in no case shall a decision be given in favor of any 
 claim which is not adjusted pursuant to the aforesaid rules. If the tri 
 bunal of commissioners deem it necessary for the just decision of any 
 demand to examine books, registers, or documents, which are in the 
 power of the Mexican Government, the Government of the United States 
 shall make application for them, and either the originals or faithful copies 
 shall be sent to it for the purpose of being, as they may, communicated to 
 the said tribunal : it being understood that there shall not be made by the 
 Government of the United States any application for the said books, 
 registers, or documents, until it shall be specified in each case under 
 oath, or with judicial sanction on the part of the claimant in the case, the 
 facts sought to be proved with such books, registers, or documents, 
 
 " 9th. All the temples, houses, and edifices, dedicated to the rites or 
 exercises of the Catholic worship, in territories belonging hitherto to the 
 Mexican Republic, and which, by the 4th article of this treaty, will be 
 within the limits of the United States, shall remain dedicated to the same 
 rites and exercises of the Catholic religion, without any change, and 
 under the special protection of the laws. The same shall be the case 
 with all property, movable and immovable, W 7 hich, within the said terri 
 tories, is dedicated to the support of the Catholic worship, or the support 
 of schools, hospitals, and other establishments of charity or benevolence. 
 Finally, the relations and communications of the Catholics, living in the 
 same territories with their respective ecclesiastical authorities, shall be 
 frank, free, and without any embarrassment, even though the said autho 
 rities have their residence within the limits which remain subject to the 
 Mexican Republic in this treaty ; nor shall there be any demarkation of 
 ecclesiastical districts, except conformably to the laws of the Catholic 
 Church. 
 
 " 10th. The Mexicans residing in territory heretofore belonging to 
 Mexico, and now in the limits of the United States, may at any time re 
 turn to the Mexican Republic, preserving in the said territory the property 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 239 
 
 busco. The closing scenes of the war were re 
 opened by the sanguinary battle of Molino del 
 Rey. On the 7th, a reconnoisance was made in the 
 
 they possess ; may transfer and convey its value wherever it suits them, 
 without, on this account, being liable to the exaction, by the United 
 States, of any kind of contribution, tax, or impost. If the persons here 
 treated of prefer to remain in the territories they now inhabit, they may 
 preserve the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or at once acquire the 
 title and rights of citizens of the United States, if they wish it. But in 
 all cases they and their property shall enjoy the most ample security. 
 
 " llth. All the grants of lands made by Mexican authorities in terri 
 tories belonging heretofore to the Republic, and by this treaty to be for 
 the future within the limits of the United States, shall be valid and per 
 manent, and shall be sustained and guarded for ever by the Government 
 of the said United States. 
 
 " 12th. The Republic of the United States promises solemnly, not t( 
 permit hereafter the annexation of any district or territory, comprehended 
 in the limits which, by the present treaty, are assigned to the Mexican 
 Republic. This solemn agreement has the character of a condition from 
 the territorial cessions which Mexico now makes to the Republic of 
 North America. 
 
 " 13th. All goods now in the Mexican ports occupied by the North 
 American troops, shall pay the duties established by the tariff of the Mex 
 ican Republic, provided they have not before paid duties to that Republic ; 
 but they shall not incur the penalty of confiscation. 
 
 " 14th. The Government of the United States shall satisfy, according 
 to just terms, the claims of Mexican citizens for the injury sustained in 
 their affairs by the North American troops. 
 
 " 15th. The present treaty shall be ratified," &c. 
 
 NOTE WHICH ACCOMPANIED THE COUNTER PROJECT. 
 
 11 To his Excellency, Senor D. Nicholas P. Trist, Commissioner, with full 
 powers, of the Government of the United States, near the Government of the 
 Republic oj Mexico. 
 
 " HOUSE OF ALFARO, AT CHAPULTEPEC, Sept. 6, 1847. 
 " The undersigned, commissioners of the Mexican Republic, to form 
 with you an agreement of peace, placing in your hands the counter pro- 
 jet which they have formed in accordance with the last instructions of 
 their Government, deem it opportune to accompany it with the observa 
 tions which this note contains, which will serve to show more clearly the 
 
240 HIST GET OF THE 
 
 vicinity of Chapultepec, under the eye of the Com 
 mander-in-chief, which resulted in obtaining a fair 
 observation of the configuration of the grounds, but 
 without placing in the possession of the reconnoiter- 
 
 pacific disposition of Mexico in the contest which unfortunately divides 
 both countries. 
 
 ; Article 4th of the projet, which you were pleased to deliver to us 
 on the evening of the 27th ultimo, and which was discussed at our pre 
 vious conferences, imports the cession of part of Mexico. 1st. The 
 State of Texas ; 2d. Of the territory without the limits of the said State, 
 which extends to the left bank of the Bravo and to the southern boundary 
 of New Mexico ; 3d. All New Mexico ; 4th. Of the two Californias. 
 
 " The war which now exists has been caused solely on account of the 
 territory of the State of Texas, to which the Republic of North America 
 presents as a title, the act of the same State by which it annexed itself to 
 the North American confederacy, after having proclaimed its indepen 
 dence of Mexico. The Mexican Republic agreeing, (as we have mani 
 fested to you that it does,) on account of the owing indemnity, to the 
 pretensions of the Government at Washington to the territory of Texas, 
 the cause of the war has disappeared, and it should cease, since all the 
 reasons for continuing it has ceased to exist. In regard to the other 
 territories comprehended in the 4th article of your projet, until now the 
 Republic of North America has urged no claim, nor did we believe it 
 possible that any could be alleged. It then could not acquire them but 
 by right of conquest, or by that which would result from sale or cession, 
 to which it would now force Mexico. But as we are persuaded that the 
 Republic of Washington would not only absolutely repel, but would hold 
 in odium the first of these titles, and as, on the other hand, it would be 
 a new thing that war should be made upon a people for the simple 
 reason that it refuses to sell a territory which its neighbor wishes to 
 purchase ; we hope, from the justice of the Government and people of 
 North America, that the great modification which we have to propose of 
 the cession of territory (without the State of Texas) which is claimed 
 in the said article 4th, will not be considered a motive for continuing a 
 war which the worthy general of the North American forces as justly 
 characterized as uncommon (desnaturalizada). 
 
 " In our conferences we have declared to you that Mexico cannot 
 cede the bolt of land comprehended between the left bank of the Bravo 
 and the right of the Nueces. The reason of this is not only the full 
 certainty that the stated territory never has belonged to the State of Texas, 
 nor that it is of great value, considered in itself. It is that this zone, with 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 241 
 
 ing party the nature of the defences which it was de 
 signed to cany. General Worth was ordered with his 
 division, reinforced by three squadrons of dragoons, 
 three pieces of field artillery, two battering guns, and 
 
 the Bravo at its back, forms the natural frontier of Mexico, as much in a 
 military as in a commercial point of view ; and of no people should it be 
 claimed, nor should any people consent to abandon such a frontier. But, 
 in order to remove all cause of dissension for the future, the Government 
 of Mexico binds itself not to found new settlements or establish colonies 
 in the space between the two rivers ; in this manner preserving it in the 
 depopulated state in which it now exists, presenting equal security to both 
 republics. The preservation of this territory is, according to our instruc 
 tions, a condition sine qua non of peace. Sentiments of honor and deli 
 cacy, (which your noble character will cause you to estimate properly,) 
 more than a calculation of interest, prevent our Government from con 
 senting to the dismemberment of New Mexico. On this point we believe 
 it to be superfluous to add any thing to what we have already stated to 
 you in our conferences. 
 
 " The cession of Lower California, little profitable to North America, 
 offers great embarrassments, considering the position of that peninsula, 
 opposite our coast of Sonora, from which it is separated by the Gulf of 
 Cortez. 
 
 " You have given to our observations on this subject their true value, 
 and we have learned with satisfaction that you have been convinced by 
 them. 
 
 " Besides the preservation of Lower California it would be necessary 
 for Mexico to retain a portion of the Upper ; otherwise that peninsula 
 would remain without land communication with the remainder of the Re 
 public, which would always be a great embarrassment, especially for a 
 non-maritime power, such as Mexico. The cession of the part of Upper 
 California, offered by our Government, (for the compensation,) will not 
 bring to the United States merely fertile lands and intact mineral wealth, 
 but presents the advantage of an uninterrupted communication with its 
 territories of Oregon. The wisdom of the Government of Washington, 
 and the energy of the American people, will know how to draw abundant 
 fruits from the acquisition which we now offer them. 
 
 " In Article 8 of your prqjet, the concession of a free passage by the 
 Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the southern sea, is claimed in favor of the 
 North Americans. We have verbally stated to you, that some years have 
 elapsed since the Government gave a privilege of this kind to a particular 
 individual, who afterwards transferred it, with the authority of the same 
 16 
 
242 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Cadwalader s brigade, to storm the intrenchments, 
 and destroy the machinery and material which it was 
 supposed was in the foundry El Molino del Rey. It 
 was discovered by Captain Mason of the engineer 
 
 Government, to English subjects, of whose rights Mexico cannot dispose. 
 You will not complain, therefore, that in this point we cannot accede to 
 the desires of your Government. 
 
 " We have entered into this ingenuous explanation of the motives of 
 the Republic for not ceding all the territory beyond the boundaries of 
 Texas, which is required of it, because we desire that the Government and 
 North American people should be convinced that our partial negative does 
 not proceed from sentiments of-aversion generated by the events of this war, 
 or what has caused Mexico to suffer, but only from considerations dic 
 tated by reason and justice, and which would equally influence it at any 
 time with the most friendly people, and in the midst of relations of the 
 strictest amity. The other alterations which you will find in our counter 
 projet, are of less importance ; and we believe that to them you will find 
 no important objection. The contents of Article 12 have been already 
 spoken of in your country. We flatter ourselves that your Government 
 will not refuse to contract an obligation so conformable to honor, and to 
 the harmony in which two neighboring people should live. 
 
 " Peace between the two countries will be most solemnly established, 
 if a foreign power, (England,) which has in the present contest so nobly 
 interposed its good offices, would now consent to guarantee the faithful 
 observance of the treaty which may be entered into. The Government of 
 Mexico understands that it would be convenient to solicit this guarantee. 
 
 " Our Government has commanded us to recommend to you that your 
 decision upon the counter projet, which we have the honor to submit to 
 you, should be communicated within three days. 
 
 " The salutary work of peace cannot, in our opinion, come to a happy 
 termination, if each one of the contending parties should not resolve to aban 
 don some of its original pretensions. This has in all cases happened, and all 
 nations have not hesitated, in such cases, to make great sacrifices to ex 
 tinguish the desolating flame of war. Mexico and the United States have 
 special reasons for acting in this manner. Not without sorrow ought we 
 to confess, that we are giving to humanity the scandalous example of two 
 Christian people of two republics, in the view of all the monarchies, who, 
 for a dispute concerning boundaries, mutually do themselves all the injury 
 that is possible, when we have more land than is sufficient to populate and 
 cultivate, in the beautiful hemisphere in which Providence has cast our 
 lot. We venture to recommend these considerations to your Excellency, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 243 
 
 corps, by a reconnoisance which exhibited great 
 daring, that the left of the enemy occupied several 
 strong stone buildings, called El Molino del Key, 
 in the vicinity of the castle of Chapultepec, and 
 immediately under the guns of that celebrated for 
 tress, while the right of his line rested upon another 
 stone building, called Cassa Mata. Between these 
 buildings was the Mexican field battery, .which was 
 defended by strong columns of infantry ; and as this 
 was considered the vulnerable point, Worth deter 
 mined to attack and carry it.* For this purpose 
 Colonel Garland s brigade was ordered to take po 
 sition on the right, strengthened by two pieces of 
 Captain Dunn s battery. A storming party of 500 
 picked men, under the command of Major Wright, 
 was ordered to carry the centre, while the second 
 brigade, with Colonel Duncan s battery, was directed 
 to take position nearly in front of the Cassa Mata, 
 and Cadwalader s brigade was held in reserve. At 
 three o clock on the morning of the 8th, the assault 
 ing party advanced with great impetuosity, and 
 took the enemy s battery at the point of the bay 
 onet ; but the Mexicans discovering by what a 
 small body of men they had been driven from their 
 guns, returned to the assault, and assisted by that 
 
 before you may take any definitive resolution on our propositions. We do 
 ourselves the honor to offer to you our attention and respect. 
 
 " JOSE JOAQUIN DE HERRERA, 
 "BERNARDO COUTO, 
 " IGNACIO MORA Y VILLAMIL, 
 " MIGUEL ATRISTAIN." 
 See Mexican History of the War with Mexico. 
 
 * Report of General Worth, September 10th, 1847. 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 portion of the enemy who were protected in the 
 Molino del Key, they inflicted a terrible loss upon 
 the Americans. The right wing of Cadwalader s 
 brigade was ordered forward as a reinforcement, 
 and the enemy were again driven from their guns 
 with great slaughter. The battery under Duncan 
 commenced rapid discharges upon the enemy s right, 
 and the second brigade under the command of Co 
 lonel Mclntosh, was ordered to assault the same 
 position. That gallant brigade, composed of vete 
 rans, whose courage had been often tried upon the 
 battle-field, advanced steadily to the charge. But, 
 instead of finding that part of the ground defended 
 by a field battery, they came at once in front of an 
 almost impregnable stone citadel, strongly de 
 fended by a large body of Mexican infantry, who 
 opened upon the advancing columns an appalling 
 fire of musketry. Still the Americans closed up 
 their ranks as fast as the storm of balls swept them 
 away. Accustomed to carnage and slaughter, on 
 ward they advanced against the iron hail, which, 
 without intermission, poured upon them an incessant 
 tide of death, until they reached the very slope of the 
 parapet which environed the citadel. But it required 
 more than mortal endurance to withstand the sheet 
 of fire which continued to pour from the Mexican 
 lines ; and the soldiers who composed that cele 
 brated brigade, who upon many a bloody field had 
 established a character for invincibility, faltered be 
 fore the awful flame which blazed from the Mexi 
 can guns. Colonel Scott was killed, and Colonel 
 Mclntosh and Major Waite were desperately wound- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 245 
 
 ed; and those hardy veterans, for the first time 
 thrown into disorder, fell back, but rallied in the 
 rear of Duncan s battery. In the mean time, Major 
 Summer s command passed in front of the Cassa 
 Mata, and within pistol shot of that citadel, for 
 the purpose of gaining a more favorable position, 
 and here the second scene of carnage occurred. 
 Summer s command advanced with great gallantry ; 
 but before they could pass the Cassa Mata, five 
 officers and thirty-three soldiers were wounded, six 
 soldiers were killed, and twenty-seven horses were 
 killed, and seventy-seven wounded. Duncan s bat 
 tery now re-opened its fire upon the Cassa Mata, 
 and in a short time the Mexicans were driven from 
 it. Every point upon the field was now in the pos 
 session of the Americans ; but they had purchased 
 the victory by a sacrifice of life, which cast a gloom 
 over the whole American army. When we take 
 into consideration the strength of the Mexican 
 position, the number of troops which defended it, 
 the awful fury of the battle which raged for two 
 hours before it was carried, and the horrible slaugh 
 ter of the American troops, we can come to no 
 other conclusion, than that it was by far the most 
 bloody and sanguinary engagement which was ever 
 fought upon this continent. The results of the vic 
 tory have not been regarded as commensurate 
 with the loss sustained by the American troops. 
 There was no foundry to be destroyed, and to take 
 the position, and then abandon it, has been regarded 
 as doubtful policy. It is quite probable, that if 
 Worth s division had been reinforced, the castle of 
 
246 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Chapultepec could have been easily taken ; but Ms 
 command when flushed with victory, were prevented 
 from reaping a substantial triumph, which the pos 
 session of the castle would have yielded. As it was, 
 the principal fruits of the victory were the terror 
 produced in the ranks of the enemy, by the obsti 
 nate and irresistible impetuosity of the American 
 troops.* 
 
 The number of Mexicans engaged was more 
 than 14,000, commanded by Santa Anna ; while the 
 Americans engaged did not exceed 3,100 men. The 
 loss of the Americans in killed and wounded amount 
 ed to more than 700 ; and among the officers who lost 
 their lives upon this memorable field, were some of 
 the brightest ornaments of the service, who had 
 often escaped death in the midst of slaughter. 
 
 General Worth, who was desirous of following 
 up his victory by an attack upon Chapultepec, re 
 turned to Tacubaya under the reiterated orders of 
 the Commander-in-chief. f 
 
 * " To set this matter at rest, let it be said that it is now known in 
 Mexico, that Santa Anna was in possession of a copy of General Scott s 
 order to attack the Molino del Rey, in a few hours after it was written ; 
 and during the whole of the 7th, troops were, as you state, taking up their 
 positions on that ground. It is believed, further, that Santa Anna knew 
 the precise force that was to attack. 
 
 " When, therefore, Scott supposed that Worth would surprise the 
 Mills and Cassa Mata, he was met by what ? Shall the veil be raised 
 a little further ? There was a traitor among the list of high ranking offi 
 cers in the Mexican army, and for gold he had told your force. Scott 
 had been betrayed by one not an American, not an officer or soldier, but 
 Santa Anna was betrayed by one of his own officers, and a Mexican. 
 Santa Anna believed the information he received, and acted on it. 
 General Scott did not believe what he learned at night, and the victory 
 was won." Note by the American Editor of the Mexican History of the 
 War ivith Mexico. 
 
 f " The second modification was in the end to be gained as the result 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 247 
 
 The supposition that General Scott entertained 
 the belief that El Molino del Key could be easily ta 
 ken, could alone justify an isolated attack upon that 
 point, not to be followed up by an assault upon the 
 castle of Chapultepec, because the result of the vic 
 tory was not commensurate with the loss sustained. 
 
 Reconnoisances were made along the southern 
 part of the city, in the vicinity of the gates of Pie- 
 dad, San Angel, San Antonio, and the Paseo de la 
 Viga.* The approach in that direction was ren 
 dered extremely hazardous, and General Scott de 
 termined to attack the city from, some other direc- 
 
 
 
 of the attack, and the reason for the modification is to be found in the dif 
 ferent view which Worth entertained of the matter from that of General 
 Scott. He believed that he was going to fight a battle, and he wished 
 something tangible as the fruit of it. He believed the castle of Chapulte 
 pec was of great importance, and as it lay near the proposed field of battle 
 he wished to extend operations to include its capture. His order was ac 
 cordingly issued to the effect, that the commanders should make disposi 
 tions for the assault so soon as the enemy had been routed from the posi 
 tions of his line at Molino del Rev." 
 
 " General Cadwalader and Colonel Duncan came down from Worth s 
 headquarters to confer with him upon the subject ; but as to the assault 
 on Chapultepec, Scott was inflexible. He permitted the change in the 
 time, but he directed the two officers to return to General Worth, and give 
 him his positive orders that he should on no account advance beyond Mo 
 lino del Rey ; that he should effect the capture of that point, break up the 
 machinery, and at once retire into Tacubaya. And Worth modified his 
 order accordingly." 
 
 " Worth, however, was in the spirit for battle, and seeing the arrival 
 of fresh troops, the thought of seizing Chapultepec while the enemy was 
 broken and dispirited, recurred to him. Riding up to Pillow, he requested 
 him to move down to Molino del Rey, to pass through and take position 
 in the grove, in preparation to assault and carry the castle. Under the 
 positive orders of the General-in-chief to the contrary, Pillow refused to 
 comply." Ripley s History of the Mexican War, Vol. 2, p. 363-4, 380. 
 
 * Report of General Scott to the War Department, September 18th, 
 1847. 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tion. On the llth of September Quitman s divi 
 sion was ordered to join Pillow by daylight, south 
 of the city ; and by night those two commanders 
 with their divisions were directed to join General 
 Scott at Tacubaya. The first step in the plan of 
 operations was to carry Chapultepec, which was 
 absolutely necessary before the city could be at 
 tacked from the west. Heavy batteries were planted 
 bearing upon Chapultepec, and the bombardment 
 and cannonade were commenced on the morning of 
 the 12th, and it was resolved to make the assault 
 on the morning of the 13th, the moment being in 
 dicated by the cessation of the discharges from the 
 heavy batteries, and the columns of Pillow and 
 Quitman advanced to the attack. The route se 
 lected for Pillow s division was through a grove. 
 While leading his men with great gallantry, Pillow 
 was wounded, and the command devolved upon 
 Cadwalader. About half way up the ascent was 
 a formidable redoubt ; this was soon carried by the 
 gallantry of a company under the command of 
 Capt. Chase. The troops continued to advance with 
 great impetuosity, which tremendous discharges of 
 artillery and musketry could not check. No oppor 
 tunity was given the enemy to fire the mines which 
 were laid along the ascent, without involving friends 
 as well as foes in one common ruin. The wall 
 of the main work was at length scaled, and the for 
 midable castle of Chapultepec was in the possession 
 of the Americans. While Pillow s division was 
 advancing from the west, Quitman s approached 
 along the causeway leading to the southeast. That 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 249 
 
 part of the Mexican defences were protected by 
 strong works, which rendered it exceedingly diffi 
 cult to approach Chapultepec from that direction. 
 Several batteries were stormed and the division was 
 gradually nearing the castle ; while Shields brigade 
 and the second Pennsylvania volunteers crossed the 
 fields under a tremendous fire, and carried the first 
 wall which inclosed Chapultepec as Pillow s divi 
 sion stormed the heights. From the north an ad 
 vance was made by the llth and 14th infantry un 
 der Colonel Trousdale, who not onlj sustained their 
 positions against superior numbers, but gallantly 
 carried a battery which had been planted in the 
 road. Among the officers who fell at the head of 
 the troops was Colonel Ransom of the 9th, who 
 was shot dead while heroically leading his regiment 
 up the ascent from the west. Many other gallant 
 officers were killed and wounded. It had been de 
 termined to follow up the attack upon Chapultepec 
 by the capture of the city itself. There were two 
 roads leading from the castle to the city ; the one 
 on the right passing through Piedad and entering 
 the Belen gate, and the other called the San Cosme 
 road, terminating in the gate of that name. These 
 roads were both elevated causeways, wide enough 
 for a double track. Upon both sides of these 
 roads were erected formidable breastworks, which 
 rendered the approach to the city extremely dan 
 gerous. The division under Worth advanced in 
 the direction of the San Cosme gate, while that 
 under Quitman was proceeding along the Belen 
 road, and the operations of each were overlooked 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 by the Commander-in-chief, who occupied a posi 
 tion upon Chapultepec. Clarke s and Cadwala- 
 der s brigades were ordered to reinforce Worth s 
 division, while that under Pierce w^as directed to 
 support General Quitman. Before 6 o clock in the 
 evening Worth s division had forced the San Cosme 
 gate, and turned upon the disordered Mexicans their 
 own artillery, while one of his brigades was quar 
 tered within the city, and the pickets and patrols 
 were advanced half way from the San Cosme gate 
 to the Allameda. At 8 o clock a mortar and twen 
 ty-four pounder were planted, and soon poured de 
 structive missiles into the grand plaza, which had 
 the eifect of bringing to the headquarters of Gene 
 ral Worth a deputation from the city authorities, a 
 little past midnight, and who were by him dis 
 patched in charge of an officer to General Scott. 
 
 General Scott believing that the San Cosme 
 route was the most vulnerable point of attack, in 
 tended Quitman only to manoeuvre in the direction 
 of the Belen gate, for the purpose of facilitating the 
 principal assault under Worth. But overcome with 
 ardor, and gallantly supported by his officers and 
 men, Quitman continued an onward movement in 
 the face of front and flank fires, which produced 
 great havoc among his troops. They continued 
 steadily to advance, until they were within the city 
 gates, where they rested for the night. 
 
 At 4 o clock the next morning, September 14th, 
 the deputation from the city waited upon the Com 
 mander-in-chief, with the information that the Go 
 vernment and the army had fled, leaving the city 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 251 
 
 to its fate. The deputation demanded terms of ca 
 pitulation, which were refused by General Scott, 
 who gave orders to Worth and Quitman at daylight 
 to move into the heart of the city. Quitinan s di 
 vision proceeded first into the great plaza by the 
 especial directions of the Commander-in-chief, al 
 though he might have been anticipated in that 
 pleasure by General Worth, if the motions of nei 
 ther had been controlled. Soon afterwards a fire 
 was commenced upon the American troops by 
 about 2,000 liberated convicts, and a similar num 
 ber of Mexican troops, and it was 24 hours before 
 the outbreak could be suppressed. 
 
 Great forbearance had characterized the conduct 
 of General Scott ever since his entrance into the 
 Mexican territory. After the decisive victories of 
 the 19th and 20th of August, he had tendered an 
 offer of negotiation to the vanquished, instead of 
 following them at once into the city. And after 
 the American arms had triumphed again and again 
 over greatly superior numbers, and the impossibil 
 ity of defending the city had been demonstrated, 
 the entrance of the American forces had been or 
 derly and soldierlike, and it was only when dis 
 banded soldiers and liberated convicts commenced 
 a cowardly assault from windows and the roofs of 
 houses, that the horrors ensued which must follow a 
 combat of that description, and for which the Mex 
 icans and not the Americans should be blamed. 
 
 The city of Mexico was now in the possession 
 of the American army, and the stars and stripes 
 waved in triumph on the national palace. This 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 brilliant achievement had not been obtained with 
 out great loss. At the battles of Contreras and 
 Churubusco, the loss of the Americans was 137 
 killed and 877 wounded; at Molino del Key, in 
 killed and wounded and missing, 789 ; at the storm 
 ing of Chapultepec, and the capture of the city, 
 130 were killed and 703 wounded. The loss of offi 
 cers in these engagements was 33 killed and 179 
 wounded. Although the slaughter was great, yet 
 the triumph of so small an army, who succeeded in 
 driving a greatly superior force from one intrench - 
 ment to another, and that, too, in the very heart of 
 the enemy s country, was certainly unsurpassed in 
 the annals of military warfare. After he had gar 
 risoned Chapultepec, the force with which General 
 Scott advanced against the city was less than 6,000 
 men, while the army under Santa Anna before the 
 battle of Contreras, was more than 30,000. In 
 trenched behind formidable defences, which were 
 protected by powerful trains of artillery, and fight 
 ing under the eyes of the people of Mexico, with 
 the capital of the country as the prize for which 
 they contended, the success of the American arms 
 seems almost miraculous. That the Mexicans fought 
 with great desperation is proved by the immense 
 loss which they sustained, amounting in killed and 
 wounded to more than 7,000. 3,730 prisoners were 
 taken, among the number being 13 generals. With 
 the loss of the city was destroyed the morale of 
 the Mexicans, who gave up the struggle in despair, 
 and disbanded, leaving their capital and their 
 country in the possession of the conquerors. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 253 
 
 The spectacle which was presented on the morn 
 ing of the 14th to the citizens of Mexico, by the 
 entrance of the American troops, must have been 
 startlingly grand and imposing. They saw for the 
 first time those terrible legions, who, upon the many 
 bloody fields which signalized this war, had estab 
 lished a character for invincibility. The slow and 
 measured tread, and the calm, stern countenance, 
 marked the progress of Worth s regulars ; while the 
 gallant bearing, youthful appearance, and enthusi 
 astic movements of Quitnian ? s division, designated 
 them as the volunteers. They were no holiday sol 
 diers, decked with waving plumes, and gilt trap 
 pings, but the resolute and invincible soldiers, 
 whose prowess had conquered an empire. 
 
 The Americans who composed the army of in 
 vasion, were certainly remarkable for their skill 
 and gallantry. The regulars had seen service upon 
 many sanguinary fields, and their high state of dis 
 cipline, and steady bravery in the hour of battle, 
 rendered their movements always irresistible, while 
 the volunteers, who had left their homes to obtain 
 renown in the face of the enemy, were celebrated 
 for their reckless impetuosity. 
 
 The officers by whom they were commanded, 
 were composed of some of the brightest ornaments 
 in the service. Their movements were directed by 
 the vast experience and unrivalled military skill of 
 General Scott, who was surrounded by the scientific 
 and brilliant Worth, the experienced and impetuous 
 Twiggs, the energetic and gallant Pillow, the brave 
 and daring Quitman, the cool and skilful Cadwal- 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ader, the fiery and reckless Shields, the calm and 
 resolute Pierce, the profound and able Smith, and 
 the dashing and sagacious Duncan; besides an array 
 of distinguished officers who would have rivalled 
 the splendid array of Napoleon s Marshals. 
 
 When we take into consideration the numbers 
 of the invading army, and the obstacles to be over 
 come before the city of Mexico could be taken at 
 the mouth of the cannon, we can come to no other 
 conclusion, than that the second conquest of Mexico 
 was won under far more threatening dangers, than 
 lay in the path of Fernando Cortez. 
 
 Soldiers and volunteers from all portions of the 
 Union composed the army of invasion, and were 
 equally distinguished for gallantry and good con 
 duct. The New Englander fought by the side of 
 the Southerner the citizen from the Atlantic coast, 
 and from the far West, mingled together where free 
 men were contending for the honor of their native 
 land. Emulation and rivalry prompted each to 
 seek that spot where fame was to be acquired. 
 Commanders and subordinates exhibited a reckless 
 disregard of danger, and all united in upholding 
 the honor of the country amid the horrors of battle, 
 and assisted to cover with immortal renown those 
 terrible legions who bore aloft the banner of the 
 Union, until it floated in triumph over the "Halls 
 of the Montezumas." 
 
 Defeated at all points, and driven from the ca 
 pital, Santa Anna resigned the presidency, and de 
 termined to attack the American garrison stationed 
 at Puebla. That city was defended by 500 effective, 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 255 
 
 and 1,800 disabled men, who were attacked on the 
 18th of September by a party of Mexicans. Santa 
 Anna reached Puebla on the 22d of September, 
 and on the 25th summoned Colonel, Childs to sur 
 render, which was peremptorily refused. An attack 
 was commenced on the 27th, without, however, mak 
 ing any impression. Finding himself foiled in that 
 quarter, Santa Anna left Puebla on the 1st of Oc 
 tober, with a column of about 4,000 men, for the 
 purpose of cutting off a detachment of Americans, 
 who were on their way from Vera Cruz to the 
 headquarters of General Scott. The blockade of 
 the Americans in Puebla was continued until the 
 12th of October, when it was raised by a party of 
 American troops, who had arrived from the coast. 
 In the mean time, it was determined by the Cabinet 
 in Washington, to dispatch a portion of the army 
 of the north, under General Lane, as a reinforce 
 ment to the army of invasion. Before they arrived, 
 however, about 1,000 recruits for the regular army 
 left that city under the command of Major Lally, 
 who encountered and defeated the Guerilleros at 
 Paso de Ovega, Puente Nacional, and at Cerro 
 Gordo. The reason Lally and his command was 
 forced to fight their way to Jalapa, was the belief 
 entertained by the Mexicans that he had in his train 
 a large amount of money. 
 
 On the 20th of September, General Lane took 
 up his line of march with about 2,500 soldiers, and 
 arrived at Jalapa, and effected a junction with the 
 command under Lally. The combined forces moved 
 on in the direction of Puebla. Information was ob- 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tained by General Lane that the Mexican troops 
 under Santa Anna were stationed at Huamantla, 
 several miles from the high road. On the 9th, the 
 Americans attacked the troops under his command, 
 and having dispersed them, Lane continued his 
 march to Puebla, where he arrived on the 12th of 
 October. 
 
 After the resignation of Santa Anna, the execu 
 tive power passed under the control of Pena y 
 Pena, who attempted to organize a government at 
 Toluca, on the 27th of September, 1847. The seat 
 of government was soon after removed to Queretaro. 
 A great desire was now felt by the administration 
 as well as by our troops in Mexico, that the Mexi 
 can Government should be able to sustain itself in 
 the attempt to negotiate a peace. General Anaya 
 was elected President, to serve until January, 1848. 
 Pena y Pena and Kosa were appointed cabinet offi 
 cers. Tjhey were in favor i>f negotiation; while 
 Bustamente, who was oppose.^... to that policy, was 
 appointed Commander-in-chief of the army, for the 
 purpose of conciliating him. Communications passed 
 between Rosa and the American Commissioner ; 
 and to prove that the Mexican Government were 
 now seriously disposed to terminate the war, they 
 appointed commissioners in November, to conclude 
 a treaty of peace. 
 
 On the 1st of September another and still more 
 positive intimation was given from the War De 
 partment to General Scott, to force contributions 
 from the Mexicans, and this in view of the posses- 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 257 
 
 sion of the city of Mexico by the troops under his 
 command.* 
 
 The propositions which the Mexicans made 
 during the armistice which preceded the battle 
 of Molino del Key, and the offer of Mr. Trist to 
 refer the question of title to the country lying be 
 tween the Kio Grande and ISTueces to the Govern 
 ment at Washington, produced a letter from Mr. 
 Buchanan, on the 6th of October, 1847, in which 
 Mr. Trist was ordered to return home. This com 
 mand was reiterated, and on the 6th of October, 
 
 * " The obstinate persistence of the Mexicans in refusing to treat, 
 their utter disregard of the rules of civilized warfare, and the large ex 
 penditures which we are compelled to make, has impressed on the Pre 
 sident the firm conviction that those rights of exacting contributions from 
 the enemy, which are conferred on a belligerent by the acknowledged 
 law of nations, should be exercised. Your remarks in your dispatch, No. 
 28, dated at Jalapa, May 20th, 1847, have been carefully observed. Your 
 circumstances are since materially changed; and if, as we doubt not, 
 you have triumphantly entered the city of Mexico, the President directs 
 me again to call your attention to the dispatch to this Department of the 
 3d of April last, a copy of which is here inclosed. The property-holders 
 of Mexico have no claim to find in the market afforded by sales to our 
 army, an actual pecuniary benefit resulting from the war. They must be 
 made to feel its evils, and it is earnestly hoped and expected that you will 
 not find, in your present circumstances, a necessity to adhere to your 
 opinion, expressed in your dispatch referred to, that a resort to forced con 
 tributions will exasperate and ruin the inhabitants, and starve the army. 
 Contributions may be exacted from cities, or states, or wealthy indi 
 viduals, and payment made for provisions and other supplies brought to 
 the camp, or collected in kind. It is not improbable that men of wealth 
 and means may profess to belong mainly to the peace party ; and it may 
 be apprehended that they xvill be driven from their pacific position by 
 coercive proceedings. But however such an effect may be apprehended, 
 it is more probable that their exertions to promote a termination of the 
 war will be made more serious and efficient when they feel the oppressive 
 evils of the state of war." Letter from John Y. Mason, Acting Secre 
 tary of War, to General Scott, September 1st, 1847. 
 17 
 
258 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the Secretary of "War addressed a letter to General 
 Scott, informing him that the powers vested in Mr. 
 Trist had been revoked, and directing him to in 
 form the Mexican Government of that fact.* In 
 the same communication, the Commander-in-chief 
 was directed to forward any propositions the Mexi 
 cans micrht make to the Government at Washing- 
 
 o o 
 
 ton, but not to relax his exertions in the prosecu 
 tion of hostilities.f The designs of the adminis 
 tration were thus fully communicated to the Com 
 mander-in-chief, and Mr. Trist. It was determined 
 to transfer the negotiations from Mexico to Wash 
 ington, and for this purpose the powers which had 
 hitherto been invested in Mr. Trist were annulled. 
 But that individual, with a strange and unaccount 
 able pertinacity, still determined to act as the 
 Commissioner of the United States, and positively 
 refused to obey the injunctions of the Secretary of 
 State. In the meantime volunteers and regulars, 
 under the command of Generals Butler and Patter 
 son, continued pouring into the valley of Mexico, 
 and by the 20th of December, the American troops 
 
 * " The views of the Government in relation to propositions and 
 negotiations for concluding a peace, are disclosed in a dispatch from the 
 Department of State to Mr. Trist, a copy of which accompanies this 
 communication. By it you will perceive that he is recalled. You will 
 embrace a proper occasion to notify the Mexican authorities of this fact." 
 Letter of Mr, Marcy to General Scott, October 6//i, 1847. 
 
 f " Should they offer, through you, terms of accommodation, or propose 
 to enter on negotiations, the President directs that such propositions be 
 forwarded without delay to him ; but it is not expected that your move 
 ments or measures for carrying on hostilities will thereby be relaxed or 
 in any wise changed." Secretary of War to General Scott, September 
 1st, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTBATION. 259 
 
 in the vicinity of the capital amounted to 15,000 
 men. 
 
 Detachments from this force were sent in differ 
 ent directions from the capital ; contributions were 
 levied and enforced, and the whole power of the 
 army was brought to bear for the purpose of forcing 
 the Mexicans to agree to terms. 
 
 On the 2d of February, 1848, the labors of Mr. 
 Trist, which were conducted upon his own responsi 
 bility, produced a paper, signed at Guadalupe Hi 
 dalgo, which was transmitted by the order of Gen 
 eral Scott to the Government at Washington.* The 
 course pursued by the Commander-in-chief towards 
 Mr. Trist was somewhat remarkable. In the letter 
 of the Secretary of War, of September 1st, he was 
 distinctly informed that Mr. Trist was recalled, and 
 that all communications which the Mexicans there 
 after made, relative to the establishment of a treaty 
 of peace, should be transmitted to Washington. 
 After he had received those instructions, General 
 Scott knew that no one in Mexico was empowered 
 to conclude a treaty, and that the course pursued 
 by Mr. Trist was an unauthorized assumption of 
 power. Still he forwarded the result of the illegal 
 acts of Mr. Trist to Washington, and instead of 
 
 * " I write in haste, by the express who carries the project of a treaty 
 that Mr. Trist has, at the moment, signed with the Mexican Commis 
 sioners. 
 
 " In about forty days I may receive an acknowledgment of this re 
 port. By that time, if the treaty be not accepted, I hope to be sufficiently 
 reinforced to open the commercial line between Zacatecas and Tampico." 
 Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 2d, 1848. 
 Volume 7, Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress. 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 prosecuting the war vigorously, he awaited the 
 answer to his report of February 2d, 1848. 
 
 It was undoubtedly the duty of General Scott 
 to obey the orders that were issued from the War 
 Department, and thus set an example to the whole 
 army of subordination to superior officers. 
 
 The difficulties which had occurred between the 
 Commander-in-chief and several of the distinguished 
 officers of the army, induced the President on the 
 13th of January, 1848, to grant the desire which 
 General Scott had expressed on the 4th of June, 
 1847, for his recall,* and the command of the army 
 devolved upon General Butler. 
 
 The charges which General Scott made against 
 Pillow and Duncan had to be investigated. It was 
 
 o 
 
 due to all parties that it should be done ; and as the 
 war in effect had been terminated by the possession 
 of the enemy s country, there was no more appro 
 priate time for an examination of the charges made 
 by General Scott, than that which was selected. 
 
 * " SIR ; In view of the present state of things in the army under 
 your immediate command, and in compliance with the assurance contained 
 in my reply to your letter of the 4th of June, wherein you ask to be re 
 called, the President has determined to relieve you from further duty as 
 commanding general in Mexico." 
 
 " Desirous to secure a full examination into all the matters embraced 
 in the several charges which you have presented against Major General 
 Pillow and Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Duncan, as well as the charges or 
 grounds of complaint presented against you by Brevet Major General 
 Worth, and deeming your presence before the court of inquiry which has 
 been organized to investigate these matters, indispensably necessary for 
 this purpose, you are directed by the President to attend the said court of 
 inquiry wherever it may hold its sittings," &c. &c. Letter of the Secre 
 tary of War to General Scott, January 13^> 1848. Executive Documents, 
 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 7. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 261 
 
 Besides, the Commander-in-chief, several months 
 before, had expressed a wish to be relieved from the 
 command of the army,* and he had received assur 
 ances that his desire would be complied with when 
 the public service would justify it.f This request 
 of the General-in-chief created some surprise at 
 Washington, where it was known that he had mani 
 fested an anxious desire to receive, in person, the 
 command of the armies in the field. J 
 
 What those grievances were of which General 
 Scott complained, were set forth in detail in his let 
 ter of February 24th, 1848. 
 
 That document set out with some extraordinary 
 assumptions, and contained several , specifications 
 
 * " Considering the many cruel disappointments and mortifications I 
 have been made to feel since I left Washington, or the total want of sup 
 port and sympathy on the part of the War Department which I have so 
 long experienced, I beg to be recalled from this army the moment that it 
 may be safe for any person to embark at Vera Cruz, which I suppose will 
 be early in November." Dispatch of General Scott to the Secretary of 
 War, June 4Z/i, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st sessionSQth Congress, 
 vol. 7, p. 994. 
 
 f " Regarding the inducements you have assigned for begging to be 
 recalled, as deserving to have very little influence on the question, it will 
 be decided by the President with exclusive reference to the public good. 
 When that shall render it proper, in his opinion, to withdraw you from 
 your present command, his determination to do so will be made known to 
 you." Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, July 12th, 1847. 
 Executive Documents, 1st sessionSOth Congress, vol. 7, p. 1002. 
 
 | " Considering that you had claimed, as a matter of right due to your 
 superior rank, to be placed at the head of our armies in the field, in a state 
 of actual war, and had earnestly besought that position as a matter of favor, 
 the President was not a little surprised that, after so brief a period of ser 
 vice, you should ask to be recalled." Ibid., p. 1001. 
 
 "As the officers detailed for the court of inquiry before which I am 
 ordered to appear as a criminal, are not known to have arrived in the coun 
 try, I avail myself of a moment s leisure to recall some of the neglects, 
 
262 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 which were triumphantly refuted by the Secretary 
 of War, in an argument, which for logical power 
 has seldom been surpassed, and obtained for its au 
 thor a high reputation. 
 
 The first charge made by General Scott was 
 the want of time which was allowed him before his 
 departure from Washington, only four days having 
 been granted, when twenty might have been em 
 ployed with great benefit to the service. To which 
 Mr. Marcy responded that he was not restricted as 
 to time, and that it was not until after he had re 
 ported himself ready for departure, that he was 
 ordered away ; arid that instead of going directly 
 to Mexico, his desire was granted to pass through 
 New- York, where he remained nearly a week ; and 
 that he did not arrive in New-Orleans until 26 days 
 after he left Washington.* 
 
 Another accusation was a refusal upon the part 
 of the cabinet to permit one of three accomplished 
 captains whom he had named, to act as his assistant 
 adjutant-general, alleging that there was a vacancy 
 which he desired to be filled by one of those per 
 sons. This the administration could not grant, first 
 upon the ground that there was no vacancy, and if 
 there had been, a compliance with his wishes would 
 have produced a violation of the rules which go 
 verned the service. He then charged upon the ad- 
 disappointments, injuries and rebukes which have been inflicted upon me 
 by the War Department since my departure from Washington, November 
 23d, 1846." Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 
 24th, 1848. 
 
 * Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, April 21st, 1848. 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, vol. 2, p. 1,228. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 263 
 
 ministration a failure to supply the necessary vessels 
 to transport the troops from Tampico and the Bra 
 zos to Vera Cruz, and that his operations were de 
 layed from the 15th of January until the 9th of 
 March.* If there is any force at all in this charge, 
 it means that on the 15th of January the army un 
 der General Scott was ready to embark at that 
 time, and for want of transportation, occasioned by 
 the fault of the Government, they were delayed 
 until the 9th of March. There are two facts which 
 conclusively answer this complaint. First, the regu 
 lars from Taylor s column, who were an important 
 part of Scott s force, did not arrive at the place of 
 embarkation until after the 25th of January, ten 
 days subsequently to the time indicated by the 
 Commander-in-chief as the period when he was 
 ready to embark ; and second, he bore testimony 
 himself to the faithful performance of his duty by 
 the Quartermaster General,^ who was subject to his 
 orders, and was in a position to execute them with 
 the greatest promptitude. 
 
 The complaint which he made of being rebuked 
 for releasing on parole the prisoners taken at Cerro 
 
 * " Relying upon them, confidently, the embarkation was delayed in 
 whole or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th of January to 
 the 9th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the time needed for the 
 reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle before the return of the yellow fever." 
 Letter of General Scott to the Secretary of War, February 24^, 1848. 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30/7i Congress, vol. 7, p. 1220. 
 
 f " The Quartermaster General, Brevet Major General Jesup, at New- 
 Orleans, I find, has taken all proper measures with judgment and prompti 
 tude, to provide every thing depending on his department for the dispatch and 
 success of my expedition." Dispatch of General Scott to the Secretary 
 of War, January 26th, 1847. Executive Documents, 1st session 30//1 
 Congress, vol. 7. 
 
264 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Gordo, is far from being sustained by the language 
 which was addressed to him on that subject.* 
 
 It was very unfortunate for General Scott that 
 he brought his accusations against the administra 
 tion ; and so far from evincing sympathy from the 
 American people and improving his prospects for 
 the Presidential chair, his warmest friends felt that 
 his hopes were blasted by the crushing reply of the 
 Secretary of War. The opposition members of 
 Congress who were disposed to favor the nomina 
 tion of General Scott for the Presidency, expected 
 to increase his popularity by the publication of the 
 correspondence between himself and the War De 
 partment ; while others, whose preferences were 
 exhibited for another military chieftain, hoped by 
 bringing odium upon the administration, to obtain 
 a triumph over the democratic party. Foiled in 
 their expectations, they could only express their in 
 dignation, because Mr. Marcy furnished under the 
 call of the House of Eepresentatives of the 17th 
 of April, 1848, his celebrated reply to General 
 Scott, dated on the 21st.f 
 
 On the 18th of February, 1848, the Commander- 
 in-chief of the army of invasion was informed that 
 he was relieved from further duty in Mexico. It is 
 a subject of much regret, that one who had led our 
 conquering legions to the far-famed Halls of the 
 Montezumas, could not still retain the command 
 
 * Letter of the Secretary of War to General Scott, May 31st, 1847. 
 
 f The letter of General Scott and the reply of the Secretary of War 
 can be found in the Appendix. Volume 7 Executive Documents, 1st ses 
 sion 30th Congress, pp. 1218 to 1251 inclusive. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 265 
 
 until the treaty of peace was ratified. As it was, 
 however, he had won all the glory which could be 
 obtained in that celebrated campaign, and the posi 
 tion bestowed upon Butler as his successor, conferred 
 but an empty honor. 
 
 Although a brave, courteous, and gallant officer, 
 General Butler had many superiors in point of mili 
 tary skill, in the valley of Mexico. The necessity 
 which rendered his appointment imperative, is a 
 subject of much regret. To rank those heroic chief 
 tains who had assisted to elevate the military re 
 nown of our country upon the sanguinary fields of 
 Mexico, with an officer who had participated to only 
 a limited degree in the contest, should, if possi 
 ble, have been avoided. If honor was to be con 
 ferred, almost every General Officer in the valley 
 was entitled to the position. If danger was appre 
 hended, the profound military skill and great abili 
 ties of General Worth, designated him as the appro 
 priate successor of General Scott.* He possessed 
 the ardor and impetuosity of Murat, the bravery 
 and inflexible determination of Ney, the ability and 
 judgment of Massena, and the bearing and frankness 
 of Macdonald. 
 
 The document signed by Mr. Trist, at Guada- 
 lupe Hidalgo, was received by the President in 
 February, 1848, and produced at Washington a 
 strong feeling of indignation against Mr. Trist for 
 
 * It was supposed that the President was. induced to order Butler to 
 Mexico, owing to the feelings with which Pillow had inspired the army. 
 He was next in rank to General Scott, and consequently would have suc 
 ceeded him in the command of the army, but for the presence of General 
 Butler. 
 
266 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 his unauthorized assumption of power. Mr. Polk 
 submitted the document to his constitutional advi 
 sers, and after a warm and animated debate, the 
 treaty, with certain amendments, was ratified March 
 10th, 1848, thirty-eight Senators voting for, and four 
 teen against it. Messrs. Sevier and Clifford were ap 
 pointed Commissioners for the purpose of obtaining 
 a ratification of the treaty from the Mexican Gov 
 ernment at Queretaro, which was done on the 30th 
 of May, 1848. The Americans soon after evacuated 
 the Mexican territory.* The results of the war 
 
 * TREATY 
 
 Of peace, friendship, limits and settlement between the United States of America 
 and the Mexican Republic. Dated at Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2, 
 1848; ratified by the President of the United States, March 16, 1848; ex 
 changed at Queretaro, May 30, 1848 ; proclaimed by the President of the 
 United States. July 4, 1848. 
 
 "BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 "A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 " Whereas, a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, be 
 tween the United States of America and the Mexican Republic, was con 
 cluded and signed at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day 
 of February, one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, which treaty, as 
 amended by the Senate of the United States, and being in the English and 
 Spanish languages, is word for word as follows : 
 
 " In the name of the Almighty God : the United States of America, 
 and the United Mexican States, animated by a sincere desire to put an end 
 to the calamities of the war which unhappily exists between the two repub 
 lics, and to establish upon a solid basis relations of peace and friendship, 
 which shall confer reciprocal benefits upon the citizens of both, and assure 
 the concord, harmony, and mutual confidence wherein the two people 
 should live, as good neighbors, have for that purpose appointed their re 
 spective plenipotentiaries, that is to say, the President of the United States 
 has appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a citizen of the United States, and the 
 President of the Mexican Republic has appointed Don Luis Gonzaga Cue- 
 vas, Don Bernardo Couto, and Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the said 
 republic, who, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION 267 
 
 with Mexico, which was thus terminated by a treaty 
 of peace, will exert a vast influence over the destiny 
 of the confederacy. The alacrity with which the 
 
 powers, have, under the protection of the Almighty God, the author of 
 peace, arranged, agreed upon, and signed the following 
 
 Treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, between the United 
 States of America and the Mexican Republic. 
 
 " ARTICLE i. 
 
 " There shall be firm and universal peace between the United States of 
 America and the Mexican Republic, and between their respective coun 
 tries, territories, cities, towns, and people, without exception of places or 
 persons. 
 
 "ARTICLE n. 
 
 " Immediately upon the signature of this Treaty, a Convention shall 
 be entered into between a commissioner or commissioners, appointed by 
 the General-in-chief of the forces of the United States, and such as may 
 be appointed by the Mexican Government, to the end that a provisional sus 
 pension of hostilities shall take place, and that, in the places occupied by 
 the said forces, constitutional order may be re-established, as regards the 
 political, administrative, and judicial branches, so far as this shall be per 
 mitted by the circumstances of military occupation. 
 
 " ARTICLE III. 
 
 " Immediately upon the ratification of the present treaty by the Gov 
 ernment of the United States, orders shall be transmitted to the commanders 
 of their land and naval forces, requiring the latter (provided this treaty shall 
 then have been ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic, and 
 the ratifications exchanged) immediately to desist from blockading any 
 Mexican ports ; and requiring the former (under the same condition) to 
 commence at the earliest moment practicable, withdrawing all troops of 
 the United States then in the interior of the Mexican Republic, to the 
 points that shall be selected by common agreement, at a distance from the 
 seaports not exceeding thirty leagues ; and such evacuation of the interior 
 of the Republic shall be completed with the least possible delay ; the Mex 
 ican Government hereby binding itself to afford every facility in its power 
 for rendering the same convenient to the troops, on their march and in 
 their new positions, and for promoting a good understanding between them 
 and the inhabitants. In like manner, orders shall be dispatched to the per 
 sons in charge of the custom-houses, at all ports occupied by the forces 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 volunteers rushed to the standard of their country, 
 and bore it aloft into the heart of the enemy s ter 
 ritory, and the gallantry with which they preserved 
 
 of the United States, requiring them (under the same condition) imme 
 diately to deliver possession of the same to the persons authorized by the 
 Mexican Government to receive it, together with all bonds and evidences 
 of debts for duties on importations and on exportations, not yet fallen due. 
 Moreover, a faithful and exact account shall be made out, showing the 
 entire amount of all duties on imports and on exports collected at such cus 
 tom-houses, or elsewhere in Mexico, by authority of the United States, 
 from and after the day of the ratification of this Treaty by the Government 
 of the Mexican Republic ; and also on account of the cost of collection; 
 and such entire amount, deducting only the cost of collection, shall be de 
 livered to the Mexican Government, at the city of Mexico, within three 
 months after the exchange of the ratifications. 
 
 " The evacuation of the capital of the Mexican Republic, by the 
 troops of the United States, in virtue of the above stipulations, shall be 
 completed in one month after the orders there stipulated for shall have 
 been received by the commander of said troops, or sooner if possible. 
 
 "ARTICLE iv. 
 
 " Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty ? 
 all castles, forts, territories, places, and possessions, which have been 
 taken or occupied by the forces of the United States during the present 
 war, within the limits of the Mexican Republic, as about to be established 
 by the following article, shall be definitely restored to the said Republic, 
 together with all the artillery, arms, apparatus of war, munitions, and 
 other public property, which were in the said castles and forts when 
 captured and which shall remain there at the time when this treaty shall 
 be duly ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic. To this 
 end, immediately upon the signature of this treaty, orders shall be dis 
 patched to the American officers commanding such castles and forts, secur 
 ing against the removal or destruction of any such artillery, arms, apparatus 
 of war, munitions, or other public property. The city of Mexico within 
 the inner line of intrenchments surrounding the said city, is compre 
 hended in the above stipulations, as regards the restoration of artillery, 
 apparatus of war, &c. 
 
 " The final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican Republic, by 
 the forces of the United States, shall be completed in three months from 
 tho -aid exchange of ratification?, or sooner if possible : the Mexican 
 Government hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article, to use all means 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 269 
 
 its folds unsullied in the midst of carnage and 
 slaughter, stamped the Americans as the most mili 
 tary nation of modern times. There was no neces- 
 
 in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and rendering it convenient 
 to the troops, and for promoting a good understanding between them and 
 the inhabitants. 
 
 " If, however, the ratification of this treaty by both parties should not 
 take place in time to allow the embarkation of the troops of the United 
 States to be completed before the commencement of the sickly season at 
 the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such case a friendly arrange 
 ment shall be entered into between the General-in-chief of the said troops 
 and the Mexican Government, whereby healthy and otherwise suitable 
 places, a , a distance from the ports not exceeding thirty leagues, shall be 
 designated for the residence of such troops as may not yet have embarked, 
 until the return of the healthy season. And the space of time here re 
 ferred to as comprehending the sickly season, shall be understood to ex 
 tend from the first day of May to the first day of November. 
 
 " All prisoners of war, taken on either side, on land or on sea, shall 
 be restored as soon as practicable after the exchange of ratifications of 
 this treaty. It is also agreed, that if any Mexicans should now be held 
 as captives by any savage tribe within the limits of the United States, as 
 about to be established by the following article, the Government of the 
 United States will exact the release of such captives, and cause them to 
 be restored to their country. 
 
 "ARTICLE v. 
 
 " The boundary line between the two Republics shall commence in 
 the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the 
 Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, or opposite the mouth 
 of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying 
 directly into the sea, from thence up the middle of that river, following 
 the deepest channel, where it has more than one, to the point where it 
 strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico, thence westwardly along 
 the whole southern boundary of New Mexico (which runs north of the 
 town called Paso) to its western termination ; thence northward along the 
 western line of New Mexico until it intersects the first branch of the 
 river Gila, (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to 
 the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct 
 line to the same,) thence down the middle of the said branch and of the 
 said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado ; thence across the Rio 
 
HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 sity for drafting, or of resorting to the services of a 
 press-gang to fill the ranks of the army ; but at the 
 first roll of a Mexican drum within the borders of 
 
 Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California 
 to the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 " The southern and western limits of New Mexico,, mentioned in this 
 article, are those laid down in the map entitled, l MAP OF THE UNITED 
 MEXICAN STATES, as organized and defined by various Acts of the Con 
 gress of said Republic, and constructed according to the best authorities. 
 Revised edition. Published at New-York, in 1847, by J. Disturnell. Of 
 which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the signatures and seals 
 of the undersigned plenipotentiaries. And, in order to preclude all diffi 
 culty in tracing upon the ground the limit separating Upper from Lower 
 California, it is agreed that the said limit shall consist of a straight line 
 drawn from the middle of the Rio Gila. where it unites with the Colorado, 
 to a point on the coast of the Pacific ocean, distance one marine league 
 due south of the southernmost point of the port San Diego, according to 
 the plan of said port made in the year 1782, by Don Juan Pantoja, second 
 sailing-master of the Spanish fleet, and published at Madrid in the year 
 1802, in the Atlas to the voyage of the schooners Sutil and Mexicana, of 
 which plan a copy is hereunto added, signed and sealed by the respective 
 plenipotentiaries. 
 
 " In order to designate the boundary line with due precision, upon 
 authoritative maps, and to establish upon the ground landmarks which 
 shall show the limits of both Republics, as described in the present article, 
 the two Governments shall each appoint a commissioner and a surveyor, 
 who, before the expiration of one year from the date of the exchange of 
 ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at the port of San Diego, and pro 
 ceed to run and mark the said boundary in its whole course to the mouth 
 of the Rio Bravo del Norte. They shall keep journals and make out 
 plans of their operations ; and the result agreed upon by them shall be 
 deemed a part of this treaty, and shall have the same force as if it were 
 inserted therein. The two Governments will amicably agree regarding 
 what may be necessary to these persons, and also as to their respective 
 escorts, should such be necessary. 
 
 " The boundary line, established by this article, shall be religiously 
 respected by each of the two Republics, and no change shall ever be 
 made therein, except by the express and free consent of both nations, 
 lawfully given by the General Government of each, in conformity with 
 its own constitution. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 271 
 
 the Union, the American people were literally in 
 arms. The powers of Europe, who had regarded us 
 merely as a nation of traders, were startled by an 
 
 "ARTICLE vi. 
 
 " The vessels and citizens of the United States shall, in all times, 
 have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Gulf of California, and by 
 the river Colorado below its confluence with the Gila, to and from their 
 possessions situated north of the boundary line defined in the preceding 
 article ; it being understood that this passage is to be by navigating the 
 Gulf of California and the river Colorado, and not by land, without the 
 express consent of the Mexican Government. 
 
 " If, by the examinations which may be made, it should be ascertained 
 to be practicable and advantageous to construct a road, canal, or railway, 
 which should in whole or in part run upon the river Gila, or upon its 
 right or its left bank, within the space of one marine league from either 
 margin of the river, the Governments of both Republics will form an 
 agreement regarding its construction, in order that it may serve equally 
 for the use and advantage of both countries. 
 
 "ARTICLE vn. 
 
 " The river Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del Norte, lying below 
 the southern boundary of New Mexico, being, agreeably to the fifth 
 article, divided in the middle between the two Republics, the navigation 
 of the Gila and of the Bravo below said boundary shall be free and 
 common to the vessels and citizens of both countries ; and neither shall, 
 without the consent of the other, construct any work that may impede 
 or interrupt, in whole or in part, the exercise of this right ; not even for 
 the purpose of favoring new methods of navigation. Nor shall any tax 
 or contribution, under any denomination or title, be levied upon vessels, 
 or persons navigating the same, or upon merchandise or effects trans 
 ported thereon, except in the case of landing upon one of their shores. 
 If, for the purpose of making said rivers navigable, or for maintaining 
 them in such state, it should be necessary or advantageous to establish 
 any tax or contribution, this shall not be done without the consent of both 
 Governments. 
 
 " The stipulations contained in the present article shall not impair the 
 territorial rights of either Republic within its established limits. 
 
 "ARTICLE vm. 
 
 " Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging to 
 Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits of the United 
 
272 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 exhibition of military enthusiasm, unequalled since 
 the days of the crusades ; and they will pause be 
 fore they encroach upon the rights of a people who 
 
 States, as defined by the present treaty, shall be free to continue where 
 they now reside, or to remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, re 
 taining the property which they possess in the said territories, or disposing 
 thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they please, without their 
 being subjected, on this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge 
 whatever. 
 
 " Those who shall prefer to remain in the said territories, may either 
 retain the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or acquire those of citizens 
 of the United States. But they shall be under the obligation to make 
 their election within one year from the date of the exchange of ratifica 
 tions of this treaty ; and those who shall remain in the said territories 
 after the expiration of that year, without having declared their intention 
 to retain the character of Mexicans, shall be considered to have elected to 
 become citizens of the United States. 
 
 " In the said territories, property of every kind, now belonging to 
 Mexicans not established there, shall be inviolably respected. The pre 
 sent owners, the heirs of these and all Mexicans who may hereafter 
 acquire said property by contract, shall enjoy with respect to it guarantees 
 equally ample, as if the same belonged to the citizens of the United 
 States. 
 
 "ARTICLE ix. 
 
 " The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve 
 the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with 
 what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the 
 Union of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to be 
 judged of by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all 
 the right? of citizens of the United States, according to the principles of 
 the constitution ; and in the meantime shall be maintained and protected 
 in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in the 
 free exercise of their religion without restriction. 
 
 "ARTICLE x. 
 [Stricken out.] 
 
 "ARTICLE XL 
 
 " Considering that a great part of the territories which, by the present 
 treaty, are to be comprehended for the future within the limits of the 
 United States, is now occupied by savage tribes, who will hereafter be 
 
 \ 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 273 
 
 are so ready to wash out with, blood every stain up 
 on the national honor. The most effectual way to 
 prevent aggressions, is not only to possess sufficient 
 
 under the exclusive control of the Government of the United States, and 
 whose incursions within the territory of Mexico would be prejudicial in 
 the extreme, it is solemnly agreed that all such incursions shall be forcibly 
 restrained by the Government of the United States whensoever this may 
 be necessary; and that when they cannot be prevented, they shall be 
 punished by the said Government, and satisfaction for the same shall be 
 exacted all in the same way, and with equal diligence and energy as if 
 the same incursions were meditated or committed within its own territory, 
 against its own citizens. 
 
 " It shall not be lawful, under any pretext whatever, for any inhabi 
 tant of the United States to purchase or acquire any Mexican or any 
 foreigner residing in Mexico, who may have been captured by Indians 
 inhabiting the territory of either of the two Republics, nor to purchase or 
 acquire horses, mules, cattle, or property of any kind, stolen within Mex 
 ican territory by such Indians. 
 
 " And in the event of any person or persons, captured within Mexican 
 territory by Indians, being carried into the territory of the United States, 
 the Government of the latter engages and binds itself in the most solemn 
 manner, so soon as it shall know of such captives being within its ter 
 ritory, and shall be able so to do through the faithful exercise of its in 
 fluence and power, to rescue them and return them to their country, or 
 deliver them to the agent or representative of the Mexican Government. 
 The Mexican authorities will, as far as practicable, give to the Govern 
 ment of the United States notice of such captures ; and its agent shall 
 pay the expenses incurred in the maintenance and transmission of the 
 rescued captives ; who, in the meantime, shall be treated with the utmost 
 hospitality by the American authorities at the place where they may be ; 
 but if the Government of the United States, before receiving such notice 
 from Mexico, should obtain intelligence through any other channel of the 
 existence of Mexican captives within its territory, it will proceed forth 
 with to effect their release and delivery to the Mexican agent as above 
 stipulated. 
 
 " For the purpose of giving to these stipulations the fullest possible 
 efficacy, thereby affording the security and redress demanded by their true 
 spirit and intent, the Government of the United States will now and here 
 after pass, without unnecessary delay, and always vigilantly enforce, such 
 laws as the nature of the subject may require. And finally, the sacred- 
 ness of this obligationtehall never be lost sight of by the said Government 
 18 
 
274 HISTOET OF THE 
 
 ability, but the requisite amount of military ardor 
 to resent them. It is true that the war cost the 
 United States a large amount of money ; and what 
 
 when providing for the removal of the Indians from any portion of the said 
 territories, or for its being settled by citizens of the United States, but on 
 the contrary, special care should be taken not to place its Indian occupants 
 under the necessity of seeking new homes, by committing those invasions 
 which the United States has solemnly obliged themselves to restrain. 
 
 "ARTICLE xn. 
 
 " In consideration of the extension acquired by the boundaries of the 
 United States, as defined in the fifth article of the present treaty, the Go 
 vernment of the United States engages to pay to that of the Mexican Re 
 public the sum of fifteen millions of dollars. 
 
 " Immediately after this treaty shall have been duly ratified by the Go 
 vernment of the Mexican Republic, the sum of three millions of dollars 
 shall be paid to the said Government by that of the United States, at the 
 city of Mexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mexico. The remaining 
 twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the same place and in the same 
 coin, in annual instalments of three millions of dollars each, together with 
 interest on the same, at the rate of six per centum per annum. This in 
 terest shall begin to run upon the whole sum of twelve millions from the 
 day of the ratification of the present treaty by the Mexican Government, 
 and the first of the instalments shall be paid at the expiration of one year 
 from the same day. Together with each annual instalment as it falls due, 
 the whole interest accruing on such instalment from the beginning shall 
 also be paid. 
 
 ARTICLE XIII. 
 
 " The United States engage, moreover, to assume and pay to the claim 
 ants all the amounts now due them and those hereafter to become due, by 
 reason of the claims already liquidated and decided against the Mexican 
 Republic, under the conventions between the two Republics severally 
 concluded on the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, 
 and on the thirteenth day of January, eighteen hundred and forty-three ; 
 so that the Mexican Republic shall be absolutely exempt, for the future, 
 from all expense whatever on account of the said claims. 
 
 " ARTICLE XIV. 
 
 " The United States do furthermore discharge the Mexican Republic 
 from all claims of citizens of the United States, not heretofore decided 
 against the Mexican Government, which may have arisen previously to 
 the date of the signature of this treaty ; which discnarge shall be final and 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 275 
 
 is of far more importance, the lives of many men.* 
 That, however, was the inevitable result of a vindi 
 cation of the national honor. The number of troops 
 
 perpetual, whether the said claims be rejected or be allowed by the Board 
 of Commissioners provided for in the following article, and whatever shall 
 be the total amount of those allowed. 
 
 "ARTICLE xv. 
 
 " The United States, exonerating Mexico from all demands on account 
 of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the preceding article, and con- 
 
 * THE REGULAR ARMY. 
 
 " Statement A shows, on the extreme right, in the first line of figures, 
 the strength of the army at the commencement of hostilities with the Re 
 public of Mexico, April, 1846, 7,244. The force on the frontier of Texas, 
 May, 1846, present and absent, 3,554, of which 131 were sick. Troops 
 sent to Mexico, including recruits, 23,136, of which 12,551 are of the old 
 establishment, and 10,585 new regiments, which, with the force on the Rio 
 Grande in May, 1846, makes the whole number of the regular army em 
 ployed every where in the prosecution of the war, inclusive of December, 
 1847, about 26,690, besides a battalion of marines, (350.) Twenty-nine 
 thousand men have been recruited since the 13th of May, 1846, and 
 23,556 sent to Mexico, which exceeds the number joined as reported on 
 the rolls and returns, many of which are wanting. (See the Table " Re 
 marks," paragraph 5.) 
 
 " The statement shows that the regular force in Mexico, New Mexico, 
 and California, was, in December, about 21,202 ; and since the 1st of Ja 
 nuary, 2,493 recruits have been sent to the army, which increases the re 
 gular troops in all Mexico, it is estimated, to about 23.695. The six com 
 panies stationed in the United States, (556,) and 1,200 recruits in depot 
 and at rendezvous, (total 1,760,) carry up the regular army every where, 
 on the rolls, to about 25,445. 
 
 Table B presents a detailed view of the number of officers and men of 
 the regular army, killed and wounded in battle, died of wounds from the 
 first conflict of the reconnoitering party, under Captain Thornton, on the 
 left bank of the Rio Grande, April 25, 1846, to the close of the campaign 
 of 1847, in which the battles, and the regiments and corps engaged, are 
 specified." 
 
 CASUALTIES. 
 
 "Old Establishment. Discharges by expiration of service, 1,435; 
 for disability, 887 ; by order and civil authority, 253. Total, 2,575. 
 
 " Deaths. Killed in battle, 45 officers, 434 men. Died of wounds. 19 
 
276 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 which were called into service, was small, when we 
 take into consideration the magnitude of the strug 
 gle in which we were engaged. Of that number, 
 
 sidering them entirely and forever cancelled, whatever their amount may 
 be, undertake to make satisfaction for the same, to an amount not exceed 
 ing three and one quarter millions of dollars. To ascertain the validity 
 and amount of those claims, a Board of Commissioners shall be established 
 by the Government of the United States, whose awards shall be final and 
 
 officers, 331 men. Total killed and died of wounds, 64 officers, 765 men ; 
 ordinary deaths, 44 officers, 1787 men. Total deaths, 108 officers, 2,552 
 men. Aggregate, 2,660. Wounded in battle, 130 officers, 1,799 men. 
 Aggregate, 1,929. Resignations. 32, in 1840 and 1847. Desertions, 
 1,637, of which 9 are marines. 
 
 " Additional Regiments. Discharges by expiration of service, 2 ; for 
 disability, 248 ; by order and civil authority, 56. Total, 306. Deaths. 
 Killed in battle, 6 officers, 62 men. Died of wounds, 4 officers, 71 
 men. Total killed and died of wounds, 10 officers, 133 men. Ordinary 
 deaths, 38 officers, 977 men. Total deaths, 38 officers, 1,110 men. Ag 
 gregate, 1,148. Wounded in battle, 41 officers, 427 men. Aggregate, 
 468. Resignations, 76 ; desertions, 445. 
 
 THE VOLUNTEER SERVICE. 
 
 " Statement C exhibits in detail, by States, regiments, and corps, the 
 whole number of volunteers mustered into the service from May, 1846 
 of which 15,911 are mounted men, 1,164 artillery, and 54,234 infantry ; 
 making an aggregate of 71,309, including 3,087 commissioned officers. 
 From this number it is proper to deduct the force not called out by autho 
 rity of the War Department, nor called out under the Act of May 13, 
 1846, and also the number mustered ; but soon after discharged as super 
 numerary. This class is embraced in the three and six months men, 
 and two regiments of twelve months men from Ohio and Missouri, and 
 one company from Iowa, amounting to 14,383 ; of which 2,774 were dis 
 charged a few days after being mustered into service, (except the com 
 pany,) not being required to proceed to the seat of war. Deducting this 
 class of volunteers from the aggregate mustered and paid, (71,309,) the 
 force enrolled under the Act of May 13, 1846, and under the 5th section 
 of March 3, 1847, which authorizes the President to accept the services 
 of " individual volunteers," to fill vacancies, &c., is about 56.926 officers 
 and men. But this number was farther reduced by discharges, &c.. be 
 fore the battalions had left the United States ; and it is probable the num- 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 
 
 but a small portion encountered the enemy in the 
 field ; and that gallant band in less than seventeen 
 months, repulsed an arrogant foe from our soil, fol- 
 
 conclusive : provided, that in deciding upon the validity of each claim, the 
 Board shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules of decision 
 prescribed by the first and fifth articles of the unratified convention, con 
 cluded at the city of Mexico on the twentieth day of November, one 
 
 ber exceeded but little, if any, 50,000 men, when put en route for the 
 army. 
 
 " So far as can be ascertained from the latest returns received, it 
 appears that the volunteer force for the war and for twelve months, (2,017) 
 now employed in Mexico, New Mexico, and California, (25,260) and 
 eleven companies (1,082) within the limits of the United States, the sick 
 included, amounts to 1,456 officers and 24.886 men; aggregate, 26,342, 
 being 7,589 less than the number of the same regiments and companies 
 (war men) when first mustered into service. But this difference does 
 not show the actual loss ; first, because the greater number of the indi 
 vidual volunteers enrolled, (i. e. recruited,) among which there is much 
 loss, had not joined their regiments at the date of the last returns, and 
 were not, of course, taken up on the rolls, but they are included in the 
 table, in the aggregate " received into service." And second, the casu 
 alties, i. e., discharges and deaths (ordinary) exhibited in the statement, 
 must be considerably under the actual number, owing to the missing 
 muster rolls yet due from many of the regiments, from which the infor 
 mation alone can be obtained. 
 
 " Table D presents a detailed view of the volunteer officers and men 
 killed and wounded in battle, and died of wounds, in which the several 
 battles, the regiments engaged, and the States where raised, are specified, 
 and may be regarded as supplemental to statement C, as table B is to 
 statement A, with respect to the regular forces. 
 
 " The following general statement presents a condensed view of the 
 various objects of inquiry respecting the volunteer forces, seen in detail 
 in the tabular statement C. 
 
 " Three months men : The strength when mustered into service was 
 1,390, when discharged 1,269, being a loss of 121. Discharges before 
 the expiration of the term, 82, of which 3 were for disability. Deaths, 
 18 ; ordinary, 8 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 10. Desertions, 22. 
 
 " Six months men, (but held only for three months, the legal term :) 
 Strength when mustered into service, 11,150, and when discharged, 
 9,559; loss, 1,591. Discharges before the expiration of the term, 826, 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 lowed his retreating footsteps, storming his cities, 
 driving him from his strongholds, and defeating his 
 troops in the open field, against tremendous odds, 
 
 thousand eight hundred and forty-three ; and in no case shall an award be 
 made in favor of any claim not embraced by these principles and rules. 
 
 " If, in the opinion of the said Board of Commissioners or of the claim 
 ants, any books, records, or documents in the possession or power of the 
 
 of which 370 were for disability. Deaths, 127; ordinary, 107; killed in 
 battle and died of wounds, 6 ; accidental, 14 ; desertions, 524. 
 
 " Twelve months men : Strength when mustered into service, 26,344; 
 when discharged, 18,724 ; loss, 7,620, including loss or difference between 
 original and present strength of 21 companies twelve months men still 
 in service, 2,017 strong at the last returns. Discharges before the expi 
 ration of the term, 4,391, of which 3,966 were for disability. Deaths, 
 2,111 ; ordinary, 1,633 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 423; acci 
 dental, 55. Desertions, 568. 
 
 "Volunteers for the w r ar : There are now 31 regiments, (or equal to as 
 many) and 4 companies in service the aggregate strength of which, 
 when mustered under calls from the War Department, respectively dated 
 June 26, 1846, (1 regiment,) November 16, 1846, (equal to 8 regiments 
 and 5 companies,) April 19, 1847, (equal to 7 regiments and 2 compa 
 nies.) August 26, 1847, (5 regiments,) October 8, 1847, (2 regiments.) 
 and at various other dates (equal to 7 regiments and 7 companies,) was 
 31,914, being 2,626 less than if all the regiments and companies had been 
 full as authorized by law. Strength at the last returns, officers, 1 ,357 ; 
 men, 22,968 ; aggregate, 24,325 ; reduced by this date probably less than 
 20,000. Discharges, 1,339, of which 1,084 were for disability. Deaths, 
 1,691 ; to wit, ordinary, 1,481 ; killed in battle and died of wounds, 171 ; 
 accidental, 39. Desertions, 1,770. 
 
 i: The casualties incident to the whole number of volunteers, under 
 various periods of service, so far as can be ascertained from the rolls re 
 ceived, are as follows, viz. Discharges for the expiration of the term, 
 6,638, of which 5,423 were for disability. Deaths, 3,947, to wit, ordi 
 nary, 3,229; killed in battle, 47 officers and 419 men; died of wounds, 
 167 officers and men, as far as now ascertained, 108 ; accidentally wounded, 
 129 officers. 1,217 men. Resignations, 275. Desertions, 2,884. 
 
 " Table E presents a detailed statement of the volunteers on the rolls 
 for service in Mexico, New Mexico, and California, including eleven com 
 panies (1,082) within the United States, according to the latest returns, 
 to wit, 5,527 horse, 297 artillery, 20,518 infantry, making a total of 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 279 
 
 until the capital and Republic of Mexico were at 
 the mercy of our victorious arms. A peace ensued, 
 which produced a dismemberment of the Mexican 
 
 Government of the Mexican Republic, shall be deemed necessary to the 
 just decision of any claim, the commissioners, or the claimants through 
 them, shall, within such period as Congress may designate, make an ap 
 plication in writing for the same, addressed to the Mexican Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, to be transmitted by the Secretary of State of the United 
 States ; and the Mexican Government engages, at the earliest possible 
 moment after the receipt of such demand, to cause any of the books, re 
 cords, or documents, so specified, which shall be in their possession or 
 power (or authenticated copies or extracts of the same,) to be transmitted 
 to the said Secretary of State, who shall immediately deliver them over 
 to the said Board of Commissioners : provided, that no such application 
 shall be made by, or at the instance of, any claimant, until the facts which 
 it is expected to prove by such books, records, or documents, shall have 
 been stated under oath or affirmation. 
 
 "ARTICLE xvi. 
 
 " Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the entire right to 
 fortify whatever point within its territory it may judge proper so to fortify, 
 for its security. 
 
 24,886 men, and 1,456 commissioned officers; aggregate, 26,342, of 
 which 2,017 are twelve months volunteers. This view includes absent 
 men recruited under the law of 1847, many of whom will never join, and 
 as is already remarked, it is believed that the actual strength of regiments 
 and companies in the field does not exceed 20,000 men, including a 
 numerous invalid list. The forces called out by regiments, and separate 
 or independent companies, and now in service, equal 33 regiments and 
 1 battalion, and require not less than 15,000 men to complete the estab 
 lishment. 
 
 " General and staff officers provided for the volunteer troops : The 
 number of general and staff officers appointed for the volunteer forces under 
 the acts of July 5, 1838, June 18, and June 26, 1846, is 289, of which 
 number 11 are generals, 26 majors, 104 captains, 124 surgeons and assist 
 ant surgeons, and 24 additional paymasters. Thirty-seven of the persons 
 appointed declined acceptance, 47 were discharged as supernumeraries, 
 44 resigned, 18 appointed in other corps, 15 died, and 128 are now in ser 
 vice." Report of the Adjutant General to the Secretary of War, April 
 5th, 1848. Volume 8 Executive Documents, 1st session 3Qth Congress, 
 Document 62. 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 territory, and indemnity for the past was obtained, 
 in the cession of New Mexico and California.* 
 
 " ARTICLE XVII. 
 
 " The treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, concluded at the city 
 of Mexico on the fifth day of April, A. D. 1831, between the United 
 States of America and the United Mexican States, except the additional 
 
 * " The country ceded to the United States, lying west of the Rio 
 Grande, and to which Texas has no title, is estimated by the Commissioner 
 of the General Land Office, to contain 526,078 square miles, or 
 366,689.920 acres. 
 
 " The period since the exchange of ratifications of the Treaty, has 
 been too short to enable the Government to have access to, or to procure 
 abstracts or copies of, the land title issued by Spain, or by the Republic of 
 Mexico. Steps will be taken to procure this information at the earliest 
 practicable period. It is estimated, as appears from the accompanying 
 Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that much the larger portion of 
 the land within the territories ceded, remains vacant and unappropriated, 
 and will be subject to be disposed of by the United States. Indeed, a very 
 inconsiderable portion of the land embraced in the cession, it is believed, 
 has been disposed of or granted either by Spain or Mexico. 
 
 " What amount of money the United States may be able to realize 
 from the sales of these vacant lands, must be uncertain ; but it is confi 
 dently believed, that with prudent management, after making liberal grants 
 to emigrants and settlers, it will exceed the cost of the war, and all the 
 expenses to which we have been subjected in acquiring it. 
 
 " The resolutions also called for the evidence, or any part thereof, 
 that the extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the United 
 States, constitute indemnity for the past. 
 
 " The immense value of the ceded country does not consist alone in 
 the amount of money for which the public lands may be sold. If not a 
 dollar could be realized from the sale of these lands, the cession of the ju 
 risdiction over the country, and the fact that it has become a part of our 
 Union, and cannot be made subject to European power, constitutes ample 
 * indemnity for the past, in the immense value and advantages which its 
 acquisition must give to the commercial, navigating, manufacturing, and 
 agricultural interests of our country. 
 
 " The value of the public lands embraced within the limits of the ceded 
 territory, great as that value may be, is far less important to the people of 
 the United States, than the sovereignty over the country. Most of our 
 States contain no public lands owned by the United States ; and yet the 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 281 
 
 During the war with Mexico, the prosperity of 
 our country was unimpaired. The national credit 
 was high ; our sails whitened every sea ; and while 
 
 article, and except so far as the stipulations of the said treaty may be in 
 compatible with any stipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby 
 revived for the period of eight years from the day of the exchange of rati 
 fications of this treaty, with the same force and virtue as if incorporated 
 therein ; it being understood that each of the contracting parties reserves 
 to itself the right, at any time after the said period of eight years shall 
 have expired, to terminate the same by giving one year s notice of such 
 intention to the other party. 
 
 "ARTICLE xvm. 
 
 " All supplies whatever for troops of the United States in Mexico, ar 
 riving at ports in the occupation of such troops previous to the final evac 
 uation thereof, although subsequently to the restoration of the custom 
 houses at such ports, shall be entirely exempt from duties and charges of 
 any kind ; the Government of the United States hereby engaging and 
 pledging its faith to establish, and vigilantly to enforce, all possible guards 
 for securing the revenue of Mexico, by preventing the importation, under 
 cover of this stipulation, of any articles other than such, both in kind and 
 quantity, as shall really be wanted for the use and consumption of the 
 
 sovereignty and jurisdiction over them is of incalculable importance to the 
 nation. In the State of New- York, the United States is the owner of no 
 public lands, and yet two-thirds of our whole revenue is collected at the 
 great port of that State ; and within her limits is found about one-seventh 
 of our entire population. Although none of the future cities on our coast 
 of California may ever rival the city of New- York in wealth, population, 
 and business ; yet, that important cities will grow up on the magnificent 
 harbors of that coast, with a rapidly increasing population, and yielding a 
 large revenue, would seem to be certain. By the possession of the safe 
 and spacious harbors on the California coast, we shall have great advan 
 tages in securing the rich commerce of the East, and shall thus obtain for 
 our products new and increased markets, and greatly en-large our coasting 
 and foreign trade, as well as augment our tonnage and revenue. 
 
 " These great advantages, far more than the simple value of the public 
 lands in the ceded territory, constitute our indemnity for the past. 
 
 " JAMES K. POLK." 
 
 Message of James K. Polk to the House of Representatives, July 
 24, 1848. 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 we were with one hand chastising an insolent and 
 unscrupulous enemy, with the other we were giv 
 ing bread to a starving nation. By the terms of 
 
 forces of the United States during the time they may remain in Mexico. 
 To this end, it shall be the duty of all officers and agents of the United 
 States to denounce to the Mexican authorities at the respective ports any 
 attempt at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation which they may know of, 
 or may have reason to suspect, and to give to such authorities all the aid 
 in their power with regard thereto ; and every such attempt, when duly 
 proved and established by sentence of a competent tribunal, shall be pun 
 ished by the confiscation of the property so attempted to be fraudulently 
 introduced. 
 
 " ARTICLE XIX. 
 
 " With respect to all merchandise, effects and property whatsoever, im 
 ported into ports of Mexico whilst in the occupation of the forces of the 
 United States, whether by citizens of either Republic, or by citizens or 
 subjects of any neutral nation, the following rules shall be observed : 
 
 " 1st. All such merchandise, effects and property, if imported pre 
 viously to the restoration of the custom-houses to the Mexican authorities, 
 as stipulated for in the third article of this treaty, shall be exempt from 
 confiscation, although the importation of the same be prohibited by the 
 Mexican tariff. 
 
 " 2d. The same perfect exemption shall be enjoyed by all such mer 
 chandise, effects and property, imported subsequently to the restoration of 
 the custom-houses, and previously to the sixty days fixed in the following 
 article for the coming into force of the Mexican tariff at such ports re 
 spectively ; the said merchandise, effects and property being, however, at 
 the time of their importation, subject to the payment of duties, as provided 
 for in the s.^id following article. 
 
 " 3d. All merchandise, effects and property described in the two rules 
 foregoing shall, during their continuance at the place of importation, and 
 upon their leaving such place for the interior, be exempt from all duty, tax, 
 or impost of every kind, under whatsoever title or denomination. Nor 
 shall they be there subjected to any charge whatsoever upon the sale 
 thereof. 
 
 " 4th. All merchandise, effects and property, described in the first and 
 second rules, which shall have been removed to any place in the interior 
 whilst such place was in the occupation of the forces of the United States, 
 shall, during their continuance therein, be exempt from all tax upon the 
 sale or consumption thereof, and from every kind of impost or contribu 
 tion, under whatsoever title or denomination. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 283 
 
 the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, tlie Government 
 of the United States agreed to pay to Mexico, as 
 part consideration for the cession of New Mexico 
 
 " 5th. But if any merchandise, effects or property, described in the 
 first and second rules, shall be removed to any place not occupied at the 
 time by the forces of the United States, they shall, upon their introduction 
 into such place, or upon their sale or consumption there, be subject to the 
 same duties which, under the Mexican laws, they would be required to 
 pay in such cases if they had been imported in time of peace, through the 
 maritime custom-houses, and had there paid the duties conformably with 
 the Mexican tariff. 
 
 " 6th. The owners of all merchandise, effects or property, described 
 in the first and second rules, and existing in any port of Mexico, shall 
 have the right to reship the same, exempt from all tax, impost, or contri 
 butions whatever. 
 
 " With respect to the metals or other property, exported from any 
 Mexican port whilst in the occupation of the forces of the United States, 
 and previously to the restoration of the custom-houses at such port, no 
 person shall be required by the Mexican authorities, whether general or 
 state, to pay any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such exportation, or 
 in any manner to account for the same to the said authorities. 
 
 "ARTICLE xx. 
 
 " Through consideration for the interests of commerce generally, it is 
 agreed, that if less than sixty days should elapse between the date of the 
 signature of this treaty and the restoration of the custom-houses, con 
 formably with the stipulation in the third article, in such case all merchan 
 dise, effects and property whatsoever, arriving at the Mexican ports after 
 the restoration of the said custom-houses, and previously to the expiration 
 of sixty days after the date of the signature of this treaty, shall be admit 
 ted to entry ; and no other duties shall be levied thereon than the duties 
 established by the tariff found in force at such custom-houses at the time 
 of the restoration of the same. And to all such merchandise, effects and 
 property, the rules established by the preceding article shall apply. 
 
 "ARTICLE xxi. 
 
 " If unhappily any disagreement should hereafter arise between the 
 Governments of the two Republics, whether with respect to the interpre 
 tation of any stipulation in this treaty, or with respect to any other partic 
 ular concerning the political or commercial relations of the two nations, 
 the said Governments, in the name of those nations, do promise to each 
 
284 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 and California,* the sum of fifteen millions of dol 
 lars, and to assume the payment of certain claims 
 due our citizens by the Mexican Government. 
 
 other that they will endeavor, in the most sincere and earnest manner, to 
 settle the differences so arising, and to preserve the state of peace and 
 friendship in which the two countries are now placing themselves ; using, 
 for this end, mutual representations and pacific negotiations. And if, by 
 these means, they should not be enabled to come to an agreement, a resort 
 shall not, on this account, be had to reprisals, aggression, or hostility of 
 any kind, by the one Republic against the other, until the Government of 
 that which deems itself aggrieved shall have maturely considered, in the 
 spirit of peace and good neighborship, whether it would not be better that 
 such difference should be settled by the arbitration of commissioners ap 
 pointed on each side, or by that of a friendly nation. And should such 
 course be proposed by either party, it shall be acceded to by the other, 
 unless deemed by it altogether incompatible with the nature of the differ 
 ence or the circumstances of the case. 
 
 " ARTICLE XXII. 
 
 "If (which is not to be expected, and which God forbid !) war should 
 unhappily break out between the two Republics, they do now, with a view 
 to such calamity, solemnly pledge themselves to each other and to the 
 world, to observe the following rules ; absolutely, where the nature of the 
 
 * " The boundary line between the two republics shall commence in the 
 Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio 
 Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, opposite the mouth of its 
 deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying directly 
 into the sea ; from thence up the middle of that river, following the deepest 
 channel, where it has more thnn one, to the point where it strikes the 
 southern boundary of New Mexico; thence, westwardly, along the whole 
 southern boundary of New Mexico, (which runs north of the town called 
 Paseo.) to its western termination ; thence, northward, along the western 
 line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila ; 
 (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on 
 the said line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to the 
 same ;) thence down the middle of the said branch and of the said river, un 
 til it empties into the Rio Colorado ; thence across the Rio Colorado, fol 
 lowing the division line between Upper and Lower California, to the Pa 
 cific Ocean." ART. 5, Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 285 
 
 There was also a clause in the Treaty, requiring the 
 Government of the United States to liberate any 
 prisoners which might thereafter be captured by 
 
 subject permits, and as closely as possible in all cases where such abso 
 lute observance shall be impossible : 
 
 " I. The merchants of either Republic then residing in the other, 
 shall be allowed to remain twelve months (for those dwelling in the inte 
 rior) and six months (for those dwelling at the seaports), to collect their 
 debts and settle their affairs, during which periods they shall enjoy the 
 same protection, and be on the same footing, in all respects, as the citizens 
 or subjects of the most friendly nations ; and, at the expiration thereof, or 
 any time before, they shall have full liberty to depart, carrying off all 
 their effects without molestation or hindrance ; conforming therein to the 
 same laws which the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations are 
 required to conform to. Upon the entrance of the armies of either nation 
 into the territories of the other, women and children, ecclesiastics, scholars 
 of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, merchants, artisans, manufac 
 turers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, 
 or places, and in general all persons whose occupations are for the com 
 mon subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue 
 their respective employments unmolested in their persons. Nor shall 
 their houses or goods be burned or otherwise destroyed, nor their cattle 
 taken, nor their fields wasted, by the armed force into whose power, by 
 the events of war, they may happen to fall ; but if the necessity arise to 
 take any thing from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall 
 be paid for at an equitable price. All churches, hospitals, schools, col 
 leges, libraries, and other establishments for charitable and beneficent 
 purposes, shall be respected, and all persons connected with the same pro 
 tected in the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of their vocations. 
 
 " II. In order that the fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated, all 
 such practices as those of sending them into distant, inclement, or unwhole 
 some districts, or crowding them into close and noxious places, shall be 
 studiously avoided. They shall not be confined in dungeons, prison- 
 ships, or prisons, nor be put in irons, or bound, or otherwise restrained in the 
 use of their limbs. The officers shall enjoy liberty on their paroles, within 
 convenient districts, and have comfortable quarters; and the common 
 soldiers shall be disposed in cantonments, open and extensive enough for 
 air and exercise, and lodged in barracks as roomy and good as are pro 
 vided by the party in whose power they are for its own troops. But if 
 any officer shall break his parole by leaving the district so assigned him, or 
 any other prisoner shall escape from the limits of his cantonment, after 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Indians residing within the limits of the United 
 States. There was a precedent for the last clause, 
 in the policy of the Cabinet of John Quincy Ad- 
 
 they shall have been designated to him, such individual, officer, or other 
 prisoner, shall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article as provides for 
 his liberty on parole or in cantonment. And if any officer so breaking 
 his parole, or any common soldier so escaping from the limits assigned 
 him, shall afterwards be found in arms, previously to his being regularly 
 exchanged, the person so offending shall be dealt with according to the 
 established laws of war. The officers shall be daily furnished by the 
 party in whose power they are with as many rations, and of the same 
 articles, as are allowed, either in kind or by commutation, to officers of 
 equal rank in its own army ; and all others shall be daily furnished with 
 such ration as is allowed to a common soldier in its own service ; the 
 value of all which supplies shall, at the close of the war, or at periods to 
 be agreed upon between the respective commanders, be paid by the other 
 party, on a mutual adjustment of accounts for subsistence of prisoners ; 
 and such accounts shall not be mingled with or set off against any others, 
 nor the balance due on them be withheld, as a compensation or reprisal 
 for any cause whatever, real or pretended. Each party shall be allowed 
 to keep a commissary of prisoners, appointed by itself, with every canton 
 ment of prisoners, in possession of the other ; which commissary shall 
 see the prisoners as often as he pleases ; shall be allowed to receive, 
 exempt from all duties or taxes, and to distribute whatever comforts may 
 be sent to them by their friends ; and shall be free to transmit his reports 
 in open letters to the party by whom he is employed. 
 
 " And it is declared that neither the pretence that war dissolves all 
 treaties, nor any other whatever, shall be considered as annulling or sus 
 pending the solemn covenant contained in this article. On the contrary, 
 the state of war is precisely that for which it is provided ; and during 
 which, its stipulations are to be as sacredly observed as the most acknow 
 ledged obligations under the law of nature or nations. 
 
 "ARTICLE xxm. 
 
 " This treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States of 
 America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and 
 by the President of the Mexican Republic, with the previous approbation 
 of its general Congress ; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the 
 city of Washington, or at the seat of Government in Mexico, in four 
 months from the date of the signature thereof, or sooner if practicable. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 287 
 
 ams.* The territory acquired was immense in 
 extent and importance. It embraced nearly ten 
 degrees of latitude upon the Pacific coast, and ex- 
 
 " In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed this 
 treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, and have hereunto 
 affixed our seals respectively. Done in quintuplicate, at the city of 
 Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day of February, in the year of 
 our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight. 
 
 "N. P. TRIST, [L.S.] 
 
 " LUIS G. CUEVAS, [L. s.] 
 " BERNARDO COUTO, [L. s.] 
 MIGL. ATRISTAIN. [L. s.] 
 
 " And whereas, the said treaty, as amended, has been duly ratified on 
 both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same were exchanged at 
 Queretaro on the thirtieth day of May last, by Ambrose H. Sevier and 
 Nathan Clifford, Commissioners on the part of the Government of the 
 United States, and by Sefior Don Louis de la Rosa, Minister of Relations 
 of the Mexican Republic, on the part of that Government ; 
 
 " Now, therefore, be it known, that I, James K. Polk, President of the 
 United States of America, have caused the said treaty to be made public, 
 to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof, may be 
 observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens 
 thereof. 
 
 " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal 
 of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 " Done at the city of Washington, this fourth day of July, one 
 [L. s.] thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, and of the indepen 
 dence of the United States the seventy-third. 
 
 JAMES K. POLK. 
 " By the President : 
 
 " JAMES BUCHANAN, Secretary of State." 
 Executive Documents, 1st session 30th Congress, Vol. 8, Doc. No. 69. 
 
 * " If the line were so changed, the greater part, if not the whole, of 
 the powerful, warlike, and turbulent Indian nation of the Camanchcs, 
 would be thrown on the side of the United States ; and as an equivalent 
 for the proposed cession of territory, they would stipulate to restrain, as 
 far as practicable, the Camanches from committing hostilities and depreda 
 tions upon the territories and people, whether Indians or otherwise, of 
 Mexico." Letter of Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Mr. Poinsett, 
 United States Minister in Mexico, March 26th, 1825. 
 
288 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 tended from that ocean to the Rio Grande, a dis 
 tance of nearly one thousand miles. Included with 
 in the new boundaries, are the harbors of Monterey, 
 Santiago, and San Francisco, which give us three 
 commercial fronts. One upon the Pacific, another 
 upon the Atlantic, and the third upon the Gulf of 
 Mexico, being in extent more than 5,000 miles of 
 sea-coast. 
 
 Of all the harbors in the world, none surpass 
 the celebrated Bay of San Francisco. It lies in 
 latitude 38 degrees north about four degrees from 
 the southern boundary of Oregon, and about five 
 or six degrees from the southern boundary of our 
 possessions in California. This harbor maybe re 
 garded as a most fortunate acquisition, and which, 
 taken in connection with the rest of the territory 
 ceded, and the commercial advantages resulting 
 therefrom, is of vast importance to the Republic. 
 
 In the Bay of San Francisco - the combined na 
 vies of the world could ride in safety. The ac 
 cess to it is easy, and yet it could be defended 
 readily from its bold and rocky shores. The en 
 trance opens into the Bay, which is about forty 
 miles in length, protected from the winds coming 
 from every direction. Two beautiful rivers which 
 drain a country five hundred miles in extent, pour 
 their waters into the Bay. The climate along the 
 valley of the Sacramento, and San Joaquin rivers 
 is delightful. The soil is rich and productive, fa 
 vorable to wheat, Indian corn, rye, oats, tobacco and 
 cotton. Grapes, olives, bananas, cocoanuts, sugar 
 cane, apples, pears, &c., were formerly found in lati- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 289 
 
 tude 34 degrees north. A rare union of the pro 
 ductions of the temperate and tropical climates. 
 
 In the Bay of San Francisco will converge the 
 commerce of Asia and the model Republic. It 
 possesses advantages over every other harbor upon 
 the western coast of North or South America. 
 Whether a railroad is constructed across the Isth 
 mus of Panama to the Columbia river, or to San 
 Francisco, that point will become the New- York of 
 the Pacific Ocean. The vast and increasing com 
 merce of Asia, and the islands of the East, is now 
 open to our adventurous seamen. It is difficult to 
 conceive the importance which this country is des 
 tined to occupy as a commercial nation. In the 
 first place, it can be safely asserted that no people 
 upon the earth are so well calculated to develope 
 the resources of our country, as the citizens of the 
 United States, while at the same time the liberal 
 principles upon which our commercial relations are 
 conducted with the nations of the earth, afford am 
 ple opportunities for a display of that energy and 
 enterprise, for which the American merchant is so 
 justly celebrated, notwithstanding the importance 
 to which the commerce of England has attained ; 
 
 o 
 
 yet her citizens have very many disadvantages to 
 encounter, which are fast disappearing from our 
 path. It will be seen by an examination of a globe, 
 that the locality of England is most unfortunate for 
 commercial purposes. 
 
 Upon the northwestern part of Europe, with 
 the broad Atlantic separating her from her Cana 
 dian provinces and from the West Indies, she is 
 19 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 forced to double either the Cape of Good Hope or 
 Cape Horn, to reach China and her possessions in 
 the East. Taking in connection the fact, that it re 
 quires sixty-five days for the overland mail to reach 
 London from Canton, and we have some idea of the 
 commercial difficulties encountered by the merchants 
 of England * 
 
 * From Mr. Whitney s Calculations. 
 
 From London to Panama, 81 of longitude, and 44 of lati 
 tude must be overcome, and which, on a straight line, 
 would vary little from 5,868 miles. 
 
 From Panama to Canton is 170 of longitude, measuring 
 
 full 60 miles to the degree, is 10,200 " 
 
 Making from London to Canton, on a line, . . . 16,068 " 
 Now from Canton to England, via the Cape of Good Hope, 
 during the northeast monsoon, is .... 
 From Canton through the China Sea, to the Equator, . 1,320 " 
 From the Equator to Sunda Straits, to 12 south latitude, 750 " 
 Through the region of southeast trades to 27 south lati 
 tude, and 50 east longitude, 3,200 " 
 
 Thence to the Cape of Good Hope, .... 1,560 " 
 
 And from the Cape to London 6,900 " 
 
 13,730 " 
 Again from Canton to London, via the Cape of Good 
 
 Hope, during the southwest monsoon, is ... <; 
 
 From Canton to the Straits of Formosa, . . . 480 " 
 
 Thence to Pitt s Straits, passing near the Pillow Islands, 1,300 " 
 
 Thence to Alias Straits, 1,200 " 
 
 Thence to 27 south latitude, and 50 east longitude, . 3,900 " 
 
 Thence to the Cape, L560 " 
 
 And thence to London, 6,900 " 
 
 15,340 " 
 In the first instance, the route by canal would increase the 
 
 distance between London and Canton, . . . 2,338 " 
 
 And in the latter, 728 " 
 
 The distances, both for a canal and via the Cape, are cal 
 culated for a straight line from point to point, but ow 
 ing to trades and currents, a sail-vesse] could not make 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION-. 291 
 
 The route to London from Canton is over 1,000 
 miles nearer, via. Puget s Sound and New- York, than 
 to double the Cape of Good Hope. To proceed 
 still further south by the Bay of San Francisco and 
 New- York to London, would be 3,000 miles nearer 
 than the old route.* 
 
 In speaking of the distance to China from our 
 western possessions, it should be remembered, that 
 it is not necessary to pursue the track by the Sand 
 wich Islands. It is much nearer to pass on a great 
 arc to the northwest, crossing from the Western to 
 the Eastern Continent, where the degrees of longi 
 tude converging to the North Pole, are only about 
 half so far across as they are between the tropics. 
 The new route will be far preferable by steam, as 
 
 either voyage on a straight line ; and the voyage from 
 London to China is estimated at not less than 17,000 
 miles, and it would be increased in the same manner 
 and proportion for any canal route. 
 
 It has been estimated that the distance from Shanghae in 
 
 China to Puget s Sound, is ..... 5,405 miles. 
 
 From Puget s Sound to New- York, by railroad, via Lake 
 
 Michigan 3.963 " 
 
 8,368 " 
 Making 8,368 miles from our Atlantic coast to China, 
 
 about half the distance from London to China. 
 
 From New-York to London, 3,330 " 
 
 Total distance from China to London, via Puget s Sound 
 
 and New-York, 11,698 " 
 
 * " The transit of intelligence, merchandise and passengers from Chi 
 na to Europe, by way of New-York, can be effected, when these several 
 lines shall be in operation in connection with the line from that city to 
 Liverpool, in less than one half the time now occupied in the voyage be 
 tween those countries." Report of the Secretary of War, December 4th, 
 1848. 
 
292 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the same necessity will not exist for pursuing the 
 old one, for the purpose of avoiding the trade winds. 
 
 Now let us turn our attention to the position 
 occupied upon the globe by the United States. 
 Conveniently situated to carry on a trade with Eu 
 rope and Canada, with the West India Islands, and 
 the powers of South America, the great difficulty 
 to be surmounted was the distance to Asia and the 
 East Indies. With that portion of the earth our 
 trade is fast increasing, notwithstanding the long 
 route from our eastern shores to China and the isles 
 of the East, either by passing the Cape of Good 
 Hope, or the southern extremity of South America. 
 To perform a voyage from New- York to Canton 
 and back, generally required twelve months. All 
 these difficulties will soon be obviated by a develop 
 ment of our resources in Oregon and California. 
 
 It is a matter of vast importance to our com 
 merce, which will soon hover upon the Pacific 
 Ocean, that spacious and convenient harbors should 
 be obtained for our shipping. This, for two reasons. 
 First, because it is necessary for its protection in 
 time of war, and for repairs in time of peace ; and, 
 secondly, that a point may be obtained from whence 
 the produce of the United States may be sent 
 abroad, and foreign produce or fabrics may be 
 landed, and taken into the interior, without making 
 the circuitous route of Cape Horn. 
 
 It will be seen that the route from Japan and 
 China via Oregon and California, is not only the 
 nearest to Charleston, New- York and Boston, but 
 also to London ; and we may not only expect that 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 293 
 
 the transmission of intelligence may be made by 
 that route, but that it will be the great highway 
 for many articles of merchandise and produce con 
 veyed to and from Europe. 
 
 In this connection I will refer to the proposed 
 canals at Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec. 
 
 The great objection to these routes to Asia and 
 the East, is, that we have to diverge from the direct 
 route ; the distance being about 2,000 miles further 
 from the Mississippi valley to China, even by Te 
 huantepec, than by California, and much further 
 via Panama. I shall now proceed to notice the 
 harbors in Oregon, and that portion of California 
 which we have acquired from Mexico by the recent 
 treaty. Along the coast of Oregon, there is but 
 one large and convenient harbor, and that is nearly 
 in latitude 49. There is one circumstance, too, 
 connected with the harbor of Puget s Sound, and 
 that is contained in the treaty of 1846 with Eng 
 land, settling the boundary of Oregon. The en 
 trance to that sound is through the Straits of 
 Fuca. The navigation of these straits, by the terms 
 of the treaty, is open to the commerce of both na 
 tions. This is one objection to the erection of a 
 commercial city upon Puget s Sound, Another is, 
 the fact that the Straits of Fuca are commanded by 
 the southern part of Vancouver s Island, which be 
 longs to Great Britain. These would be objections 
 in time of a war between the two countries, which 
 it is not unlikely will occur in the next half cen 
 tury. 
 
 The immense commerce carried on between this 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 country and Asia, which will concentrate at some 
 point upon our western coast, must be under the 
 command of our own, instead of British guns. 
 
 It will be discovered from this view of the sub 
 ject, that the harbors acquired from Mexico by the 
 Treaty of 1848, are of very great value to this 
 country. 
 
 The bay, or roadstead, of Monterey, is a half 
 circle, protected from the storms coming from the 
 west or southwest, but exposed to the northwestern 
 winds. It can be rendered a very important harbor, 
 by the erection of a breakwater. San Diego is an 
 important acquisition ; lying a short distance from 
 the new line established between the United States 
 and Mexico. 
 
 England has hitherto obtained more advantages 
 from the China trade than any other nation ; yet it 
 is very evident the elements of commercial inter 
 course are possessed to a far greater extent by the 
 United States and China, than by that country and 
 Great Britain. The popular idea, long entertained, 
 that trade to be beneficial to one nation, must have 
 a balance in its favor, to be liquidated by the pre 
 cious metals, is now exploded. Commerce between 
 nations, based upon mutual benefits, mast consist in 
 an interchange of commodities. The dishonest in 
 tention of overreaching the nation with whom we 
 trade, by obtaining a balance in our favor, to be 
 discharged by abstracting from them, and drawing 
 into our own coffers the precious metals necessary 
 for their commercial prosperity, should be aban- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 295 
 
 doned. The effect of the latter policy is already 
 felt by England.* 
 
 The Select Committee of the House of Com 
 mons, in their report, alluding to the cause of the 
 declension in the British trade with China, assign as 
 a reason for that result, that the sole difficulty is in 
 finding a return for the articles supplied to China.f 
 Thus we discover that the drain of specie upon 
 China to discharge the balance against her, is too 
 great, and the trade between the two countries is 
 falling off. 
 
 The trade between the United States and China, 
 although now very extensive, can be still increased. 
 There is a heavy balance against us, however, which 
 might be liquidated by the demand in that country 
 for cotton. J There is no reason why this amount 
 
 * The total of British imports into China, in 1844, was $35,929,132 
 The exports from China on English account, for the 
 
 same period, amounted to 17,925.360 
 
 Leaving a balance against China, ... - $18,003.772 
 f " In reporting on the condition of our commercial relations with Chi 
 na your Committee regret to state, on undoubted evidence, that the trade 
 with that country has been for some time in a very unsatisfactory posi 
 tion, and that the result of our extended intercourse has by no means real 
 ized the just expectations which had been naturally founded on a freer ac 
 cess to so magnificent a market." 
 
 " We find that the difficulties of the trade do not arise from any want 
 of demand in China for articles of British manufacture, or from the increas 
 ing competition of other nations. There is no evidence that foreign com 
 petition is to be seriously apprehended in the articles of general demand. 
 The sole difficulty is in providing a return." Report of the Select Com 
 mittee of the House of Commons. 
 
 J The imports of merchandise into China from the United 
 
 States, in 1844, amounted to - $1,320,170 
 
 The export from China on American account, was - 6,686,171 
 
 Leaving a balance against the United States of - $5,366,001 
 
296 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 of imports in China should not be furnished by the 
 United States. We can raise cotton cheaper, and 
 of a better quality, than any other people. We can 
 manufacture coarse cotton goods cheaper; and the 
 route to its destination will be much nearer, by 
 means of the great highway via California and the 
 Pacific. It must be recollected, that England and 
 the United States are the great competitors for the 
 trade with that country. There is no reason, how 
 ever, that the commerce with China should not in 
 crease very largely. We can not only supply them 
 with cotton, raw and manufactured, but with, lead, 
 ginseng, wheat, and corn ; for which we can receive 
 whatever necessaries and luxuries they may have to 
 exchange. 
 
 The empire of China contains at least three 
 hundred millions of people. The density of the 
 population is most remarkable, so much so, that it 
 is exceedingly difficult to obtain a living. What 
 benefits will not be extended to them by the utmost 
 freedom of commercial intercourse ? Not only can 
 we supply them with raiment, but with food, in ex 
 change for which we can receive whatever their 
 climate or their ingenuity may enable them to fur 
 nish us. In this way the vast amount of surplus 
 produce, which the fertility of our soil and the in- 
 
 Have we the means of discharging this balance, other than by a pay 
 ment of specie ? 
 
 Value of raw cotton imported into China in 1844, - 6 ; 983.347 
 Cotton fabrics. 5,383,093 
 
 Total, cotton and cotton fabrics, .... $12.366,440 
 
POLK ABMINISTEATION. 297 
 
 dustry of our people places m at our disposal, will 
 banish from the firesides of millions the gaunt 
 spectre of famine which stalks through the hovels 
 of the poor. 
 
 We should not overlook the advantages which 
 will certainly result from the establishment of libe 
 ral commercial relations with the Empire of Japan. 
 The population of these islands is variously estimated 
 at from 50 to 100,000,000 inhabitants. They live 
 still nearer our possessions upon the Pacific than 
 China, being between 32 and 45 north latitude. 
 
 The first American ship which attempted to 
 trade with the Japanese was in 1797. It was a 
 long time before the authorities could be made to 
 distinguish between English and American sailors. 
 The owner, however, of this ship, the Eliza, sailing 
 under Dutch colors, was suffered to trade with 
 them. 
 
 But returning in 1803, under the American flag, 
 he was compelled to depart. The Dutch, who alone 
 were suffered to trade with them, artfully aroused 
 their suspicions, that no rival might divide the 
 trade with themselves. Another attempt was made 
 in 1807, with no better success. Similar efforts 
 have been made by England and Russia up to 
 1837, but unsuccessfully. The Americans are re 
 garded with much more favor than either the Eng 
 lish or Russians. The hope may be confidently 
 entertained that at no distant day commercial rela 
 tions will be established with those islands, mutu 
 ally beneficial to both countries. 
 
 It is remarkable that China and Japan have 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 almost insurmountable objections to the admission 
 of foreigners within their dominions. The conse 
 quences are the absence of that intelligence and 
 morality which characterizes other countries. 
 
 As the eye glances along the map of the world 
 to the west, passing over Asia and Europe, the 
 pleasing reflection crosses the mind of the observer, 
 that with each degree of longitude increases the 
 regard for liberality of intercourse between neigh 
 boring powers. And when we look at our own 
 country, we find that Christianity wields a con 
 trolling influence the arts and sciences have reach- 
 
 o 
 
 ed a greater degree of perfection the people have 
 enlarged and enlightened views, and the female sex 
 are treated with much of that deference and respect 
 which distinguished the age of chivalry. 
 
 In whatever light we regard the intercourse be 
 tween the nations of the earth, benefits must be the 
 result. Commercial advantages, the extension of 
 liberal principles, the diffusion of the doctrines of 
 the Bible, will flow from the most unrestrained 
 commercial regulations. 
 
 As the tide of emigration flows westward, it is to 
 be hoped that a disposition will be manifested still 
 further to remove restrictions upon our commerce, 
 and thus accelerate the moment when our new pos 
 sessions upon the Pacific will become the centre of a 
 flourishing and extensive commerce. 
 
 California is, undoubtedly, the richest mineral 
 country upon the Globe. Not only does gold 
 abound in such quantities that thousands have be 
 come enriched by it without incurring the expense 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 299 
 
 of mining operations, but there is also vast quanti 
 ties of silver and quicksilver. The amount of gold 
 dust which has been brought from California since 
 July, 1849, to the present time,* has been estimated 
 in value at 9,000,000 of dollars, and still the supply 
 appears inexhaustible. As fast as the quantity 
 seems to diminish at one placer another is easily 
 found, where, with the sifter, the gold is easily 
 separated from the sand, and in a short time wealth 
 crowns the efforts of the laborer. Where such vast 
 quantities are found in the sand, still more can un 
 doubtedly be obtained by mining operations, and 
 from the hills and mountains of Upper California, 
 the Government and people of the United States 
 will obtain immense quantities of the precious me 
 tals, f The number of persons who have thronged 
 to California since its acquisition by the United 
 States is almost inconceivable. They have poured 
 into that country from almost every land, and there 
 may be found congregated together, the South 
 American, the Asiatic, the European, the African, 
 and the Mexican, and from the United States a 
 ceaseless tide of emigration has continued to roll 
 thither. New routes have been explored, and so 
 
 * March, 1850. 
 
 f " Thus it appears that the deposits of gold, wherever found in the 
 Territory, are the property of the United States. Those, however, which 
 are known to exist upon the lands of individuals are of small comparative 
 importance, by far the larger part being upon the unclaimed public lands. 
 Still our information respecting them is yet extremely limited ; what we 
 know in general is, that they are of great extent and extraordinary pro 
 ductiveness, even though rudely wrought. The gold is found sometimes 
 in masses, the largest of which brought to the mint weighed eighty-nine 
 ounces." Report of the Secretary of the Interior, December 3d, 1849. 
 
300 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 frequently traversed that the hitherto trackless re 
 gions of the West have become a great highway, 
 and the burning sun of the torrid zone has pre 
 sented no obstacle to the thousands who throng to 
 
 o 
 
 the Isthmus of Darien, while the threatening dan- 
 gerns of Cape Horn have presented no terrors 
 to those who have left their homes in search of 
 gold. 
 
 The early and rapid development of the re 
 sources of California is mainly attributable to the 
 precious metals, but it is very questionable whether 
 they equal in importance the commercial and agri 
 cultural advantages which must inevitably flow from 
 their possession. Of the former I have already 
 spoken. With regard to the latter, little has been 
 done to test the capacity of the soil. When the 
 existence of gold was first discovered, people of 
 every occupation at once took their departure for 
 the gold regions. Farmers left the plough, the me 
 chanic his workshop, the doctor his patient, the 
 lawyer his clients, the sailor deserted his ship, and 
 the soldier his colors, and all sought for the glitter 
 ing dust. The emigrants have relied upon foreign 
 supply for the necessaries of life, and very few of 
 the inhabitants of California have turned their at 
 tention to the cultivation of the earth. It is true 
 that the want of rain during a portion of the year 
 is one disadvantage, but that has been greatly ex 
 aggerated. There can undoubtedly be produced in 
 California, wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat, vegetables, 
 and fruits, of as fine quality as in any part of the 
 United States territory, and it only remains for 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 301 
 
 enterprise and industry to develope the resources 
 of California, to render it one of the richest and 
 most productive States in the Union. 
 
 After years will fully illustrate the three great 
 results which must flow from the acquisition of that 
 territory: its mineral wealth, and its agricultural 
 and commercial advantages.* 
 
 * " The prospects of California were never brighter than now. Skep 
 ticism as to its immense mineral resources is gradually yielding to the 
 solid and radiant proofs now abundantly made manifest. Three millions 
 of dollars worth of native gold shipped by a single steamer, following 
 and to be followed by others, at intervals of barely two weeks, ought to 
 vanquish the most stubborn incredulity. An intelligent friend who en 
 joyed good opportunities for information in San Francisco, estimates the 
 amount of gold in the hands of the gamblers alone, of that city, on the 
 1st. of January, (our latest date.) at fourteen millions of dollars." Edito 
 rial of the New-York Tribune, February llth, 1850. 
 
 " SAN FRANCISCO, December 15th, 1849. 
 " Messrs. Greeley $ McElrath : 
 
 "Of all the marvellous phases of the history of the present, the 
 growth of San Francisco is the one which will most tax the belief of the 
 future. Its parallel was never known, and shall never be beheld again. 
 I speak only of what I have seen with my own eyes. When I landed 
 here, not quite four mouths ago, I found a scattering town of tents and 
 canvas houses, with a show of frame buildings on one or two streets, and 
 a population of about six thousand. Now I see around me an actual me 
 tropolis, displaying street after street of well-built edifices, filled with an 
 active and enterprising people, and exhibiting every mark of permanent 
 commercial prosperity. Then, the town was limited to the curve of the 
 bay fronting the anchorage and the bottoms of the hills. Now, it stretches 
 to the topmost heights, follows the shore around point after point, and, 
 sending back a long arm through a gap in the hills, takes hold of the 
 Golden Gate, and builds its warehouses on the open strait and almost 
 fronting the blue horizon of the Pacific. Then, the gold-seeking so- 
 journer lodged in muslin rooms and canvas garrets, with a philosophic 
 Jack of furniture, and ate his simple though substantial fare from pine 
 boards. Now, lofty hotels, gaudy with verandahs and balconies, are met 
 with in all quarters, furnished with home luxury, and aristocratic restau 
 rants present daily their long bills of fare, rich with the choicest techni- 
 
302 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 When we reflect upon the extension of the terri 
 torial limits of this country, since its first settlement, 
 we can scarcely realize where our ultimate bounda- 
 
 calities of the Parisian cuisine. Then, vessels were coming in day after 
 day, to lie deserted and useless at their anchorage. Now, scarce a day 
 passes, but some cluster of sails, bound outward through the Golden 
 Gate, take their way to all the corners of the Pacific. Like the magic 
 seed of the Indian juggler, which grew, blossomed, and bore fruit before 
 the eyes of his spectators, San Francisco seems to have accomplished in 
 a day the growth of half a century. 
 
 " When I first landed here, bewildered and amazed by what seemed 
 an unnatural standard of prices, I expressed the opinion that there would 
 be before long a great crash in speculation. Things, it appeared then, 
 had reached their crisis, and it was pronounced impossible that they could 
 remain stationary. This might have been a very natural idea at the time, 
 but the subsequent course of affairs has shown it to be incorrect. Land, 
 rents, goods, subsistence, &c., have continued steadily to advance in cost, 
 and as the credit system has been meanwhile prudently contracted, the 
 character of the business now done is the more real and substantial. Two 
 or three years will pass, in all probability, before there is a positive abate 
 ment of the standard of prices. There will be fluctuations in the mean 
 time, occasioning great gains and losses, but the fall in rents and rsal 
 estate, when it comes, as it inevitably must in the course of two or three 
 years, will not be so crushing as I at first imagined. I doubt whether it 
 will seriously injure the commercial activity of the place. Prices will 
 never fall to the same standard as in the Atlantic States. Fortunes will 
 always be made here by the sober, intelligent, industrious, and energetic ; 
 but no one who is either too careless, too spiritless, or too ignorant to 
 succeed at home, need trouble himself about emigrating. The same 
 general rule holds good, as well here as elsewhere, and it is all the better 
 for human nature that it does. 
 
 " Not only is the heaviest part of the business here conducted on cash 
 principles, but all rents, even to lodgings in hotels, are paid in advance. 
 A single bowline-alley, in the basement story of the Ward House a new 
 Hotel on Portsmouth-square prepays $5,000 monthly. The firm of 
 Findley, Johnson & Co., recently sold their real estate, purchased a year 
 ago for $20,000, at $300,000 ; $25,000 down, and the rest in monthly 
 instalments of $12.500. The purchaser. Mr. Steinberger, has since 
 been offered $12.500 monthly, in advance, for the rent alone, which would 
 thus pay at once the first cost of the property, This is a fair specimen 
 of the speculations daily made here. Those on a lesser scale are fre- 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 303 
 
 ries are to be. From the landing of the pilgrims, 
 successive years have witnessed the triumph of our 
 ancestors over the Indians and French, to be quickly 
 followed by the obstinate encounter with, and the 
 final overthrow of the British power within these 
 States. The steady progress of civilization succeed 
 ed ; the Alleghanies were passed, and thriving cities 
 studded the shores of the father of waters. Flor 
 ida, Louisiana and Texas have been acquired ; and 
 a neighboring nation, against whom a brilliant war 
 has been waged, has consented to yield one half 
 of her immense territory. And still our vast re 
 sources are undeveloped. The oak and the pine, 
 spreading far westward to the Pacific Ocean, are yet 
 waving their towering forms undisturbed by the 
 woodman s axe, while each year illustrates our pow 
 er, and proves that our destiny is not yet fulfilled.* 
 
 quently of a very amusing character, but the claims on one s astonishment 
 are so constant, that the faculty soon wears out, and the most unheard of 
 operations are looked upon as matters of course. The greatest gains are 
 still made by the gambling tables and eating-houses. Every device that 
 art can suggest is used to swell the custom of the former. The latter 
 find abundant support in the necessities of a large floating population, in 
 addition to the swarm of permanent residents. Rowe s Circus, which is 
 still here, does an immense business, and a large and handsome theatre is 
 about to be erected on the upper side of Portsmouth-square. If con 
 ducted with becoming order and decency, the latter establishment will 
 have a decidedly moral effect, by diminishing the influence of a much 
 greater evil." Extract of a Letter from Bayard Taylor. 
 
 * The inhabitants of California, through their delegates, in 1849, 
 framed a constitution, which was ratified by the people. Members of Con 
 gress and Senators were elected, who took their departure for Washing 
 ton. The question of the admission of California into the Union has oc 
 cupied much of the attention of the 31st Congress. Clay, Calhoun and 
 Webster have given their views, but the sequel no one can with certainty 
 divine. 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 While new improvements are made in the arts, 
 and new discoveries are made in science ; while the 
 moral tone of society is becoming more and more 
 healthy, and each year adds to our veneration and 
 regard for the Constitution, who can proclaim the 
 extent of our greatness as a nation ? 
 
 What ground is there, then, for the senseless 
 cry that our brilliant destiny has reached its merid 
 ian ? What is there to produce so melancholy a 
 result ? The treachery of individuals cannot effect 
 it. There is no approaching danger from without. 
 No internal dissensions of so alarming a character, 
 as to threaten so terrible a disaster. 
 
 The fears of those w^ho dread a dissolution of 
 the Union are as idle as the wishes of the dissatis 
 fied and depraved, who would gladly produce so 
 disastrous a result to gratify their own selfish views. 
 Such an event might have occurred in the infancy 
 of this republic, when patriots doubted the capacity 
 of the people for self-government. But now, when 
 that problem has been solved, when the public heart 
 beats with almost idolatrous love for that Constitu- 
 
 Wbat will be the result of the settlement of the country bordering upon 
 the Pacific ? Hitherto our enterprising citizens have gone westward until 
 the farthest west is occupied. Will California and Oregon arrest the onward 
 movement of the Americans ? No ! They will diverge to the south and 
 overrun Mexico ; not, it is true, as the Goths and Vandals ravaged the 
 possessions of the Romans ; and then, if the citizens of Japan still refuse 
 to enter into commercial regulations, a little of that persuasion will be em 
 ployed which so effectually moderated the tone of the Chinese towards the 
 English. It will not be extraordinary if the citizens of the United States 
 before the lapse of another century, should gain a foothold upon Asia, and 
 either overawe and control the natives, or drive them back upon the Eu 
 ropeans. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 305 
 
 tion which, for more than half a century, has proved 
 the palladium of our liberties, who can be guilty of 
 such folly as to suppose that the masses will submit 
 to its destruction ? 
 
 The people understand fully the object of a few 
 disorganizers at the north and south. They appre 
 ciate to the full value, and no more, the threats at 
 encroachment or dissolution which are so freely 
 used. They can listen to this with some patience ; 
 but let threats be followed by a single overt act, and 
 they will hang the traitors as high as Haman was 
 hung. 
 
 The thanks of Congress were voted repeatedly 
 to the army for their gallant conduct in the face of 
 the enemy. On the 16th of July, 1846, a joint 
 resolution, presenting the thanks of Congress to 
 General Taylor, his officers and men, for their forti 
 tude, skill, enterprise and courage upon the Rio 
 Grande, was approved by the President. Similar 
 resolutions passed Congress March 2d, 1847, March 
 9th, 1848, and August 7th, 1848, tendering the 
 thanks of Congress to General Taylor and his men 
 for the victory of Monterey and Buena Vista ; and 
 to General Scott, his officers and men, for the bril 
 liant campaign of 1847 ; and to the officers, sailors 
 and marines, for their zeal and ability before the 
 walls of Vera Cruz, and the castle of San Juan de 
 Ulloa* 
 
 * " An exciting scene characterized an attempt to pass a resolution 
 tendering the thanks of Congress to several general officers. Mr. Chase 
 of Tennessee, on the 21st of February, 1848, introduced certain resolu 
 tions for that purpose. The question before the House was, Shall the 
 20 
 
306 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 This was not only done, but substantial benefits 
 were conferred, with great liberality, upon the pri 
 vate soldiers, in the shape of bounties and bounty 
 lands. 
 
 main question be now put ? when Mr. John Quincy Adams, in the attempt 
 to address the Speaker, was seized apparently with the agonies of death, 
 and was borne to the Rotunda, and thence to the Speaker s room, where 
 after lingering a few days he expired." Congressional Globe, 1st session 
 3(K/i Congress,?. 381. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 307 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Tariff. Opinions of Messrs. Clay and Polk upon that question. Mes 
 sage of Mr. Polk. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Passage of 
 the Tariff of 1846. Arguments of the friends and opponents of free trade. 
 The Constitutional Treasury established. Discussions in the Constitu 
 tional Convention Public Debt of the United States. Proposed Tax 
 upon Tea and Coffee. 
 
 THE tariff was a prominent question in the presiden 
 tial contest of 1844. The act of 1842 had violated 
 the principles of the compromise of 1833,* and the 
 exciting subject, instead of being put "to rest for 
 ever," was again to be decided by the American 
 people. The principles of the two candidates upon 
 this interesting and difficult question, were well de 
 fined prior to the termination of their congressional 
 career. Mr. Polk was thoroughly committed to the 
 policy of a revenue tariff, and Mr. Clay, when the 
 compromise act was under discussion, pledged the 
 party favorable to protection, to a reduction of the 
 tariff to a revenue standard.f Previous to his nomi- 
 
 * " The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating ; holds to com 
 mon sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise Act, I hope, for 
 ever." Mr. Webster s Speech at Faneuil Hall, September, 1842. 
 
 f " I am anxious to find out, some principles of mutual accommodation, 
 to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties ; to increase the stability of 
 our legislation ; and, at some distant day but not too distant, when we 
 take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved to bring 
 down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nation for the presidency, Mr. Clay made a speech 
 at Raleigh, in which he advocated discriminating 
 duties for the protection of domestic industry.* 
 This was followed by his letter, in September, 1844, 
 to a whig committee in Pennsylvania, in which he 
 gave in his adhesion to the tariff of 1842. Alarmed 
 at the prospect of losing votes in the Southern 
 States, by his opposition to the annexation of Texas, 
 he saw certain defeat in the future, unless he could 
 rally to his support the people of the North. This 
 produced one concession after another, until he had 
 abandoned the ground which he occupied in 1833.f 
 No excuse can be offered for this palpable aban 
 donment of principles which had been so solemnly 
 proclaimed; and the words which he uttered in 
 1833, are a withering rebuke upon the course which 
 he subsequently pursued, and stamp in letters of 
 living fire upon his own forehead, the anathemas 
 which he fulminated in advance against others. 
 
 The course pursued by Mr. Polk during that 
 campaign, is by no means free from a just criticism. 
 
 have so long contended." Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate on a Com 
 promise Act, 1833. 
 
 * " Here is a basis for accommodation and mutual satisfaction. Let 
 the amount which is requisite for an economical administration of the 
 Government, when we are not engaged in a war, be raised exclusively on 
 foreign imports ; and in adjusting a tariff for that purpose, let such discrim 
 inations be made as will foster and encourage our own domestic industry . 
 All parties ought to be satisfied with a tariff for revenue, and discrimina 
 tions for protection." Mr. Clay s Raleigh Speech. 
 
 f " When this was known, what Congress, what Legislature, would 
 mar the guaranty ? What man, who is entitled to deserve the character 
 of an American statesman, would stand up in his place in either House of 
 Congress, and disturb the treaty of peace and amity?" Mr. Clay s 
 Speech, February 12, 1833. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 309 
 
 Several letters were addressed to him, soliciting bis 
 views upon the tariff question ; and the answer 
 which he gave to one of them, was the subject of 
 much discussion in every section of the Union.* 
 While it was admitted in several of the Southern 
 States, that Mr. Clay was in favor of discriminations 
 for the protection of home industry, it was at the 
 same time insisted that Mr. Polk entertained the same 
 views.f In Pennsylvania, it was argued by the 
 democratic party, that the two candidates occupied 
 the same platform upon the tariff question.^ If the 
 principles which Mr. Polk really entertained were 
 misunderstood, owing to the phraseology of his Kane 
 letter, he was not himself altogether blameless for 
 
 * " DEAR SIR : I have received recently several letters, in reference 
 to my opinions on the subject of the tariff, and, among others, yours of the 
 30th ultimo. My opinions on this subject have been often given to the 
 public. They are to be found in my public acts, and in the public discus 
 sions in which I have participated. 
 
 " I am in favor of a tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a suffi 
 cient amount to the treasury to defray the expenses of the Government, 
 economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff, I 
 have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties as would 
 produce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reason 
 able incidental protection to our home industry. I am opposed to a tariff 
 for protection merely and not for revenue." Letter of Mr. Polk to John 
 K. Kane, dated Columbia, Tennessee, June 19, 1844. 
 
 f The author was upon the democratic electoral ticket in Tennessee, 
 in 1844. and his opponent, while he admitted that Mr. Clay was in favor 
 of discriminating duties for the protection of home industry, would insist, 
 from the language of the Kane letter, that Mr. Polk was a protectionist to 
 the same extent as Mr. Clay. 
 
 J " We therefore insisted that the one was as good a tariff man as the 
 other." Speech of James Thompson of Penn., July 1, 1846. Congres 
 sional Globe, Appendix, 1st session 29//1 Congress. 
 
 Mr. Thompson was explaining the course pursued in that State in the 
 contest between Messrs. Clay and Polk. 
 
310 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the error which was committed by his supporters. 
 It is not to be disguised, that the English language 
 was of sufficient scope and flexibility to enable him 
 to define his opinions with more clearness and 
 greater precision. If he had stated that he was in 
 favor of a tariff discriminating alone in favor of re 
 venue, there would have been no misconception of 
 his views. Or if he had expressed his preference 
 for such discriminating duties as would produce the 
 amount of revenue needed, protection flowing as a 
 necessary incident therefrom, every man of ordinary 
 understanding would have comprehended his mean 
 ing. The voters in the North were deceived by the 
 use of language which had the effect of obscuring, 
 instead of more clearly defining his position. The 
 assertion that he had sanctioned such moderate dis 
 criminating duties as would produce the amount of 
 revenue needed, was the statement of a fact which 
 the record confirms ; and there he ought to have 
 stopped, because every one understands that pro 
 tection flows as a necessary incident from a revenue 
 tariff. The statement that he was opposed to a 
 tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue, 
 should have been transposed, by asserting that he 
 was in favor of a tariff for revenue merely, which 
 would have endorsed the principles he had always 
 entertained, and which he subsequently enforced 
 with his characteristic ability and energy. 
 
 The views which Mr. Polk entertained, were ex 
 plained with precision and ability in his first annual 
 message.* The principles which would govern his 
 
 * " The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 311 
 
 administration were proclaimed with great boldness, 
 and the odious features of the tariff of 1842 were 
 thoroughly investigated and exposed. Congress 
 
 suitable modifications and reductions of the rates of duty imposed by our 
 present tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be 
 to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress 
 may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in 
 arranging the rates of duty on different articles ; but the discriminations 
 should be within the revenue standard, and be made with a view to raise 
 money for the support of the Government." 
 
 " It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant by a 
 revenue standard, the maximum of which should not be exceeded in the 
 rates of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience proves that duties 
 may be laid so high as to diminish, or prohibit altogether, the importation 
 of any given article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which, at 
 lower rates, would be derived from its importation. Such duties exceed 
 the revenue rates, and are not imposed to raise money for the support of 
 government. If Congress levy a duty for revenue of one per cent, on a 
 given article, it will produce a given amount of money to the treasury, 
 and will incidentally and necessarily afford protection or advantage to the 
 amount of one per cent, to the home manufacturer of a similar or like arti 
 cle over the importer. If the duty be raised to ten per cent., it will pro 
 duce a greater amount of money, and afford greater protection. If it be 
 still raised to twenty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent., and if as it is raised 
 the revenue derived from it is found to be increased, the protection or ad 
 vantage will also be increased; but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent., 
 and it is found that the revenue produced at that rate is less than thirty 
 per cent., it ceases to be a revenue duty. The precise point in the as 
 cending scale of duties at which it is ascertained from experience that the 
 revenue is greatest, is the maximum rate of duty which can be laid for the 
 bonafide purpose of collecting money for the support of the Government. 
 To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the 
 amount collected, is to levy them for protection merely, and not for reve 
 nue. As long, then, as Congress may gradually increase the rate of duty 
 on a given article, and the revenue is increased by such increase of duty, 
 they are within the revenue standard. When they go beyond that point, 
 and as they increase the duties, the revenue is diminished or destroyed, 
 the act ceases to have for its object the raising of money to support Gov 
 ernment, but is for protection merely." 
 
 " It does not follow that Congress should levy the highest duty on all 
 articles of import which they will bear within the revenue standard ; for 
 
312 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 was urged to substitute ad valorem for specific and 
 minimum duties. That portion of Ms message is a 
 masterly and unanswerable argument in favor of free 
 trade, and bore the impress of a comprehensive mind, 
 thoroughly imbued with the subject. 
 
 such rates would probably produce a much larger amount than the econo 
 mical administration of the Government would require. Nor does it fol 
 low that the duties on all articles should be at the same, or a horizontal 
 rate. Some articles will bear a much higher revenue than others. Below 
 the maximum of the revenue standard Congress may and ought to discri 
 minate in the rates imposed, taking care so to adjust them on different arti 
 cles as to produce in the aggregate the amount which, when added to the 
 proceeds of sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economical ex 
 penses of the Government. In levying a tariff of duties, Congress exer 
 cise the taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may select the objects 
 of taxation. They may exempt certain articles altogether, and permit their 
 importation free of duty. On others they may impose low duties. In 
 these classes should be embraced such articles of necessity as are in gene 
 ral use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer and the poor, 
 as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken that all the great 
 interests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, 
 navigation and the mechanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, 
 derive equal advantages from the incidental protection which a just system 
 of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and 
 it should be so imposed as to operate as equally as may be on all classes 
 in the proportion of their ability to bear it. To make the taxing power 
 an actual benefit to one class, necessarily increases the burden of the 
 others beyond their proportion, and would be manifestly unjust. The 
 terms protection to domestic industry are of popular import ; but they 
 should apply under a just system to all the various branches of industry 
 in our country. The farmer or planter who toils yearly in his fields, is 
 engaged in domestic industry, and is as much entitled to have his labor 
 protected as the manufacturer, the man of commerce, the navigator, or 
 the mechanic, who are engaged also in domestic industry in their differ 
 ent pursuits. The joint labors of all these classes constitute the aggre 
 gate of the domestic industry of the nation, and they are equally entitled 
 to the nation s protection. No one of them can justly claim to be the 
 exclusive recipient of protection which can only be afforded by increas 
 ing burdens on domestic industry of the others." Message of Mr. Polk 
 to Congress, December, 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 313 
 
 The doctrines which were sustained by the Ex 
 ecutive were enforced with consummate ability by 
 the Secretary of the Treasury. He made certain 
 principles the basis of his celebrated report against 
 the protective policy.* That argument has been 
 submitted to the test of scrutiny and of time. The 
 most powerful advocates of the protective system 
 employed their energies in refuting his assumptions, 
 and controverting his facts. But his platform was 
 never abandoned ; and like the sailor, whose eye is 
 fixed upon his compass amidst storms and tempests, 
 he adhered to his principles with an iron will, and 
 an inflexibility of purpose, which insured success 
 against all opposition. 
 
 On the 15th of June, 1846, the House of Repre 
 sentatives proceeded to the consideration of a bill for 
 the repeal of the tariff of 1842. The debate upon 
 this bill was characterized by great power. Princi 
 ples were laid down, and facts adduced. Musty 
 
 * " 1st. That no more money should be collected than is necessary for 
 the wants of the Government, economically administered. 
 
 " 2d. That no duty be imposed on any article above the lowest rate 
 which will yield the largest amount of revenue. 
 
 " 3d. That, below such rate, discrimination may be made, descending 
 in the scale of duties ; or, for imperative reasons, the article may be placed 
 in the list of those free from all duty. 
 
 ; 4th. That the maximum revenue duty should be imposed on luxuries. 
 
 " 5th. That all minimums, all specific duties, should be abolished, and 
 ad valorem duties substituted in their place, care being taken to guard 
 against fraudulent invoices and under-valuation, and to assess the duty 
 upon the actual market value. 
 
 " 6th. That the duties should be so imposed as to operate as equally as 
 possible throughout the Union, discriminating neither for nor against any 
 class or section." Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, December 
 3d. 1845. 
 
314 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 volumes were examined, and the talents which were 
 concentrated in the House of Representatives were 
 devoted to the discussion of the subject. The city 
 of Washington was thronged by the manufacturers 
 and their agents, and every effort which ingenuity 
 could devise was exerted to defeat the passage of 
 the tariff of 1846. After a long discussion, the bill 
 passed the House of Representatives on the 3d of 
 July, 1846, by a vote of 114 to 95.* Among the 
 number who voted for the passage of the bill there 
 was but one whig. 
 
 Although the bill had passed by a triumphant 
 majority through the House of Representatives, it 
 was destined to encounter a formidable opposition 
 in the Senate. The supporters and opponents of 
 free trade in that body were nearly equal. The 
 bill came very near being defeated by the unex 
 pected resignation of "William H. Haywood, of 
 North Carolina^ whose conduct produced a feeling 
 of indignation in the democratic party, and at once 
 elevated the hopes of the opponents of reform. 
 The contest became more exciting, and great anxi 
 ety was felt not only in Washington, but throughout 
 the country. The fate of the bill now depended 
 upon the vote of Mr. Jarnagin, a whig member of 
 the Senate from Tennessee, who had been instructed 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1053. 
 
 f "WASHINGTON CITY. July 25th, 1846. 
 
 " I hereby respectfully resign my seat in the Senate as one of the 
 Senators from North Carolina. 
 
 " I have the honor to be yonr obedient servant, 
 
 "WILLIAM H. UAYWOOD, JR." 
 Congressional Globe, 1st session 29//1 Congress, p. 1141. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 315 
 
 to vote for a bill which embodied the principles of 
 the one then before the Senate. It was a matter 
 of great doubt whether he would not either openly 
 disobey those instructions, or manage in some way 
 to evade them. Contrary to the expectations of 
 those who placed a just appreciation upon the 
 general character of that Senator, he said he would 
 obey his instructions,* although the instincts of the 
 man were illustrated, when he hazarded its defeat 
 by intrusting the fate of the bill to the casting vote 
 of the Vice President. 
 
 A motion was made by Mr. Johnson, of Mary 
 land, to commit the bill with instructions, and upon 
 that proposition the Senate was equally divided, 
 27 Senators voting for and 27 against the propo 
 sition. It was decided in the negative by the cast 
 ing vote of the Vice President.f If Mr. Jarnagin 
 had faithfully obeyed his instructions, Mr. Dallas 
 would not have been called upon to exercise the 
 duty which his position as presiding officer imposed 
 upon him, during that struggle. J It was, however, 
 expecting too much from Spencer Jarnagin to sup 
 pose he would pursue the path of duty with unde- 
 viating footsteps. The course which he adopted, 
 while it exemplified his own character, afforded the 
 
 * " But the leading features of the bill I am instructed to maintain, and 
 by voting against the bill I would vote against the principles which I am 
 instructed to support. I shall obey these instructions." Speech of Mr. 
 Jarnagin. 
 
 f Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1155. 
 
 | " The President said that he was taken by surprise in consequence 
 of the course pursued by the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. Jarnagin,] 
 who did not vote ; but as he was called upon to give the casting vote, he 
 would vote in the negative." Ibid. 
 
316 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Vice President an opportunity of illustrating his 
 moral firmness by an act of bold and majestic gran 
 deur, which stamped him as one of the distinguished 
 men of the age. When the bill was ordered to a 
 third reading, Mr. Jarnagin again refused to vote, 
 and the Senate was again equally divided, and the 
 fate of the measure was decided by the casting vote 
 of Mr. Dallas. Before proceeding to decide the 
 important question which was now under his con 
 trol, and upon which so much interest and feeling 
 depended, the Vice President addressed the Senate.* 
 
 * " The President rose and said : 
 
 " The Senate being equally divided on this important question, I may 
 be indulged in briefly stating the principal reasons for the vote I am re 
 quired by the Constitution to give. 
 
 " Excluded from any participation in forming or modifying the bill, I 
 am bound to sanction or condemn it exactly in the shape in which it 
 stands. The responsibility is deeply felt. It belongs, however, to the 
 office assigned to me by my fellow-citizens, and will be assumed with 
 frankness, and, I hope, not unbecoming firmness. The consequences of 
 my decision, either way, may seriously affect the country. No one can 
 entertain, as to that, a profounder solicitude. But, after summoning to 
 my aid the best purposes and best lights that I can command, the conse 
 quences, be they what they may, must be hazarded. 
 
 " The system for obtaining the revenue necessary to support their Go 
 vernment is established, directly or indirectly, by the people of the United 
 States, within the limits, and agreeably to the prescribed forms of the Con 
 stitution. Whatever is ascertained to be their will on the subject, all 
 should undoubtedly acquiesce in. That there are known and approved 
 modes by which their will is expressed, cannot be questioned ; and the 
 public officer who reads that will with candor and integrity, may feel as 
 sured that he conforms to the institutions of his country when he makes 
 it the guide of his conduct. To my mind ample proof has been furnished 
 that a majority of the people and of the States desire to change, to a great 
 extent, in principle, if not fundamentally, the system heretofore pursued 
 in assessing the duties on foreign imports. That majority has manifested 
 itself in various ways, and is attested by its representatives in the other 
 House of Congress, by whom this bill has been approved, and whose votes 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 317 
 
 The scene which was witnessed upon that occasion 
 was one of the most imposing that ever occurred in 
 that chamber. It was not known with certainty 
 
 undeniably indicate the popular sense in the large proportion of eighteen 
 out of the twenty-eight States. In this Senate an analysis of the vote 
 before me discloses that while six States (Ohio, Virginia, New-Hampshire, 
 Georgia, Michigan and Maine) are equally divided ; eleven (Louisiana, 
 Pennsylvania, Delaware, Kentucky, Massachusetts, New-Jersey, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina and Vermont) are against, 
 and eleven (Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama, Illinois. Indiana, South Caroli 
 na, Mississippi, New-York, Texas, Tennessee and Florida) are for the 
 change. Peculiarly situated as I am in my relation to the national legis 
 lature, these impressive facts cannot be overlooked. In a case free from 
 constitutional objection, I could not justifiably counteract, by a sort of offi 
 cial veto, the general will. 
 
 " The struggle to exert without abatement the constitutional power of 
 taxation, in such a manner as to protect, by high duties on imports, many 
 of the productions of our own soil and labor from the competition of other 
 countries, has endured for more than thirty years. During that period, a 
 system of high taxation has prevailed, with fluctuations of success and 
 failure. It is as vigorously and as exactingly insisted upon now as ever ; 
 and, indeed, it would seem, in some instances, as if the longer the advan 
 tage of a particular tax was enjoyed, the stronger became the desire for its 
 continuance, and even its augmentation. And yet it ought to be remem 
 bered that this exercise of the taxing power, by which the great mass of 
 consumers are made to swell the profits of a few branches of industry, 
 was originally intended to be temporary, to be continued only so long as 
 its continuance was necessary to the industrial independence and safety 
 of the whole people. Such was the language, the inculcation, the spirit, 
 in which it was proposed and justified by its earliest and wisest friends. 
 The design was to foster feeble infant manufactures, especially such as 
 were essential to the defence of the country in time of war. In this de 
 sign the people have persevered until, with some, but not weighty, excep 
 tions, these saplings have taken deep root, have become vigorous, expand 
 ed and powerful, and are prepared to share the common lot of human pur 
 suits, and to enter with confidence the field of free, fair, and universal 
 competition. 
 
 " The arrival of this period of time, long promised, has been anxiously 
 looked for by a large and justly respected portion of our fellow-citizens, 
 who deemed themselves peculiar and almost exclusive sufferers by the po 
 licy of protection. They have sometimes, perhaps, imprudently endeav- 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 what course Mr. Dallas would pursue. The Repre 
 sentative Hall was almost deserted, and the mem 
 bers crowded into the Senate to witness the termi- 
 
 ored to anticipate it. Their numbers, at first entitled to influence only 
 from their patriotism and intelligence, have gone on, gradually increasing 
 as the system ripened to its fruit, and they now constitute what I am 
 bound by registered facts to regard as a decided majority of the people 
 and of the Union. 
 
 " It is undoubtedly true that this change of financial arrangement, 
 brought about by public opinion, which every where ought to guide and 
 influence statesmen? should, nevertheless, be characterized by moderation, 
 nay, by scrupulous tenderness for those interests of our fellow-citizens 
 that are to be affected by it. The legislation which encouraged their in 
 vestments, their educational training, or their habits, should cease, finally 
 and firmly, if required, but still soothingly and gently ; and hence I may be 
 pardoned for expressing a regret that certain provisions which, in their 
 bearing, seem to me trenchant and sudden beyond the calls of the occa 
 sion, have been allowed to remain as parts of this bill. Were it in my 
 power to except these provisions from the operation of my vote, I would 
 do so ; but viewed as a whole, as a measure to accommodate a vast and in 
 tricate subject to the prevailing sentiment of the American people, to re 
 duce the burdens artificially imposed upon the laboring and productive 
 masses, and to reconcile diminished restrictions of trade, with increased 
 contributions from it, I cannot resist the impression that the bill is more 
 equal, more tempered and more just, than the act of 1842, which it super 
 sedes. That it deals with some pursuits and resources of my native com 
 monwealth less kindly than she might well expect, does not relieve me 
 from my duty, but only makes its performance personally reluctant and 
 painful. 
 
 In aid of these considerations, adequate, perhaps, in themselves to 
 control my vote, there is another which, I am free to confess, nothing but 
 an unforeseen, sheer and pressing public necessity, could ever induce me 
 to forego or forget. In strict concord with the letter and spirit of the 
 Constitution, the Vice President, of the United States, now called upon to 
 act, is the direct agent and representative of the whole people. In ad 
 vance, and dependent upon contingent results, it is perfectly competent 
 to this, his national constituency, to give instructions, and to receive 
 pledges for their execution. On this identical subject of a tariff" of duties 
 on imports, whatever may have been the cause of local and casual incon 
 sistency, my own honor can admit of no disclaimer of instructions that 
 were formally announced, and my own good faith stands inviolable to a 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 819 
 
 nation of the struggle. The galleries were thronged 
 with beauty and fashion. The manufacturers were 
 assembled in strong force. The reporters bent ea 
 gerly forward to catch the words which fell from 
 the lips of the presiding officer. A solemn silence 
 reigned profound, while Mr. Dallas proceeded to 
 deliver his celebrated address. All eyes were bent 
 upon his commanding and expressive countenance, 
 and each ear drank in the language which he ut 
 tered with an earnestness and impressiveness of 
 tone, that proved his sincerity. As he proceeded, 
 the hopes and fears of his audience alternated, and 
 when he concluded, the most unbounded satisfaction 
 was expressed by all who favored reform, and the 
 deepest disappointment and chagrin were imprinted 
 upon the countenances of the protectionists. 
 
 On the 28th of July, the bill passed the Senate 
 with an unimportant amendment, and was returned 
 to the House for concurrence, where it run the 
 hazard of defeat. After its passage in that body, 
 several members had become alarmed, and there 
 was great danger that the bill would be defeated 
 by the insertion of specific duties. The object of 
 its friends, therefore, was to sustain the demand for 
 the previous question, which would have the effect 
 of preventing amendment or debate. That motion 
 
 pledge voluntarily given. If by this acting it be my misfortune to offend 
 any portion of those who honored me with their suffrages, I have only to 
 say to them, and to my whole country, that I prefer the deepest obscurity 
 of private life, with an unwounded conscience, to the glare of official em 
 inence, spotted by a sense of moral delinquency." Address of the Vice 
 President of the United States, July 28th, 1846. Congressional Globe, 
 1st session %9th Congress, p. 1156. 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 could not, by the rules of the House, be decided by 
 yeas and nays. The danger that was incurred re 
 sulted from the fact that certain members would 
 vote one way, when their names were placed upon 
 the journal, and differently when they were not 
 put to that ordeal, and the consequence was, that 
 the vote for sustaining the call for the previous 
 question was 102 ayes and 101 noes.* If the pre 
 vious question had not been sustained, the bill, in 
 all probability, would have been amended in such 
 a manner as to insure its defeat ; as it was, it passed 
 the House by a vote of 115 to 92, and the Tariff 
 Act of 1846, having received the signature of the 
 President, became the law of the land. 
 
 For the reason that the Tariff question was the 
 great domestic measure of reform during the ad 
 ministration of Mr. Polk, I shall give at considera 
 ble length the arguments upon both sides.f 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1165. 
 
 f " Mr. S. said he wished to consider for a moment the Tariff as con 
 nected with agriculture, and it might startle the Secretary to tell him that 
 Massachusetts now exported to foreign markets more agricultural produce 
 than any other State in the Union. She exported it as the British im 
 ported it. not in its raw form, but converted into manufactures ; and, 
 what was still more important to the grain-growing States, she exported 
 it in a form not to compete with, or at all effect, the price of produce, in 
 its raw condition, in the foreign markets. And it might startle the Secre 
 tary still more to tell him that millions of dollars worth of hay, oats, straw, 
 grass, and corn, were transported annually over the mountains to the 
 Atlantic markets, from Ohio, Kentucky, and the other western States. 
 But is it not strictly and undeniably true ? Not in its original form, but 
 like British goods, converted and changed into a condition in which it can 
 be transported to market converted into hogs, horses, and fat cattle ; for 
 what are these but the corn, oats, and hay of the western farmer, changed 
 into animated forms, and made to carry itself to market. A fat hog carries 
 eight or ten bushels of corn to market, and a fine western horse carries 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 321 
 
 The adjustment of a tariff has been the cause 
 of much difficulty for the last thirty years. In its 
 discussion the ripest scholars and profoundest states- 
 seventy or eighty dollars worth of hay and oats to the eastern market, 
 with the farmer on top of it, which he sells for the cash, and returns home 
 to repeat the process. And thus foreigners convert their agricultural 
 produce, not into hogs, and horses, but into cloth, iron, hats, shoes, every 
 tiling you find on the merchant s shelf, and send them here for sale and 
 consumption. Our merchants throughout the country, so far as they sell 
 foreign goods, are in fact but retailers of foreign agricultural produce, 
 converted into goods and sent here for sale ; and, when we look abroad at 
 their vast numbers, is it surprising that money should be scarce ? It has 
 been clearly proved that more than half the value of a yard of cloth con 
 sists of wool, and the subsistence of the labor employed in its manufac 
 ture. That nine-tenths of the value of pig-iron consists of agricultural 
 produce, and that even a yard of lace is but little else than the subsistence 
 of the foreign pauper labor employed in its fabrication. Yet the farmer 
 seems not to be aware, that when he pays $20 for a suit of British cloth, 
 he sends $10 of the 20 in hard money (they take no paper) to purchase 
 British wool, and bread, and meat, while he has no market for his own. 
 Yet is it not true ? And is not this the policy recommended by this Ad 
 ministration ? He was admonished to be brief, but he would, while on 
 this point, state another fact susceptible of the clearest demonstration, 
 that the constituents of every member in this House from Ohio, Indiana, 
 Illinois, and all the grain-growing States, are at this moment purchasing 
 and consuming five dollars worth of British agricultural produce to one 
 dollars worth Great Britain takes of theirs. By referring to the official 
 reports on commerce and navigation for ten or twenty years back, it 
 would be found that our imports of British goods amount to nearly fifty 
 millions a year, while she has taken, of all the agricultural products of 
 the grain-growing States of this Union, flour, grain, meat, &c., less then 
 two millions and a half. Now if only half the value (and it was much 
 more) of these goods consisted of agricultural produce, this would give 
 twenty-five millions of British agricultural produce, taken annually by us, 
 to two and a half millions of ours taken by them, just ten to one. Now, 
 assuming that consumption is in proportion to population ; then these 
 western gentlemen s constituents are consuming not five but ten dollars 1 
 worth of British agricultural produce to one Great Britain takes from 
 them ; and yet the Secretary is not satisfied, but wishes to increase the 
 import of foreign goods to favor the farmers ! Reduce the duties, says 
 the Administration, to increase imports, and amen, say most of the repre 
 sentatives of these western farmers. But what would these farmers say 
 21 
 
322 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 men in the Union have exerted their powers. The 
 classes who have been favored by the protective 
 system have struggled to maintain the privileges 
 
 to their representatives when they come to look practically and not theo 
 retically at this matter ? He (Mr. S.) intended to call their attention to 
 it. He intended, after the example of the Secretary, to address some ques- 
 tiens to the farmers of this country, and he hoped soon to have their answers 
 to lay before the House ; he wanted the facts on both sides. He would ask, 
 for instance, how much agricultural produce there was in a yard of do 
 mestic cloth, or a ton of iron ? and whether, if brought from England, 
 (where it was made of the same materials,) they did not purchase English 
 wool and provisions converted into cloth, iron, &c., when they had no 
 market for their own ? He would ask the merchants and manufacturers 
 what were the prices of cotton and woollen goods, glass, iron, nails, &c., 
 in 1816, when the first protective tariff was adopted, and what they were 
 now ? He would ask the working men what would be the effect of free 
 trade, recommended by the Secretary of the Treasury, on the wages of 
 labor in this country ? Such questions, in his judgment, would not only 
 furnish important facts, but, what was more important, it would bring the 
 farmers and laborers to investigate this subject in a common sense practi 
 cal point of view, and to figure it out for themselves ; in this way more 
 would be done to bring the people to a right understanding of this highly 
 interesting subject, than by all the speeches made here or elsewhere." 
 Speech of Mr. A. Stewart, in the House of Representatives, December 9th, 
 1845. Appendix to the Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, 
 p. 58. 
 
 " But now that doctrine is repudiated by the Administration. The 
 President of the United States, his Secretary of the Treasury, and the 
 Committee of Ways and Means, have made the financial discovery that a 
 reduction of the Tariff will greatly enhance the amount of revenue from 
 imports. It is true, that they have the operation of the famous compro 
 mise act staring them in the face, and contradicting their position. They 
 know r that in 1842, when the duty came down to 20 per cent., the revenue 
 was reduced to $12,700,000 ; and that by the commencement of cash 
 duties within that year, the year 1842 was practically a year of five quar 
 ters ; having all the revenue of that year, and the payment of bonds 
 given for goods imported the last quarter of the preceding year ; and, 
 also, that this revenue would have fallen off still more, had not Congress, 
 early in 1841, imposed additional duties upon silks, wines, and several 
 other articles. All this must be known to the Administration ; nor can 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 323 
 
 which it guarantied against the advocates of free 
 trade. The contest which was waged during the 
 discussion of the tariffs of 1828 and 1842, is still 
 
 they have forgotten the embarrassed state of the Treasury, and the almost 
 perfect prostration of every branch of industry at that time. They must 
 also know, that the Tariff act of 1842 relieved the Treasury and gave 
 general prosperity to the country. All this must be within their know 
 ledge ; and yet, blind to the past, and deaf to the voice of experience, 
 they come forward, and ask us to abandon the policy under which we 
 have enjoyed such unexampled prosperity, and to follow out a mere ab 
 straction the dream of some visionary speculators. And can they give 
 us any assurance that their system will work well ? Can the Committee 
 of Ways and Means tell us what amount of revenue their bill will yield ? 
 They have furnished us with no such estimates. And T presume, if in 
 terrogated, the honorable Chairman will tell us now, as he did two years 
 ago, that he knew nothing about it, and could form no conjecture satis 
 factory to himself. In his report of 1 844, which accompanied his Tariff 
 bill, we find this frank confession : It may be expected of the Committee 
 that they will make an estimate of the revenue to be realized under the 
 rates of duty they proposed to establish ; but they feel themselves wholly 
 incompetent to do so, to any useful purpose. He then goes on to say, 
 that all the calculations which have been made by the different Secretaries 
 of the Treasury are mere vague conjectures, not to be relied upon. This 
 was the position of that Committee at that time, and I will venture to say 
 that the Chairman will not impart any more information at this day. 
 
 " Can he give us any assurance that his bill will yield even $20,000,000 
 of revenue ? He cannot. I am aware of the difficulty of making any 
 thing like an accurate estimate on this subject ; but from the vast infor 
 mation I can obtain, I do not believe that the Committee s bill, without 
 tea and coffee, will yield more than $20,000,000 at farthest, and with tea 
 and coffee not more than about $21.000,000 of net revenue. We are 
 then called upon, for the purpose of increasing the revenue, to try an ex 
 periment, on the success of which the Committee themselves dare not 
 even hazard a conjecture. We know the operation of the present law. 
 We have seen that it will yield from $26.000,000 to 28,000,000 of net 
 revenue ; and still we are asked to give up this certainty for an uncer 
 tainty, or rather a certainty of success for a certainty of defeat. 
 
 " But we are told that we must adopt the revenue standard and bring 
 all duties down -to the revenue rates. Sir, before examining this boasted 
 revenue standard, I cannot forbear remarking upon the peculiarity of this 
 language, or rather the great stress which is laid upon it. We hear of 
 
324 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 continued with more confidence and success upon 
 the part of the friends of unrestricted commercial 
 relations, and with doubt and misgivings by the 
 
 revenue, revenue, revenue, as if the great end for which the Government 
 was instituted was to fill its own coffers. From language which gentle 
 men employ, we should think that the Government had an interest distinct 
 from the people, and that the Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the 
 end, the object and the aim of all legislation was to collect money for the 
 Government to expend. Our fathers maintained that Government was 
 instituted for the good of the people ; but this old-fashioned maxim seems 
 to be inverted, and the policy now is, if I mistake not the signs of the 
 times, to look at the wants of the Government alone. But, Sir, I repu 
 diate this new doctrine. It is monarchical in its character ; it is the essence 
 of despotism. The interests of the people should be the great object in 
 view, and the interests of the Government, when it comes in competition 
 with the interests of the people, should not stand for a moment." Speech 
 of Mr. Hudson of Massachusetts, June 24tfi, 1846. 
 
 " I have already stated that the general principles of this bill are 
 novel and dangerous in their consequences. They are the principles of 
 free trade, with the exclusion of all discrimination, as incidental to reve 
 nue, to favor the productions or industry of the country. And in connec 
 tion with these, is the principle of ad valorem duties, never before intro 
 duced as a general rule of assessing duties. These principles are laid 
 down and attempted to be defended by the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
 his Financial Report, at the commencement of the session. The Secre 
 tary comes forward with a new theory, which, it is said in a certain quar 
 ter, none of his predecessors ever had courage to advance. It is certainly 
 true, that none of those who have preceded him ever advocated such a 
 theory ; but whether for want of courage, or want of confidence in its 
 principles, cannot be very doubtful. Neither Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Dallas, 
 Mr. Crawford, Mr. Ingram, or Mr. Woodbury, nor any other democratic 
 Secretary, ever advocated or gave countenance to such doctrines. 
 
 " This report, in imitation of the ancient and long since exploded phi 
 losophy, lays down certain abstract principles, or categories, which are to 
 control and regulate the entire revenue and tariff system. The first prin 
 ciple is, that no more revenue should be raised than is necessary to an 
 economical administration of the Government. To this rule all will pro 
 bably assent. The second principle is. that in all cases the lowest rate of 
 duty should be imposed which will produce the largest amount of revenue ; 
 that there may be discriminations below this rate for revenue, and for spe- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 325 
 
 protectionists. As the subject is comprehended by 
 the people, more liberal opinions have taken posses 
 sion of the public mind, and the flood of light which 
 
 cial reasons some article may be admitted free of duty. This is the gov 
 erning principle of the whole system ; and it is apparent that it excludes 
 all discrimination, as incident to revenue, to favor the products of the 
 country, or the labor of the country, or to countervail the legislation of 
 other countries. You are only to discriminate in the descending scale, 
 and that for revenue only. The maximum rate is a revenue duty, and the 
 lowest point of revenue duty ; and to discriminate below that, certainly 
 cannot be for protection. It is but justice to the Secretary to state, that 
 he does not, in express terms, deny that there ought to be any discrimina 
 tion for protection ; but he nowhere asserts that there should be ; and his 
 principles certainly entirely exclude all discrimination for protection, as inci 
 dental to revenue. To discriminate in the descending scale, from the lowest 
 rate which will produce the greatest amount of revenue, is to discriminate 
 against protection. This is perfectly clear ; for. to reduce the duty, is to 
 favor and increase importations to the injury of home productions. The 
 President, if I mistake not, speaks about discriminations within the revenue 
 standard. But what is the revenue standard ? Can any one tell ? Is it 
 the rule laid down by the Secretary the lowest rate of duty which will 
 produce the greatest amount of revenue ? If this is the revenue stand 
 ard, then, as I have shown, there can be no discrimination for protection 
 within the revenue standard, as you can only discriminate by reducing the 
 rate of duty, which will increase importations at the expense of home pro 
 duction. The true revenue standard is a rate of duty which will produce 
 revenue, and a reasonable amount of revenue, but by no means the largest 
 amount of revenue, as that would be to favor the largest amount of im 
 portations. If there is any general principle to be adopted in arranging a 
 tariff of duties, it should be this, to ascertain what is the due average rate 
 of duty required to produce the whole revenue demanded for an econo 
 mical administration of the Government, and then to discriminate above 
 that rate for protection, and also to throw a heavier tax on luxuries, and 
 below it, to lighten the burdens of taxation, and to favor articles of general 
 or universal consumption. Suppose the average rate of duty for revenue 
 to be 30 per cent., which is said to be the case by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury in 1845: the discriminations for protection must be above that 
 rate, except in respect to raw materials entering into the elements of ma 
 nufactured products, and the discriminations below that rate are for reve 
 nue, or to lighten the burdens of taxation. There ar^ two rates of duties 
 which may be considered as protective those above the average revenue 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 is thrown upon it, will soon establish upon a firm and 
 immovable basis the doctrines of free trade. 
 
 But the advocates and beneficiaries of the pro- 
 standard, on articles interfering with those produced in the country, and 
 those below the average rate, or admitted without duty on raw materials. 
 This presents the matter in a very simple light, and will enable us to de 
 cide on the true character of this bill. This is no theory, but is simply 
 taking the facts of the case as the only safe basis for arranging a system of 
 revenue duties with incidental protection. But in regard to abstract theo 
 ries, whether of free trade or protection, not originating in the facts of the 
 case, not having their source in the actual condition of the country, they 
 are not only idle and profitless speculations, but mischievous and danger 
 ous. Sir, I hold all such theories in utter contempt, as beneath the re 
 gard of statesmen, and subversive of all sound legislation. There are no 
 theories, no general principles on this subject, possessing the authority of 
 universal truth, or universal application. A system of revenue, whether 
 on free trade principles or protective principles, may be suitable and pro 
 per for one country, and very unsuitable for another. Every country 
 should form and adopt a revenue system adapted to the condition, pursuits, 
 and interests of its own people. To adopt a system resting on any other 
 basis, or any abstract theory, is to disregard entirely the interests of the 
 country, and to expose them to be sacrificed. It is to sport with the 
 rights, the interests, and labor of the people. This sport, like the fable 
 of the boys and the frogs, may be very agreeable to speculative theorists 
 and speculative politicians, but it may be death to the people whose inte 
 rests and employments are crushed by it. Revenue laws should be 
 adopted like all other laws, not in pursuance of a theory, but by carefully 
 examining the facts in every particular case of duty imposed, and perceiv 
 ing, so far as human sagacity can do it, aided by experience, what is to be 
 the practical operation of the law, what are to be its effects and conse 
 quences, not only directly, but collaterally and indirectly." Speech of 
 Mr. Niles in the Senate, July 20, 1846. Appendix to the Congressional 
 Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 882. 
 
 " Mr. President, it appears strange, but after all, we must admit the 
 fact, that the appearance of this bill in the Senate, with a prospect of its 
 passage, has struck the country suddenly arid with surprise. It has 
 brought about no small degree of alarm. The public expectation was not 
 prepared for it. I do not say that there had not been enough of previous 
 admonition, or indication. I speak of the fact, and I think it must be the 
 conviction of every one that hears me, who has observed the development 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 327 
 
 tective system are marshalling their forces, prepar 
 atory to an assault upon the tariff of 1846. They 
 entertain the hope, by a combination of those in- 
 
 of public sentiment since the appearance of this measure, that the country 
 is surprised, greatly surprised, at any probability that it should receive the 
 final sanction of Congress and the President. Now, sir, it seems to me, 
 that in this state of things, with such a measure before us, at this advanced 
 season of the year, when there is no pressing necessity for immediate 
 action, the true policy is to postpone its further consideration. If this 
 were a measure to raise money to carry on a war, if it were a measure of 
 taxation, for the contraction of loans, of the issue of treasury notes, or any 
 other measure which had for its object the supply of means to meet neces 
 sities of Government, why then the exigencies of the case might be a very 
 just motive for proceeding to its immediate consideration. But there is 
 no man within the hearing of my voice, and I am happy that there are 
 some within its hearing who are not of this chamber, [referring to Mr. 
 Secretary Walker, who was present, occupying the seat of one of the 
 democratic Senators,] who will say, that the treasury will not be as com 
 petent, the ability of the Government as great, its arm as well nerved to 
 prosecute the war in which we are engaged three months longer if this 
 bill should not pass, as if it should. Therefore, it seems to me to be a case 
 for further consideration ; and, at the close of the remarks which I pro 
 pose to submit to the Senate, I shall move the postponement of this mea 
 sure till next session of Congress." Speech of Mr. Webster of Massa 
 chusetts in the Senate, July 25 and 27, 1846. Appendix to the Congres 
 sional Globe, 1st session 29/ft Congress, p. 1139. 
 
 "But the tariff of 1842 is to be overthrown. The fierce and bitter 
 denunciations the outpouring of all sorts of opprobrious epithets directed 
 against the existing law, proclaim the purposes of its opponents. Well, 
 why is it to be overthrown ? This is a question surely worth a moment s 
 consideration. Has the tariff of 1842 accomplished that which its friends 
 and advocates and supporters promised it would accomplish ? Has it failed 
 in the fulfilment of any single object which it was designed to gain ? Has 
 it yielded an adequate revenue ? Has it restored public credit and public 
 confidence? All this we promised. All this we pledged ourselves to 
 achieve. And how were our promises and pledges met ? Why, gentle 
 men then on the other side and I see many of them still here ridiculed 
 our professions and promises. They predicted a great decline in the 
 revenue. They predicted destruction to our commercial interests. They 
 predicted all manner of evil. It was maintained that we would not be able 
 
328 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 terested in the re-establishment of that system, that 
 their designs can be accomplished. 
 
 Single-handed they are unable to cope with the 
 
 to obtain the loans necessary to carry on the Government for the trea 
 sury was then so impoverished that the Government was under the neces 
 sity of borrowing twelve or fifteen millions and I recollect, that one gen 
 tleman contended very zealously that we should be obliged to give $100 
 in scrip for $90 in cash. Well, we passed the law authorizing the loan, 
 and not a dollar could we get at any rate, till this revenue bill was passed. 
 Then, sir, money enough could be obtained, and at a lower rate of inte 
 rest than that authorized to be paid. The public credit advanced at once, 
 and continued to advance until the stocks of the United States reached, I 
 think, a maximum of about 115 or 116, and at that sold rapidly after the 
 enactment of this law, because every body saw that we had a system 
 which would enable us to carry on the Government, to pay the interest 
 punctually, and the principal when it became due. Look, then, at the 
 working of the act of 1842. It did not go fairly into operation for several 
 months after it was enacted. It can hardly be said that it, was fairly in 
 operation till the succeeding spring the spring of 1843. About that 
 time we changed the commencement of the fiscal year, so that our fiscal 
 year now ends on the 30th of June. Take, then, the first whole fiscal 
 year under the act of 1842, and you will find that it yielded us (after pay 
 ing all the expenses of collection, drawback, and every thing else, of 
 which I shall speak by-and-by) t\venty-five and three-quarter millions. 
 That was the result of the first year. In the second year, 1845, the 
 amount was twenty-six and three-quarters, almost, showing an increase 
 of about a million. In the third year, just ended, June 1846, the net 
 amount was $26.311,864, according to the best computation I could make, 
 for the statements are quite contradictory. By the papers received this 
 morning from the Secretary of the Treasury the amount is set down at 
 $26.681,915. Thus is shown a constant increase, but an increase marked 
 by an extraordinary uniformity. Here are three successive years in which 
 the amount received into the treasury scarcely varies nothing percep 
 tible. There are no such other three years to be found in our history, or 
 any thing approaching to them. Well, now, is not this a most extraordi 
 nary illustration of the character and working of our tariff? Search our 
 statute-books from beginning to end, and you look in vain for any other 
 law whose operation has been so uniform so steady. During these three 
 years we have had none of those fluctuations, which result from excessive 
 importations one year diminished importations next year excessive im 
 portations embarrassing the whole business of the country, and of course 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 329 
 
 farming and commercial interests. But by arraying 
 the cotton manufacturer, the iron master, the sugar 
 planter, the salt manufacturer, and all other branches 
 of " home industry," they have every confidence in 
 their ability to impose burdens upon agriculture and 
 commerce for their benefit. 
 
 Any one at all conversant with the influences 
 brought to bear at Washington, for the accom 
 plishment of a favorite object, can at once discover 
 the difficulties which the advocates of free trade 
 have to encounter. If the Representative from an 
 iron district can procure the establishment of spe 
 cific duties, he will gratify the member who repre 
 sents a cotton manufacturing district, by voting to 
 insert minimum duties, and by this quiet under 
 standing they succeed in fastening the system upon 
 the country. Scruples they have none at the pal 
 pable injustice inflicted upon the other great inter 
 ests of the country, provided they can put money 
 in their pockets. What is there about a cotton 
 mill or an iron foundry which entitles the owner 
 thereof to demand that money should be taken 
 out of the pockets of others to be put into his 
 own? 
 
 Why should the farmer, by far the largest class 
 of our citizens, and at least as worthy, be forced to 
 purchase of the American manufacturer articles 
 
 embarrassing the financial affairs of the Government. Sir, I repeat it, there 
 is nothing to be found in our history presenting any parallel to these three 
 years. Speech of Mr. Evans in the Senate, July 14, 1846. Congressional 
 Globe, 1st session 29^ Congress, pp. 1090 and 91. 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 wliicli lie can obtain at lower prices of the for 
 eigner ? What does he gain by the operation ? 
 
 I will fairly put the arguments of the friends of 
 the protective system.- First, they say that ulti 
 mately protection will enable them to sell goods as 
 cheap as they would be if the foreigner had com 
 mand of the market. If this assumption were true, 
 it would be no reason, as I shall hereafter prove, 
 why bounties should be paid by consumers to the 
 domestic manufacturer. 
 
 But assuming, for the sake of illustration, that 
 this assumption is correct, and that iron, sugar, salt, 
 cotton goods, silks, &c., can be manufactured here 
 as cheap as foreigners can land them at our wharves ; 
 unless some one would generously step forward and 
 gratuitously pay the tariff on the foreign fabric, it 
 would be excluded no revenue would accrue there 
 from, and direct taxation would be the result. But 
 these promises to consent to a reduction of the 
 tariff to a revenue standard after a few years pro 
 tection, have been repeatedly violated. A few years 
 of protection only was asked for in 1816, 1824, and 
 1828. Similar pledges were made in 1833. by Mr. 
 Clay, the father of the protective system.* The 
 compromise act was introduced by that distin 
 guished Senator, to give to the protected classes a 
 graduating scale of duties, instead of an immediate 
 resort to the revenue standard.f That motive he dis- 
 
 * " Now give us time ; cease all fluctuation and agitations for nine 
 years, and the manufacturers in every branch will sustain themselves 
 against foreign competition." Speech of Mr. Clay upon introducing the 
 Compromise Act, 1833. 
 
 f " I am compelled to express the opinion, formed after the most de- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 331 
 
 tinctly avowed, and the solemn pledge was made, 
 that if the compromise bill should become a law, 
 no American statesman would ever disturb that 
 treaty of peace and amity.* On the 30th of June, 
 1842, the opponents of the protective system, by 
 the terms of the compromise act, were to be re 
 lieved from the burdens of that policy. The 
 shackles were to be taken from trade, a revenue 
 standard was to be established, and oppressive 
 burdens were no longer to be imposed. But favors 
 long enjoyed, were not thus to be surrendered. The 
 privileged classes again rallied to procure an exten 
 sion of those benefits which were too delightful 
 to be yielded, and honor and good faith could not 
 resist the demands, of interest for two months. The 
 tariff of 1842 was passed, and the principles of the 
 compromise act were violated.f There was no ex- 
 liberate reflection, and on full survey of the whole country, that, whether 
 rightfully or wrongfully, the tariff stands in imminent danger. If it 
 should be preserved during this session, it must fall at the next session." 
 
 " I am anxious to find out some principle of mutual accommodation, 
 to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties ; to increase the stability of 
 our legislation ; and, at some distant day but not too distant, when we 
 take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved to bring 
 down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents 
 have so long contended." Ibid. 
 
 * " But if the measure should be carried by the common consent of 
 both parties, we shall have all security ; history will faithfully record the 
 transaction ; narrate under what circumstances the bill was passed ; that 
 it was a pacifying measure ; that it was oil poured from the vessel of the 
 Union to restore peace and harmony to the country. When all this was 
 known, what Congress, what Legislature would mar the guarantee ? 
 What man who is entitled to deserve the character of an American states 
 man would stand up in his place in either House of Congress, and dis 
 turb the treaty of peace and amity ?" Ibid. 
 
 f The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating ; holds to com- 
 
332 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cuse for the passage of tlie tariff of 1842. The 
 embarrassments which pervaded the country were 
 not attributable to the operations of the compro 
 mise act.* But it is insisted that the prices of 
 manufactured articles have fallen since the year 
 1816. I admit it. But prices have fallen, not only 
 here, but throughout the world. Mechanical skill 
 has made wonderful improvements in machinery, 
 which has been substituted for hand labor. This 
 has undoubtedly contributed more than any other 
 event to reduce the price of goods. The farmer 
 boy hesitates to cultivate the flax, which, when 
 manufactured by his mother s hand, is to be 
 come his raiment ; the busy hum of the wheel, 
 which we listened to in our childhood, is hushed ; 
 the sound of the blacksmith s hammer is seldom 
 heard moulding his nail from the hissing iron ; and 
 in their stead we hear the confusing sounds of the 
 loom, as its complicated machinery, almost without 
 the aid of human beings, unfolds to view the curi 
 ous specimens of its skill, while the steady and un- 
 
 mon sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise act, T hope for 
 ever." Mr. Webster s Speech at Fanueil Hall, September, 1842. National 
 Intelligencer, October 4, 1842. 
 
 * " With regard to the operation of this act, (the Compromise Act.) 
 it is a great mistake to say that any portion of the embarrassments of the 
 country have resulted from it. Other causes have contributed to this 
 result; and it is to he attributed to the experiments which have been 
 made upon the currency. The embarrassments arc also to be attributed 
 to the action of the States, which, by plunging into schemes of internal 
 improvement, have contracted debts abroad, and thereby given a false and 
 fictitious appearance to the prosperity of the country ; and when their 
 bonds depreciated, the evils under which they now suffer, as a conse 
 quence, ensued." Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, February 18th, 
 1842. 
 
POLK ADMINISTE ATION. 333 
 
 ceasing fall of the well-fashioned nail, as it drops 
 from the mill, proclaims the substitution of arti 
 ficial for natural power. 
 
 The low price of the raw material, and of food, 
 as our vast forests disappear before the woodman s 
 axe, and broad acres yield their harvest as a reward 
 for toil, is by no means an unimportant cause of the 
 fall in price of manufactured goods within the last 
 twenty years. Notwithstanding all these elements 
 to aid the manufacturer, in fulfilling his promises to 
 reduce the price of manufactured articles upon the 
 establishment of protective duties, we find, on the 
 contrary, that many necessaries of life, which were 
 protected by the tariff of 1842, increased in price 
 after the passage of that act. Another favorite ar 
 gument used is the following. They assert, that if 
 prices are increased by the passage of a protective 
 tariff, still, by extending to the farmer a home 
 market, they grant him an equivalent. There is 
 some plausibility and much sophistry in this argu 
 ment. Its importance is consequently the theme of 
 their praise, until the foreign market, commerce and 
 every thing else, dwindles into insignificance. But 
 how can a home market be obtained for the vast 
 produce of this country ? Cast the mind over our 
 territorial limits, commencing upon the eastern bor 
 der, running along the line dividing this country 
 from the possessions of England, to the Pacific, 
 thence along the new boundary between this Re 
 public and Mexico, around the Gulf and along the 
 Atlantic coast to the beginning. Within this line 
 is inclosed an empire with more resources than any 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 other on the earth, and with a hardy, honest and 
 industrious people to develope them. Even east of 
 the Alleghanies and west of the Rocky Mountains, 
 the soil and climate would satisfy the most fastidi 
 ous. But when the mind attempts to take in the 
 valley of the Mississippi, with its water power, its 
 vast and fertile plains, its acres of rich and virgin 
 soil the myriads of human beings who are destined 
 to develope its vast resources the amount of pro 
 duce which will float down the father of waters, 
 seeking a market throughout the world ; when we 
 contemplate all this, emotions of contempt arise in 
 our minds at the idea of crowding the agricultural 
 products of such a country upon a home market ! 
 and of confining its resources within its own bor 
 ders.* 
 
 * According to the reports of Mr. Ellsworth, the following is the amount 
 of wheat and Indian corn raised in the United States in 1842, 43, 44, viz : 
 
 Years. Number of Bushels. 
 
 Wheat. Indian Corn. 
 
 1842, 102,317,340 441.829,246 
 
 1843, . 100,310,850 494,618,306 
 
 1844, 95,607,000 42L953.000 
 
 298,235,190 1,358,400,552 
 
 By an examination of the report of the late Commissioner of Pa 
 tents, the Honorable Edmund Burke, made February 24, 1846, it appears 
 that there was raised in this country in 1845 
 
 Of wheat, 106,548,000 bushels. 
 
 Of corn, 417,899,000 
 
 Quantity of the different grains produced in the United States in 1847. 
 
 The following is the amount of the different kinds of grain produced 
 in the United States in 1847, according to the estimate contained in the 
 table preceding the agricultural report of this office for the present year, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 335 
 
 The natural and inevitable effect of establishing 
 the protective policy, is to produce restrictions upon 
 commercial intercourse with foreign powers. It 
 
 Breadstuffs. Bushels. Total Bushels. 
 
 Indian corn or maize, .... 539,350,000 
 
 Wheat, 114,245,500 
 
 Rye, 29,222,700 
 
 Buckwheat, 11,673,500 
 
 694,491,700 
 
 Grain not used for Breadstuffs. 
 
 Oats, 167,867,000 
 
 Barley, 5,649,950 
 
 173,516,950 
 
 Total, 868,008,650 
 
 Other articles of Food. 
 
 Potatoes, 100,950,000 bushels. 
 
 Beans and Peas, 50,000,000 " 
 
 Rice, 103,640,590 pounds. 
 
 Estimated population, 20,746,400. 
 
 Report of the Commissioner of Patents, January, 1848. 
 We now deduct the consumption of the country from the aggregate 
 quantity of grain produced, and thus exhibit the surpluses remaining on 
 hand for exportation : 
 
 Surplus for Exportation. 
 
 Wheat. Bushels. Bushels. 
 
 Quantity produced in 1847, . . 114,245,500 
 
 used for seed, . . . 11,424,550 
 consumed, . . . 62,239.200 
 
 73,663,750 40,581,750 
 
 Indian Corn, or Maize. 
 Quantity produced in 1847, . . 539,350,000 
 
 used for seed, . . 6,000,000 
 
 " consumed by men, . . 103,732,000 
 " consumed by animals, . 230,963,096 
 " used for distilling and other pur 
 poses, . . . 25,000,000 
 
 365,695,096 173,654,904 
 
336 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cannot "be supposed that we can exclude foreign im 
 portations with impunity. By no means. As a 
 retaliatory measure they will prohibit the introduc 
 tion of our surplus produce. And can it be sup 
 posed that to enable a few interested manufacturers 
 to make ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent, upon the 
 capital invested, when the farmer does not make 
 more than from three to six, that we are to resort 
 again to the protective policy ? What are we to 
 gain by trading with each other ? Let us illustrate 
 this policy. Suppose the State of New- York should 
 
 Surplus for Exportation. 
 
 Rye. Bushels. Bushels. 
 
 Quantity produced in 1847, . . 29,222,700 
 
 " used for seed. . . . 3.652,587 
 " consumption estimated, . 10,373,200 
 
 used for distilling, &c., . 10,000,000 
 
 24 ; 325,787 5,296,913 
 
 Buckwheat. 
 Quantity produced in 1847, . 11,673,500 
 
 " used for seed, . . . 723.343 
 
 " consumed, . . . 6,000,000 
 
 6,723,343 4,950,935 
 
 Total surplus for exportation to foreign countries, . 224,384,502 
 
 The same authority estimates the number of swine in the United 
 States at 35,000.000, and the number of sheep at 25,000,000. 
 
 " The quantity of wheat raised in the United States during the last 
 year will, according to the estimates of this office, not be less than 126,- 
 000.000 bushels. The quantity of corn produced is estimated to be about 
 588,000,000 bushels; oats, 185,000,000 bushels; potatoes, 114,000.000 
 bushels ; rye, 33,000,000 bushels ; buckwheat, 12,500.000 bushels ; barley, 
 6,222,000 bushels ; hay, 15,735.000 tons; hemp, 20,330 tons; cotton, 
 1,066,000,000 pounds; tobacco, 219.000,000 pounds; rice, 119,000,000 
 pounds ; and sugar, (in Louisiana,) 200,000,000 pounds." Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 337 
 
 enact a law, the effect of which would be to prevent 
 our citizens from purchasing any article whatever 
 without the limits of this State, or selling any arti 
 cle to be taken therefrom, and the Legislature should 
 assign as a reason, that our citizens would be 
 come prosperous, happy, and rich, by trading with 
 each other. Again : suppose an old patriarch, the 
 father of many children, should collect them to 
 gether for the purpose of giving them advice. He 
 informs them that the cultivation of the soil is the 
 natural occupation of man; but that they would 
 become more independent and happy, if a portion 
 of them would turn their attention to manufactur 
 ing; thus furnishing to the rest a home market. 
 The objection is urged, that they prefer the cultiva 
 tion of the soil to the heated and unwholesome at 
 mosphere of a factory or workshop ; and that their 
 neighbors are already engaged in that business, af 
 fording them an opportunity of exchanging their 
 surplus produce for manufactured goods. But the 
 patriarch insists, that although for a period the tax 
 would be somewhat burdensome to those who con 
 tinued the cultivation of the soil, yet the result 
 would be independence, prosperity, and a home 
 market, all flowing from this trade with each other. 
 How absurd would such a policy be thought, if 
 adopted by a State or a head of a family ; and it is 
 equally preposterous when attempted by a great 
 nation like this. A farmer may wish to purchase 
 in the city of New- York goods manufactured in 
 Europe ; why should the Government prevent him, 
 by assigning as a reason, that in frustrating his 
 22 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 wishes in tliis particular, manufactures will spring 
 up, and after a lapse of years lie can purchase simi 
 lar articles in this country. Why should the Gov 
 ernment force him to purchase in one place, when 
 he wishes to purchase in another ? There are many 
 considerations which should influence us in estab 
 lishing the doctrines of free trade. In the first 
 place, it produces domestic tranquillity. There is no 
 justice in the protective system, and it will, conse 
 quently, produce dissatisfaction and discontent, 
 alienating the affections of one half our citizens 
 from the Union. Free trade will induce foreigners 
 to remove restrictions from our commerce. It will 
 introduce feelings of amity and friendship among 
 the nations of the earth. It will disseminate the 
 principles of republicanism, and hasten the day 
 when the doctrines of the Bible will be preached to 
 the nations of every land. 
 
 It is true that no tariff can be perfect, and there 
 will arise a necessity for modifications, which a wise 
 legislator will not overlook. But at the same time a 
 regard for the interests of the wliole country should 
 be observed. No legislation for the privileged few 
 at the expense of the many, should be for a moment 
 tolerated. The most just and equitable method of 
 raising money to defray the expenses of the General 
 Government, is by direct taxation. It is by this 
 system that funds are raised for State purposes. A 
 tax is levied upon the property which an individual 
 may possess. He is taxed according to the value 
 of his estate. By this system of assessing taxes, a 
 person with one hundred thousand dollars pays for 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 339 
 
 the support of the Government one hundred times 
 more than the man whose property amounts to one 
 thousand dollars. This is a just and equitable me 
 thod of obtaining money. Raising revenue by a 
 tariff is no less a system of taxation than the other ; 
 the only difference is, that in the one case, you know 
 the time you are called upon to make the disburse 
 ment, and the exact amount you pay, while by the 
 other plan, it is taken from your unconscious purses. 
 The importer pays the tariff upon the goods, and 
 adds it to the price of the article, and the consumer 
 refunds the amount. By this system of taxation, 
 money is not raised upon the value of property, lout 
 upon the articles of foreign importation, which the 
 consumer thereof may purchase. It can readily be 
 observed, that the poorest cultivator of the soil may, 
 by this indirect system of taxation, be required to 
 contribute more money for the support of the Gen- 
 ral Government than the richest banker in the land. 
 The manifest injustice and inequality of this system 
 of raising money, the more forcibly commends to 
 our favor the one adopted by the States. The ob 
 ject should be to raise revenue ; and as taxes in any 
 form are oppressive, the lowest rate which will yield 
 the required amount should be adopted. As far as 
 practicable, taxes should fall upon the property of 
 the country ; and hence the importance of levying 
 the highest duties upon luxuries, which are generally 
 consumed by the rich, and the lowest upon those 
 necessaries which the poor are compelled to have. 
 Suppose from the tariff upon salt, $1,000,000 is 
 raised; this tax is collected without any portion 
 
340 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 being paid by the domestic manufacturer of that 
 article, for the reason that he uses his own salt. 
 The same argument will apply to the iron master 7 
 the cotton manufacturer, and the grower of sugar 
 cane. It is but just, then, that upon the luxuries 
 which they do purchase, a high tariff should be 
 levied, that they may pay their proportion of the 
 taxes of the country. But it is insisted that specific 
 should be substituted for ad valorem duties ; and 
 wherefore ? By the ad valorem system the tax is 
 laid upon the value of the article imported. Sugar 
 worth $100, at 20 per cent,, would yield a tax of 
 $20 ; while upon the same amount of sugar, but of 
 finer quality, and worth $200, the tax would be 
 $40. A farm worth $7,000, upon which a tax of 
 two per cent, would be levied, w~ould yield a tax of 
 $140, while one worth only $500, would yield only 
 $10 revenue. The same argument, with equal force, 
 will apply to silks, broadcloths, cotton goods, &c. 
 There is nothing improper in this ; on the contrary, 
 it is in strict accordance with justice. But specific 
 duties is a tariff of the same amount upon all arti 
 cles of the same kind, weight, yard, <fec. Brown 
 sugar may be taken for the purpose of illustration. 
 Havana sugar we will suppose worth $4 per hun 
 dred : the tax levied upon this amount, under the 
 specific duties of the tariff of 1842, would be $2 50. 
 Porto Rico, worth $2 per hundred, would yield the 
 same amount of tax, i. e. $2 50. This is not more 
 palpably unjust than levying the same duty upon 
 all silks, all laces, all broadcloths, all ladies hats, 
 <fec. &c., without regard to the quality of those arti- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 341 
 
 cles. It would be as ridiculous as levying the same 
 tax upon all farms, carriages, horses, &c., without 
 regard to the value thereof. It would require the 
 owner of ten acres of mountain land, to pay as much 
 as Van Rensselaer, and force the tenant of a hovel 
 to contribute as much as the owner of the most 
 splendid mansion in New- York. There is no justice 
 in the mode of raising revenue by specific duties ; 
 and therefore it cannot commend itself to our favor 
 able consideration. But it is asserted by those who 
 are ignorant of what they discuss, or are personally 
 interested in the matter, that specific duties are ne 
 cessary to prevent frauds. Such is not the opinion 
 of a distinguished statesman, who has thoroughly 
 investigated the subject.* 
 
 Minimum duties are as objectionable as specific. 
 
 * " What are the other principles of the Act? (Compromise Act.) 
 First, there is the principle, that a fixed ad valorem duty shall prevail and 
 be in force at all times. For one, I am willing to abide by that principle. 
 There are certain vague notions afloat as to the utility and necessity of 
 specific duties and discriminations, which I am persuaded arise from a 
 want of a right understanding of the subject. We have had the ad va 
 lorem principle practically in force ever since the Compromise Act was 
 passed ; and there has been no difficulty in administering the duties of the 
 treasury on that principle. 
 
 " Compare the system of specific and the ad valorem system of duties, 
 and I maintain that the latter is justly entitled to the preference. The 
 one principle declares that the duty shall be paid upon the real value 
 of the article taxed ; the specific principle imposes an equal duty on arti 
 cles greatly unequal in value. 
 
 " I say that in theory, and according to every sound principle of justice, 
 the ad valorem principle is entitled to the preference." 
 
 " T believe that if we adopt a fixed rate ad valorem, wherever it can be 
 done, the revenue will be subjected to fewer frauds than the injustice and 
 frauds incident to specific duties." Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, 
 March 1, 1812. 
 
342 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Nothing could be more odious than this method of 
 collecting taxes. Coarse cotton shirtings, worth in 
 England three cents per yard, by the law of 1842 is 
 assumed to be worth twenty cents per yard ; thus 
 bearing a falsehood on its face. If a duty of 
 forty per cent, were levied upon the three cents, the 
 real value of a yard of coarse cotton shirting, the 
 tax would be about one cent ; but assuming the 
 yard to be worth twenty cents, that law would ex 
 act, even if the article could be admitted, a tax of 
 eight cents instead of one. What would be thought 
 of the equity of a State law, which would authorize 
 a sheriff to assume that a farm worth $1,000 is 
 worth $6,000 ; and instead of exacting from the 
 owner twenty dollars, wring from his honest earn 
 ings one hundred and twenty? As much justice 
 would there be in suffering a Shylock, who had 
 loaned $100 at six per cent., to assume that he had 
 loaned $600, and instead of receiving six per cent, 
 interest, to extort thirty-six. 
 
 Notwithstanding the triumphs of the tariff of 
 1846, and the unparalleled prosperity which the 
 whole country exhibits under its operation, still the 
 discontented manufacturer harps upon the necessity 
 of more protection ; and the press which advocates 
 their cause, portrays the advantages of the home 
 market which will be extended to the farmer, pro 
 vided he will generously allow them to filch money 
 from his pocket. The farmer, however, fully ap 
 preciates the offer, and understands the operation 
 of the swindling protective system in all its details. 
 The time for humbugging the people of this country 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 343 
 
 is passed; and it is surprising that any attempts 
 should be made to revive an odious system, which 
 has been repudiated and condemned by the Ameri 
 can people. What right have a few manufacturers 
 to demand that a tax shall be levied upon the 
 masses, that money may be put in their own pock 
 ets ? Have they not already the protection which 
 a strictly revenue tariff gives them ? 
 
 Suppose a certain amount of foreign iron can be 
 landed in New York for $100, and a tariff of $30 is 
 laid upon it. This operation at once increases the 
 article to $130. Is not that protection enough for the 
 American manufacturer of the article ? He has no 
 right to ask even that protection ; and it would not 
 be extended to him, if it did not incidentally and 
 necessarily follow from the levying a tariff upon fo 
 reign importations. Why should not the American 
 farmer seek the cheapest market throughout the 
 world to purchase his iron, salt, or sugar? Why 
 should not the shackles be stricken from com 
 merce, that he may carry his produce to any part 
 of the globe ? It is asserted that a high tariff will 
 produce competition ; the farmer will abandon his 
 plough and become a consumer instead of a produ 
 cer, all resulting in a glorious home-market. There 
 would be some plausibility in this assumption if 
 there were no forests to be cleared, and if the 
 amount of production of the American soil had 
 reached its highest point. But there are vast and 
 gloomy forests spreading far to the westward, ten 
 anted only by howling beasts and lurking savages. 
 Our soil still repays bountifully the husbandman s 
 
344 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 industry. Europe still pours forth her thousands 
 annually, seeking liberty and happiness ; and man 
 still prefers to breathe the pure air of heaven in the 
 country, and quench his thirst from the cool waters 
 which burst from the hillsides, to confinement in 
 unhealthy manufactories ; and shunning the toil of 
 the crowded, confined, and joyless "corporations," 
 seeks independence and happiness in the country, 
 where the cricket is heard upon the hearth, and 
 where his fire never goes out. The tariff of 1846 
 may require modification ; if so, let it be revised for 
 that purpose. But the people of this country will 
 require a rigid adherence to the principles of that 
 act. Let revenue alone be the object in adjusting 
 a tariff upon imports. Let specific minimum and 
 protective duties be forever discarded from the sta 
 tute-book. Let the necessity for a high tariff be 
 obviated by a rigid economy upon the part of the 
 General Government, and that prosperity will con 
 tinue, which stamps the present as an important era 
 in our country s history. 
 
 Frequent allusion is made by the advocates of a 
 protective tariff to the evils to be apprehended from 
 the establishment of free trade. They insist that 
 our people will become largely indebted to foreign 
 ers for manufactures, resulting in a balance of trade 
 against us. They continually remind us of the im 
 portance of preserving the balance of trade in our 
 favor in our dealings with all the powers of the 
 earth. That is more than we ought to desire, or 
 can ever expect to accomplish. We may become 
 indebted to China for tea, to the East India islands 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 345 
 
 for spices, and to France for silks. We pay the 
 debt off with the balance coming to us from Eng 
 land. The balance may be against us in trading 
 with one country, and for us in trading with ano 
 ther all resulting in a fair and equitable exchange 
 of productions. To slyly overreach foreign mer 
 chants should not be considered peculiarly laudable, 
 especially when it is done by obtaining commercial 
 advantages altogether inconsistent with the laws of 
 trade, and common honesty. No country with such 
 a vast annual production as our own can ever have 
 cause to fear the result of free trade. If our re 
 sources were small, and we produced little more 
 than was necessary for our own consumption, it 
 would be otherwise. But while, year after year, 
 there is pouring from every hill and valley through 
 out the confederacy, our surplus produce to change 
 for the necessaries and luxuries of the old world, 
 we have no reason to dread the most unrestricted 
 commercial regulations. The balance of produce and 
 consumption is altogether a different question ; the 
 amount of production may decrease, while its con 
 sumption increases, resulting in disaster and wretch 
 edness. To illustrate: We will suppose that the 
 United States increase in population until they num 
 ber one hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. 
 If the production decreased, the result would be 
 poverty and want, rendered more disastrous by 
 mental and physical imbecility. The production of 
 the world, through the indolence of its inhabitants, 
 might become less than its consumption, ending in 
 the same results. But where the production of a 
 
346 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 nation is greater than its consumption, the surplus 
 can be exchanged for the luxuries and necessaries 
 of other lands. Events may occur when the balance 
 of trade may be against the United States, and the 
 balance of produce and consumption remain in its 
 favor. Suppose, to put a strong case, a nation im 
 ports for a certain number of years more in value 
 than is exported, yet the substantial wealth of that 
 nation may be on the increase, by the increased va 
 lue, in a greater degree, of its yearly produce, the 
 erection of cities, the building of railroads and ca 
 nals, and the development of the resources of the 
 country ; thus laying the foundation for more ex 
 tended and successful operations. It is true, this de 
 pends to a great extent on the internal resources of 
 a country, and the inclination of her people to de- 
 velope them. It will apply with much force to the 
 United States, because our resources are immens-e ; 
 while it would not to a country where the consump 
 tion exceeds the production. 
 
 The illustrations used to prove the advantages 
 of the protective system are exceedingly amusing, 
 and demonstrate, at least, the profound ignorance of 
 some of its advocates. This is exemplified by the 
 demonstration of the leading whig paper in the 
 United States.* To prove the fallacy of the argu- 
 
 * " It is quite clear, we think, that the surest and most solid business 
 for us would be to make our exports exceed our imports, because the ba 
 lance, whatever it may be, will come to us in coin ; that is to say, if, in 
 1845, we export $150,000,000 and import only $100,JOO.OOO, the ba 
 lance of $50,000,000 due us by the residue of the world will be received 
 in the hard, which should be as welcome to the loco focos as to the whigs." 
 National Intelligencer, October 8. 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 347 
 
 ment, it is only necessary to examine it. Suppose 
 we should receive $50,000,000 annually, as the ba 
 lance due us by the nations of the earth, how long 
 would it take us to receive all the gold and silver in 
 the world ? The amount of gold and silver in cir 
 culation has been estimated at $5,000,000,000. It 
 would therefore only require one hundred years, 
 according to the theory of the Intelligencer, to drain 
 the universe of its gold and silver. The most effec 
 tual method of advancing the prosperity of this 
 country, is to obtain a foreign market for its vast 
 surplus produce. If this can be accomplished, there 
 is no danger of bankruptcy being the fate that 
 awaits us. The great staple of this country is cot 
 ton. Let commercial treaties with China enable us 
 to balance with that country our accounts with cot 
 ton. The imports of merchandise into China from 
 the United States, in 1844, amounted to $1,320,170 
 The export of China on American ac 
 count, was 6,686,171 
 
 Leaving a balance against the U. S. of $5,366,001 
 
 There is no reason why this balance should not 
 be discharged with cotton. The total number of 
 bales of cotton exported from the United States to 
 foreign ports, from 1st September, 1848, to 31st Au 
 gust, 1849, as appears from Hunt s Ma 
 gazine, was - 2,227,844 
 Excess over last year, 369,583 
 Now let us see what was the amount compared 
 to this, which was consumed by the much lauded 
 home market. The quantity of cotton consumed by 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and in the hands of the manfacturers, was less than 
 520,000 bales. Now shall this large surplus remain 
 upon the hands of the producer, that the manufac 
 turers may be pleased by the establishment of re 
 strictive duties ? It is not alone the article of cotton 
 which we want to exchange for the productions of 
 other countries. The United States could become, 
 if necessary, the granary of the world. The former 
 desires a market for his corn, pork, beef, flour, and 
 tobacco, as well as cotton. It is for the accomplish 
 ment of these ends that the influence of the Govern 
 ment should be wielded. The diplomatic agents of 
 the United States should be directed to make con 
 stant exertions to procure the admission of the pro 
 ductions of our people into foreign countries, upon 
 the most favorable terms. When that is done, we 
 shall realize all the benefits resulting from the illim 
 itable resources of the most favored country upon 
 the globe. The policy of establishing countervailing 
 duties as an offset to the high tariffs which were im 
 posed upon their subjects by foreign powers, received 
 the warm support of the whig party. It is difficult 
 to conceive what justice there is in imposing bur 
 dens upon our own citizens, because monarchical 
 powers oppress their subjects. Experience proves, 
 however, that the advocacy upon our part of liberal 
 principles, has had a beneficial effect upon England.* 
 
 * " The most curious item of intelligence by this arrival is the unprece 
 dented compliment paid by the House of Lords to Mr. Secretary Walker s 
 Annual Treasury Report, recommending the repeal of our protective 
 tariff, which was ordered by their Lordships to be printed for the use of 
 the House. It is, indeed, not improbable that the free trade propositions 
 of our Secretary accelerated, if they did not prompt, the kindred measure 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 349 
 
 If sucli a fortunate result lias been produced by the 
 liberal course of the United States, we surely have 
 great inducement to persevere in our efforts, until 
 we have placed our commercial regulation upon the 
 best footing with the powers of the earth. 
 
 A remarkable versatility has characterized the 
 course pursued by the friends of the restrictive 
 system. They have not based their arguments upon 
 immutable principles, which are as unchangeable as 
 the eternal will. On the contrary, their arguments 
 have changed with circumstances. One of the 
 most distinguished champions of that policy is Mr. 
 Hudson, for a long time a member of Congress from 
 Massachusetts ; his arguments abound in sophistry, 
 although they bear the evidence of apparent frank 
 ness. A thorough master of the subject, he always 
 exhibited great ability in its discussion, and the fa 
 cility with which he seized upon the strong points 
 which circumstances placed in his possession, ren 
 dered him a formidable opponent to the progress of 
 liberal principles. There was one argument which 
 possessed great plausibility, and when stated with 
 great sincerity of manner, always produced an effect, 
 and that was the impolicy of resorting to free trade, 
 because other nations placed enormous duties upon 
 the productions of our country.* But subsequently 
 
 in England of a total repeal of the corn laws." Editorial of the National 
 Intelligencer, February 21, 1846. 
 
 * " The Committee see nothing in the policy of other nations which 
 would justify us in adopting the delusive theory of free trade. The new 
 tariff of Great Britain, which has been hailed as the harbinger of a com 
 mercial millennium, is highly restrictive in its character." " Some articles 
 which were formerly prohibited, she now admits, but on a duty so nearly 
 
350 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 to that time, the English Government removed al 
 together, or greatly reduced her duties upon Ame 
 rican produce.* When the Government of England 
 tendered to the United States such commercial ad- 
 prohibitory, that they cannot be imported except in extreme cases." 
 " But what is the free trade that England tenders to us ? On what terms 
 does she receive our staples ? Why, she imposes the following rate of 
 duties upon our products : 
 
 per cent. 
 
 Salted beef 60 
 
 Bacon 109 
 
 Butter ... .. 70 
 Indian corn, average . . 32 
 Flour, average ... 32 
 
 Rosin 76 
 
 Sperm oil 33 
 
 per cent. 
 
 Sperm candles .... 33 
 Tobacco manufactured 1200 
 Tobacco unmanufactured 1000 
 
 Salted pork 33 
 
 Soap 200 
 
 Spirits from grain . . 500 
 Spirits from molasses . 1600 
 
 " On these fourteen articles she imposes an average of 355 per cent., 
 a duty vastly greater than we impose upon any of her fabrics. It is 
 idle therefore to pretend that she extends to us any thing like free trade." 
 Report of Mr. Hudson made to Congress, IQlh of April, 1844. 
 
 * "Alteration of duties on American Produce. 
 
 " Our American readers will find that the British Ministry propose to 
 make important reductions on many of the articles exported from America 
 to England. We hope to see a similar spirit manifested by the Cabinet at 
 Washington. The alterations comprise : 
 
 Previous duty. Reduced to 
 
 Bacon .... 14s. per cwt. . . . Free. 
 
 Beef, fresh ... 8s. do Free. 
 
 Beef, salted ... 8s. do Free. 
 
 Hay 16s. per load . . . Free. 
 
 Hides .... 2s. per Ib Free. 
 
 Meat 8s. per cwt. . . . Free. 
 
 Pork 8s. do Free. 
 
 Buckwheat ... Is. per quarter. 
 
 Candles, tallow . 10s. per cwt. ... 5s. per cwt. 
 
 Cheese .... 10s. 6s. per cwt. . . 5s. do. 
 
 Clocks .... 20 per cent 10 per cent. 
 
 Hams, .... 14s. per cwt. ... 7s. per cwt. 
 
 Hops 90s. do 45s. do. 
 
 Indian corn, heavy 
 
 duty Is. per quarter. 
 
 Rice 6s. per cwt. Is. per qr. 
 
 Tallow 3s to do. cwt. Is. p. cwt. 
 
 National Intelligencer, February 21s*, 1846. Credited to Wilmer fy 
 Smith s European Times. 
 
POLK ADMIJSTISTKATION. 351 
 
 vantages, it was indeed the harbinger of " a com 
 mercial millennium," especially when it was done 
 under circumstances which precluded the idea of 
 another resort to the restrictive policy. Mr. Hud 
 son, who had so often complained of the oppressive 
 duties imposed upon American productions, ought 
 assuredly to express satisfaction at the liberal course 
 pursued by the British Government. This was not 
 the case, however. He immediately changed front, 
 and instead of condemning the high tariff of Great 
 Britain, as he had done in 1844, he actually at 
 tempted to convince the House of Representatives 
 that the people of this country were injured, and 
 not benefited by the free trade tariff of Great Bri 
 tain.* There is but one instance of such remark 
 able versatility upon record.f 
 
 In 1842 Mr. Hudson made a powerful speech, for 
 the purpose of showing the necessity of a high tariff 
 to protect the operatives in this country against the 
 pauper laborer of Europe. He drew a mournful 
 picture of the sufferings in Ireland, for the purpose 
 of illustrating the low wages which were paid for 
 labor. J This would be regarded as a vision of an 
 
 * " I am aware that it will be said that most of the wheat which is sent 
 into Canada finds its way into Great Britain. I admit it, and shall en 
 deavor to show hereafter, that in this indirect trade we now enjoy a sort 
 of monopoly, by the operation of the present corn-laws of Great Britain, 
 but of which we should be deprived by a repeal of those laws. This is, 
 in fact, the point to which I wish to all attention the great question for 
 the committee and the country to consider." Speech of Mr. Hudson, 
 House of Representatives, February 26, 1846. 
 
 f " I went to her, Master Brook, as you see, like a poor old man : but 
 I came from her, Master Brook, like a poor old woman." 
 
 | " With such facts before us, we can sympathize with a respectable 
 weaver, who testified before the commissioner as follows : 
 
352 HISTOET OF THE 
 
 excited imagination, if we should judge from a fancy 
 sketclb of the same gentleman of a later production.* 
 Since the repeal of the corn laws affords the agricul 
 turists of this country an opportunity of feeding 
 those who were described as being so stricken with 
 poverty in the speech of Mr. Hudson in 1842, he 
 has changed his argument, and has now come to the 
 
 " Question. Have you any children ? 
 
 " Answer. No. I had, but they are both dead, thanks be to God. 
 " Question. Do you express satisfaction at the death of your children ? 
 " Ansicer. I do. I thank God for it. I am relieved from the burden 
 of maintaining them ; and they, poor dear creatures, are relieved from the 
 troubles of this mortal life. 
 
 " Comments upon such evidence would be out of place. When poverty 
 and wretchedness press so heavily upon parents that they rejoice at the 
 death of their own children, their state must be painful indeed." Extracts 
 from the speech of Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, July 8, 1842. 
 
 * ; Tooke, an experienced English writer, informs us that, from 1832 to 
 1838, the crops in Great Britain and Ireland were so abundant that wheat 
 was fed out to cattle, sheep, and swine, and even used for distillation. 
 This induced the farmer to sow less ; and, for several succeeding years, 
 the winters were unfavorable for the crops, and the season of harvest was 
 unpropitious, so as to increase the demand for foreign grain. Every man 
 acquainted with English agriculture knows that great improvements are 
 constantly taking place in her mode of cultivation. Bogs and swamps are 
 being reclaimed, barren hillsides are being converted into fruitful fields, 
 and her waste places are being made to blossom like the rose. She has 
 also adopted an improved mode of seeding. Until quite recently, the wheat 
 growers were in the habit of sowing about three bushels of grain to the 
 acre. But Drummond, a late English writer, says that, by the introduc 
 tion of a new machine for sowing wheat, which distributes the grain 
 equally over the whole surface of the ground, they have found that a less 
 quantity of seed will answer equally well ; and that this improvement 
 alone will save to the United Kingdom five or six millions of bushels, and 
 thus supply at least one-third of her deficiency. Under these circum 
 stances, it is not probable that her demand for foreign grain will materially 
 increase. Her own supply will increase with her demand. The means 
 of the mass of her people are limited ; and we cannot expect that, under 
 any circumstances, she will take a quantity of foreign grain much, if any, 
 larger than she does at present." Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 353 
 
 conclusion that there is no hope that the demand for 
 our productions will be increased. The corn laws, 
 which hung for so many years like an incubus upon 
 the consumers of England, were established for the 
 benefit of the land proprietors. The scale of duties 
 upon breadstuffs was raised so high, that it pro 
 duced not only extreme suffering, but often star 
 vation. The great scarcity which resulted from this 
 policy, enriched the landholder, w^hile it inflicted 
 dreadful sufferings upon the poor. A scarcity of 
 food raised its price enormously, and the conse 
 quence was, that thousands of human beings existed, 
 only, upon the smallest quantity possible, of the 
 most indifferent provisions. For the relief of that 
 portion of the community, societies were established 
 for the purpose of producing a reform. The intel 
 lects of some of the ablest and most eloquent of the 
 orators of England were devoted to its accomplish 
 ment. The struggle was long and fierce. The pow 
 er and interests of the British nobility were arrayed 
 against a starving community, and the struggle end 
 ed by a defeat of the lords, and the adoption of the 
 principles of free trade. 
 
 By the reduction of the tariff, the agricultural 
 products of other nations were admitted into Eng 
 land. The importer was enabled to purchase at 
 lower prices, and could therefore sell a larger amount 
 of food for a smaller sum of money than under 
 the former prohibitory tariffs, and in this way the 
 producers in the United States are enabled to find 
 a foreign market for their surplus produce. 
 
 As an excuse for adhering to the protective poli- 
 23 
 
354 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cy, when hard pressed for arguments, the whig party 
 insist that it had its origin with the establishment of 
 our Government, and that the fathers of the Re 
 public sanctioned it. It is well to examine this po 
 sition, because we are inclined to pay respect to the 
 acts and opinions of those who cemented our liber 
 ties with their blood. It is only necessary, to show 
 the fallacy of the assertion that the earlier Presi 
 dents sanctioned high duties, to refer to the tariifs 
 which were passed between the years 1789 and 
 
 * Tariff Act of July 4, 1789. 
 
 On molasses, per gallon, 2f cents ; on malt, per bushel, 10 cents ; on 
 brown sugars, per pound, 1 cent ; loaf sugars, per pound, 3 cents ; all 
 other sugars, per pound, 1^ cents ; on coffee, per pound, 2^ cents ; on 
 boots, per pair, 50 cents ; on all shoes and slippers made of leather, per 
 pair, 7 cents ; on all steel unwrought, for every 112 pounds, 56 cents ; on 
 all nails and spikes, per pound, 1 cent; on salt, per bushel, 6 cents; on 
 coal, per bushel, 2 cents ; on bohea tea, per pound, 6 cents ; all hyson teas, 
 per pound, 20 cents ; on all writing, printing, or wrapping paper, paper- 
 hangings, and pasteboard, 7| per cent, ad valorem ; on all buttons, saddles, 
 batts of beaver, wool, or mixture of either, on millinery ready made, cast 
 ings of iron, slit and rolled iron, and on clothing ready made, 7| per cent. 
 ad valorem. 
 
 Tariff Ac^ 0/1792. 
 
 Steel, per hundred weight, 100 cents; nails, per pound, 2 cents; 
 shoes and slippers of silk, 20 cents ; all other shoes and slippers for men 
 and women, clogs and galoshes, 10 cents; on cables, for every 112 
 pounds, 180 cents; on tarred cordage, for every 112 pounds, 180 cents; 
 looking-glass, window, and other glass, 15 per cent, ad valorem ; cast, slit, 
 and rolled iron, hats, caps, and bonnets, sail-cloth, cabinet wares, and ge 
 nerally all manufactures of iron, steel, tin, pewter, copper, brass, &c., not 
 being otherwise particularly enumerated, 10 per cent, ad valorem. 
 
 Tariff Act of 1794. 
 
 On coffee, per pound, 1 cent ; clayed or lump sugar, per pound, 1 
 cent ; on boots, per pair, 25 cents ; on shoes and slippers, for men and 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 355 
 
 An argument much used by the protectionists 
 is based upon the fact, that manufactured goods 
 have fallen in price within the last thirty years. 
 
 women, 5 cents ; on coal, per bushel, ^ cent ; on slit, cast, and rolled iron, 
 and, generally, on all manufactures of iron, steel, tin, pewter, copper, and 
 brass, not otherwise enumerated, 5 per cent, ad valorem ; on all manufac 
 tures of cotton or linen, or of muslins of cotton or linen, or of which cot 
 ton or linen is the material or chief fabric, being printed, stained, or co 
 lored, 5 per cent, ad valorem. 
 
 Tariff Act of March 3, 1797. 
 
 " An Act for raising a further sum of money by additional duties on 
 certain articles imported, and for other purposes. 
 
 " That from and after the 30th day of June next, the following duties, 
 in addition to those now in force and payable on the several articles herein 
 after enumerated, shall be laid and levied and collected upon those articles 
 respectively, at their importation into the United States from any foreign 
 port or place. 
 
 " On all brown sugars, per pound, \ cent ; on all bohea tea, per pound, 
 2 cents ; on all molasses, per gallon, 1 cent ; and on all velvets and velve- 
 rets, whether stained, printed, colored, or otherwise, and upon all muslins, 
 muslinets, and other cotton goods, not printed, stained, or colored. 2 per 
 cent, ad valorem." 
 
 There was also a section providing that after the 30th of June an 
 additional duty of 10 per cent, should be levied on the aforesaid articles 
 imported in foreign ships. 
 
 Tariff of March 26, 1804, (during the Administration of Jefferson,} 
 called the Mediterranean Fund. 
 
 " An Act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United 
 States against the Barbary Powers. 
 
 " A duty of 2 per centum ad valorem in addition to the duties now 
 imposed by law, [aforesaid act of March 3d, 1797,] shall be laid, levied, 
 and collected upon all goods, wares, and merchandise, paying a duty ad 
 valorem, which shall, after the 30th day of June next, be imported into the 
 United States from any foreign port or place." 
 
 The act provided an additional duty of 10 per cent, upon goods, 
 wares, and merchandise, imported in vessels not of the United States. 
 
 The act further provided that a distinct account should be kept of the 
 fund, and that the additional duty should cease as soon as the difficulties 
 should be adjusted with the Barbary Powers. 
 
356 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 That assumption is correct, but the error they com 
 mit is in not attributing it to the right cause. They 
 assert that it is the result of the protective system. 
 It can hardly be assumed that our revenue laws 
 have produced a reduction in the price of manufac 
 tured goods throughout the world. Prices have 
 been reduced in England, as well as in this country. 
 When alluding to the results which are to follow 
 competition among our own manufacturers, they 
 forget that there is a competion among foreigners 
 for our market, which has had the eifect of keeping 
 down prices. Mechanical skill has made wonderful 
 improvements in the machinery which has been 
 substituted for hand labor, and the low price of the 
 raw material, and of food, as forests melt away be 
 fore the progress of civilization, and broad acres 
 yield their harvests as the fruits of labor, are by no 
 means unimportant causes for the fall in the price 
 of manufactured goods, within the last quarter of a 
 century. But the great question for the country to 
 consider is the comparative price of manufactured 
 
 Tariff Act of 1816, during Madison s Administration. 
 On all articles manufactured from brass, copper, iron, steel, pewter, 
 lead, or tin, cutlery, pins, needles, buttons, cannon, muskets, and firearms, 
 20 per cent, ad valorem ; on woollen manufactures, of all descriptions, or 
 of which wool is the material of chief value, (excepting blankets, woollen 
 rugs, and worsted or stuff goods,) 25 per cent, ad valorem, until June, 
 1819, and after that day 20 per cent, ad valorem; on all cotton manufac 
 tures, of all descriptions, or of which cotton is the material of chief value, 
 and on cotton twist, yarn, or thread, as follows : for three years next ensu 
 ing the 13th day of June, 1816, 25 per cent, ad valorem, and after that 
 time 20 per cent, ad valorem ; on iron, in bars and bolts, (excepting iron 
 manufactured by rolling,) per hundred weight, 45 cents ; on boots, per 
 pair, 150 cents. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 357 
 
 articles previous and subsequent to the passage of 
 the act of 1842, and before and since the act of 
 1846 went into operation.* 
 
 * Wholesale price of domestic goods on the first day of August, 1842, and 
 
 1844, taken from the sales-books of the selling agents, and 
 
 copied into the New- York Morning News. 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 Brown cotton flannels, Hamilton, per yard, 
 
 Glasgow jeans, per yard, 
 
 Sheep s gray casinets, per yard, .... 
 
 3 7 -inch brown sheetings, In. Head, per yard, 
 
 37-inch brown sheetings, Oella B., per yard, 
 
 37-inch brown sheetings, Savage factory, per yard, 
 
 37-inch brown sheetings, Stark company, per yard, 
 
 37-inch brown sheetings, Thistle factory, per yard, 
 
 27-inch brown sheetings, Thistle factory, per yard, 
 
 37-inch brown sheetings, Patuxent company, per yard, 
 
 44-inch Osnaburgs, grays, Patapsco factory, per yard, . 
 
 Penitentiary plaids and stripes, per yard, 
 
 Salisbury company scarlet flannels, No. 12 to 26 inclusive, 
 
 Merrimack blue prints, per yard, .... 
 
 Fall River blue prints, per yard, . 
 
 Maverick sattinets, per yard, 
 
 per yd, 
 
 1842. 1844. 
 
 cts. 
 10* 
 17 
 30 
 7* 
 
 8 
 7 
 
 6i 
 5 
 
 .a 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 11* 
 10 
 
 574 
 
 cts. 
 114 
 19 
 45 
 
 84 
 8 
 8 
 
 84 
 8 
 
 64 
 8* 
 12 
 
 iii 
 
 25* 
 
 iii 
 
 I now give the price of iron in the New-York market on the 30th 
 July, in each of the years of 1842 and 1845. 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 Bar, Russia, P. S. I., 
 Swedes, .... 
 American rolled, . 
 Sheet iron (Rus.) per Ib. . 
 Sheet iron (English and Ame 
 rican) per Ib. 
 Hoops (English and Ameri 
 can) per cwt. 
 
 1842. 
 
 1845. 
 
 $102 50 to 
 80 00 
 65 00 to 
 00 13 to 
 
 00 05 to 
 4 25 to 
 
 $105 00 
 
 70 00 
 00 14 
 
 00 05^ 
 4 76 
 
 $102 50 to $ 
 85 00 
 85 00 
 13 
 
 07 to 
 5 50 to 
 
 05 00 
 
 07} 
 6 50 
 
 I now give the prices of sugar in the New- York market on the same 
 day of the month, in the same years. 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 St. Croix, per Ib. 
 New Orleans, per Ib. 
 Havana, white, per Ib. 
 Havana, brown, per Ib. 
 
 1842. 
 
 1845. 
 
 5| cts. to 84 cts. 
 34 to 4i 
 7i to 9 
 41 
 
 6J cts. to 8 cts. 
 5 to 7| 
 10 to 10| 
 7i to 9 
 
358 
 
 HISTOE Y OF THE 
 
 If the price of manufactured goods increases 
 under the operation of a protective tariff, surely the 
 farmer should receive a compensation therefor in the 
 
 Lastly, I give the prices of certain other articles in the New-York 
 market in the month of June of each of the years of 1843 and 1844, 
 taken from the New-York Evening Post. 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 1843. 1844. 
 
 $ 074 
 
 o iii 
 
 06i 
 06| 
 12i 
 08 
 18 
 20 
 27 
 2 00 
 2 37i 
 
 $o iii 
 
 13i 
 08i 
 08| 
 16 
 10 
 25 
 27i 
 35 
 2 50 
 3 50 
 
 
 Chickopee D. brown sheetings, per yard, 
 
 Summer pantaloon stuffs, per yard, .... 
 
 Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, 
 Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, . 
 Scarlet, white, and yellow flannels, per yard, 
 
 Broadcloths, per yard, 
 
 From the July No. of Hunt s Merchants Magazine, 1844. 
 
 
 January, 
 
 January, 
 
 January, , January, 
 
 January, 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 1840. 
 
 1841. 
 
 184-2. i 1843. 
 
 1844. 
 
 Iron anvils, per Ib. 
 
 $00 09i 
 
 $00 09i 
 
 $00 08i,$00 08i 
 
 $00 08i 
 
 Bars, common English rolled, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 per ton, 
 
 76 25 
 
 71 25 
 
 52 50 
 
 53 75 
 
 53 75 
 
 Bars, refined English rolled, 
 
 93 75 
 
 87 50 
 
 76 25 
 
 67 50 
 
 67 50 
 
 Bars, American refined, 
 
 90 00 
 
 85 00 
 
 77 50 
 
 65 00 
 
 67 50 
 
 Blooms, American, 
 
 60 00 
 
 52 50 
 
 50 00 
 
 47 50 
 
 52 50 
 
 Nails, wrought, per Ib. 
 
 o ni 
 
 Hi 
 
 10i 
 
 09 
 
 09 
 
 Nails, cut, per Ib. 
 
 05} 
 
 05J 
 
 05i 03J 
 
 04$ 
 
 Pigs, per ton, 
 
 35 25 
 
 32 50 
 
 31 00 
 
 25 00 
 
 27 50 
 
 Scythes, per dozen, 
 
 13 00 
 
 12 50 
 
 12 50 
 
 9 00 
 
 9 00 
 
 Shovels, per dozen, . 
 
 10 00 
 
 9 50 
 
 9 00 
 
 7 25 
 
 7 25 
 
 Now, if competition, under the tariff of 1842, is to bring down the 
 price of the manufactured article, according to their theory, why not carry 
 it out in practice ? 
 
 Of the sixteen articles specified in table No. 1 , fourteen have increased 
 in price from 1842 to 1844 ; two remain at the same cost. 
 
 There are six articles contained in table No. 2 ; four have increased in 
 price from 1842 to 1845 ; one has not varied, one has siightly fallen. 
 
 Of the four articles contained in table No. 3, every one rose in value 
 from 1842 to 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 359 
 
 increased price of his agricultural products. This, 
 however, is very far from being the case,* and while 
 he is forced to pay more for the goods which he is 
 
 Eleven articles are specified in table No. 4 ; every one enhanced in 
 price from June, 1843, to June, 1844. 
 
 * From Hunt s Merchants Magazine, May No., 1845. 
 
 Prices of manufactured articles in the New- York Market at different 
 
 periods. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 Cordage, American, per 100 
 Ibs. .... 
 Cotton bagging, Ky., per 100 
 yds 
 Lead, pig, per 100 Ibs. 
 Molasses, N. O., per 100 gals. 
 Steel, per 100 Ibs. . 
 Sugar, N. O., per 100 Ibs. . 
 
 1843. 
 
 1844. 
 
 October. 
 
 February. 
 
 April 20. 
 
 June 8. 
 
 Sept. 7. 
 
 $ 12 00 
 
 16 00 
 3 45 
 
 27 00 
 5 00 
 
 6 87 
 
 $ 12 00 
 
 16 00 
 3 55 
 32 00 
 5 00 
 7 25 
 
 $12 00 
 
 16 00 
 3 30 
 30 00 
 5 00 
 7 37 
 
 $12 00 
 
 17 00 
 3 45 
 31 00 
 5 00 
 7 25 
 
 $12 00 
 
 17 00 
 
 3 47 
 32 00 
 5 00 
 7 00 
 
 From Hunt s Merchants Magazine, September 1849. 
 Prices of New Orleans Cotton in New -York for the year. 
 
 
 Inferior. 
 
 Ordinary a 
 jjood ord nry. 
 
 Middling a 
 good mid ing 
 
 Middling fair 
 a fair. 
 
 Fully fair 
 a good fair. 
 
 September 2. . . 
 
 5 a 54 
 
 5| a 6 
 
 64 a 6| 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 7|a 84 
 
 13. . . 
 
 5 a 54 
 
 54 a 6 
 
 64 a 64 
 
 6|a 74 
 
 7|a 84 
 
 October 1. . . 
 
 5 a 54 
 
 5-1 a 6 
 
 64a6f 
 
 5| a 7| 
 
 74 a 84 
 
 14. . . 
 
 5 a 54 
 
 54a5f 
 
 6 a6f 
 
 64 a 7 
 
 74 a 71 
 
 November 1. . . 
 
 4^ a 5 
 
 54 a 5| 
 
 5|a6 
 
 64 a 6| 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 14. . . 
 
 44 a 44 
 
 5 J a 54 
 
 5f a 6 
 
 64 a 6| 
 
 6| a 74 
 
 December 1. . . 
 
 a 5 
 
 54 a 5f 
 
 5| a 6| 
 
 6i a 61 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 13. . . 
 
 5 a 5| 
 
 5f a5| 
 
 6 a 6| 
 
 \t 2 v 8 
 
 64 a 7 
 
 74 a 8 
 
 January 1. . . 
 
 54 a 54 
 
 6 a 6| 
 
 64 a 6| 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 7|a 84 
 
 15. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 64 a 64 
 
 6f a 7 
 
 7f a 7| 
 
 8 a 84 
 
 February 1. . . 
 14. . . 
 March 1. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 . a . . 
 . a . . 
 
 6|a6| 
 6|a6| 
 64 a 6| 
 
 7 a 7f 
 7 a 74 
 7 a 7| 
 
 74 a 8 
 74 a 84- 
 74 a 84 f 
 
 $4 a 8| 
 f*4a 9 
 84 a 9 
 
 14. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 6|a 7 
 
 74 a 7| 
 
 74 a 8 
 
 84 a 9 
 
 April 1. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 6|a6f 
 
 7 a7f 
 
 74 a 8 
 
 84 a 9 
 
 18. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 64 a 64 
 
 6|a74 
 
 74 a 7| 
 
 8 a 84 
 
 May 1. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 6|a6| 
 
 6| a 74 
 
 74 a 8 
 
 84 a 8| 
 
 15. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 64a6| 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 7fa 84 
 
 84 a 9 
 
 June 1. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 6|a7| 
 
 7| a 7| 
 
 8 a 84 
 
 9 a 94 
 
 18. . . 
 
 . a . . 
 
 6| a 7 
 
 7| a 7| 
 
 8 a 84 
 
 9 a 94 
 
 July 1... 
 
 . a . . 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 7| a 84 
 
 84 a 84 
 
 94 a 10 
 
 15. . . 
 
 7 a 74 
 
 7| a 84 
 
 84 a 9 
 
 94 a 10 
 
 ... a ... 
 
 August 1. . . 
 
 74 a 8 
 
 8| a 8| 
 
 94 a 9| 
 
 10 a 104 
 
 lOf a . . . 
 
 8. . . 
 
 8 a 84 
 
 8| a 94 
 
 94 a 10 
 
 104 a 11 
 
 11 a... 
 
360 
 
 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 compelled to have, lie is obliged to take less for the 
 productions of his farm. Nor does an increased 
 consumption appear to follow the passage of a pro- 
 
 From Hunt s Merchants Magazine, May No. 1845. 
 
 Prices of United States produce in the New-York market, at different 
 
 periods. 
 
 
 1813. 
 
 1844. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 October. 
 
 Feb. 14. 
 
 April 20. 
 
 June 8. 
 
 Sept. 7. 
 
 Cotton, N. O., fair, p. 100. Ibs.f 8 75 
 
 $10 75 
 
 $ 8 87 
 
 $ 8 25 j $ 7 50 
 
 Flour, western, bbl. . . 4 50 
 
 4 95 
 
 5 06 
 
 4 56 
 
 4 25 
 
 Wheat, western, bush. 
 
 95 
 
 1 05 
 
 1 12 
 
 98 
 
 92 
 
 Rye, bush. 
 
 65 
 
 70 
 
 71 
 
 65 
 
 67 
 
 Corn, bush. 
 
 52 
 
 48 
 
 54 
 
 47 
 
 46 
 
 Beef, mess, per bbl. 
 
 6 75 
 
 6 25 
 
 6 50 
 
 6 50 
 
 5 75 
 
 Butter, per 100 Ibs. 
 
 14 00 
 
 16 00 
 
 18 00 
 
 15 00 
 
 11 00 
 
 Cheese, per 100 Ibs. . 
 
 5 50 
 
 5 50 
 
 7 00 
 
 5 50 
 
 5 50 
 
 Tobacco, Kentucky, 
 
 6 50 
 
 6 50 
 
 6 50 
 
 6 00 
 
 6 00 
 
 From the New- York Journal of Commerce. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 1840. 
 
 1844. 
 
 
 $14 25 
 
 $5 25 
 
 Beef, prime, per bbl. 
 
 10 00 
 15 00 
 
 3 25 
 
 8 50 
 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 Hams, smoked, per Ib. ...... 
 
 o itH 
 
 4 75" 
 
 05 
 4 50 
 
 Flour, per bbl., Ohio, ....... 
 
 4 43 
 
 2 87^ 
 
 4 37^ 
 2 00 
 
 
 1 00 
 
 96 
 
 Corn, northern, per bush. 
 Corn, southern, per bush. ...... 
 
 56 
 52 
 
 50 
 
 47 
 
 Prices of 
 
 Years. 
 1036 
 1842 
 1844 
 
 1845 
 
 From Hunt s Merchants Magazine for November, 1845. 
 Ion at Mobile, in the month of October, in the following years. 
 
 Price per Ib. 
 16 to 20 cents. 
 
 8 cents. 
 8 cents. 
 6i cents. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 361 
 
 tective tariff.* If the subject of the cotton manufac 
 tures is one of surpassing interest to the growers 
 of cotton and grain,f their interests have certainly 
 not been increased by the passage of the tariff of 
 1842. 
 
 The protection of the American laborer against 
 the paupers of Europe, is a subject of anxious care 
 
 From Hunt s Merchants Magazine, April No., 1845. 
 Prices of Cotton in Liverpool in 1844 and 1845. 
 
 
 1844. 
 
 1845. 
 
 
 cts. 
 4i to 5 
 
 cts. 
 34 to 3| 
 
 Fair to good fair, 
 
 5| to 5i 
 5| to 5| 
 
 4* to 4| 
 4$ to 5 
 
 New Orleans, ordinary to middling, .... 
 
 4i to 5$ 
 
 5| to 5| 
 
 34 to 4| 
 
 4| to 4J 
 
 Good, 
 
 5| to 6 
 
 5 to 54 
 
 
 6| to 7 
 
 5| to 7 
 
 Alabama, ordinary to middling, .... 
 Fair to good fair, 
 Mobile, ordinary to middling, 
 
 4 to 4| 
 5 to 5i 
 4i to 54 
 5| to 5i 
 
 3 to 3^ 
 
 3| to 4| 
 3 to 4 
 4f to 4 
 
 Good to fine, 
 
 5| to 6 
 
 4J to 54 
 
 Fallen in every instance, notwithstanding the tariff of 1842. 
 
 
 1842. 
 
 1843. 
 
 1845. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 
 
 Cords of wood per annum, 
 
 3,580 
 
 3,090 3,270 
 
 Pounds of cotton consumed, 
 
 28,764,000 
 
 22,568,000 24,128,000 
 
 Tons anthracite coal per annum, 
 
 11,410 
 
 12,300 
 
 12,500 
 
 Gallons of oil per annum, 
 
 78,689 
 
 80,189 
 
 67,842 
 
 Consumption of starch, pounds per annum, 
 
 800,000 
 
 800,000 
 
 800,000 
 
 Consumption of flour for starch in mills, 
 
 
 
 
 print works, and bleaching, barrels per 
 
 
 
 
 annum, 
 
 4.000 
 
 4,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 Consumption of charcoal, bushels per ann. 
 
 600,000 
 
 600,000 
 
 600,00 
 
 * Statistics of Lowell manufactures, compiled from authentic sources 
 by the manufacturers themselves, January 1842, 43, 45. 
 
 f " The subject of the cotton manufactures is one of surpassing in 
 terest to the grower of cotton, the grower of grain, and the manufacturer 
 himself." National Intelligencer, May 25/ft, 1846. 
 
362 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 with those who favor the protective policy. Scarce 
 ly is a speech delivered, or an editorial written, but 
 this matter is referred to, always coupled with the 
 assertion, that a high tariff enables the manufactu 
 rers to give increased wages to the operatives ; and 
 with more than ordinary complacency have they 
 dwelt upon this branch of the subject. The Whig 
 party have made much political capital out of this 
 argument, without being sustained by facts.* I 
 
 * It will appear by an examination of the statistics made out in Janu 
 ary, 1842, that the amount of wages paid a month, was 
 
 In January, 1842 $170,000 
 
 In January, 1843 150,000 
 
 In January, 1845 138,500 
 
 Less in 1843 than in 1842 20,000 
 
 Less in 1845 than in 1842 .... 31,500 
 
 This is saving quite a liberal sum, especially when we take into consi 
 deration the language of Mr. Hudson, that the laborer " must share with 
 his employer the profits of the business by the increased rate of his wages." 
 To that operation, so interesting to the laborer, I come now to remark 
 upon. The average wages of females, clear of board, per week, was 
 
 In 1842 $2 00 
 
 In 1843 1 75 
 
 In 1845 1 75 
 
 Average wages of males, clear of board, per day, was 
 
 In 1842 80 cents. 
 
 In 1843 70 cents. 
 
 In 1845 70 cents. 
 
 Here is an illustration, I suppose, of the doctrine of Mr. Hudson, that 
 the laborer " must share with his employer in the profits of the business 
 by the increased rate of his wages. 1 " It was bad enough to lower the wa 
 ges of the men 10 cents per day ; but it was truly ungallant for the lords 
 of the spindle, who are making princely fortunes out of the labor of the 
 females, to strike down their wages from $2 to $1 75 per week. I call 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 363 
 
 have taken the statistics furnished by the manufac 
 turers at Lowell for the purpose of illustrating the 
 absurdity of the argument which has obtained so 
 
 particular attention to these facts, because it has been denied that the 
 wages of the females have been reduced since the passage of the tariff of 
 1842. 
 
 But let us see if, while the wages of the females are falling off instead 
 of increasing, they perform less labor. 
 
 In 1842 the total number of females employed at Lowell was 7,430 
 In 1843 6,375 
 
 More in 1842 than in 1843 1,055 
 
 Number of yards manufactured in 1842 . . . 73,853,400 
 Number of yards manufactured in 1843 . . . 70,275,400 
 
 More in 1842 than in 1843 3,578,000 
 
 Although there were 1055 more females in 1842 than in 1843, yet 
 they manufactured only 3,578,000 yards more. 
 
 In 1842 there were 1110 more female operatives than in 1845, yet 
 they manufactured 2,019,800 yards more in 1845 than they did in 1842. 
 
 There were 55 more female operatives in 1843 than in 1845, yet they 
 manufactured 5,597,800 yards more in 1845 than in 1843. 
 
 The following extract from a letter to the Hon. Mr. Clemens, of Ala 
 bama, from Clementine Averill, published in the New York Tribune, of 
 March 19, 1850, shows that under low duties the wages of the operatives 
 have again increased. 
 
 Letter from a Factory Girl to Senator Clemens. 
 
 LOWELL, Mass., Wednesday, March 6, 1850. 
 
 MR. CLEMENS Sir : In some of the late papers I have read several 
 questions which you have asked concerning the New England operatives. 
 They have been well answered, perhaps, but enough has not yet been 
 said ; and I deem it proper that the operatives should answer for them 
 selves. First, you wish to know what pay we have ? I will speak only 
 for the girls, and think I am stating very low, when I say that we average 
 $2 a week, beside our board. 
 
 Hundreds of girls in these mills clear from $3 to $6 a week; but some 
 who have not been here long, and are not much used to the work, do not 
 
364 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 much favor with the whig party. It should not be 
 forgotten that Lowell, "the Manchester of America," 
 is the largest manufacturing city in the United 
 States, and therefore no objection can be made to 
 the facts which are adduced, and the deductions 
 which necessarily follow. 
 
 In every aspect in which the policy of free trade, 
 as illustrated by the tariff of 1846, can be viewed, 
 it commends itself to the favorable consideration of 
 the American people. It is incontestably true that 
 trade between nations, to be extensive, must be be 
 neficial to both. A fair exchange of the produc 
 tions of one for the other, can alone produce that 
 result. A determination upon the part of one Gov 
 ernment to obtain specie in exchange for its produc 
 tions, will result in diminished resources, and a crip 
 pled commerce. Since the establishment of liberal 
 commercial relations between the United States 
 and Great Britain, the trade between the two coun 
 tries has immeasurably increased. While the sub 
 jects of the English Government are enabled to 
 purchase a larger quantity of food, the citizens of 
 our own country can obtain for a certain sum of 
 money a greater amount of merchandise.* 
 
 make quite $2. If my wages are ever reduced lower than that I shall 
 seek employment elsewhere. 
 
 * " The British Empire took from us (not during the year of famine, 
 as it is called, of 1847, but in 1848) our domestic exports, including cot 
 ton, rice, tobacco, breadstuff s, and provisions, exclusive of specie, to the 
 value of $78,741,416, and Great Britain and Ireland, of the value of 
 $64,222,268." Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, December 9, 
 1848. 
 
 " It appears that for the year ending June 30, 1848, (not a famine, 
 but for abundant crops in Europe,) our exports of breadstuff s and provi- 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 365 
 
 The tariff of 1846 was passed during the exist 
 ence of a foreign war, when all the resources of the 
 country were required for its vigorous prosecution. 
 And yet it fully met the expectations and require 
 ments of the Government. While the financial re 
 vulsions in England in 1847, almost destroyed the 
 public credit in that country, the bonds of the Uni 
 ted States were sold at a premium. Not only was 
 this measure of reform equal to the emergencies 
 created by the war with Mexico, but is now advanc 
 ing the agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing 
 prosperity of the American confederacy. If an ex 
 emplification of the advantages resulting from free 
 dom of trade were necessary, it can be witnessed in 
 the interchange of the productions of labor by the 
 several States. If the result of our domestic policy 
 largely contributes to th e happiness of our citizens 
 if it improves their social condition, and developes 
 the arts and sciences, why not establish a similar 
 system with the rest of mankind ? 
 
 The attempts which had been made by the de 
 mocratic party to effect a separation of the Gov 
 ernment from banks, proved successful during the 
 administration of Mr. Polk. In his first message to 
 Congress, he urged upon the attention of that body 
 with great force, that measure of reform.* As an 
 
 sions amounted to the sum of $37,472,751, being largely more than double 
 the average annual export during the tariff of 1842." Ibid. 
 
 * " Entertaining the opinion that the separation of the moneys of the 
 Government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the 
 funds of the Government and the rights of the people, I recommend to Con 
 gress that provision be made by law for such separation, and Jhat a constitu 
 tional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The con- 
 
366 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 indication that the democratic party were deter 
 mined to make a successful attempt to establish a 
 treasury, contemplated by the Constitution, Mr. 
 Dromgoole, of Virginia, introduced a bill for that 
 purpose on the 19th of December, 1845. It passed 
 that body on the 2d of April, 1846, by a vote of 
 122 to 66.* It passed the Senate, with amend 
 ments, on the 1st of August, by a vote of 28 to 25, 
 which received the sanction of the House on the 5th 
 of that month, and the bill was approved the fol 
 lowing day by the President. 
 
 By the provisions of the Act which had thus be 
 come the law of the land, the mint at Philadelphia, 
 
 stitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for 
 the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to 
 issue any paper whatever as a currency or circulation. I cannot doubt 
 that such a treasury as was contemplated by the Constitution, should be 
 independent of all banking corporations. The money of the people 
 should be kept in the treasury of the people created by law, and be in the cus 
 tody of agents of the people chosen by themselves, according to the forms of 
 the Constitution ; agents who are directly responsible to the Government, 
 who are under adequate bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe 
 punishments for any embezzlement, private use, or misapplication of the 
 public funds, and for any failure in other respects to perform their duties. 
 To say that the people or their Government are incompetent, or not to be 
 trusted with the custody of their own money, in their own treasury, pro 
 vided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stock 
 holders of banking corporations, not appointed by them, nor responsible to 
 them, would be to concede that they are incompetent for self-government. 
 
 " In recommending the establishment of a constitutional treasury, in 
 which the public money shall be kept, I desire that adequate provision be 
 made by law for its safety, and that all Executive discretion or control 
 over it shall be removed, except such as may be necessary in directing its 
 disbursement, in pursuance of appropriations made by law." Message of 
 Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1845. Congressional Globe, 1st session 
 29th Congress, p. 10. 
 
 f Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 595. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 367 
 
 and the branches of that establishment in the dif 
 ferent portions of the Union, were appointed places 
 for depositing the revenue of the United States. 
 The custom-houses in the cities of New- York and 
 Boston, were selected for the same purpose, and all 
 moneys paid into them were subject to the draft of 
 the Treasurer, drawn agreeably to appropriations 
 made by law. The Treasurer and his assistants, and 
 all other persons having the custody of the public 
 money, are required to give bonds for its safe keep 
 ing, in large sums ; and if any one of them shall con 
 vert to his own use, in any way whatever, or shall 
 use, by way of investment in any kind of property 
 or merchandise, or shall loan with or without inter 
 est, or shall deposit in any bank, or shall exchange 
 for other funds, except as allowed by the Act, any 
 portion of the public moneys intrusted to him for 
 safe keeping, disbursement, transfer, or for any other 
 purpose, he shall be deemed and adjudged guilty 
 of embezzlement. Such an offence is declared to be 
 a felony, and the punishment therefor is imprison 
 ment for a term not less than six months, nor more 
 than ten years, and a fine equal to the amount of the 
 money embezzled.* Any failure to pay over or to pro 
 duce the moneys intrusted to public officers, is held 
 and taken to beprima facie evidence of embezzlement. 
 By a careful examination of this law, it will be 
 seen that every effort was employed to insure the 
 safe-keeping and disbursement of the revenue, and 
 no man can be guilty of peculation without being 
 liable to severe punishnaent.f 
 
 * See Laws of the United States, published by Little & Brown. 
 
 | " But what was the evil which this act was intended to remedy ? 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 It was evidently the intention of the frarners of 
 the Constitution, that the revenues of the country 
 should be collected by, and kept under the control 
 of officers, appointed by and immediately under the 
 
 Had not the revenue been well collected, safely kept, safely and easily 
 transferred, and promptly and readily disbursed ? Had there been any 
 complaint against the system now in operation ? Was it not an excellent 
 system, as far as safety, convenience, public accommodation, and private 
 accommodation were concerned ? He thought that if any person having 
 any connection with the administration of the revenue were asked, they 
 would say that it worked perfectly well. What were the great evils to be 
 remedied ? Could any body point them out ? And was this a time for 
 making experimental changes ? Would it not be better to postpone such 
 experiments until a time of peace ? The Senator from South Carolina 
 [Mr. Calhoun,] yesterday insisted that it was desirable to mitigate the em 
 barrassments which must necessarily be felt in the removal of large 
 amounts of specie from one place to another, and in doing so the Senator 
 had given the very strongest reason against this bill. It would be difficult 
 to adduce a more forcible argument against the bill than the honorable 
 Senator had used in advocating the amendment. One thing which struck 
 him very forcibly was the incongruity, the inconsistency of the legislation 
 which they were pursuing. Two or three days ago they had passed an 
 act repealing the tariff of 1842, and substituting a new principle ; and the 
 argument in favor of the bill was, that it would increase the importation 
 of foreign productions, and thereby increase the revenue. But when a 
 bill like the present, for the establishment of the sub-treasury system, was 
 before Congress in 1840, the argument the great and principal argu 
 ment then urged by the friends of the measure was, that it would re 
 strict and limit the amount of imports ; that it would arrest the excessive 
 introduction of foreign merchandise ; and that it would check and prevent 
 the evil of an overflowing treasury. The sub-treasury was then vindica 
 ted because it would repress and keep down importation. Two or three 
 days ago a bill was passed to increase importations ; to-day a bill was to 
 be passed to check and keep down importation. The two measures must 
 come into conflict; they could not be reconciled. If the only effect of 
 this bill would be to check excessive importations, he would have no ob 
 jection to it, but it extended beyond this ; it would also check and keep 
 down all the business operations of the country. For the very same rea- 
 son that it would restrict imports and cut down commerce, it would cut 
 down every thing else. They were embarrassing their prospects and 
 means of revenue at a time when it became necessary for the Govern- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 369 
 
 control of the Government.* Language could not 
 be more definite than that employed in framing the 
 Constitution. Every word was carefully examined, 
 
 ment to use its credit, and to borrow money to carry on its operations." 
 Speech of Mr. Evans, in the Senate, July 31st, 1846. Congressional 
 Globe, 1st session 29/7i Congress, p. 1172. 
 
 " Confining my remarks altogether to the character of this bill, con 
 sidered as an administration measure, I proceed, on the other hand, to 
 consider what will be the disadvantages to the Government from its be 
 coming a law. I go on the supposition that the bill is to be executed, not 
 evaded ; and I say that, if the specie payments which it enjoins are re 
 quired bona fide, it will operate as a great embarrassment to the Govern 
 ment, should it be brought into circumstances when it would be necessary 
 to negotiate a loan. There is authority for a loan now, and the Govern 
 ment has its option between such a measure and the issue of treasury 
 notes. But if this law shall be carried out, no loan will be possible. And 
 why not ? Because the law will demand that eight or ten millions of dol 
 lars in hard specie shall be withdrawn from all the purposes of society, 
 some four or five millions of it being locked up in Government chests and 
 vaults, and some four or five millions more being constantly in transition, 
 as the expenses of the Government may require. Then, if the Govern 
 ment wants a loan, how is it to be got ? The practical mode at present 
 pursued is this : some large banking-house takes, for example, two mil 
 lions of the Government loan. But this man cannot advance the cash till 
 he finds banks who are willing to take the United States stock, and ad 
 vance him a temporary loan upon it, until, to use the business phrase, he 
 shall be able to place the money ; that is, shall be able to find persons 
 who will take the stock with a view to hold it and receive interest upon it. 
 This is the mode now pursued ; but what will be the condition of the banks 
 who may be asked by him to advance money upon stock after this bill 
 shall have become a law ? How can they possibly do it ? The sum they 
 agree to advance must be paid in gold and silver, taken at the instant out 
 of their own vaults, and carried across the street to be locked up in the 
 vaults of some Government depository. If the bullion remained with the 
 banks, and a credit on their books was all that was required, then they 
 
 * " No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of 
 appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the 
 receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time 
 to time." Constitution of the United States, art. 1, sec. 9. 
 24 
 
370 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 that it might correctly define the meaning of the 
 convention. The idea could not be more explicitly 
 given than in the declaration, that a treasury shall 
 be established, and no money drawn therefrom, but 
 in consequence of appropriations made by law. 
 How then can it be asserted that money placed in 
 the treasury, can be used in any way until it is ta 
 ken therefrom by being appropriated to the public 
 service ? That this was the intention of the framers 
 of the Constitution, is evident from the passage of 
 the law of 1789, establishing the treasury depart 
 ment.* After providing in section 4 that the nio- 
 
 might do it ; but the specie is instantly called for, and is so much deducted 
 from the basis of their circulation. Their customers will not agree to it ; 
 their directors will not agree to it ; their stockholders will not agree to it. 
 I say, therefore, if this law is not evaded, but is obeyed bonafide, any con 
 traction of a Government loan must be out of the question. I put that 
 fact to any man acquainted with business, and ask if he can gainsay it ?" 
 Speech of Mr. Webster in the Senate, August 1st, 1846. Congres 
 sional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1174. 
 
 " Mr. Crittenden said that this sub-treasury scheme was an old ac 
 quaintance in the Senate. The principle, that the Government must take 
 care of itself, and leave the people to take care of themselves, had been 
 announced a good while ago, and that was precisely the principle of this 
 bill. The maxim, in political economy, had been laid down by the Presi 
 dent, who first introduced this notable plan. He said that the people were 
 in the habit of expecting too much from the Government ; that it was the 
 duty of the Government to take care of itself, and that the people must 
 take care of themselves. This maxim had introduced the old sub-treasury 
 bill, and after a severe struggle that bill became a law. And what was 
 the consequence ? The people, feeling its practical effect, adopted a mode 
 of taking care of themselves, which was the most effectual that could 
 have been devised. They turned out the whole administration from the 
 President downward." Speech of Mr. Criltenden in the Senate, August 
 1st, 1846. Congressional Globe, 1st session 29/7i Congress, p. 1176. 
 
 * " SEC. 4. And be it further enacted. That it shall be the duty of the 
 Treasurer to receive and keep the moneys of the United States, and to 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 371 
 
 ney should be received and kept in the treasury, 
 and defining the mode in which it should be paid 
 out, they enacted in section 8 that no person ap 
 pointed to office under that bill should, directly or 
 indirectly, be concerned or interested in carrying 
 on the business of trade or commerce, or purchase 
 or dispose of any public securities of any State or 
 of the United States, &c. 
 
 Although by the provisions of that bill, the public 
 money of the United States was placed under the 
 control of government officers, still the proper guards 
 were not employed to prevent its use, or to punish 
 the offender who might be guilty of defalcation. 
 
 disburse the same upon warrants drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 countersigned by the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and not oth 
 erwise ; he shall take receipts for all moneys paid by him, and all receipts 
 for moneys received by him shall be endorsed upon warrants signed by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, without which warrant, so signed, no acknow 
 ledgment for money received into the public treasury shall be valid. 
 
 " SEC. 8. Andbe it further enacted, That no person appointed to any of 
 fice instituted by this act, shall directly or indirectly be concerned or inter 
 ested in carrying on the business of trade or commerce, or be owner in 
 whole or in part of any sea vessel, or purchase by himself, or another in 
 trust for him, any public lands, or other public property, or be concerned 
 in the purchase or disposal of any public securities of any State or of the 
 United States, or take or apply to his own use, any emolument or gain for 
 negotiating or transacting any business in the said department, other than 
 what shall be allowed by law ; and if any person shall offend against any 
 of the prohibitions of this act, he shall be deemed guilty of a high misde 
 meanor, and forfeit to the United States the penalty of three thousand 
 dollars, and shall upon conviction be removed from office, and forever 
 thereafter incapable of holding any office under the United States. Pro 
 vided, That if any other person than a public prosecutor shall give infor 
 mation of any such offence, upon which a prosecution and conviction shall 
 be had, one half the aforesaid penalty of three thousand dollars, when re 
 covered, shall be for the use of the person giving such information." Ap 
 proved, September 2, 1789. Laws of the United States, by Little <Sf 
 Brown, vol. 1, p. 67. 
 
372 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The statesmen who drew up the Constitution of 
 the United States, and whose character for patriot 
 ism and talents procured its adoption by the people, 
 so far from contemplating the employment of banks, 
 as depositories, on the collection of the revenue in 
 paper money, clearly and explicitly proclaimed their 
 opposition to such a course. During the long strug 
 gle which resulted in the separation of the Govern 
 ment from banks, the whig party often achieved 
 political triumphs by using the argument that the 
 democracy advocated one kind of currency for Gov 
 ernment, and another for the people. With those 
 who did not understand the sophistry upon which 
 such an argument is based, it had great influence, 
 and often induced large masses to rally under the 
 banner of the whig party. The establishment of a 
 law which enforces the collection of the public dues 
 in gold and silver, employs the agency of the only 
 constitutional currency. If the people have esta 
 blished banks, which gives them only the represen 
 tative of money, and consequently that which is in 
 ferior, it surely is not the fault of the General Gov 
 ernment. The Constitution of the United States 
 confers upon Congress the power to coin money, re 
 gulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix 
 the standard of weights and measures. Coupling 
 the power to coin money, and to regulate its value, 
 with the authority to fix the standard of weights 
 and measures, incontestably proves that both were 
 to be uniform throughout the Union. The only 
 money power given to Congress by that instrument, 
 is to coin it and regulate the value thereof, and of 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 373 
 
 foreign coin, and the failure to enumerate more ex 
 tensive authority, is just as absolute a prohibition as 
 though it had been expressly stated. But we are 
 not left to conjecture upon so important a subject. 
 In a draft of a constitution submitted by Mr. Kut- 
 ledge as a report from the committee of detail, there 
 was a clause authorizing Congress to emit bills of 
 credit.* When that was under discussion, the ob 
 jection was distinctly taken, that by striking out 
 the clause, it would effectually bar the door against 
 paper money, and that it would have a most salu 
 tary influence on the credit of the United States, to 
 remove the possibility of a resort to that species of 
 currency. The clause was rejected by a vote of 
 nine States against two.f 
 
 * See Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention which 
 framed the Constitution, 378. 
 
 f " Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to strike out, and emit bills on 
 the credit of the United States. If the United States had credit, such 
 bills would be unnecessary ; if they had not, unjust and useless. 
 
 " Mr. Butler seconds the motion. 
 
 " Mr. Madison. Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them 
 a tender? This will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust 
 views ; and promissory notes, in that shape, may in some emergencies 
 be best. 
 
 " Mr. Gouverneur Morris. Striking out the words will leave room 
 still for notes of a responsible minister, which will do all the good without 
 the mischief. The moneyed interest will oppose the plan of Government 
 if paper emissions be not prohibited. 
 
 " Mr. Gorham was for striking out without inserting any prohibition. 
 If the words stand, they may suggest and lead to the measure. 
 
 " Mr. Mason had doubts on the subject. Congress, he thought, 
 would not have the power, unless it were expressed. Though he had a 
 mortal hatred to paper money, yet, as he could not foresee all emergencies, 
 he was unwilling to tie the hands of the legislator. He observed that the 
 late war could not have been carried on, had such a prohibition existed. 
 
 " Mr. Gorham. The power, as far as it will be necessary or safe, 
 is involved in that of borrowing. 
 
374 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 When the Convention so decidedly and clearly 
 defined the power of Congress upon this question, 
 what justice is there in the complaint that the 
 
 " Mr. Mercer was a friend to paper money, though in the present 
 state and temper of America, he should neither propose nor approve of 
 such a measure. He was consequently opposed to a prohibition of it al 
 together. It will stamp suspicion on the Government, to deny it a discre 
 tion on this point. It was impolitic, also, to excite the opposition of all 
 those who were friends to paper money. The people of property would 
 be sure to be on the side of the plan, and it was impolitic to purchase 
 their further attachment with the loss of the opposite class of citizens. 
 
 " Mr. Ellsworth thought this a favorable moment to shut and bar the 
 door against paper money. The mischiefs of the various experiments 
 which had been made were now fresh in the public mind, and had excited 
 the disgust of all the respectable part of America. By withholding the 
 power from the new Government, more friends of influence would be 
 gained to it than by almost any thing else. Paper money can in no case 
 be necessary. Give the Government credit, and other resources will 
 offer. The power may do harm, never good. 
 
 " Mr. Randolph, notwithstanding his antipathy to paper money, could 
 not agree to strike out the words, as he could not foresee all the occasions 
 that might arise. 
 
 " Mr. Wilson. It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of 
 the United States, to remove the possibility of paper money. This expe 
 dient can never succeed whilst is mischiefs are remembered ; and as long 
 as it can be resorted to, it will be a bar to other resources. 
 
 " Mr. Butler remarked, that paper was a legal tender in no country 
 in Europe. He was urgent for disarming the Government of such a 
 power. 
 
 " Mr. Mason was still averse to tying the hands of the Legislature 
 altogether. If there was no example in Europe, as just remarked, it might 
 be observed, on the other side, that there was none in which the Govern 
 ment was restrained on this head. 
 
 " Mr. Reed thought the words, if not struck out, would be as alarm 
 ing as the mark of the beast in Revelation. 
 
 " Mr. Lang-don had rather reject the whole plan, than retain the three 
 words, and emit bills. 
 
 " On the motion for striking out, 
 
 " New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Dela 
 ware, Virginia, North Carolina. South Carolina, Georgia ay, 9 ; New 
 Jersey, Marylandno, 2." Ibid. 435. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 375 
 
 constitutional treasury creates one kind of cur 
 rency for the people, and another for the Govern 
 ment \ 
 
 The men of the Revolution understood that the 
 Constitution had confined the power of Congress to 
 the coining of money, and regulating the value 
 thereof, and of foreign coin, and did not desire the 
 agency of paper money to be employed by the Gov 
 ernment. The Act of July 31st, 1789, declared that 
 duties should be received in gold and silver coin 
 only.* 
 
 When the language of the Constitution upon 
 this point was so explicit, and the second Act which 
 was passed imposing duties upon foreign imports 
 after the adoption of that instrument conformed so 
 strictly to its provisions, how did the General Gov 
 ernment glide off at once into a paper money cur 
 rency? This question can easily be answered. 
 Alexander Hamilton was selected by General Wash 
 ington to preside over the Treasury Department. 
 Although his patriotism was undoubted, and his 
 hatred of tyranny had been exemplified upon many 
 a bloody field, still he had not that confidence in 
 the capacity of the people for self-government, 
 which was entertained by his great rival, Mr. Jef 
 ferson. Although his mind possessed a comprehen 
 siveness which enabled him to master the details of 
 a question with great facility, still his appointment 
 by General Washington as a member of his Cabinet, 
 
 * " The duties and fees to be collected by virtue of this Act, shall be re 
 ceived in gold and silver coin only." Act of July 31st, 1789, section 30, 
 vol. 1, of Little <$ Brown s United States Statutes at large, p. 45. 
 
376 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 has ever been regarded as peculiarly unfortunate by 
 the advocates of a strict construction of the Consti 
 tution. The first President of the United States 
 had almost unbounded confidence in the opinions 
 of General Hamilton, and was induced, through his 
 influence, to yield his approbation to many ques 
 tions of doubtful policy. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton was the sole representative of the 
 State of New- York in the Convention which framed 
 the Constitution, and would undoubtedly have 
 caused that instrument to grant more enlarged pow 
 ers to the General Government, if it had not been for 
 the sound republicanism of James Wilson, of Penn 
 sylvania, and Mr. Madison. To the former gentle 
 man, more than to any other member of that body, 
 are we indebted for the admirable checks and bal 
 ances which characterize that celebrated compact. 
 The impress of his sound, enlightened, and truly 
 republican mind, can be found in every line. 
 
 When the vote was taken to strike out the words 
 " and emit bills of credit" from the draft of the Con 
 stitution which had been submitted for the conside 
 ration of the Convention, the result was conclusive, 
 nine States voting in the affirmative, and two only 
 in the negative.* 
 
 The vote of New- York was not cast by Mr. 
 Hamilton, but it can be easily conceived, if we may 
 form an opinion from the policy which he subse 
 quently advocated, that the vote of New- York, if 
 given at all, would have been in the negative. The 
 errors which he committed as a statesman were, by 
 
 * See Madison Papers, revised by Jonathan Elliot, p. 435. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 377 
 
 inculcating the doctrine that the masses should be 
 controlled by political machines, and when that 
 could not be done by conforming to the plain re 
 quirements of the Constitution, in resorting to a lati- 
 tudinarian construction of that instrument, to accom 
 plish his views. As an illustration of this state 
 ment, it is only necessary to examine his construc 
 tion of the Act of July 31st, 1789.* The language 
 of that bill was positive, and provided that the du 
 ties should be received in gold and silver coin only,f 
 
 * This section (the 30th of the Act of 1789) provides for the receipt 
 of the duties in gold and silver coin only. The Secretary has considered 
 this provision as having for its object, the exclusion of payments in the 
 paper emissions of the particular States, and the securing the immediate 
 or ultimate collection of the duties in specie, as intended to prohibit to in 
 dividuals the right of paying in any thing except gold and silver coin ; but 
 not to hinder the Treasury from making such arrangements as its exigen 
 cies, the speedy command of the public resources, and the convenience of 
 the community might dictate ; these arrangements being compatible with 
 the eventual receipt of the duties in specie. For instance, the Secretary 
 did not imagine that the provision ought to be so understood as to prevent, 
 if necessary, an anticipation of the duties by treasury drafts receivable at 
 the several custom-houses. And, if it ought not to be understood in this 
 sense, it appeared to him that the principle of a different construction 
 would extend to the permitting the receipt of the notes of public banks, 
 issued on a specie fund. ****** Such were the reflections 
 of the Secretary with regard to the authority to permit bank notes to be 
 taken in payment of the duties. The expediency of doing it appeared to 
 him to be still less questionable. The extension of their circulation by 
 the measure is calculated to increase both the ability and the inclination 
 of the banks to aid the Government. It also accelerates the command of 
 the product of the revenues for the public service, and it facilitates the 
 payment of the duties," &c. Report of Mr. Hamilton to Congress. 
 
 f " SEC. 30. And be it further enacted, That the duties and fees to 
 be collected by virtue of this act, shall be received in gold and silver coin 
 only, at the following rates, that is to say, the gold coins of France, Eng 
 land, Spain and Portugal, and all other gold coin of equal fineness, at 
 eighty-nine cents for every pennyweight. The Mexican dollar at one 
 hundred cents ; the crown of France at one dollar and eleven cents ; the 
 
378 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 and proceeded to regulate the value of foreign coin 
 which might be paid into the treasury for the pub 
 lic dues. It was not Avithin the scope of the Eng 
 lish language to make the clause more definite, and 
 yet Mr. Hamilton construed it to mean the exclusion 
 of the paper emissions of particular States, but as 
 not preventing him from anticipating the duties by 
 treasury drafts, receivable at the several custom 
 houses. If that course was justifiable, he argued 
 that the principle would authorize the receipt of the 
 notes of public banks, issued on a specie fund. 
 The history of our country does not furnish an in 
 stance of a bolder violation of a law of the land, than 
 the course pursued by Mr. Hamilton. The Congress 
 to whom the report was made numbered but a few 
 republican members, and the federalists received it 
 without a word of dissent. It was the same Con 
 gress that chartered the first bank of the United 
 States, and those persons who could establish an in 
 stitution of that kind, with English stockholders to 
 plunder the people by making use of the credit and 
 revenues of the country, would not be likely to cen 
 sure the loose construction placed upon a law, by 
 one whom they held in such high estimation as 
 Alexander Hamilton. The fatal precedent was es 
 tablished from which have flowed the most disas 
 trous consequences. 
 
 More that fifty years elapsed, and still the Gov 
 ernment was not separated from banking institu- 
 
 crown of England at one dollar and eleven cents ; and all silver coins of 
 equal fineness at one dollar and eleven cents per ounce." Act of 1789, 
 Little and Brown, vol. 1, p. 45. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 3*79 
 
 tions, and that which had excited the disgust 
 of all under the articles of confederation, had, in 
 1836, acquired a power and influence which over 
 come all opposition. In 1836, Mr. Benton intro 
 duced a bill into the Senate to re-establish the cur 
 rency for the Federal Government, and although its 
 provisions did not go to the extent of the constitu 
 tional treasury bill, which was enacted ten years 
 after, still the only supporter it had in that body 
 was its author. To save his feelings from being 
 wounded by a regular vote upon it, Mr. Buchanan 
 urged him to consent to have it laid upon the table. 
 Mr. Wright, another friend, made the motion, and 
 although a disposition was manifested to reject the 
 bill by a decisive vote, they, nevertheless, suffered 
 it to go quietly to the table.* 
 
 It is a subject of painful interest to contemplate 
 the years of gloom and disaster, which followed the 
 surrender of the funds of the Government to paper 
 institutions. The Bank of the United States, with 
 its power to control legislation, and to produce 
 financial ruin and embarrassment, took the lead. 
 Its example was followed, in a more humble way, 
 by the institutions created in the several States. 
 To create a vacuum to be supplied by their own 
 notes, specie was exported from the country. A 
 premium was obtained by this operation which re 
 sulted in a more extensive circulation of its repre 
 sentative. Members of Congress, who should have 
 re-established the only constitutional currency, were 
 
 * Speech of Mr. Benton, January 16th, 1840. Appendix to the Con 
 gressional Globe, 1st session 26th Congress, p. 117. 
 
380 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 in many instances indebted to the bank, and they 
 obeyed more obsequiously the behests of that in 
 stitution than the will of their constituents. The con 
 trol which chartered monopolies had obtained over 
 the destinies of the country was truly alarming, and 
 their power was exercised with a reckless and un 
 scrupulous disregard of the public weal. ; , : ,^ vast 
 amount of paper money was issued, car^yi^ ith 
 it an extension of credit, which elevated all kinds 
 of property to an unnatural price, followed by con 
 tractions which carried distress into every part of 
 the country. Suits were instituted against the 
 debtor, property was sacrificed, and the capitalist 
 would purchase it at reduced rates. Another ex 
 pansion of the currency would enable them to sell 
 what they had purchased, and the people would 
 hail, as a blessing graciously bestowed by the banks, 
 that which had the effect of plundering them of 
 the fruits of honest industry. The first bank com 
 pleted its career, and when the inflexible integrity 
 and iron will of General Jackson enabled him to 
 make a successful stand against the second monster, 
 its friends and supporters raised a political excite 
 ment which has seldom had its parallel in the his 
 tory of our country. It was not to be supposed 
 that those who had rioted upon the misfortunes of 
 others would yield their privileges without a strug 
 gle, and the fierceness which signalized that memo 
 rable struggle, illustrated the power which was pos 
 sessed by the capital of the country. The friends 
 of reform triumphed, and a bank of the United 
 States has become an " obsolete idea." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 381 
 
 The capital which had been invested in that in 
 stitution was transferred to State banks. Those 
 persons who had for so long a period the custody 
 and use of the public money, were not disposed to 
 yield the benefits which resulted from it, and the 
 divorce of bank and State was resisted with the 
 samp Stinacy as ever. The friends of reform 
 nurn^,.. ^d in their ranks men who had the ability 
 and the inflexibility of purpose requisite to main 
 tain their views. To Mr. Benton the country is 
 under lasting obligations for the stand which he 
 assumed upon this question, when, "solitary and 
 alone," he withstood the power of wealth and cor 
 ruption, and amidst gloom and defeat, steadily ad 
 hered to the principles of the constitution. The 
 representatives who were elected by the people to 
 sustain him in the struggle, found their principles 
 melting away before the influences which the banks 
 employed in the contest. The evil was hard to 
 eradicate. The influences of paper money had be 
 come fastened like a cancer upon the body poli 
 tic, and a removal threatened its destruction. The 
 crash among the banks, in the spring of 1837, car 
 ried terror and dismay into the ranks of the demo 
 cratic party. Men who had hitherto proved inflex 
 ible, surrendered their positions, and many of those 
 who adhered steadfastly to their principles, were 
 carried down the stream which threatened to un 
 dermine the very pillars of the constitution. Slowly 
 the country emerged from the storm which swept 
 over it. The Independent Treasury bill, which was 
 passed on the 4th of July, 1840, was destined, how- 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ever, to a brief existence. The odium with which the 
 whig party managed to surround it, produced its 
 repeal during the extra session of Congress, in 1841. 
 The admirable manner with which its provisions 
 met the expectations of its friends, during the 
 thirteen months it had been in operation, insured 
 a continuance of their support. Defeat only had 
 the effect of arousing the whole democratic party 
 to renewed exertions, and for five years the strug 
 gle was continued with unabated energy, and ter 
 minated gloriously in the establishment of the con 
 stitutional treasury in 1846. 
 
 Independent of the objections which may be 
 urged, that the constitution confers upon Congress 
 no authority to place the funds of the Government 
 under the control of corporations, there is a mani 
 fest injustice in allowing banks to trade upon that 
 money. It establishes favoritism, and gives people 
 in one section of the country privileges over those 
 less fortunate. Non-interference between individuals 
 is the palpable duty of Government. The specie 
 deposited with one bank by the United States, 
 serves as a basis for the circulation of paper, and 
 constitutes that institution a "pet" of the Gov 
 ernment. This produces an evident violation of the 
 sacred principle of equality, which is the ground 
 work of the constitution. Whatever temporary 
 benefits may accrue to individuals, or the nation, 
 from such a course, it is no excuse for a violation of 
 principle. The Government and the people had 
 both suffered greatly from the system which was 
 originated by Mr. Hamilton, the leader of the fed- 
 
POLK A D M I N I S T K A T IO N . 383 
 
 eral party.* The country has passed through pain 
 ful experience, which shook society, and came near 
 destroying the glorious fabric erected by the wis 
 dom and patriotism of our fathers. The morning 
 which broke upon this long night of darkness and 
 gloom, is a glorious opening to the future. And a 
 recurrence to the evils from which we have escaped, 
 would indicate positive political blindness, which 
 can derive no improvement from the terrible ordeal 
 from which our country has escaped. 
 
 Connected with the revenue of the United 
 States, it was deemed proper by the administration 
 to propose a warehousing system, and it was forci 
 bly recommended by Mr. Walker in his first report 
 to Congress.f A bill was introduced into the Se- 
 
 * "From a report made on the llth of February, 1841, from the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, it appeared that the losses which the Gov 
 ernment has at various times suffered from connection with banks, were 
 estimated to amount to the enormous sum of $15,492,000. A report made 
 to the House of Representatives, April 30th, 1830, believed to have been 
 by Mr. McDuffie, estimates the aggregate losses from the receipt of bank 
 paper, which occurred prior to 1817, at $34,000,000. And in the report 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which he has just alluded, the total 
 loss from 1789, to the people, (the other was in relation to the Government 
 itself,) from the existence of banks and the use of bank paper, is esti 
 mated at $365,457,497." Speech of Mr. Dromgoole, April 2d, 1846. 
 Congressional Globe, 1st session 29/i Congress, p. 592. 
 
 Mr. Walker in his report to Congress, December 3d, 1845, states that 
 the United States Mint had had in its custody more than $114,000,000 of 
 dollars without the Government sustaining any loss. 
 
 The Government was equally fortunate while the independent treasury 
 bill, passed in 1840, was in operation, and it remains to be seen whether 
 any losses will be sustained under the constitutional treasury bill now 
 enforced. 
 
 f " If the cash duties are retained, as it is believed they should be, the 
 only sure method of restoring this trade is the adoption of the warehous 
 ing system, by which the foreign imports may be kept in store by the Gov- 
 
384 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nate for that purpose by Ivlr. Dix, on the 21st of 
 January, 1846. It passed Congress during that 
 session, and received the approval of the President, 
 6th of August, 1846. The act provided that on 
 and after that day, the duties on all imported goods, 
 wares, or merchandise should be paid in cash. That 
 goods upon which the duties were not paid should 
 be taken possession of by the Collector, and depos 
 ited in public stores at the risk of the owner, and 
 subject at all times to his order, upon the payment 
 of the proper duties and expenses. In case the 
 goods should remain in the storehouse more than one 
 year without the payment of the duties, then they 
 are to be appraised, and sold by the Collector at 
 public auction. Within one year after the goods 
 are deposited in the public storehouse, they may be 
 withdrawn and transported to any other port of 
 entry. 
 
 Previous to the passage of that act, the ware 
 house system was in existence, although the laws 
 which regulated it were not so simple and well de 
 fined as the bill of 1846. Indeed, the principle 
 was established as early as 1799, and was enlarged 
 or contracted at various periods since the adoption 
 of the Constitution, for the benefit of the commer 
 cial interest. The effect of the bill is to give an 
 extension of credit to the importer, who would oth 
 erwise be required to pay the duties upon his 
 
 ernment, until they are required for re-exportation abroad, or consumption 
 at home in which latter contingency, and at the time when for that pur 
 pose they are taken out of these stores for consumption, the duties are 
 paid, and, if re-exported, they pay no duty, but only the expense of sto 
 rage. Report of Mr. Walker to Congress, December, 1845- 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 385 
 
 merchandise as soon as it was landed. No possible 
 danger of loss to the Government can be appre 
 hended, because the goods are retained in the pos 
 session of the Collector, until the duties or charges 
 thereon are paid. The difficulty which the merch 
 ant would sometimes encounter in being forced to 
 sell a portion of his wares to discharge the duties, 
 is obviated. The only effect is to give him time for 
 the payment of Government dues. This can be 
 done without loss to the United States, and with 
 great benefit to the importer. How far the bill 
 will meet the expectations of its advocates is yet to 
 be seen. It is stated that the amount of charges 
 received at the port of New- York, is less than the 
 sum expended by Government upon them. This is 
 a reason why the act should be amended instead of 
 being repealed. It is easy to increase the charges 
 which are exacted for storing goods in the ware 
 house, until the amount received is equal to the 
 sum disbursed. The country is very much indebted 
 to Mr. Dix, the able Senator from New- York, for 
 the passage of that law. 
 
 The Mexican war considerably increased the na 
 tional debt, though not so much as was often pre 
 dicted. The amount of the public debt remaining 
 unpaid on the 1st of October, 1845, was seventeen 
 million seventy-five thousand four hundred and 
 forty-five dollars and fifty-two cents.* The balance 
 in the treasury on the 1st of July, 1845, was seven 
 million six hundred and forty-eight thousand three 
 hundred and six dollars and twenty-two cents. f 
 
 * Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1845. f Ibid. 
 25 
 
386 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 On the 22d of July, 1846, the President approved 
 an act authorizing him to issue treasury notes to 
 the amount of ten millions of dollars, or to borrow 
 that sum on the credit of the United States, at in 
 terest not exceeding six per cent.* On the twenty- 
 eighth of January, 1847, the President was autho 
 rized by law to cause treasury notes to be issued to 
 the amount of twenty-three millions of dollars. 
 The notes were to be reimbursed and redeemed by 
 the United States at the expiration of one year, or 
 two years from the dates of the said notes respec 
 tively. They were transferable by delivery and as 
 signment endorsed upon them, and were received 
 in payment of all duties due the United States. 
 The holders of these treasury notes, by presenting 
 them at the Treasury of the United States, would 
 receive the amount in certificate of funded stock, 
 bearing interest at six per cent, per annum. A dis 
 cretionary power was granted to borrow on the 
 credit of the United States, and to issue stock to 
 the amount of twenty-three millions of dollars. 
 On the 31st of March, 1848, authority was granted 
 to the Executive to borrow within one year there 
 after on the credit of the United States, a sum not 
 exceeding sixteen millions of dollars, and to issue 
 stock of the United States as security for its pay- 
 ment.f 
 
 The receipts into the treasury during the fiscal 
 year ending on the 30th of June, 1845, were twen 
 ty-nine million seven hundred and sixty-nine thou- 
 j j 
 
 * Public laws of the United States, collated by Little & Brown, 
 f Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 387 
 
 sand one hundred and thirty-three dollars and fifty- 
 six cents ; of which there were derived from cus 
 toms twenty-seven million five hundred and twen 
 ty-eight thousand one hundred and twelve dollars 
 and seventy cents. The expenditures during that 
 period were twenty-nine million nine hundred and 
 sixty-eight thousand two hundred and six dollars 
 and ninety-eight cents.* 
 
 The amount of money received into the treasury 
 for the year ending June 30th, 1846, was twenty- 
 nine million four hundred and ninety-nine thou 
 sand two hundred and forty-seven dollars and six 
 cents, of w^hich there was derived from the customs 
 twenty-six million seven hundred and twelve thou 
 sand six hundred and sixty-seven dollars and eighty- 
 seven cents. Expenditures for the same period were 
 twenty-eight million thirty-one thousand one hun 
 dred and fourteen dollars and twenty cents ; the 
 balance in the treasury on the 1st day of July, 1846, 
 was nine million one hundred and twenty-six thou 
 sand four hundred and thirty-nine dollars and eight 
 cents. The amount of the public debt, including 
 treasury notes, on the 1st of December, 1846, was 
 twenty-four million two hundred and fifty-six thou 
 sand four hundred and ninety-four dollars and sixty 
 cents ; of which the sum of seventeen million seven 
 hundred and eighty-eight thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety-nine dollars and sixty-two cents was out 
 standing on the 4th of March, 1845, leaving the 
 amount incurred from that time to December 1846, 
 six million four hundred and sixty-seven thousand 
 
 * First annual message of Mr. Polk to Congress. 
 
388 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 six hundred and ninety-four dollars and ninety-eight 
 cents.* For the purpose of increasing the revenue, 
 the Executive recommended the war tax upon tea 
 and coffee, and also upon the principal articles that 
 were at that time upon the free list. He also urged 
 the graduation and reduction of the price of the 
 public lands, as a means of increasing the revenue.f 
 The receipts into the treasury for the fiscal year 
 ending the 30th of June 1847, amounted to twenty- 
 six million three hundred and forty-six thousand 
 seven hundred and ninety dollars and thirty-seven 
 cents ; of which there was derived from customs 
 twenty-three million seven hundred and forty-seven 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-four dollars and 
 sixty-six cents. The expenditure during the same 
 period was fifty-nine million four hundred and fifty- 
 one thousand one hundred and seventy-seven dollars 
 and sixty-five cents, of which three million five hun 
 dred and twenty-two thousand and eighty-two dol 
 lars and thirty-seven cents was on account of pay 
 ment of the principal and interest on public debt, 
 including treasury notes redeemed and unfunded. 
 On the 1st of December, 1847, the amount of the 
 public debt, including treasury notes, was forty-five 
 million six hundred and fifty-nine thousand six hun 
 dred and fifty-nine dollars and forty cents. The debt 
 due on the 4th of March, 1845, when Mr. Polk en 
 tered upon the duties of his office, was, including 
 treasury notes, seventeen million seven hundred and 
 eighty-eight thousand seven hundred and ninety- 
 
 * Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1846. 
 f Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 389 
 
 nine dollar and sixty-two cents, and the addition 
 made to that sum from that period to December 
 7th, 1847, was twenty-seven million eight hundred 
 and seventy thousand eight hundred and fifty-nine 
 dollars and seventy-eight cents.* 
 
 The receipts into the treasury during the fiscal 
 year ending June 30th, 1848, amounted to thirty-five 
 million four hundred and thirty-six thousand seven 
 hundred and fifty dollars and fifty-nine cents. Of 
 this sum there was obtained in duties upon imports 
 thirty-one million seven hundred and fifty-seven 
 thousand and seventy dollars and ninety-six cents. 
 The expenditures during the same time, including 
 those for the war, and exclusive of payments of 
 principal and interest for the public debt, were for 
 ty-two million eight hundred and eleven thousand 
 nine hundred and seventy dollars and three cents, f 
 
 It is extraordinary that the credit of the Govern 
 ment during the war with Mexico was remarkably 
 high. This is the more surprising from the fact, 
 that the bonds of the Government during the pre 
 ceding administration, and in time of peace, were 
 hawked about in the markets of Europe without 
 success. A loan of twenty-three million was au 
 thorized by the act of the 28th of January, 1847. Of 
 that sum five million were paid to satisfy the claims 
 of public creditors, or exchanged for specie at par. 
 Eighteen million were offered for specie to the 
 highest bidder, and were awarded at premiums va 
 rying from one-eighth of one per cent, to two per 
 
 * Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1 847. 
 f Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, December, 1848. 
 
390 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 cent, above par. This was indeed not only a very 
 extraordinary, but an unexpected result. At the 
 time it occurred, there was no prospect of an imme 
 diate termination of the war with Mexico. On the 
 10th of April, 1847, when it was awarded to the 
 highest bidders, Vera Cruz and the castle of San 
 Juan d Ulloa had surrendered to our victorious arms. 
 But the enemy manifested an obstinate determina 
 tion to resist the progress of the invaders, and sub 
 sequently to that period, the road to Mexico was 
 rendered memorable by many a sanguinary battle 
 field. Under these circumstances, that the money 
 should have been obtained by the Government at a 
 premium, presented a novelty to the financial world. 
 The amount of duties collected under the opera 
 tion of the free-trade tariff, was as gratifying to its 
 friends as unexpected to its opponents. The com 
 merce of the United States, instead of being embar 
 rassed by the Mexican war, seemed to be carried on 
 with more energy and spirit than ever, and poured 
 into the coffers of the General Government large 
 accessions of revenue.* The tariff of 1842 would 
 
 * The whole net revenue from duties during the entire period of four 
 years and three months of the operation of the tariff of 1842, (portable D,) 
 was $101,554,653 12, being an annual average of $23.895,208 32. The 
 net revenue received from the tariff of 1846 during its entire operation 
 from the 1st of December, 1846, to the 30th of September, 1848, was (per 
 table E,) $56,654,563 79, or an average of $30.902,489 28 per annum, 
 being an average of $7,007,280 96 more per annum under the tariff of 
 1846, than was received under the tariff of 1842. The net revenue for the 
 first fiscal year under the tariff of 1846 (per table A) was $31,757,070 96, 
 being $757,070 96 more than the estimate of this department ; and this 
 amount would go on augmenting every year under this act, with a favor 
 able state of foreign commerce and industry, in a ratio at least as great as 
 the increase of our population." Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 December 9, 1848. 
 
POLK AD MINISTRATION. 391 
 
 have proved totally inadequate to supply the amount 
 of revenue which was yielded by the act of 1846, 
 and if the former bill h#d continued in operation, 
 the loans required by Government would have been 
 greatly increased. Probably the accumulation of 
 revenue which resulted from the free trade policy 
 enabled the Government to obtain premiums, while 
 a falling off of the customs would have forced the 
 United States to sell their bonds at a discount. 
 
 The public debt of the United States was stated 
 by Mr. Meredith in his report to Congress, Decem 
 ber, 1849, to amount to sixty-four million seven 
 hundred and four thousand six hundred and ninety- 
 three dollars and seventy-one cents. In the same 
 report he asserts, that the old funded debt the five 
 per cent, loan of March 3d, 1843, the six per cent, 
 loan of the 15th of April, 1842, and the debt of the 
 district of Columbia, assumed by Congress, amount 
 ed to fifteen million seven hundred and forty-nine 
 thousand six hundred and fifty-two dollars and for 
 ty-eight cents. This sum taken from the national 
 debt would leave the amount of loans which was 
 necessary to defray the expenses of the war to forty- 
 eight million nine hundred and fifty-five thousand 
 eleven dollars and twenty-three cents, making the 
 interest of the whole war debt less than three mil 
 lion. 
 
 The administration of Mr. Polk made arrange 
 ments to meet all the demands upon the Govern 
 ment growing out of the war with Mexico, and for 
 liquidating the instalments due under the treaty of 
 
392 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 peace, for the fiscal years, ending on the 30th of 
 June, 1849 and 1850.* 
 
 In order to diminish the amount of loans neces 
 sary to prosecute the war, Mr. Polk, in his message 
 to Congress, December, 1846, in general terms re 
 commended the levying of duties upon articles, 
 which, by the tariff of 1846, were placed upon the 
 free list.f This proposition created much excite 
 ment in Congress, in the ranks of both political par 
 ties. Democratic members who were ultra in their 
 views upon the propriety of taxing tea and coffee, 
 were unmeasured in their denunciations of the Ex 
 ecutive. The views which he entertained before his 
 elevation to the presidential chair, were freely com- 
 
 * " This statement shows a balance in the Treasury, on the 30th of 
 June, 1849, of $2.853,694 84 ; and a balance in the Treasury on the 30th 
 of June, 1850, of $5,040,542 11. In the estimated expenditures for the 
 year ending on the SOth of June, 1850, are included balances of appropri 
 ations, amounting to the sum of $3,762,537 29, a considerable portion of 
 which may not be required. Unless new and extraordinary expenditures 
 are authorized by Congress, no further loans will be required, and the pub 
 lic debt may be reduced. Report of Mr. Walker, Secretary of the Trea 
 sury, December 9, 1848. 
 
 f ; If, however, Congress should, at the present session, impose a re 
 venue duty on the principal articles now embraced in the free list, it is 
 estimated that an additional annual revenue of about two million and a half, 
 amounting, it is estimated, on the thirtieth of June, 1848, to four million 
 of dollars, would be derived from that source ; and the loan required would 
 be reduced by that amount." Message of the President to Congress, De 
 cember 8, 1846. 
 
 " It is submitted for your consideration, whether it may not be proper, 
 as a war measure, to impose revenue duties on some of the articles now 
 embraced in the free list. Should it be deemed proper to impose such du 
 ties, with a view to raise revenue to meet the expenses of the war with 
 Mexico, or to avoid to that extent the creation of a public debt, they may 
 be repealed when the emergency which gave rise to them shall cease to ex 
 ist, and constitute no part of the permanent policy of the country.- 
 Ibid. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 393 
 
 mented upon. It was asserted that lie had opposed 
 in his canvasses for the gubernatorial chair of Ten 
 nessee, a tax upon tea and coffee. It is but justice 
 to Mr. Polk to say, that he only advocated the col* 
 lection of duties upon those articles as a war mea 
 sure, to be repealed when a treaty of peace was 
 concluded. The motives which governed him were 
 truly patriotic, and had for their object the preser 
 vation of the public credit, by keeping the stocks of 
 the United States at par value. Unawed by the 
 denunciations which were levelled at him by mem 
 bers of all political parties, he reiterated his recom 
 mendation for a tax upon the free list, in a more 
 specific form. In a special message to Congress on 
 the 13th of February, 1847, he briefly, but in lan 
 guage of great force and power, examined the con 
 dition of our finances, and recommended the raising 
 of customs from tea and coffee.* Against the mea- 
 
 * " In my Annual Message of the 8th of December last, I submitted for 
 the consideration of Congress, the propriety of imposing as a war measure, 
 revenue duties on some of the articles now embraced in the free list. The 
 principal articles now exempt from duty, from which any considerable re 
 venue can be derived, are tea and coffee. A moderate revenue duty on 
 these articles, it is estimated, would produce annually an amount exceed 
 ing two and a half millions of dollars. Though in a period of peace, when 
 ample means could be derived from duties on other articles for the support 
 of the Government, it may have been deemed proper not to resort to a 
 duty on these articles, yet when the country is engaged in a foreign war, 
 and all our resources are demanded to meet the unavoidable increased ex 
 penditure in maintaining our armies in the field, no sound reason is per 
 ceived why we should not avail ourselves of the revenues which may be 
 derived from this source. The objections which have heretofore existed 
 to the imposition of these duties, were applicable to a state of peace, when 
 they were not needed. We are now, however, engaged in a foreign war. 
 We need money to prosecute it, and to maintain the public honor and 
 credit. It cannot be doubted that the patriotic people of the United States 
 
394 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sure, however, was arrayed a large majority of the 
 House of Representatives.* The opposition mem 
 bers of Congress opposed the recommendation of 
 the President, and there were only forty-eight of 
 his own party in the House who sustained his 
 views. It is difficult to see any propriety in the 
 opposition which was made to levying a war tax 
 upon tea and coifee. That the people of the United 
 States would submit to any tax which might be ne 
 cessary to sustain the national honor, there can be 
 no doubt. Indeed, this was unanimously voted by 
 the House, with great gravity ,f If this question 
 was divested of the sophistry with which politicians 
 have invested it, it would be extremely difficult to 
 see why a duty should not be raised from tea and 
 coffee in time of peace. It is asserted that these 
 articles have now become necessaries of life, still it 
 cannot be maintained that they are indispensable. 
 There are other importations upon which a tariff of 
 twenty and thirty per cent, are levied, which are 
 absolutely necessaries of life. It is almost as impos 
 sible for the people of this country to dispense with 
 
 would cheerfully, and without complaint, submit to the payment of this 
 additional duty, or any other that maybe necessary to maintain the honor 
 of the country, provide for the unavoidable expenses of the Government, 
 and to uphold the public credit. It is recommended that any duties which 
 may be imposed on these articles, be limited in their duration to the period 
 of the war." Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, February 13, 1847. 
 
 * " Resolved, That it is inexpedient to levy any duty on tea and 
 coffee." 
 
 This resolution passed by a vote of 115 to 48." Congressional Globe, 
 2d session 29/fc Congress, p. 102. 
 
 f " Resolved, That the people of the United States are too patriotic to 
 refuse any necessary tax in time of war." 
 
 This resolution was unanimously adopted. Ibid. p. 103. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 395 
 
 the use of iron and salt, as to exist without water. 
 Why then should these necessaries be taxed, and 
 tea and coffee be placed upon the free list ? It is 
 easily conceived that the protectionists are in favor 
 of this policy, because the exemption of articles 
 which are not raised or manufactured in this coun 
 try from taxation, will create the necessity for higher 
 duties upon merchandise which comes in competi 
 tion with their own manufactures. But that those 
 persons who advocate the doctrine of free trade, 
 should desire to place tea and cofiee upon the free 
 list, and produce thereby the necessity for more ex 
 orbitant taxes upon articles of still greater import 
 ance to the people, is equally surprising and pre 
 posterous. 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTEK XL 
 
 Internal Improvements. Contest between Congress and the Executive upon 
 that question. Discussions upon the power granted Congress to authorize 
 the States to lay duties upon tonnage in the Constitutional Convention. 
 Public lands. Pre-emption rights. Lands granted to several States. 
 Land granted to soldiers. Post-Office Department. Rates of postage. 
 Foreign mails. Lines established to Chagres and California. The Navy. 
 
 THE administration of Mr. Polk was signalized by 
 the struggle between the friends of internal im 
 provements, and the Executive. A large majority 
 in both Houses of Congress, numbering members 
 of both political parties, were favorable to a lavish 
 expenditure of the public treasury for such purpo 
 ses. The struggle was commenced during the first 
 session of the 29th Congress, and was continued 
 with unabated energy throughout. On the 31st 
 of December, 1845, a bill was introduced into the 
 House of Representatives by Mr. Tibbatts, for the 
 improvement of harbors and rivers, and passed that 
 body on the 20th of March, by a vote of 109 to 
 90. It passed the Senate precisely as it was re 
 ported to that body on the 24th of July, 1846, by 
 a vote of 34 to 16.* The bill encountered an Ex 
 ecutive veto. The message which the President 
 transmitted to the House of Representatives, as 
 signing the reasons why he could not approve the 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p. 1136. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 397 
 
 bill, is charactized by remarkable vigor and power.* 
 The authority of the General Government to make 
 internal improvements within the States, was tho- 
 
 * " The Constitution has not, in my judgment, conferred upon the 
 Federal Government the power to construct works of internal improve 
 ment within the States, or to appropriate money from the treasury for that 
 purpose. That this bill assumes for the Federal Government the right to 
 exercise this power, cannot, I think, be doubted. The approved course of 
 the Government, and the deliberately expressed judgment of the people, 
 have denied the existence of such a power under the Constitution. Seve 
 ral of my predecessors have denied its existence in the most solemn forms." 
 
 " The general proposition that the Federal Government does not pos 
 sess this power is so well settled, and has for a considerable period been 
 so generally acquiesced in, that it is not deemed necessary to reiterate the 
 arguments by which it is sustained. Nor do I deem it necessary, after 
 the full and elaborate discussions which have taken place before the coun 
 try on this subject, to do more than state the general considerations which 
 have satisfied me of the unconstitutionally and inexpediency of the exer 
 cise of such a power." 
 
 " That the power in question is not properly an incident to any of the 
 granted powers, I am fully satisfied ; but if there were doubts on this sub 
 ject, experience has demonstrated the wisdom of the rule that all the func 
 tionaries of the Federal Government should abstain from the exercise of 
 all questionable or doubtful powers. If an enlargement of the powers of 
 the Federal Government should be deemed proper, it is safer and wiser 
 to appeal to the States and the people in the mode prescribed by the Con 
 stitution for the grant desired, than to assume its exercise without an 
 amendment of the Constitution. If Congress does not possess the gene 
 ral power to construct works of internal improvement within the States, 
 or to appropriate money from the treasury for that purpose, what is there 
 to exempt some, at least, of the objects of appropriation included in this 
 bill from the operation of the general rule ? This bill assumes the exist 
 ence of the power, and in some of its provisions asserts the principle that 
 Congress may exercise it as fully as though the appropriations which it 
 proposes were applicable to the construction of roads and canals. If 
 there be a distinction in principle, it is not perceived, and should be clearly 
 defined. Some of the objects of appropriation contained in this bill are 
 local in their character, and lie within the limits of a single State ; and 
 though, in the language of the bill, they are called harbors, they are not 
 connected with foreign commerce, nor are they places of refuge or shelter 
 for our navy or commercial marine on the ocean or lake shores. To call 
 
398 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 roughly examined, and the corruptions of the sys 
 tem, which expended money in particular sections, 
 
 the mouth of a creek, or a shallow inlet on our coasts a harbor, cannot 
 confer the authority to expend the public money in its improvement. Con 
 gress have exercised the power coeval with the Constitution, of establish 
 ing light-houses, beacons, buoys, and piers, on our ocean and lake shores, 
 for the purpose of rendering navigation safe and easy, and of affording 
 protection and shelter for our navy and other shipping. These are safe 
 guards placed in existing channels of navigation. After the long acqui 
 escence of the Government through all preceding administrations, I am 
 not disposed to question or disturb the authority to make appropriations 
 for such purposes." 
 
 " When we advance a step beyond this point, and in addition to the 
 establishment and support, by appropriations from the treasury, of light 
 houses, beacons, buoys, piers, and other improvements within the bays, 
 inlets and harbors on our ocean and lake coasts, immediately connected 
 with our foreign commerce, and attempt to make improvements in the in 
 terior at points unconnected with foreign commerce, and where they are 
 not needed for the protection and security of our navy and commercial 
 marine, the difficulty arises in drawing a line beyond which appropriations 
 may not be made by the Federal Government." 
 
 " It not only leads to a consolidation of power in the Federal Govern 
 ment, at the expense of the rightful authority of the States, but its inev 
 itable tendency is, to embrace objects for the expenditure of the public 
 money, which are local in their character, benefiting but few at the ex 
 pense of the common treasury of the whole. It will engender sectional 
 feelings and prejudices, calculated to disturb the harmony of the Union. 
 It will destroy the harmony which should prevail in our legislative coun 
 cils. It will produce combinations of local and sectional interest, strong 
 enough when united, to carry propositions for appropriations of public 
 money which could not of themselves, and standing alone, succeed, and 
 cannot fail to lead to wasteful and extravagant expenditures." 
 
 " It must produce a disreputable scramble for the public money, by the 
 conflict which is inseparable from such a system, between local and indi 
 vidual interests, and the general interest of the whole. It is unjust to 
 those States which have with their own means constructed their own in 
 ternal improvements, to make from the common treasury appropriations 
 for similar improvements in other States." 
 
 " In its operation it will be oppressive and unjust towards those States 
 whose representatives and people either deny or doubt the existence of the 
 power, or think its exercise inexpedient, and who, while they equally con- 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 399 
 
 leaving other parts of the Union without receiving 
 the aid of the Government, was alluded to.* 
 
 tribute to the treasury, cannot, consistently with their opinions, engage in 
 the general competition for a share of the public money. Thus a large 
 portion of the Union in numbers and in geographical extent, contributing 
 its equal proportion of taxes to the support of the Government, would, 
 under the operation of such a system, be compelled to see the national 
 treasure the common stock of all unequally disbursed, and often im- 
 providently wasted for the advantage of small sections, instead of being 
 applied to the great national purposes in which all have a common interest, 
 and for which alone the power to collect the revenue was given. Should 
 the system of internal improvements proposed prevail, all these evils will 
 multiply arid increase with the increase of the number of the States, and 
 the extension of the geographical limits of the settled portions of our 
 country. With the increase of our numbers and the extension of our 
 settlements, the local objects demanding appropriations of the public mo 
 ney for their improvement will be proportionately increased. In each 
 case the expenditure of the public money would confer benefits, direct or 
 indirect, only on a section, while these sections would become daily less 
 in comparison with the whole." 
 
 " The wisdom of the framers of the Constitution in withholding power 
 over such objects from the Federal Government, and leaving them to the 
 local governments of the States, becomes more and more manifest with 
 every year s experience of the operations of our system." 
 
 " If no constitutional objections existed to the bill, there are others of 
 a serious nature which deserve some consideration. It appropriates be 
 tween one and two millions of dollars for objects which are of no pressing 
 necessity ; and this is proposed at a time when the country is engaged in 
 a foreign war, and when Congress, at its present session, has authorized 
 a loan, or the issue of treasury notes, to defray the expenses of the war, 
 to be resorted to if the exigencies of the Government shall require it. 
 It wouid seem to be the dictate of wisdom, under such circumstances, to 
 husband our means, and not to waste them on comparatively unimportant 
 objects, so that we may reduce the loan or issue of treasury notes, which 
 may become necessary, to the smallest practicable sum. It would seem 
 to be wise, too, to abstain from such expenditures, with a view to avoid 
 the accumulation of a large public debt ; the existence of which would 
 be opposed to the interest of our people, as well as to to the genius of our 
 free institutions." Veto Message of Mr. Polk, August 3d, 1846. 
 
 * Any one at all acquainted with the management which is resorted 
 to in Congress, for the purpose of passing internal improvement bills, can 
 
400 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Unawed by the Executive veto, the House of 
 Representatives, on the 20th of February, 1847, 
 passed a bill making appropriations to the amount 
 
 at once appreciate the arguments of the Executive. To obtain appropria 
 tions of money to be expended in a congressional district, is generally a 
 very popular movement upon the part of a Member of Congress. His 
 influence and usefulness are judged by the amount of money which he 
 can procure from the public treasury, to be expended among his constitu 
 ents. He consequently employs all his energy in having a clause for that 
 purpose inserted in the appropriation bill. Those who have no scruples 
 upon the subject, ascertain the number of votes which are necessary to 
 carry a bill triumphantly through Congress. The votes of some members 
 are counted upon as a matter of course, because they are in favor of the 
 doctrine of internal improvements by the General Government. While 
 others, who favor the protective policy, gladly avail themselves of every 
 opportunity that offers to appropriate public money, for the purpose of cre 
 ating a necessity of increasing the tariff, to supply the deficit. If these two 
 classes do not combine a sufficient number to insure success, the support of 
 others is secured by making appropriations of money to be expended within 
 their Congressional districts. The requisite number thus become inter 
 ested, and the bill passes. This is a state of political profligacy, deplora 
 ble, indeed, and the contemplation of which is truly painful. While the 
 bill which received the Executive veto was under consideration in the 
 House of Representatives, an appropriation was made of $5,000 for the 
 removal of the obstructions at the Crook, in the harbor of Providence. 
 Five members from a southern State voted for the appropriation.* An 
 amendment was then offered to the bill, appropriating $100,000 for the 
 canal round the muscle shoals in the Tennessee river, those five members 
 voting in the affirmative. The proposition was rejected, and one of them 
 moved to reconsider the amendment which had been adopted making the 
 appropriation of $5.000 for the harbor at Providence, and voted with the 
 other four for its reconsideration,! and they all finally voted against the 
 passage of the bill.J Two of these gentlemen were committed to the 
 doctrine of internal improvements by the General Government ; two ad 
 vocated the propriety of improving the Mississippi, Ohio and Tennessee 
 rivers, and all would have voted for the passage of the bill, if the appro 
 priation of $100.000 to the Tennessee river had been inserted. It cannot 
 be doubted that if the appropriation which was asked for the Tennessee 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, p, 524. 
 t Ibid. p. 525. t Ibid. p. 530. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 401 
 
 of $600,000, for river and harbor improvements, 
 by a vote of 89 to 72. This bill passed the Senate 
 on the last day of the second session of the 29th 
 Congress. The President did not avail himself of his 
 constitutional privilege to defeat the measure by refu 
 sing to approve it, because it was passed within ten 
 days of the termination of the session. Undismayed 
 by the denunciations with which the politicians fierce 
 ly assailed him, and by the abuse which teemed from 
 the press, he again boldly met the question, and 
 defeated the bill by the exercise of the veto power.* 
 In that message, which probably displayed greater 
 stretch of thought, and more thorough investigation, 
 than any other state paper which he ever prepared, 
 
 river had been necessary to insure the passage of the bill, it would have 
 been granted without the least hesitation. The friends of the bill had suffi 
 cient strength, however, to insure its success, and the sum of $100,000 
 was not unnecessarily thrown away. Such are the fruits of a system of 
 legislation which, unless arrested, will produce an unscrupulous scramble 
 for the public money, resulting in exorbitant taxation, and financial em 
 barrassment and ruin. What makes the policy still more dangerous and 
 reprehensible, is the readiness with which members yield to the current, 
 and give utterance to the sentiment that while others are helping their 
 constituents so bountifully, they will put their hands also into the treasury. 
 The clamor which is raised in the halls of Congress for a system of in 
 ternal improvements is as mortifying as it is deplorable. It places sove 
 reign States in the position of mendicants, claiming the bounty of the 
 General Government. The demand for more money is made with as much 
 assurance as though to yield it is the plain and undeniable duty of Con 
 gress. Immense sums are called for with as much sang froid as if the 
 revenue rained into the treasury, instead of being exacted from the people. 
 No circumstances will prevent Congress from making these appropriations. 
 The bill which was vetoed by the Executive, proposed an appropriation of 
 $1,378,450 to objects of no pressing necessity, at a time when the Govern 
 ment was contracting loans for the prosecution of the Mexican war. 
 Author. 
 
 * Veto message of Mr. Polk, December 15th, 1847. 
 26 
 
402 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 he examined at length the origin and progress of 
 the doctrine of internal improvements. He com 
 mented upon the rapid strides which were made 
 during the twenty years preceding, in favor of that 
 system.* 
 
 To show that the States are not without a reme 
 dy, so far as the improvements of rivers and harbors 
 are concerned, it is only necessary to examine the 
 powers which the Constitution authorizes Congress 
 to confer upon the States.f When the draft of the 
 Constitution was under consideration in the Conven 
 tion, it was proposed by Mr. Madison, that the 
 clause restraining the States from laying duties 
 upon imports should be transferred from the article 
 authorizing Congress to sanction the act, to another 
 which made the prohibition absolute. This motion 
 was rejected, and Congress can now authorize the 
 States to lay imposts or duties upon imports or ex 
 ports, with the condition, however, that the net pro 
 ceeds shall be paid into the treasury of the United 
 
 * " The policy of embarking the Federal Government in a general sys 
 tem of internal improvements had its origin but little more than twenty 
 years ago. In a very few years the applications to Congress for appropri 
 ations in furtherance of such objects exceeded $200,000.000." Veto 
 Message of Mr. Polk, December I5lh, 1847. 
 
 f " No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts 
 or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
 for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties 
 and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use 
 of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject 
 to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the 
 consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war 
 in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, 
 or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in 
 such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 403 
 
 States.* But the power granted to Congress to per 
 mit the States to lay duties of tonnage is subject to 
 no such restriction, and they may lay duties of ton 
 nage, with the consent of Congress, for the purpose of 
 improving harbors and rivers. This power has been 
 exercised at various periods since the year 1790.f 
 
 * Mr. Madison moved, that the words " nor lay imposts or duties on 
 imports" be transferred from Article 13, where the consent of the general 
 legislature may license the act, into Article 12, which will make the pro 
 hibition on the States absolute. 
 
 Mr. Sherman " thought the power might safely be left to the legisla 
 ture of the United States." The motion was rejected. 
 
 Mr. King moved to insert after the words " imports," the words " or 
 exports," " so as to prohibit States from taxing either." This motion 
 passed in the affirmative. 
 
 Mr. Sherman moved to add, after the word "exports," the words, 
 " nor with such consent, but for the use of the United States ;" so as to 
 carry the proceeds of all State duties on imports or exports into the com 
 mon treasury. This motion was agreed to Madison Papers contain 
 ing Debates of the Convention, pp. 485-7. 
 
 f Under this wise system, the improvement of harbors and rivers was 
 commenced, or rather continued, from the organization of the Government 
 under the present Constitution. Many acts were passed by the several 
 States levying duties of tonnage, and many were passed by Congress giving 
 their consent to those acts. Such acts have been passed by Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia. North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, and Georgia, and have been sanctioned by the consent of Con 
 gress. Without enumerating them all, it may be instructive to refer to 
 some of them, as illustrative of the mode of improving harbors and rivers 
 in the early periods of our Government, as to the constitutionality of which 
 there can be no doubt. 
 
 In January, 1790, the State of Rhode Island passed a law levying 
 tonnage duty on vessels arriving in the port of Providence, " for the pur 
 pose of clearing and deepening the channel of the Providence river, and 
 making the same more navio-able." 
 
 On the 2d of February. 1798, the State of Massachusetts passed a law 
 levying tonnage duty on all vessels, whether employed in the foreign or 
 coasting trade, which might enter into the Kennebunk river, for the im 
 provement of the same, by " rendering the passage in and out of said river 
 less difficult and dangerous." 
 
404 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The power of Congress to make appropriations 
 for river and harbor improvements, is far from being 
 a settled question. The precedents are too conflict- 
 On the 1st of April, 1805, the State of Pennsylvania passed a law 
 levying a tonnage duty on vessels, " to remove the obstructions to the 
 navigation of the river Delaware, below the city of Philadelphia." 
 
 On the 23d of January, 1804, the State of Virginia passed a law levy 
 ing a tonnage duty on vessels, " for improving the navigation of James 
 river." 
 
 On the 22d of February, 1826, the State of Virginia passed a law levy 
 ing a tonnage duty on vessels, for " improving the navigation of James 
 river, from Warwick to Rockett s Landing." 
 
 On the 8th of December, 1824, the State of Virginia passed a law 
 levying a tonnage duty on vessels, for " improving the navigation of Appo- 
 matox river, from Pocahontas bridge to Broadway." 
 
 In November, 1821, the State of North Carolina passed a law levying 
 a tonnage duty on vessels, " for the purpose of opening an inlet at the 
 lower end of Albemarle Sound, near a place called Nag s Head, and im 
 proving the navigation of said Sound, with its branches ;" and in Novem 
 ber, 1828, an emendatory law was passed. 
 
 On the 21st of December, 1804, the State of South Carolina passed a 
 law levying a tonnage duty, for the purpose of " building a marine hospi 
 tal in the vicinity of Charleston ;" and on the 17th of December, 1816, 
 another law was passed by the Legislature of that State, for the " main 
 tenance of a marine hospital." 
 
 On the 10th of February, 1787, the State of Georgia passed a law 
 levying a tonnage duty on all vessels entering in the port of Savannah, 
 for the purpose of " clearing" the Savannah river of " wrecks and other 
 obstructions" to the navigation. 
 
 On the 12th of December, 1804, the State of Georgia passed a law 
 levying a tonnage duty on vessels, " to be applied to the payment of the 
 fees of the harbor-master and health officer of the ports of Savannah and 
 St. Mary s." 
 
 In April, 1783, the State of Maryland passed a law laying a ton 
 nage duty on vessels, for the improvement of the " basin" and " harbor" of 
 Baltimore, and the " river Patapsco." 
 
 On the 26th of December, 1791, the State of Maryland passed a law 
 levying a tonnage duty on vessels, for the improvement of the " harbor and 
 port of Baltimore." 
 
 On the 28th of December 1793, the State of Maryland passed a law 
 authorizing the appointment of a health officer for the port of Baltimore, 
 and laying a tonnage duty on vessels to defray the expenses. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 405 
 
 ing, and the interests involved too numerous to in 
 dicate such a result. In the discussions upon that 
 subject, in the 30th Congress, much ability was dis 
 played by the champions upon both sides. The ex 
 press and implied powers which are conferred by the 
 Constitution were examined in every aspect, and the 
 sanction which had been given in various forms to 
 the policy, by the statesmen who had occupied the 
 presidential chair, was shown.* The vetoes of Mr. 
 
 Congress have passed many acts giving its " consent" to these and 
 other State laws, the first of which is dated in 1790, and the last in 1843. 
 By the latter act, the " consent" of Congress was given to the law of the 
 Legislature of the State of Maryland, laying a tonnage duty on vessels 
 for the improvement of the harbor of Baltimore, and continuing it in force 
 until the first day of June, 1850. I transmit herewith copies of such of the 
 acts of the Legislatures of the States on the subject, and also the acts of Con 
 gress giving its "consent" thereto, as have been collated." Veto Message 
 of Mr. Polk, December 15, 1847. 
 
 * " Here, then, Mr. Chairman, we find General Jackson asserting the 
 very power, and specifying the identical objects of the appropriations made 
 by this bill, the improvement of our harbors, and the removal of partial 
 and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, for the security and 
 facility of foreign commerce a power not only to protect, but to facilitate 
 commerce, and as such, exercisable for its convenience, as well as its 
 safety. And in succeeding pages of this Message, he lays down the rule, 
 that these appropriations should be confined to the removal of obstructions 
 below ports of entry. This rule, sir, the honorable gentleman from Ala 
 bama, [Mr. Yancey,] told us on yesterday, that he was willing to adopt ; 
 but he took the precaution to annex a qualification, which is not to be found 
 in the rule itself, as laid down by General Jackson a condition or limita 
 tion, which, if ingrafted upon it, would imply a want of information wholly 
 inexcusable on the part of that great hero and statesman. The gentleman 
 insisted that General Jackson meant ports of entry, in which the proud 
 ships that brought the cargo across the ocean, might enter, and not those 
 established where an Indian canoe would scarcely float. Sir, was not 
 General Jackson aware, at the time that he prescribed the rule, that ports 
 of entry had been established far in the interior, where the shipping en 
 gaged in our foreign commerce never entered, and could not float ? Did 
 he not know that Pittsburg, two thousand miles distant from the seaboard, 
 
406 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Polk did not have the effect of arresting the tide of 
 popular feeling in favor of the system ; and when 
 ever it is not opposed by Executive power, it will be 
 
 was a port of entry ? What does he tell us in the part of the Message 
 just read? As a natural consequence of the increase and extension of 
 our foreign commerce, ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied 
 and established, not only on the seaboard, but in the interior of the coun 
 try / He knew, then, that the ports of entry had been established in the 
 interior, and yet makes no discrimination in the application of the rule be 
 tween any of them, whether found in the interior or on the seaboard ! 
 
 " If, sir, General Jackson had intended what the honorable gentleman 
 from Alabama supposes, why did he not make the rule exclusively appli 
 cable to ports of entry on the seaboard ? Why, at the very moment that 
 his attention was engrossed by the whole subject, and when he was fash 
 ioning a rule to govern his future conduct, and especially when he men 
 tioned the multiplication of these ports, did he not designate to which the 
 rule should apply, if not intended to be general ? No reason can be as 
 signed. It is therefore manifest that General Jackson did not design to 
 limit the rule to those ports of entry only, in which cargoes were dis 
 charged from the gallant vessels that floated them over the billows of the 
 Atlantic. And, sir, while General Jackson affirms that these expenditures 
 have sometimes been extravagant, so far from interposing any constitu 
 tional check to the exercise of the power by Congress to make such ap 
 propriations, he expressly tells us that he felt it his duty to assent to the 
 bills containing them, and to follow, in this respect, in the footsteps of 
 all his predecessors. This power, then, was sanctioned by every chief 
 magistrate of the country who preceded him, as well as by the profound 
 and distinguished statesman (Mr. Van Buren) who succeeded him ; and 
 yet honorable gentlemen assume to denounce it as a departure from the 
 old landmarks of the republican party !" Speech of Mr. Constable of Mary 
 land in the House of Representatives of the United States, March llth, 
 1846. 
 
 " I derive the power to pass this bill from the first article and eighth 
 section of the Constitution, and the first clause of that section, which reads 
 as follows : The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, du 
 ties, imposts, and excises ; to pay the debts, and provide for the common 
 defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, 
 and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States. It is no an 
 swer to me to say that this ground has been taken by federalists, by the 
 advocates of a strong government, by the opponents of State rights, &c. ; 
 that it has been exploded, or is anti-republican. I profess to be a sincere 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 407 
 
 adopted as the policy of the land, for a time at 
 least. 
 
 The national domain has ever been a subject of 
 great interest with the Government and people of 
 
 friend to the union of these States, and an inflexible advocate of the largest 
 liberty of the citizen, and yet I believe Congress to possess the power of 
 internal improvement under this clause of this Constitution. I believe the 
 clause to be big with meaning, and that upon its proper construction may 
 yet depend the destinies of this mighty people. I believe a proper and 
 well-digested system of internal improvements to be for the general wel 
 fare of the United States, and therefore to come within this power to pro 
 vide for the general welfare. It is said, however, that no power is given 
 by this clause, except that to raise taxes, &c., and to apply them to the 
 common defence, &c. ; and that these words, common defence and gene 
 ral welfare, relate to the subsequent clauses of the Constitution, and that 
 they were at best rather supererogatory than otherwise. Now I deny that 
 the words to raise taxes, &c., have any controlling power over the other 
 parts of the sentence, and insist upon the rules both of grammar and of 
 correct criticism, that three distinct powers are given under this clause, 
 viz. : 1st, to lay and collect taxes ; 2d, to pay the debts ; and 3d, to pro 
 vide for the common defence and general welfare : and I say, further, that 
 the expression to lay taxes to provide for the common defence and gene 
 ral welfare, is not true Anglo-Saxon language, according to the gram 
 mars now in use and force. To lay taxes with which to provide, &c., 
 will do, and yet I am at a loss to perceive the necessity, if this were the 
 meaning, to introduce these words, common defence and general wel 
 fare, unless, indeed, they were to mean something more than what 
 the other clauses of the Constitution embraced ; and upon this latter 
 supposition it would be very little material whether the first clause of the 
 sentence controlled the two last or not ; for, if taxes are to be raised to 
 provide for the common defence, &c., and these last words are not re 
 stricted by the subsequent parts of the Constitution, then the limit to the 
 raising of taxes is only what Congress may deem proper for the common 
 defence and general welfare. I cannot hold that the words here used, to 
 provide, &c. are words of supererogation, introduced to round off the sen 
 tence. Such a supposition is totally inconsistent with the character of the 
 instrument, and the framers of it an instrument in which the utmost 
 chastity and precision of language, and freedom from all superfluous ver 
 biage, was not only to be desired, but was evidently sought, and it is to be 
 hoped, attained." Speech of E. H. Ewing, H. of R. V. S. 9 March 16th, 
 1846. 
 
408 HIS TOE Y OF THE 
 
 this country. There have been acquired by revolu 
 tion, treaty, and conquest, vast quantities of virgin 
 soil, out of which have been carved new States. A 
 large amount still remains unoccupied, over which 
 roams the native tenant of the wilds. These forests 
 are disappearing before the advance of civilization, 
 and populous cities and thriving villages, are rapidly 
 rising along the plains and valleys of the far West. 
 It has been the policy of many of our public men to 
 graduate and reduce the price of the public lands, 
 so that each of our frontier settlers could obtain 
 homes.* While others have been opposed to this 
 course, either for the purpose of contributing to the 
 Treasury of the United States the greatest amount 
 of money, or of appropriating the proceeds thereof 
 to distribution among the States.f 
 
 * See Messages of Jackson and Polk, and Speeches of Messrs. 
 McClernand, Bowlin, and others, during the 29th and 30th Congresses. 
 
 f Referring to the instructions of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, 
 Mr. Buchanan in the Senate, August 12th, 1841, said : " They were thus 
 commanded to resist every attempt to deprive Pennsylvania of her just 
 proportion of the public lands. And what was that just proportion ? She 
 had stated in clear and explicit terms, and had asserted her claim in the 
 most solemn form, to such a portion of the proceeds of these lands as her 
 federal representative population would bear to the federal representa 
 tive population of the whole Union under the late census." Congressional 
 Globe, 1st session With Congress, 328. 
 
 " Mr. Allen offered the following amendment : That no money shall 
 be distributed under this Act, until there shall be a surplus in the Trea 
 sury, without keeping on the taxes now levied, or that may hereafter be 
 levied upon the people, in the form of duties on tea, coffee, salt, and other 
 necessaries of life, used by the general body of the community." 
 
 " Yeas Messrs. Allen, Benton, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Fulton, 
 King, Linn, McRoberts, Mouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier, Tappan, 
 Walker, Williams, Woodbury, Wright, and Young, 18. 
 
 " Nays Messrs. Archer. Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrian, Choate, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 409 
 
 The propriety of reducing the price of the pub 
 lic lands, and granting pre-emption rights upon the 
 most liberal terms to the settlers, was recommended 
 by Mr. Polk in his first annual message.* These views 
 
 Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Henderson, Hunting- 
 ton, Ker, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Moorehead, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, 
 Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, and 
 Woodbridge, 28. Congressional Globe, extra session 21lh Congress, 
 357. 
 
 * " Under our present land system, limiting the minimum price at 
 which the public lands can be entered, to one dollar and twenty-five cents 
 per acre, large quantities of lands of inferior quality remain unsold, because 
 they will not command that price. From the records of the General Land 
 Office it appears, that of all the public lands remaining unsold in the several 
 States and Territories in which they are situated, thirty-nine millions one 
 hundred and five thousand five hundred and seventy-seven acres have been 
 in the market, subject to entry more than twenty years ; forty-nine mil 
 lions six hundred and thirty-eight thousand six hundred and forty-four 
 acres, for more than fifteen years ; seventy-three millions seventy-four 
 thousand and six hundred acres for more than ten years ; and one hun 
 dred and six millions one hundred seventy-six thousand nine hundred and 
 sixty-one acres for more than five years. Much the largest portion of 
 these lands will continue to be unsaleable at the minimum price at which 
 they are permitted to be sold, so long as large territories of land from 
 which the more valuable portions have not been selected, are annually 
 brought into the market by the Government. With the view to the sale 
 and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be gra 
 duated and reduced below the present minimum rate, confining the sales 
 at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivators, in limited quantities. If 
 graduated and reduced in price for a limited term to one dollar per acre, and 
 after the expiration of that period, fora second and third term to lower 
 rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased, and many worthy 
 citizens, who are unable to pay higher rates, could purchase homes for 
 themselves and their families. By adopting the policy of graduation and 
 reduction of price, these inferior lands will be sold for their real value, 
 while the States in which they lie will be freed from the inconvenience, if 
 not injustice, to which they are subjected, in consequence of the United 
 States continuing to own large quantities of public lands within their bor 
 ders, not liable to taxation for the support of their local government. 
 
 I recommend the continuance of the policy of granting pre-emp 
 tions in its most liberal extent, to all those who have settled, or may here- 
 
410 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 were enforced in each of his annual messages to 
 Congress, with an earnestness and force which 
 proved that his feelings were enlisted in that mea 
 sure of justice and reform. 
 
 On the 3d of August, 1846, the President ap 
 proved a bill granting the right of pre-emption to 
 actual settlers on the lands acquired by treaty from 
 the Miami Indians, in the State of Indiana, and 
 making the minimum price per acre two dollars. 
 On the same day an act was approved, authorizing 
 the Commissioner of the General Land Office to de 
 termine, upon principles of equity and justice, all 
 cases of suspended entries then existing in the land 
 office, and to decide in what cases patents should 
 issue upon them. On the 8th of May, 1846, a law 
 was passed repealing an act approved April 5th, 
 1832, and which declared that no person should be 
 permitted to enter more than one half quarter sec 
 tion of land in quarter sections, in his own name, or 
 in the name of any other person, and in no case, un 
 less he intended it for cultivation, or for the use of 
 his improvement. And it was enacted that all en 
 tries, selections, or locations of lands suspended in 
 the General Land Office should be confirmed, pro 
 vided they were in all other respects fair and regu 
 lar. On the llth of July, 1846, a law was passed 
 conferring power upon the President to sell the re 
 served mineral lands in the States of Illinois, Ar 
 kansas, and the Territories of Wisconsin and Iowa. 
 
 after settle, on the public lands, whether surveyed or unsurveyed, to which 
 the Indian title may have been extinguished at the time of settlement. 
 Message of Mr. Polk to Congress December, 1845. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 411 
 
 On the 8th of August, 1846, Congress granted to 
 the Territory of Iowa one equal moiety, in alternate 
 sections of the public lands remaining unsold and 
 unincumbered, in a strip five miles in width on each 
 side of the Des Moines river, for the improvement 
 thereof. On the 1st of March, 1847, a law was 
 enacted by Congress authorizing the sale of the mi- 
 neral land in quarter sections, at a sum of not less 
 than five dollars per acre ; and on the 3d of March, 
 1847, the States of Michigan, Illinois, and Arkansas, 
 were empowered to sell the salt spring lands lying 
 within their respective boundaries. By the provi 
 sions of the Act of February llth, 1847, it was de 
 clared that each non-commissioned officer, musician, 
 or private, enlisted or to be enlisted in the regular 
 army, or regularly mustered into any volunteer 
 company for a period of not less than twelve months, 
 who had served or might serve during the war with 
 Mexico, and who should receive an honorable dis 
 charge, or had been killed or died of wounds re 
 ceived, or sickness incurred in the course of such 
 service, or who was discharged before the expiration 
 of his term of service, in consequence of wounds re 
 ceived or sickness incurred in the course of such 
 service, was entitled to receive himself, or his rela 
 tions in case of his death, a . certificate or warrant 
 from the War Department for 160 acres of land. 
 This act of justice to those persons who had so gal 
 lantly rallied under the standard of their country, 
 appropriated immense tracts of the public domain. 
 Notwithstanding the repeated recommendations 
 of the President for a general reduction of the price 
 
412 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 of the public lands, and in favor of a more liberal 
 policy towards the actual settlers, no radical change 
 was made in the system during his administration. 
 
 The administration of the Post-Office Depart 
 ment was conducted with great vigor during the 
 entire term of Mr. Polk, by Cave Johnson. Before 
 he was appointed to preside over that department, 
 there had been a radical change in the rates of post 
 age and the method of transmitting the mails. 
 
 That law was passed on the 3d of March, 1845, 
 and went into operation on the 1st of July follow 
 ing.* . The rates of postage established by this act 
 for the transmission of every single letter in manu 
 script, or paper of any kind upon which information 
 is asked for, or communicated in writing, &c., were 
 five cents for any distance under three hundred 
 miles, and for more than that, ten cents. The Post- 
 master General was directed to contract for the 
 transportation of the mail with the lowest bidder 
 who tendered sufficient guarantees for the faithful 
 performance of his duty, without any reference to 
 the mode of such transportation, except as to its due 
 celerity, certainty, and security. 
 
 For the purpose of avoiding the embarrassment 
 which might result from a falling off in the Post- 
 
 O O 
 
 Office receipts, the sum of seven hundred and fifty 
 thousand dollars was appropriated, and placed to 
 the credit of the Post-Office Department in the 
 Treasury of the United States, to supply any defi 
 ciency which might occur. Not only was the close 
 
 * For this act, see United States Statutes at large, by Little and 
 Brown, vol. 5, p. 733. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 413 
 
 of the last session of the 28th Congress character 
 ized by this reduction of postage, but a law was 
 passed authorizing the Postmaster General not only 
 to make arrangements with the English government 
 for the transmission of the British mail between 
 Boston and Canada, but he was also empowered to 
 make arrangements with the governments of France 
 and Germany for the direct transmission of the 
 mails between the United States and those countries. 
 The ports of Bremen in the latter country, and 
 Havre in the former, were designated as the points 
 where the mails would be delivered.* 
 
 Another act of Congress was passed on the 3d 
 of March, 1845, conferring authority upon the Post 
 master General to contract for the transportation of 
 the United States mail between any of our ports 
 and those of foreign powers, whenever, in his opin 
 ion, the public interest would be promoted by it. 
 The contracts were to be made with citizens of the 
 United States, and the mail to be conveyed in 
 American vessels. A preference was to be given to 
 such bidders for the contract as proposed to carry 
 the mail in steamships, the contractor stipulating to 
 deliver the ships to the United States, upon demand 
 made, for the purpose of being converted into ves 
 sels of war, the United States being bound to pay 
 to the owners the full value thereof. The Postmas 
 ter General was still further empowered to make 
 contracts for a period of not more than ten years, 
 for the transportation of the mail from one point to 
 another in the United States in steamboats by sea, 
 
 * Little and Brown s compilation of United States Laws, vol. 5, p. 718. 
 
414 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 on the Gulf of Mexico, and on the Mississippi river 
 to New Orleans.* 
 
 Such were some of the laws which governed the 
 Post-Office Department when its management was 
 assumed by Mr. Johnson. In his first report to 
 Congress he disclosed its operations.f By a coni- 
 
 * Little and Brown s compilation of United States Laws, vol. 5, p. 748. 
 
 REPORT OF THE POSTMASTER GENERAL. 
 
 POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT, December 1, 1845. 
 
 Sir : The extent of the post routes in the United States over which 
 the mails were transported, on the 30th day of June last, was 143,844 
 miles. * The annual transportation of the mails over these routes, on the 
 same day, was 35,634.269 miles ; on horseback and in sulkies, 11,225,631 
 miles ; by stage and coach, 17,924,046 miles ; by steamboats and railroads, 
 6,484,592 miles ; which cost the United States $2,905,504. 
 
 For the service on horseback and in sulkies . . $ 548,482 
 For the service in coaches and stages . . . 1,476,079 
 For the service on railroads and in steamboats . 843,430 
 
 For local and mail agents, and mail messengers in- ) 
 cident to the service on railroads and steamboats ) 
 
 $2,905,504 
 
 The number of contractors on that day in the service of the department 
 was 3,277; mail agents 30 ; and mail messengers 114; the number of local 
 agents 13 ; all connected with the railroad and steamboat service. 
 
 It is gratifying to find that, whilst the annual transportation was great 
 er for the year ending the 30th of June, 1845, than for the preceding 
 year by 224,645 miles, the cost was less by $62,791. On the 30th of 
 June, 1845, there were 14,183 post-offices. There were established du 
 ring the preceding year 352 new offices, and 269 discontinued. 
 
 On this day the number is 14,003. 
 
 There were appointed during the same period, 3,033 postmasters: 
 897 were appointed in consequence of deaths or resignations ; 17 in con 
 sequence of a change in the site of the offices ; 753 removals ; 14 where the 
 commissions expired, and not reappointed ; 352 by the establishment of 
 new offices ; 516 of the number of contractors were fined, or deductions 
 made from their pay for omissions to perform, or irregularities in the per 
 formance of their contracts, which amounted to $10,521 50, after deduct 
 ing the remission of fines. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 415 
 
 parison of the returns, he ascertained that there was 
 a diminution of the means of the department to 
 meet the expenses of the current year of $1,323,997 
 less than the preceding year. The cost of trans 
 porting the mail, however, under the provisions of 
 the new law, was reduced $252,732 for the year 
 ending 30th of June, 1846, in New- York and New- 
 England. The Postmaster General had much diffi 
 culty in making contracts with several railroad 
 companies. This was owing to the fact, that the 
 demand on their part, exceeded the rates prescribed 
 by the act of Congress of March 3d, 1845. Mr. 
 Johnson recommended the passage of a law requir 
 ing the prepayment of postages upon all matter 
 passing through the mails, asserting that the trans 
 portation of letters is at the request of the person 
 who deposits them in the office, and the risk of their 
 delivery should not be thrown upon the depart 
 ment. 
 
 In his report to the President on the 7th of De 
 cember, 1846, the Postmaster General stated with 
 great minuteness the operations of his department. 
 He examined the annual average income from the 
 1st of July, 1836, to the 30th of June, 1845,* and 
 
 The revenue of the department for the same period amounted to 
 84,289,841 80. The expenditure for the same time amounted to 
 $4,320,731 99. 
 
 The net revenue, after deducting the commissions of postmasters, con 
 tingent and incidental expenses, amounted to $2,942,217 27." Report of 
 the Postmaster General, December 1st, 1845. 
 
 * " Sir : The general interest felt in the operation of the act of the 
 3d of March, 1845, on the revenues and expenditures of the Post-Office 
 Department, induced me to direct the Auditor to prepare a quarterly state 
 ment of them, from its reorganization in 1836, to the 30th of June last. 
 
416 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the annual average expenditure for the same period.* 
 It appeared that the mail service of the United 
 States, exclusive of Texas, was performed at that 
 
 The tables accompanying this report, marked A and B. 
 
 From table A it appears that the annual average income, 
 from the 1st of July, 1836, to the 30th of June, 1845, 
 amounted to the sum of $4,364,624 65 
 
 Whilst the income for the year ending the 30th of June, 
 
 1846, the first under the new law, amounted to . 3,487,199 35 
 
 " Making a loss of revenue the first year under the new 
 when compared with the annual average of the nine 
 preceding years, of ...... 877,425 30 
 
 " And making a loss of revenue the first year under the 
 
 new law, as compared with the preceding, of . . 802,642 45 
 
 " The revenues, as above stated, include the postages paid 
 on matter which went free through the mails prior to 
 the passage of the late law, of which no account was 
 kept prior to the commencement of the last fiscal 
 year. This diminution of the revenues of the De 
 partment arises principally from the loss on letter 
 postage, which, when compared with that of the pre 
 ceding year, amounted to . . . . . 778,533 64 
 
 " Being the entire loss sustained by the Department, ex 
 cept 824,108 81 
 
 " No inconsiderable portion of this deficiency in the revenues of the 
 past year, may be traced to other causes than a reduction of the rates of 
 postage by the act of the 3d of March, 1845. ; 
 
 * " Table B exhibits the expenditures quarterly under 
 the appropriate heads. From this it will be seen that 
 the annual average expenditure from the 1st of July, 
 1836, to the 30th of June, 1845, amounted to . $4,499,593 58 
 
 " And the expenditure for the year ending 30th of June, 
 1846 the first year under the new law to the sum 
 of 4,084,297 22 
 
 " Making a reduction for the first year, under the new 
 law, when compared with the annual average expen 
 diture of the nine preceding years, 
 
 $415,296 36 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 time by 3,530 contractors on 4,285 post routes, the 
 aggregate length of which was 149,679 miles. 
 That exceeded the amount of the service rendered 
 the previous year in length of routes, 5,739 miles, 
 but at a cost of $202,913 less than the year before. 
 This was occasioned by the reduction of price for 
 carrying the mails in New- York and New-England, 
 under the operation of the law of March 3d, 1845. 
 A similar reduction of price for the transportation 
 of the mails in the .Northwestern and Southwestern 
 States and Territories was effected, amounting to 
 $223,901 per annum. Nearly one third of the post 
 masters in the United States resigned their offices 
 under the operations of the act of 1845, owing to 
 the diminished compensation which that law gave 
 them. 
 
 Contracts had been made for the transportation 
 of the mails between New- York and Bremen, and 
 the Ocean steamers were rapidly progressing for 
 that purpose. On the 19th of June, 1846, a law 
 
 " And when compared with the expenditures of the pre 
 vious year, a reduction of . .... $236,437 77 
 
 " The whole expenditure for the year ending the 30th of 
 
 June, 1846, amounted to 4,084.297 22 
 
 " The income for the same time, including the postages 
 paid by the different branches of the Executive Go 
 vernment, amounted to 3,487.199 35 
 
 " Leaving a deficiency of revenue of . . . . $597,097 87 
 
 " The deficiency was supplied by drafts from the treasu 
 ry, as the service required, .... 650,000 00 
 
 " Leaving a balance in hand on the 1st of July, of the 
 moneys drawn from the treasury during the fiscal 
 year, of $52,902 23 
 
 Report of the Postmaster General, December 8th, 1846. 
 27 
 
418 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 was passed, authorizing the Postmaster General to 
 apply $25,000 for a line of mail steamers from the 
 United States to that city ; and on the 2d of March, 
 1847, there was appropriated $258,609 to enable 
 the Postmaster General to comply with the con 
 tract made with Edward Mills for that purpose. 
 By the act approved July 10th, 1848, the Post 
 master General was authorized to pay $400,000 for 
 the same object, and for the transportation of the 
 mails between Charleston, South Carolina, by way 
 of Key West, $50,000 was appropriated. On the 
 30th of June, the post routes in operation in the 
 United States were in extent 153,818 miles, and 
 the annual transportation of the mails over them 
 was 38,887,899 miles.* The increase in the extent 
 during the year ending the 30th of June, 1847, was 
 9,878 miles, and in the transportation, 3,253,630 
 miles. The contracts for carrying the mail in Vir 
 ginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and Flo 
 rida, was made at a reduction of price amounting 
 to $108,697 per annum. The expenditures for the 
 year ending the 30th of June, 1847, amounted to 
 $3,979,570 63, being $33,677 32 more than the 
 revenues. These facts confirmed the warmest anti 
 cipations of the friends of cheap postage, and con 
 verted the Postmaster General himself into a sup 
 porter of the system. 
 
 The establishment of the line of mail steamers 
 between the United States and Europe, was op 
 posed by an act of illiberality upon the part of 
 Great Britain. An order was issued on the 9th of 
 
 * Report of the Postmaster General, December 6th. 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 419 
 
 June, 1847, by the direction of the Lords of the 
 Treasury, subjecting all letters and newspapers taken 
 by the Washington to England, to the same rate of 
 postage as if they had been conveyed in the British 
 steamers, at their own expense.* The conduct of 
 our Government towards that of Great Britain had 
 been characterized by great liberality. An agree 
 ment had been made in 1844, authorizing the trans 
 mission of the British closed mails to Canada 
 through the United States. When Mr. Johnson 
 was informed of the order issued by the Lords of 
 the Treasury, he promptly annulled the agreement 
 of 1844. 
 
 An express line was established in Montreal for 
 the purpose of transmitting letters to the British 
 steamers through the United States, and in this 
 way it was intended to defeat the policy adopted 
 by the Postmaster General. But they were mis 
 taken in supposing that they could thwart his de 
 signs. Orders were communicated from the Post- 
 Office Department to the officers stationed along 
 the line, to prevent this violation of the laws, and 
 persons were arrested having in their possession 
 mails for the British steamers. 
 
 The post routes in operation within the United 
 States on the 30th of June, 1848, were 163,208 
 miles in extent, and the annual transportation of 
 the mails over them was 41,012,579 miles. There 
 was an increase in the length of the routes during 
 the preceding year of 9,390 miles, and an increase 
 on the amount of annual transportation of 2,124,680 
 
 * Report of the Postmaster General, December 6th, 1847. 
 
420 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 miles.* The contracts made for the conveyance of 
 the mails in New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
 Maryland and Ohio, went into operation on the 1st 
 of July, 1848. The cost to the Government was 
 $61,674 less than the preceding year. The opera 
 tions of three years under the act of March 3d, 
 1845, exhibited an augmentation of the mail ser 
 vice 15 per cent., and the cost for the same time 
 was diminished 15ft per cent. 
 
 The assignees of the contract for conveying the 
 mails to San Francisco, had completed on the 4th 
 of December, 1848, the number of steamers re 
 quired by the contract, f and they sailed from New- 
 York for the purpose of engaging in the service. 
 The steamers which had been built to convey the 
 mails from New.- York to Havana and Chagres, were 
 launched and nearly ready to take their place in 
 the line. The steamer Falcon sailed from New- 
 York in time to deliver her mails at Chagres, in 
 season for their transmission to Panama, to meet 
 the Pacific steamer that was to touch at that place. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy was directed to ac 
 cept the proposals which had been made by E. K. 
 Collins, to the Postmaster General, for the trans 
 portation of the United States mail between New- 
 York and Liverpool. The Secretary of the Navy 
 was also instructed to contract with A. G. Slow, for 
 the transportation of the mail from New- York to 
 New-Orleans twice a month and back, touching at 
 Charleston, Savannah and Havana, and from the 
 
 * Report of the Postmaster General, December 2d, 1848. 
 f Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December 4th, 1848. 
 
POLK ADMINISTE ATION. 421 
 
 latter place to Chagres and back twice a month. 
 He was also empowered by that act, to make ar 
 rangements to convey the mail from Panama to 
 some point in the territory of Oregon once a month 
 each way.* An appropriation was subsequently 
 made of $874,600 for carrying the contracts into 
 effect.f The contracts which were made by the 
 Secretary of the Navy, required the steam vessels 
 to be ready for service in October and November, 
 1848. The annual compensation under those agree 
 ments were, to Collins $385,000 ; to Slow $290,000; 
 to Arnold Harris $199,000. 
 
 Thus mail routes were extended throughout the 
 interior of the country, wherever the necessities of 
 the case required them to afford facilities for the 
 transmission of intelligence, and the diffusion of 
 knowledge. Ocean steam ships were employed to 
 carry the mails of the United States to Liverpool 
 and Bremen, to Chagres and California. The most 
 enlarged and liberal enterprises followed fast upon 
 the establishment of cheap postage, and the w^ants 
 of the people throughout this extended confederacy 
 were supplied, and thus still farther illustrated this 
 age of progress. 
 
 During the year 1845, the American squadron 
 in the Mediterranean consisted of the Cumberland 
 and the Plymouth, under the command of Commo 
 dore Smith. J The African squadron was organized 
 by Commodore Perry, who was relieved by Com- 
 
 * Little & Brown s compilation of the United States Statutes at large. 
 
 f Act of August 3d, 1848. Ibid. 
 
 | Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1847. 
 
422 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 modore Skinner in the Jamestown. The Preble 
 and the Truxton were ordered to return home, and 
 the Southampton, the Marion, Dolphin, and Boxer, 
 were ordered to supply their places. Commodore 
 Read, in the Cumberland, proceeded in January to 
 relieve the Jamestown and Yorktown, which were 
 ordered to the Mediterranean. On the Brazil sta 
 tion, Commodore Rousseau was directed to succeed 
 Commodore Turner, in command of the Columbia, 
 the Saratoga, the Plymouth, and the Bainbridge. 
 Commodore Parker returned from a very successful 
 cruise upon the Asiatic station, in September, 1845, 
 with the Brandy wine, the St. Louis, and the Perry. 
 In May, of that year, Commodore Biddle sailed for 
 the East Indies, with the Columbus ship of the line, 
 and the Vincennes. The Pacific squadron, consist 
 ing of the Savannah, the Levant, the Warren, and 
 the Shark, was .under the command of Commodore 
 Sloat, while the home squadron, consisting of the 
 Potomac, the Falmouth, the Vandalia, the St. Law 
 rence, and the Somers, was under the command of 
 Commodore Conner. That force was increased by 
 the Princeton and Porpoise, the St. Marys and the 
 Saratoga, under Commodore Stockton, and soon 
 after by the John Adams, and the steam ship Mis 
 sissippi. The Secretary of the Navy on the 5th of 
 December, 1846, in his annual report to the Presi 
 dent, referred to the disposition which had been 
 made of the United States navy during the prece 
 ding year. No naval force had been maintained in 
 the Mediterranean. Commodore Biddle, with the 
 Columbus and Yincemies, visited various places in 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 423 
 
 the China seas. Commodore Skinner was relieved on 
 the coast of Africa by Commodore Read, while 
 Rousseau continued in command of the Brazil sta 
 tion, and Commodore Sloat was in command of the 
 Pacific squadron. On the 7th of June, 1846, Sloat, 
 while at Mazatlan, was informed of the commence 
 ment of hostilities between the United States and 
 Mexico, and sailed for California. On the 7th of 
 July he demanded the surrender of Monterey, which, 
 not being complied with, he landed a force from the 
 squadron, and took possession of the place by a 
 bloodless achievement. On the 9th, Commander 
 Montgomery, of the sloop Plymouth, seized San 
 Francisco. About this time Stockton arrived, and 
 succeeded Sloat in the command of the squadron. 
 On the 13th of August, Stockton and Fremont cap 
 tured Ciudad de los Angeles ; and before the close 
 of that month, California was in the undisputed pos 
 session of the American forces. 
 
 In the meantime, an effective squadron was con 
 centrated in the Gulf of Mexico. After the decla 
 ration of war of the 13th of May, the Secretary of 
 the Navy directed the home squadron to blockade 
 the principal ports of the enemy on the Gulf. Two 
 unsuccessful attempts were made by Commodore 
 Conner to capture Alvarado, one on the 7th of Au 
 gust, and the other on the loth of October. This 
 was the place subsequently captured without loss, 
 by Lieutenant Hunter, and -for which he was found 
 guilty by a Court of Inquiry. On the 16th of Oc 
 tober, Commodore Perry, with the steamer Missis 
 sippi, and the small vessels belonging to the squad- 
 
424 HIST GET OF THE 
 
 ron, captured Fronteira, sailed up the river, and 
 took Tabasco. On the 14th of November, Tampico 
 surrendered to Commodore Conner. It was upon 
 this occasion that the patriotism and daring of Mrs. 
 Ann Chase, wife of the American Consul at Tam 
 pico, was conspicuously displayed. As the squad 
 ron approached the town, she heroically dis 
 played the American flag, under circumstances 
 calculated to appal the stoutest heart, and won for 
 herself a national reputation. About that time, the 
 brig Truxton was lost, and her officers and crew be 
 came prisoners to the Mexicans, but were subse 
 quently exchanged for General La Vega, and seve 
 ral officers who were taken with him at the battle 
 of Kesaca de la Palma. The brig Perry was also 
 wrecked. 
 
 During the year 1847, not more than 8,000 men 
 were at any one time in the naval service.* The 
 difficulty in procuring sailors to man our vessels of 
 war, was owing to the great activity in the mer 
 chants service, the increased price paid for the 
 transportation of goods, and the high wages paid to 
 the seamen. Squadrons were maintained during the 
 year 1847 in the Mediterranean, upon the coast of 
 Africa, at Rio Janeiro, in the Pacific, and upon the 
 Gulf coast. The most exciting service which had 
 been performed for years by the American navy, 
 was enacted upon the Mexican coast. On the 21st 
 of March, 1847, Commodore Conner, whose health 
 had become impaired by his service in that climate, 
 devolved the command of the home squadron upon 
 
 * Reoort of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1847. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 425 
 
 Commodore Perry. This enterprising officer faith 
 fully discharged his duty during the remainder of 
 the campaign. The operations of the squadron be 
 fore Vera Cruz, and the service performed by the 
 seamen on shore, greatly assisted in the capture of 
 the formidable castle of San Juan d Ulloa. During 
 that year the brig Somers was lost, making the third 
 vessel which had been wrecked on the coast of 
 Mexico. 
 
 Congress, by joint resolution of the 3d of March, 
 1847, authorized the Secretary of the Navy to place 
 at the disposal of Captain De Kay the United States 
 ship Macedonian, and the United States sloop of 
 war Jamestown, under the command of Captain 
 Forbes, of Boston, for the purpose of transporting 
 to Ireland contributions which had been made to 
 relieve the sufferings of that people, It was a sin 
 gular coincidence that the Macedonian, a ship that 
 had been captured from Great Britain, should be 
 sent thither for the purpose of relieving her subjects 
 from the horrors of starvation. 
 
 The construction of four steam ships of war was 
 authorized by the act of Congress of the 3d of 
 March, 1847. The Saranac was to be built at Kit- 
 tery, the Powhatan at Norfolk, the Susquehanna at 
 Philadelphia, the San Jacinto at New- York.* The 
 Pacific squadron, in 1848, consisted of the Ohio and 
 Columbus, ships of the line, razee Independence, 
 frigate Congress, sloops Portsmouth, Warren, Cyane, 
 Dale, Preble, with the storeships Erie, Lexington, 
 and Southampton. The Columbus, the flag ship of 
 
 * Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December 4th, 1848. 
 
426 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Commodore Biddle, arrived in the United States on 
 the 13th of March, 1848. The frigate Congress was 
 ordered home, the Portsmouth returned on the 5th 
 of May, and the Cyane on the 9th of October. The 
 Pacific squadron, for the time, was under the com 
 mand of Commodore Biddle, who was succeeded by 
 Commodore Shubrick,who was in turn relieved by 
 Commodore Thomas Ap Catesby Jones. The home 
 squadron was continued under the command of Com 
 modore Perry till the 20th of November, 1848, 
 when Commodore Wilkinson relieved him. It con 
 sisted of the frigate Cumberland, the sloops Albany, 
 John Adams, Germantown, and Saratoga ; the steam 
 ers Mississippi, Spitfire, Vixen, Scorpion, Water- 
 Witch, Scourge, Iris, and Petrita; the schooners 
 Reefer, Petrel, Bonito, Flirt, Mahonese, Falcon, and 
 Tampico ; and of the bomb- vessels Etna, Stromboli, 
 Vesuvius, and Hecla ; with the storeships Relief and 
 Electra* 
 
 The African squadron, under Commodore Bol- 
 ton, consisted of the sloops Jamestown, Portsmouth, 
 Decatur ; the brigs Boxer, Bell, Porpoise, and Bain- 
 bridge. The Mediterranean squadron, under Com 
 modore Read, consisted of the frigate United States, 
 sloop Marion, the steamer Princeton, the schooner 
 Fancy, and the storeship Supply ; while the Brazil 
 squadron, under the command of Commodore Sto- 
 rer, was comprised of the frigate Brandywine, the 
 brig Perry, and the steamer Alleghany. 
 
 Thus it will be seen, that the small navy of the 
 United States was actively employed in all parts of 
 
 * Report of the Secretary of the Navy, December, 1848. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 42? 
 
 the world in the protection of our extensive com 
 merce. When we take into consideration the varied 
 interests which are involved in the commerce of the 
 United States, and the inadequacy of our marine to 
 protect it in case of a rupture with any of the mari 
 time powers of Europe, the importance of strength 
 ening that arm of the public defence forcibly sug 
 gests itself. Within the last twenty years the navies 
 of Great Britain and France have been immensely in 
 creased, especially in war steamers. Without possess 
 ing the same advantages for the construction of war 
 vessels, and with a more contracted coast to defend 
 than the United States, the navies of both of those 
 powers greatly preponderate in number of vessels, 
 and weight of metal, over our own. The material 
 which we have for building a marine far exceeds 
 that which is possessed by any other commercial 
 power, while the American seamen are unrivalled 
 in professional skill and gallantry. Our naval 
 schools furnish instruction to the youth of the coun 
 try, while the extensive fisheries in which the Amer 
 ican seamen are engaged, prepare them to discharge 
 the duty which devolves upon them, when they en 
 list in the service of the United States. England is 
 our great rival upon the deep : possessing the same 
 language, and controlled by an indomitable will, 
 which can overcome all obstacles ; with a commerce 
 whose sails whiten every ocean, it is not improbable 
 that before the lapse of half a century, the do 
 minion of the seas will be disputed by the rival 
 branches of the Anglo-Saxon race. England pos 
 sesses a more powerful navy, and the prestige Avhich 
 
428 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 repeated victories over the Dutch and the French 
 gave her. There is one fact, which will enable 
 us to triumph over England in a protracted con 
 flict upon the seas : we possess internal resources 
 which will enable us to exist, if our commerce 
 was utterly destroyed; while the prosperity of 
 England, and the stability of its throne, essen 
 tially depend upon the supremacy of her mari 
 time power. If a war should be declared between 
 the two countries, the navy of the United States 
 would be increased so as to contend successfully 
 with England upon her own element, while it would 
 be powerfully assisted by the privateers, which 
 would issue from every port along our extended line 
 of sea-coast, to cut up and destroy the commerce of 
 Great Britain. This result will weaken her pow 
 er, destroy the source from whence flows her im 
 mense wealth, until the English throne itself totters 
 to its fall. 
 
 As long as the navy of England so much exceeds 
 that of the United States, we shall always be han 
 dled roughly at the commencement of a struggle. 
 And it is to avoid such a result which creates the 
 necessity for a large increase of our war steamers. 
 This is rendered the more justifiable, because the 
 contest with Mexico proved that perfect reliance can 
 be placed upon the volunteers, so far as the land ser 
 vice is concerned, and renders unnecessary the sup 
 port of a large standing army. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 429 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The veto power exercised by Mr. Polk. The instructions to Mr. Slidell. 
 The slavery question. The Wilmot Proviso. The slavery question in the 
 Constitutional Convention. The Missouri compromise. Territorial Go 
 vernment for Oregon. Admission of Wisconsin and Iowa into the Union. 
 Progress made in the arts and sciences. State of American literature 
 and education. Conclusion. 
 
 UPON several occasions during the administration 
 of Mr. Polk, the acts of Congress brought that 
 branch of the Government into collision with the 
 Executive. Elected as the representative of the 
 entire nation, it was his right, as well as his duty, 
 to guard and protect the interests of all. Upon 
 three several occasions he deemed it his duty to ex 
 ercise the veto power conferred upon him by the 
 Constitution, for the purpose of arresting the legis 
 lation of Congress. In shielding the Constitution 
 from encroachment, he followed the example which 
 had been set him by several of his predecessors.* 
 The veto power has been exercised twenty-four 
 times, since the organization of the Government 
 under the present Constitution, and seven thousand 
 seven hundred laws have been passed since that 
 time. 
 
 * The veto power was exercised twice by Washington, six times by 
 Madison, once by Monroe, upon nine occasions by Jackson, four by Tyler, 
 and three times by Polk. 
 
430 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Mr. Polk vetoed two bills which, were passed by 
 Congress, for the improvement of harbors and riv 
 ers, and also the bill making appropriations to sat 
 isfy the claims of our citizens for the spoliations 
 committed by the French. In his last annual mes 
 sage to Congress, the President examined at some 
 length the constitutional negative which the Execu 
 tive has upon the action of Congress.* The demo- 
 
 * " The President is bound to approve, or disapprove, every bill which 
 passes Congress, and is presented to him for his signature. The Consti 
 tution makes this his duty, and he cannot escape it if he would. He has 
 no election. In deciding upon any bill presented to him, he must exercise 
 his own best judgment. If he cannot approve, the Constitution commands 
 him to return the bill to the House in which it originated, with his objec 
 tions ; and if he fail to do this within ten days (Sundays excepted), it 
 shall become a law without his signature. Right or wrong, he may be 
 overruled by a vote of two-thirds of each House ; and, in that event, the 
 bill becomes a law without his sanction. If his objections be not thus 
 overruled, the subject is only postponed, and is referred to the States and 
 the people for their consideration and decision. The President s power is 
 negative merely, and not affirmative. He can enact no law. The only 
 effect, therefore, of his withholding his approval of a bill passed by Con 
 gress, is to suffer the existing laws to remain unchanged, and the delay 
 occasioned is only that required to enable the States and the people to 
 consider and act upon the subject, in the election of public agents who 
 will carry out their wishes and instructions." 
 
 " Congress, and each House of Congress, hold under the Constitution 
 a check upon the President, and he, by the power of the qualified veto, a 
 check upon Congress. When the President recommends measures to 
 Congress, he avows, in the most solemn form, his opinions, gives his voice 
 in their favor, and pledges himself in advance to approve them if passed 
 by Congress. If he acts without due consideration, or has been influ 
 enced by improper or corrupt motives or if from any other cause Con 
 gress, or either House of Congress, shall differ from him in opinion, 
 they exercise their veto upon his recommendations, and reject them ; and 
 there is no appeal from their decision, but to the people at the ballot-box. 
 These are proper checks upon the Executive, wisely interposed by the 
 Constitution. None -will be found to object to them, or wish them to be 
 removed. It is equally important that the constitutional checks of the Ex 
 ecutive upon the legislative branch should be preserved. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 431 
 
 cratic party have sustained, with great unanimity, 
 the provision of the Constitution which authorized 
 the President to postpone or defeat the passage of 
 a law by the exercise of the veto, while the whig 
 party, at various periods, have endeavored to amend 
 that instrument, by abolishing the power alto 
 gether.* 
 
 " If it be said that* the Representatives in the popular branch of Con 
 gress are chosen directly by the people, it is answered, the people elect 
 the President. If both Houses represent the States and the people, so 
 does the P/esident. The President represents in the Executive Depart 
 ment the whole people of the United States, as each member of the legis 
 lative department represents portions of them." 
 
 " Upon the same principle that the veto of the President should be 
 practically abolished, the power of the Vice President to give the casting 
 vote upon an equal division of the Senate should be abolished also. The 
 Vice President exercises the veto power as effectually by rejecting a bill 
 by his casting vote, as the President does by refusing to approve and sign 
 it. This power has been exercised by the Vice President in a few instan 
 ces, the most important of which was the rejection of a bill to re-charter 
 the Bank of the United States in 1811. It may happen that a bill may be 
 passed by a large majority of the House of Representatives, and may be 
 supported by Senators from the larger States, and the Vice President may 
 reject it by giving his vote with the Senators from the smaller States ; and 
 yet none, it is to be presumed, are prepared to deny to him the exercise 
 of this power under the Constitution." Message of Mr. Polk, December 
 5th, 1848. 
 
 * " Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uni 
 ted States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses 
 concurring,) That when a bill which shall have passed the Senate and 
 House of Representatives of the United States shall be returned by the 
 President, with his objections to his approbation and signature, if, upon its 
 reconsideration, it shall pass each House by a majority of all the mem 
 bers belonging to such House, notwithstanding the President s objection, 
 it shall become a law ; and the requisition by the existing Constitution of 
 two-thirds of each House again to pass the bill in such case is hereby an 
 nulled." Resolution introduced into the Senate by Henry Clay, December 
 29//i, 1841. 
 
 " No doubt the idea of ingrafting this power upon our own Constitu 
 tion was adopted by the Convention, from having always found it as a 
 
432 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 On the 4th of January, 184*T, the House of Re 
 presentatives passed a resolution calling upon the 
 President to cornrnunicate to that body, the instruc- 
 
 power recognized in European Governments, just as it had been before 
 derived by them from the practice and history of Rome. At all events, 
 the power was inserted as one feature, not only in the general Constitu 
 tion of the Federal Government, but also in the Constitutions of a portion 
 of the States. Fifty years had now elapsed since the Federal Constitu 
 tion was formed, and it was no derogation from the wisdom and patriotism 
 of the venerable men who framed it, now to say that the work of their 
 hands, though as perfect as ever had proceeded from human hands, was, 
 nevertheless, not absolutely so ; because that was what nothing that 
 sprang from man had ever been. But now, after the lapse of a half a 
 century, it was interesting to pause to look back to review the history 
 of that period, and to compare the predictions of those who then looked 
 into the future, with the actual results of subsequent experience. Any 
 one at all acquainted with the contemporaneous history of the Constitu 
 tion, must know that one great and radical error which possessed the 
 minds of the wise men who drew up that instrument, was an apprehen 
 sion that the Executive Department of the then proposed Government 
 w r ould be too feeble to contend successfully in a struggle with the power 
 of the Legislature ; hence it was found that various expedients had been 
 proposed in the Convention, with the avowed purpose of strengthening 
 the Executive arm ; one of which went so far as to propose that the Pre 
 sident should be the chief magistrate for life. All these proposals had 
 their origin in the one prevailing idea that of the weakness of the Exec 
 utive, and its incompetence to defend itself against the encroachments of 
 legislative domination and dictation." 
 
 " But while there had been no such thing in practice as an encroachment 
 by the Federal upon the State Governments, there had, within the Federal 
 Government itself, been a constant encroachment by the Executive upon 
 the Legislative Department." 
 
 ; First, it attacked the treaty-making power. None could now read 
 the language of the Constitution, without at once coming to the conclu 
 sion that the intention of the authors of that instrument was that the 
 Senate should be consulted by the President, not merely in the ratification 
 but in the inception of all treaties : that in the commencement of the ne 
 gotiations, the instructions of the ministers appointed to treat, the charter 
 and provisions of the treaty, the Senate should be consulted, and should 
 first yield its assent." 
 
 " The President now, without a word of consultation with the Senate, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 433 
 
 tions and orders issued to Mr. Slidell, at any time 
 prior or subsequent to his departure for Mexico, as 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to 
 that country. An effort was made to amend the 
 resolution, by stating, " if not incompatible with the 
 public interest." This amendment was rejected, and 
 the resolution, in its original form, passed, and the 
 call of the House upon the Executive was uncondi 
 tional. On the 13th of that month, Mr. Polk re 
 sponded to the demand made upon him, and de 
 clined complying with that part of the resolution.* 
 
 on his own mere personal sense of propriety, concluded a treaty, and 
 promised to the foreign power its ratification, and then, after all this had 
 been done, and the terms of the treaty agreed upon, he for the first time 
 submitted it to the Senate for ratification. Now every one must see that 
 there was a great difference between rejecting what had already been ac 
 tually done, and refusing to do that thing if asked beforehand." 
 
 " The next Executive encroachment he should notice was that which 
 occurred in the dismissal from office, of persons appointed by and with the 
 consent of the Senate. The effect of this practice was virtually to de 
 stroy all agency and co-operations of the Senate in such appointments." 
 Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, January 24th, 1842. 
 
 * " The information called for respects negotiations which the United 
 States offered to open with Mexico, immediately preceding the commence 
 ment of the existing war. The instructions given to the Minister of the 
 United States relate to the differences between the two countries, out of 
 which the war grew, and the terms of adjustment which we were pre 
 pared to offer to Mexico in our anxiety to prevent the war. These differ 
 ences still remain unsettled ; and to comply with the call of the House, 
 would be to make public through that channel, and communicate to Mex 
 ico, now a public enemy engaged in war, information which could not fail 
 to produce serious embarrassment in any future negotiations between the 
 two countries." " Entertaining this conviction, and with a sincere desire 
 to furnish any information which may be in possession of the Executive 
 Department, and which either House of Congress may at any time re 
 quest, I regard it to be my constitutional right, and my solemn duty under 
 the circumstances of this case, to decline a compliance with the request 
 of the House contained in their resolution." Message of Mr. Polk to the 
 House of Representatives, January 12th, 1848. 
 28 
 
434 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The issue that was thus raised between the Presi 
 dent and the House of Representatives, was of the 
 gravest character, and created much asperity of feel 
 ing. A great deal depends upon properly denning 
 the relative powers of the co-ordinate branches of 
 the General Government ; and the debate upon the 
 President s message exhibited great ability. Prece 
 dents were adduced by the opposition members for 
 the purpose of showing that the President had 
 transcended his powers,* while it was as strenuously 
 
 * " He (Mr. T.) must draw a hasty distinction between the treaty power 
 and the war power. The Constitution vested in the President and Senate 
 the power to make treaties ; and the question arose, should the House or 
 not, without inquiring into the proprieties of the treaties made, or their ope 
 ration upon the people, as affecting the interests, the prosperity, the liberty 
 of the American people should it blindly vote appropriations to carry them 
 into effect ? He agreed with Mr. Representative Polk, that they should 
 not. Suppose the President and the Senate should surrender New-York to 
 the English, as the Spaniards surrendered Gibraltar, ought the House to 
 vote the appropriations which might be necessary to carry the treaty into 
 effect ? He admitted this was an extreme case, but it exhibited more 
 clearly the principle. The representatives of the people would be derelict 
 to the highest obligations of freemen, to vote appropriations to carry into 
 effect a treaty without understanding how that treaty is to affect the pub 
 lic interests. But widely different was the case of war. The Constitu 
 tion did not vest that power with the President and Senate. When the 
 people adopted the Constitution, they retained the right being the true 
 sovereigns of the war-making power, to be exercised through their Re 
 presentatives in Congress ; and this information now called for of Mr. Polk 
 was in relation to war. Congress wanted to know, in relation to this war, 
 what was to be accomplished, and how it was to be accomplished." 
 Speech of Patrick W. Tompkinsin the House of Representatives, January 
 19, 1848. Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, pp. 203 
 and 204. 
 
 " I will state, sir, that the reason why I have felt it my duty to take 
 this course, is, that I consider it a novel thing, and a thing affecting the 
 rights of this House, and of the constituency of this House the people 
 of the United States. It denies, sir, as I understand it, the power, the 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 435 
 
 contended by the democratic party, that the course 
 pursued by the Executive was sustained by the ac 
 tion of his predecessors, and by the Constitution of 
 
 constitutional power of this House to call for that information. I believe 
 it is the first time in the History of the Union that it has been denied. 
 
 " Now, sir, the President has not added what was the action of the 
 House upon that, and the action of the House was in direct opposition to the 
 resistance of President Washington to their call. The House formally 
 declared and I wish the journal might be looked to to see the House 
 formally declared, against President Washington, their right to call for 
 such information. That was their action ; and as far as I know al 
 though the very memory of Washington, by every body in this country, 
 at this time, (and by none more than myself,) is reverenced next to wor 
 ship the President was wrong in that particular instance, and went too 
 far to deny the power of the House ; and as to his reasons, I never thought 
 they were sufficient in that case. And I have always been of the opinion, 
 and most assuredly that has been the opinion of the democratic party, to 
 which I do not profess to belong, [a laugh,] they have unanimously dis 
 approved of that act of President Washington, as interfering with the rights 
 of this House, and of their constituents, the people of the United States. 
 
 " I think this House ought to sustain, in the strongest manner, their 
 right to call for information upon questions in which war and peace are 
 concerned. They ought to maintain their right, and maintain it in a very 
 distinct manner, against this assertion upon the part of the President of 
 the United States." Last remarks ever addressed by John Q. Adams, in 
 the House of Representatives, January 12th, 1848. 
 
 " The President came and asked supplies men and money to carry on 
 this war to maintain him in the position, he said, of honorable fair deal 
 ing towards Mexico, with whom we were at war ; and as the justification, 
 they were told, was to be found in connection with the history of this por 
 tion of the war, they inquired of him whether or not he could give them 
 light upon this subject ; and he declined to do so, and declined upon the 
 pretext that by it would be made public to the country, and to Mexico, the 
 matters in relation to the passport of Santa Anna, and the instructions of 
 Mr. Slidell. The lllth rule of this House provided as follows, and he 
 wished it to be read by the Clerk : 
 
 " Whenever confidential communications are received from the Presi 
 dent of the United States, the House shall be cleared of all persons except 
 the Members, Clerk^ Sergeant-at-Arms, and Doorkeeper, and so continue 
 during the reading of such communications, and (unless otherwise di 
 rected by the House,) during all debates and proceedings to be had 
 thereon. 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the United States.* In a constitution of checks and 
 balances, like our own, it is a matter of the most 
 vital importance that one branch of the Government 
 
 " If the President of the United States, (continued Mr. S.,) had been 
 willing to trust the Representatives of the people of the United States, 
 there would have been no difficulty about this communication. He could 
 have marked it confidential ; then it would have been the duty of the 
 Speaker to have advised the House that it was a confidential communica 
 tion, and to have had the House cleared of all persons except the members 
 and officers, while they took up the subject of the information which was 
 necessary for their wise and judicious action in time of war." Remarks 
 of Mr. Schenckin the House of Representatives, January 122ft, 1848. 
 
 * GENERAL WASHINGTON S MESSAGE, IN 1796. 
 
 There was a resolution introduced into the House of Representatives 
 on the 7th of March, 1796, to the following effect : 
 
 " Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
 lay before this House a copy of the instructions to the minister of the 
 United States who negotiated the treaty with the King of Great Britain, 
 (communicated by his message of the first instant,) together with the cor 
 respondence and other documents relative to the said treaty, excepting 
 such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render it impro 
 per to be disclosed." 
 
 " A motion was made and seconded to amend the said motion, by strik 
 ing out the words excepting such of the said papers as any existing nego 
 tiation may render it improper to be disclosed? and inserting in lieu thereof 
 the words, * except so much of the said papers as, in his judgment, it may 
 not be consistent with the interest of the United States to disclose. " 
 
 This amendment was rejected, and the resolution as originally intro 
 duced was passed on the 24th of March, 1796. 
 
 The object of the amendment was to leave the communication of the 
 instructions and correspondence called for in the resolution entirely to the 
 discretion of the President. His judgment, alone, was to control him in 
 the premises. That amendment was rejected, and the demand was made 
 for the instructions and correspondence, with the single qualification, thai 
 the President might withhold such " papers as any existing negotiations 
 may render it improper to be disclosed." 
 
 That portion of the instructions and correspondence which was dis 
 connected with the future, was peremptorily demanded by the House, and 
 as flatly refused by President Washington. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 437 
 
 should not trench upon the powers of another. 
 Upon a strict adherence to the constitutional boun 
 dary of each, hinges the successful operation of all. 
 
 President Washington, on the 30th of March, 1796, responded to the 
 resolution of the House of Representatives. It is nowhere asserted in 
 his message that the communication of the instructions and correspond 
 ence called for would be detrimental to the public interest. He only goes 
 so far as to insist, that after negotiations are brought to a conclusion, a 
 full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions, 
 " might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations," &c. He did 
 not for that reason refuse to comply with their request. He based his 
 argument upon altogether different grounds. He denied the right of the 
 House of Representatives to possess the information, and asserted that 
 the Constitution had vested the power to make treaties in the President 
 and Senate, and that when made and promulgated they became the law of 
 the land. 
 
 It has been asserted, that if confidential communications are made to 
 the House, it can resolve itself into secret session. President Washing 
 ton said, that the necessity for " caution and secrecy was one cogent rea 
 son for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the 
 advice and consent of the Senate ; the principle on which that body was 
 formed, confining it to a small number of members." 
 
 Washington s message forcibly illustrates his opinions. 
 
 " The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their suc 
 cess must often depend on secrecy : and even when brought to a conclu 
 sion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions, 
 which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impo 
 litic ; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or 
 produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in rela 
 tion to other powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was 
 one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the Presi 
 dent, with the advice and consent of the Senate ; the principle on which 
 that body was formed, confining it to a small number of members. 
 
 " To admit then a right in the House of Representatives to demand, 
 and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation 
 with a foreign power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent." 
 
 " Having been a member of the General Convention, and knowing the 
 principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained 
 but one opinion on this subject ; and from the first establishment of the 
 Government to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion, that 
 the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the President, by and 
 
438 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 No question that can ever arise in this country will 
 be more delicate ; and, upon its proper adjustment, 
 the stability of the Union may yet depend. 
 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate ; provided two-thirds of the 
 senators present concur, and that every treaty so made and promulgated, 
 thenceforward is the law of the land." 
 
 " If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the Constitution 
 itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be 
 found in the journals of the general convention, which I have deposited in 
 the office of the department of State. In those journals it will appear, 
 that a proposition was made that no treaty should be binding on the 
 United States which was not ratified by law, and that the proposition was 
 explicitly rejected." 
 
 Here is a decided expression of opinion upon the part of General 
 Washington, who was one of the members of the convention which framed 
 the Constitution, that the House of Representatives can take no part in 
 conducting the foreign negotiations of the country. 
 
 Mr. Webster, in his speech in the House of Representatives on the 
 Panama mission, cites the case of the appointment of commissioners to 
 Ghent, where the President gave them such instructions as he saw fit. 
 Although the war was begun for certain purposes, yet Congress did not 
 assume a right to ascertain from the Executive, whether the negotiations 
 were to be conducted with a view to accomplish those ends. 
 
 Mr. Webster was then denying the right of the House to interfere with 
 foreign negotiations. 
 
 " But, in truth, there have been much stronger cases for the interfer 
 ence of the House, where, nevertheless, the House has not interfered. 
 For example : in the negotiations for peace, carried on at Ghent. In 
 that case, Congress, by both Houses, had declared war for certain alleged 
 causes. After the war had lasted some years, the President, with the ad 
 vice of the Senate, appointed ministers to treat of peace ; and he gave 
 them such instructions as he saw fit. Now, as the war was declared by 
 Congress, and was waged to obtain certain ends, it would have been plau 
 sible to say that Congress ought to know the instructions under which 
 peace was to be negotiated, that they might see whether the objects for 
 which the war was declared had been abandoned ; yet no such claim was 
 set up. The President gave instructions such as his judgment dictated, 
 and neither House asserted any right of interference." Speech of Mr. 
 Webster, April 14, 1826. 
 
 In the case cited by Mr. Webster, the declaration of war had been 
 made by Congress, and afterwards, and during the progress of that war, 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 439 
 
 The acquisition of territory from Mexico, appa 
 rently, increased the dangers which the question of 
 slavery presents to the Government of this country. 
 
 the ministers were appointed and the instruction given, and yet the House 
 of Representatives did not assume the right to interfere. 
 
 In the case now under consideration, the instructions were given before 
 the declaration of war, and consequently no assertion can be made that the 
 instructions to Mr. Slidell were a departure from the line of policy indi 
 cated in that declaration. 
 
 
 
 MISSION TO PANAMA. 
 
 Ministers were appointed by President Adams for the purpose of at 
 tending the Congress to assemble at Panama. 
 
 This question produced a long and able debate in the House of Repre 
 sentatives. 
 
 Upon the one hand it was contended, that while the appropriation 
 should be made, to enable the President to send ministers to the Congress 
 of Panama, yet that the House had the power to express what should be 
 done, and to withhold their sanction to any departure from what was con 
 sidered the settled policy of the country, in relation to intercourse with 
 foreign nations. 
 
 Upon the other side it was insisted that the right to appoint ambassa 
 dors being vested in the President and Senate, it was the duty of the 
 House to grant the necessary appropriation, without any restriction upon 
 the right of the other branches of. the Government. 
 
 Where the simple resolution to grant the appropriation was amended, 
 by an expression of the views of the House as to the manner in which 
 the mission should be conducted, it was rejected by a vote of 143 to 54. 
 
 Mr. Webster referring to the appointment of the minister by President 
 Adams, remarked : " These officers do, indeed, already exist. They are 
 public ministers. If they were to negotiate a treaty, and the Senate 
 should ratify it, it would become a law of the land, whether we voted their 
 salaries or not. This shows that the Constitution never contemplated 
 that the House of Representatives should act a part in originating nego 
 tiations or concluding treaties." 
 
 The House of Representatives in 1832 was desirous of obtaining the 
 correspondence between our Government and Buenos Ayres, and passed 
 a resolution calling upon the President for it. 
 
 On the 28th of December, 1832, President Jackson sent the following 
 message to the House of Representatives : 
 
440 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 This result was anticipated by several southern 
 members of Congress, who were opposed to the 
 dismemberment of the Mexican territory.* Diffi- 
 
 " To THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES : 
 
 " I have taken into consideration the resolution of the House request 
 ing me to communicate to it, so far as, in my opinion, may be consistent 
 with the public interest, the correspondence between the Government 
 of the United States and that of the Republic of Buenos Ayres, which 
 has resulted in the departure of the charge d affaires of the United States 
 from that Republic, together with the instructions given to the said charge 
 
 * " Mr. Gentry supposed that the gentleman only meant that we must 
 indemnify ourselves for the expenses of the war ; and to do this we should 
 be obliged most reluctantly obliged to annex some of her provinces, 
 though the whole nation was opposed to it. Yes ; the President had not 
 waged war for conquest not at all. But he found conquest in his path, 
 and he could neither get over it, nor get around it ; so he e en picked it 
 up. Now, Mr. G. insisted, that no such annexation could take place with 
 out an act of the Legislature, or a violation of the Constitution. If it was 
 the desire of the people that these provinces should become a part of the 
 United States, let them say so. But they had not, and they would not." 
 
 " Would the Northern States consent that slavery should be established 
 in these new provinces ? Qertainly not. Then we were to have at the 
 extreme South a cordon of free States. What would the present South 
 say to that ?" 
 
 " Did not gentlemen see the difficulties which lay in prospect before 
 us ? What was the President going to do with these provinces when he 
 got them ? This question of slavery had been met by our revolutionary 
 fathers at the time of the formation of the Constitution, and even then it 
 was one of the utmost difficulty. It came up again on the admission of 
 Missouri, and then it shook the deepest foundation of this entire Union ; 
 nor was the danger averted but by the efforts of that illustrious patriot, to 
 whom the country owed so much of its prosperity. Should it be brought 
 up again in this new form, and on so wide a scale, he feared it was destined 
 to produce the wreck of all our hopes. These men in power were evi 
 dently going to build up the South at the hazard of the Union itself. 
 There were bad men among us who desired its dissolution, and, unless 
 Congress put a curb into the mouth of this petty tyrant, (and, as his side 
 of the House could not do this alone, he invoked gentlemen on the other 
 who loved their country, to aid in the work.) we might anticipate conse 
 quences more disastrous than any thing that had happened to us since the 
 
POLK ADMINISTBATION. 441 
 
 culties were also apprehended by the Executive, 
 who warned Congress to avoid them, and he invok 
 ed a spirit of concession and harmony upon their 
 deliberations.* 
 
 d affaires, and in answer to the said request, state, for the information of 
 the House, that, although the charge d affaires of the United States has 
 found it necessary to return, yet the negotiation between the two countries 
 for the arrangement of the differences between them, are not considered 
 as broken off, but are suspended only until the arrival of a minister, who, 
 
 adoption of the Constitution." Speech of Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee, House 
 of Representatives of the United States, December 16th, 1846. 
 
 " Be it., therefore, resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives,: 
 of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the present 
 war with Mexico is not waged with a view to conquest, or the dismem 
 berment of that republic by the acquisition of any portion of her territory." 
 Resolution introduced by Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, January 22d, 1847, 
 Congressional Globe, %d session 29th Congress, p. 240. 
 
 The House refused to suspend the rules for the introduction of that 
 resolution, 76 members voting in the affirmative, and 88 in the negative. 
 
 * " In organizing governments over these territories, fraught with such 
 vast advantages to every portion of our Union, I invoke that spirit of con 
 cession, conciliation, and compromise in your deliberations, in which the 
 Constitution was framed, in which it should be administered, and which is 
 so indispensable to preserve and perpetuate the harmony and union of the 
 States. We should never forget that this union of confederated States 
 was established and cemented by kindred blood, and by the common 
 toils, sufferings, dangers, and triumphs of all its parts, and has been the 
 ever augmenting source of our national greatness and of all our blessings. 
 
 There has, perhaps, been no period since the warning so impressively 
 given to his countrymen by Washington, to guard against geographical 
 divisions and sectional parties, which appeals with greater force than the 
 present to the patriotic, sober-minded, and reflecting of all parties and of 
 all sections of our country. Who can calculate the value of our glorious 
 Union ? It is a model and example of free government to all the world, 
 and is the star of hope and haven of rest to the oppressed of every clime. 
 By its preservation we have been rapidly advanced as a nation to a height, 
 of strength, power, and happiness, without a parallel in the history of the 
 world. As we extend its blessings over new regions, shall we be so un 
 wise as to endanger its existence by geographical divisions and dissen 
 sions ?" Message of Mr. Polk to Congress, July 6, 1848. 
 
442 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Indeed, the agitation upon the subject of slavery 
 had increased in violence since the elevation of Mr. 
 Polk to the presidential chair. The question which 
 
 it is officially announced, will be sent to this country, with power to treat 
 on the subject. 
 
 " This fact, it is believed, will justify the opinion I have formed, thai it 
 will not be consistent with the public interest to communicate the corres 
 pondence and instructions requested by the House, so long as the nego 
 tiations shall be pending. 
 
 " Signed, ANDREW JACKSON." 
 
 In that resolution the demand was for the correspondence between the 
 two Republics, as well as the instructions to the charge d affaires. The 
 President refused to give either. And yet in that case the correspondence 
 was as \vell known to the Government of Buenos Ayres as to our own. 
 No fear could be expressed, therefore, that injury would result from the 
 correspondence falling into the possession of that Government, because it 
 was already in their possession. Not so in the case of the Slidell instruc 
 tions. 
 
 The evils resulting from the publication of diplomatic correspondence, 
 was demonstrated in the case of the treaty with France. After that treaty 
 was ratified by our Government, the correspondence was called for and 
 published, and the effect was a refusal for a time of the French Chambers 
 to ratify the treaty, and the two countries were brought to the verge of a 
 war. This danger would undoubtedly have been obviated, if the corres 
 pondence had been withheld until the treaty had been ratified by both Go 
 vernments. 
 
 On the 22d of April, 1842, a resolution offered by Mr. Allen, came 
 up for action in the Senate of the United States. The resolution called 
 upon the President for all the information in his possession with regard 
 to the establishment in the State of Rhode Island of a republican form of 
 government, in the place of the land company charter granted by King 
 Charles II. of England; and with that information all correspondence, proc 
 lamations, orders and proceedings of any character and description what 
 soever, which had been taken on the part of the Executive Government 
 of the United States touching that matter. 
 
 Mr. Allen remarked that he wanted distinctly to be understood before 
 the country, that the resolution pointed to Executive action, and not to the 
 merits or demerits of the controversy in that State. Mr. Preston spoke 
 of the impolicy of any action on the subject by the Senate in the present 
 juncture of affairs, and moved to lay the resolution on the table. Those 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 443 
 
 had been compromised by the framers of the Con 
 stitution, and again by Congress when Missouri was 
 admitted into the Union, now raged with startling 
 
 who voted in the affirmative, were Messrs. Archer, Bagby, Barrow, Bates, 
 Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Evans, 
 Graham, Huntington, King, Mangum, Miller, Phelps, Porter, Preston, 
 Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Sprague, and Tallmadge, so it was laid upon 
 the table. 
 
 Here was a case where it was supposed that the President of the Uni 
 ted States had or was about to interfere in the internal affairs of a State, 
 and that he intended to exercise the power vested in him as Commander- 
 in-chief of the army for that purpose, the effect of which might be to in 
 volve the country in a civil war. Although it was purely a domestic ques 
 tion, and did not involve delicate negotiations with foreign powers, yet the 
 Senate refused to make the call upon the President. 
 
 THE McLEOD CASE. 
 
 On the 22d of February, 1842, Mr. Allen of Ohio, introduced the fol 
 lowing resolution into the Senate of the United States : 
 
 " Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to 
 inform the Senate, if in his opinion it may be done without detriment to 
 the public interest, what proceedings, if any, have taken place between 
 this and the British Government relative to the matter of the Caroline, and 
 the arrest and demand of McLeod, since the date of his last communica 
 tion on this subject, and to lay before the Senate a copy of the corres 
 pondence which may, subsequently to that date, have passed between these 
 Governments relative to the same matters." 
 
 Mr. Rives, who was at that time chairman of the committee on for 
 eign affairs, made the following observations. (Congressional Globe, p. 
 259.) " Mr. Rives said it appeared to him it would be virtually taking 
 the department of foreign affairs into their own hands. What was it the 
 honorable Senator desired ? Not the facts connected with the case. 
 These he was already in possession of. But he wants to know in what 
 manner the negotiation had been carried on between the two Govern 
 ments. In what respect was the Constitution so impaired that it became 
 necessary for the Senate of the United States to take out of the hands of 
 the Executive the control of foreign negotiations ?" 
 
 " It was said that the public interests was not likely to sustain any de 
 triment by the publication of these negotiations, but independently of the 
 want of courtesy arid indelicacy towards the Executive, there were 
 
444 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 violence, and fresh materials were given to the 
 raging element by the acquisition of territory from 
 Mexico. 
 
 abundant reasons why an inquiry of this kind should not be made at this 
 moment." 
 
 " Mr. Rives moved that the resolution be laid upon the table. The mo 
 tion was decided in the affirmative. Yeas 24 ; nays 13." Senate Journal, 
 p. 186. 
 
 Those who voted in the affirmative were Archer, Barrow, Bates, Ber- 
 rien, Calhoun, Choate, Clay, Clayton, Evans, Henderson, King, Mangum, 
 Merrick, Morehead, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith of 
 Indiana, Southard, Sprague, Tallmadge, Woodbridge. 
 
 Those who voted in the negative were Allen, Benton, Fulton, Linn, 
 McRoberts, Pierce, Sevier, Smith of Conn., Sturgeon, Tappan, Wood- 
 bury, Wright, Young. 
 
 In this case the reason assigned for laying the resolution on the table, 
 was that the Senate had no right to take the foreign negotiations of the 
 country out of the hands of the Executive, and that it would exhibit a 
 want of courtesy, and be an act of indelicacy towards the Executive. 
 
 In that case the lives of our citizens had been sacrificed, and their pro 
 perty destroyed, upon the undisputed soil of the Republic. The injury 
 was still unredressed. The solemn appeal, " I am an American citizen," 
 was unanswered ; and it was to hasten the day of atonement, that the de 
 mand was to be made upon the Executive, and yet Senators who now cla 
 mor about " unlawful assumption of power," could then fold their arms 
 upon their breasts, because it would be " indelicate to interfere." 
 
 On the 9th of April, 1846, resolutions were introduced into the House 
 of Representatives by Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, calling upon the State Depart 
 ment for information relative to the conduct of Daniel Webster, while act 
 ing as Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll prefaced his resolutions with the distinct charge, that 
 Mr. Webster while Secretary of State had been guilty of misdemeanors 
 in office, and that he had made a fraudulent misapplication and personal 
 use of the public fund, (fee., and that the information sought for would es 
 tablish those facts. 
 
 Among those who voted against the resolutions were Messrs. J. Q. 
 Adavns, Ashmun, Garrett Davis, Hudson, Thomas Butler King, Schenck, 
 and Trumun Smith. 
 
 The President declined to comply with the resolution, assigning as a 
 reason that there was a law in existence to the following effect : When 
 money is drawn from the treasury under any law making appropriations 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 445 
 
 During the first session of the 29th Congress a 
 bill was introduced into the House of Representa 
 tives, appropriating $2,000,000, for the purpose of 
 defraying any extraordinary expenses which might 
 be incurred in the intercourse between the United 
 States and foreign nations. This appropriation was 
 desired to enable the President to obtain California 
 in any treaty which might be concluded between 
 the two countries.* It was to this bill that Mr. 
 David Wilniot, of Pennsylvania, proposed his cele- 
 
 for the contingent expenses between the United States and foreign na 
 tions, if in the judgment of the President the expenditure of any sums 
 should not be made public, he has only to make a certificate of the amount 
 thereof, which is a sufficient voucher. 
 
 Here a law which can be repealed, authorized the President to be con 
 trolled by his judgment merely, and upon the ground that certificates had 
 been made by some of his predecessors, President Polk refused to comply 
 with the request of the House. 
 
 In that case a distinct charge had been made against a man high in of 
 fice, which, if true, would subject him to impeachment. In was a matter 
 in which foreign Governments had no concern ; it was a domestic question 
 strictly, and yet those gentlemen not only vote against the passage of the 
 resolution, but upon the refusal of the Executive to comply with the call, 
 they are warm in their commendations of his conduct. 
 
 In the case now under consideration, where the President intrenches 
 himself behind his constitutional rights, and his duty to his country, when 
 the subject of controversy is not a domestic question merely, but one in 
 volving the foreign policy of the country, and that, too, in a time of war, 
 these same gentlemen are loud in their denunciations of the President. 
 
 After an examination of all these precedents, it is difficult to see how 
 members of the whig party can complain of the exercise of the power by 
 the President in refusing to comply with the resolutions. Upon constitu 
 tional grounds, upon the precedents set by his predecessors, and upon the 
 question of expediency, it is difficult to see how the conduct of the Exec 
 utive can be successfully assailed for discharging a sacred obligation to 
 the Constitution and to the country. Note by the author. 
 
 * See Congressional Globe, 1st Session 29th Congress, p. 1213-6 
 Ibid. 1218. 
 
446 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 brated proviso, winch was incorporated into it by 
 the votes of northern Representatives.* On the en 
 grossment of the bill, which was the test vote, there 
 were 85 yeas, and 79 nays. All who voted in the af 
 firmative were from the free States, except two, and 
 all who voted in the negative were from the slave 
 States, except twelve. 
 
 When the Senate took up this bill for considera 
 tion, Mr. Lewis, of Alabama, moved to strike out 
 the Wilmot proviso. It was near the hour fixed by 
 joint resolution of the two Houses for the adjourn 
 ment of Congress. Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, 
 proceeded to discuss the bill, and although twice 
 reminded by Mr. Lewis that he would prevent ac 
 tion by thus consuming time, he continued to ad 
 dress the Senate until the House had adjourned 
 sine die. 
 
 During the second session of the 29th Congress, 
 a bill was introduced to place at the disposal of the 
 President $3,000,000, to be used if necessary in con 
 cluding a treaty of peace. The Wilmot proviso 
 was again offered as an amendment to the bill. Mr. 
 Douglas, of Illinois, moved to amend the proviso, 
 by declaring that it should apply alone to territory 
 north of 36 and 30 north latitude.f This propo- 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress, 424. 
 
 f " Provided, That as an express and fundamental condition to the ac 
 quisition of any territory from the republic of Mexico by the United States, 
 by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the 
 use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery 
 nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, ex 
 cept for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." Proviso 
 introduced by Wilmot, Congressional Globe, 1st session %9th Congress^ 
 p. 1217. 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 447 
 
 sition was rejected by a vote of 82 to 100. Mr. 
 Graham moved to amend the proviso, by asserting 
 that slavery should be prohibited north of the Mis 
 souri compromise line of 36 and 30 , and tolerated 
 south of it, if a majority of the people in any new 
 State should authorize it by their constitution. This 
 motion was also rejected, by a vote of 81 to 104. 
 On the proposition to incorporate the Wilmot pro 
 viso into the three million bill, the vote was 115 
 yeas, and 106 nays.* All who voted in the affirma 
 tive were from the free States, except John W. 
 Houston, of Delaware, and all who voted in the 
 negative were from the slave States, with the excep 
 tion of Messrs. Charles J. Ingersoll, Me Clean, Erd- 
 man, of Pennsylvania; Douglas, Ficklin, and Mc- 
 Clernard, of Illinois ; Owen and Wick, of Indiana ; 
 Sawyer, St. John, Morris, Parish, Cunningham, and 
 Morris, of Ohio ; and Strong, of New- York. On the 
 passage of the bill as amended, the vote was 115 to 
 105. The three million bill passed the Senate on 
 the 1st of March, 1847, without the proviso, by a 
 vote of 29 to 24. The two Houses upon this ques 
 tion, then, were at issue, and one had to yield, or 
 the bill would fail. On the 3d of March, 1847, the 
 Senate bill was taken up for consideration in the 
 House of Representatives, and Mr. Wilrnot moved 
 to amend it by inserting his proviso : the motion was 
 rejected by a vote of 97 in the affirmative, to 102 in 
 the negative. The bill then passed the House by a 
 majority of 34. 
 
 * Congressional Globe, 2d session 29th Congress, p. 425. 
 
448 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Tims the proviso was temporarily defeated in 
 both branches of the national legislature. The ques 
 tion, however, was not decided, but only postponed, 
 and the excitement which resulted from it rages 
 with a violence that threatens the most disastrous 
 consequences. 
 
 The President attempted to pour oil upon the 
 troubled waters which the storm had driven against 
 the pillars of the Constitution, and threatened to 
 undermine that glorious fabric, and involve it in ir 
 retrievable ruin. In his message to the House of 
 Representatives, approving the Oregon territorial 
 bill, he laid down a chart by which the American 
 people might be governed in the admission of new 
 States, while he solemnly appealed to the patriotism 
 and good sense of all to allay the excitement.* 
 
 * " The Missouri compromise contains a prohibition of slavery through 
 out all the vast regions, extending twelve and a half degrees along the 
 Pacific, from the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, to that of for 
 ty-nine degrees ; and east from that ocean to and beyond the summit of 
 the Rocky Mountains. Why, then, should our institutions be endangered 
 because it is proposed to submit to the people of the remainder of our 
 newly acquired territory lying south of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, 
 embracing less than four degrees of latitude, the question whether, in the 
 language of the Texas compromise, they shall be admitted (as a State) 
 into the Union with or without slavery ? Is this a question to be pushed 
 to such extremities by excited partisans on the one side or on the other, in 
 regard to our newly acquired distant possessions on the Pacific, as to en 
 danger the union of thirty glorious States which constitute our confede 
 racy ? I have an abiding confidence that the sober reflection and sound 
 patriotism of all the States, will bring them to the conclusion that the dic 
 tate of wisdom is to follow the example of those who have gone before us, 
 and settle this dangerous question on the Missouri Compromise, or some 
 other equitable compromise, which would respect the rights of all, and 
 prove satisfactory to the different portions of the Union. 
 
 " Holding as a sacred trust the Executive authority for the whole 
 Union, and bound to guard the rights of all, I should be constrained, by a 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 449 
 
 In the Convention which framed the Constitu 
 tion, the question of slavery was the subject of earn 
 est discussion. The views of the delegates differed 
 widely,* and only harmonized when they were con- 
 sense of duty, to withhold my official sanction from any measure which 
 would conflict with these important objects." Message of Mr. Polk to 
 the House of Representatives, August 14, 1848. 
 
 * " Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political 
 light only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on 
 one side, he would affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great and 
 equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He re 
 marked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other impost 
 was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to strike the com 
 mercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States. 
 
 " Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General 
 Government. He could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the 
 States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained 
 by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import 
 slaves. 
 
 " General Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he 
 did not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves in any 
 short time ; but only stop them occasionally, as she now does. He moved 
 to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax 
 with other imposts, which he thought right, and which would remove one 
 difficulty that had been started. 
 
 " Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to im 
 port slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of these 
 States will never be such fools as to give up so important an interest. He 
 was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of 
 General Pinckney for a commitment. 
 
 " Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed, 
 including the clauses relating to taxes on imports, and to a naviga 
 tion act. These tilings may form a bargain among the Northern and 
 Southern States. 
 
 " Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of tax 
 ing exports. 
 
 " Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import 
 slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a sine qua non? He was 
 opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, be 
 cause it implied they were property. He acknowledged that, if the power 
 29 
 
450 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 trolled by a spirit of concession and compromise. 
 If they had adhered to their personal opinions with 
 the same dogmatical purpose which governs the po 
 liticians of the present age, the draft of a Constitu 
 tion would not have been submitted to the people 
 for ratification. And if one of the extremes had 
 yielded every thing to the other, the instrument, 
 instead of being sanctioned, would have been sum 
 marily and indignantly rejected. 
 
 Mr. King, a member of the Convention from 
 Massachusetts, remarked, that the exemption of 
 slaves from a duty, while upon every other article 
 of import the tariff was levied, would produce an 
 inequality which could not fail to strike the com 
 mercial sagacity of the North. It was evident that 
 he not only contemplated the existence of slavery 
 within the borders of the Union, but that he counted 
 upon raising revenue upon all negroes who might 
 thereafter be imported. Mr. Rutledge declared that 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, would 
 never agree to the Constitution, unless their right 
 to import slaves was unimpaired, while Grouverneur 
 Morris declared the subject should be referred to a 
 Committee, and made the subject of a bargain, be 
 tween the Northern and Southern States. Colonel 
 Mason, from Virginia, denounced the traffic as in 
 fernal, originating in the avarice of British mer 
 chants ;* while Koger Sherman declared that it was 
 
 of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General Government, 
 it would be exercised. He thought it would be its duty to exercise the 
 power." The Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention, 
 p. 460-1. 
 
 * " Colonel Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 451 
 
 better to let the Southern States import slaves, 
 than to part with them, although he refused to tax 
 them, because it implied they were property. 
 
 The question was compromised by allowing the 
 States to import slaves until the year 1808, by pay 
 ing a duty of ten dollars upon each person.* 
 
 The right of the South to slave representation in 
 Congress, was also a delicate matter to adjust.f 
 
 British merchants. The British Government constantly checked the at 
 tempts of Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not 
 the importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having 
 slaves was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as 
 they might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous 
 instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it did 
 by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the slaves in 
 Greece and Sicily ; and the instructions given by Cromwell to the Com 
 missioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in case other 
 means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and Virginia, he 
 said, had already prohibited the importation of slaves, expressly. North 
 Carolina had done the same in substance. All this would be in vain, if 
 South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to import. The western people 
 are already calling out for slaves for their new lands, and will fill that 
 country with slaves, if they can be got through South Carolina and 
 Georgia. Slavery discourages arts and manufactures. The poor despise 
 labor when performed by slaves. They prevent the emigration of whites, 
 who really enrich and strengthen a country. They produce the most per 
 nicious effect on manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. 
 They bring the judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be 
 rewarded or punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an in 
 evitable chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by 
 national calamities. He lamented that some of our eastern brethren had, 
 from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to the States 
 being in possession of the right to import, this was the case with many 
 other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it essential, in every 
 point of view, that the General Government should have power to prevent 
 the increase of slavery." ^ladison Papers, containing Debates in the 
 Convention, p. 458. 
 
 * Constitution of the United States, Article 1, Section 9. 
 
 f Constitution of the United States, Article 5, Section 2, Madison 
 Papers, p. 181. 
 
452 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 That too was compromised by giving to the slave 
 States three votes in the enumeration for every five 
 slaves, in making out the ratio of representation. It 
 has been erroneously asserted, that this right of the 
 South to slave representation gave that portion of 
 the Union greatly the advantage over the North. 
 That this is not true, is evident from the fact, that 
 three-fifths only of the slaves are counted in enu 
 merating the population, while if they were free, 
 five-fifths, or all, would be taken into the calcula 
 tion. The proposition to include three-fifths of the 
 slaves in the ratio of representation, was made 
 by Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania.* Mr. Gerry ex 
 pressed the opinion that as property should not be 
 the rule of representation, that the blacks, who were 
 property in the South, could not come within the 
 rule of representation, more than the cattle and 
 horses of the North.f 
 
 * Madison Papers, containing Debates in the Convention, p. 181. 
 
 f Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, " thought property not the rule of re 
 presentation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the 
 South, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and horses of 
 the North." 
 
 " Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was 
 meant to have on the succeeding part of the report, concerning the admis 
 sion of slavery into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his 
 mind to the article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter part. The 
 admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his mind, and he 
 believed would be so to a great part of the people of America. He had 
 not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore, because he had hoped 
 that this concession had produced a readiness, which had not been mani 
 fested, to strengthen the General Government, and to mark a full confi 
 dence in it. The report under consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an 
 end to all these hopes. In two great points, the hands of the Legislature 
 were absolutely tied. The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. 
 Exports could not be taxed. Is this reasonable ? What are the great 
 
POLK ADMINISTE ATION. 453 
 
 The question of domestic slavery, which was a 
 fruitful source of dissension and anarchy, was com 
 promised by the framers of the Constitution. In 
 settling so delicate a subject their course was char 
 acterized by great candor and fairness, and had a 
 great effect in procuring the adoption of that instru 
 ment by the people. 
 
 The arrest and delivery of fugitive slaves also 
 claimed the attention of the Convention. It was 
 proposed that they should be delivered up like cri 
 minals by the Executives of each State whither they 
 might flee ; in the same way that persons charged 
 with treason, felony, or other crime, are surrender 
 ed.* This was opposed, and the clause as it now 
 stands was substituted.f 
 
 objects of the general system ? First, defence against foreign invasion ; 
 secondly, against internal sedition. Shall all these States, then, be bound to 
 defend each other, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness which 
 will render defence more difficult ? Shall one part of the United States be 
 bound to defend another part, and that other part be at liberty, not only to 
 increase its own danger, but to withhold the compensation for the burden ? 
 If slaves are to be imported, shall not the exports produced by their labor, 
 supply a revenue the better to enable the General Government to defend 
 their masters ?" Madison Papers, containing the Debates in the Conven 
 tion, p. 391. 
 
 * " Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to require fugitive slaves 
 and servants to be delivered up like criminals. " 
 
 " Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it 
 at the public expense." 
 
 " Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and sur 
 rendering a slave or servant than a horse." 
 
 " Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular 
 provision might be made, apart from this article." Madison Papers, 487. 
 
 f " No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws 
 thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
 therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered 
 up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." 
 Constitution of the United States. 
 
454 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 These provisions of the Constitution received the 
 sanction of every section of the Union, until the 
 whole question was re-opened when Missouri applied 
 for admission into the Union, in 1819. The hio h 
 
 o 
 
 degree of excitement which prevailed at that period, 
 indicated the deep feeling with which the question 
 was regarded. When patriots had almost despair 
 ed, and the hopes which were entertained for the 
 stability of the Union began to grow faint, the dan 
 ger was averted by the Missouri Compromise bill, 
 which passed Congress on the 6th of March, 1820.* 
 The rock upon which the ship of state had been near 
 ly wrecked was passed. The watchful and vigilant 
 pilots steered her in safety along the very border 
 of the breakers, but so near, that her timbers trem 
 bled in every joint as the angry waves dashed rude 
 ly upon her deck. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States author 
 izes the admission of new States into the Union, and 
 the only condition which governs the subject is the 
 clause making it necessary for the United States to 
 guarantee to every State a republican form of gov 
 ernment. The citizens of each State have the right 
 
 * " That, in all that territory ceded by France to the United States. 
 under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and 
 thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State 
 contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than 
 for the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted, 
 shall be, and is hereby, for ever prohibited : Provided, always, That any 
 person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully 
 claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be 
 lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor 
 or services aforesaid." Section 8lh of act of Congress, passed March 
 6th, 1820. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 455 
 
 to manage their domestic institutions, and possess 
 the constitutional power to establish or abolish slave 
 ry after being admitted into the Union.* If this 
 position is conceded, what authority does Congress 
 possess, incidentally, to control the constitutional 
 rights of the States to establish or prohibit slavery, 
 at the time they apply for admission into the 
 Union. Suppose the General Government should 
 pass a law establishing slavery in New Mexico, it 
 would probably have the effect of making that a 
 a slave State. If, on the contrary, Congress should 
 pass a bill containing the Wilmot proviso, it might 
 have the effect of creating a free State in New Mex 
 ico. The question then arises, does the General 
 Government possess the power thus incidentally to 
 affect the rights of the States. The inhabitants of 
 the territories have more interest in properly set 
 tling the slave question than members of Congress. 
 They understand much better their necessities, and 
 their responsibilities, than persons who do not re 
 side within their borders; and they will appreci 
 ate to a far greater degree the blessings of the 
 
 * " Should Congress, when California shall present herself for an in 
 corporation into the Union, annex a condition to her admisson as a State, 
 affecting her domestic institutions, contrary to the wishes of her people, 
 and even compel her temporarily to comply with it, yet the State could 
 change her constitution at any time after her admission, when to her it 
 should seem expedient. It is to be expected that any attempt to deny the 
 people of the State the rights of self-government, in a matter which pecu 
 liarly affects themselves, will infallibly be regarded by them as an invasion 
 of their rights, and upon the principles laid down in our Declaration of In 
 dependence, they will certainly be sustained in their resistance against it 
 by the great mass of the American people." Message of President Tay 
 lor to the House of Representatives, January 21st, 1850. 
 
456 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Union, if permitted to adjust their domestic policy, 
 untrammelled and uncontrolled by the General Gov 
 ernment.* It is to be hoped that sufficient patriot- 
 
 * " It is to be expected that in the residue of the territory ceded to us 
 by Mexico, the people residing there will, at the time of their incorporation 
 into the Union as a State, settle all questions of domestic policy to suit 
 themselves." Message of President Taylor to the House of Representatives^ 
 January 2lst, 1850. 
 
 This policy was sustained by the democratic party during the presiden 
 tial contest of 1848, in their support of General Cass for the presidency. The 
 whig party from the north, as well as a majority of the democracy from 
 that section of the Union, during the administration of Mr. Polk, strenu 
 ously insisted upon the application of the Wilmot proviso to the territories 
 belonging to the United States. The author, on the 1st of August. 1848, 
 introduced the following preamble as an amendment to a territorial bill : 
 
 " Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be considered as an 
 assumption of the power, upon the part of the Congress of the United 
 States, to interfere with the establishment of slavery in said territory ; or 
 as authorizing the inhabitants thereof, having the right to vote by the pro 
 visions of this bill, to establish or prohibit slavery previous to an application 
 for the admission of said territory into the Union as a sovereign State." 
 
 The preamble was rejected, although it embraces the principles con 
 tained in Taylor s message of the 21st of January, 1850. It remains to 
 be seen whether the whig party of the North will abandon the ground 
 which they have hitherto maintained for the purpose of sustaining General 
 Taylor in the positions which have been already quoted. The New-York 
 Tribune, in an article written before the message of General Taylor to 
 the House of Representatives, January 21st, 1850, had been received in 
 New-York, having surmised with great accuracy what it would contain, 
 proceeds to say : 
 
 " On these and similar grounds he will urge Congress to leave the 
 settlement of this exciting question to the territories themselves, encour 
 aging them to form State Constitutions at an early day and apply for ad 
 mission into the Union, which Congress is exhorted to accord promptly 
 and cordially. Such, we infer will be the drift of the President s message. 
 
 " This is as much, we presume, as a Louisiana planter could be ex 
 pected to concede, but it by no means follows that it should satisfy 
 northern freemen or their representatives. We are utterly indisposed to 
 hazard the Union on a punctilio, or to exasperate the public sentiment of 
 a section, or even State, on any question of form or etiquette. We are 
 resigned to see the Wilmot Proviso, or any other Proviso, again and again 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 457 
 
 ism still remains in our land to preserve with un 
 changeable fidelity that Constitution, which the 
 fraternal affection of our fathers established. It is 
 painful to contemplate the ruin and desolation which 
 must follow its destruction. The blood which our 
 ancestors so freely shed, flowed in vain if the Union 
 is dissolved ; and all good men should rally for its 
 protection, with the same unalterable purpose which 
 won our liberty in the days of the revolution. If 
 the Union was invaded by a foreign foe, a million 
 of bayonets would present a glittering wall for its 
 defence, and a nation in arms would attest its de 
 votion to the country s honor. Why, then, should 
 domestic feuds induce us to destroy that ourselves 
 which is impregnable against the assaults of the 
 world combined. There are breakers ahead which 
 warn us that shoals He within the bosom of the 
 trackless deep, and if those who control the desti 
 nies of the gallant ship, which has on board the 
 hopes of freedom and the rights of man, are forget 
 ful of their obligations to the past, and their respon 
 sibilities to the future, she will yet be lost, and 
 storms and tempests will sweep unresistingly over 
 the spot where despotism riots in the destruction of 
 liberty and equality. 
 
 rejected by Congress, provided the territories are nevertheless preserved 
 from the pollution of slavery. It is the substance we care for. and not the 
 shadow. If General Taylor throws the influence of his name and station 
 in favor of the admission of the State of California with her present Con 
 stitution, and the protection of New Mexico against the efforts of Texas 
 to subject and enslave her. he is practically on the right side, no matter 
 what he may feel constrained to say in favor of non-intervention, and 
 against the Proviso. We shall thank him for his deeds, and let those who 
 choose place emphasis on his words." New-York Tribune, Jan. 22, 1850- 
 
458 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 The President of the United States, in his first 
 message to Congress, recommended the establish 
 ment of a territorial government for the protection 
 of our citizens in Oregon. His views were reitera 
 ted in still more pointed language in his message of 
 the 5th of August, 1846, and in his second and third 
 annual communications to that body, and on the 
 29th of May, 1848, he made it the subject of a spe 
 cial message.* Although these recommendations 
 had repeatedly been pressed upon the attention of 
 Congress by the Executive, it was not until the 14th 
 of August, 1848, that a territorial bill, containing 
 the Wilmot Proviso, passed Congress, for the gov 
 ernment of the citizens of Oregon. This was ow 
 ing, in part, to the other questions of great interest 
 which occupied the attention of Congress, but 
 mainly to the question of slavery, which was con 
 nected with all bills for the establishment of terri 
 torial governments during that administration. In 
 
 * " The memorialists are citizens of the United States. They express 
 ardent attachment to their native land, and in their present perilous and 
 distressed situation, they earnestly invoke the aid and protection of their 
 Government." 
 
 " The population of Oregon is believed to exceed twelve thousand 
 souls, and it is known that it will be increased by a large number of emi 
 grants during the present season. The facts set forth in the accompany 
 ing memorial and papers, show that the dangers to which our fellow-citi 
 zens are exposed are so imminent, that I deem it my duty again to impress 
 on Congress the strong claim which the inhabitants of that distant country 
 have to the benefit of our laws, and the protection of our Government." 
 
 " I therefore again invite the attention of Congress to the subject, and 
 recommend that laws be promptly passed establishing a Territorial Govern 
 ment, and granting authority to raise an adequate volunteer force for the 
 defence and protection of its inhabitants." Message of Mr. Polk to Con 
 gress, May 29^, 1848. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 459 
 
 his approval of the Oregon bill, the President as 
 signed his reasons for doing so, and laid down cer 
 tain principles for the control of the General Go 
 vernment in future.* 
 
 On the 2d of August, 1848, the Oregon bill 
 passed the House of Representatives. The Wilniot 
 proviso was inserted in it by a vote of 114 to 88.f 
 In the Senate it was moved to amend the bill, by 
 assigning as a reason for ingrafting in it the ordi 
 nance of 1787, the fact, that the country lay north 
 of 36 30 . This proposition only received two 
 votes. J It was then proposed to amend it by ap 
 plying the principles of the Missouri compromise 
 
 * Message of Mr. Polk to the House of Representatives, August 
 14th, 1848. Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1081. 
 
 f Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1027. 
 
 | " Mr. Webster addressed the Senate. He admitted the propriety of 
 the establishment of a Territorial Government in Oregon, and he was 
 willing to vote for this bill as it came from the House. If amended as 
 now proposed, he would not be able to vote for it. He recited the words 
 of the section, and said, the amendment proposed gave a reason for the 
 application of the principle of the ordinance of 1787 to the Territory of 
 Oregon. When a single reason was given for any act, it was intended to 
 be inferred that there were no other reasons. The Territory of Oregon 
 was above the line of the Missouri compromise. His objection to slavery 
 was irrespective of lines and points of latitude : it took in the whole coun 
 try and the whole question. He was opposed to it in every shape and in 
 every qualification ; and was against any compromise of the question." 
 Speech of Mr. Webster, in the Senate, August Wth, 1848. 
 
 " Mr. Calhoun said he should vote against the amendment, because he 
 regarded it as ambiguous, and he was against all ambiguity. Again, he 
 opposed it because the North could not be more determined to exclude the 
 South than he was to resist such exclusion. He would be as firm in 
 maintaining his ground as Northern Senators were in maintaining theirs. 
 A majority would always be able to carry their views ; but here a minor 
 ity, aided by a few of the majority, attempted to impose on the South 
 restrictions which could not be submitted to." Speech of Mr. Calhoun 
 in the Senate, August Wth, 1848. 
 
460 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to the territories of the United States, and this was 
 agreed to by a vote of 33 to 21.* The bill was 
 returned to the House, and this amendment of the 
 Senate was rejected by a vote of 121 to 82. The 
 Senate then receded from their amendment running 
 the Missouri compromise line west to the Pacific 
 Ocean, by a vote of 29 to 25.f Attempts were 
 made during the same session of Congress, to es 
 tablish territorial governments for Oregon, New 
 Mexico, and California, but they all failed with the 
 exception of the Oregon bill. 
 
 A military Governor was appointed for Califor 
 nia, with the authority to exercise civil functions, 
 and he was continued in office when the administra 
 tion of General Taylor came into power. J The 
 
 * " That the line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north lati 
 tude, known as the Missouri compromise line, as defined by the eighth 
 section of an act entitled An act to authorize the people of Missouri Ter 
 ritory to form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission 
 of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, 
 and to prohibit slavery in certain Territories, approved March 6th, 1820, 
 be, and the same is hereby declared to extend to the Pacific Ocean ; and 
 the said eighth section, together with the compromise therein effected, is 
 hereby revised and declared to be in full force and binding for the future 
 organization of the Territories of the United States, in the same sense, 
 and with the same understanding with which it was originally adopted." 
 Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1062. 
 
 f Congressional Globe, 1st session 30th Congress, p. 1078. 
 
 \ " The immediate establishment of Territorial Governments, and the 
 extension of our laws over these valuable possessions, are deemed to be 
 not only important, but indispensable to preserve order and the due ad 
 ministration of justice within their limits, to afford protection to the inhab 
 itants, and to facilitate the development of the vast resources and wealth 
 which their acquisition has added to our co untry. 
 
 " The war with Mexico having terminated, the power of the Executive 
 to establish or continue temporary civil Governments over these territories, 
 which existed under the laws of nations, whilst they were regarded as 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 461 
 
 people of New Mexico enjoyed the benefit of their 
 municipal laws after their annexation to the United 
 States, and a military force was sent to protect 
 them against the Indians. 
 
 During the administration of Mr. Polk two new 
 States, Iowa and Wisconsin, were admitted into the 
 Union. The inhabitants of Iowa, through their 
 delegates, framed a Constitution, which was signed 
 on the 18th of May, 1846, and a law was approved 
 on the 28th of December of the same year, admit 
 ting her to the sisterhood of States. Iowa was set 
 tled by a hardy, industrious and enterprising pop 
 ulation, and having the advantage of a rich and 
 productive soil, its resources were rapidly developed. 
 Many of the citizens of Iowa were from the slave 
 States, and made their way thither up the Missis 
 sippi river, and located upon its banks. 
 
 Wisconsin was admitted on the 3d of March, 
 1847. This State is inhabited principally by north 
 ern men, but there may be found within her bor- 
 
 conquered provinces in our military occupation, has ceased. By their 
 cession to the United States, Mexico has no longer any power over them ; 
 and. until Congress shall act, the inhabitants will be without any organ 
 ized Government. Should they be left in this condition, confusion and 
 anarchy will be likely to prevail." Message of Mr. Polk to Congress. 
 July 6th, 1848. 
 
 It will be observed that Mr. Polk was willing to surrender the power 
 to Congress to govern the territory acquired, as soon as the war ceased. 
 But Congress did not, during his administration, establish Territorial Go 
 vernments ; and he was forced therefore to appoint General Riley military 
 Governor of California, to prevent anarchy and bloodshed in that territory. 
 His powers were enlarged by the succeeding administration, as will be seen 
 by the message of General Taylor, and the accompanying documents, 
 which were transmitted to the House of Representatives January 21st, 
 1850. 
 
462 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ders very many foreigners. The agricultural re 
 sources of Wisconsin are ever greater than those of 
 Iowa, and the energies of her people are making this 
 young commonwealth one of the most flourishing 
 in the Union. The productions of both States are 
 easily conveyed away. The eastern boundary of 
 Wisconsin is washed by the transparent waters of 
 Lake Michigan, while the western limits of Iowa 
 are bathed by the father of rivers. The surplus 
 produce of one finds its egress along the lakes to 
 the Atlantic coast, and that of the other floats down 
 the Mississippi to the great southern mart. The 
 mind can scarcely realize, that these two prosperous 
 sovereignties are furnishing homes for an industri 
 ous and happy people. But a few years have 
 elapsed since the aborigines roamed undisturbed by 
 the white man through these western wilds, and 
 the sharp twang of the bow, the rush of the arrow, 
 and the piercing war-whoop, alone disturbed their 
 solitudes. Cities have arisen in the midst of forests 
 with a celerity unequalled, except by those which 
 have been created almost by the hand of magic upon 
 the shores of the Pacific. Within the memory of 
 our young men, first western New- York, and then 
 Ohio, was regarded as the far west, but now our 
 relations have converted the vast forests which sur 
 rounded our inland seas and western rivers into 
 the peaceful and happy abodes of civilization. 
 
 On the 9th day of July, 1846, the President 
 approved a bill retroceding the county and town 
 of Alexandria to the State of Virginia. This bill 
 re-conveyed to that State all the territory which 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 463 
 
 had been ceded by her to the General Government, 
 with the exception of the public buildings belong 
 ing to the United States. This measure encoun 
 tered very little serious opposition in either House 
 of Congress ; and when we take into consideration 
 the uselessness of the territory to the General Gov 
 ernment, and the vexed question of slavery, it was 
 perhaps a movement dictated by wisdom upon the 
 part of Congress. 
 
 We might pause here to consider the advance 
 which had been made during the administration of 
 Mr. Polk, in the development of the arts and sci 
 ences, the state of American literature and educa 
 tion, the increase or decline of morality, the pro 
 gress of religion, and the prevalence of fanaticism, 
 the existence of energy and enterprise among our 
 citizens, as well as the acquisition of that influence 
 and power as a nation, which commands the re 
 spect and challenges the admiration of the civilized 
 world. 
 
 There are many circumstances in the history of 
 a people which are regarded of secondary import 
 ance, that seem, nevertheless, to illustrate their 
 career, and indicate the destiny which awaits them. 
 Such events signalized each year of Mr. Folk s admin 
 istration, and a brief space will now be devoted to 
 their analysis. 
 
 In former years labor was performed by hand, 
 with the most simple agencies. The earth was pre 
 pared for seed with wooden ploughs, and harrows 
 with wooden teeth. Produce was wheeled to mar 
 ket along rough and miry roads, or taken in flat- 
 
464 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 boats down our rivers, while merchandise, in keel- 
 boats, was warped against the current to its place 
 of destination.* Yarn was spun with hand-wheels, 
 and cloth was manufactured in hand-looms. And, 
 indeed, all the implements of husbandry were of 
 the roughest and most unwieldy description. Time, 
 which is so important with all, was wasted in tra 
 velling by tardy conveyances, and persons divided 
 by a few hundred miles, rarely met. Within the 
 last half century, great and radical changes have 
 been made in all that relates to the comfort and 
 happiness of man. The power of steam has be 
 come an important agent in our operations. Along 
 our lakes and rivers, and even upon the turbulent 
 ocean itself, steamboats are bearing the rapidly ac 
 cumulating commerce of the United States, while 
 across streams, over valleys, and through mountains, 
 rushes the iron-horse, and intelligence with the 
 rapidity of thought is transmitted from pole to 
 pole.f New improvements are yearly being made 
 in the engines which move our floating palaces, 
 and in the shape of the vessels, that they may be 
 forced through the water with greater ease. Steam 
 presses, which are substituted for the small and ill- 
 formed ones that were moved by human power, 
 
 * But a few years have elapsed since a trip down the tributaries of 
 the Mississippi to New Orleans and back required nearly half a year. 
 Merchandise was placed in keel-boats, and with long poles was pushed 
 up the river. When the navigators arrived at a spot where the current 
 was very rapid, it was warped, which operation consisted in attaching a 
 rope to a tree or rock, far up the stream, and then winding it up. 
 
 f The foreign news was lately sent from Halifax to New Orleans in 
 thirtv-six hours, a distance of 2,800 miles. January, 1850. 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 465 
 
 enable our enterprising publishers to spread infor 
 mation and intelligence, with greater facility, before 
 the reading world. In almost every kind of man 
 ufacturing the agency of steam is employed. The 
 complicated machinery of cotton, carpet, and wool 
 len corporations, the iron foundry, and the furnace,* 
 the steamship and the tow-boat, the flour-mill and 
 the factory, all move in obedience to that power 
 which the genius of Fulton enabled him to subject 
 to our control.*)* 
 
 The formation of our ships, the structure of the 
 machinery used in manufacturing, farming uten 
 sils ; in short, every article employed by man, has 
 been wonderfully improved within the last few 
 
 * To show the power which art enables man to employ in his service, 
 it is only necessary to recur to the operations of some of our iron masters. 
 Steam is employed for the purpose of moving the bellows attached to the 
 stack. This is something- like a shot tower, only not so high, built of 
 rock, into which is put iron ore, chajcoal, and limestone. The bellows is 
 applied to an aperture in the lower part of the stack for the purpose of 
 producing heat. At first the boilers were placed upon the ground, and 
 the steam was generated by large quantities of wood. But subsequently 
 the boilers were elevated upon the top of the stack, and steam was produced 
 by the flame which came out of it. The boilers moved the bellows, and 
 that operated upon the fire within the stack, and the heat created thereby 
 generated the steam. 
 
 f While Robert Fulton was employed in convincing an incredulous 
 community of the practicability of applying steam power to water craft, 
 he asked countenance and support from one of the wealthiest citizens of 
 New-York, who responded to him that he was then engaged in preparing 
 for the press a learned dissertation upon the influence which preserved 
 Daniel unharmed in the lion s den. He was not prepared, therefore, to 
 devote either time or attention to the " visionary scheme " which Fulton 
 was endeavoring to perfect. The work which the millionaire supposed 
 would startle the literary world, only made its appearance to find that 
 oblivion which it no doubt deserved, and its enthusiastic author sleeps with 
 his fathers, and his name perished almost with his existence, while Fulton, 
 the despised and villified, won a deathless and immortal reputation. 
 30 
 
466 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 years, until nature and art are combined in yielding 
 to the lords of creation comfort and happiness. 
 
 Science has also made rapid strides within the 
 last fifty years ; and at the present day, speculative 
 reasoning, and metaphysical disquisitions character 
 ize thought and argumentation. Researches upon 
 dry and abstruse questions seem to afford particular 
 pleasure to investigating intellects, and the fruits 
 which reward mental toil, elevate to a still higher 
 pedestal that knowledge which the human mind 
 can grasp and retain. 
 
 American literature is each year becoming more 
 and more appreciated at home and abroad, until 
 our authors stand in the front rank of historians, 
 poets, and novelists. Education, the advance guard 
 of liberty and the rights of man, has been extended 
 to our youth. Facilities are afforded to the rising 
 generation which were unknown to our fathers, and 
 all obstacles are removed from the path which leads 
 to the temple of knowledge. This subject presents 
 itself in the double aspect of a guarantee for the 
 stability of our institutions, and a passport to that 
 happiness which mental culture cannot fail to be 
 stow. Volumes could be written upon the advan 
 tages to be obtained by nations, as well as indivi 
 duals, from a general system of education.* It qua 
 lifies men for the high and ennobling destiny which 
 freemen can command, and renders the domestic 
 circle peaceful and interesting. Each step taken 
 by the white man from the Atlantic coast into the 
 
 * It, was a true saying, that if " the wages of the school master are re 
 duced, the pay of the recruiting sergeant must be increased." 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 467 
 
 wilds of the West, lias been the precursor ot educa 
 tion and refinement, and the school-house, the acad 
 emy, and the college, have been erected upon the 
 confines of civilization. That energy which could 
 successfully encounter the solitude and perils of a 
 wilderness, was prepared to dissipate its gloom by 
 mental improvement and social intercourse. To 
 New England are the other States indebted for 
 much of that well-directed zeal in the cause of edu 
 cation which signalizes the present age. The ce 
 lebrity of her system of common schools has found 
 favor elsewhere, and in many instances has been 
 greatly improved upon. 
 
 It had been a prevailing opinion in Europe, that 
 the Americans were a nation of traders, not over 
 scrupulous about the means of acquiring w r ealth, and 
 consequently, that a high state of morality could 
 not exist among us. The Mexican war, by illustra 
 ting the chivalrous gallantry of the citizen soldier, 
 went far towards removing this prejudice. It was 
 proved that a much higher degree of patriotism 
 animated our people than Europe ever exhibited. 
 And where that is a prominent attribute of national 
 character, morality must be found. I do not mean 
 a thirst for slaughter, or a spirit which riots in car 
 nage and blood, as an avocation ; but that enthu 
 siastic love of country which induces an estimable 
 citizen to leave his kindred and his home, to vindi 
 cate the honor of his native land, and when that 
 end is attained, to return to his quiet fireside, blest 
 with a nation s gratitude. 
 
 It is a subject as gratifying to the patriot as to 
 
468 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 the Christian, that morality is wielding yearly a 
 more enlarged and liberal influence upon the people 
 of this confederacy. Keligion is exercising its mild 
 and gentle sway, with less of that bigotry which 
 hitherto marked its progress. Charity is extended 
 to foreigners with a liberal hand, while the poor 
 and degraded are snatched from the haunts of 
 wretchedness and vice, where crime has not inclosed 
 them too closely in its folds. Religious fanaticism 
 does not rage with the same violence as formerly, 
 and therefore possesses more of that spirit which 
 was inculcated by our Saviour. Many new sects 
 are springing up, but their secession is not visited 
 with that unforgiving spirit which punished free 
 dom of opinion in former days. As they serve to 
 prevent a concentration of power in one church, 
 which during its early history proved not only 
 quite inconvenient, but oftentimes dangerous, they 
 are to be encouraged, rather than condemned. 
 There is a political fanaticism, however, which has 
 increased in violence within the last few years, to 
 an alarming degree. The danger to be apprehended 
 from that kind of zeal, which borders upon frenzy, 
 is, that its efforts are uncontrolled by a proper re 
 gard for the difficulties it seeks to overcome. When 
 passion, instead of reason guides its career, a due 
 respect is not paid to the Constitution and the laws.* 
 
 * " All this is just and sound. But assuming the same premises, to 
 wit, that nil men are equal hy the law of nations, the right of property in 
 slaves falls to the ground, for one who is equal to another cannot be the 
 owner or property of that other. But you answer that the Constitution 
 recognizps property in slaves. It would be sufficient then to reply, that 
 this constitutional recognition must be void, because it is repugnant to the 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 469 
 
 The abolition excitement is produced by religious 
 zealots and unscrupulous politicians. The latter 
 make concessions to its demands, for the purpose of 
 obtaining place and power. Its decrees are pro 
 mulgated from the pulpit and the hustings, with an 
 ardor equal to that which prompted the crusaders 
 to drive the infidel from the Holy Land. Where it 
 will terminate no one can tell, unless all who respect 
 the guaranties of the Constitution arrest its progress. 
 
 If the zeal which is now employed upon distant 
 objects, was directed with as much fervor to the re 
 lief of suffering at our doors, our motives would not 
 so often be subject to a just criticism. 
 
 The overthrow of the popular cause in Hungary 
 and Italy has, for a period, destroyed the hopes of 
 republicanism in that portion of the world. France 
 may stay the tide of absolutism, on the one hand, 
 and socialism, on the other ; and, emerging from the 
 difficulties which assail her from without and with 
 in, yet illustrate the principles of free government. 
 
 Upon the soil of Europe all is uncertainty; the 
 spark of liberty which still lingers may light up 
 into a blaze, and spread from land to land, until 
 despotism and misrule shall nowhere find a spot to 
 exercise its ruthless sway ; or it may go out, leaving 
 continental Europe surrounded with the darkness 
 of the middle asres. 
 
 o 
 
 But here no such doubt and uncertainty exists. 
 That Constitution which was framed by the wisdom 
 
 law of nature and of nations." " But there is a higher law than the Consti 
 tution which regulates our authority over the domain, and devote? if to the 
 same noble purposes." Speech of Mr. H. Seward, U. S. Senate, March, 
 1850. 
 
4YO HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 of those who passed through the fiery ordeal of the 
 Revolution, stands the test of scrutiny and of time. 
 Every assault which faction makes against it only 
 has the effect of eliciting the veneration and regard 
 entertained for its provisions by the American peo 
 ple. And wherefore should it not be so ? The basis 
 of that Constitution is the immutable principles of 
 justice and truth. It guaranties the largest liberty 
 to the citizen consistent with a well-ordered and 
 well-regulated society. We choose our own public 
 servants, who are accountable to us for their actions. 
 All grievances can be redressed at the ballot-box. 
 The private citizen, unawed by power, and uncon 
 trolled by a superior, possesses all the attributes and 
 privileges of a freeman. 
 
 We have a country of vast and illimitable re 
 sources, possessing every variety of soil and climate 
 which the heart can desire ; while national justice, 
 unmingled with pride, will enable us to say that no 
 country is blessed with inhabitants so gallant, patri 
 otic, enterprising, scientific, and moral, as those 
 within the borders of the American Union. 
 
 Here the husband is not torn from the bosom of 
 his family, reluctantly to fight a tyrant s battles ; 
 but at the call of his country, when her honor is as 
 sailed, he volunteers to redress her wrongs. Con 
 scious of possessing the power of a slumbering giant, 
 there is no manifestation of constant alarm indicated 
 by the existence of large standing armies. On the 
 contrary, unawed by the formidable array presented 
 by foreign powers, our citizens peacefully pursue 
 their usual avocations, confident in their ability to 
 
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 471 
 
 repel every aggression upon their rights, and to pre 
 serve unsullied the national honor. 
 
 With all these elements of domestic happiness 
 and national greatness, where is the cause for dis 
 content? If we were disposed to appreciate the 
 blessings which we enjoy, instead of seeking some 
 imaginary evil as a source of dissatisfaction, it would 
 be far more conducive to our happiness. We should 
 not for a moment forget that we have the most per 
 fect form of government ever devised by the wit of 
 man. This idea should daily be a subject of rejoic 
 ing. We should then be prepared to estimate the 
 horrors of a dissolution of the Union. That terrible 
 event should not for a moment be entertained ; and 
 the monster who could have the hardihood to pro 
 pose an encroachment upon the Constitution, or re 
 sist its requirements, should be held up to the un 
 mitigated scorn and contempt of every patriot in 
 the land ; and whoever attempts the treason should 
 be made a fearful example to all who would shun 
 the traitor s doom. 
 
 While the mind dwells upon the eventful admi 
 nistration of James K. Polk, the Mexican war and 
 its consequences at once arrest attention. The re 
 nown of the American arms has spread abroad, un 
 til it is heralded in every part of the earth, and re 
 echoed in each isle of the ocean. Buena Vista and 
 Molino del Key, Vera Cruz and the Garitas of Mex 
 ico, will long be remembered by the civilized world. 
 
 The territory which we obtained from Mexico 
 will yield us illimitable resources. The frowning 
 barriers of the Rocky Mountains afford no obsta- 
 
472 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cles to our enterprising people, who are already 
 crowding into the valleys of California. The com 
 merce of the United States now possesses the key 
 which will unlock the treasures of the East; and 
 that which raised to an extraordinary pitch of gran 
 deur the cities of ancient times, by the uncontrol 
 lable law of destiny is turned like a glittering and 
 golden tide into the harbors of California. 
 
 And where is that man who contributed more 
 than all others towards producing these brilliant 
 results ? His pulseless form is mingling with the 
 dust. The vast amount of labor which he perform 
 ed while occupying the presidential chair was too 
 much for his constitution, and he had scarcely reach 
 ed his home in Tennessee when he was attacked by 
 disease, which baffled the efforts of the most skilful 
 physicians, and terminated his mortal career on the 
 loth day of June, 1849.* Posterity will pronounce 
 his eulogium. 
 
 * "NASHVILLE, June 16//i, 1849. 
 
 " Yesterday, at twenty minutes before five o clock, P. M., James K. 
 Polk expired at his residence in this city. 
 
 " Mr. Polk had suffered from diarrhoea on his way up the Mississippi 
 River, from New Orleans, in March, but the attack passed off, and he 
 reached this city in good health. A few days after his arrival he moved 
 into his new mansion, a stately edifice, which had just been completed 
 and furnished in a style of combined elegance and taste. His estate lies 
 in the very heart of the city, on an eminence known as Grundy s Hill, 
 having been the home of the Hon. Felix Grundy, from whose heirs Mr. 
 Polk purchased the property. 
 
 ; Having taken up his abode here, the Ex-President gave himself up 
 to the improvement of the grounds, and was seen every day about his 
 dwelling, aiding and directing the workmen he had employed. Now 
 overlooking a carpenter, now giving instructions to a gardener, often 
 attended by Mrs. Polk, whose exquisite taste constituted the element of 
 every improvement. It is not a fortnight since that I saw him on his 
 
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 473 
 
 lawn directing some men who were removing decaying cedars. I was 
 struck with his erect and healthful bearing, and the active energy of his 
 manner, which gave promise of long life. His flowing gray locks alone 
 made him appear beyond the middle age of life. He seemed in full 
 health. The next day being rainy he remained within, and began to 
 arrange his large library, and the labor of reaching books from the floor 
 and placing them on the shelves, brought on fatigue and slight fever, 
 which the next day assumed the character of disease in the form of chronic 
 diarrhoea, which was with him a complaint of many years standing, and 
 readily induced upon his system by any over-exertion. 
 
 " For the first three days his friends felt no alarm. But the disease 
 baffling their skill, (and for skilful physicians, Nashville w r ill compare 
 with the first cities in the Union,) Dr. Hay, his brother-in-law and family 
 physician for twenty years, was sent for from Columbia. But the skill 
 and experience of this gentleman, aided by the highest medical talent, 
 proved of no avail. Mr. Polk continued gradually to sink from day to 
 day. The disease was checked upon him four days before his death, but 
 his constitution was so weakened that there did not remain recuperative 
 energy enough in the system for healthy re-action. He sunk away so 
 slowly and insensibly, that it was eight hours before he died, after the 
 heavy death respirations commenced. He died without a struggle, simply 
 ceasing to breathe, as when deep and quiet sleep falls upon a weary 
 man. 
 
 " About half an hour preceding his death, his venerable mother, en 
 tered the room, and kneeling by his bedside, offered up a beautiful prayer 
 to the " King of kings, and Lord of lords," committing the soul of her son 
 to his holy keeping. The scene was strikingly impressive. Major Polk, 
 the President s brother, was also by his bedside, with other members of 
 the family. 
 
 " Upon the coffin was a plain silver plate, with these words : 
 
 "J. K. POLK, 
 
 "BoRN NOVEMBER, 1795, 
 "DiED JUNE 15, 1849. 
 
 " The body lies in state to-day. The noble drawing-rooms are shrouded 
 in black, and every window in morning with black scarfs of crape. The 
 tall white columns of the majestic portico facing the south, are completely 
 shrouded in black, giving a solemnly majestic and funeral aspect to the 
 Presidential mansion. 
 
 "The funeral took place at four o clock this afternoon, masonic cere 
 monies being first performed in the drawing-room over the body. I saw 
 the body before it was encoffined. The features are in noble composure. 
 
474 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Death has impressed upon them the seal of majesty. In his life his fea 
 tures never wore that impress of command and intellectual strength that 
 seemed now chiselled upon their marble outline. He was habited in a 
 plain suit of black, and a copy of the Constitution of the United States 
 was placed at his feet. Before being taken to the cemetery, the body was 
 hermetically soldered within a copper coffin. 
 
 " From the house the funeral cortege, which was very large, all places 
 of business being closed by order of our good whig mayor, proceeded to 
 the Methodist Episcopal Church, where, after services performed by the 
 Rev. Mr. McFerren, it was conveyed to the cemetery, followed by a vast 
 concourse of citizens. The body was deposited in the Grundy vault, 
 temporarily ; but it will soon be removed to a vault on the lawn of the 
 Ex-Presidential mansion, where a willow now stands, and over it will be 
 erected a stately marble mausoleum : thus the body of the President from 
 Tennessee will lie entombed in the heart of its capital. Mr. Polk, by 
 will, the evening before his death, gave the lawn to the State, in perpe 
 tuity, for this purpose. 
 
 " Mr. Polk sent for the Rev. Dr. Edgar, of the Presbyterian church, 
 seven days before his death, desiring to be baptized by him. He said to 
 him impressively : 
 
 " Sir, if I had suspected twenty years ago that I should come to my 
 death-bed unprepared, it would have made me a wretched man ; yet I am 
 about to die, and have not made preparation. I have not even been bap 
 tized. Tell me, sir, can there be any ground for a man thus situated to 
 hope ? 
 
 " The Rev. Doctor made known to him the assurances and promises 
 of the gospel that mercifully run parallel with man s life. 
 
 " Mr. Polk then remarked that he had been prevented from baptism 
 in infancy by some accidental occurrence, that he had been several times 
 strongly inclined to be baptized during his administration, but that the 
 cares and perplexities of public life hardly gave him time for the solemn 
 preparation requisite, and so procrastination had ripened into inaction, 
 when it was now almost too late to act. In his conversation with the 
 Rev. clergyman, Mr. Polk evinced great knowledge of the Scriptures, 
 which, he said, he had read a great deal, and deeply reverenced as divine 
 truth ; in a word, he was theoretically a Christian. 
 
 " The conversation fatiguing Mr. Polk too much for him to be then 
 baptized, it was postponed, to take place the next evening ; but in the in 
 terval the Ex-President recollected that when he was Governor, and lived 
 here, he used to hold many arguments with the Rev. Mr. McFerren, the 
 talented and popular Methodist minister of the place, his warm personal 
 and political friend, and that he had promised him that when he did em 
 brace Christianity, that he, the Rev. Mr. McFerren, should baptize him. 
 
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 475 
 
 He, therefore, sent for the Rev. Dr. Edgar, made known this obligation, 
 and expressed his intention to be baptized by his friend the Methodist 
 minister. The same day the venerable Mrs. Polk, mother of the Ex-Pre 
 sident, a very pious Presbyterian lady, arrived from her residence, forty 
 miles distant, accompanied by her own pastor, hoping that her distin 
 guished son would consent to be baptized by him. 
 
 " Mother, said the dying Ex-President, taking her affectionately by 
 the hand, I have never in my life disobeyed you, but you must yield to 
 your son now, and gratify my wishes. I must be baptized by the Rev. 
 Mr. McFerren. 
 
 " His mother, wise as she is pious, did not hesitate to give her consent; 
 and in the presence of the Rev. Dr. Edgar, and the Rev. Mr. Mack, of 
 Columbia, the Ex-President received the rite of baptism at the hands of 
 the Rev. Mr. McFerren. 
 
 " Mr. Polk has died worth about one hundred thousand dollars, the 
 bulk of which is settled upon his amiable lady ; who, it is to be hoped, 
 will long make this city her abode an ornament to its society, for all 
 lips do praise her. 
 
 " P. S. I have sent you a rude, but accurate sketch of the mansion 
 of the Ex-President, as draped with mourning on the day of the funeral. 
 The window blinds are tied with black crape, in, however, handsomer 
 bows than my pen has achieved." Correspondence of the New-York 
 Herald. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 GENERAL SCOTT TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
 MEXICO, February 24, 1848. 
 
 SIR: On the 18th instant, I received your two letters, of the 13th 
 ultimo, and immediately issued the general order, No. 59, (a copy in 
 closed,) devolving the command of the army in Mexico upon Major Ge 
 neral Butler. 
 
 As the officers detailed for the court of inquiry before which I am or 
 dered to appear as a criminal, are not known to have arrived in the coun 
 try. I avail myself of a moment s leisure to recall some of the neglects, 
 disappointments, injuries and rebukes, which have been inflicted upon me 
 by tfce War Department, since my departure from Washington, November 
 23,1846. 
 
 To me, the business of recrimination, however provoked, has ever 
 been painful. In this summary I shall, therefore, indulge in no wanton 
 ness of language, but confine myself to naked historical facts, leaving con 
 clusions to men of sense and candor. 
 
 In the hurry of preparation for Mexico, (only four days were allowed 
 me at Washington when twenty might have been most advantageously 
 employed in the great bureaux those of the chief engineer s, chief of 
 ordnance, chief quartermaster s and chief commissary of subsistence,) I 
 handed to you a written request that one of three of our accomplished 
 captains, therein mentioned, might be appointed assistant adjutant general, 
 with the rank of major, for duty with me in the field, and there was a va 
 cancy, at the time, for one. My request has never been attended to, and 
 thus I have had no officer of the adjutant general s department with me in 
 the campaign. Can another instance be cited of denying to a o-eneral-in- 
 chicf, in the field, at the head of a large army, or even a small one. the 
 selection of his chief of the staff that is, the chief in the department of 
 orders and correspondence ? 
 
 Early in the following January, I asked that a general court-martial 
 
478 APPENDIX. 
 
 might be appointed on the part of the President, for the trial of two offi 
 cers (named by me), for conduct each had committed, that endangered, in 
 a high degree, the success of the impending campaign ; and I specially re 
 ferred to the anomalous and fatal act of Congress. (May 29, 1830,) which 
 prohibited me, as the " accuser or prosecutor," from ordering the court for 
 the trial of the cases. My application has never been noticed. This neg 
 lect alone ought early to have admonished me that 1 had no hope of sup 
 port at Washington, in any attempt I might make (against certain offi 
 cers) to maintain necessary discipline in the army I was about to lead into 
 the field. 
 
 I lett Washington highly flattered with the confidence and kindness 
 the President had just shown me, in many long personal interviews on 
 military matters. For more than two months my expressions of gratitude 
 were daily and fervent, nor were they much less emphatic towards the 
 head of the War Department. Proceeding with zeal and confidence in 
 my most hazardous duties, I learned, January 27, at the Brazos San Jago, 
 that an attempt was on foot to create a lieutenant general to take command 
 in the field over me. Shocked and distressed, I allowed of no relaxation 
 in my efforts to serve my country, resolved that, for the short time I was 
 likely to remain in commission, to be 
 
 " True as the dial to the sun, 
 Although it be not shined upon. 
 
 A yet greater outrage soon followed : failing to obtain an act for the 
 citizen lieutenant general, a bill was pressed upon Congress to authorize 
 the placing a junior major general, just appointed, (the same individual,) 
 in command over all the old major generals then in front of the enemy ! 
 
 I will not here trust myself to add a soldier s comment upon those at 
 tempts, but I may thank God that He did not allow them, or subsequent 
 injuries, to break down, entirely, the spirit and abilities (such as they are) 
 with which He has endowed me. 
 
 Foreseeing at Washington that, from the great demands of commerce 
 at the moment, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to take up, perhaps 
 at any price, a sufficient number of vessels at New-Orleans and Mobile to 
 transport the regiments of my expedition from the Rio Grande frontier to 
 Vera Cruz, I endeavored to impress upon the War Department the neces 
 sity of sending out from the northern and eastern ports a certain number 
 of large ships in ballast, in order that the expedition might not be delayed, 
 and in view of " the fixed fact," the return of the xomito, at Vera Cruz in 
 the spring of the year, a delay of a few weeks was likely to prove a total 
 defeat. 
 
 In a paper transmitted to me, headed " Memorandum for the Quarter 
 master General," marked " War Department, December 15, 1846," an J 
 
APPENDIX. 479 
 
 signed by the secretary, which I received January 8, it is said : " Independ 
 ently of this number of transports for troops and ordnance stores, [from 
 the north] there will be required, say, five ships for the transportation of 
 the [surf] boats now being prepared, besides which, ten vessels must be 
 taken up and sent out in ballast, [for troops,] unless stores can be put on 
 board, to make up the number (40) required by the commanding general." 
 
 The date of this memorandum is December 15, more than three weeks 
 after my requisition and departure from Washington. Of not one of the 
 " ten vessels," in ballast, or with stores, (leaving room for troops,) have I 
 heard up to this day. Relying upon them, confidently, the embarkation 
 was delayed in whole or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th 
 of January to the 9th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the time 
 needed for the reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle before the return of 
 the yellow fever. But half the surf boats came at all, and of the siege 
 train and ordnance stores, only about one-half had arrived when the Mexi 
 can flags were replaced by those of the United States on those formidable 
 places. We succeeded at last in reaching the point of attack, in the midst 
 of frightful northers, by means, in great part of trading craft, small and 
 hazardous, picked up accidentally at the Brazos and Tampico, and when 
 the army got ashore, its science and valor had to supply all deficiencies in 
 heavy guns, mortars, and ordnance stores. 
 
 The first letter that I received from the department, after entering the 
 captured city, contained an elaborate rebuke, (dated February 22,) for hav 
 ing ordered Colonel Harney, 2d dragoons, to remain in the command of the 
 cavalry with Major General Taylor, so as to leave Major Sumner, of the 
 same regiment, the senior of that arm, in my expedition. There was no 
 great difference in the number of cavalry companies with the armies. 
 
 This rebuke was written with a complacency that argued the highest 
 professional experience in such matters, and could not have been more con 
 fident in its tone if dictated to the greenest general of the recent appoint 
 ments. Yet, without the power of selecting commanders of particular 
 corps, no general-in-chief would venture to take upon himself the con 
 duct of a critical campaign. Such selections were always made by the 
 father of his country, and the principal generals under him. So in the 
 campaign of 1814, I myself sent away, against their wishes, three senior 
 field officers, of as many regiments, who were infirm, uninstructed. and 
 inefficient, in favor of three juniors, and with the subsequent approbation 
 of Major General Brown, on his joining me, and the head of the War De 
 partment. Both were well acquainted with the customs of war. in like 
 cases, at home and abroad ; and without that energy on my part, it is 
 highly probable that no American citizen would ever have cited the battles 
 of the Niagara without a sigh for his country. I am happy, however, 
 that before a word had been received from the department, and indeed be- 
 
480 APPENDIX. 
 
 fore it could have had any knowledge of the question, I had decided to 
 take with me the frank and gallant colonel, and hope soon to learn that he 
 and very many other officers have been rewarded with brevets for their 
 highly distinguished services in the campaign that followed. 
 
 It was in reference to the same rebuke that, in acknowledging your 
 communication, I said, from Vera Cruz, April 5, " I might very well con 
 trovert the military principles so confidently laid down by the department, 
 [in the letter of the 22d February,] but believing that the practice of the 
 United States army, in the two wars with Great Britain, would have no 
 weight in the particular case, I waive further reply; having, at the mo 
 ment, no leisure and no inclination for controversy." 
 
 Alluding to the heavy disappointments, in respect to transports, siege 
 train, and ordnance stores, then already experienced, I wrote to the de 
 partment from Lobos, February 28 : " Perhaps no expedition was ever so 
 unaccountably delayed by no w 7 ant of foresight, arrangement, or energy 
 on my part, as I dare affirm and under circumstances the most critical to 
 this entire army ; for every body relied upon and knew, from the first, as 
 well as I knew, it would be fatal to us to attempt military operations on 
 this coast after, probably, the first week in April ; and here we are at the 
 end of February. Nevertheless this army is in heart ; and crippled as I 
 am in the means required and promised, I shall go forward, and expect to 
 take Vera Cruz and its castle in time to escape, by pursuing the enemy, 
 the pestilence of the coast." 
 
 The city and castle were captured March 29, and, with about one- 
 fourth of the necessary means for a road train, (no fault of mine.) the re 
 treat, in pursuit of the enemy, was vigorously commenced April 8. The 
 battle of Cerro Gordo soon followed, and we occupied Jalapa and Perote, 
 where we were obliged to wait for supplies from Vera Cruz. In those 
 positions I was made to writhe under another cruel disappointment. 
 
 In my four memorials, to the department, on the further prosecution of 
 the war against Mexico, written at Washington, and dated, respectively, 
 October 27, November 12, 16. and 21, (it was only intimated to me in the 
 night of November 18, that I might prepare myself for the field,) papers 
 in which I demonstrated that Vera Cruz was the true base of operations, 
 and that the enemy s capital could not, probably, be reached from the Rio 
 Grande, I estimated that after taking that great seaport, " about 20,000 
 men," or : an army of more than 20,000 men may be needed ; 1. To beat, 
 in the field and in passes, any accumulated force in the way ; 2. To gar 
 rison many important points in the rear, to secure a free communication 
 with Vera Cruz ; and 3. To make distant detachments, in order to gather 
 in, without long halts, necessary subsistence." And that force, I sup 
 posed, including volunteers, and aided by land and money bounties, might 
 be raised in time by adding ten or twelve new regiments of regulars, and 
 filling up the ranks of the old. 
 
APPENDIX. 481 
 
 A bill was introduced for raising ten additional regular regiments, and 
 I certainly do not mean to charge the department with the whole delay in 
 passing the bill through Congress. But it was passed, February 11, 1847, 
 and under it, by early in April, some few thousand men had been already 
 raised and organized. My distress may be conceived, by any soldier, on 
 learning at Jalapa, April 27th, that the whole of that force had been sent, 
 under Brigadier Cadwalader, to the Rio Grande frontier. 
 
 In my letter to the department, written the day after, I said, I had ex 
 pected that " detachments of the new regiments, would, as you had pro 
 mised me, begin to arrive in this month, and continue to follow perhaps in 
 June." " How many (volunteers) will re-engage under the act approved 
 March 3, (only received two days ago,) I know not ; probably but few. 
 Hence, the greater my disappointment caused by sending the new troops 
 to the Rio Grande ; for, besides their keeping the road in our present rear 
 open for many weeks, by marches in successive detachments, I had in 
 tended, as I advanced, to leave strong garrisons in this place, [Jalapa,] in 
 Perote, and Puebla, and to keep at the head of the movement, a force equal 
 to any probable opposition. It may now depend on the number of the old 
 volunteers who may re-engage, and the number of new troops that may 
 arrive from the Brazos in time ; as also, in some degree, upon the advance 
 of Major General Taylor, whether I shall find this army in strength to 
 leave the garrisons and to occupy the capital." 
 
 I may add, that only about fifty individuals of the old volunteers re 
 engaged under the provision of the act of March 3 ; that the remainder 
 were discharged May 4 ; that Major General Taylor made no movement in 
 advance of Saltillo, and that the new regulars, including Cadwalader s 
 brigade, only began to cftme up with me, at Puebla, in July, but not in suf 
 ficient numbers till August 6. The next day the army commenced its 
 advance upon the capital with a little more than 10,000 effective men. 
 
 It is not extravagant to say that, if Brigadier General Cadwalader s 
 forces had not been diverted from me, to the Rio Grande, where he was 
 made to lose, without any benefit to Major General Taylor, much precious 
 time, I might easily have taken this city in the month of June, and at 
 one-fifth of the loss sustained in August and September. The enemy 
 availed himself of my forced delay, at Puebla, to collect, to treble, to orga 
 nize and discipline his forces, as also to erect numerous and powerful de 
 fences with batteries. Nearly all those extraordinary preparations, for 
 our reception, were made after the middle of June. And it is known that 
 the news of the victory of Buena Vista reached Washington in time to 
 countermand Cadwalader s orders for the Rio Grande, before his departure 
 from New-Orleans. Two rifle companies with him received the counter 
 mand there and joined me early. 
 
 I know that I had the misfortune to give offence to the department by 
 31 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 expressing myself to the same effect, from Jalapa, May 6. In a report of 
 that date, I said : 
 
 " The subject of that order (No. 135 old volunteers) has given me 
 long and deep solicitude. To part with so large and so respectable a por 
 tion of this army in the middle of a country which, though broken in its 
 power, is not yet disposed to sue for peace ; to provide for the return home 
 of seven regiments, from this interior position, at a time when I find it 
 quite difficult to provide transportation and supplies for the operating forces 
 which remain ; and all this without any prospect of succor or reinforce 
 ment in, perhaps, the next seven months beyond some 300 army recruits 
 present novelties utterly unknown to any invading army before. With 
 the addition of ten or twelve thousand new levies in April and May 
 asked for, and, until very recently, expected or even with the addition of 
 two or three thousand new troops, destined for this army, but suddenly^ by 
 the orders of the War Department, diverted to the Rio Grande frontier, I 
 might, notwithstanding the unavoidable discharge of the old volunteers 
 seven regiments and two independent companies advance with confi 
 dence upon the enemy s capital. I shall, nevertheless, advance ; but 
 whether beyond Puebla, will depend on intervening information and reflec 
 tion. The general panic given to the enemy at Cerro Gordo still remain 
 ing, I think it probable that we shall go to Mexico, or, if the enemy reco 
 ver from that, we must renew the consternation by another blow." 
 
 Thus, like Cortez, finding myself isolated and abandoned, and again 
 like him, always afraid that the next ship or messenger might recall or 
 farther cripple me. I resolved no longer to depend on Vera Cruz or home, 
 but to render my little army " a self-sustaining machine" as I informed 
 every body, including the head of the War Department and advance to 
 Puebla. 
 
 It was in reference to the foregoing serious causes of complaint, and 
 others to be found in my reports at large particularly in respect to money 
 for the disbursing staff officers, clothing, and Mr. Trist, commissioner 
 that I concluded my report from Puebla, June 4, in these words : 
 
 is Considering the many cruel disappointments and mortification I have 
 been made to feel since I left Washington, and the total want of support 
 or sympathy on the part of the War Department, which I have so long 
 experienced, I beg to be recalled from this army the moment it may be 
 safe for any person to embark at Vera Cruz ; which, I suppose, will be 
 early in November. Probably all field operations will be over long before 
 that time." 
 
 But my next report (July 25th) from Puebla has, no doubt, in the 
 end, been deemed more unpardonable by the department. In that paper, 
 after speaking of the " happy change in my relations, both official and pri 
 vate, with Mr. Trist," I continued : 
 
APPENDIX. 483 
 
 " Since about the 26th ultimo [June], our intercourse has been fre 
 quent and cordial, and I found him [Mr. T.] able, discreet, courteous, and 
 amiable. At home it so chanced that we had had but the slightest possible 
 acquaintance with each other. Hence, more or less of reciprocal preju 
 dice, and of the existence of his feelings towards me, I knew (by private 
 letters), before we met, that at least a part of the cabinet had a full intima 
 tion. 
 
 " Still, the pronounced misunderstanding between Mr. Trist and my 
 self could not have occurred, but for other circumstances: 1. His being 
 obliged to send forward your letter of April 14th, instead of delivering it 
 in person, with the explanatory papers which he desired to communicate. 
 2. His bad health in May and June, which, I am happy to say, has now 
 become good ; and 3. The extreme mystification into which your letter 
 and particularly an interlineation unavoidably threw me. 
 
 " So far as I am concerned, I am perfectly willing that all I have here 
 tofore written to the department about Mr. Trist should be suppressed. 
 I make this declaration as due to my present esteem for that gentleman ; 
 but ask no favor, and desire none, at the hands of the department. Jus 
 tice to myself, however tardy, I shall take care to have done. * * * 
 
 " I do not acknowledge the justice of either of your rebukes contained 
 in the letter of May 31, [in relation to Mr. Trist and the prisoners at Cerro 
 Gordo,] and that I do not here triumphantly vindicate myself, is not from 
 the want of will, means, or ability, but lime. 
 
 " The first letter (dated February 22) received from you at Vera Cruz, 
 contained a censure, and I am now rebuked for the unavoidable nay, 
 wise, if it had not been unavoidable release on parole of the prisoners 
 taken at Cerro Gordo ; even before one word of commendation from gov 
 ernment has reached this army on account of its gallant conduct in the 
 capture of those prisoners. [No such commendation has yet been re 
 ceived, February, 1848.] So, in regular progression. I may should the 
 same army gallantly bear me into the city of Mexico, in the next six or 
 seven weeks, which is probable, if we are not arrested by a peace or a 
 truce look to be dismissed from the service of my country ! You will 
 perceive that I am aware (as I have long been) of the dangers which hang 
 over me at home ; but I, too, am a citizen of the United States, and well 
 know the obligations imposed, under all circumstances, by an enlightened 
 patriotism. 
 
 " In respect to money, I beg again to report that the chief commissary 
 (Captain Grayson) of this army has not received a dollar from the United 
 States since we landed at Vera Cruz, March 9. He now owes more than 
 $200,000, and is obliged to purchase, on credit, at great disadvantages. 
 The chief quartermaster (Captain Irwin) has received perhaps $60,000, 
 and labors under like incumbrances. Both have sold drafts to small 
 
484 APPENDIX. 
 
 amounts, and borrowed largely of the pay department, which has received 
 about half the money estimated for. Consequently the troops have some 
 four months pay due them. Our poverty, or the neglect of the disbursing 
 departments at home, has been made known, to our shame, in the papers 
 of the capital here, through a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Hunt, that 
 was found on the person of the special messenger from Washington. 
 
 " The army is also suffering greatly from the want of necessary cloth 
 ing, including blankets and great-coats. The new troops, (those who 
 have last arrived,) as destitute as the others, were first told that they 
 would find abundant supplies at New-Orleans ; next, at Vera Cruz, and 
 finally here ; whereas, we now have, perhaps, a thousand hands engaged 
 in making shoes and (out of bad materials and at high cost) pantaloons. 
 These articles, about 3,000 pairs of each, are absolutely necessary to cover 
 the nakedness of the troops. 
 
 " February 28th, off Lobos, I wrote to Brigadier General Brooke, to 
 direct the quartermaster at New-Orleans to send me large supplies of 
 clothing. March 16 and 23, General Brooke replied that the quartermas 
 ter at New-Orleans, had neither clothing nor shoes, and that he was 
 fearful that unless they have been sent out to you direct, you will be 
 much disappointed. 
 
 " Some small quantity of clothing, perhaps one-fifth of our wants, 
 came to Vera Cruz, from some quarter, and followed us to Jalapa and this 
 place." 
 
 I must here specially remark, that this report, No. 30, though for 
 warded the night of its date (July 25), seems to have been miscarried. 
 Perceiving, about November 27, that it was not acknowledged by the de 
 partment, I caused a duplicate to be made, signed it and sent it off by the 
 same conveyance with my dispatch No. 36, and the charges against Bre 
 vet Major General Worth, Major General Pillow, and Brevet Lieutenant 
 Colonel Duncan, together with the appeal against me, of the former. All 
 these papers are acknowledged by the department in the same letter, Janu 
 ary 13, that recalls me. 
 
 It was that budget of papers that caused the blow of power, so long 
 suspended, to fall on a devoted head. The three arrested officers, and he 
 who had endeavored to enforce a necessary discipline against them, are all 
 to be placed together before the same court. The innocent and the guilty, 
 the accuser and the accused, the judge and his prisoners, are dealt with 
 alike. Most impartial justice ! But there is a discrimination with a ven 
 geance ! While the parties are on trial if the appealer is to be tried at 
 all, which seems doubtful two are restored to their corps one of them 
 with his brevet rank, and I am deprived of my command. There can be but 
 one step more in the same direction ; throw the rules and articles of war 
 into the fire, and leave all ranks in the army free to engage in denuncia- 
 
APPENDIX. 485 
 
 tions, and a general scramble for precedence, authority, and executive fa 
 vor. The pronunciamento, on the part of my factious juniors, is most 
 triumphant. 
 
 My recall under the circumstances a severe punishment before trial, 
 but to be followed by a trial here that may run into the autumn, and on 
 matters I am but partially permitted to know by the department and my 
 accusers is very ingeniously placed on two grounds : 1 . My own re 
 quest, meaning that of June 4, (quoted above, and there was no other be 
 fore the department,) which had been previously (July 12) acknowledged 
 and rebukingly declined. 2. The arrest of Brevet Major General Worth, 
 for writing to the department, " under the pretext and form of an appeal," 
 an open letter, to be sent through me, in which I was grossly and falsely 
 accused of " malice" and " conduct unbecoming an officer and gentle 
 man," in the matter of the general order, No. 349, on the subject of puff 
 ing letters for the newspapers at home. 
 
 On that second point, the letter from the department of January 13 is 
 more than ingenious ; it is elaborate, subtle, and profound ; a professional 
 dissertation, with the rare merit of teaching principles, until now wholly 
 unknown to military codes and treatises, and of course to all mere soldiers, 
 however great their experience in the field. 
 
 I have not, in this place, time to do more than hint at the fatal conse 
 quences of the novel doctrine in question. According to the department, 
 any factious junior may, at his pleasure, in the midst of the enemy, using 
 " the pretext and form of an appeal" against his commander, insult and 
 outrage him to the grossest extent, though he be the general-in-chief, and 
 charged with the conduct of the most critical operations, and that com 
 mander may not arrest the incipient mutineer until he shall have first laid 
 down his own authority, and submitted himself to a trial, or wait, at least, 
 until a distant period of leisure for a judicial examination of the appeal ! 
 And this is precisely the case under consideration. The department, in 
 its eagerness to condemn me, could not take time to learn of the ex 
 perienced that the general-in-chief who once submits to an outrage 
 from a junior, must lay his account to suffer the like from all the vicious 
 under him ; at least, down to a rank that may be supposed without influ 
 ence in high quarters beyond the army. But this would not be the whole 
 mischief to the public service. Even the great mass of the spirited, in 
 telligent, and well affected, among his brothers in arms, would soon re 
 duce such commander to utter imbecility, by holding him in just scorn and 
 contempt for his recreancy to himself and country. And are discipline 
 and efficiency of no value in the field? 
 
 But it was not my request of June 4, nor report No. 30 (of July 25), 
 so largely quoted from above, nor yet the appeal of one pronunciado, 
 that has at length brought down upon me this visitation, so clearly pre- 
 
486 APPENDIX. 
 
 dieted. That appeal, no doubt, had its merits, considering it came from 
 an erratic brother a deserter from the other extreme who, having just 
 made his peace with the true faith, was bound to signalize apostasy by ac 
 ceptable denunciations of one for whom, up to Vera Cruz, he had pro 
 fessed (and not without cause) the highest obligations. (It was there he 
 learned from me that I was doomed at Washington, and straightway the 
 apostate began to seek, through a quarrel, the means of turning that 
 knowledge to his own benefit.) No, there was (recently) still another 
 element associated in the work, kept, as far as practicable, out of the letter 
 of recall ; an influence proceeding from the other arrested general, who is 
 quite willing that it should be generally understood (and who shall gainsay 
 his significant acquiescence ?) that all rewards and punishments in this 
 army were, from the first, to follow his recommendations. This the more 
 powerful of the pronunciados against No. 349 well knew, at the time, as 
 I soon knew that he was justly obnoxious not only to the animadversions 
 of that order, but to other censures of yet a much graver character. 
 
 In respect to this general, the letter of recall observes, parenthetically, 
 but with an acumen worthy of more than " a hasty" notice, that some of 
 my specifications of his misconduct " are hardly consistent with your [my] 
 official reports and commendations." 
 
 Seemingly this is a most just rebuke. But, waiting for the trials, I 
 will here briefly state, that unfortunately I followed that general s own 
 reports, written and oral ; that my confidence lent him in advance, had 
 been but very slightly shaken as early as the first week in October ; that 
 up to that time, from our entrance into this city, I had been at the desk, 
 shut out from personal intercourse with my brother officers, and that it was 
 not till after that confinement that facts, conduct, and motives, began to 
 pour in upon me. 
 
 A word as to the 5th article of war. I can truly say that in this and 
 other communications, I have not designed the slightest disrespect to the 
 Commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States. No 
 doubt he, like myself and all others, may fall into mistakes as to particular 
 men ; and I cannot, having myself been behind the curtain, admit the legal 
 fiction that all acts of a secretary are the acts of the President. Yet, in 
 my defensive statements, I have offered no wanton discourtesy to the head 
 of the War Department, although that functionary is not in the enumera 
 tion of the above-mentioned article. 
 
 Closing my correspondence with the department until after the ap 
 proaching trial, 
 
 I have the honor to remain, respectfully, your most obedient servant. 
 
 WINFIELD SCOTT. 
 
 Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR. 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF WAR TO GENERAL SCOTT. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, ) 
 Washington, April 21, 1848. \ 
 
 SIR : It would not be respectful to you to pass unnoticed your extraor 
 dinary letter of the 24th of February, nor just to myself to permit it to 
 remain unanswered on the files of this department. 
 
 To attempt to dispel the delusions which you seem to have long perti 
 naciously cherished, and to correct the errors into which you have fallen, 
 devolves upon me a duty which I must not decline ; but in performing it I 
 mean to be as cautious as you profess to have been, to abstain from any 
 " wanton discourtesy," and I hope to be alike successful. Your prudent 
 respect for the " 5th article of war," has induced you to hold me ostensi 
 bly responsible for many things which, you are aware, are not fairly 
 chargeable to me. The device you have adopted to assail the President, 
 by aiming your blows at the Secretary of War, does more credit to your 
 ingenuity as an accuser, than to your character as a soldier. A premedi 
 tated contrivance to avoid responsibility does not indicate an intention not 
 to do wrong. 
 
 The general aspect of your letter discloses an evident design to create 
 a belief that you were drawn forth from your quiet position in a bureau of 
 this department, and assigned to the command of our armies in Mexico, 
 for the purpose of being sacrificed ; and that, to accomplish this end, 
 " neglects, disappointments, injuries, and rebukes" were " inflicted" on 
 you, and the necessary means of prosecuting the war with success with 
 held ; or, in otjjer words, that the Government, after preferring you to any 
 other of the gallant generals within the range of its choice, had labored to 
 frustrate its own plans, to bring defeat upon its own armies, and involve it 
 self in ruin and disgrace, for an object so unimportant in its bearing upon 
 public affairs. A charge so entirely preposterous, so utterly repugnant to 
 all the probabilities of human conduct, calls for no refutation. 
 
 For other purposes than to combat this fondly cherished chimera, it is 
 proper that I should notice some of your specific allegations. 
 
 It is true that, after you were designated for the chief command of our 
 armies, the President was desirous that your departure should not be un 
 necessarily delayed, but you were not restricted, as you allege, to " only 
 four days," to make the necessary preparations at Washington. You 
 were not ordered away until you had reported that these preparations were 
 so far completed that your presence here was no longer required. Then, 
 instead of going directly to Mexico, you were permitted, at your own re 
 quest, to take a circuitous route through New-York, and there to remain 
 a few days. You staid at New-York nearly an entire week ; and not until 
 
488 APPENDIX. 
 
 the 19th of December (twenty-six days after leaving Washington), did 
 you reach New-Orleans, where you would have arrived in seven days, if 
 you had been required to take the direct route. This solicited indulgence, 
 by which your arrival at New-Orleans was delayed nearly three weeks, 
 is incompatible with your allegation that you were allowed " only four 
 days at Washington, where twenty might have been most advantageously 
 employed." This complaint has relation to facts within your own knowl 
 edge ; error, therefore, is hardly reconcileable with any solicitude to be ac 
 curate. As this is your opening charge against the War Department, and 
 may be regarded as indicative of those which follow, I shall make the refu 
 tation of it still more complete, for the purpose of showing with what 
 recklessness you have performed the functions of an accuser, and how 
 little reliance, in the present state of your feelings, can be placed on your 
 memory. You are the witness by whom your allegation is to be dis 
 proved. On the day of your departure from Washington, you left with 
 me a paper in your own handwriting, dated November 23d, 1846, with the 
 following heading : " Notes, suggesting topics to be embraced in the Se 
 cretary s instructions to General S., drawn up (in haste) at the request of 
 the former." From that paper I extract the following paragraph : 
 
 " I [the Secretary of War] am pleased to learn from you [General 
 Scott] that you have, in a very few days, already, through the general 
 staff of the army here, laid a sufficient basis for the purposes with which 
 you are charged, and that you now think it best to proceed at once to the 
 southwestern order to organize the largest number of troops that can be 
 obtained in time for that most important expedition" the expedition against 
 Vera Cruz. Here is your own most explicit admission that you repre 
 sented to the Secretary of War, before leaving Washington, that ar 
 rangements were so far completed, that you thought it best to proceed at 
 once to the army in Mexico, and yet you make it your opening charge 
 against the department, that you were forced away to Mexico before you 
 had time for necessary preparations. 
 
 I present the next charge in your own language : " I handed to you a 
 written request that one of three of our accomplished captains, therein 
 named, might be appointed assistant adjutant general, with the rank of 
 Major, for duty with me in the field, and there was a vacancy, at the time. 
 for one. My request lias never been attended to ; and thus I have had no 
 officer of the adjutant general s department with me in the campaign. 
 Can another instance be cited of denying to a general-in-chief, in the field, 
 at the head of a large army, or even a small one, the selection of his chief 
 of the staff that is, the chief in the department of orders and correspond 
 ence ?" 
 
 Were the case precisely as you have stated it to be, you have given 
 too much prominence, as a matter of complaint, to the President s refusal 
 
APPENDIX. 489 
 
 to be controlled in the exercise of the appointing power by your wishes. 
 Had there been a vacancy, such as you mention, for one of the " accom 
 plished captains" you named, no one knows better than you do that your 
 request could not have been acceded to, without departing from the uniform 
 rule of selection for staff appointments without violating the rights of se 
 veral officers to regular promotion, and offering an indignity to all those who 
 held the position of assistant adjutants general with the rank of captain. 
 The rule of regular promotion in the staff* is as inflexible, and has been 
 as uniformly observed, as that in the line. It must appear surprising that 
 you, who were so deeply " shocked and distressed" at the suggestion of 
 appointing, by authority of Congress, a " citizen lieutenant general," or 
 vesting the President with power to devolve the command of the army on 
 a major general, without regard to priority in the date of his commission, 
 should, in your first request after being assigned to command, ask the Pre 
 sident to disregard the rights of, at least, four officers, as meritorious as the 
 " three accomplished captains" named by you. The President s views on 
 this subject undoubtedly differ from yours. His regard for the rights of 
 officers is not graduated by their rank. Those of captains and major ge 
 nerals have equal value in his estimation, and an equal claim to his respect 
 and protection. I cannot admit that it is a just ground of censure and re 
 buke against the " head of the War Department," that the President did 
 not see fit, in order to gratify your feelings of favoritism, to disregard the 
 claims, and violate the rights, of all the assistant adjutants general of the 
 rank of captain then in commission. 
 
 But, so far as it is made a ground of complaint and reproof, this is not 
 the worst aspect of the case. You are entirely mistaken in the assertion 
 that there was then a vacancy in the adjutant general s staff, with the rank 
 of major, to which either of the captains recommended by you could have 
 been properly appointed. There was no such vacancy. To show the 
 correctness of this statement, and to demonstrate your error, I appeal to 
 the army register and the records of the adjutant general s office. Your 
 mistake as to an obvious fact, lying within the range of matters with 
 which you are presumed to be familiar, has excited less surprise than the 
 declaration that, by the non-compliance with your request, you " have had 
 no officer of the adjutant general s department with me [you] in the cam 
 paign." Every officer of that department, at least eight, were, as you well 
 knew, subject to your command. When you arrived in Mexico, there 
 were with the army at least five assistant adjutants general, all at your 
 service. That you chose to employ none of them at your head-quarters, 
 and detached from other appropriate duties an officer to act as an assistant 
 adjutant general, may well be regarded as a slight to the whole of that 
 staff then with you in Mexico, and a cause of complaint ; but certainly not 
 a complaint to emanate from you against the War Department. Willing 
 
490 APPENDIX. 
 
 as I am to presume, though unable to conceive, that circumstances justi 
 fied you in passing over all the assistant adjutants general then with the 
 army, and in selecting an officer of the line to perform the duties of adju 
 tant general at your head-quarters, I was much surprised to learn from you 
 that, when General Worth sent to you one of these " accomplished cap 
 tains," the first on your list, under the belief that you desired his services 
 as an acting assistant adjutant general, you declined to employ him in that 
 capacity ; and I am still more surprised to perceive that you have made it 
 a distinct ground of charge in your arraignment of the War Department, 
 that you were not permitted to have him as an assistant adjutant general at 
 your head-quarters. Had you selected him instead of another, as you 
 might have done, you would have been bereft of all pretext for complaint. 
 Though there was no vacancy in the adjutant general s staff of the grade 
 of major, for which only you recommended the " accomplished captains," 
 and to which only they were properly eligible, there was a vacancy in it 
 of the rank of captain. For this position you recommended an officer in 
 General Wool s staff, then on the Chihuahua expedition. This officer was 
 subsequently appointed assistant adjutant general, with the rank of captain, 
 as you desired, and has ever since been at the head-quarters of that general. 
 Thus it will be perceived that your request, so far as it was proper and 
 reasonable, was actually complied with. 
 
 The next specification in the catalogue of charges preferrred against 
 me is, that a court-martial was not instituted by the President for the trial 
 or General Marshall and Captain Montgomery on your charges against 
 them. The offences imputed to them were certainly not of an aggravated 
 character. The one, as was alleged, had been incautious in relation to a 
 dispatch, under circumstances that might admit of its coming to the 
 knowledge of the enemy ; and the other had not carried a dispatch with as 
 much expedition as you thought he might have done. As one was a ge 
 neral officer, a court to try him must have been composed of officers of 
 high rank. Before the order for assembling it could have reached Mexico, 
 it was foreseen that your command would be at Vera Cruz, and probably 
 engaged in an active siege of that city. Officers could not, therefore, have 
 been then sent from your column to Monterey or the Rio Grande, (where 
 the court must have been held,) without great detriment to the public ser 
 vice. Had you been deprived of several officers of high rank, at that 
 critical period, by order of the President, it would have afforded a bet 
 ter pretence of complaint than any one in your extended catalogue. Had 
 the court been composed of officers taken from General Taylor s com 
 mand, it would have still further weakened his condition, already weak in 
 consequence of the very large force you had withdrawn from him. Sub 
 sequent events have proved that it was most fortunate the President did 
 not comply with your request, for had he done so, some of the officers 
 
APPENDIX. 491 
 
 highest in rank and most conspicuous at Buena Vista might, at that criti 
 cal juncture, have been separated from their commands and engaged on a 
 court at a distance from that glorious scene of action. It is not fanciful to 
 suppose that their absence might have changed the fortune of that event 
 ful day, and that, instead of rejoicing, as we now do, in a triumphant vic 
 tory, among the most brilliant in the whole course of the war, we might 
 have had to lament a most disastrous defeat, and the almost total loss of 
 the whole force you had left to sustain that frontier. 
 
 No man has more reason than yourself to rejoice that no order emana 
 ted from Washington, though requested by you, which would have fur 
 ther impaired the efficiency of General Taylor s command in the crisis 
 that then awaited him. 
 
 My letter of the 22d of February, conveying the President s views in 
 regard to your order depriving Colonel Harney of his appropriate com 
 mand, is severely arraigned by you as offensive, both in manner and matter. 
 
 The facts in relation to this case of alleged grievance are now before 
 the public, and a brief allusion to them will place the transaction in its 
 true light. Under your orders Colonel Harney had brought seven compa 
 nies of his regiment, the 2d dragoons, from Monterey to the Brazos, to be 
 under your immediate command ; and two others, being all of the regiment 
 in Mexico, were expected to follow within a few days. In the midst of his 
 high hopes and ardent desire for active service, you took from him the 
 command of his own regiment, devolved it on one of his junior officers, 
 and ordered him back to General Taylor s line, to look for what was not 
 inappropriately denominated " an imaginary command." Outraged in his 
 feelings and injured in his rights, he respectfully remonstrated ; his appeal 
 to your sense of justice was unavailing. Neither to this gallant officer, 
 nor to the President, did you assign any sufficient or even plausible reason 
 for this extraordinary proceeding. The whole army, I believe, and the 
 whole country, where the transaction became known, entertained but one 
 opinion on the subject, and that was, that you had inflicted an injury and 
 an outrage upon a brave and meritorious officer. Such an act, almost the 
 first on your assuming command, boded disastrous consequences to the 
 public service, and devolved upon the President the duty of interposing to 
 protect the injured officer. This interposition you have made a grave 
 matter of accusation against the head of the War Department, and have 
 characterized it as a censure and a rebuke. It may imply both, and still, 
 being merited, may leave you without a pretence for complaint. The Pre 
 sident, after alluding to his duty to sustain the rights of the officers under 
 your command, as well as your own rights, informed you that he did not 
 discover in the case, as you had presented it, sufficient cause for such an 
 order ; that, in his opinion. Colonel Harney had a just cause to complain, 
 and that he hoped the m-itter had been reconsidered by you, and the colo- 
 
492 APPENDIX. 
 
 nel restored to his appropriate command. Your own subsequent course 
 in this case demonstrates the unreasonablenes of your complaint, and vin 
 dicates the correctness of the President s proceedings. You had really 
 rebuked and censured your own conduct, for even before you had received 
 the President s views, you had, as he hoped you would, reconsidered the 
 matter, become convinced of your error, reversed your own order, and re 
 stored Colonel Harney to his command ; thus giving the strongest evidence 
 in favor of the propriety and correctness of all the President had done in 
 the case. I give you too much credit for steadiness of purpose, to suspect 
 that you retraced your steps from mere caprice, or for any other cause 
 than a conviction that you had fallen into error. After the matter had 
 thus terminated, it appears unaccountable to me that you, who above all 
 others should wish it to pass into oblivion, have again called attention to it 
 by making it an item in your arraignment of the War Department. 
 
 You struggle in vain to vindicate your course in this case, by referring 
 to your own acts in the campaign of 1814. You then sent away, as you 
 allege, against their wishes, " three senior field officers, of as many regi 
 ments, who were infirm, uninstructed, and inefficient, in favor of three 
 juniors, and with the subsequent approbation of Major General Brown and 
 the head of the War Department." This precedent does not, in my judg 
 ment change the aspect of the present case. Colonel Harney was not 
 " infirm, uninstructed, and inefficient ;" you did not assign, and in defer 
 ence to the known opinion of the army and country, you did not venture 
 to assign that reason for deposing him. I do not understand the force of 
 your logical deduction, that, because you, on a former occasion, had de 
 prived officers under you of their commands, for good and sufficient rea 
 sons, with subsequent approval, you may now, and at any time, do the 
 same thing, without any reason whatever ; and if the President interposes 
 to correct the procedure, you have a just cause to complain of an indig 
 nity, and a right to arraign the War Department. 
 
 As your animadversion upon the tone of my letter is, probably, not a 
 blow aimed at a much more conspicuous object, to be reached through me, 
 I ought, perhaps, to pass it without notice. On revision of that letter, I 
 cannot perceive that it is not entirely respectful in manner and language. 
 The views of the President are therein confidently expressed, because 
 they were confidently entertained. It seems to be admitted by you that, 
 " if dictated to the greenest general of the recent appointments," the 
 letter would not have been exceptionable. I was not aware that it was 
 my duty to modify and graduate my style, so as to meet, according to your 
 fastidious views, the various degrees of greenness and ripeness of the 
 generals, to whom I am required to convey the orders of the President ; 
 and for any such defect in my official communications I have no apology 
 to offer. 
 
APPENDIX. 493 
 
 In the same letter, wherein you complain of being censured for your 
 course in relation to Colonel Harney, you say, " I am now rebuked for the 
 unavoidable nay wise, if it had not been unavoidable release, on parole, 
 of the prisoners taken at Cerro Gordo even before one word of com 
 mendation from government had reached this army, on account of its gal 
 lant conduct in the capture of those prisoners." Accident alone, not any 
 oversight or neglect on my part, has given you the apparent advantage of 
 the aggravation, which you have artfully thrown into this charge. My 
 letter, commending yourself and the gallant army under your command, 
 for the glorious achievement at Cerro Gordo, was written and sent to you 
 on the 1 9th of May, eleven days before that which you are pleased to con 
 sider as containing a rebuke. 
 
 But I meet the main charge with a positive denial. You never were 
 rebuked for discharging the prisoners taken at Cerro Gordo. This issue 
 can be tried by the record. All that was ever said on the subject, is con 
 tained in the following extract from my letter of the 31st of May. 
 
 " Your course hitherto, in relation to prisoners of war, both men and 
 officers, in discharging them on parole, has been liberal and kind ; but 
 whether it ought to be still longer continued, or in some respects changed, 
 has been under the consideration of the President, and he has directed me 
 to communicate to you his views on the subject. He is not unaware of 
 the great embarrassment their detention, or the sending of them to the 
 United States, would occasion ; but, so far as relates to the officers, he 
 thinks they should be detained until duly exchanged. In that case, it will 
 probably be found expedient to send them, or most of them, to the United 
 States. You will not, therefore, except for special reasons in particular 
 cases, discharge the officers, who may be taken prisoners, but detain them 
 with you, or send them to the United States, as you shall deem most ex 
 pedient." 
 
 If I understand the force of terms, there is nothing in this language 
 which, by fair interpretation, can be made to express or imply a rebuke. I 
 cannot conceive that any mind, other than one of a diseased sensitiveness, 
 ever anxious to discover causes for complaint and accusation, could ima 
 gine that any thing like a rebuke was contained in this extract ; yet on this 
 unsubstantial basis alone rests the charge, over and over again presented, 
 that you were rebuked by the War Department, for discharging the pris 
 oners captured at Cerro Gordo. If, in a case where it was so easy to be 
 right and so difficult to get wrong, you could fall into such an obvious mis 
 take, what may not be expected from you in other masters, where your 
 perverted feelings have a freer and wider range ? 
 
 Before considering your complaints, for not having been supplied with 
 sufficient means for transportation for the expedition against Vera Cruz, I 
 will notice your " four memorials" to the War Department, in which you 
 
494 APPENDIX. 
 
 demonstrated, as you state, that Vera Cruz was the true basis of opera 
 tions, and that the enemy s capital could not, probably, be reached from the 
 Rio Grande. 
 
 I cannot discover the pertinency of your allusion to these four memo 
 rials, except it be to put forth a claim to the merit of originating the expe 
 dition against Vera Cruz, and of being the first to discover that the most 
 practicable route to the city of Mexico was from that point on the Gulf; 
 but your known abhorrence for a " pruriency of fame not earned," ought 
 to shield you from the suspicion of such an infirmity. 
 
 I am sure you are not ignorant of the fact but, if you are, it is nev 
 ertheless true that the expedition against Vera Cruz had been for some 
 time under consideration ; that great pains had been taken to get informa 
 tion as to the defences of that city, the strength of the castle, and the 
 difficulties which would attend the debarkation of troops ; that maps had 
 been procured and carefully examined ; that persons who had resided there, 
 and officers of the army and navy, had been consulted on the subject, and 
 the enterprise actually resolved on before the date of your first memoir, 
 and before you were thought of to conduct it. 
 
 As early as the 9th of July, 1846, within two months after the decla 
 ration of war, and before the main body of troops raised for its prosecution 
 had reached the scene of operations, considerable attention had been given 
 to that subject. On that day a letter, from this department to General 
 Taylor, thus alludes to a movement from Vera Cruz into the interior of the 
 enemy s country. 
 
 " If, from all the information you may communicate to the department, 
 as well as that derived from other sources, it should appear that the diffi 
 culties and obstacles to the conducting of a campaign, from the Rio 
 Grande, the present base of your operations, for any considerable distance 
 into the interior of Mexico, will be very great, the department will consider 
 whether the main invasion should not ultimately take place from some 
 point on the coast, say Tampico, or some other point in the vicinity of 
 Vera Cruz. This suggestion is made with a view to call your attention 
 to it, and to obtain from you such information as you may be able to im 
 part. Should it be determined that the main army should invade Mexico 
 at some other point than the Rio Grande say the vicinity of Vera Cruz 
 a large and sufficient number of transport vessels could be placed at the 
 mouth of the Rio Grande by the time the healthy season sets in say 
 early in November. The main army, with all its munitions, could be 
 transported, leaving a sufficient force behind to hold and occupy the Rio 
 Grande, and all the towns and provinces which you may have conquered 
 before that time. In the event of such being the plan of operations, your 
 opinion is desired, what increased force, if any, will be required to carry it 
 out with success. We learn that the army could be disembarked a few 
 
APPENDIX. 495 
 
 miles distant from Vera Cruz, and readily invest the town in its rear, with 
 out coming within the range of the guns of the fortress of San Juan d 
 Ulloa. The town could be readily taken by land, while the fortress, being 
 invested by land and sea, and all communication cut off, must soon fall. 
 From Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico there is a fine road, upon which 
 the diligences or stage coaches run daily. The distance from Vera Cruz 
 to the city of Mexico is not more than one-third of that from the Rio 
 Grande to the city of Mexico." 
 
 The subject was again brought into view on the 13th of October, in 
 the same year, and more particularly on the 22d of October, in letters ad 
 dressed to General Taylor. At the last date, the plan had been so far 
 matured that several officers of the staff and line were indicated for that 
 service. This was nearly a month before it was determined to employ you 
 with the army in any part of Mexico. 
 
 It was never contemplated here to strike at the city of Mexico from 
 the line occupied by General Taylor, or through any other, except that 
 from Vera Cruz. If the war was to be pushed to that extent, it required 
 no elaborate demonstration, no profound military talent, nothing more 
 than common sagacity and very slight reflection on the subject, to see the 
 propriety and the necessity of making Vera Cruz the base of military ope 
 rations. 
 
 An alleged deficiency of means to transport the troops in the expedi 
 tion to Vera Cruz seems to be most prominently presented, and most con 
 fidently relied on, to sustain your charge against the War Department for 
 neglecting this branch of its duties. I issued, it seems to be admitted, the 
 proper order, so far as the means of transportation were to be drawn from 
 the north ; but the allegation is that it was issued too late, and was never 
 executed. It was issued at least four days before you arrived at New- 
 Orleans, on your way to the army. If promptly executed, it was a reas 
 onable calculation that the " ten vessels," alluded to in your letter, would 
 have arrived in season to receive the troops, as soon as you could collect 
 them from their remote and scattered positions in the interior of Mexico, 
 bring them to the sea-coast, and prepare for their embarkation. Whether 
 an order for ships to be sent out in ballast, issued the 15th of December, 
 was or was not in season for the service they were designed for, depends 
 upon the time when the expedition could be got ready to sail. To deter 
 mine this, a regard must be paid to what you required to be done prepara 
 tory to the expedition, rather than what you may have said on that subject. 
 
 A reference to two or three of your requisitions will show that no ra 
 tional hope could be entertained that the expedition would set forth before 
 the middle or the last of February. You required, as one item of the 
 outfit, one hundred and forty surf boats all to be constructed after you 
 left Washington. Though the department urged a less number, you in- 
 
496 APPENDIX. 
 
 sisted on all. You estimated the expense of each at $200, and thought, 
 by putting- the principal ship-yards on the Atlantic coast in requisition, 
 they might be constructed by the first of January. To show what reli 
 ance was to be placed on your calculation, I refer to the fact, that though 
 due regard to economy was had in procuring these boats, each cost on an 
 average $950 nearly fivefold your estimate. Conceding that you erred 
 much less as to the time within which they could be constructed nay, 
 more, admitting they could have been ready by the first of January, and 
 sooner you did not expect they could be made by no reasonable calcula 
 tion could they have reached the coast of Mexico before the first of Febru 
 ary. The expedition could not go forth without them. In your letter to 
 me, dated the 28th of February, off Lobos, you state that but a small part 
 of the transports engaged at New-Orleans, under your orders of the 28th 
 December, had arrived, and " not one of the ten ordered by your memo 
 randum of the 15th of that month, and the whole were due at the Brazos on 
 the 1 5th of January." Having thus shown, by your own opinion, that, un 
 der my order, " the ten vessels" ought to have been at the Brazos at least 
 fifteen days before the expedition could have been ready to sail, I have vindica 
 ted myself from the charge of having neglected my duty, by not issuing 
 that order at an earlier date. If issued earlier, it would have involved a 
 largely increased expenditure for demurrage, and resulted in no public 
 benefit. 
 
 But the graver part of this charge is, that none of these " ten vessels" 
 ever arrived. " Relying," you say, in the letter now under consideration, 
 " upon them [the ten vessels] confidently, the embarkation was delayed, 
 in the whole, or in part, at the Brazos and Tampico, from the 15th of Janu 
 ary to the 9th of March, leaving, it was feared, not half the time needed 
 for the reduction of Vera Cruz and its castle, before the return of the yel 
 low fever." To whomsoever the calamitous consequences of the non- 
 arrival of these " ten vessels" and your : cruel disappointment" in rela 
 tion to them are imputable, he has certainly involved himself in a serious 
 responsibility. I hope to remove the whole of it from " the head of the 
 War Department," and entertain some apprehensions that it will fall, in 
 part, upon the commanding general of the expedition. 
 
 The execution of the most difficult branch of duties appertaining to a 
 military expedition providing for transportation is by the distribution of 
 the business of the War Department allotted to the quartermaster general. 
 As an expedition against Vera Cruz had been resolved on some time before 
 you were assigned to take command of it, General Jesup had gone to 
 New-Orleans to be in the best position to make the necessary preparations 
 for such an enterprise. From his great knowledge, and long experience in 
 military affairs, not only in his appropriate department, but as a commander 
 in the field, the government thought it fortunate that you could have the 
 advice and assistance of so able a counsellor. 
 
APPENDIX. 497 
 
 Your suggestion that it might be necessary to send ships in ballast 
 from the north, for transports, was not neglected or unheeded by me. 
 Whether it would be necessary, or not, depended, according to your state 
 ment to me, upon the means of transportation which could be procured at 
 New-Orleans, &c. My first step was, to write to the quartermaster gene 
 ral, then at that place, for information on that subject. In my letter to him 
 of llth of December, I said : " It is expected that most of the vessels in 
 the service of the quartermaster s department can be used as transports for 
 the expedition. It will be necessary that the department here should 
 know what portion of the transportation can be furnished by the ordinary 
 means which the quartermaster s department has now under its control for 
 the purposes of its expedition. I have to request that information on this 
 point should be furnished without delay. 
 
 " Another point upon which the department desires information is, 
 what amount of means of transportation, for such an expedition, can be 
 furnished at New-Orleans, Mobile, and in that quarter. 
 
 " The expense of procuring transports from the Atlantic cities will be 
 exorbitant. Freights are very high, and most of the good vessels are en 
 gaged for the ordinary purposes of commerce." 
 
 It is important to bear in mind that you saw this letter, on your first ar 
 rival at New-Orleans. In writing to me from that place, December 21st, 
 you observe, " I have seen your letter (in the hands of Lieutenant Colonel 
 Hunt) to the quartermaster general, dated the llth." You could not mis 
 take its object, because it was clearly expressed. I asked distinctly what 
 means of transportations for the expedition can be furnished at New-Or 
 leans, &c., and referred to the expense and difficulty of procuring trans 
 ports from the Atlantic cities. You could not, therefore, but know that 
 my course, as to sending ships in ballast from the north, would be regula 
 ted by the quartermaster general s reply. While waiting for this informa 
 tion, and in order to prevent delay, and be sure not to deserve the imputa 
 tion you now cast upon me, I issued the order of the 15th of December, 
 to which you refer, knowing that it could be modified and conformed to 
 the exigencies of the service, according^ to the answer which I should re 
 ceive from General Jesup. His reply is dated the 27th of December, and 
 in it he says : 
 
 " Transportation can be provided here for all the troops that may be 
 drawn from the army under the command of General Taylor, and for all 
 the ordnance, ordnance stores, and other supplies, which may be drawn 
 either from this depot, [the Brazos,] or from New-Orleans. The public 
 transports, I mean those owned by the United States, that can be spared 
 for the contemplated operations, it is estimated, will carry three thousand 
 men, with all their supplies. Vessels can be chartered here, on favorable 
 terms, for any additional transportation that may be required." This letter 
 32 
 
498 APPENDIX. 
 
 was submitted to, and read by, you, as appears from your endorsement 
 thereon. After referring to some other matters in the letter, you conclude 
 your endorsement as follows : " I recommend that Brevet Major General 
 Jesup s suggestions be adopted." This fact shows that the letter received 
 your particular attention. 
 
 When this letter, which you knew was forwarded to the department, 
 was here received, showing that your apprehended difficulty in obtaining 
 sufficient transportation at the south was unfounded, and that it could be 
 provided in that quarter in great abundance on favorable terms, my order 
 of the 15th of December, so far, and only so far, as it related to sending 
 out vessels in ballast, was countermanded. It is strange, indeed, that, after 
 you were made acquainted with the object of my inquiries and General 
 Jesup s letter in reply to them, you should have looked for transport ves 
 sels in ballast from the Atlantic cities ; and, still more strange, that their 
 non-arrival should be the proof you rely on to convict me of having neg 
 lected my duty in this instance. If, in truth, you delayed the expedition 
 nearly two months for these transports, I am blameless ; the responsibility 
 is in another quarter. It cannot be said that this statement, as to the suffi 
 ciency of transports to be obtained at the south, had an implied reference 
 to what I had ordered from the Atlantic cities ; for my order was then un 
 known to yourself and the quartermaster general. You first received a 
 copy of it several days after the date of General Jesup s letter to rne, and 
 of your endorsement thereon. [See your letter to me of the 12th of 
 January.] Resisted, as you were, by " head winds," enveloped in " fright 
 ful northers," and oppressed with complicated and perplexing duties in 
 arranging and preparing the expedition against Vera Cruz, some tempo 
 rary bewilderment may be excused ; but to charge the War Department 
 with your own misapprehensions and mistakes is inexcusable. 
 
 My reply to your accusations forces me to expose some of your mis- 
 statements of fact. You allege that the expedition, for the want of the 
 " ten vessels," was delayed from the \blh of January to the 9th of March. 
 You certainly mean to be understood that, on the 15th of January, your 
 troops were ready to embark, and were delayed for want of these trans 
 ports ; but this was not so, and I am indebted to you for most abundant 
 proof to establish your inaccuracy. The great body of your troops, for 
 the expedition, was drawn from General Taylor s command at Monterey, 
 and in the interior of Mexico, and no part of them had reached either the 
 Brazos or Tampico, the points of embarkation, on the 15th of January. 
 In your letter of the 12th of that month, to General Brooke, at New-Or 
 leans, yon said : " I have now to state that it is probable the troops I have 
 called for from General Taylor s immediate command, to embark here 
 [the Brazos] and at Tampico, will not roach these points till lute in the 
 present month, [January,] say about the 25th." In a letter to me, of the 
 
APPENDIX. 499 
 
 26th of January, you remark that General Butler responded to your call 
 for the troops with the utmost promptitude, and that General Worth made 
 an admirable movement : " the head of his division arrived with him at the 
 mouth of the Rio Grande the day before yesterday," [24th January.] 
 When the remainder came up, is not stated ; yet one of your " naked his 
 torical facts" places the whole command at the points of embarkation, 
 waiting for the " ten vessels" at least nine days before the actual arrival of 
 any part of them. But, if they had been there, why should they have 
 been detained for these vessels ? In the same letter, written but two days 
 after the arrival of the head of the first division, and probably before the 
 other troops had come up, you say : " that the quartermaster general, Bre 
 vet Major General Jesup, at New-Orleans, I find, has taken all proper mea 
 sures, with judgment and promptitude, to provide every thing depending 
 on his department for the dispatch and success of my expedition." If 
 more was wanted, cumulative proof might be drawn from the same source 
 your own correspondence to show, not only that this charge against 
 me has no foundation in truth, but that you can have no apology for having 
 preferred it. 
 
 After showing how unfortunate you have been in your specific charges, 
 I may, with propriety, meet those of a general and sweeping character 
 with a less particular detail of proofs to show their groundlessness. 
 
 Though the " ten vessels" were not, for the very sufficient reasons I 
 have assigned, sent out in ballast from the Atlantic cities, yet a very large 
 number were sent thence with stores, supplies, and troops to co-operate 
 in the expedition. In General Jesup s letter to me, of the 17th instant, a 
 copy of which is sent herewith, he states that fifty-three ships, barques, 
 brigs, and schooners, were sent from the north, and the department actu 
 ally furnished at New-Orleans, Brazos, and Tampico, for the army, before 
 it took up the line of march into the interior, one hundred and sixty-three 
 vessels. 
 
 1 have alluded to the large number of surf-boats, and the great diffi 
 culty of procuring them, as the cause of the delay in their arrival. I 
 have, also, a similar reason to offer in reply to your complaint for not hav 
 ing seasonably received the siege-train and ordnance supplies. The delay 
 is to be ascribed to the enormously large outfit you required. If it was 
 necessary, and dispatch was used in procuring it, no one is in fault ; if too 
 large, you certainly should not regard, as a reprehensible delay, the time 
 necessarily taken up in preparing it. To show that it was large, and re 
 quired much time to prepare it, I will select from many, a single item. 
 You demanded from eighty to one hundred thousand ten-inch shells, and 
 forty or fifty mortars of like calibre. This enormous quantity of shells 
 about four thousand tons was mostly to be manufactured after you left 
 Washington. All the furnaces ia *he country, willing to engage in the 
 
500 APPENDIX. 
 
 business, were set to work ; but, with the utmost diligence and dispatch, 
 the supply of this one article, or even two-thirds of it, having to be manu 
 factured and transported to the seaboard from the furnaces, (located, in 
 most instances, in the interior of the country,) at a season of the year 
 when water communications were obstructed by ice, could rot be ready 
 to be sent forward to you in many months after your departure from 
 Washington. Had your requisitions been moderate, and, undoubtedly, 
 more moderate ones would have sufficed, they could have been furnished 
 at a much earlier period. 
 
 The memorandum which you left " for the siege-train and ammunition 
 therefor," was submitted to me by the ordnance department on the 26th of 
 November, with an intimation that it could not be complied with in season 
 for the expedition to go forward as early as you had contemplated. I en 
 dorsed upon it, " comply with the above as far as pracficabk ;" and this 
 order, I am satisfied, after full examination, was faithfully executed. 
 
 What could be done at Washington, was done promptly. You had 
 with you the quartermaster general, with all the means at the command of 
 the War Department, and with unrestricted authority to do whatever you 
 might require. He was under your supervision, and subject to your orders, 
 able and willing to execute them ; and you have never intimated that he, 
 in any respect, failed in his duty, but on the contrary, you have spoken hi 
 highly commendatory terms of his efficient services. I have already quo 
 ted your acknowledgment that he had " taken all proper measures, with 
 judgment and promptitude, to provide everything depending on his depart 
 ment for the dispatch and success of your expedition." In an issue of 
 fact between you and the head of the War Department, his testimony, 
 next to your own confessions, is the best that can be offered to correct your 
 misstatements, and to refute your charges. Tn his letter to me of the 2d 
 of January, 1847, he says : " General Scott left for the interior on the 29th 
 ultimo, and I am taking active measures to have every thing depending 
 upon me ready for his operations. The quartermaster s department, I 
 find, is called upon to do a great deal that should be done by other branches 
 of the staff. So far as General Scott s operations go, I shall have every 
 thing done that is necessary, whether it belongs to my department or to 
 other departments to do it." You had with you, and subject to your or 
 ders, not only the quartermaster general, but officers of the other staff de 
 partments. They did not look to the War Department, but to yourself, 
 for directions ; and it was your duty, and not mine, to see that your re 
 quirements were complied with. That they were so, to the utmost prac 
 ticable extent, I have no reason to doubt; but, if they were not, the fault, 
 if any, is not with the War Department. You also gave the instructions 
 in relation to providing the means of land transportation, and the officers 
 charged with that duty were under your immediate control ; and, if there 
 
APPENDIX. 501 
 
 is blame any where for any deficiency in this respect, it cannot be imputed 
 to the War Department. Your whole correspondence with me, and the 
 staff officers with you, shows that you very properly took upon yourself 
 the whole charge of giving directions in this matter. In a letter to Cap 
 tain Hetzel, senior quartermaster at the Brazos, speaking on the subject of 
 the land transportation which may be needed after the descent on the ene 
 my s coast, near Vera Cruz, you say : " I have already discussed and ar 
 ranged with you the detail of the early land transportation train," &c. On 
 the 19th of March you furnished General Jesup with your estimates and 
 directions on this subject. The staff officers being with you, and under 
 your orders, nothing further was, or properly could be, required or ex 
 pected to emanate from Washington beyond the supply of funds ; and 
 this being done, if you were disappointed in not realizing your expecta 
 tions, you have not a colorable pretence for imputing blame to " the head 
 of the War Department." 
 
 As a ground of complaint, and a matter of accusation, you refer to 
 your deficiency of means to make the descent, and to capture the city of 
 Vera Cruz and the castle of San Juan d Ulloa, and assume that the ex 
 tent of that deficiency was the difference between what you received and 
 what you required. It would be quite as correct reasoning to say that 
 what you had having proved sufficient for the purpose, the difference 
 showed the extent of the errors in your estimates. The truth lies, per 
 haps, between the two extremes. You had less, probably, than you should 
 have had, and you required much more than was necessary. That you 
 did not have more, and, indeed, all you asked for, I have already shown, 
 was not the fault of the War Department. 
 
 General Jesup was with you at Vera Cruz, saw your means, and is ca 
 pable of forming an estimate of their sufficiency. He is, as his letter 
 herewith shows, disposed to be just, and even generous to your fame. To 
 his opinion on the subject, no well-founded exception can be taken. He 
 says, in reference to your complaints on account of a deficient supply of 
 surf boats, siege train, and ordnance stores, " the result shows that he 
 [General Scott J had surf boats and stores enough ;" and of the delay of 
 which you complain, he fully exonerates the War Department, and as 
 cribes the whole to yourself and to unavoidable accidents. 
 
 The imputation that you were designedly crippled in your means, is a 
 charge as preposterous as it is unfounded. 
 
 I am aware that the execution of some of the many arrangements for 
 the Vera Cruz expedition was obstructed and delayed by accidents ; but 
 they were such as human sagacity could not foresee, or human agency 
 control. They were not, however, more than a considerate mind, bring 
 ing into view all the vast difficulties of the case, would have expected. 
 When your complaints on this subject were %st received here, evincing, 
 
502 APPENDIX. 
 
 as they did, that you intended to hold the department responsible for every 
 untoward event, the heads of the several bureaus were called on by me to 
 show how they had executed the duties which had been confided to them, 
 particularly in regard to matters referred to by you. The evidence they 
 presented of having done all that was required, or could have been expect 
 ed, convinced me, and I venture to say that, on a full examination, it will 
 satisfy any mind open to conviction, that all your complaints, so far as they 
 imputed blame to the War Department, or any of its branches, are un 
 founded. It will do much more it will show that great industry, prompt 
 ness, uncommon capacity, and extraordinary exertions, in relation to every 
 thing connected with the war, have characterized the action of each of 
 these subordinate departments. As a commendation justly merited by 
 these several branches of the department, assailed, as they are, indirectly 
 by you, I see no good reason for withholding my opinion, that an instance 
 cannot be found w T here so much has been done, and well done, in so short 
 a time, by any similar body of officers, under similar circumstances. 
 
 As you have, by implication, laid a heavy hand upon the bureau which 
 is charged with the onerous duties of executing the laws and orders for 
 raising and sending forward the recruits and levies, I feel bound to affirm 
 that you have done to that branch of the public service the greatest injus 
 tice. No industry has been spared, no possible effort omitted to raise the 
 forces which were authorized, and to send them to their destination within 
 the briefest practicable period. The numerous orders issued from the ad 
 jutant s general s office, and its voluminous correspondence on that subject, 
 will sustain this assertion. 
 
 You have pressed with unwonted zeal the charge in relation to divert 
 ing the detachments of th e new regiments under General Cadwalader s 
 command to the Brazos, and have indulged in the wildest speculations as 
 to the sad consequences which attended this imputed error. Assuming 
 that my orders diverted these troops, or any others, (an assertion which I 
 shall controvert hereafter,) the circumstances justified the measure. The 
 critical condition of General Taylor, according to all accounts received 
 here at that time, is stated in my letter to you of the 22d of March. To 
 show that the department acted properly, though it incurred your reproof, 
 it is necessary to recall the facts as they then appeared here. They are 
 presented in the following extract from that letter : 
 
 " The information which has just reached us, in the shape of rumors, 
 as to the situation of General Taylor and the forces under his command, 
 has excited the most painful apprehensions for their safety. It is almost cer 
 tain that Santa Anna has precipitated the large army he had collected at 
 San Luis de Potosi upon General Taylor, and it may be that the general 
 has not been able to maintain the advanced position he had seen fit to take 
 at Agua Nueva, but has been obliged to fall back on Monterey. It is 
 
APPENDIX. 503 
 
 equally certain that a Mexican force has been interposed between Monterey 
 and the Rio Grande, and that it has interrupted the line of communication 
 between the two places, and seized large supplies which were on the way 
 to General Taylor s army. 
 
 " If the hostile force between the Rio Grande and General Taylor s 
 army is as large as reports represent it, our troops now on that river may 
 not be able to re-establish the line, nor will it, perhaps, be possible to place 
 a force there sufficient for the purpose, in time to prevent disastrous con 
 sequences to our army, unless aid can be afforded from the troops under 
 your immediate command. 
 
 " From one to two thousand of the new recruits for the ten regiments, 
 from this quarter, will be on the way to the Brazos, in the course of three 
 or four days. All the other forces will be directed to that point, and every 
 effort made to relieve General Taylor from his critical situation. You 
 will have been fully apprised, before this can reach you, of the condition 
 of things in the valley of the Rio Grande, and at the head-quarters of Ge 
 neral Taylor, and have taken, 1 trust, such measures as the importance of 
 the subject requires. I need not urge upon you the fatal consequences 
 which would result from any serious disaster which might befall the army 
 under General Taylor, nor do I doubt that you will do what is in your 
 power to avert such a calamity." 
 
 The course pursued by the War Department on that occasion, which 
 you convert into a charge, must, on revision, I think, commend itself to 
 general approbation. Had it been indifferent to the alarming condition of 
 General Taylor s army, and forborne to use, at the earliest moment, the 
 most energetic measures to guard against the fatal consequences of its 
 defeat, then too probable, it would have deserved an arraignment as severe 
 as that which you have made against it, for having done its duty in that 
 critical emergency. When you first received the reasons assigned for the 
 course adopted here, they appear to have been satisfactory. In your dis 
 patch of the 28th of April, you say : " Yesterday I learned by your letter 
 of the 22d, and the adjutant general s of the 26th ultimo, that all the re 
 cruits of the regiments, some 3.000. raised, or likely to be raised in time 
 for this army, have been ordered to the Rio Grande." You did not then 
 intimate the slightest dissatisfaction, not even a premonitory symptom of 
 that deep distress with which, instantly on Mr. Trist s arrival in Mexico, 
 you represent yourself to have been seized. It is a coincidence, not un 
 worthy of notice, that the letter containing your first condemnatory re 
 mark on this subject, was written on the day of the date of Mr. Trist s 
 first note to you, and only the day before your captious reply to it, and in 
 both you assail the War Department. Your withering disappointment 
 seems to have slumbered for ten days, and then to have been aroused by 
 the appearance of Mr. Trist in Mexico, and your quarrel with him. If 
 
504 APPENDIX. 
 
 the order from the War Department had in fact " diverted" the forces with 
 General Cadvvalader, still it was fully justified by the threatening aspect 
 of affairs on the Rio Grande ; but I am quite sure that it did not divert 
 them. No previous order from the department had designated any other 
 place of rendezvous than the Brazos, for the troops that were to join your 
 column. It was well understood, before you left Washington, that all the 
 troops for both armies were to be sent to that place, and there to fall under 
 your command. This arrangement was not, nor was it expected that it 
 would be, here changed, until you had penetrated so far into the enemy s 
 country as to render your communication with that place of general ren 
 dezvous difficult and dilatory. 
 
 You also complain that the order was not countermanded. If there 
 had been such an order, and it had been countermanded, what would have 
 been the consequences ? The troops would have gone forward from the 
 United States, under the former orders of the department, which would 
 have taken them to the same place. 
 
 You allege that " the news of the victory of Buena Vista reached 
 Washington in time to countermand Cadwalader s orders for the Rio 
 Grande, before his departure from New-Orleans." I notice this specifica 
 tion of neglect of duty, to show the extent to which you have carried your 
 fault-finding, and the industry with which you have searched for occasions 
 to indulge it. 
 
 Your assumption is, that the news of the victory of Buena Vista 
 should have satisfied the War Department that Cadwalader s forces were 
 not needed on the Rio Grande, and the omission to countermand, as soon 
 as that news was received, the orders to send them there, was a neglect 
 deserving severe animadversion. How did you act under similar circum 
 stances ? With better means of information as to the actual condition of 
 the Rio Grande frontier after the victory of Buena Vista, you did not deem 
 it prudent, after being forty-one days in possession of the news of that 
 victory, to issue positive orders to remove a single man from that frontier ; 
 yet, you venture to censure me for not having sent the troops away the 
 momen f the news reached Washington. 
 
 You received information of that victory on or before the 14th of 
 March, for on that day you proclaimed it in orders to your army. On the 
 25th of April, more than forty days thereafter, you issued an order to the 
 commanding officer at the Brazos, to embark for Vera Cruz " such detach 
 ments of the new regiments as may have been ordered by the War De 
 partment to Point Isabel ; but you made it conditional, with reference to 
 the safety of the line of the Rio Grande, and said to that officer that you 
 relied upon his " sound judgment to determine on the spot, whether that 
 line would not be too much exposed by the withdrawal of the troops in 
 question." Thus it appears that you do not hesitate to impute neglect of 
 
APPENDIX. 505 
 
 duty to me, for not having adopted and acted on the conclusion that the line 
 of the Rio Grande was safe the moment I heard of the victory of Buena 
 Vista; but, when acting on the same subject, you dared not adopt that con 
 clusion, although you had been in possession of the same information 
 forty-one days. Your own conduct in this matter completely refutes this 
 charge of yours against the War Department ; it does more, it shows how 
 rash and inconsiderate you have been in selecting topics for attack. 
 
 But the most serious consequences are attributed to the long delay of 
 these troops at the Brazos. For your sake, I sincerely hope these conse 
 quences are much exaggerated, because I am quite confident it will be 
 shown that you alone are responsible for the delay. The War Depart 
 ment did not and it was proper that it should not issue any order in re 
 gard to the movement of the troops after their arrival in Mexico. The 
 order from the department, of the 30th of April, making a division of the 
 new levies between the two columns, does not contradict this assertion, 
 for these levies were then mostly within the United States ; only portions 
 of them had then reached Mexico. Until this order took effect, the troops 
 at the Brazos, and, indeed, on the Rio Grande and with General Taylor, 
 were under your entire and unrestricted command. As to this matter you 
 were under no misapprehension, for, on the 25th of April, and before you 
 were informed what had been done here to secure the Rio Grande line, 
 you issued an order in relation to the troops at the Brazos. This place, 
 you well knew, was the general rendezvous of the new levies from the 
 United States ; and before you sailed on your expedition to Vera Cruz, you 
 were notified that the Mexican army were advancing upon Qeneral Tay 
 lor. To have assumed that you had not left at the Brazos, with a view to 
 meet any probable contingency, orders for the proper disposition of the 
 troops which were or might be sent there, would have implied an opinion 
 that you wanted suitable qualifications for the high station whi ch had been 
 assigned to you. These troops were a part of your command, and sub 
 ject to your orders ; and if they remained one day at the Brazos after it 
 was there known that they were not needed on the Rio Grande line, and 
 would be serviceable with your column, the fault was entirely your own, 
 and in no wise imputable to the War Department. If your opinion be not 
 extravagant, and you say it is not, that, but for the diversion of General 
 Cadwalader s forces from you, and the " much precious time" lost at the 
 Brazos, you " might easily have taken this city (Mexico) in the month of 
 June, and at one-fifth of the loss sustained in August and September," 
 you have, indeed, a most fearful account to settle with your country. 
 
 I cannot, however, but regard your speculative opinions on this subject 
 as fanciful and wild. You greatly over-estimate the forces which landed 
 at the Brazos, and subsequently joined you. From the best calculations 
 which can be made from data in the adjutant general s office, the num- 
 
506 APPENDIX. 
 
 her was much less than you imagine, and did not probably exceed one 
 thousand. As the refutation of your charge against the department for 
 diverting these troops is in no wise impaired by their number, be it more 
 or less, it is not important to inquire into that matter ; but there is a ques 
 tion of serious import, which I think the country will expect you to an 
 swer. If these new levies, which had just entered the service, would have 
 enabled you to capture the city of Mexico in June, with a comparatively 
 small loss, why did you at the very time you discovered that they were so 
 much needed, and would have been so useful, send away from your army 
 three times as many volunteers, who had been many months in service, and 
 were, as you acknowledge, " respectable in discipline and efficiency," and 
 who had distinguished themselves at Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, and in 
 the hour of peril had fought by the side of your veteran troops, and merited 
 an honorable share in the glory of those memorable conflicts ? 
 
 The period of their engagement had not expired. When thus sent 
 away but one of the seven regiments had less than thirty, and most of 
 them had more than forty-five days to serve. According to your own 
 opinion, concurred in by the department, they could have been legally re 
 tained on your line of operations till the last hour of their engagement. If 
 not deemed expedient to take them on towards Mexico with you, their ser 
 vices at that critical period would have been of inestimable value in hold 
 ing the post at Jalapa, so important and so unexpectedly abandoned, and 
 in keeping open the communication between Vera Cruz and your head 
 quarters, whereby supplies, munitions, and recruits could be safely and 
 expeditiously forwarded to you. Had this been done you would have been 
 spared the trouble of inditing many items of grievance and complaint 
 against the War Department, for having failed to furnish them. If you 
 had retained the twelve months volunteers until the end of their agree 
 ment and no sufficient reason has yet been shown for their premature 
 discharge you might, for a season at least, have received, without much 
 obstruction, supplies from the main depot on the Gulf; the army might 
 have been strengthened by reinforcements at an earlier period, and many 
 of the revolting scenes of barbarity on the road from Vera Cruz to Jalapa, 
 in which so many lives of our fellow-citizens have been sacrificed by the 
 ruthless guerrilleros, would not have occurred. 
 
 Another and still more lamentable calamity is, I think, fairly to be as 
 cribed to the early obstruction of this important line of communication. 
 The brave and patriotic men who were hurried on to Mexico in small de 
 tachments, in order to reinforce your armv, were unexpectedly but neces 
 sarily detained at Vera Cruz until the numbers there collected were suffi 
 cient to force their way through the strong guerrilla bands which held the 
 difficult passes on the Jalapa road. While thus detained on that inhospita 
 ble coast in the sickly season, they were exposed to the attacks of a wasting 
 
APPENDIX. 507 
 
 pestilence, more formidable and, as it unfortunately proved, more destruc 
 tive than the Mexican arrny. 
 
 When the unwelcome news of the premature discharge of this large 
 body of volunteers was received here, unaccompanied by any explanation 
 to show the necessity of the act, it excited very general surprise and re 
 gret ; its consequences were at once foreseen, but the step had been taken 
 and could not be retraced. It was loudly condemned. Many did not be 
 lieve that a measure which appeared to be so unwise and so injurious to 
 the operations of the arrny could have emanated from yourself, but they 
 were less charitable towards the President and Secretary of War. Both 
 were denounced for what you had done ; they were unscrupulously charged 
 with weakness and incapacity ; with being actuated by hostility to you, 
 and a desire to secure popularity with the volunteers, nor were these bit 
 ter assaults intermitted until it began to be suspected that they were mis 
 directed. 
 
 If you really regarded, on the 6th of May, the augmentation of your 
 forces as being of such vital importance, it is almost as difficult to account 
 for the course taken to re-engage the volunteers, as for their premature 
 discharge. I am misled by information on which I ought to rely, if many 
 of these volunteers would not have continued in service if proper measures 
 had been taken at Jalapa, while they were indulging the hope of partici 
 pating in further triumphs, and of being among those who would enjoy 
 the enviable distinction of first entering, as victors, the proud capital of the 
 Mexican republic. Though the subject was there presented to their con 
 sideration, no vigorous efforts seem to have been made, no attempt to form 
 new companies, or to muster them into service, until this powerful induce 
 ment was weakened or withdrawn ; until they had been detached from a 
 victorious army, as if no longer deemed worthy to be a part of it ; sent 
 sixty miles towards their homes, into a pestilential region, and there 
 brought within the sympathetic influence of the sentiments which, it was 
 natural that many should feel and manifest, at the moment of embarking, 
 to return to their families and friends. Considering the manner in which 
 the President s order on that subject was attempted to be executed, it is 
 not strange that among more than three thousand patriotic volunteers sent 
 away by your order of the 4th of May, only about " fifty individuals" were 
 found willing to re-engage. 
 
 You seem to have suddenly conceived the notion of converting the 
 army, " like Cortez," " in/o a self-sustaining machine" and to make the 
 resemblance between yourself and the Spanish hero more complete, you 
 indulged a dream of fancy, until you seem to have adopted it as a matter 
 of belief, that you were " doomed at Washington," and you became, " like 
 him, always afraid that the next ship or messenger might recall or further 
 cripple" you. 
 
508 APPENDIX. 
 
 It should not be forgotten that the design of this unaccountable mili 
 tary movement was first communicated to Mr. Trist, before you had given 
 any intimation of it to your government, and while under the perturbation 
 of mind which his unwelcome presence in Mexico had produced. Had 
 you confided this extraordinary plan of a campaign to him, after the " hap 
 py change" in your relations ; after you had digested his " farrago of in 
 solence, conceit, and arrogance ;" and, after he too, mistaking notoriety for 
 fame, had sought to win it by disobying the orders of his government, de 
 fying its authority, and assailing its conduct, this distinguishing mark of 
 your confidence in him would have caused much less surprise. This 
 novel conception, so suddenly adopted, was as suddenly carried out your 
 army was indeed converted " into a self-sustaining machine" you dis 
 charged the twelve months volunteers, and broke up your post at Jalapa, 
 and on the way to your main depot ; " resolved," as you announced, " no 
 longer to depend on Vera Cruz or home ;" you put yourself beyond the 
 reach of the supplies which had been provided by the government, and 
 rendered yourself, in a great measure, inaccessible to the recruits and le 
 vies (except in strong parties) which had been raised to augment your 
 command. In this way you rendered unavailing, for a time at least, all 
 that had been or could be done by the assiduous and incessant labors of the 
 War Department in all its branches, and then you recklessly put forth the 
 groundless complaint of " a total want of support and sympathy" from it. 
 
 Your letter of the 25th of July, which w 7 as not received at Washing 
 ton until the 30th of December last, abounds with complaints against the 
 department, and refers in strong terms to the wants and sufferings of the 
 army at that time. Before you venture to make its then destitute condition 
 a ground of charge against the War Department, you ought to have recol 
 lected that the afflictions fell upon it in the midst of your experiment of 
 making it " a self-sustaining machine," and were the legitimate fruits of 
 that experiment. These sufferings came upon it before your estimated pe 
 riod of isolation from " Vera Cruz and home" had half expired. When you 
 had designedly and unnecessarily abandoned both, and entered upon your 
 self-sustaining position, " cut off from all supplies and reinforcements from 
 home, until perhaps late in November," by what pretence of justice do you 
 complain of the War Department for the distresses you thus voluntarily 
 inflicted upon yourself and the gallant army under your command ? 
 Something very different from censure and reproof is due for the extraor 
 dinary efforts which were successfully made to reach you with recruits 
 and supplies in your sequestered situation, and to rescue you from the em 
 barrassments in whijch your ill-judged measure had involved you. I have 
 brought into view this unaccountable movement of yours, with no purpose 
 to make any comment upon it as a military measure, but solely to show 
 that the evils resulting from it are not just grounds of accusation against 
 
APPENDIX. 509 
 
 the War Department, and that the labored attempt to pervert them to such 
 a purpose, discloses the manner and spirit with which you have executed 
 the assumed task of its accuser. 
 
 As you have indulged in the wildest range of speculation in regard to 
 the alleged sinister motives and covert designs of others, I feel less reluct 
 ant to present my views as to the main object of your last communication. 
 Throughout the whole of it, and particularly in the concluding part, you 
 manifest the utmost solicitude to place yourself in the position of an in 
 jured and persecuted man. With all the aid you can derive from dextrous 
 strategy, you will be likely to fail in your attempt, unless you can have 
 the full benefit of your high coloring of some facts, and your forgetful- 
 ness of others, together with all your fanciful conjectures and surmises. 
 Your recall is, you assert, the long suspended " blow of power" which you 
 had the sagacity clearly to predict. It is somewhat remarkable that your 
 predictions preceded the events which you imagine provoked that blow. 
 As early as the 25th of July soon after " the happy change in my [your] 
 relations, both official and private, with Mr. Trist" you looked, you say, 
 " to be dismissed from the service of my [your] country." If your recall 
 can be regarded as a dismissal, you are entitled to all the credit of the 
 fulfilment of your own early prediction. 
 
 In presenting in its true light the President s compliance with your 
 own request to be recalled, which you now denominate your dismissal, I 
 may be obliged to strip it of the embellishments you have ingeniously 
 thrown around it, though, in doing this, you may be deprived of much 
 upon which you depend to sustain your claim to be considered as a perse 
 cuted man. 
 
 As early as June you begged to be recalled. You allege that this ap 
 plication was " rebukingly declined." This is not saying the exact thing. 
 The reply to your request was, " that it would be decided with exclusive 
 reference to the public good. When that shall render it proper in his 
 (the President s) opinion to withdraw you from your present command, 
 his determination to do so will be made known to you." This was not a 
 denial, but a suspension of present action, accompanied with an assurance 
 of future action on the subject. Your request was still pending ; a regard 
 to the public good then stood in the way of the immediate gratification of 
 your wishes, but the President promised to act definitely on the question 
 when that obstacle should be removed. Judging from the state of things 
 at the head-quarters of the army, in January, he concluded that it was re 
 moved, and that he ought no longer to require of you reluctant service as 
 commanding general. This, certainly, cannot be called persecution, or 
 punishment. I do not deem it proper to comment on the state of things at 
 the head-quarters of the army, to which allusion is made in the letter 
 granting your request, nor to express an opinion as to the share of respon- 
 
510 APPENDIX. 
 
 sibility therefor which rests upon yourself or others ; that matter is to a 
 considerable extent involved in the investigations before the court of inqui 
 ry now sitting in Mexico. Your request to be recalled, thus ultimately 
 granted, was prefaced with imaginary complaints, which could not be 
 passed without notice, nor noticed, without exposing their groundlessness. 
 If the exposition has given offence, you can blame only yourself for intro 
 ducing complaints so entirely unfounded. 
 
 The crowning outrage, as you regard it, is the simple fact that you 
 and " the three arrested officers" are all to be placed together before the 
 same court ; "the innocent and the guilty, the accuser and the accused, 
 the judge and his prisoners, are all dealt with alike." " Most impartial 
 justice !" you exclaim. And why is it not impartial justice ? On what 
 ground of right can you claim to have your case discriminated from theirs ? 
 It is true you have assumed to be their judge, and have pronounced them 
 guilty ; and complain and repine that the laws of the country do not allow 
 you, their accuser, to institute a court to register your decree. But you 
 are not their rightful judge, although they were your prisoners. Before 
 that court you all stand on the same level, and all have equal rights. 
 Though you may have the self-satisfying conviction that you are innocent 
 and they are guilty, the government could act upon no such presumption. 
 By becoming an accuser you did not place yourself beyond the reach of 
 being accused ; and unless you are clothed with the immunity of despotic 
 power, and can claim the benefit of the maxim " that the king can do no 
 wrong," I know not why your conduct, when made the subject of charges, 
 may not be investigated by a court of inquiry, nor can I perceive by what 
 other, or better, right you have to complain, and arraign the government, 
 than the other officers whom you have accused, and whose cases, with 
 yours were referred to the same court. If yours is a hard case, theirs is 
 not less so ; if you can rightfully complain of persecution by the govern 
 ment, so can they, with equal justice, and an equal claim to public sym 
 pathy. 
 
 The charges against you did not emanate from the government, nor did 
 they relate to a matter in which it could feel any peculiar interest. Not 
 believing it impossible for you to do wrong, or that you were exempt from 
 all responsibility, for whatever you might have done, the government 
 deemed it proper, when charges were preferred against you, coming from 
 a source entitled to respect, to cause them to be investigated. As the 
 usual and mildest mode of proceeding, they were referred to a court of in 
 quiry. Until you can show that you enjoy the transcendental privilege to 
 have your official conduct exempt from all examination, in any form what 
 ever, you have no cause to complain of the course taken in regard to the 
 charges against you. 
 
 If your extraordinary pretensions are to derive any support from your 
 
APPENDIX. 511 
 
 distinguished services in the field, you ought to be mindful that the three 
 accused officers, put under arrest by you, have like claims for distinguished 
 services. On the pages of impartial history their names, and their gallant 
 deeds, must appear with yours, and no monopolizing claims, seeking " ma 
 lignant exclusions," at the expense of the " truth of history," will be per 
 mitted to rob them of their fair share of the glory won by our gallant army 
 while under your command. 
 
 With your assault upon the character of your " erratic brother" I shall 
 not intermeddle, but I must repel your charge that he has been favored for 
 being a political " deserter" to " the true faith" for signalizing his "apos 
 tasy, by acceptable denunciations of one" to whom he had formerly " pro 
 fessed (and not without cause) the highest obligations." The reasons for 
 not sending your charges against Brevet Major General Worth to the court 
 of inquiry, are set forth in my letter of the 13th of January. I regret 
 that they are so entirely unsatisfactory to you, but am consoled with the 
 assurance that they are in other quarters more favorably received. The 
 errors of your commentary on my letter have arisen from your misappre 
 hension of the text. The principle there laid down is of vital import 
 ance to subordinate officers, and in no respect impairs the rights or the au 
 thority of those in chief command. As the principles which you arraign 
 are the creations of your own fancy, and have no countenance or support 
 from my letter, I am in no way implicated by the " fatal consequences" 
 you deduce from them. Whether legitimate or fanciful, they do not dis 
 turb the positions laid down in my letter. 
 
 I cannot, however, but regard your solicitude for the support of disci 
 pline to be more ostentatious than profound. When a general at the 
 head of an army of freemen, who do not lose their rights as citizens by 
 becoming soldiers, sets up pretensions to dictatorial power when he con 
 temns the authority of his government, and is much more ready to censure 
 than to execute its orders and instructions when he denounces as an out 
 rage and a punishment the attempt to submit his acts, charged to be an 
 offence against a subordinate officer, to an investigation in the mildest form 
 when he administers an indignant reproof to his superior for upholding 
 the sacred right of appeal, upon which depend the security and protection 
 of all under his command such a general sets an example of insubordi 
 nate conduct of wide and withering influence upon sound military disci 
 pline. 
 
 By extending my comments upon your letter, I might multiply proofs 
 to show that your accusations against the head of the War Department 
 are unjust ; that your complaints are unfounded ; that the designs imputed 
 by you to the government to embarrass your operations, impair your right 
 ful authority as commander, and to offer outrage and insult to your feel 
 ings, are all the mere creations of a diste npsred fancy ; but to do more 
 than I have done would, in my judgment, be a work of supererogation. 
 
512 APPENDIX. 
 
 In conclusion, I may be permitted to say that, as one of the Presi 
 dent s advisers, I had a. full share in the responsibility of the act which 
 assigned you to the command of our armies in Mexico. I felt interested 
 even more than naturally appertained to my official position, that success 
 and glory should signalize your operations. It was my duty to bring to 
 your aid the efficient co-operation of the War Department. I never had 
 a feeling that did not harmonize with a full and fair discharge of this duty. 
 I know it has been faithfully performed. There are some men for whom 
 enough cannot be done to make them grateful, or even just, unless acts 
 of subserviency and personal devotedness are superadded. From you I 
 expected bare justice, but have been disappointed. I have found you my 
 accuser. In my vindication I have endeavored to maintain a defensive line, 
 and if I have gone beyond it at any time, it has been done to repel unpro 
 voked aggression. To your fame I have endeavored to be just. I have 
 been gratified with the many occasions 1 have had to bear public testi 
 mony to your abilities and signal services as a military commander in the 
 field. It has been, and, under any change in our personal relations, it will 
 continue to be, my purpose to be liberal in my appreciation of your dis 
 tinguished military merits. In respect to your errors and your faults, 
 though I could not be blind, I regret that you have not permitted me to be 
 silent. 
 
 I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 W. L. MARCY, 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 To Major General WINFIELD SCOTT, 
 
 U. S. Army, Mexico. 
 
 END . 
 
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