LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 ARTHUR LEE, LL.D 
 
 JOINT COMMISSIONER OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE COURT OF 
 
 FRANCE, AND SOLE COMMISSIONER TO THE COURTS OF SPAIN" 
 
 AND PRUSSIA, DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 WITH HIS POLITICAL AND LITERARY CORRESPONDENCE AND HIS PAPERS 
 
 ON DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL SUBJECTS, AND THE AFFAIRS OF 
 
 THE UNITED STATES DURING THE SAME PERIOD. 
 
 BY RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 A. M., H. A. M. 
 
 Author of the Life of RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 =3= iSS 
 
 Uostou : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY WELLS AND LILLY, COURT STREET. 
 1829. 
 

 DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT: 
 
 District ClerWs Office. 
 
 HE IT REMEMBERED, that on the first day of September. A. D. 1829, in the fifty-fourth 
 year of the Independence of the United States of America, Wells & Lilly, of the said District, 
 have deixwited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in 
 the words following, to wit : 
 
 " Life of Arthur Lee, LL. D. Joint Commissioner of the United States to the Court of France, 
 and Sole Commissioner to the Courts of Spain and Prussia , during the Revolutionary War, with his 
 Political and Literary Correspondence, and liis Papers on Diplomatic ami Political Subjects, and the 
 Affairs of the United Statts. during the same Period. By Richard Henry Lee, A. M. H. A. M. Au 
 thor of the Life of Richard Henry Lee." 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An Act for the en 
 couragement ot Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and 
 Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned ;" and also to an Act, entitled, " An 
 act supplementary to an Act, entitled An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the 
 Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the time 
 therein mentioned ; and extending the Benefits thereof to the Arts ol Designing, Engraving, and 
 Etching Historical, and other Prints." 
 
 Clerk of the District of Massachutettt. 
 
 SPflECKELS 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO JOHN QUIIVCY ADAMS. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Permit me to dedicate to you the following Memoir 
 of the Life of Arthur Lee. 
 
 Yourself a patriot and a scholar, a statesman and 
 a diplomatist, you will find the writings of Arthur Lee 
 breathing a spirit of patriotism congenial with your 
 own ; possessing a vigour and an elegance of style you 
 will feel and admire ; while you will trace, in the his 
 tory of his life, labours that you will know how to ap 
 preciate, and services similar to those which, like him, 
 you have rendered to our common country. 
 
 Your fellow citizen, 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 Leesburg, Sept. 1828. 
 
CONTENTS or voi.. i 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 BIRTH and parentage of Arthur Lee Is sent to England He goes through 
 the Academic course of study at Eton He becomes a student of the Uni 
 versity of Edinburgh His literary and professional studies at the Univer 
 sity He obtains a Diploma, and the degree of M. D., and the Botanical 
 Prize His Botanical Treatise in Latin is published by a Decree of the 
 University He travels through Holland and Germany, and returns to 
 Virginia and commences the practice of Medicine Leaves the practice 
 of physic, and returns to England Studies law in London Becomes a 
 practitioner of law with Dunning, Glynn, Alleyne His literary and 
 scientific friends, Jones, Burke, Price, &c. Is made a member of the 
 Royal Society Becomes a popular writer on " American Questions" 
 His Letters Junius Americanus, and Monitor s Letters Is made a mem 
 ber of the " Society of the Bill of Rights" Writes their Address to the 
 People of England His Address to the English People, signed An old 
 Member of Parliament" His controversy with Junius, on the right of 
 Parliament to tax America Letter to his brother on public Affairs. . p. 11 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Political contentions between the Ministerial and Opposition parties in Eng 
 land The Lord Mayor of London, Crosby, and Alderman Oliver are 
 committed to the Tower, by order of the Commons The Society of 
 the Bill of Rights vote their thanks to Crosby and Oliver, and an Ad 
 dress to tlrem^Lee is appointed to draught the Address and prepares it 
 It is accepted and published The Address Its style, &c. It is admired 
 He is appointed Colonial Agent of Massachusetts, in case of the death 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 or absence of Dr. Franklin Is retained by the Assembly of that Pro 
 vince to support their Petition to the King, to remove the Governor and 
 Lieut. Governor Dr. Franklin s trial before the King and Council, 
 respecting the publication of certain letters On the return of Doctor 
 Franklin, he becomes the Agent for the Province Remains of a history 
 of the Revolution, by Mr. Lee. His services to the Province of Massa 
 chusetts, and the generous conduct of its Assembly He becomes a friend 
 and correspondent of Samuel Adams The character of their correspond 
 ence Letter of Dr. Rush Letter on American affairs of Lee, to his 
 brother in Virginia Anecdote of Lee and Wedderburne The Petition 
 to the King and the Addresses of the first Congress are sent to Lee, to 
 be presented and published Letter of Burke on this subject Anecdotes 
 and letters of Lee respecting the reception of these Papers, by the King 
 and People of England-better of the second Congress to Lee and Penn, 
 with another Address The case of Mr. Lovell His letter to Mr. Lee 
 Their subsequent friendship and correspondence. . . . p. 29 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Mr. Lee is appointed in Dec. 1775, secret Agent of Congress Letter of 
 the "Secret Corresponding Committee" of Congress, acquainting him 
 of the appointment and the purpose of it His Interviews with the French 
 Minister at London He goes to France as secret Agent, in the spring 
 of the year 1776 His interviews with Vergennes arid Turgot The Re 
 sult of his Mission In the fall of 1776, he is appointed a Joint Com 
 missioner to the court of France, with Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane 
 Letter to Lord Shelburne Interesting Anecdote of Voltaire Agency for 
 the State of Virginia His learned and political friends in France, Tur 
 got, Adanson, Vergennes, Neckar, Breteuil, &c. State of Affairs in 
 America in the winter of 1776-7 Memorial on this subject, from the 
 American Commissioners to the Court of France Written by Mr. Lee 
 Note of the Commissioners to the same, touching the capture of an Ame 
 rican vessel on the coast of France Mr. Lee is appointed sole Commis>- 
 sioner jo the Court of Madrid Goes to Spain- Is desired by that Court 9 
 not to proceecT to Madrid, His letters to the Commissioners in Paris, 
 from Victoria in Spain Their Reply written by Dr. Franklin The Bri 
 tish Court remonstrates with that of Spain against the reception of Mr. 
 Lee His Correspondence on tjiis subject His Memorial to the Court of 
 Spain on the subject of his Mission Results of it He returns to Paris 
 Is sent to Berlin as Commissioner to the court of Prussia Letter from Ber 
 lin to General Washington Spanish Papers. . . . . 52 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Difficulties in the way of negotiations with the Prussian Court Note to the 
 Prime Minister the celebrated Schulenburg Mernoire of Mr. Lee to the 
 king of Prussia Robbery of his papers at Berlin Autographic note of 
 
CONTENTS. Vll 
 
 Frederick the Great to Mr. Lee He permits him to hold free though 
 secret conferences with his Minister Negotiations with the Prussian Court 
 Correspondence of Schulenburg The results of Mr. Lee s mission to 
 Prussia His return to Paris His correspondence with Vergennes respect 
 ing supplies of arms, &c. for Virginia His letter by order of his col 
 leagues to Lord North respecting the treatment of American prisoners 
 His letter to the Earl of Shelburne on this subject His spirited Memorial 
 to the Prime Minister of Spain on the subject of the Proclamation of the 
 British Commissioners in the United States, threatening a war of exter 
 mination Memorial of the American Commissioners to the French 
 Court is sent by Mr. Lee with a diplomatic note to the Spanish Minister 
 at Paris The object of Mr. Lee in this Letters of Mr. Lee on the sub 
 ject of the capture of Burgoyne Letter to the Marquis of Rosiguan An 
 ecdote of Dr. Young and Voltaire Letter to Sir William Jones. . p. 89 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The effect of the capture of P>urgoyne in France and other parts of Eu 
 rope The French Court resolves on a Treaty of Alliance with the Unit 
 ed States Debates on the subject of the llth and 12th Articles of the 
 Treaty Mr. Lee refuses to concur with his colleagues in these Articles 
 The French Court consents that congress may strike them out of the 
 Treaty without affecting its validity Congress concurs with Mr. Lee and 
 strikes out those Articles jttr. Lee s efforts to induce Spain to join the 
 Alliance He procures a secret and separate Article from the French 
 Court in relation to Spain His^endeavours to procure a loan of twomil-__ 
 lions of pounds sterling froni Spain for congress His correspondence 
 with Mons^Dumas^bf ifolland Intrigues of British secret Agents in Paris 
 Mr. Lee detects and exposes them Invitation of the Congress to Dr. 
 Price, to remove to America and become a citizen of the United States 
 Mr. Lee s letter and Price s reply Sketch of the labours and services 
 of Mr. Lee while in France His journal of negotiations with the French 
 and Spanish minister His correspondence with Congress Return of Mr. 
 Lee to America ; causes of it His arrival and reception in the United 
 States His reception by Congress He is elected a member of the Vir 
 ginia Assembly, and is chosen by that body a delegate to Congress Is 
 appointed by Congress a Commissioner to treat with all the northwestern 
 tribes of Indians Is chosen by Congress one of the Board of Treasury, 
 at which he continued from the year 1784 to 1789 His retirement 
 His continued correspondence with eminent foreign persons of distinc 
 tion His literary honours His death and character. . . . 123 
 
 APPENDIX. NO. I. 
 
 Early letters of Arthur Lee, written principally from the year 1767 to his 
 departure from London in 1776, on British and American politics during 
 that period, . . f . . . . . . . 185 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 NO. IT. 
 
 The commencement of a Memoire of the American Revolution, which Mr. 
 Lee did not live to complete, p. 243 
 
 NO. III. 
 
 Spanish Papers, 277 
 
 NO. IV. (a) 
 
 Instructions to Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Commis 
 sioners appointed by the Congress of the United States of America to the 
 Court of France, 280 
 
 (6) Extracts from the Journal of Mr. Lee. Journal continued, . 333 
 
 <c) Continuation of Extracts from the Journal of Arthur Lee, kept by him 
 while he was a Commissioner of the United States, at the Court of 
 France, . . . ; ,..* - ,.. . . . . 404 
 
 Supplies for the State of Virginia, . .. \ ^ . . . 413 
 
 (d) Memoire to the French Court, ". " . 430 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE truest wealth of nations consists in the charac 
 ter and deeds of their great men. It is these, which 
 impart to their histories more interest than any other 
 subject which they present to our contemplation. The 
 histories of the republics of ancient times, especially 
 those of Greece and Rome, continue to this distant 
 day to be read with intense interest. Who does not 
 recognise the pleasure imparted to his mind, by an ac 
 quaintance with the characters and actions of their he 
 roes? The mind delights to dwell on the characters 
 of the "mighty dead," and glows with pleasure at the 
 remotest allusion to any event, which recalls to the re 
 collection, Solon and Socrates, Leonidas and Philopoe- 
 mon, Decius and Cincinnatus, Cicero and Thrasea ! 
 The glory of the " nursing mother of the 4th Henry 
 and the 12th Lewis, will henceforth burnish into bright 
 er light, at the name of Lafayette." How proud is 
 the Briton of his Newton and Locke, his Hampdeiv 
 and Chatham ! How shall the consciousness of free 
 dom and glory throb in the heart and glow on the 
 cheek of an American, at the name of a revolutionary 
 worthy! Distant nations exult in whatever approxi 
 mates them to the fame, or characterizes them with a 
 
 feature of the " country of Washington!" 
 VOL. i. 2 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 To accumulate the examples of great and good citi 
 zens ; to revive and perpetuate a just sense of their 
 services ; to excite and cherish national sentiments and 
 sympathies, and thus to add to the glory (the moral 
 wealth) of our country, is no unworthy task. These 
 are prevalent motives with one, who, with diffidence 
 submits to his fellow-citizens a memoir of the life of 
 Arthur Lee, one of the useful and distinguished men 
 of the great era of our nation. These motives will be 
 justly appreciated by every intelligent, and cheered by 
 every virtuous reader. 
 
 Of biography it may be said, as truly as of history, 
 that it is "philosophy teaching by example." The 
 force of example is known to have a powerful influ 
 ence in impressing the heart; and is thus effective in pro 
 ducing laudable emulation and virtuous imitation. If 
 the author of this memoir of a great and distinguished 
 patriot shall have succeeded in presenting his char 
 acter in a light so pleasing and impressive, as to pro 
 duce, in any degree, the designed effect of biographical 
 writing, he will have accomplished the end of his la 
 bours, and enjoy their best reward. 
 
LIFE 
 
 ARTHUR LEE 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth and parentage of Arthur Lee Is sent to England He goes through the Aca 
 demic course of study at Eton He becomes a student of the University of Edin 
 burgh His literary and professional studies at the University He obtains a Di 
 ploma, and the degree of M.D., and the Botanical Prize His Botanical Treatise 
 in Latin is published by a Decree of the University He travels through Holland 
 and Germany, and returns to Virginia and commences the practice of Medicine 
 Leaves the practice of physic, and returns to England Studies law in London 
 Becomes a practitioner of law with Dunning, Glynn, Alleyne His literary and 
 scientific friends, Jones, Burke, Price, &c. Is made a member of the Royal So 
 ciety Becomes a popular writer on "American Questions" His Letters Junius 
 Americanus, and Monitor s Letters Is made a Member of the "Society of the 
 Bill of Rights" Writes their Address to the People of England His Address to 
 the English People, signed " An old Member of Parliament" His controversy 
 with Junius, on the right of Parliament to tax America Letter., to his brother on 
 public Affairs. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE was the youngest son of Thomas Lee 
 and Hannah his wife, who were of the county of West 
 moreland, and colony of Virginia. He was born on the 
 20th of December, in the year of our Lord 1740. 
 
 His ancestors were English ; and the first of them, 
 who came to Virginia, were among the earliest emi 
 grants to that colony. Arthur was brother of Richard 
 Henry Lee, of whose character and services his country 
 is informed. Arthur was the youngest son of the family ; 
 and, according to the customs of that day, in regard to 
 
13 LIFE OF 
 
 the younger sons, was left, until an advanced period of 
 boyhood, with the children of his father s slaves ; to par 
 take of their fare, and to participate in their hardy sports 
 and toils. Hence his body was early inured to hardship, 
 and his mind accustomed to unrestrained exercise and 
 bold adventure. 
 
 His father dying, when he was only ten years of age, 
 Arthur was left to the care of his eldest brother. His 
 early education was conducted by a private teacher, who, 
 at the same time, taught his brothers, Richard Henry, 
 Francis, and William, who, like himself, acted conspicu 
 ous and useful parts in our revolutionary struggle. His 
 eldest brother, who had been educated in England, and 
 was acquainted with the literary institutions of that coun 
 try, sent him while yet quite young to Eton College, 
 then considered the best grammar school in England. In 
 this school, some of the greatest statesmen and scholars 
 of England received their fundamental education. Many 
 of them were cotemporaries and friends of Mr. Lee. It 
 was at this time, and probably strll is customary at the 
 English seminaries, with the nobility and rich common 
 ers, to employ the teachers to give their sons private les 
 sons, on the subjects taught in the public course. Young 
 Lee had not this advantage when he commenced his 
 studies ; but such were the eagerness and success with 
 which he pursued them, that one of the principal teachers 
 proposed to him to superintend his studies. He grateful 
 ly accepted the kind offer ; and of the advantages it af 
 forded him, he diligently availed himself. His father hav 
 ing always intended him for the medical profession, he 
 was sent, as soon as he had completed his studies at 
 Eton, to Edinburgh, and became a student of the Uni 
 versity at that city. The chairs of this celebrated insti 
 tution were then filled by the most learned men of their 
 age. Among the most prominent stood Cullen, Munro, 
 Black, &c. ; imperishable names ! Arthur Lee went 
 through the course of general science and polite lite 
 rature prescribed in that institution. He subsequent 
 ly devoted himself to the several branches of the 
 medical department. Among the many studious and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 13 
 
 accomplished scholars, who were graduated with him, 
 Mr. Lee was distinguished. He obtained a diploma, ap 
 proving him, as a general scholar, and conferring on him 
 the degree of M.D. The chair of botany (which had 
 been lately endowed) was filled by Dr. Black, so well 
 known to chemists. At every commencement several of 
 the most eminent scholars became competitors for a 
 golden medal, the prize bestowed upon the author of the 
 best treatise on some botanical topic, Mr. Lee entered 
 his name as one of the competitors for this prize, and ob 
 tained it. The subject of his treatise was the botanical 
 characters and medicinal uses of Peruvian bark. It was 
 written in latin, according to the prescribed usage, 
 and is a very respectable specimen of pure and correct 
 latinity. It was so much approved that it was " decreed" 
 to be published, under the direction and authority of the 
 university. 
 
 Mr. Lee was always fond of the science of botany. 
 His reputation for acquirements in it, gained him the ac 
 quaintance and correspondence of many learned men, 
 among whom was the scientific French naturalist and ac 
 ademician, Adanson. The author found among the MSS. 
 of Mr. Lee a letter from Adanson to him, enclosing a leaf 
 of some recently discovered plant, and containing the ex 
 pression of a hope, that Mr. Lee would become the 
 Botanist of America. 
 
 The literary honour of a diploma conferred by the 
 University of Edinburgh, at all times a great one, was 
 particularly valuable and honourable at this period. On 
 this diploma are the names above mentioned, together 
 with those of Gregory, Young, Hope, Hunter, the two 
 Robertsons, Ferguson, Blair, Stewart, &c.* The course 
 of learning taught in this university was extensive, and 
 w r as required to be thoroughly studied. The candidates 
 for graduation and honours were strictly examined by the 
 most eminent professors of their day. 
 
 While Mr. Lee resided in Edinburgh he became inti 
 mately acquainted with Lord Cardross, afterwards Earl 
 
 * It is deposited with the rest of Mr. Lee s MSS. in Cambridge University, Mass, 
 The names are autographic. 
 
14 LIFE OF 
 
 Buchan. The well informed American will recognize 
 this name. He will recognize it as the name of one of 
 the earliest, warmest, and steadiest friends of the colo 
 nies, in their disputes with the mother country. This 
 great man, so distinguished for his philanthropy, for his 
 love of freedom and attachment to its assertors, it is well 
 known, entertained the most generous wishes for the suc 
 cess of our republican systems of government, after the re 
 cognition of our independence by his nation. His letters, 
 w r hich the reader will find amongst the foreign corre 
 spondence of Mr. Lee, will certainly interest him. He 
 will find that it had been the intention of the Earl of 
 Buchan, to emigrate before the revolution, to Virginia, 
 and reside permanently in that colony. Mr. Lee enjoy 
 ed the friendship and correspondence of this estimable 
 man, until the period of the death of the earl. 
 
 Previously to Mr. Lee s return to his native country, 
 he travelled through Holland and Germany. A short 
 sketch of his journey through Holland remains, and 
 contains a very pleasing account of the appearance of 
 that country, of the manners and customs of its inhab 
 itants ; of the principal cities, and of the many monu 
 ments which adorn their public squares, erected by a 
 wise people, to the memory of their great and useful 
 men. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Lee returned to Virginia, he com 
 menced the practice of physic, in the city of Williams- 
 burg, at that time the metropolis of the colony. In 
 this profession, ho soon acquired reputation and practice. 
 But, although he had found the study of medicine agree 
 able, the practice of it did not suit the peculiar bias of his 
 mind, which inclined towards political subjects. The 
 contest, which was soon to convulse an empire, was, even 
 now, descried by many who were jealous of English lib 
 erty and rights. Mr. Lee s brothers, particularly his bro 
 ther Richard Henry, were taking a part in the politics of 
 the day, which had brought them into public notice, and 
 evinced their decided purpose, to assert, through all dan 
 gers, the rights of their country. His ardent mind caught 
 their enthusiasm. Ho determined to return to England ; 
 to fix himself in London, the centre of political inforru- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 15 
 
 ation, and there to aid, by his utmost exertions, the 
 cause of American liberty. For this end, he purposed 
 to commence in that city the study of the law, a profes 
 sion, which, while it might enable him to support him 
 self, would make him acquainted with international law, 
 and the peculiar structure of the British constitution, as 
 well as of the municipal laws of England, and thus fit 
 him to take an intelligent and useful part in the great 
 political questions about to be so warmly discussed in 
 that country and in the colonies. That this course of 
 his life and studies, enabled him to become a powerful 
 advocate of the rights of his native country, and a wise 
 negotiator in the management of its concerns with for 
 eign nations in its hour of trial and need, the subse 
 quent part of this Memoir will afford honourable and in 
 teresting evidence. 
 
 In pursuance of the determination which Mr. Lee had 
 formed of going to London, he left Virginia about the 
 year 1766, and settled in that city. He immediately 
 commenced the study of the law, as a student of one of 
 the inns of court. Although he applied his mind to this 
 study, with his usual application and vigour, he did not 
 neglect his literary and political pursuits. While he was 
 a student in the temple, he became an intimate friend 
 and associate of Mr. William Jones, (afterwards the just 
 ly celebrated Sir William), who was, at this time too, 
 a student of law. They were fond of literature, and 
 agreeably diversified their professional studies, with the 
 varied reliefs afforded by literary lucubrations, and sci 
 entific investigation. Mr. Lee always considered his 
 acquaintance with Sir William Jones, one of the hap 
 piest incidents of his life ; and his correspondence, as a 
 source of his greatest gratification. Their intimacy con 
 tinued throughout their lives, as the reader will see from 
 the correspondence of Mr. Lee with his foreign friends, in 
 the appendix of this work. From one of Sir William s 
 letters,* the reader will learn, that he had intended, on his 
 return from India, to travel through the United States, 
 whose rights he early acknowledged, whose struggle he 
 
 * See Appendix. 
 
16 LIFE OF 
 
 had beheld with anxious interest, and whose free insti 
 tutions of government, he greatly admired. His prin 
 ciples, and his good will to the people of the United 
 States, are every where evinced in the letters of this 
 truly great and good man.* 
 
 Mr. Lee continued the study of the law from the year 
 1766, to the year 1770. He had, during this period, 
 become extensively acquainted with the most eminent 
 legal characters of London, among whom were Dunning, 
 Glynn, and Alleyne. He was warmly and profitably 
 patronized by Dunning and Glynn ; and obtained and 
 enjoyed a lucrative practice, from the year 1770, until 
 
 The author could not deny himself the pleasure (in which he is sure of the 
 cheerful participation of every reader) of inserting here the following, no less true, 
 than beautiful tribute, to the character and genius of Sir William Jones, contained 
 in a very fine prize poem of Mr. Charles Grant. This poem gained the prize given 
 by Dr. Buchanan, to the best poem on the subject " of the restoration of learning in 
 the east." 
 
 " Accomplished Jones \ whose hand to every art, 
 Could unknown charms and nameless grace impart. 
 His was the soul by fear, nor interest swayed, 
 The purest passions, and the wisest head 
 The heart so tender ; and the wit so true, 
 Yet this no malice, that no weakness knew, 
 His song to virtue, as the muses dear, 
 Though glowing, chaste ; and lively, though severe. 
 What gorgeous trophies crown his youthful bloom, 
 The spoils august of Athens and of Rome. 
 And lo ! untouched by British brows before, 
 Yet nobler triumphs wait on Asia s shore. 
 There, at his magic voice, what wonders rise, 
 The astonished east unfolds her mysteries 
 His are the triumphs of her ancient lyres, 
 Her tragic sorrows, and her epic fires ; 
 Her earliest arts, and learning s sacred store, 
 And strains sublime of philosophic lore ; 
 Bright in her view their gathered pomp appears, 
 The treasured wisdom of a thousand years. 
 Ah! could my verse, in characters of day, 
 The living colours of thy mind pourtray, 
 And on the sceptic, midst his impious dreams, 
 Flash all the brightness of their mingled beams, 
 ,Then should he know, how talents various, bright, 
 With pure devotion s holy thoughts unite, 
 And blush (if yet a blush survive) to see 
 What genius, honour, virtue, ought to be ! 
 Philosopher, yet to no system tied, 
 Patriot, yet friend to all the world beside, 
 Ardent of temper, yet of judgment bold, 
 Firm, though not stormy, and though correct, not cold ; 
 Profound to reason, and to charm us, gay, 
 Learned, without pride ; yet not too wise to pray." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 he left England in 1776, to reside in Paris, as secret 
 agent of the old Congress. He had become during the 
 same period, a conspicuous political writer. His fame 
 as a writer was diffused through England, by a series of 
 letters under the signature of Junius Arnericanus ; and 
 fame and popularity had been attracted to his name by 
 a series signed " Monitor s Letters ;" of both series, 
 more will be said hereafter. His letters under the first 
 signature, were published in England, and were chiefly 
 intended for English readers. They procured the ac 
 quaintance and friendship of Burke, Dr. Price, Horn, 
 Mrs. M Cauley, Col. Barre, &c. &c. 
 
 While Mr. Lee was still a student of law, he was ad 
 mitted into several literary clubs, and acquired in their 
 associations, the respect and intimacy of many of the 
 literati of London. He was at length elected a Fellow 
 of the Royal Society. When he left England, to de 
 vote himself to the interests of his native country, he 
 wrote a letter of resignation of his membership, to Sir 
 Joseph Banks, then the president of the society, and 
 assigns this reason, as the one inducing him to resign, 
 that he did not think it consistent with his duty to his 
 country, then at war with England, to continue his con 
 nexion with any institution of that nation, especially 
 where the duties due to it, would require him to make 
 pecuniary, as well as literary contributions to it. Sir 
 Joseph s letter in reply to him, controverts the force of 
 his reasons, by alleging the difference between literary 
 and scientific societies, and political associations ; that 
 the objects and interests of the former were universal ; 
 belonging to the republic of letters, and to the commu 
 nity of man and mind, while the latter related to a par 
 ticular people and to conflicting subjects. Mr. Lee s 
 scruples may have been more fastidious than substantial ; 
 but still, they were really felt, from that intense devo 
 tion to his country, which he habituated his mind to 
 cherish, while that country was contending with Eng 
 land for political freedom. The author has given above, 
 the ideas which Sir Joseph intended to express. He has 
 
 VOL. i. 3 
 
18 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 not inserted his letter, because those ideas are conveyed 
 in a dull and uninteresting style. 
 
 The author has in his possession, some sketches of Mr. 
 Lee s legal arguments, which evince his acuteness and 
 extensive learning, as a lawyer. He was employed with 
 Glynn and Dunning in the case of the watermen of Lon 
 don, which excited great interest at the time, for the 
 argument not only agitated the question of the existence 
 of the privilege claimed by that class of people in Lon 
 don, exempting them, as inhabitants of that city, from 
 the royal prerogative of impressing seamen, but it in 
 volved the constitutionality of the prerogative itself. 
 The reader will, in another part of this Memoir, meet 
 with a letter of Mr. Lee to Sir William Jones, who, 
 afterwards, was retained in the same cause, in which Mr. 
 Lee gives Sir William an outline of his argument. Mr. 
 Jones thanks him for the aid it had afforded him, in the 
 investigation of the subject. The author has the only 
 accurate and full report ever made, of the famous case of 
 Perrin & Blake, of the arguments, and of the opinions 
 of the judges, in the King s Bench. This report was 
 taken by Serjeant Glynn, and presented to Mr. Lee, by 
 that great lawyer. Mr. Lee was also retained, to ap 
 pear at the bar of the House of Commons, by the Di 
 rectors of the East India Company, on an occasion of 
 great interest to that body. 
 
 The reader well remembers the questions of constitu 
 tional controversy, which arose between the colonies and 
 the mother country, during the period from 1764 to the 
 year 1769, on the subject of taxation. The declaratory 
 act and the stamp acts were the statutes asserting, and 
 intended to enforce, the arbitrary principle so obnoxious 
 to the people of the colonies, " that the legislature of 
 Great Britain had a right to tax the people of the colo 
 nies, without their consent, given by representatives, 
 chosen by themselves." Mr. Lee became a warm dis 
 putant in these controversies ; and wrote ably and suc 
 cessfully against this principle. Of his writings on these 
 subjects, then so intensely interesting to his countrymen, 
 and so vitally important to their freedom and prosperity, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 19 
 
 his " Monitor s Letters, addressed to the people of the 
 colonies ; his letters signed " Jtmius Americanus," and 
 " an Appeal to the English nation," were greatly admir 
 ed, and extensively circulated and read, in Great Britain, 
 and in the colonies. The cheap pamphlets, in which 
 these pieces were collected and circulated, went through 
 several editions. They were printed by several associa 
 tions and public corporations in England. His Monitor s 
 Letters have Ion"; been allowed to have had an effect 
 
 O 
 
 upon the public mind, equal to that produced by the 
 " Farmer s Letters," and Paine s " Common Sense." 
 Such was the celebrity of his " Appeal to the English 
 nation," that it was for a long time, attributed in Eng 
 land, to Lord Chatham. It is feigned to be written by 
 an "Old Member of Parliament." These writings of 
 Mr. Lee contain sound constitutional principles, applied 
 by vigorous arguments, illustrated by learned and accu 
 rate researches into the history and laws of England and 
 the colonies, and conveyed in a style cogent and classical. 
 The Monitor s Letters were written for the especial pe 
 rusal of the people of America; and were intended to 
 warn them of the real designs of the ministry, and the 
 ruinous consequences of them, to the interests and rights 
 of the colonies. The letters signed " Jiuiius America- 
 nus" were intended for the English public. Hence the 
 reader will remark, they contain more of what may be 
 termed English politics, than it would seem necessary 
 to be mingled with the questions immediately bearing 
 on the colonial controversy. Mr. Lee thus explains this 
 seemingly inappropriate association of topics, in a letter 
 to his brother R. H. Lee. " It is a chance, whether you 
 ever meet with a series of letters signed Junius Ameri 
 can us in w T hich the enemies of America are chie/Iy at 
 tacked ; though to make what was written in defence of 
 the colonies acceptable, it was necessary, now and then, 
 to aim a stroke at characters obnoxious here. It is desir 
 able, to make a signature popular ; when that is done, I 
 shall be able to write under it with success, which, 
 otherwise, it is extremely difficult to accomplish." The 
 reader may form some idea of the style and spirit of 
 
20 LIFE OF 
 
 these letters, from one towards the conclusion of the se 
 ries, addressed to Lord Chatham. It is here inserted. 
 
 LETTER TO LORD CHATHAM. 
 
 " My lord, Permit an individual unknown, and un 
 distinguished, to thank you, in the sincerity of his warm 
 est gratitude, for your generous, though ineffectual at 
 tempt, to stay the uplifted hand of civil desolation. Your 
 great name will not be delivered down to posterity with 
 more applause, for having directed, with so much spirit 
 and wisdom, the vengeance of this nation against its 
 real foes ; than for having endeavoured, with equal hu 
 manity and prudence, to divert it from its truest friends. 
 My lord, I can truly say, that in the heart of every 
 American, the wish for the prosperity of England, is se 
 cond only to that for the liberties of his own country. No 
 proposition could be made to Americans, in which they 
 would not most zealously contribute their treasure and 
 blood to maintain the honour and advance the prospe 
 rity of England, if it did not involve a resignation of 
 their dearest rights. Whatever may be their sense of 
 the distresses of this country ; whatever may be their 
 wish to minister relief; when that cannot be done, with 
 out submitting their hands to chains, and their necks to 
 the yoke, they must be forgiven for the refusal. 
 
 When a series of injuries have rendered the alterna 
 tive, slavery and submission, bonds or resistance, I speak 
 it with exultation, I speak it with assurance, there are 
 not a thousand men, of the three millions spread abroad 
 in America, who will hesitate one moment in the choice. 
 Trust me, my lord, they will never be slaves. They 
 will not dishonour their venerated English ancestry. 
 To be enslaved, would stamp degeneracy and bastard- 
 ism on their brows. Let the demon of distraction go 
 forth when he may, he will find them devota morti 
 pcctora liberce. Their struggles and their sufferings 
 will, they hope at least, entitle them to the respect of 
 their parent state. Their zeal and cause combined, will 
 disarm the soldier of his fellest purpose. A sense of in- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 21 
 
 justice will hang like a millstone about his neck, and 
 unnerve his arm. 
 
 It has been my lord, for many years, my humble but 
 honest task to warn, through the channel of the public 
 papers, his majesty s ministers of the fatal consequences 
 of their arbitrary measures. It is some time since I de 
 spaired of doing good. I have found them, not so much 
 misled by ignorance, as inveterate in malice ; not adopt 
 ing desultory measures, but pursuing a premeditated, 
 deep and dangerous plan against the liberties of the peo 
 ple. I was prompted to exert my poor endeavours, by 
 the same equal regard for both countries, whose ruin is 
 involved in this perilous issue ; by the same ardent zeal 
 arid love of humanity and freedom, which moved your 
 lordship, like a guardian angel, to intervene and endea 
 vour to stop the most fatal conflict, that this eventful 
 country ever felt. 
 
 My lord, I have but one more word. When the acts 
 of this country respecting America are just, they will 
 never be questioned ; when they are unjust, they will never 
 be obeyed. JUNIUS AMERICAN us." 
 
 The author has collected many of the letters of Mr. 
 Lee to his brothers, written from England, on the high 
 ly important subjects which so anxiously engaged the 
 attention of the leading men in all the colonies, during 
 the years 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, fee. Of these 
 letters, the author has elsewhere observed, that Mr. 
 Lee s residence in London, and his intimate acquaint 
 ance and intercourse with the " whig party," or opposi 
 tion party in England, enabled him to render them very 
 interesting to politicians (even of the present day), and 
 will always make them so to historians of our country. 
 It has also been observed, that from no history or col 
 lection of contemporaneous papers, can be obtained a 
 more minute and accurate detail of the circumstances 
 and measures of that day ; a more thorough acquaintance 
 with the conspicuous characters of England in the times 
 in which they were written ; or a more sure information, 
 with respect to the schemes and policy of the different 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 parties which espoused or opposed the interests of the 
 colonies, than from these letters of Arthur Lee. They 
 gave his brother the earliest intelligence of every circum 
 stance, which could conduce to the intelligent action of 
 that spirit of resistance, that his brothers and their pat 
 riotic coadjutors were endeavouring to rouse, against the 
 arbitrary acts of the mother country. In this way Mr. 
 Lee conferred on his own country essential services.* 
 
 In the year 1769, a society of gentlemen of the oppo 
 sition party in London, called " the Supporters of the 
 Bill of Rights," of which Mr. Lee was a member, adopt 
 ed a preamble and resolutions, in which most of the po 
 litical subjects of controversy between the ministry and 
 opposition were discussed. These resolutions, together 
 with the preamble, were published by order of the so 
 ciety. The last resolution related to American affairs, 
 and required from any candidate whom the members of 
 the society would support for election to parliament, a 
 pledge to seek the restoration to America of the essen 
 tial right of taxation, by their own representatives, and 
 a repeal of all acts passed in violation of this right, since 
 the year 17(53." The preamble and resolutions were 
 written by Mr. Lee. The famous John Wilkes was also 
 a member of the society, and was now at the zenith of 
 his popularity. The author of the celebrated letters of 
 Junius was friendly to the principles and design of this 
 society. It was formed of the party he had espoused. 
 Junius, about the time of the appearance of these reso 
 lutions, and this preamble, had commenced a private 
 correspondence with Wilkes, for the purpose of aiding 
 the supporters of the Bill of Rights, in their attacks 
 upon the ministry. The society eagerly accepted the 
 proffered aid of Junius. Junius was not entirely pleased 
 with the preamble and resolutions ; and soon after their 
 appearance, addressed a long letter to Wilkes, to be laid 
 before the society, in which he fully stated his objec 
 tions to them and his reasons for his objections. This 
 letter of Junius, and the preamble and resolutions, may 
 
 * The letters here spoken of, will be found in the Appendix to this work, No. I. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 23 
 
 be found in the edition of Woodfall s Collection of the 
 Letters of Junius, printed in Philadelphia, by Bradford 
 & Innskeep, 1813, p. 172, of vol. i. In this letter, we 
 have the opinion of Junius on the subject of American 
 taxation. At page 183, of the edition just spoken of, he 
 notices the resolutions relating to Ireland and America, 
 thus : " You are very civil to Ireland and America ; and 
 if you mean any thing but ostentation, it may possibly 
 answer your purpose. Your care of Ireland is much to 
 be commended. But I think, in good policy, you may 
 as well complete a reformation at home, before you at 
 tempt to carry your improvements to such a distance. 
 Clearing the fountain is the best and shortest way to 
 purify the stream. As to taxing the Americans by their 
 own representatives, I confess I do not perfectly under 
 stand you. If you propose that, in the article of taxa 
 tion, they should be left to the authority of their respec 
 tive assemblies, I must own, I think you had no business 
 to revive a question which should, and probably would 
 lay dormant forever.* If you mean, that the Americans 
 should be authorized to send their representatives to the 
 British parliament, I shall be contented to refer you to 
 what Burke said on that subject, and will not venture to 
 add any thing of mine own, for fear of discovering an of 
 fensive disregard of your opinion. Since the repeal of 
 the stamp act, I know of no acts tending to tax the Ame 
 ricans, except that which creates the tea duty, and even 
 that can hardly be called internal ; yet it ought to be re 
 pealed, as an impolitic act, not as an oppressive one.f It 
 
 * It is obvious, that Junius had not paid much attention to American questions. 
 To be left to the authority of their own assemblies to grant money to the mother, 
 was what the Americans had, all along, claimed as a right. 
 
 t Here Junius betrays his inattention to the principles asserted in the taxing acts. 
 The reservation of the small duty on tea, was expressly made to aisert the right of 
 the parliament of Great Britain to tax America, without her consent, in any mode 
 and to any extent. It was to the assertion and assumption of this right, and not to 
 the amount of the duty, that the colonies objected. What security had they, that 
 if the principle was allowed to be true, it would not be hereafter enforced more 
 rigorously ? The excise laws were then in operation. When Junius says, " the 
 tea duty could hardly be called internal," he was, in fact, vindicating the "propriety 
 of the duty and its principle. Junius suffered no actual oppression, yet how vehe 
 mently he maintained that the violation of the principles of the constitution even by 
 the assertion of a false one, was oppression. This was the proposition which the 
 Americana maintained. 
 
24 LIFE OF 
 
 preserves the contention between the colonies and the 
 mother country, when every thing worth contending for 
 is, in reality, given up. When this act is repealed, I 
 presume you will turn your thoughts to the postage act, 
 a tax imposed by the authority of parliament, and levied 
 in the very heart of the colonies. I am not sufficiently 
 informed on the subject of that excise, which you say 
 is substituted in North America for the laws of cus 
 toms, as to deliver such an opinion on it as I would 
 abide by. Yet I can easily comprehend that, admitting 
 the necessity of raising a revenue for the support of gov 
 ernment there, any other revenue laws but those of ex 
 cise, would be nugatory in such a country as America. 
 I say this with great diffidence, as to the point in ques 
 tion, and with a positive protest against any conclusion 
 from America to Great Britain." In one of Wilkes s 
 letters to Junius, he tells him, " that the American Dr. 
 Lee, the author of the letters signed "Junius Ameri- 
 canus," is the author of the preamble and resolutions, 
 upon which Junius was commenting. The authority of 
 Junius, adverse as his opinions certainly were to Ameri 
 can rights, might have been injurious to the cause of the 
 colonies, by abating the zeal of the opposition in its fa 
 vour. This consequence was at once discerned by Mr. 
 Lee, who, unawed by the name and ability of Junius, 
 and true to the cause nearest his heart, determined to 
 controvert, by a direct reply to his letter to Wilkjgs, his 
 opinions respecting American taxation. In a subsequent 
 letter of Wilkes to Junius (page 189 of the edition 
 already quoted), Wilkes tells him that he had laid his 
 letter before the society, and " that Dr. Lee had told 
 him he thought the letter capable of a full answer, 
 which he meant to lay before the society on a future 
 day, which he would first communicate to him." 
 
 Mr. Lee made good his intention, and wrote an an 
 swer and transmitted it to Junius. No one had before 
 answered this able writer with success. The boldness of 
 Mr. Lee was amply sustained by his talents, which drew 
 from Junius himself the following compliment, and 
 an invitation to aid him, "where he thought him right. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 25 
 
 as he had opposed him, where he thought him wrong." 
 At page 209 of Woodfall, Junius thus writes to Wilkes. 
 " My American namesake is plainly a man of abilities, 
 though a little unreasonable, when he demands more than 
 an absolute surrender of the fact. I agree with him, 
 that it is a hardship on the Americans to be taxed by the 
 British legislature ; but it is a hardship inseparable in 
 theory, from the condition of colonists in which they 
 have voluntarily placed themselves. If emigration be no 
 crime to deserve punishment, it is certainly no virtue to 
 claim exemption ; and however it may have proved es 
 sentially beneficial, the mother country was but little 
 obliged to the motives of the first emigrants. Au reste, 
 I see no use in fighting this question in the news papers ; 
 nor have I time. You may assure Dr. Lee, that to my 
 heart and understanding, the names of American and 
 Englishman are synonymous ; and that as to any future 
 taxation upon America, 1 look upon it as near to impos 
 sible, as the highest probability can go 
 
 1 hope, that since he has opposed me, where he thinks me 
 wrong, he will be equally ready to assist me, where he thinks 
 me right." 
 
 In the following letter of Mr. Lee to one of his bro 
 thers, he mentions, with other incidents of the day, the 
 formation of the society of " the Bill of Rights." The 
 reason, why the " North Britons" (as he terms the 
 Scotch) were so opposed to this society was, that it was 
 formed of those who were friendly to Wilkes and his 
 cause. The dislike, entertained by Junius and Wilkes, 
 of the Scotch, and their abuse of them, will be recol 
 lected by the reader. There was a strong prejudice at 
 this time prevailing in England against the Scotch, aris 
 ing from the fact that most of the influential members of 
 the ministry and their party, were Scotchmen. George 
 the III. had been educated under the care and guardian 
 ship of the Earl of Bute, who was of Scotch descent, 
 and was strongly attached to Scotch politicians. He had 
 imparted this partiality to the king, who in the early 
 part of his reign, bestowed most of the highest and more 
 lucrative places on them. This partiality, however just 
 
 VOL. i. 4 
 
26 LIFE OF 
 
 in itself, was indiscreetly indulged. The English part 
 of the empire became jealous of this bias in the mind 
 of the king ; and jealousy at length rose to discontent 
 and complaint. It was not strange that the opposition 
 should have made the most of this temper of the people 
 of England, and that the " North Britons" should have 
 adhered closely to the ministerial party. The society 
 of the Bill of Rights, being an efficient organ of opposi 
 tion, could not fail of being an object of denunciation by 
 them. In this letter Mr. Lee mentions a curious anec 
 dote, that a speech had been made in England, for Lord 
 Botetourt, to be delivered by him on his arrival in the 
 colony of Virginia, to the House of Burgesses ; that this 
 speech had been debated in the King s Privy Council, 
 where Lord Shelburne (always the friend of the col 
 onies) had succeeded in expunging a part of it, requiring 
 from the house of burgesses of that colony, an express 
 acknowledgment of the principle of the declaratory act, 
 which that body had resolutely declared to be unconsti 
 tutional. 
 
 "My Dear Brother, I hardly thought the distance of 
 the ocean between us was so immense, that not a line 
 from you, or any one else in Virginia, could have reached 
 me. Yet so I hitherto unhappily experienced. 
 
 May I give you joy, as I do our brother William, who 
 has changed his voyage to India, in the Princess of Wales, 
 into one to the land of matrimony, in the Miss Ludwell. 
 As a warm climate suits not with him, I hope he will find 
 a temperate one in the place of his destination. 
 
 The esquire writes me, of your not being any longer 
 a member of the assembly. How immoderately lazy you 
 
 are ! 
 
 I have sent all the political pamphlets worth reading to 
 Richard Henry, which I suppose you will read. We are 
 here in very great confusion, parties run so high. Mr. 
 Wilkes is expelled a third time, and will be re-chosen. 
 The two Irish chairmen condemned to death for a mur 
 der at the Brentford election, have been pardoned, on 
 a groundless and venal opinion of ten surgeons, five of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 27 
 
 whom were placemen, that the blow did not appear to 
 them to be the cause of the death. So not one person 
 has suffered for that unparalleled outrage. 
 
 Several addresses have been obtained, condemning the 
 opposition and flattering the ministry. But they are the 
 fruit of force and fraud, and serve rather to manifest a 
 contrary sense in the people, to that which they convey 
 to the throne. The address of the merchants of London 
 was presented yesterday. The mob rose against it, and 
 shut the city gates, and put the whole cavalcade to flight. 
 The shattered remains escaped to St. James , accompa 
 nied by a hearse, representing the murder of Allen. The 
 bells were muffled, and were tolled as the addressers 
 passed along Fleet-street, which leads to the city gate. 
 Neither the form, nor the propriety of this address, were 
 ever submitted to the merchants ; but these were deter 
 mined by Mr. Boehem, Mr. Dingley, and Mr. Muilman ; 
 the former a man of reputation and credit as a merchant, 
 the two others of bad characters ; the first and last Dutch 
 men. The merchants had it only in their option to sign 
 it or not to sign it ; the placemen, tools, and Scotsmen, 
 chose the former ; and their act passes for that of all the 
 merchants. There never was a more infamous transac 
 tion. Mr. Molleson, Mr. Guest, and Mr. Buchanan, were 
 among; the signers. 
 
 O O 
 
 The affairs of America received their final discussion 
 last week, in the rejection of the New-York petition. 
 The ministry carry every thing, with an absolute majori 
 ty. A set of men could hardly be chosen, more despised, 
 here, and in America ; but they coincide with the views 
 of court ; and while such principles remain there, tis of 
 little moment who are in the administration. We have 
 little hope from any change, and seem so little faithful to 
 our own cause, that it is confidently asserted, that more 
 goods than ever have been shipped to America this year. 
 If it be thus, we infamously lay down the only weapons 
 we have ; slavery is our due, and it will infallibly be our 
 portion. 
 
 The worthy Lord Barrington moved the other day for 
 empowering the officers in America to quarter the sol- 
 
28 LIFE OF 
 
 diers in private houses. But the ministry being divided 
 upon it, a negative was the fate of his motion. 
 
 A number of gentlemen have formed an association 
 under the title of Supporters of the Bill of Rights, which 
 gives no small offence to administration, and to the 
 North Britons, because they patronize subscriptions for 
 Mr. Wilkes, and are determined to pay his debts, and 
 make him independent. The chief of them are St. John, 
 St. Aubin, Sir John Molesworth, Sir Joseph Mawbey, 
 Mr. Sawbridge, Mr. Turner, Mr. Townsend, Mr. Maclean, 
 Mr. Glyn, members of parliament ; Sir Cecil Wray, also 
 a member ; Lord Viscount Montmerries, Sir Francis Del- 
 aval, Sir John Barnard, all of them independent, and ex 
 cept Maclean and Townsend, of very considerable fami 
 ly and fortune. Mr. Sawbridge is a brother of the cele 
 brated Mrs. Macauley. The addresses are principally 
 levelled at this association. I have been at one of their 
 meetings, but my purse is not equal to my inclination to 
 support the Bill of Rights. 
 
 Your governor s speech was drawn up here, and de 
 bated in council. Before he went out, Lord Shelburne 
 obtained the expunging of an express requisition from 
 your assembly, of an acknowledgment of the Declaratory 
 Bill. If therefore any such is made, it is on the sole 
 authority of Lord Hillsborough. 
 
 My love to all with you, particularly to Mrs. Lee, if 
 yet so constituted. Adieu, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 London, March 23d, 1769. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 29 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Political contentions between the Ministerial and Opposition parties in England 
 The Lord Mayor of London, Crosby, and Alderman Oliver are committed to the 
 Tower, by order of the Commons The Society of the Bill of Rights vote their 
 thanks to Crosby and Oliver, and an Address to them Lee is appointed to draught 
 the Address and prepares it It is accepted and published The Address Its style, 
 &c. It is admired He is appointed Colonial Agent^of Massachusetts, in case of 
 the death or absence of Dr. Franklin Is retained by the Assembly of that 
 Province to support their Petition to the King, to remove the Governor and Lieut. 
 Governor Dr. Franklin s trial before the King and Council, respecting the pub. 
 lication of certain letters On the return of Doctor Franklin, he becomes the 
 Agent for the Province Remains of a history of the Revolution, by Mr. Lee 
 His services to the Province of Massachusetts, and the generous conduct of its 
 Assembly He becomes a friend and correspondent of Samuel Adams The cha 
 racter of their correspondence Letter of Dr. Rush Letter on American affairs 
 of Lee, to his brother in Virginia Anecdote of Lfce and Wedderburne The Pe 
 tition to the King and the Addresses of the first Congress are sent to Lee, to be 
 presented and published Letter of Burke on this subject Anecdotes and letters 
 of Lee respecting the reception of these Papers, by the King and People of Eng 
 land Letter of the second Congress to Lee and Penn, with another Address -, 
 The case of Mr. Lovell His letter to Mr. Lee Their subsequent friendship and 
 correspondence. 
 
 DURING the years 1770 and 71, the political conten 
 tions between the ministry and the opposition were very 
 violent. This was particularly the case in the city of 
 London. A messenger of the house of commons arrest 
 ed a printer, a citizen of London, by order of the com 
 mons, commanding him to appear at their bar, for having 
 printed some debates of the house which they declared 
 to be a violation of the privileges of parliament. The 
 opposition contended, that no constitutional privilege jus 
 tified the warrant, under which the messenger had arrest 
 ed the printer. This incident gave rise to warm discus 
 sions in the papers at the time, and many debates in par 
 liament. The messenger of the commons was taken into 
 custody by a constable, who carried him before the lord 
 mayor. The case was heard by the lord mayor, and al 
 dermen Wilkes and Oliver, who discharged the printer, 
 
30 LIFE OF 
 
 and signed a commitment of the messenger, for an assault 
 and false imprisonment. This proceeding so exasperated 
 the commons, that they summoned the aldermen to appear 
 at the bar of the house, to answer for their conduct. 
 Wilkes refused to obey the summons ; but the lord mayor 
 and alderman Oliver attended, and justified their proceed 
 ing. They were committed to the tower for contumacy. 
 Mr. Crosby, the lord mayor, upon hearing the order for 
 his commitment, addressed the speaker in terms of firm 
 and manly remonstrance against this arbitrary step, and 
 concluded with this bold and patriotic declaration : " I 
 will through life continue to obey the dictates of honour 
 and conscience; to support, to the utmost of my power, 
 every part of the constitution of this kingdom ; and the 
 event I shall always leave to heaven ; at all times, ready 
 to meet my fate." 
 
 This measure of the commons excited a strong senti 
 ment of indignation "throughout the nation. The society 
 of the supporters of the Bill of Rights passed resolutions 
 against the outrage committed upon the lord mayor and 
 the alderman, and voted an address of thanks to these 
 magistrates, warmly approving of their firmness in having 
 resisted the illegal conduct of the commons. Mr. Lee 
 was appointed to write the address, which being adopted, 
 and much admired, was published by the livery of 
 London. It is here inserted, and is taken from his origi 
 nal MS. draught. 
 
 "The Members of the Bill of Rights, impressed with 
 the deepest respect and gratitude for the manly support 
 you have given to the law of the land, and the liberties 
 of the nation, in committing a messenger of the house of 
 commons, for an assault on a citizen of London, have de 
 puted us to convey to you their thanks and approbation 
 of your conduct. 
 
 When privilege is at variance with the law of the land 
 and the rights of the people, no honest man can hesitate 
 to determine against it. Our ancestors held as a maxim, 
 that he who does not favour liberty, is impious and cruel.* 
 
 * Mr. Lee has quoted in his MS. the maxim in Latin Libertati, qui non favet, 
 impius et crudelis judicjuudus." Fortescue. JL.d. Coke. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 31 
 
 Had there been only a doubt, therefore, of the constitu 
 tional and legal tendency of the proceeding you opposed, 
 that doubt would have justified your opposition* The 
 process which deprives a freeman of his liberty, ought to 
 be clear and unquestionable. But this proceeding was 
 plainly arbitrary, and subversive of the general liberty of 
 the subject, declared in Magna Charta and other vener 
 able statutes, as well as of the chartered rights of the city 
 of London, most solemnly confirmed by act of parliament* 
 You therefore, gentlemen, when you upheld the law, acted 
 with a spirit and integrity becoming the first magistrates 
 of this great city, which has ever distinguished itself in 
 patronizing liberty. 
 
 We have been told, that usage will justify this exercise 
 of privilege. But it is a maxim of the common law, the 
 groundwork of our constitution, that " usage against rea 
 son is an usurpation."* Now it is manifestly against 
 reason, that the people should be subject to be deprived 
 of their liberty, at the arbitrary and capricious will of an 
 assembly of their own creation ; and that creation, too, 
 for the very purpose of preserving liberty. " The princi 
 ples of the law of England are always favourable to the 
 personal liberty of the subject.^ If the powers of the 
 house of commons are not exactly defined by law, still 
 they must be limited by the principles of it, and by the 
 reason of the case in which they are exercised. To shut 
 up from the people, who have an essential and unalienabie 
 right to inquire into the conduct of their representatives, 
 all knowledge of their proceedings, is against reason, a 
 flagrant violation of right, and stamps an alarming suspi 
 cion on those whose actions are thus carefully covered 
 with darkness. A house of commons, privileged against 
 the people, to trample on the law, is a manifest and mon 
 strous absurdity. They were vested with privilege to 
 defend them in the due exercise of their functions, from 
 the crown and its ministers. And we yet hope to see, 
 
 * Consuetude contra rationem, potius usurpalio, quam consuetude appellari de- 
 bet. Ld. Coke. 
 
 t Anglic jura, in omni casu, libertati dant favorem. Fortescue. Who does not 
 admire and cherish the common law > 
 
32 LIFE OF 
 
 through the awakened virtue of the people, a house of 
 commons, who will direct the powers trusted with them 
 by the community, not against liberty, but to a severe and 
 exemplary inquiry by whose advice it has happened, that 
 the present reign, considering its duration and circum 
 stances, has been arbitrary and unconstitutional beyond 
 the worst example of former times. It is then, that the 
 alarms of the people will be composed, their indignation 
 will subside, and their confidence in their representatives 
 and in government will be restored. They never can be 
 supposed to have chosen deputies to be tyrants ; that is, 
 to have an arbitrary and unexaminable power over them 
 selves. They acknowledge no absolute power over them 
 but the law, and to that their representatives are equally 
 subject. 
 
 It is in support of this, gentlemen, that you now suffer ; 
 and, next to vindicating the violated laws, we deem it 
 your greatest happiness and honour to suffer nobly in 
 their defence. The fabric of English liberty has been 
 cemented by the blood of Englishmen ; and should it be 
 necessary, we trust there is yet patriotism enough, to fur 
 nish blood for its reparation. 
 
 To the Right Honourable Lord Mayor, 
 and Mr. Alderman Oliver." 
 
 The bold and strenuous part that Mr. Lee, for several 
 years, had taken in opposition to the ministerial measures, 
 against those particularly which affected the colonies, had 
 rendered him popular in all of them. The character he 
 had established as a writer and an advocate, had become 
 known in the colonies. Hence, in the year 1770, he was 
 appointed, by the assembly of Massachusetts, agent for 
 that colony, in case of the absence or death of Dr. Frank 
 lin, who was then residing in London in that capacity. 
 Dr. Franklin had been preceded in this honourable ap 
 pointment by Dennis De Berdt, a highly respectable gen 
 tleman of London. Dr. Franklin continued in London 
 until the spring of 1775. From the time of the appoint 
 ment of Mr. Lee just mentioned, until the return of Dr. 
 Franklin to America, when he became sole agent for the 
 Massachusetts Assembly, he aided Dr. Franklin with his 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 33 
 
 advice and opinions, on the affairs of that colony. A 
 close and warm intimacy sprang up, and continued, be 
 tween these patriots, while they resided together in Lon 
 don. Their friendship was founded upon their private 
 virtues, was nourished by similar patriotic motives, and 
 was adorned and enlivened by scientific researches and 
 acquirements. But their mutual political and scientific 
 friends had to regret, at a subsequent period, their estrange 
 ment from each other. The causes of the interruption of 
 the friendship of two such men, are subjects not inappro 
 priate to the designs and province of biography. They 
 are stated therefore in another part of this memoir of 
 Mr. Lee. 
 
 The mention of this honour done him by the assembly 
 of Massachusetts, is made by Mr. Lee, in the remains 
 of a sketch which he left behind him, of a history of the 
 American revolution, which the reader will find in the 
 Appendix, No. 2. He will there find the letter of thanks, 
 addressed by him to that assembly; a letter, which an 
 American reader will peruse with no ordinary interest. 
 The reader will pardon a digression, which appears not 
 to be improper here. 
 
 The author had understood from the family of Mr. 
 Lee, that he had commenced, shortly before his death, a 
 history of the American revolution ; of its political char 
 acter, as well as of its military event s. He has found 
 among his MSS. some sheets of" Memoirs of the Amer 
 ican Revolution," which, he says, he wrote " to aid in 
 placing the history of the American revolution in its true 
 light." He had, it seems, commenced the execution of 
 a design, that would have produced a work of value and 
 interest to his own and to future times. What part of 
 this memoir remains will amply repay him who shall 
 read it. The knowledge of the rise and earliest pro 
 gress of our revolutionary struggle contained in it, will 
 be gratifying to every intelligent mind, and important to 
 our future historians ; for every authentic, additional ray 
 of light cast upon the events and genius of that great 
 transaction^ will reflect glory upon our nation, and en- 
 
 VOL. i. 5 
 
34 LIFE OF 
 
 lighten the path of every people, who shall strive for 
 freedom.* 
 
 In the year 1773, as the reader will remember, Dr. 
 Franklin obtained possession of several letters, which he 
 transmitted to the assembly of Massachusetts. These 
 letters were found to have been written by the governor 
 and lieutenant governor of that province. They con 
 tained statements, calculated, in the opinion of the as 
 sembly, to make false impressions of their proceedings, 
 and of the feelings and grievances of the people ; and to 
 excite a temper in England prejudicial to their cause. 
 The discovery of these letters and the writers of them, 
 so exasperated the assembly, that a petition to the king 
 and council for the removal of the governor and lieuten 
 ant governor from their offices, was voted and sent to 
 Dr. Franklin to be presented to the king. The whole 
 matter was made one of enquiry before the king and privy 
 council ; but it was decided, as it might have been ex 
 pected, that the grounds and charges of the petition 
 were frivolous and vexatious. The assembly directed 
 Dr. Franklin, in the event of an enquiry into the con 
 duct of the governor and lieutenant governor, to employ 
 Mr. Lee to support their petition. f VAfter Dr. Franklin 
 left England, in the year 1774, Mr. Lee became the act 
 ing agent for the assembly, and continued in this capaci 
 ty, until he repaired to France, as a secret a^ent of the 
 United States to the court of that country .V On the de 
 parture of Dr. Franklin for America, he addressed the 
 following letter to Mr. Lee.f 
 
 CRAVEN STREET, MAR. 19, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, I leave directions with Mrs. Stephenson 
 to deliver to you all the Massachusetts papers, when you 
 please to call for them. I am sorry that the hurry of 
 preparing for my voyage, and the many hinderances I 
 have met with, prevented rny meeting with you and Mr. 
 Bollan, and conversing a little more on our affairs, before 
 
 * The remnant of these " Memoirs" will be found in No. 2, of the Appendix, 
 f See letters of the venerable Thomas Gushing, then speaker ofjhe assembly of 
 Massachusetts, to Mr. Lee. Appendix, No. 9. 
 $ This letter is taken from the autograph of Dr. Franklin. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. &5 
 
 my departure. I wish to both of you health and happi 
 ness, and shall be glad to hear from you by every oppor 
 tunity. 
 
 I shall let you know how I find things in America. I 
 may possibly return again in autumn, but you will if 
 you think fit, continue henceforth the agent for Massa 
 chusetts, an office which I canj^t again undertake. I 
 wish you all happiness, and am ^rr, yours affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN.* 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 One of the most interesting incidents in the life of Mr. 
 Lee, is connected with his appointment of agent for the 
 colony of Massachusetts.V/He was recommended for that 
 honourable but hazardous office, by that able, inflexible 
 and intrepid patriot, Samuel Adams, whose sagacity had 
 already discerned in him a spirit congenial with his own. 
 At this time, he was personally unknown to Mr. Adams. 
 A mutual friend of these gentlemen, who was then in 
 London, made known to Mr. Lee the fact just mention 
 ed, and at the same time, acquainted him with an invita 
 tion from that great man to commence a correspond 
 ence, which he immediately accepted. They gave each 
 other constant information of every event which occur 
 red in America and England, that had any connexion 
 with American affairs^/The remains of the correspond 
 ence of these patriotic^ citizens, that have been found 
 
 * It is due to the honour of Ma<?sar.hnseff<* to state, that the legislature of that 
 commonwealth presented to Mr. Lee a tract of land, of considerable value, as a 
 compensation for his services in the capacity of agent of the colony of Massachu 
 setts Bay, and as a mark of their gratitude for them. The following extract of a 
 letter of Samuel Adams to James Warren, Esq. refers to the services of Mr. Lee 
 at this period. Speaking of his attachment to him and his brothers, whom a fac 
 tion had endeavoured to injure, Mr. Adams says, " Now you tell me their art is to 
 prejudice the people against the Lees, and to propagate that I am a friend to them. 
 How trifling is this ! Am I accountable to the people for my opinions of men ? If 
 I have found from long and intimate acquaintance with those gentlemen, that they 
 are and have been, from the beginning of this contest, among the most able and 
 zealous defenders of the rights of America and mankind, shall 1 not be their friend ? 
 I will avow my friendship to them in the face of the world. As an inhabitant of 
 Massachusetts Bay, I should think myself ungrateful not to esteem Arthur 
 Lee most highly, fur his voluntary services to that state, in times of her 
 greatest need, to the injury of his private interest, and at the risk of his 
 life. " How noble was the spirit of the inestimable patriot, Samuel Adams, and 
 how honourable to any man was his friendship ! 
 
36 LIFE OF 
 
 among the manuscript papers of Mr. Lee, may be seen 
 in the Appendix, Nos. 8, 9. These letters are highly im 
 portant to the history of the American revolution, and 
 while they are creditable to the talents of the writers, 
 they are invaluable to every succeeding generation of 
 their countrymen. Fortitude, wisdom, inflexible virtue, 
 and ardent patriotism ajx evinced in every line. While 
 such men informed, guioed, and animated the people of 
 the colonies, it was impossible for physical power to sub 
 due them. While the memory, the virtues and princi 
 ples of such men shall continue to be revered and cher 
 ished, the examples of the heroic days of our nation will 
 secure to it the blessings of republican freedom ! 
 
 The following letter of our justly admired and cele 
 brated countryman, Dr. Rush, with whom Mr. Lee had 
 become acquainted in London, or perhaps at Edinburgh, 
 written about the time we have been contemplating, 
 and breathing its spirit, will not be unacceptable to the 
 reader. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am far from being the last among my 
 countrymen in admiring your zeal in the cause of Ame 
 rican liberty. We grow more sanguine daily, from the 
 success of our opposition to the measures of the court. 
 There i? a general union among the colonies, which no 
 artifices of a ministry will be able^o break. Dr. Frank 
 lin is a very popular character in"every part of America. 
 He will be received, and carried in triumph to his house, 
 when he arrives amongst us. It is to be hoped he will 
 not consent to hold any more offices under government. 
 No step but this can prevent his being handed down to 
 posterity among the first and greatest characters in the 
 world. 
 
 I am about to appear before the public, as the author 
 of an oration delivered in the American Philosophical 
 Society, on the natural history of medicine among the 
 Indians in North America, and a comparative view of 
 their diseases and remedies, with those of civilized na 
 tions. I have connected with the subject some political 
 reflections, which will tend to enlarge the ideas of the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 37 
 
 future populousness and grandeur of America. It has 
 been published in Philadelphia, and was read with par 
 tiality even by my countrymen. I tremble for its fate 
 on your side of the water. You must apologize for the 
 author, by pleading his many disadvantages, from the 
 want of leisure, books and literary company. 
 
 My success in business has exceeded the expectations 
 with which I left London. With this I am obliged to 
 console myself for the want of many rational enjoyments, 
 which I gave up in England. The chief object here 
 is commerce, which, you know, when pursued closely, 
 sinks the man into a machine. Our merchants are alive 
 to sentiments of liberty and public virtue. They have 
 twice rescued America from slavery ; but it is re 
 flecting on their business only, to add, that they have 
 little relish for the " feast of reason, and the flow of soul." 
 
 My brother joins in compliments to you, with dear 
 sir, your most humble servant, B. RUSH. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. Middle Temple, London. 
 Philadelphia, May 4th, 1774. 
 
 In the early part of the year 1774, American affairs 
 wore a threatening and gloomy aspect. The hearts of many 
 began to faint ; and of all to feel forebodings of danger 
 and suffering, or of submission and slavery. The feelings 
 and anticipations of Mr. Lee, who witnessed the dark 
 ness in its thickest shade, will be seen from the following 
 letter to one of his brothers: 
 
 " Most sincerely do I congratulate my dear brother, on 
 the possession of that retirement, in which only can true 
 tranquillity and happiness be enjoyed. Would to Heaven 
 I could participate in the blissful retreat ! 
 
 Where peace, with ever blooming olive, crowns 
 The gate; where honour s liberal hands effuse 
 Unenvied treasures, and the snowy wings 
 Of innocence and love protect the scene. 
 
 May providence watch over you, and protect you from 
 that alarm, which, according to the poet, 
 
 " Through thickest shades, pursues the fond of peace." 
 
38 LIFE OF 
 
 How ought I to lament that my fortune and my tem 
 per are perpetually combating my inclination and my 
 judgment. No man can see in a more amiable light, or 
 feel a stronger desire of enjoying retirement, than I. Yet, 
 unhappily, my fate has thrown me into public life, and 
 the impatience of my nature makes me embark in it, with 
 an impetuosity and imprudence, which increase the evils 
 to which it is necessarily subject. The pursuit is as end 
 less as it is turbulent and deceitful. One bubble is no 
 sooner burst than another rises, with something new to en 
 gage and irritate its deluded pursuers. You will judge by 
 this time, that I have nothing to say of my own situation 
 and success, which can gratify the benevolent wishes you 
 have the goodness to entertain for me. In my distresses 
 you will also sympathize, for they are felt for our coun 
 try. The parliament are now bringing the question to 
 that decision, which makes me tremble for the virtue, the 
 character, the liberties of my countrymen. They have 
 passed an act to take away the port of Boston, till every 
 compensation is made for the tea, and perfect obedience 
 is acknowledged. And then it is to be restored in such 
 portions as the king pleases. What makes this more 
 alarming is, that no accusation is brought against the 
 town, no evidence produced to criminate it ; and it is 
 avowed, that this is the first step towards reducing all 
 America to an acknowledgment of the right of parlia 
 ment to impose taxes upon her, and to a submission to 
 the exercise of that right. 
 
 The Americans who are here have thought it of so 
 much consequence, that they have petitioned the three 
 branches of the legislature against passing such a bill ; 
 but, as you may imagine, without success. 
 
 The next proceeding against Boston and the province 
 is already announced in the house of commons. The se 
 lectmen and town-meetings are to be abolished. The 
 governor is to be endued with the power of calling the 
 citizens together, when and for what purpose he pleases. 
 They are not to deliberate on any thing but what he dic 
 tates. The council and judges are to be suspended at 
 the governor s pleasure. The constitution of juries is to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 39 
 
 be altered, so as to render them more manageable in find 
 ing bills and verdicts against the friends of liberty. 
 
 We are jusl informed that General Gage is going over 
 immediately, with three regiments, as governor of Massa 
 chusetts, and commander-in-chief ; that he is to collect 
 an army about Boston, in order to impose these measures, 
 and reduce the people to entire obedience. 
 
 The storm, you see, runs high ; and it will require great 
 prudence, wisdom, and resolution, to save our liberties 
 from shipwreck. In my opinion, there ought to be a general 
 congress of the colonies; and I think Annapolis would be 
 the place, where it w r ould be less liable to military inter 
 ruption, than at New- York or Philadelphia. If you have 
 virtue enough to resolve to stop, and to execute the reso 
 lution of stopping your exports and imports for one year, 
 this country must do you justice. The shipping, manu 
 factures, and revenue, depend so much on the tobacco 
 and Carolina colonies, that they alone, by stopping their 
 exports, would force redress. Such a measure should be 
 attended with an address to the merchants, manufactur 
 ers, and traders of this country, stating the necessity 
 which compels you to a measure injurious to them; pro 
 fessing every thing to flatter and conciliate them. Such a 
 measure, operating at the general election, next April, 
 would probably produce such a return of members, as 
 would listen to truth and redress, not so much our griev 
 ances, as their own. 
 
 This is the only effectual measure I can conceive. If 
 there is not virtue enough for it, I am afraid American 
 liberty is no more; for you may depend upon it, that if 
 they find the chains can be easily imposed, they will 
 make them heavy, and rivet them fast. 
 
 It is impossible for me to describe how much I am 
 grieved at these proceedings, and with what anxiety I look 
 forward to the event. You know I have doubted the vir 
 tue of my countrymen. God grant, that I may be mis 
 taken ; that by a wise, temperate, and firm conduct, they 
 may escape the blow intended, and preserve their free 
 dom. The friends of liberty here, look to your con 
 duct with great anxiety. They consider it as decisive, 
 
40 LIFE OF 
 
 either to establish or overturn the present plan of despot 
 ism. 
 
 There is a spirit of violence, injustice, and persecution 
 in administration, against every active friend of America, 
 which makes that character perilous. I cannot see that 
 any service can be done here until the event of these 
 measures is seen, and the popular prejudices begin to 
 abate. I am therefore determined to withdraw myself, 
 by taking the advantage of a favourable opportunity of 
 visiting Rome, for some months; from whence however, 
 I shall return sooner, if any great event should hold out 
 a probability of my being useful. 
 
 Mrs. Lee well knows the power of praise ; and how 
 ambitious I should be of meriting it from her. But, alas, 
 I have not the powers of pleasing. Horrors only dwell 
 on my imagination. Public corruption at present, and 
 public calamity for the future, are the dismal objects 
 which incessantly fill my mind. The busy haunts of men 
 furnish more to lament than to rejoice in ; to censure, 
 than to praise. They are filled with scenes of false hap 
 piness and real misery, variety of vice and wretchedness. 
 It is rural retirement only, rural innocence, rural tranquillity, 
 which excite an uninterrupted flow of ideas, amiable and 
 delightful. In these pleasing scenes, the perturbed spi 
 rits settle into a calm, productive of more real happiness, 
 than all that the splendour of fortune, all that the pomp 
 of power can bestow. It is there the golden age revives, 
 and all things inspire the spirit of love and delight. 
 
 My best love awaits her. Remember me at Mt. Airy, 
 Stradford, Chantilly, and wherever else you think the 
 mention of my name will not be disagreeable. 
 Adieu, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 Francis L. Lee. 
 
 April 2d, 1774. 
 
 The following anecdote, which grew out of the circum 
 stances of these times, will not be considered a digressive 
 one, as it illustrates the character of one of those really 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 41 
 
 great men, whom the God of providence raised up to 
 consummate through their subordinate agency, one of the 
 grandest events in His moral government of the world. 
 During a debate in the house of commons on American 
 affairs, Mr. Lee, who always attended in the lobby of the 
 house when any American question was debated, heard 
 Mr. Wedderburne (afterwards Lord Loughborough) make 
 a violent attack on the character of the colonial assem 
 blies, and assert, that they had stopped all legal proceed 
 ings for the recovery by British merchants, of debts due 
 to them from the inhabitants of the colonies, upon the 
 pretence of the oppression of the stamp act, and had af 
 terwards refused to restore the legal means of the recov 
 ery of such debts, although that act had been repealed.* 
 Mr. Lee heard this assertion with indignation. As soon 
 as parliament adjourned, he addressed a note to Wedder 
 burne, in which he denounced in strong terms, his charge 
 against the American assemblies, and called on him as a 
 man of honour, to retract it in as public a manner as he 
 had made it; and threatened, if he did not do so, to de 
 clare him through the public papers, " a propagator of 
 mischievous calumnies against America." One of the 
 admired and celebrated addresses of the continental con 
 gress in the year 1774, was an address to the king on 
 the subject of colonial grievances. On the 2iith October 
 1774, it was resolved, " that the address to the king be 
 enclosed in a letter to the several colony agents, in or 
 der that the same may be by them presented to his 
 majesty ; and the agents be requested to call in the aid 
 of such noblemen and gentlemen, as are esteemed firm 
 friends to American liberty, &c." Mr. Richard Henry 
 Lee wrote the letter to the agents, f Mr. Arthur Lee was 
 at this time, as it has been already mentioned, the agent 
 for Massachusetts. The extensive acquaintance and in 
 tercourse of Mr. Lee with the leaders of the opposition 
 party, enabled him to execute the request contained in 
 the latter part of the above resolution to great advantage. 
 
 The Americans did not complain of any actual oppression from, this act, but 
 of the dangerous and unconstitutional principle which it asserted, life act indeed 
 had been repealed, but its spirit was expressly retained and enforced in the tea duty. 
 
 t See Journals, p. 56. 
 VOL. I. 6 
 
42 LIFE OF 
 
 He presented copies of the several addresses of the con 
 gress, viz., to the king, to the people of British America, 
 and to the people of Great Britain, to Lord Chatham, to 
 Mr. Burke, and to many other distinguished friends of 
 America. These addresses produced a great effect on the 
 mind of the British people, and drew from Lord Chatham 
 a well known expression of admiration.* 
 
 As soon as these papers reached Mr. Lee, he took the 
 necessary steps to present the petition to the king, and 
 to procure the most extensive circulation of the address 
 to the people of Great Britain. Being particularly anx 
 ious to avail himself of the active and open agency of Mr. 
 Burke, whose weight of character and influence with 
 the people were at this time great. Mr. Lee addressed 
 a letter to him, desiring that he might accompany him 
 when he should wait with the petition to the king, on 
 Lord Dartmouth, who had succeeded Lord Hillsborough 
 as secretary for the colonies. The reply of Mr. Burke 
 is taken from his autographic letter, now in possession of 
 the author. Although he declined to comply with the 
 request of Mr. Lee, for the reason his letter discloses, it 
 still evinces his real friendship for the colonies, and the 
 candour and genuine patriotism of that great man. 
 
 "Sir, I am honoured with your letter of the 21st inst. 
 informing me of the time on which you purpose to wait 
 on Lord Dartmouth, with the petition of the American 
 
 congress. 
 
 o 
 
 I should be happy to attend you on that occasion, as 
 you desire, if I were in the slightest degree authorized 
 to do so by the colony which I represent. I have been 
 chosen agent by the general assembly of New-York. 
 That assembly has actually refused to send deputies to 
 the congress ; so that, if I were to present a petition in 
 the character of their agent. I should act not only with 
 out, but contrary to the authority of my constituents. 
 Whilst I act for them, it is not possible for me, in my 
 transactions with the boards or ministers, to divest my 
 self occasionally of that character. 
 
 * See Appendix, No. I. A. Lee s letter to his brother, dated Dec. 22d, 1774. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 43 
 
 This, and this only, is my reason for not obeying your 
 commands. I do approve exceedingly of all dutiful ap 
 plications of the congress to his majesty. I am con 
 vinced, that nothing is further from the desires of the 
 gentlemen who compose it, than to separate themselves 
 from their allegiance to their sovereign, or their subordi 
 nate connexion with their mother country. I believe 
 they sincerely wish for an end of these unhappy trou 
 bles, in which, while all are distressed, they must be the 
 first and greatest sufferers. It were greatly to be desir 
 ed, that ministers could meet their pacific dispositions 
 with a temper corresponding to them. On these princi 
 ples I heartily wish you success, in your laudable en 
 deavours for the restoration of peace, and the reconcili 
 ation of our fellow subjects to their sovereign. 
 
 I have the honour to be your most obedient and humble 
 servant, EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 Beconsfield, Aug. 22d, 1775." 
 
 Mr. Richard Penn (a descendant of William Penn, 
 and the agent for the colony of Pennsylvania) and Mr. 
 Lee addressed a note to Lord Dartmouth, informing him 
 of the commands they had received from congress to 
 present their petition to the king, and respectfully re 
 questing an interview with his lordship for the purpose 
 of presenting it through him (according to the routine 
 of established ceremonies of state) to his majesty. To 
 their note Lord Dartmouth returned the following polite 
 reply. 
 
 " Lord Dartmouth presents his compliments to Mr. 
 Richard Penn and Mr. Lee ; he has just received by the 
 post their note of the 21st inst., which would have been 
 sent to him by express, if it had been known at his of 
 fice that they had any commands for him, Lord Dart 
 mouth having left orders there that he should be sent 
 for whenever his presence should be required in town. 
 He will return to London in a day or two, and will not 
 fail to inform Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee of his arrival." 
 
 "Sandwell, 24th August 1775." 
 
44 LIFE OF 
 
 At their interview with Lord Dartmouth, these gen 
 tlemen delivered the petition to him, which was signed 
 by the president of congress, who promised them that 
 he would immediately lay it before the king, and make 
 known his answer to them. While the petition was yet 
 before his majesty, a debate took place in the house of 
 lords on American affairs. In this debate Lord Dart 
 mouth alluded to a publication that Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee 
 had caused to be made, in which they stated what had 
 occurred in the course of their interviews with that minis 
 ter respecting the delivery of the petition. Mr. Lee, who 
 thought he discerned in the remarks of Lord Dartmouth 
 a covert censure on them, and an implied denial of the 
 truth of the statement made in their publication, deter 
 mined if Mr. Penn understood Lord D. s remarks as 
 he did, to reply to them through the press. Mr. Penn 
 however, not perceiving the same tendency in them thai 
 had struck the mind of Mr. Lee, Mr. Lee desisted from 
 his purpose. Mr. Penn s note to Mr, Lee relates to in 
 teresting transactions, and is here inserted. 
 
 "Mr. Penn presents his compliments to Mr. Lee; 
 what fell from Lord Dartmouth in the debate on Friday 
 did not strike Mr. P. in the same light it seems to have 
 appeared to Mr. Lee, from the contents of his note, nor 
 did he imagine that his lordship intended to throw out 
 any, the least insinuation against the conduct of either of 
 them. It is not extraordinary to Mr. P. that any man 
 in a bad cause when hard run, should endeavour to catch 
 at any twig in his way ; at the same time, Mr. P. is tho 
 roughly satisfied in his own conscience, that what they 
 have already laid before the public respecting the deliv 
 ery of the petition, was the truth, the whole truth, and 
 nothing but the truth. 
 
 New Bond Street, Nov r. 12th, 1775." 
 
 After some time had elapsed, without any answer hav 
 ing been returned to the petition to the king, Mr. Penn 
 and Mr. Lee waited again on Lord Dartmouth, and ex 
 pressed their earnest desire to receive some answer, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 45 
 
 which they might return to congress. To their surprise 
 and concern his lordship informed them that " no answer 
 would be given." The following is Mr. Lee s account 
 of this interview. " Upon receiving this answer from 
 Lord Dartmouth, that no answer would be given to 
 the petition, I expressed to him my sorrow that his ma 
 jesty had adopted a measure which would occasion so 
 much bloodshed. To this his lordship answered, that if 
 he thought it would be the cause of shedding one drop 
 of blood, he should never have concurred in it, but that 
 he could not be of an opinion that it would be attended 
 with any such consequences. My lord (I replied), as 
 sure as we exist, this answer will be the cause of much 
 blood being shed in America, and of most dreadful con 
 sequences. We then took our leave. Persuaded as I 
 was that the determination of the king and his ministers 
 had been long fixed for using force, I should not have 
 troubled myself with making any observation on the an 
 swer we received, but that this secretary being; a man of 
 great candour and amiableness of character, I thought 
 that the assurance I gave him of the consequence of the 
 king s answer, would have some effect on the cabinet. 
 We agreed upon the following letter to the president of 
 congress. 
 
 LONDON, SEPT. 2, 1775. 
 
 Sir, -On the 21st of last month, we sent to the se 
 cretary of state for America, a copy of the petition from 
 the general congress ; and yesterday, the first moment 
 it was permitted us, we presented to him the original, 
 which his lordship promised to deliver to his majesty. 
 W r e thought it our duty to press his lordship to obtain 
 an answer ; but we were informed, that as his majesty 
 did not receive it on the throne, no answer would be given. 
 We have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 RICHARD PENN, 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 In the spring of the year 1775, the lord mayor, al 
 dermen and livery of London, the people of which city 
 
46 LIFE OF 
 
 had long been distinguished in the history of England 
 for their love of freedom and boldness in asserting it, 
 presented in the name of its citizens, to the king and par 
 liament, a remonstrance against the colonial measures of 
 the ministry. This incident produced a considerable sen 
 sation in England. The style and spirit of the remon 
 strance were greatly admired; and it was extensively 
 circulated throughout the kingdom. Mr. Lee wrote it at 
 the request of the Common Hall. He had acquainted his 
 brother, R. H. Lee, of the adoption and presentment of 
 the remonstrance ; and had, at the request of the Common 
 Hall, transmitted a copy of it to the congress, which body 
 had assembled a second time at Philadelphia, on the 10th 
 May 1775. On the (3th July it was resolved, "that a let 
 ter be prepared, to the lord mayor, aldermen and livery of 
 London, expressing the thanks of this congress for their 
 virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive and 
 ruinous svstem of colony administration adopted by the 
 British ministry." Richard Henry Lee was the chair 
 man of the committee ordered to prepare it, and penned 
 the elegant letter of thanks which may be found in the 
 I. Vol. of the journals of the old congress, page 14M.* 
 Neither of the brothers was aware of the agency which 
 each had had in the production of these papers until after 
 the revolution, when they disclosed to one another the 
 authorship of them.f 
 
 At this second session of the old congress another pe 
 tition to the king, and another address to the people of 
 Great Britain, were adopted. The committee who drew 
 up the address to the people of Great Britain was corn- 
 posed of Richard H. Lee, R. R. Livingston, and Pendle- 
 ton. This impressive and eloquent address was written 
 by the first named gentleman, and may be found in the 
 journals of congress. The petition and address were trans 
 mitted to the "Hon ble Richard Penn, William Bolan, Ar 
 thur Lee, Edmund Burke, and - - Garth, Esqrs.," with 
 the following letter signed by the president of congress, 
 which will be read with interest. 
 
 * See Life of Richard H. Lee, p. 153. t Id. p. 153. See Jour. III. 
 
ARTHUR JLEE. 47 
 
 " Gentlemen, The perseverance of the British minis 
 try in their unjust and cruel system of colony administra 
 tion has occasioned the meeting of another congress. We 
 have again appealed to the justice of our sovereign for 
 protection against the destruction which his ministers 
 meditate for his American subjects. 
 
 This petition to his majesty you will please gentle 
 men to present to the king, with all convenient expedi 
 tion, after which we desire it may be given to the pub 
 lic. We likewise send you our second application to the 
 equity and interest of our fello\v subjects in Great Bri 
 tain, and also a declaration for setting forth the causes of 
 our taking up arms ; both which we wish may be immedi 
 ately put to the press, and communicated as universally 
 as possible. 
 
 The congress entertain the highest sense of the wise 
 and worthy interposition of the lord mayor and livery of 
 London, in favour of injured America. They have ex 
 pressed this their sense in a letter to his lordship and the 
 livery, which we desire may be presented in the manner 
 most agreeable to that respectable body. 
 
 You will oblige us, gentlemen, by giving the most early 
 information to congress, and to the speakers of our re 
 spective assemblies, of your proceedings in this business, 
 and such further intelligence as you may judge to be of 
 importance to America in this great contest. 
 
 We are with great regard, gentlemen, your most obe 
 dient and very humble servants, &c. 
 
 By order of the congress. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, Preset.* 
 Philadelphia, July Sth, 1775." 
 
 Messrs. Penn and Lee presented the original to the 
 king, through the secretary for the colonies, who soon re 
 plied to them that "no answer would be given." Mr. 
 Lee has endorsed on the paper from which the letter of 
 the president of congress was copied, the following note 
 and memorandum. 
 
 * This is taken from a copy signed with the president s autographic signature. 
 
48 LIFE OF 
 
 "Mr. Lee and Mr. Penn present their respects to Lord 
 Dartmouth, and enclose a copy of an humble and earnest 
 petition from the continental congress in America to the 
 king ; they mean, with Lord Dartmouth s permission, to 
 wait on his lordship on Wednesday next at noon, with 
 the original, for his lordship to present to his majesty. 
 
 Garden Court , Middle Temple, Aug. 21, 1775. 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Earl of Dartmouth, 
 Secretary of State for America." 
 
 i 
 
 An answer having been refused to this petition, Mr. 
 Lee and Mr. Penn directed it to be printed in the public 
 papers, with this advertisement prefixed: " The follow 
 ing is a true copy of the petition from the general con 
 gress in America to his majesty, which we delivered to 
 Lord Dartmouth the 1st of this month, and to which his 
 lordship said no answer would be given. 
 
 c,. ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 S S ned > RICHARD PENN. 
 
 Sept. 4th, 1775." 
 
 Such was the result of the second attempt of the con 
 gress to effect a return, by the English ministry, to the 
 principles of the constitution, and to avoid the last resort 
 of the injured and oppressed. The times were gloomy, 
 and the future was dark. "Men s souls" were indeed 
 now "to be tried." The following letter from Mr. James 
 Lovel of Boston, to Mr. Lee, will give the reader some 
 idea of the lawless and daring outrages which were com 
 mitted against the free citizens of the colonies by the 
 English governors and commanders. This gentleman 
 was afterwards, and for a long time, a deputy from Massa 
 chusetts to the congress, and was a conspicuous and use 
 ful member. 
 
 " Sir, Suffering under a most wanton exercise of 
 military power, I am sure it is needless to do any thing 
 further, than establish that fact as an introduction to your 
 notice and benevolent exertions for me ; though I am 
 personally a stranger to you, however strictly intimate 
 with your real character, through your most favoured cor- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 49 
 
 respondents in New England, and your political writ 
 ings. 
 
 You know that General Gage, with troops from Great 
 Britain, entered Boston with professions of friendship, 
 and of a design to promote good order in the province. 
 He erected works at the isthmus, which joins the town to 
 the main country. He declared himself shocked, upon a 
 remonstrance of the county of Suffolk, suggesting ap 
 prehended danger to the inhabitants of the capital city, 
 in the month of September 1774. in April 1775, a foolish 
 military excursion to the town of Concord brought on the 
 present warlike proceedings of America. In the week 
 after that rupture, the inhabitants of my native town were 
 called upon to deliver up their arms, on condition of being 
 at liberty to depart with all their effects, or to tarry under 
 the general s protection. 
 
 The papers enclosed to you herewith, will discover the 
 series of treatment which I experienced from that time. 
 General Gage left Boston October 10th last year ; at 
 which time I sent copies of all my letters and petitions, 
 whereby I had aimed to regain freedom by trial, with a, 
 copy of General Howe s evasive answer. I wrote also 
 to the lord mayor of London ; to the printer of the Lon 
 don Mercury, and to General Gage. 1 suspect the bearer 
 Mr. William Powell deceived me, and did not deliver the 
 packet to Mr. Thomas Broomfield, merchant ; or that 
 the latter through timidity, suppressed the papers. 
 
 When I was hurried from Boston jail in last March, I 
 left my pocket book with my wife, but I recollected the 
 most material passages in my petitions, for the informa 
 tion of my friends here, and afterwards gave them in 
 charge to Mr. Michael Joy, who sailed from hence the 1 2th 
 May. This worthy young man having been the protec 
 tor of my family after my arrest, can give you a very 
 minute description of its miseries. 
 
 General Gage threw me into prison, and left Gen. 
 Howe with only the power of a jailor as he pretended, 
 in October, though at the same time he offered to ex 
 change me for two military officers. 
 
 The present commander, Gen. Massie, declares that 
 VOL. i. 7 
 
50 LIFE OF 
 
 his hands are tied. He sent his chaplain to tell the 
 prisoners, that he would take upon himself to release us 
 for an equal number, if our friends would discharge such 
 a number. He directed us to write letters to that pur 
 port, and said he would forward them immediately : but 
 in two days after he acquainted a person who offered a 
 vessel for a flag of truce, that if prisoners were actually 
 to arrive here under a flag, he should be obliged to seize 
 them till Gen. Howe s orders. Such is the duplicity with 
 which British heroes conduct, after undertaking the task 
 of kidnapping freeborn citizens ! 
 
 I have not obtained a sight of General Massie, nor even 
 one of his aids de camp. I have no prospect of release 
 from jail, but through your sagacity and humane and 
 generous spirit. 
 
 Hancock and Mams are the only names excepted in the 
 lying act of grace, of June \1th. But there is a deep 
 rancour against me for having publicly repeated, after 
 judge Blackstone, what the murderers have now taught 
 me by experience, " that slaves envy the freedom of 
 others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to 
 destroy it." 
 
 I must not omit to tell you that on the second of Feb. 
 the general got possession of a billet, which I had given 
 that morning to one going to Point Shirley. He there 
 upon ordered me to be closely locked up, and be debarred 
 the use of pen, ink, and paper. They will plead this as 
 a proof of my just imprisonment; but surely, sir, it can 
 not have such a retrospective force. I was as innocent 
 as an unborn infant, as to the forbidden correspondence, 
 until I had been unjustly distressed in prison. The 
 promised protection of June 12th, being taken from me, 
 I slighted the wretches, and all their military edicts : 
 and I continue to do it most cordially. 
 
 Should you recover the papers referred to as sent in 
 October and May, I am satisfied you will judge that I 
 have maintained a manly spirit, under all my past op 
 pressions. I hope you will be induced to believe that no 
 fresh exertions of the scientific barbarity of those who 
 hold me in duress, shall bring me to any conduct that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 51 
 
 can be disgraceful to the patronage which I promise 
 myself you will afford to, sir, your sincere admirer and 
 suffering humble servant. 
 
 JAMES LOVELL. 
 Halifax, ProvosVs, June the 25th, 1776." 
 
 This letter from his manly and suffering fellow citi 
 zen, did not reach Mr. Lee in time to enable him to 
 exert himself to procure the release of Mr. Lovell. Be 
 tween this gentleman and Mr. Lee there began a warm 
 friendship and correspondence from Mr. Lee s receipt of 
 this letter which continued until their death. They had 
 never seen each other until the return of Mr. Lee from 
 France in the year 1781, although the terms of their 
 letters written during the residence of Mr. Lee abroad, 
 would induce a reader to suppose they had long been 
 personally ^acquainted. 
 
52 LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Mr. Lee is appointed in Dec. 1775, secret Agent of Congress Letter of the " Se 
 cret Corresponding Committee" of Congress, acquainting him of the appoint 
 ment and the purpose of it His interviews with the French Minister at London 
 He goes to France as secret Agent, in the spring of the year 1776 His interviews 
 with Vergennes and Turgot The Result of his Mission In the fall of 1776, he 
 is appointed a Joint Commissioner to the Court of France, with Dr. Franklin and 
 Silas Deane Letter to Lord Shelburne Interesting Anecdote of Voltaire 
 Agency for the State of Virginia His learned and political friends in France, 
 Turgot, Adanson, Vergennes, Neckar, Breteuil, &c. State of Affairs in America 
 in the winter of 1776-7 Memorial on this subject, from the American Com 
 missioners to the Court of France Written by Mr. Lee Note of the Commis 
 sioners to the same, touching the capture of an American vessel on the coast of 
 France Mr. Lee is appointed sole Commissioner to the Court of Madrid Goes 
 to Spain Is desired by that^CouVt not to proceed to Madrid -His letters to the 
 Commissioners in Paris,*from, Victoria in Spain Their tteply written by Dr. 
 Franklin The British Court remonstrates with that of Spain against the recep 
 tion of Mr. Lee His Correspondence on this subject His Memorial to the 
 Court of Spain on the subject of his Mission Results of it He returns to Paris 
 ^ Is sent to Berlin as Commissioner to the Court of Prussia Letter from Berlin 
 to General Washington Spanish Papers. 
 
 IN the month of November 1775, the congress ap 
 pointed a committee for the purpose of secretly corres 
 ponding with the friends of the colonies, "in Great Bri 
 tain, Ireland, and in other parts of the world. "* The prin 
 cipal object of this committee was to ascertain the feel 
 ings and views of the courts of France and Spain, in regard 
 to the dispute between the colonies and Great Britain ; 
 and how far they would be disposed to assist them in arms, 
 ammunition and money, and eventually to form trea 
 ties of commerce and alliance with them. It was known 
 that France had not been an idle spectator of the con 
 test between Great Britain and her colonies. The con 
 gress was desirous of ascertaining more directly her 
 views on this subject. To enable them to attain their 
 object, the committee was authorized to appoint secret 
 
 * See Secret Journals, vol. i. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 53 
 
 agents abroad to aid them in obtaining the most authen 
 tic information on every point/rfi which it was important 
 to have certain intelligence. VThe committee, which was 
 styled " the Secret Committee of Congress," appointed 
 Mr. Lee their secret agent in London. Of this appoint 
 ment he was informed by a letter from that committee, 
 which is here inserted from the original MS. in the hand 
 writing of Dr. Franklin, with the signatures of Dr. 
 Franklin, John Dickinson and John Jay, in their hand 
 writing. \This letter cannot fail to interest the reader, 
 for it contains the views of congress, at an early and mo 
 mentous period of the revolution, on subjects ol the last 
 importance. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 12th, 1775. 
 
 " Sir, By this conveyance we have the pleasure of 
 transmitting to you sundry printed papers, that such of 
 them as you think proper may be immediately published 
 in England. 
 
 We have w r ritten on the subject of American affairs 
 to Monsieur C. G. F. Dumas, who resides at the Hague. 
 We recommend to you to correspond with him, and to 
 send through his hands any letters to us \vhich you can 
 not send more directly. He w r ill transmit them via St. 
 Eustatia. When you write to him direct your letter 
 thus, A Mons : Mons : C. G. F. Dumas, cher Mad. 
 le V. Loder a la Hague, and put it under cover, direct 
 ed to Mr. A. Stucky> merchant, at Rotterdam. 
 
 Mr. Story may be trusted with any despatches you 
 think proper to send us. You will be so kind as to aid 
 and advise him. 
 
 It would be agreeable to congress to know the disposi 
 tion of foreign powers towards ws, and we hope this ob 
 ject will engage your attention. We need not hint that 
 great circumspection and impenetrable sccresy are necessary. 
 The congress rely on your zeal and abilities to serve 
 them, and will readily compensate you for whatever 
 trouble and expense a compliance with their desire may 
 pccasion. We remit you for the present 200. 
 : Whenever you think the importance of your des- 
 
54 LIFE OF 
 
 patches may require it, we desire you to send an express 
 boat with them from England, for which service your 
 agreement with the owner there shall be fulfilled by us 
 here. 
 
 We can now only add that w r e continue firm in our 
 resolutions to defend ourselves, notwithstanding the big 
 threats of the ministry. We have just taken one of their 
 ordnance storeships, in which an abundance of carcasses 
 and bombs intended for burning our towns, were found. 
 
 With great esteem we are, sir, your most obedient 
 humble servants. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN, } n ... / 
 ,^ f Committee of 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON, > ^ j J 
 
 L Correspondence. 
 JOHN JAY, } 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 In the capacity of agent for the secret committee of 
 congress Mr. Lee acted with a zeal yet more active than 
 he had heretofore done, and with more assured confidence 
 exerted himself in behalf of his country. Feeling that 
 his new character as agent for so respectable a body as 
 the continental congress gave more importance and im 
 parted more weight to his efforts as its authority empow 
 ered him to enlarge them, he gave free course to his active 
 and patriotic mind. From this time until he left England 
 he devoted himself almost entirely to public concerns. 
 
 As soon as he received the foregoing letter from the 
 secret committee, he sought and obtained several inter 
 views with the French ambassador at the court of Great 
 Britain, and urged upon the attention of his court the di 
 rect interest of France, in afTording to the colonies the 
 cheerings of her friendship, and even her aid. In conse 
 quence of these conferences with the French ambassa 
 dor, the count de Vergennes, then the prime minister of 
 Lewis the 1 6th, an able and enlightened statesman to whom 
 the colonies were deeply indebted, sent a gentleman* in 
 a confidential manner to Mr. Lee in London, to inform 
 him " that the French court could not think of entering 
 
 * This person wag Mons. Caron de Beaumarchais. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 into a war with England; but that they would assist 
 America by sending from Holland this fall 200,000 worth 
 of arms and ammunition to St. Eustatia, Martinique or 
 Cape Francois ; that application was to be made to the go- J 
 vernors or commandants of those places, by enquiring for 
 Mons. Hortalez; and that on persons properly authorized 
 applying, the above articles would be delivered to them." 
 Mr. Lee immediately informed Mr. Storey, (the gentleman 
 mentioned in the foregoing letter from the secret com 
 mittee) who had been sent by that committee on a se 
 cret agency to France, Holland and England. This gen 
 tleman did not reach America with this important intelli 
 gence until several months afterwards.* ^ 
 
 V/ In the winter of 1776 Mr. Lee repaired to Paris by 
 the direction of the secret committee of congress (to 
 which committee that body had intrusted all its business 
 with foreign agents and foreign courts), as their secret 
 agent, to improve the favourable disposition of France 
 towards the colonies. In this capacity he was received 
 and was kindly and respectfully treated by Count Ver- 
 gennes. The reader can well imagine with what earnest 
 ness and ability he availed himself of the opportunity 
 now afforded him of placing the situation, character and 
 concerns of his country in favourable and interesting 
 views before the mind of Vergennes. Mr. Lee did not 
 confine his exertions to the French ministry alone, but 
 laboured to produce the same sentiments in the minds of 
 distinguished and influential men in France who held no 
 
 , official stations ; and to awaken a feeling of good will 
 towards America in the French nation. To enable him 
 to do this, he obtained the acquaintance of the class of 
 men just alluded to, and wrote short and popular pieces 
 in the journals of the day calculated to inform the pub 
 lic mind of the amount of the population of the colonies, 
 the products of their country, and the commercial advan 
 tages they held out to France. There were at this 
 
 * See the first No. of the American Quarterly Review, which contains a very in 
 teresting article, " The Secret Journals of the old Congress." The writer of it had 
 access to the journal of the secret committee, from which he has given extracts 
 confirming the account here given of Mr. Lee s agency in the incipient and important 
 negotiations of the United States with France. 
 
56 LIFE OF 
 
 time in France many men who had great influence 
 on public opinion, though they held no offices under the 
 government, and took little part in what might be termed 
 practical politics. They obtained this influence from the 
 fame of their learning and from their political writings. 
 To them Mr. Lee found an easy access; and his literary 
 and scientific acquirements proved of essential advantage 
 (as well as a source of enjoyment in his intercourse with 
 them), in gaining their attention to the affairs of America. 
 Among these persons the celebrated Turgot held a con 
 spicuous place. Mr. Lee cultivated his acquaintance, and 
 presented to his enthusiastic mind the character of his 
 countrymen as a brave people, warmly and obstinately at 
 tached to freedom ; and to his judgment, the policy of 
 France in assisting them in wresting from England their 
 political independence. Impressed by the forcible repre 
 sentation of Mr. Lee, the Count de Vergennes in the 
 spring of 76 presented to the king a memorial on Ameri 
 can affairs, accompanied with reflections of Turgot on 
 the subject of it. The policy advised by this memorial 
 and enforced by the reflections of Mons. Turgot, was "to fa 
 cilitate to the colonists the means of procuring in the way 
 of commerce the articles and even the money which they 
 needed ; but without departing from neutrality, and with 
 out giving them direct strccours." This aid, even thus 
 furnished, was as much as Mr. Lee could anticipate at 
 this time. 
 
 To carry into effect this plan of assisting the Ameri 
 cans, Vergennes directed the same secret agent whom he 
 had sent to London in December ?/) to w T ait on Mr. Lee ; 
 and inform him of the views and determination of the 
 French court respecting America. Mr. Lee transmitted 
 this highly important intelligence to the secret committee, 
 through the same gentleman to whom he had communicated 
 the message of Vergennes delivered to him in London in 
 the preceding fall. This gentleman (Mr. Storey) reached 
 Philadelphia, and imparted the information of the official 
 promise of aid from the court of France to Dr. Franklin 
 and Robert Morris, two of the committee, on the first of 
 October 1776. The minutes or journals of this transac- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 57 
 
 tion kept by the committee, are here taken from an ex 
 tract from their journal, to be found in the article refer 
 red to in the ably conducted and useful periodical, the 
 American Quarterly Review, page 132, &c. After stat 
 ing the information received (as they say) from Mr. Ar 
 thur Lee through Mr. Storey, the two members of the 
 committee just named thus proceed: 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, October 1st, 1776. The above in 
 telligence was communicated to the subscribers, being 
 the only two members of the committee of secret corre 
 spondence now in this city ; and on our considering the na 
 ture and importance of it, we agree in opinion that it is 
 our indispensable duty to keep it a secret, even from con 
 gress, for the following reasons : 
 
 1st. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New- 
 York, they would undoubtedly take measures to intercept 
 these supplies, and thereby deprive us not only of these 
 succours but of others expected by the same route. 
 
 2d. As the court of France have taken measures to 
 negotiate this loan and succour in the most cautious 
 and secret manner, should we divulge it immediately we 
 may not only lose the present benefit, but also render 
 that court cautious of any further connexion with such 
 unguarded people, and prevent their granting other loans 
 and assistance we stand in need of, and have directed 
 Mr. Deane to ask of them ; for it appears from all our 
 intelligence they are not disposed to enter into an imme 
 diate war with Great Britain, though disposed to support 
 us in our contest with them ; we therefore think it our 
 duty to cultivate their favourable disposition towards us, 
 to draw from them all the support we can ; and in the 
 end their private aid must assist us to establish peace, 
 or inevitably draw them as parties to the war. 
 
 3d. We find by fatal experience, the congress consists 
 of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be 
 more strongly enjoined than the present embassy to 
 France, notwithstanding which, Mr. Morris was this day 
 asked by Mr. Rees Meredith, whether Dr. Franklin and 
 others were really going ambassadors to France, which 
 VOL. i. 8 
 
58 LIFE OF 
 
 plainly proves that this committee ought to keep this 
 secret, if secresy is required. 
 
 4th. We are of opinion that it is unnecessary to inform 
 congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr. Mor 
 ris belongs to all the committees that can properly be 
 employed in receiving and importing the expected sup 
 plies from Martinique, and will influence the necessary 
 measures for that purpose ; indeed, we have already au 
 thorized William Bingham, Esq. to apply at Martinique 
 and St. Eustatius for what comes there, and remit part 
 by the armed sloop Independence, Capt. Young, promis 
 ing to send others for the rest. 
 
 Mr. Morris will apply to the marine committee to send 
 other armed vessels after her, and also to Cape Francois, 
 (without communicating this advice) in consequence of 
 private intelligence lately received, that arms, ammuni 
 tion and clothing, can now be procured at those places. 
 
 But should unexampled misfortune befal the states of 
 America, so as to depress the spirits of congress, it is our 
 opinion that on any event of that kind, Mr. Morris (if 
 Dr. Franklin should be absent) should communicate this 
 important matter to congress, otherwise keep it until part 
 or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen 
 to render the communication of it more proper than it 
 appears to be at present." 
 
 The reviewer, in the article just referred to, adds to 
 these minutes of the committee this observation : " This 
 was signed by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Morris, and soon 
 after approved by Richard H. Lee and Mr. Hooper, two 
 other members of the committee." 
 
 From the spring of the year 1776 until the fall of it, 
 k Mr. Lee remained in Paris as a secret agent of congress. 
 He then returned to England, and resided in London 
 until the month of December, when having received an 
 official notification of his appointment as a commissioner 
 to France, he repaired again to Paris. ^ His conduct in 
 the capacity of a secret agent in France, had given great 
 satisfaction to that body. He did not confine himself 
 within the exact line of his instructions, as agent to the 
 French court. He sought and improved the acquaint- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 59 
 
 ance of the ambassadors of the different powers then in 
 Paris ; and by turning their attention to the struggle of 
 the British colonies in North America, and by giving 
 them correct information concerning their affairs, he in 
 spired them with respect and interest for his country. 
 He particularly sought to engage the consideration of 
 the Spanish ambassador, and through him, of his court. 
 He had so far succeeded in gaining the serious attention 
 of the Spanish minister, before the arrival of the commis 
 sioners from America, and before the appointment of a 
 representative to the court of Spain, that he had actually 
 proposed to that court to join France in secretly aiding 
 the United States with money, arms and other warlike 
 stores. 
 
 In the month of September (the colonies having de 
 clared themselves free and independent states in the pre 
 ceding July) the congress proceeded to establish diplo 
 matic intercourse with foreign nations, and to appoint 
 commissioners to represent the United States, at those 
 courts which they considered of the most importance and 
 power. Mr. Lee was elected, with Silas Deane, Esq. as 
 one of a joint commission to the court of France, with 
 whom Dr. Franklin was afterwards joined. He was 
 made acquainted with the honour thus conferred upon 
 him, through a letter from the secret committee, which 
 had been styled, since the declaration of independence, 
 " Committee of Correspondence." 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 23, 1776. 
 " Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 Sir, By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deane, 
 .Esq. a resolve of the honourable continental congress of 
 delegates from the thirteen United States of America, 
 whereby you are appointed one of their commissioners 
 for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity and commerce, 
 with the court of France, and also for negotiating trea 
 ties with other nations, agreeably to certain plans and j 
 instructions of congress, which we have transmitted by 
 various conveyances to Mr. Deane, another of the com- 1 
 missioners. We have requested him to give you imme 
 diate notice to join him, and on your meeting to deliver 
 
60 LIFE OF 
 
 this letter and lay before you all the papers and instruc 
 tions, also to deliver you the resolve whereby you are 
 appointed. We flatter ourselves from the assurance of 
 our friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake this 
 important business, and that our country will greatly be 
 nefit of those abilities and that attachment you have al 
 ready manifested in sundry important services, which at 
 a proper period shall be made known to those you wish. 
 
 This committee will think it proper to address all their 
 despatches unto Mr. Deane, until they have certain ad 
 vice that his colleagues have joined him, but the com 
 munication of them will be the same as if addressed to 
 the whole. 
 
 We remain with much regard and esteem, sir, your 
 most obedient, humble servants, 
 
 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN." 
 
 In the following letter Mr. Lee alludes to the promise 
 of aid made to him by the court of France while he re 
 mained in London, and of which he had informed con 
 gress, through Mr. Storey. It conveys to congress his 
 thanks for the honour they had done him, in terms of 
 warm love for his country. 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 31, 1776. 
 " To the honourable committee of correspondence, 
 
 Gentlemen, I had the honour of receiving your favour 
 of the 3 1st Oct., announcing to me my appointment as 
 one of the commissioners from the congress of the United 
 States of America. I cannot express how much I am 
 obliged to that most respectable body, for giving me an 
 opportunity of showing how much I prefer the service of 
 my country and her present cause, to every other pursuit 
 and situation in life. 
 
 I had the happiness of joining Dr. Franklin and Mr. 
 Deane the day after the arrival of the former at this 
 place. We have employed every moment in preparing 
 the way for fulfilling the purport of our mission. It is 
 impossible to say yet in what degree we shall be able to 
 accomplish our instructions and our wishes. The poli-i 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 61 
 
 tics of Europe are in a state of trembling hesitation. It 
 is in consequence of this that I find the promises that 
 were made me by the French agent in London, and 
 which I stated to you by Mr. Storey and others, have not 
 been entirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode of 
 conveying what was promised was settled with Mr. 
 Deane, whom Mr. Hortalez found here on his return, and 
 with whom all the arrangements were afterwards made. 
 I hope you will have received some of the supplies long 
 before this reaches you. Infinitely short as they are of 
 what was promised in quantity, quality and time, I trust 
 they will be of very material service in the operations of 
 the next campaign. It is that to which, to use the ex 
 pression of our arch enemy, we must look ; and no exer 
 tions in preparing for it can be too great, because the 
 events of it must be very decisive. 
 
 I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your very obe 
 dient servant, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 It will not much interrupt the continuity of Mr. Lee s 
 occupations at the court of France, to introduce here 
 a beautiful letter of Mr. Lee, written in reply to Lord 
 Shelburne, who had given to the Abbe Raynal a letter 
 of introduction to him. It may be proper to mention 
 that Mr. Lee for several years before he left England, 
 had enjoyed the friendship of that estimable nobleman, 
 one of the earliest and steadiest friends of the colonies 
 among the English politicians and ministers. They con 
 tinued to correspond long after the war between their 
 respective nations had ceased, and the independence of 
 the United States had been acknowledged by Great Bri 
 tain. The reader will find in Appendix, No. 10, and 
 will peruse with no little pleasure, the letters of Lord 
 Shelburne, (afterwards the Marquis of Lansdown) to 
 Mr. Lee, on the subject of the federal constitution of the 
 United States, which had been proposed to the people 
 for adoption, and had become at the period when some 
 of the letters of the marquis were writen, a topic of 
 anxious discussion by American statesmen.* 
 
 * The reader will find an interesting letter in the " Memoirs" of Mr. Lee, No. 
 2, of the Appendix, to Dr. Priestley, in which he gives the Dr., who had asked it, 
 
62 LIFE OF 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 23d, 1776. 
 " To the Right Honourable the earl of Shelburne. 
 
 My Lord, A very few hours after my last letter to 
 your lordship brought me the desire of my country, that 
 I should serve her in a public character. Your lordship 
 thinks too well of me, I hope, to suppose I could hesitate 
 a moment. In fact almost the same minute saw me bid 
 adieu perhaps forever to a country where I had fixed my 
 fortunes, and to a people whom I most respected and 
 could have loved. But the first object of my life is my 
 country, the first wish of my heart is public liberty. I 
 must see therefore the liberties of my country established, 
 or perish in her last struggle. 
 
 In truth I have long despaired even of a struggle for 
 liberty in England, I will not insult Scotland with the 
 idea. It is not the subtle Wedderburne, poisoning the 
 fountain of public security ; nor the ruthless Thurlow 
 deliberately butchering the liberties of his country, that 
 makes me despair ; but and yet perhaps the people 
 only are not virtuous, and America may yet, with a sort 
 of filial piety, reanimate her expiring constitution. Our 
 pater patriot with whom and Mr. Deane I am joined in 
 power, is in good health and spirits. If fate will have 
 it that America, as she has reared her temples and her 
 altars to liberty, must furnish her victims too, I know 
 not where she can find a sacrifice more respectable. 
 
 Should the event of this measure be found fatal to 
 England, it is the perfidy of her ministers, which 
 would never offer any thing that could be trusted, that 
 compel it, and to which the consequences are justly im- 
 putable. 
 
 I beg your lordship to remember me as one who can 
 never cease to have the most perfect esteem for you. 
 I have communicated to the Abbe Raynal all the facts I 
 could collect in answer to his questions. He will write 
 to you soon. 
 
 his opinion of the character of Lord Shelburne. The Dr. had been solicited by his 
 lordship to become the tutor of his eldest son. 
 t Dr. Franklin, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 63 
 
 May I beg to be remembered to our friends in the 
 college and to those out of it, who I hope will always do 
 me the honour of remembering me, Col. Barre, Mr. 
 Dunning, Dr. Priestley, Dr. Price, &c. &c. 
 
 I have the honour of being your friend and humble 
 servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 The two other commissioners having now joined Mr. 
 Lee at Paris, they immediately commenced their confer 
 ences and negotiations with the court of France.* On 
 the 5th January 1777, they presented to that court the 
 following memorial. 
 
 " To his excellency Count de Vergennes, 
 
 The congress the better to defend their coasts, pro 
 tect their trade, and drive off the enemy, have instruct 
 ed us to apply to France for eight ships of the line, com 
 pletely manned, the expense of which they will under 
 take to pay ; as other princes of Europe are lending or 
 hiring their troops to Britain against America, it is ap 
 prehended that France may if she thinks fit, afford our 
 independent state^ the same kind of aid without giving 
 England any first cause of complaint. But if England 
 should on that account declare war, we conceive that by 
 the united force of France, Spain and America, she will 
 lose all her possessions in the West Indies, much the 
 greatest part of that commerce which has rendered her so 
 opulent, and be reduced to that state of weakness and 
 humiliation she has by her perfidy, her insolence and 
 her cruelty, both in the east and the west so justly me 
 rited. 
 
 We are also instructed to solicit the court of France, 
 for an immediate supply of 20 or 30,000 muskets and 
 bayonets, and a large quantity of ammunition and brass 
 field pieces, to be sent under convoy. The United 
 
 * Mr. Lee often related an anecdote which occurred soon after the American 
 commissioners arrived. Voltaire was then dangerously ill in Paris, where he shortly 
 after died. He had warmly espoused the cause of the Americans. The commis 
 sioners requested to be permitted to wait on him, which Voltaire cheerfully granted. 
 As they entered the room he raised himself feebly up in his bed, and in a moment 
 ary glow of enthusiasm, repeated some beautiful lines from Thompson s Ode to 
 Liberty, commencing " Oh liberty, thou goddess ever bright," &c. 
 
64 LIFE OF 
 
 States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery and 
 ammunition, and to defray the expense of the convoy. 
 This application has now become the more necessary, as 
 the private purchase made by Mr. Deane of those ar 
 ticles is rendered ineffectual, by an order forbidding their 
 exportation. 
 
 We also beg it may be particularly considered that 
 while the English are masters of the American seas, and 
 can without fear of interruption, transport with such ease, 
 their army from one part of our extensive coast to an 
 other, and we can only meet them by land-marches, we 
 may possibly unless some powerful aid is given us, or 
 some strong diversion be made in our favour, be so har- 
 rassed and be put to such immense distress, as that final 
 ly our people will find themselves reduced to the ne 
 cessity of ending the war by an accommodation. 
 
 The courts of France and Spain may rely w r ith the 
 fullest confidence, that whatever stipulations are made 
 by us, in case of granting such aid, will be ratified and 
 punctually fulfilled by the congress, who are determined 
 to found their future character with regard to justice and 
 fidelity on a full and perfect performance of all their 
 present engagements. 
 
 North America now offers to France and Spain her 
 amity and commerce. She is also ready to guaranty 
 in the firmest manner to those nations all her present 
 possessions in the West Indies, as well as those they 
 shall acquire from the enemy, in a war that maybe con 
 sequential of such assistance as she requests. The in 
 terests of the three nations are the same. The oppor-\ 
 tunity of cementing them and of securing all the advan-y 
 tages of that commerce which in time will be immense; 
 now presents itself. If neglected it may never again 
 return. And we cannot help suggesting that a consider 
 able delay may be attended with fatal consequences.* 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE, 
 Commissioners of the Congress qfJY. America." 
 
 * On the paper from which this memorial is copied, Mr. Lee has endorsed, " pre 
 sented to Count Vergennes, through Mons. Girard, Jan. 5th, 1777." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 65 
 
 V 
 
 In the month of December 1777, Congress resolved 
 to appoint commissioners to the courts of Vienna, Spain, 
 Prussia, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. In the 
 month ol^May, Mr. Lee was appointed sole commis- 
 sioner to the court of Spain, by virtue of the following 
 resolve. V 
 
 " Resolved, That a commission be made out and sent 
 to Arthur Lee, Esq. empowering him in behalf of the 
 United States, to transact such business at the court of 
 Spain as shall be intrusted to him by congress, agree 
 ably to the instructions that may be given him, and trans 
 mitted by the Committee of Foreign Affairs."* At the 
 same time William Lee, Esq. a brother of Arthur Lee, 
 who had been acting as an agent of the colonies at the 
 Hague, was appointed commissioner to the courts of Vi 
 enna and Berlin, and Ralph Iszard, Esq. was appointed 
 in the same capacity to the court of the Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany. These appointments are here mentioned be 
 cause many of the letters of both these gentlemen are 
 still preserved among the MSS. of Mr. Lee, and are too 
 interesting and too important to the history of the Unit 
 ed States, to be omitted in his correspondence. They 
 will be found in No. 7 of the Appendix. The commis 
 sion to Mr. Lee may be found in the second volume of 
 the secret journals of the old congress, p. 46. 
 
 The commissioners to the court of France were fur 
 nished with the plan of a treaty to be presented to that 
 court accompanied with detailed instructions, which will 
 be seen in No. 4 of the Append ix.(n) In pursuance of 
 their instructions they immediately proposed to form a 
 treaty of alliance and commerce with France. But France 
 had suffered so severely in the late war with Great Bri 
 tain, that she declined for the present entering into any 
 sort of treaty with the United States, lest it should be 
 considered by England a violation of neutrality, and a 
 cause of war against France. The commissioners how- 
 
 o 
 
 ever pressed the subject from time to time on the atten 
 tion of the French ministry. The utmost good will was 
 entertained by the king and his cabinet towards the Unit- 
 
 * See Secret Journals, &c. vol. ii. p. 44. 
 VOL. I, 9 
 
66 LIFE OF 
 
 ed States. They were furnished with a large supply of 
 warlike stores, and a loan of money was granted. Every 
 thing was done with alacrity which could be done with 
 secrecy to aid the United States in carrying on the war. 
 The cause of America was exceedingly popllar with the 
 French people. It became a theme of enthusiastic ap 
 plause with their orators and poets, and a subject of in 
 terest and reflection to their practical and theoretic states 
 men. 
 
 In reply to the foregoing memorial the commissioners 
 received from the king a communication explaining his 
 views in regard to the United States. They were such 
 as have been stated. To this communication the com 
 missioners replied as follows. 
 
 " We thank Mons. Girard for the polite and explicit 
 manner in which he has communicated his majesty s 
 message. 
 
 We beg to return our most grateful sense of the gra 
 cious intentions which his majesty has had the goodness 
 to signify to our states, and to assure his majesty that 
 we shall ever retain the warmest gratitude for the sub 
 stantial proofs he has given us of his regard, and that we 
 will endeavour in due time to impress our constituents 
 with the same sentiments. 
 
 We feel the strength of the reasons his majesty has 
 been pleased to assign for the conduct he means to hold ; 
 and the magnanimity of his motives. We beg leave to 
 assure his majesty that we shall at all times and in all 
 things endeavour to conform ourselves to the views he has 
 opened for us, as nothing is farther from our intentions 
 than to precipitate his majesty into any measures which 
 his royal wisdom and justice may disapprove. And if in 
 any thing we should contravene those purposes, we shall 
 always be happy and ready to amend it according to the 
 advice and direction of government.* 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 Signed, SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 Paris, January 1 4th, 1777." 
 
 * This reply is taken from the original MSS. written by Mr. Lee, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 67 
 
 The reader will recollect how dark and forboding were 
 the prospects of the United States in the winter of 1777. 
 The successes of the British armies already in America, 
 and the increasing vigour of the ministry in taking mea 
 sures to prosecute the war by means of additional troops 
 from England and Germany, had caused the deepest de 
 jection in the minds of the people, and had disappointed 
 the courts of Europe most friendly to us. The court of 
 France was operated upon by this state of things, and act 
 ed with more and more caution towards the United States. 
 The commissioners however did not despond ; but re 
 doubled their efforts to enlist France actively and openly 
 in our behalf. They urged upon the French ministry \ 
 that the distressed and threatened condition of their coun- 
 try made it more and more the policy of France to take 
 part with North America at once, in order to save the 
 states and rescue them forever from the dominion of 
 Great Britain ; and thus secure an opportunity which 
 might now be lost of increasing the strength, safety and 
 commerce of France. The following interesting memo 
 rial presenting and enforcing these views and arguments 
 of the commissioners, was drawn up by Mr. Lee, approv 
 ed by his colleagues, and presented by him to Count 
 de Vergennes. The perilous condition of the states of 
 Maryland and Virginia is strongly represented, 
 
 " PARIS, February 1st, 1777. 
 
 Messrs. Franklin, Deane and Lee, ministers from the 
 congress of the United States, beg leave to represent to 
 his excellency the Count de Vergennes, that besides the 
 general alarming accounts of the success of the English 
 against their country they have just received authentic 
 intelligence from England that eijiht thousand men, chief 
 ly Germans, under the command of General Burgoyne, 
 are to be sent early in the spring to America, and to be 
 employed, with some ships of war 5 Jj^the-4niLasiaa_jj^ 
 Virginia and Maryland. 
 
 That if not by some means diverted from their design 
 it will be in their power to destroy a great part of those 
 states, as the houses and estates of the principal inhabi- 
 
68 LIFE OF 
 
 tants are situated on the navigable waters, and so sepa 
 rated from each other as to be incapable of being defend 
 ed from armed vessels conveying troops, the place of 
 whose landing cannot be foreseen, and consequently force 
 cannot be assembled in all places sufficient to oppose 
 them. 
 
 That great danger is also to be apprehended from the 
 blacks of those states, who, being excited and armed by 
 the British, may greatly strengthen the invaders, at the 
 the same time that the fear of their insurrection will pre 
 vent the white inhabitants from leaving their places of 
 residence and assembling in such numbers for their own 
 defence against the English as otherwise they might do. 
 
 That the greatest part of the tobacco of those states 
 is probably collected as usual in the warehouses of the 
 inspectors, which are also situated on navigable waters, 
 and will be liable to be taken and destroyed by the in 
 vaders ; that the destruction of these two states probably 
 may make a great impression on the people in the rest, 
 who, seeing no prospect of assistance from any European 
 power, may be more inclined to listen to terms of ac 
 commodation. 
 
 That the supplies of arms and ammunition of war 
 which they Jjave been made to expect from France, hav 
 ing been by various means delayed and retarded, are not 
 likely to arrive before the commencement of the next 
 campaign, and may perhaps be despaired of, especially if 
 those supplies are to be carried first to the French islands. 
 
 That notwithstanding the measures taken to convince 
 the court of Britain that France does not countenance 
 the Americans, that court, according to our information, 
 believes firmly the contrary ; and it is submitted to the 
 consideration of your excellency, whether, if the English 
 make a conquest of the American states, they will not 
 take the first opportunity of showing their resentment, 
 by beginning themselves the war that would otherwise 
 be avoided ; and perhaps beginning it as they did the 
 last, without any previous declaration. 
 
 That upon the whole, we cannot on this occasion omit 
 expressing our apprehensions, that if Britain is now suf- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 69 
 
 fered to recover the colonies and annex again their great 
 growing strength and commerce to her own, she will be 
 come in a few years the most formidable power, by sea 
 and land, that Europe has jet seen, and assuredly, from 
 the natural pride and insolence of that people, a power 
 to all the other states the most pernicious and intoler 
 able. 
 
 We would therefore, with all deference submit it to 
 the wisdom of his majesty and his ministers, whether, if 
 the independence of the United States of America, with 
 the consequent diminution of British power, and the 
 freedom of commerce with them, be an object of import 
 ance to all Europe, and to France in particular, this is 
 not the proper time for effectual exertions in their fa 
 vour ; and for commencing that war, which can scarcely 
 be much longer avoided, and which will be sanctified by 
 this best of justifications, that a much injured and inno 
 cent people will thereby be protected and deTTver^lrom 
 cruel oppression, and secured in the enjoyment of their 
 just rights ; than which, nothing can contribute more to 
 the glory of his majesty and of this nation. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 Signed, SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To his excellency the Count de Vergennes." 
 
 The author has found among the MSS. of Mr. Lee, a 
 paper with a note attached to it, both signed by the 
 three commissioners, and^containing private resolutions 
 for their own conduct. The ntote is in the hand-writing 
 of Mr. Lee. It contains sentinients of devotion to their 
 country most honourable tb the commissioners, and touch 
 ing to the heart of an American reader. 
 
 "PARIS, Feb. 2, 1777. 
 
 We the commissioners plenipotentiary from the con 
 gress of the United States of America are unanimously 
 of opinion, that if France or Spain should conclude a 
 treaty of amity and commerce with our states, and enter 
 into a war with Great Britain in consequence of that, or 
 
70 LIFE OF 
 
 of open aid given to our states, it will be very right and 
 proper for us, or in the absence of the others, for any one 
 of us, to stipulate and agree that the United States shall 
 not separately conclude a peace, nor aid Great Britain 
 against France or Spain, nor intermit their best exer 
 tions against Great Britain during the continuance of 
 such war. Provided always, that France and Spain do 
 on their part enter into a similar stipulation with our 
 states. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 (Note attached to the foregoing paper.) 
 
 "PATHS, Feb. 5, 1777. 
 
 It is further considered that in the present perils of 
 the liberties of our country, it is our duty to hazard 
 every thing in their support and defence , therefore re 
 solved unanimously, that if it should be necessary to the 
 attainment of any thing in our best judgment essential to 
 the defence and support of the public cause, that we 
 should pledge our persons, or hazard the censure of the 
 congress, by exceeding our instructions, we will for such 
 purpose most cheerfully resign our personal liberty or 
 life. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 Signed, SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 About this time a vessel belonging to the United States 
 was captured by a British armed ship, so near to the 
 French coast as in the opinion of the commissioners to 
 violate the neutrality and insult the dignity of France. 
 They received at the same time information from Eng-j 
 land, that a fleet had been ordered to cruise near the j^ 
 French coast, in order to intercept some merchantmen 
 laden with tobacco for the use of congress, which had 
 sailed from the United States. To prevail on this pur 
 pose, as well as to urge France to interfere, and if pos- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 71 
 
 sible to bring her into collision with Great Britain, 
 (which was, it is manifest, the secret object and wish of 
 the commissioners) Mr. Lee drew up a communication 
 to the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of the cap 
 ture of the American vessel, and the threatened danger 
 to the tobacco ships. The author finds the MS. in the 
 hand-writing of Mr. Lee, endorsed " drawn up by A. 
 Lee." It is too interesting to be omitted. 
 
 " The commissioners from the United States of Ame 
 rica desire to represent to his excellency Count Ver 
 gennes, that they have received authentic information of 
 a vessel belonging to the states having been taken by the 
 Culloden ship of war, belonging to his Britannic majesty, 
 close to the coast of France ; and that the same ship of 
 war chased another vessel belonging to the states so near 
 to the French shore, as to be put in imminent danger of 
 running aground. 
 
 They have been farther informed, that in consequence 
 of intelligence given by the mate who lately betrayed an 
 American ship into the enemy s hands, that a large fleet 
 from Maryland and Virginia, laden with tobacco, might 
 soon be expected upon the French coast, the government 
 of Great Britain have ordered an additional number of 
 ships of war to cruise there in order to intercept them ; 
 and have given encouragement to individuals to fit out 
 small privateers, which may run in nearer shore than is 
 safe for large ships. 
 
 The commissioners therefore pray that his majesty 
 will signify to the court of Great Britain his sense of the 
 impropriety of such proceedings, and his resolution to 
 maintain the neutrality of his coast ; and that ships of 
 war be immediately ordered to cruise for that purpose. \ 
 
 The loss of those tobacco ships would be not only a ; 
 great loss to the states and detrimental to the commerce , 
 of France, but would disable them to fulfil their contracts i 
 with the Farmers General, so punctually as is necessary, ! 
 and as they desire. They are therefore more earnest in 
 wishing that no moment may be lost in rendering the 
 coast of France secure, in the navigation of it, from the 
 intended depredation of Great Britain. 
 
73 LIFE OF 
 
 The commissioners submit it to the consideration of 
 his majesty, whether, agreeable to the laws of neutrality, 
 the American vessel taken by the Culloden British ship, 
 Capt. Balfour, upon the coast of France, ought not to be 
 demanded of the British court, to be restored to those 
 who claim her. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 To his excellency Count Vergennes." 
 
 In pursuance of the resolution of congress to appoint 
 commissioners to the several courts before mentioned, 
 Dr. Franklin had been commissioned to negotiate with 
 
 /-N 
 
 Spain previously to the appointment of Mr. Lee to that 
 court. It has been stated that while he was acting as 
 the secret agent of congress at Paris, he had held sev 
 eral conferences with the Spanish_jiual)as^ador ; and had 
 succeeded so far in exciting an interest in his mind for the 
 people of the United States, as to prevail on him to re 
 present to his court their situation, and the desire of con 
 gress to establish a friendly understanding with Spain. 
 He had succeeded in obtaining a promise from the Span 
 ish court of secret assistance in money. Having inform 
 ed congress of the friendly disposition of Spain, the 
 commissioners had been instructed to cultivate it. In 
 order more effectually to do this they considered it of 
 importance to depute one of their body to Madrid. JV1& 
 J^^^^^^ected^foLthjsjniission ; and had left Paris, 
 and was on his way To Spain before the arrival of the de 
 spatches from congress acquainting them of the appoint 
 ment of Dr. Franklin, a commissioner to the court of 
 Spain. 
 
 Mr. Lee left Paris in February 1777, and proceeded 
 to Victoria and thence to Burgoss. Dr. Franklin de 
 clined the appointment to Spain, and acquainted con 
 gress with his reasons. Mr. Lee was afterwards, on the 
 1st May of that year, appointed sole commissioner to 
 Spain, ancl by a resolution of congress this appointment 
 was declared not to interrupt or discontinue his powers 
 and duties as a joint commissioner to the court of France.^ 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 73 
 
 As the condition and the future interests of the Unit 
 ed States rendered the countenance and aid of the great 
 powers of Europe of vital importance to them ; and as 
 their relations with the court of Spain became important 
 and difficult towards the close of the war and for some 
 years after it, a selection from Mr. Lee s numerous 
 papers on Spanish affairs in this place and in the Appen 
 dix of this work, cannot fail to interest the reader and 
 furnish valuable matter for future history.* On Mr. 
 Lee s way to Spain he wrote the following letter to the 
 corresponding committee of congress. 
 
 " BOURDEAUX, February 18th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, On my arrival here on my way to 
 Madrid, I found a letter dated Feb. 2d, from a confiden 
 tial correspondent, which contains the following pas 
 sages. Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, 
 and ships sent to convey them ; the number of British 
 cannot exceed three thousand, and those very indifferent; 
 but much is expected from their being sent early. Boston 
 is certainly to be attacked in the spring. Burgoyne will 
 command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. 
 The government expect great advantage from dissensions 
 in Pennsylvania. 
 
 Finding that our commerce here labours under great 
 difficulties from the heavy duties laid on fish, oil, wax, 
 &c., I have directed an account of it to be transmitted 
 to your commissioners at Paris, together with an esti 
 mate of the imports and exports during the last year 
 from the United States, that they may be the better en 
 abled to negotiate an alleviation or removal of the duties, 
 which were originally intended to discourage the British 
 commerce. 
 
 I had the honour of stating to you a year ago that 
 tobacco was the most weighty political engine we 
 could employ with the French court. It^is absolutely 
 
 * See Appendix, No. 7. Mr. Lee received during the whole war constant infor 
 mation of what was going on in England, from two gentlemen who were native 
 Americans, but who could not leave England. They were Messrs. Edmund Jen 
 nings and Brigdens. They wrote under feigned names. Their letters will be 
 
 found in Appendix, No. 7. 
 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 necessary to the Farmers General, and the Farmers as 
 absolutely necessaiy^fo*^bTeTmnent. 
 
 Mr. Delap informs me that there are several more 
 cargoes belonging to the congress, in the hands of mer 
 chants in Spain, the proceeds of which cannot be obtain 
 ed. I have written to Mr. Morris, at Nantz, begging 
 the favour of him to send me a proper account of them, 
 that I may complain of those merchants at the court of 
 Spain. There is a ship at Nantz totally deserted by 
 her crew, which has been lying there many months un 
 regarded, at an expense to the congress of 100 dolls, 
 per month. I have advised Mr. Sweihauser, to consult 
 with Mr. Morris about selling her, which ought to have 
 been done as soon as her crew quitted her. 
 
 The ship too, which was intrusted to Mr. Myrkle, is 
 lying here at a considerable charge, and no appearance 
 of her return. 
 
 I enclose you Capt. Cleveland s account of Mr. Myr- 
 kle s conduct, which he wishes may be offered in his 
 justification. I have referred him to Dr. Franklin for ad 
 vice. 
 
 I have the honor of being your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 To the Honorable Committee of Correspondence , Philadelphia" 
 
 A few days after, on his arrival at Victoria, in Spain, 
 Mr. Lee wrote to the commissioners at Paris, as follows. 
 
 "VICTORIA, February 26th, 1777. 
 
 To the Honourable Commissioners, Franklin and Deane, 
 
 at Paris. 
 
 Dear Sirs, I am thus far safe on my journey, which 
 by the spur of six pistoles more, I am to finish two days 
 sooner than \vas at first agreed. Therefore, if no acci 
 dent happens, I shall reach my destination the (ith of 
 next month. \In the committee s letter of the 23d Oc 
 tober to me, it is said, 4 we are to negotiate with other 
 nations agreeable to certain plans and instructions trans 
 mitted to Mr. Deane. I have none with me, nor do I 
 remember to have seen any but those which relate ex- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 75 
 
 pressly to France, and that plan has already been transmit 
 ted where I am going.* Nothing is more likely than my 
 being asked what I have to propose particularly relative 
 to this meridian. This question was put to us on our 
 
 first visit to - t- But the same answer 
 
 will not serve here. VI must entreat you therefore to fa 
 vour me with your ideas upon this particular. What 
 alteration would you think proper in that plan, when 
 applied to this country ?y It is best to be prepared for 
 every favourable moment that may offeiy This must 
 plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer as pos 
 sible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative 
 of letting a favourable opportunity pass unembraced, or 
 of hazarding a measure of so much moment to the pub 
 lic, upon my weak judgment, and very limited inform 
 ation. 
 
 With my best wishes for your health and success, and 
 begging to be remembered kindly to our friends, I have 
 the honour to be with the greatest esteem, dear sirs, your 
 obedient servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 To this letter Mr. Lee received the following very in 
 teresting reply from Dr. Franklin.if 
 
 " PASST, March 21st, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, We have received your favours from Vic 
 toria and Burgoss. 
 
 V The congress sitting at Baltimore despatched a packet 
 to us the 9th January, containing an account of the suc 
 cess at Trenton and subsequent events to that date, as 
 far as they had come to knowledges The vessel was 
 obliged to run up a little river in Virginia to avoid some 
 men of war, and was detained there 17 days, or we 
 should have had these advices sooner. We learn how 
 ever through England, where they have news from New- 
 York to the 4th February, that in Lord Cornwallis re- 
 
 * Madrid. 
 
 t The Count d Aranda, the Spanish ambassador. Names are avoided for 
 fear of some one s peeping into the letter. 
 
 i This letter ia in the MS. hand-writing of Dr. Franklin. 
 
76 LIFE OF 
 
 treat to New Brunswick two regiments of his rear guard 
 were cut to pieces ; that General Washington having got 
 round him to Newark and Elizabethtown, he had retired 
 to Amboy in his way to New- York ; that General Howe 
 had called in the garrisons of Fort Lee and Fort Consti 
 tution, which were now possessed by our people ; that 
 on the New-York side, Forts Washington and Independ 
 ence were retaken by our troops, and that the British 
 forces at Rhode Island were r^alled for the defence of 
 New- York. . 
 
 The committee in their letters mention the intention of 
 congress to send ministers to the courts of Vienna, Tusca 
 ny, Holland, and Prussia. They also send us a fresh 
 commission, containing your name instead of Mr. Jeffer 
 son s, with this additional clause, "and also to enter in 
 to and agree upon a treaty with his most Christian ma 
 jesty, or such person or persons as shall be by him au 
 thorized for that purpose, for assistance in carrying on 
 the present. war between Great Britain and these United 
 States." VThe same clause is in a particular commission 
 they hav<rsent me to treat with the court of Spain, similar 
 to our common commission to the court of France ; and I am 
 accordingly directed to go to Spain ; but as I know that 
 choice was made merely on the supposition of my being 
 a little known there to the great personage for whom you 
 have my letter, (a circumstance of little importance) and 
 I am really unable through age to bear the fatigue and 
 inconveniences of such a journey, I must excuse myself 
 to congress, arid join with Mr. Deane in requesting you 
 to proceed in the business on the former footing till you 
 can receive a particular commission from congress, which 
 will no doubf be sent as soon as the circumstances are 
 known. ^ 
 
 AVe know of no plans or instructions to Mr. Deane v 
 but those you have with you. By the packet indeed we 
 have some fresh instructions which relate to your mission, 
 viz : that in case France and Spain will enter into the 
 war, the United States will assist the former in the con 
 quest of the British sugar islands, and the latter in the 
 conquest of Portugal, promising the assistance of six 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 77 
 
 frigates manned, of not less than 24 guns each, and pro 
 visions equal to 2,000,000 dollars ; America desiring on 
 ly for her share, what Britain holds on the continent ; 
 but you shall by the first safe opportunity have the in 
 structions at length. 1 believe we must send a courier. 
 
 If we can we are ordered to borrow 2,000,000 on 
 interest. Judge then what a piece of service you will 
 do if you can obtain a considerable subsidy, or even a 
 loan without interest. 
 
 We are also ordered to build six ships of war. It is a 
 pleasure to find the things ordered which we were doing 
 without orders. 
 
 We are also to acquaint the several courts with the 
 determination of America Uvrnaintain at all events our 
 independence. You will see by the date of the resolu 
 tion relating to Portugal as well as by the above that the 
 congress were stout in the midst of their difficulties. It 
 would be well to sound the court of Spain on the sub 
 ject of permitting our armed ships to bring prizes into 
 her ports, and there dispose of them. If it can be done 
 openly, in what manner we can be accommodated with the 
 use of their ports, or under what restrictions ? This govern 
 ment has of late been a Httle nice on that head ; and the 
 orders to L Orient have occasioned Captain Weeks some 
 trouble. < 
 
 We have good advice of our friend at Amsterdam, that 
 in the height of British pride on their summer success, 
 and just before they heard of any check, the ambassador, 
 Sir Joseph York, had been ordered to send a haughty me 
 morial to the states, importing that notwithstanding their 
 promises to restrain their subjects from supplying the rebels, 
 it was notorious that those supplies were openly furnished 
 by Hollanders at St. Eustatia; and that the governor of that 
 island had returnedyro?7i his fort the salute of a rebel ship 
 of war with an equal number of guns ; that his majesty 
 justly and highly resented these proceedings,and demanded 
 that the states should by more severe provisionsrestrain that 
 commerce; tha^hey should declare their disapprobation of 
 the insolent behaviour of their governor, and punish him 
 by an immediate recall ; otherwise his majesty, who knows 
 
78 LIFE OF 
 
 what appertains to the dignity of his crown, would take 
 proper measures to vindicate it ; and he required an imme 
 diate answer. The states coolly returned the memorial 
 with only this answer, that when the respect due to sove 
 reigns was not preserved in a memorial, it ought not to be 
 expected in an answer. But the city of Amsterdam took 
 fire at the insolence of it, and instructed their deputies 
 in the states to demand satisfaction by the British court s 
 disavowal of the memorial, and the reprimand of the am 
 bassador. The states immediately demanded a number 
 of men-of-war ships to be in readiness. Perhaps since 
 the bad news has come, England may be civil enough to 
 make up this little difference/ 
 
 Mr. Deane is still here. VYou desire our advice about 
 your stopping at Burgoss. We are of opinion that you 
 should comply with the request. While we are asking 
 aid, it is necessary to gratify the desires and in some 
 sort coipply with the humours of those we apply to. Our 
 business now is to carry our point. But I have never 
 yet changed the opinion I gave in congress, that a vir 
 gin state should preserve/file virgin character, and not go 
 about suitering for alliances, but wait with decent digni 
 ty for the applications of others." I was overruled ; per 
 haps for the best. V 
 
 With the greatest: esteem I am ever dear sir your most 
 obedient humble servant, 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 The court of London having heard of the appointment 
 of a deputy to the court of Spain, lost no time in endea 
 vouring to deter that court from receiving him, or in any 
 manner countenancing the United States. Spain, as 
 well as France, had suffered severely in the last war with 
 England, while her power was wielded and her councils 
 guided by the splendid and energetic genius/of the elder 
 Pitt. She was therefore not only cautious Lut even timid 
 in her course towards the United States^u The English 
 ambassador had remonstrated against the reception of 
 Mr. Lee at Madrid as commissioner from the United 
 
ARTHUR LEE. / 79 
 
 States while he remained at Burgoss. The Spanish 
 court, somewhat awed by this remonstrance, desired Mr. 
 Lee not to proceed farther, and signified that it would 
 be preferred he should return to Paris. It did not how 
 ever suspend communications with him ; but the Spanish 
 minister at Paris was instructed to continue on the most 
 friendly footing with the American commissioners. The 
 following note was addressed to the Spanish minister at 
 Madrid, in reply to the communications making known 
 to Mr. Lee the remonstrance of the British court, and 
 the desire of his catholic majesty that he should not 
 proceed to Madrid. 
 
 " BURGOSS, March 5th, 1777. 
 
 Upon maturely weighing what his excellency the 
 Duke de Grimaldi had the goodness to communicate 
 from his majesty, Mr. Lee feels himself obliged (notwith 
 standing his earnest wish to coincide with his majesty s 
 views, and conciliate his amity towards the United 
 States) to beg his attention to the following consider- 
 ations. 
 
 1st. Were it the question now, whether Mr. Lee 
 being at Paris should come to Madrid, he might do it 
 or not without any material consequence ; but it being 
 known that he was deputed upon that business and on 
 his way, his return without going to Madrid will beget 
 an opinion that Spain has renounced the states of Ame 
 rica, in refusing to receive their deputy. For the fact of 
 his return being notorious, and the reasons for it necessa 
 rily secret, it will make the same impression as if no 
 such reasons existed. 
 
 This opinion would very materially injure the credit of 
 the United States in France and Holland ; and it might 
 have a very unfavourable effect in America, for it must 
 be considered that -the fact will reach America by a 
 thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass 
 through one only, and that too from the nature of things 
 in obscure hints. 
 
 Mr. Lee therefore, hopes his majesty will wei gh these 
 reasons before he finally determines upon a measure 
 
80 LIFE OF 
 
 which may be deemed ungracious to the congress and 
 Ve highly detrimental to their interests. 
 "^ 2d. Mr. Lee cannot conceive upon what pretence of 
 reason, right, or law, the English ambassador, or his 
 court can take exception to his majesty s receiving a de 
 puty from the United States, since the right of a neutral 
 court to do so is clearly established by the unquestioned 
 practice of all times, and recognized by fhe best writers 
 on the laws of nations. Neither the English ambassador 
 at Paris rior his court, have taken any exception to it 
 there. V/ 
 
 3d. That it will be so far from preventing the execu 
 tion of any gracious intentions his majesty may have of 
 assisting the states, that the best and safest channel of 
 conveying that aid is one from which Mr. Lee s being at 
 Madrid will rather divert, than direct the attention of 
 England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply 
 of money, to support the credit of the states and pay 
 /i for what is necessary, is the most effectual aid. The 
 I / support of this contest calls upon congress for very con- 
 / siderable funds. The means of supporting them by the 
 export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This 
 obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the pow 
 ers that are friendly to their cause, among whom they 
 have the greatest reliance upon his majesty of Spain. 
 This purpose will be answered by his majesty s ordering 
 his ambassador at the Hague to authorize Sir George 
 Grand of Amsterdam to pay the sum destined to this 
 use, to the order of Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and 
 Arthur Lee. Sir G. Grand is fixed upon as one who has 
 /been already trusted by the court of France in this busi 
 ness, and on whose attachment we can depend. 
 \ Mr. Lee must beg leave to await his majesty s pleasure 
 at Burgoss or Victoria, not at Bayonne, because he is 
 persuaded upon reflection that he sb^tild incur the high 
 est displeasure of his constituents.* if he were to leave 
 Spain without a definite answer 4 to the objects of his 
 mission.^/ ARTHUR LEE, 
 
 Commissioner Plenipotentiary from the 
 
 Congress of the U. S. of America. 
 
 To his excellency the Duke de Grimaldi," 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 81 
 
 Mr. Lee was finally permitted to proceed to Madrid. 
 The author has the original passports from the king of 
 France and from the Spanish minister, Count d Ararida, 
 with the autographic signatures of Louis the 16th, and 
 his minister Vergennes, and of the Count d Aranda. 
 They will be found among the MSS. of Mr. Lee, which 
 are deposited, as the reader has been informed, in the 
 library of the university of Cambridge. 
 
 While Mr. Lee remained at Burgoss corresponding 
 with the Spanish minister on the subject of his proceed 
 ing to Madrid, he addressed to his court a memoir, repre 
 senting " the present state of the dispute between Ame 
 rica and Great Britain." It was written to give force 
 to his arguments for the propriety and policy on the part 
 of Spain, of receiving a commissioner from the United 
 States, and entering into a diplomatic intercourse with 
 them. It is a striking specimen of the diplomatic skill 
 and ability of Mr. Lee. It was composed by him in the 
 Spanish language. The author has the original MS. in 
 that language, with the translation by Mr. Lee which is 
 here used. 
 
 " To his Excellency the Duke de Grimaldi. 
 
 The present state of the dispute between America and 
 Great Britain does not seem to be so fully understood as 
 to render a clear representation of it unnecessary. 
 
 America has declared herself independent : and has 
 defeated all the efforts of Great Britain to reduce her 
 during two campaigns. .In this resistance she has stood 
 hitherto alone and unassisted. Her infant and unprepar 
 ed situation has been compensated by her ardour, her in 
 dignation, and her enthusiasm. 
 
 Great Britain however is determined to redouble her 
 efforts to make this campaign decisive of the fate of 
 America. In this situation America offers that com 
 merce and friendship, which she has withdrawn from 
 Great Britain, to France and Spain. This offer ought 
 to be deemed of double value, because it will take from 
 their hated rival and insolent foe, what it gives to them. 
 It is therefore taken for granted that this is an object of 
 
 VOL. i. 1] 
 
82 LIFE OF 
 
 the first magnitude, and worthy of the highest attention 
 of both these courts. 
 
 It is also taken for granted, that Spain and France 
 do not wish Great Britain should prevail in this contest; 
 or regain America by conquest or conciliation. There 
 remains therefore but this single question, whether it be 
 more politic for the two powers to accept the proffered al 
 liance and declare immediately ; or await the event of 
 the next campaign. 
 
 To judge of this it will be necessary to consider what 
 may be the probable event of the next campaign. As 
 Great Britain has resolved to put forth her utmost 
 strength, it is probable that the event will be either the 
 total destruction of America, or an accommodation found 
 ed upon a mutual conviction of each other s strength. 
 And this accommodation must be hastened by America 
 being left destitute of any material assistance from 
 Europe. 
 
 It is manifest that the neutrality of France and Spain 
 leaves the field open to the operation of the British force, 
 and to the production of one of those events, either of 
 which must be highly prejudicial to both nations, and 
 advantageous to their enemy. 
 
 If Great Britain should be victorious, America will be 
 come a powerful instrument in her hands to be wielded 
 at her will against these countries ; and that it will not 
 remain long unemployed no one will doubt who knows 
 that the court of Great Britain is well informed of the 
 countenance at least given to what they call a most dan 
 gerous rebellion, and that the head of that court is of a 
 temper that never forgives nor forgets. 
 
 If an accommodation should produce a reunion the 
 same advantages will be lost; and almost the same con 
 sequences are to be feared. The end of the campaign 
 cannot, therefore, promise so favourable a moment for 
 the interposition of France and Spain as the present ; and 
 in all human conjecture it will then be fruitless. 
 
 In truth what moment can be wished more favourable 
 than the present, when Great Britain is so equally match 
 ed by what were her colonies, that the scales hang doubt- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 83 
 
 ful ; nor can it be questioned that the interposition of 
 France or Spain, and much more of both, would make 
 that of America decidedly preponderate and separate her 
 from Great Britain forever. And what object can be of 
 more importance than to deprive her of this great and 
 growing source of her commerce, herw r ealth, her marine, 
 and her dominion. 
 
 There is nothing the court of Great Britain is more 
 persuaded of, than that the loss of America would be 
 the inevitable consequence of the war in Europe ; nor 
 is there a man in the nation, who is ignorant of it. 
 Hence it is that the king finds himself obliged in all his 
 speeches to assure his parliament of the tranquillity of 
 Europe, that they may be emboldened to support his war 
 against America. Hence too it is that they have labour 
 ed so much to prevent a rupture between Spain and Portu 
 gal, and have at length renounced the latter. It is there 
 fore most certain that Great Britain would endure any 
 insult short of an open and outrageous act of hostility, 
 rather than engage in an European war during her con 
 test with America. 
 
 During the last war America contributed 12,000 sea 
 men and 20,000 troops to the assistance of Great Britain. 
 These are now tripled against her. The commerce of 
 America, according to the declaration of Mr. Pitt who 
 conducted the last war, carried Great Britain triumph 
 antly through it. The full tide of that commerce is 
 now turned against her. From America all the expedi 
 tions against the islands of Spain and France were then 
 supplied. Now those supplies are all ready to assist in 
 seizing her islands. Deprived of all those aids which 
 ministered to her success and her triumphs during the 
 last war, what could prevent her now from experiencing 
 the bitter reverse of her former fortune. What policy 
 can withhold two sovereigns whose prosperity is incom 
 patible with her power, to forego such an opportunity of 
 humbling her as may never return. 
 
 If Great Britain should be again united to America by 
 conquest or conciliation, it would be in vain to menace 
 her with war. America has been felt like Hercules in 
 
84 LIFE OF 
 
 his cradle. Great Britain knit again to such growing 
 strength would reign the irresistible though hated arbiter 
 of Europe. This then is the moment in which France 
 and Spain may clip her wings, and pinion her forever. 
 One of the most respectable bodies in England told their 
 sovereign some two years since with a kind of prophetic 
 spirit, " that his ministers were precipitating his dominions 
 into a situation in which their existence would depend 
 upon the forbearance of their enemies." This situation is 
 now certainly ensured; the rest as certainly remains in 
 the arbitration of France and Spain. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE, 
 
 Commissioner Plenipotentiary from the 
 
 Congress of the U. S. of America. 
 Burgoss, March G//J, 1777." 
 
 V The only instructions given by congress to Mr. Lee 
 were those contained in general terms in his commission. 
 He drew up the plan of a treaty to be presented to the 
 Spanish court. ^The original draught of this plan is in 
 the possession of the author. They forcibly illustrate 
 the accomplishments of Mr. Lee as a statesman and di 
 plomatist. In No. 3 of the Appendix many of his pa 
 pers on Spanish affairs will be found. The reader will 
 read among them with interest a letter of Mr. Lee to 
 
 ^ 
 
 Count Florida Blanca, then the prime minister of the Spa 
 nish court, giving him an account of the "late proceed 
 ings of the British in the southern parts of the United 
 States, with suggestions of the interest which Spain had 
 in them." There will be found a friendly reply from the 
 Spanish minister* 
 
 Mr. Lee was at length permitted to proceed, as it has 
 been mentioned, to Madrid. He there exerted all the ef 
 forts which skill and ingenuity could suggest to induce the 
 Spanish court to engage in our cause. The_yiews of its 
 pnjjry however Ifd that "rt t n pursue a course^ofgreat 
 caution and secrecy. The commissioner was assured of 
 the good will of the king and nation, and partial and am 
 biguous promises were made of joining France in giving 
 States aids of money and arms. He was per- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 85 
 
 mitted to make contracts for warlike stores with Spanish 
 merchants. The reader will find in No. 4 (6) of the Ap 
 pendix, throughout the "selections" which have been 
 made from a journal of Mr. Lee kept by him while he 
 remained in France, a frequent recurrence to the relations 
 and transactions between the United States and Spain.* 
 Many of his letters to his friends and to the correspond 
 ing committee of congress, the last of which will be 
 found in the Appendix, relate to our affairs with 
 Spain from the year 1777 until Mr. Lee s return to 
 America. 
 
 / The residence of Mr. Lee at Madrid, though it result- 
 ed in no open or definite assistance, was not however un 
 attended with essential service to the United States. He 
 gave the ministry and public men of Spain accurate in 
 formation of the character, condition and prospects of the 
 American people, which produced respect and cordiality 
 for diem. He brought back to Paris evidences of this re 
 sult, and procured such instructions from the court of 
 Spain to its minister at Paris, as kept up a close and inti 
 mate intercourse between him and Mr. Lee, and finally 
 enabled him to succeed in obtaining a large loanJjLQirLlh.. 
 Spanish governmentVJn the sprmo^of_J[777 Mr. Lee 
 returned to Paris and resumed his labours as~bne of the 
 commission to France, his powers in which had not been 
 superseded by his commission to Spain. 
 
 During the early part of the year 1777 the French court 
 resisted all the efforts of the American commissioners to 
 obtain from it any open. or avowed assistance; or to do 
 any public act which could be construed by Great Britain 
 into an act of recognition of the independence of the 
 United States, or of a national alliance with them. Hence 
 it was that the commissioners had thought it well to divide 
 their labours, and make similar efforts to enlist other pow 
 ers in our behalf. On Mr. Lee s return from Spain they 
 turned their attention to Prussia, with whose minister 
 they had already corresponded. In the spring of 1777 Mr. 
 William Lee, who was then acting as agent of congress 
 
 * Various curious and interesting papers will be found in No. 4 (e) App. in rela 
 tion to French affairs, which could not be systematically embodied in this memoir. 
 
86 LIFE OF 
 
 in Holland, was appointed commissioner to the court of 
 Berlin. As our commercial and financial concerns with 
 Holland were of great importance and magnitude, Mr. 
 Lee consulted the commissioners at Paris on the propri 
 ety of his remaining in Holland, and proposed that one 
 of them should repair to Berlin in his stead. Upon con 
 sideration it was determined that the interests of the 
 United States required Mr. William Lee to remain in 
 Holland, while it was equally apparent that they required 
 some immediate correspondence with Prussia. Without 
 waiting to consult congress (for at this time many months 
 elapsed before they could receive answers to their com 
 munications from America) and relying on its acquies-* 
 cence, it was resolved that Arthur Lee should repair to 
 Berlin in the room of his brother, and carry with him the 
 commission and instructions intended for him.* 
 
 There were three leading objects to be gained at pre 
 sent, by the mission of Mr. Lee to Berlin ; the estab 
 lishment of commercial intercourse between Prussia and 
 the American states ; the prevention of any assistance 
 from Prussia to Great Britain, in procuring German aux 
 iliaries, and the passage of such as she might obtain from 
 the petty princes of Germany, thrt*ugh the dominions of 
 Prussia ; and permission to purchase warlike stores from 
 Prussian subjects. 
 
 According to the wishes and instructions of Messrs. 
 Franklin arid Deane, Mr. Lee left Paris about the 1st 
 June 1777, for Berlin. Shortly after his arrival at this 
 capital, he wrote the following interesting letter to Ge 
 neral Washington. 
 
 "BERLm, June 15, 1777. 
 To his excellency General Washington. 
 
 Dear Sir, It has been with uncommon satisfaction 
 that I have seen you in a situation in which I long hoped 
 you would be, if we were forced to dispute the great 
 question, which in my own opinion I was satisfied would 
 happen. I never forgot your declaration when I had the 
 
 * See Secret Journals, p. 45. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 87 
 
 pleasure of being at your house in 1768, " that you were 
 ready to take your musket on your shoulder whenever your 
 country called upon you." I heard that declaration with 
 great satisfaction ; I remember it with the same, and 
 have seen it verified to your immortal honour and the 
 eminent advantage of the illustrious cause in which you 
 are contending. 
 
 I have the pleasure of assuring you that your conduct 
 against general Howe has been highly approved by mili 
 tary men here and in France. That approbation has 
 been increased in those to whom I have had an opportu 
 nity of stating the great inferiority of the troops you 
 commanded to those of the enemy, in number and in 
 every provision for war. 
 
 The Prussian army, which amounts to 228,000, are 
 disciplined by force of hourly exercise, and move with a 
 rapidity and order which are certain to succeed against 
 any troops in Europe. When the king reviews an army 
 of 40,000 men, not a man or horse, the former in full 
 march, the latter in full gallop, is discernibly out of line. 
 The regiments are in the field every day, where, besides 
 the general exercise, every man is filed off singly and 
 passes in review before different officers, who beat his 
 limbs into the position they think proper, so that the man 
 appears to be purely a machine in the hands of a work 
 man. The improvements of utility which I have been 
 able to note, are these, viz. ; the ramrods are of double 
 thickness all the way, and enlarged as ours are at one 
 end. The advantage is to ram down the charge so that 
 they do not turn the rod, but raising it to the muzzle 
 they plunge the lower end into the barrel, and then rais 
 ing it up return it straight, without the necessity of turn 
 ing it as formerly. This saves a great deal of awkward 
 motion and of time. The mouths of the loops are very 
 large, so that there is much more readiness in hitting 
 them than formerly ; which also expedites the important 
 business of charging. The musket to compensate for 
 this piece of weight is two inches shorter in the bar 
 rel. When the men present, instead of levelling their 
 firelocks,they are taught to slant them down, so that a 
 
88 LIFE OF 
 
 point blank shot would apparently strike the ground at 
 about ten yards distance. This depression is found ne 
 cessary to counteract the elevation which the act of fir 
 ing inevitably gives the musket ; and even when a ball 
 strikes the ground it generally rises and may do execu 
 tion, but if directed too high it is lost entirely. These 
 are alterations which seem to me of great utility, and I 
 wish they may appear so to you. 
 
 It is rny intention to write a history of this civil con 
 tention. The share you have had in it will form an in 
 teresting and important part. It will be in your power 
 to preserve a variety of material papers and anecdotes 
 for such a work. May I venture to hope that you will 
 think me so far worthy of your confidence as to preserve 
 them for me ? Dubious parts of history can be cleared 
 only by such documents ; and we shall want every au 
 thentic record to vouch against the forgeries which will 
 be offered to the world. 
 
 The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in 
 Germany, and their last resort is to the Roman Catholics 
 of Ireland. They have already experienced their readi 
 ness to go, every man of a regiment raised there last 
 year having obliged them to ship him off tied ; and cer 
 tainly they will desert more than any other troops what 
 ever. They themselves rely on the present campaign. 
 They have no probability of reinstating their army, ex 
 cept with Roman Catholics of Ireland ; should this cam 
 paign materially diminish it, I have a plan for rendering 
 that of little effect, which I hope will succeed. Should 
 you keep your ground, the question of acknowledging 
 your independence will become very serious next winter 
 with the European powers. But until the events of this 
 summer are decided their conduct will remain the same, 
 and no open acts of interference will take place. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your s, with great respect, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 89 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Difficulties in the way of negotiations with the Prussian Court Note to th 
 Prime Minister the celebrated Schulenburg Memoire of Mr. Lee to the king of 
 Prussia Robbery of his papers at Berlin Autographic note of Frederick the Great 
 to Mr. Lee He permits him to hold free though secret conferences with his Mi 
 nister Negotiations with the Prussian Court Correspondence of Schulenburg 
 The results of Mr. Lee s mission to Prussia His return to Paris His correspond 
 ence with Vergennes respecting supplies of arms, &c. for Virginia His letter by 
 order of his colleagues J0 Lord North respecting- the treatment of American prison 
 ers His letter to tjje Earl of Shelburne on this subject His spirited Memorial to 
 the Prime Minister of Spain on the subject of the Proclamation of the British 
 Commissioners in the United States, threatening a war of extermination Me 
 morial of the American commissioners to the French Court is sent by Mr. Lee 
 with a diplomatic note to the Spanish Minister at Paris The object of Mr. Lee 
 in this Letters of Mr. Lee on the subject of the capture of Burgoyne Letter to 
 the Marquis of Rosignan Anecdote of Dr. Young and Voltaire Letter to Sir 
 William Jones. 
 
 THE part which Mr. Lee had to act at this period was 
 delicate and difficult. To engage even the attention of 
 the court of Berlin would require no ordinary weight of 
 character, dignity of manners, skill and propriety of con 
 duct. If the difficulty of access in any official or public 
 character was great, the reader will readily apprehend 
 the greater difficulty of removing the obstacles, which 
 the times, the relations then existing between Great Britain 
 and Prussia, the remoteness of the United States and the 
 yet doubtful issue of their contest with the former, pre 
 sented to every proposition of national association on the 
 part of the latter power with the United States. 
 
 Prussia was at this time not only a neutral between 
 Great Britain and the United States, but was bound by 
 the superadded obligations of treaties with England. Al 
 though Frederick the great was an able and provident 
 statesman, he might not readily perceive how the inte 
 rests of his kingdom would be promoted by commercial 
 intercourse with a country so remote from it, and whose 
 resources and prospects were so little known and appre- 
 
 VOL. i. 12 
 
90 LIFE OF 
 
 ciated in Europe. His sympathies it could not rationally 
 be expected would be easily excited towards the repub 
 licans of America, for he had never shown any partiality 
 for free arid republican institutions. Mr. Lee s task here 
 then was indeed a difficult and a delicate one. No ordi 
 nary prudence, ability and skill were requisite, to gain 
 the attention, enlist the feelings, and attract the interests 
 of his Prussian majesty. 
 
 As soon as he arrived at Berlin he asked the honour of 
 a conference with the prime minister, the celebrated Baron 
 Schulenburg. He was permitted to reside at Berlin in 
 a private character, and to hold a secret correspondence 
 with the Prussian court. He received the following as 
 surance of the good will of the king, and of an early at 
 tention to the propositions Mr. Lee had laid before the 
 minister. 
 
 " BERLIN, June 9th, 3777. 
 
 I have received sir, the letter which you did me the 
 honour to write to me yesterday, and I think I perceive 
 from its conclusion that on account of the difference of 
 languages you have mistaken the sense of one or other of 
 the expressions I made use of in our last conversation. 
 I do not hesitate therefore to assure you sir, as I did in 
 my letter addressed to you in Paris, that your stay at 
 Berlin will not be at all disagreeable to the king, provided 
 you live as a private person, and do not assume a public 
 character. 
 
 As to the directions which you have given me concern 
 ing commerce, you will be so good as to add a note, where 
 ensurance can be made for vessels destined for America, 
 and the premiums given. I will then examine your pro 
 positions, and shall inform you shortly whether or not 
 we think ourselves in a condition to make a trial of this 
 sort. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with very distinguished con 
 sideration, your very humble and obedient servant, 
 
 LE BARON SCHULENBURG.* 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq. at Berlin." 
 
 * All the notes and correspondence of Schulenburg are written in French, with the 
 autographic signatures of the Baron. Mr. Lee has left translations of all of them. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 91 
 
 Under the discouraging circumstances, and the many ob- 
 staclesattendingthe mission of Mr. Lee to the court of Ber 
 lin, which have been briefly sketched, and which were all 
 more fully known and more deeply felt by him than they can 
 be now known or felt by the reader, the friendless and 
 lonely citizen and unacknowledged commissioner of his 
 bleeding and struggling country, commenced his negotia 
 tions with a great and renowned monarch, and a recent 
 and favourite ally of its powerful enemy. Mr. Lee open 
 ed his mission by presenting the following " memoire," 
 in which he fashions with admirable ability and adroitness, 
 its facts, arguments and conclusions, to the ends he was 
 seeking to obtain. Baron Schulenburg had stated the 
 obstacles to any measure on the part of Prussia in behalf 
 of the United States. These Mr. Lee endeavours to re 
 move. The intelligent reader cannot peruse without a 
 deep interest this memoire, which sheds a lustre on the 
 character of Mr. Lee. 
 
 MEMOIRE OF ARTHUR LEE TO FREDERICK THE GREAT OF 
 
 PRUSSIA. 
 
 "BERLIN, July 29, 1777. 
 
 Sire, The singular wisdom with which your majesty 
 has made your kingdom so flourishing, the wise steps 
 which have carried the prosperity of your dominions to a 
 degree truly astonishing, will nevertheless not prevent me 
 from saying to your majesty, that means may yet be 
 found for augmenting the number and affluence of your 
 subjects. 
 
 No maxim is more true, than that the number of their 
 subjects forms the riches of kings. Both ancient and 
 modern history proves without exception, that commerce 
 is the mother of population. There is no necessity for 
 bringing proofs of this to the view of one of the wisest 
 kings that has ever existed. Such is the fact, and the 
 reason is evident. There is therefore every reason to con 
 clude that the king who wishes to increase the number of 
 his subjects to the greatest possible extent, ought to es 
 tablish and encourage the commerce of his kingdom. 
 
93 LIFE OF 
 
 The dominions of your majesty are admirably situated 
 for commerce. The three great rivers that intersect them 
 ought to furnish the greatest facilities for it. What then 
 is wanting? Only an object sufficiently distant to make 
 seamen ; and sufficiently extensive to commence and 
 keep up commercial intercourse. Such is America ; and 
 the unexpected events which have rendered the com 
 merce of that country free, invite to the use of it. The 
 monopoly of this commerce, which according to the 
 opinion of that great and wise man Mr. Pitt, has sustain 
 ed the power of England, no longer exists, and without 
 a miracle will never again exist. Those nations who 
 will exert themselves to attach to them a young and grate 
 ful people by aiding them to resist their oppressors, must 
 PIS&Lhy it. But those who look tranquilly on, waiting 
 to see the issue of this war, must not hope to change the 
 course which commerce shall before have taken from 
 habit and gratitude. So that this is the moment to be 
 seized on by those who may wish to participate in the 
 commerce of America hereafter. 
 
 But obstacles present themselves ; for in the first place 
 you have not ships of war sufficient to sustain the honour 
 of your flag. But, sire, you have the finest regiments in 
 the world ; and Great Britain, deprived as she at pre 
 sent is of wise counsellors, is not yet so mad as to 
 run the risk of obliging your majesty to join those formi 
 dable regiments to the force of her rivals. Besides, 
 such is the present weakness of England, so much is she 
 exhausted and pressed by the war with America, that 
 she is obliged to shut her eyes to transactions much 
 stronger, and which pass immediately before them. 
 
 2dly. It is impracticable to have at the same time 
 as numerous an army as that of your majesty, and a 
 respectable fleet ; because too many men would be re 
 quired for them both, and the country would be ruined. 
 
 This objection would be a solid one if population was 
 blessed by commerce. But the fact is otherwise. In 
 stead of diminishing it augments it. Thus it is found 
 that the most commercial countries are most populous. 
 Population is always in proportion to the means of liv 
 ing. Commerce, by increasing these means, of course 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 93 
 
 increases population. Instead then of lessening the 
 means of keeping up a large army, commerce affords the 
 surest means of doing it. 
 
 3d. But sailors are wanting for such an enterprise. 
 
 It is the enterprise itself that will make sailors. A 
 handful of experienced seamen are enough to encour 
 age others ; and the thing once put in motion will pro 
 gress by itself. If the ports of your majesty were opened 
 10 our armed vessels, so that they might freely enter 
 them, deliver their cargoes, refit, and secretly sell their 
 prizes, then instruction and encouragement would be giv 
 en to your seamen; and if above all some of them were 
 permitted to make a voyage in our vessels, in a very little 
 time seamen would be furnished from your own subjects, 
 and would draw to your ports many of other countries, 
 with a view of cruising in the American seas. 
 
 But it may be said this would be giving too much 
 into the business at once, and tantamount to deciding 
 upon the question of American Independence. 
 
 Not more so than is now warranted by the fact. Not 
 more so than the laws of nations grounded upon the 
 fairest principles of state necessity require. The fact is, 
 we have the sword in our hands, and that we carry on 
 the war openly. Can there be a more convincing proof 
 of independency ? We are in possession of the country, 
 the articles of our commerce are the produce of our 
 labours, and are our own. In law and in fact, we have 
 the sole right of disposing of them. Is it right then 
 that other nations should wait and suffer the greatest 
 privations, whilst England is doing all in her power to 
 cut our throats, and take possession of our property to 
 sell it to them ? Or can they not at once go and buy 
 those things they want, and which the English cannot 
 supply them with, without violating their neutral char 
 acter. It is not difficult to say which is most reasonable 
 and of course most conformable to the law of nations. 
 Neutral nations in carrying on this commerce decide 
 upon the fact and not the law. This very distinction is 
 made by the law of England ; as it is permitted to an 
 Englishman to obey the powers that be, although they 
 
94 LIFE OF 
 
 are not of right. Besides the English recognised the 
 Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, and received his 
 ambassadors in 1641, upon the ground that he had been 
 called to the crown by the unanimous consent of the peo 
 ple. The congress have the same foundation. The as 
 semblies of the states choose them annually, and these 
 assemblies are chosen by the whole people. How is it 
 possible to have a consent more unanimous or more mu 
 tually given. Your majesty will permit me here to offer 
 some authorities upon this subject. 
 
 Charles Duke of Sudermania, having procured himself 
 to be crowned king of Sweden in the commencement of 
 the sixteenth century, sent James Vandyck into France 
 to renew the treaties and alliances formerly made between 
 the two crowns. Vandyck made it appear that the ad 
 vantages which France would derive from the commerce 
 of Sweden would be so considerable, that the king listen 
 ed favourably to the propositions of this minister, and had 
 a desire of treating with him. There was nothing in the 
 way except the conduct of Charles, who had usurped the 
 crown of Sigismond his nephew, after his nephew had 
 been elected king of Poland ; and had become odious on 
 account of his making religion the pretended cause of the 
 revolution. It was also considered in France that the 
 king of Denmark, who was not a friend of Charles, 
 might form a party against him, with the king of Eng 
 land, his brother in law. But notwithstanding all this, 
 M. de Villeroy in writing to Jeannin, (ttth April 1608) 
 cut the matter short and said, u all these reasonings and 
 considerations will not prevent the king from treating 
 with Charles, if he finds his own interest and that of his 
 kingdom benefited by it. (Wechfort, 126.) The ex 
 ample of Henry the great is worthy of a prince who no 
 less merits the title. 
 
 Vattel in examining the same question says, " Foreign 
 powers in this case follow the possession, if their own in 
 terests correspond with it. There is no rule more cer 
 tain, more conformable to the laws of nations, and the in 
 dependence of nations. Because foreigners have no right 
 to concern themselves with the domestic concerns of a 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 95 
 
 people ; they are not obliged to examine arid to go to the 
 bottom of their conduct, about their own affairs, in order 
 to weigh their justice or injustice; they may if they 
 please suppose that the right is joined to the possession." 
 The advantages which your majesty s dominions will 
 derive from the commerce of America, must be very 
 great. It will give a new vent, always increasing with 
 the rapidly increasing population of America ; for your 
 cloths, your linens, your porcelains, and all sorts of manu 
 factures in iron ; the returns for which will be in tobacco, 
 indigo, flax seed, cotton and furs. 
 
 It is true that these advantages will be greatly dimin 
 ished by the ravages of the British and their mercenaries. 
 If we are compelled to carry on the war singly, against 
 all their force, and with the greatest difficulty of obtain 
 ing arms and munitions of war from Europe. It is for 
 your majesty, with some other powers of Europe, to 
 arrest those ravages by a commercial alliance with our 
 United States. 
 
 There is no name so much respected amongst us as 
 that of your majesty. Of course there is not a king 
 whose declared friendship would give so much courage 
 to our people and strength to our cause. 
 
 I have trusted to the goodness of your majesty to par 
 don me this long detail, and of thoughts so little worthy 
 your attention, and so weakly perhaps expressed, in a 
 language which I have but lately attended to. But I 
 would rather express myself thus than to communicate 
 to any other person that which I have had the honour of 
 presenting to your majesty. 
 
 I have the honour to be, sire, with the greatest respect, 
 your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE.* 
 
 His Majesty the King of Prussia." 
 
 A few days after the arrival of Mr. Lee at Berlin, the 
 door of his room was opened by means of a false key, 
 and all his public papers were taken from it. He had 
 
 * The foregoing Memoire was written in French, from which it has been here 
 translated. 
 
96 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 reason to believe that they had been taken by the ser 
 vant of the English envoy at the court of Berlin, who 
 resided at the same hotel with Mr. Lee. He complain 
 ed of the robbery to the minister of state, and addressed 
 a note to the king on the subject. The king ordered an 
 examination into the affair to be made by the officers of 
 the police.* The enquiry had the desired effect ; and 
 his papers were returned in the same secret manner in 
 which they had been taken. This dishonourable act was 
 traced with considerable certainty to the agency of the 
 English envoy, who, at the request of Frederick, was 
 recalled by his court. To Mr. Lee s note to the king, 
 he wrote the subjoined note in reply. The author has 
 the original note of Frederick, written in the French 
 language, in his own hand-writing and with his autogra 
 phic signature. He assures Mr. Lee that profound si 
 lence and secrecy should be observed respecting his con 
 ferences with the Prussian court. 
 
 " Le Roi ayant reu la lettre du Sr. Lee, de Berlin, 
 le 1 de Juillet. et sa plainte du vol, qui lui a ete fait, 
 veut bien lui faire savoir en response, que Sa Majeste 
 vient d ordonner a son ministre d etat, Baron Schulen- 
 bourg, d entendre ce qu il auroit a lui dire ulterieurement 
 la dessus ; que pour cet effet le Sr. Lee pourra s ouvrir 
 sans reserve envers le susdit ministre, surtout ce qu il 
 trouvera a propos de faire savoir a sa Majeste, qui Pas- 
 sure par la presente d un secret inviolable, et du profond 
 silence, qui sera observe sur les ouvertures, qu il jugera 
 conve liable de lui faire par cette voye. 
 
 A POTSDAM ce 2. de Juillet 1777. 
 
 FREDERICK^ 
 Au Sr. Lie, a Berlin." 
 
 + The report of the whole proceeding before the court of police, in French and 
 German, is among Mr. Lee s MSS. 
 
 t Translation. " The king having received the letter of Mr. Lee from Berlin, 
 the 1st July, and his complaint of the robbery that had been committed upon him, 
 pleases to Jet him know in answer, that his majesty has ordered his minister of state, 
 Baron Schulenburg, to hear what he has finally to say upon that subject ; and for 
 that purpose Mr. Lee may, without reserve, open himself to that minister upon 
 those points especially that he would wish to make known to his majesty, who as- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 97 
 
 Mr. Lee did not succeed during his visit to Berlin, in 
 obtaining from the Prussian court a recognition of his 
 official character from the United States. The relations 
 existing between Prussia and Great Britain induced the 
 king to defer the acknowledgment of their independence. 
 The difficulties which weighed with that court in regard 
 
 O O 
 
 to any direct aid or countenance on its part towards 
 them, are thus stated by Baron Schulenburg in this let 
 ter to Mr. Lee, addressed to him before he left Berlin. 
 
 " BERLIN, June 26, 1777. 
 
 After having testified to you sir in my letter of the 
 18th, our desire of establishing an immediate commerce 
 with the colonies of North America, provided we could 
 surmount the difficulties that opposed themselves, it re 
 mains only that I answer your letter concerning the free 
 access of your privateers into our ports, which you men 
 tion in your s of the 20th. I can assure you sir, that 
 the king is very ready to oblige your constituents, but 
 on the other hand you must be sensible that his majesty 
 cannot, in the present circumstances of things, affront 
 the court of London. 
 
 Besides, our ports as yet have only received merchant 
 vessels, and no vessels of war or privateers have entered 
 them, so that the officers established in our seaports 
 would be embarrassed how to conduct themselves on 
 such an occasion ; the customs observed on such occa 
 sions being unknown to them. You must therefore in 
 form us how France and Spain act, the formalities they 
 observe toward your cruisers, and how they reconcile the 
 free entry of these into their ports with their friendship 
 with Great Britain. 
 
 The result of the information you give on these sub 
 jects will determine if, and upon what conditions, we can 
 grant the permission desired, and I shall take pleasure 
 sir, in communicating to you the decisions of his majes 
 ty in due time. 
 
 sures him by the present of an inviolable secrecy, and that profound silence shall be 
 observed with regard to those things that he shall communicate in this manner. 
 Potsdam, July 2d, 1777. FREDERICK. * 
 
 VOL. I. 13 
 
98 LIFE OF 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great consideration, sir, 
 your very humble and obedient servant, 
 
 BARON DE SCHULENBURG.* 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq. at Berlin." 
 
 The impression made upon the mind of Frederick and 
 his congenial minister by the abilities of Mr. Lee, was 
 highly favourable and honourable to his country and its 
 cause. He succeeded in obtaining from Frederick an 
 assurance that he would afford no facilities to Great 
 Britain, in procuring additional German auxiliaries, and 
 that he would prohibit the passage through any part of 
 his dominions of any troops which that court should 
 hereafter engage in Germany. He obtained also per 
 mission for the citizens of the United States to carry on 
 a direct commerce with the subjects of Prussia ; and for 
 himself to purchase for the use of the United States, 
 arms at the armories from which the king supplied his 
 armies.t 
 
 Mr. Lee left Berlin with an understanding that a cor 
 respondence should be kept up between Schulenburg and 
 himself, on the affairs of the United States. He was de 
 sired to keep the king constantly informed of the events \ 
 of the war with Great Britain ; and was assured that jl 
 Prussia " would not be the last power to acknowledge the J 
 independency" of his country. A letter addressed by the 
 able and friendly Schulenburg to Mr. Lee, after the re 
 turn of the latter to Paris, will be read with interest. 
 
 "BERLIN, Dec. 18, 1777. 
 
 Sir, A few days after the departure of my last, of the 
 33th inst. in which I requested you to give me authentic 
 intelligence concerning the progress of General Howe, 
 of which the English ambassador had received an ac- 
 
 * The author finds the following note of Schulenburg among the MSS. of I\ r r. 
 Lee. " Baron Schulenburg, minister of state, just setting oft" for the country, wishes 
 that Mr. I.e e would come to his house at 10 o clock in the morning, as he has 
 something to say to Mr. Lee from the king. Berlin, July 8, 1777." 
 
 All the letters between Schulenburg and Mr. Lee are in the French language, of 
 which Mr. Lee has left translations. His translations are used. 
 
 t Frederick had his arms manufactured at private armories, for the encourage 
 ment of his subjects. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 99 
 
 count ; I learned by the letter you did me the honour to 
 write me of the 4th of this month, that these advantages 
 far from being so considerable as they were thought to 
 be, are more than balanced by the surrender of General 
 Burgoyne, and by the liberty which the troops under 
 Arnold will have of acting where they shall be most 
 wanting, which may very much harass General Howe. 
 
 I am much pleased sir, with these favourable events, 
 and as from the situation in which affairs were when 
 your despatches were sent, other events of consequence 
 are to be expected before the end of the campaign, or 
 even during the winter, 1 hope you will continue to com 
 municate sir, without delay, all the authentic advices you 
 may receive. 
 
 The king, who always graciously receives the news 
 you send me, and expresses his satisfaction when it is in 
 your favour, has seen the passage of your brother s letter, 
 and I can assure you sir, tiiat his majesty wilt not be the last 
 power to acknowledge your independency ; but you must 
 feel yourself that it is not natural that he should be the 
 first, and that France whose commercial and political in 
 terests are more immediately connected with yours, should 
 set the example. 
 
 I have the honour to be with distinguished consider 
 ation sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 BARON DE SCHULENBURG." 
 
 In the summer of the year 1778, Mr. Lee renewed ne 
 gotiations with tl;e court of Berlin, on the subject of a 
 recognition on its part of the independence of the United 
 States. He received assurances of the continued good 
 will of the king towards the United States, and of his 
 readiness to second France in acknowledging their sove 
 reignty and independence. Mr. Lee made full use of 
 the invitation of the Prussian court, to furnish it with 
 intelligence of the events of the war. The correspond 
 ence between Baron Schulenburg and Mr. Lee, together 
 with the letters of the latter to the commissioners at 
 Paris, and to the committee of correspondence of con 
 gress, on the subject of his negotiations with the court 
 
100 LIFE OF 
 
 of Prussia, will be found in the Appendix, No 5. These 
 papers will richly repay a perusal of them. The reader 
 will perceive the respect in which the American states 
 were held by the king and his great minister, and at the 
 same time the caution with which they approach them. 
 He will perceive too, the difficulties which attend the 
 struggles of any people against the oppression of long es 
 tablished governments. These delays on the part of for 
 eign powers tended to dispirit, but they could not dismay 
 the people of the United States, who under the guidance of 
 the firm patriots of the " old congress", arid of the unyield 
 ing fortitude and genius of Washington, seemed the more 
 to rely on themselves the more they were left to do so. 
 
 On Mr. Lee s return to Paris, he found the negoti 
 ations with the court of France in the same state in which 
 he left them. The same caution which marked the con 
 duct of that court in the early part of the year 1777, still 
 characterized it. In this state of things, Mr. Lee renew 
 ed a correspondence with the French court that he had 
 commenced as early as June in the year 1770, at the re 
 quest of the assembly of Virginia, with a view to obtain 
 for that commonwealth a supply of cannon and other mili 
 tary stores. He succeeded, in obtaining the desired num 
 ber of cannon, and a considerable quantity of other sup 
 plies. At the time of his application, the state of Virginia 
 had no funds in France, nor could it be stated with any cer 
 tainty when they could be put into Mr. Lee s hands, to 
 pay for these supplies. Tobacco was the only article, upon 
 the pledge of which the United States or any of them could 
 obtain loans of any sort in Europe, and the danger of 
 the capture of their vessels by the enemy s cruisers, ren 
 dered the voyage to Europe dangerous and uncertain. 
 But such was the influence of Mr. Lee with the Count 
 Vergennes, that he obtained the supplies in advance, on 
 his personal assurance that they should be paid for. The 
 first note of that minister to Mr. Lee on the subject of 
 supplies for his native state, is here given. 
 
 " VERSAILLES, June 9th, 1776. 
 
 I received sir, the letter you did me the honour to 
 write me the 3d of this month, and in which you state 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 101 
 
 the wants of the state of Virginia, in cannon, mortars, 
 &c. Prince Montbarey, to whom I communicated it, 
 has just sent me a statement of what can be furnished to 
 you, which accompanies this. You may therefore sir, 
 converse with this minister, both upon the manner of 
 sending and of paying for these supplies. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with perfect esteem sir, your 
 very humble servant, DE VERGENNES."* 
 
 In the year 1778, the French government enquired of 
 Mr. Lee, when it might expect the money for the sup 
 plies furnished to the state of Virginia, which that state 
 had not been able to pay. Mr. Lee made ar\ earnest and 
 eloquent apology for the delay of payment for them, and 
 accompanied it with a forcible representation of the con 
 dition of Virginia, in the war of devastation carried on 
 upon her territory by the powerful and common enemy. 
 The French court with great kindness assured him that 
 it would wait with cheerfulness the ability of that state 
 to discharge the debt. This service of Mr. Lee to his 
 native state was a highly opportune and important one. 
 He continued to transact business for it with the French 
 court with great assiduity and to its entire satisfaction, 
 during his residence in France. The correspondence 
 between Mr. Lee and the French ministers, Vergennes, 
 Montbarey and Neckar, and his letters to the governors 
 of Virginia, Page -and Henry, on the subject of Vir 
 ginia supplies, will be found in No.,.4 (c) of the Appendix. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1777, Mr. Lee was inform 
 ed by a secret correspondent, that American prisoners in 
 England were treated with cruelty and neglect. He im 
 mediately brought the subject before his colleagues ; and 
 earnestly corresponded with his frrendsjn England, urg 
 ing an:) authorizing them on his responsibility and credit, 
 to supply his suffering countrymen with the comforts 
 they needed. Upon consultation it was resolved by the 
 commissioners that a letter should be addressed by them 
 to Lord, North, expostulating with the British govern 
 ment, in the name of humanity and of their country, 
 
 * All the letters and notes of Vergennes are signed with his own hand. 
 
102 LIFE OF 
 
 against its treatment of the American prisoners. Mr. 
 Lee was appointed to draught the letter. He at the 
 same time addressed one to Lord Shelburne, on the same 
 subject. They are vigorous and eloquent productions. 
 They are here presented to the reader. 
 
 PASSY, Dec. 12th, 1777. 
 
 To the Right Honourable Lord North, First Lord of 
 the Treasury, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Prime 
 Minister of the King of Great Britain, fee., fee., fee. 
 
 My Lord, From motives of duty and an earnest de 
 sire of mitigating the calamities of war, we proposed 
 near a year since, to the King of Great Britain s ambas 
 sador here, an exchange of prisoners in Europe. The 
 answer we received must have been made known to your 
 Lordship, and the world will judge of its decency. It 
 would have been honourable for that noble lord, and 
 happy for thousands who have since suffered unnecessari 
 ly, if he had considered that moderation is a mark of wis 
 dom, and humanity an ornament to the highest station. 
 These are the sentiments at least, which have governed 
 the congress and people of the United States. They 
 have wished that this war, into which they entered with 
 reluctance, might be distinguished by the humanity with 
 which it was conducted ; and that compassion might heal 
 the wounds that were inflicted. The records of con 
 gress, my lord, are filled with proofs of tender care and 
 attention, not only to the wants, but to the comforts 
 and accommodation of their prisoners. 
 
 We have wished in vain to find such instances in the 
 acts of the British government, for unhappily all we have 
 seen on this subject, is the public declaration of the gov 
 ernor and general who was chosen to commence this 
 war, that the American officer and soldier should be 
 treated with equal indignity, and all devoted without 
 distinction to the most ignominious fate, in terms too low 
 for us to repeat. We have never heard of this proceed 
 ing having been censured, by the government from which 
 he derived his authority. Neither has the invitation to 
 the Indian savages, at a public treaty, to drink the blood 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 103 
 
 and feast upon the bodies of those whom you called your 
 subjects, been ever disavowed. 
 
 It is an universal complaint that the practices of those 
 in authority under you have been conformable to the 
 principles of those public acts. Col. Parker, a gentle 
 man of rank, was thrown into a common jail in Boston 
 covered over with wounds, where he perished mi pi tied 
 for want of the common comforts which his situation 
 and humanity required. Col. Ethan Allen was dragged 
 in chains from Canada to England, from England to Ire 
 land, and from Ireland to Carolina, and from thence to 
 New-York ; at a time when the officers taken from you 
 in the same expedition were treated not only with leni 
 ty, but with every possible indulgence. The barbarous 
 treatment of Mr. Lovell in Boston has no parallel. Of 
 the prisoners made in Fort Washington, two-thirds of 
 them perished by the unexampled cruelty and rigours of 
 their captivity. Even in England the severities which 
 the American prisoners suffer, are, according to the testi 
 mony of every one we have seen, of the most grievous 
 kind. Stripes have been inflicted on some to make them 
 commit the deepest of all crimes, that of fighting against 
 the liberties of their country. And numbers are now 
 groaning in bondage in Africa and India, to which they 
 are compelled by menaces of an immediate and ignomini 
 ous death ; as contrary to every rule of war among civil 
 ized nations, as to every dictate of humanity. 
 
 It is with the greatest regret we mention these cruel 
 ties. For the honour of humanity we hope they will 
 not be committed again. Your lordship must know that 
 it is in the power of those we have the honour to repre 
 sent, to make ample retaliation upon the numerous pris 
 oners of all ranks in their possession ; and we warn and 
 beseech you not to render it their indispensable duty. 
 Upwards of five hundred British seamen have been gen 
 erously treated, set at liberty by our cruisers in those 
 seas, and sent at the public expense to their country. 
 We trust you will think yourselves bound to dismiss an 
 equal number of seamen, taken in the service of the 
 United States. 
 
104 LIFE OF 
 
 We also desire that a person appointed by us may 
 have permission to furnish the citizens of the United 
 States who are in your prisons, with the necessaries 
 they may want from time to time ; and that a general 
 cartel may be immediately settled, by which the unfor 
 tunate on both sides may be relieved as soon as possible 
 from the miseries of imprisonment. 
 
 We must beg a speedy answer, that we may transmit 
 without delay the determination of your court to our con 
 stituents. 
 
 We have the honour to be, with the highest respect, 
 my lord, your lordship s obedient servants, 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE,* 
 
 Commissioners Plenipotentiary from the 
 
 Independent and United States of America." 
 
 LETTER TO LORD SHELBURNE. 
 
 " PARIS, December 14, 1777. 
 
 To the Right Hon ble the Earl of Shelburne. 
 
 My Lord, I have the honour of enclosing to you a 
 copy of a letter, transmitted at the same time to the first 
 lord of the treasury. The honour of the nation, and the 
 rights of humanity, are too much interested in the object 
 of it, not to receive your lordship s advocation. 
 
 The enclosed papers contain the principal transactions 
 between the northern armies. The burning of defence 
 less tow T ns, and of every thing before him, as General 
 Clinton has done, will probably draw upon him and his 
 
 * The author feels it to be just to add here the answer from the British govern 
 ment. It is as follows, and is taken from the letter book of Mr. Lee, from which 
 his letter to Lord North is copied. 
 
 " His majesty s servants do not approve of the appointment of inspectors. They 
 understand the establishment of the prisoners to be what has been usual and proper 
 in such cases. If there has been any neglect they have given strict orders to have it 
 rectified ; and they will be always ready to redress any complaints that shall be 
 made. The prisoners shall be permitted to receive, under proper regulations, any 
 charitable donations in their favour. Besides, this government is disposed and have 
 it in their intentions as opportunities shall offer, to exchange them in America against 
 British prisoners there. If any complaints are made through the hands of Mr. Hart 
 ley, or through any other proper channel, they will be taken into consideration 
 according to the case, and redressed." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 105 
 
 government the vengeance which such enormities de 
 serve, in spite of all the efforts of congress to prevent 
 any hasty retaliation. The S. Carolina Gazette mentions 
 the arrival of an American captain who had been taken 
 by Capt. Jarvis, and who mentions with the highest praise 
 the generous and humane treatment he received from that 
 officer. We have had from other prisoners accounts equal 
 ly to his honour, which I am sure will give your lord 
 ship pleasure. Capt. Jarvis may be assured that such 
 conduct will command from us the praise and esteem 
 which are always due to a generous enemy. 
 
 The necessity which has made us enemies for a time, 
 and separated us forever from the same government, has 
 not altered the esteem I felt for the good and wise in 
 England. Among those I hope your lordship and your 
 friends will accept an assurance of my respect and friend 
 ship. I condole most sincerely with the family at Comb- 
 wood for the misfortune at New- York. 
 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest respect and 
 esteem your lordship s humble servant and friend, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 Subsequently to the dates of these letters, the British 
 commanders in America published by order of their gov 
 ernment, a proclamation denouncing vengeance and deso 
 lation upon the inhabitants of the United States and their 
 territories. They proclaimed the determination to waste, 
 and ravage, and sack every thing before them. They 
 actually commenced this barbarous warfare, contrary alike 
 to humanity and civilized usage. The mild and unre- 
 vengeful spirit of congress met with no correspondent 
 sentiment from their enemies. That illustrious body felt 
 its responsibility to glory and to honour, in the opinion of 
 mankind ; but it felt its duty to its country. Congress 
 determined, though late and reluctant, to meet and punish 
 its desolating foe with a dreadful retaliation, and take life 
 for life. A manifesto was published threatening retalia 
 tory measures, and justifying to the world this solemn re 
 sort. The commissioners, contemporaneously~ with the 
 manifesto of congress and before they received a copy 
 
 VOL. i. 14 
 
106 LIFE OF 
 
 of it, presented a memorial to the French court on the 
 subject. It was drawn by Mr. Lee, and will be found in 
 Appendix No. 4. (d) 
 
 As soon as copies of the proclamation of the British 
 commanders, and of the manifesto of congress, reached 
 Paris, Mr. Lee laid them before the Spanish minister, and 
 accompanied them with a letter to Count Florida Blanca 
 the prime minister of the court of Madrid. 
 
 " To his excellency the Count Florida Blanca. 
 
 I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency a 
 true copy of a proclamation and manifesto lately issued 
 in America by the British commissioners. The plan of 
 desolation and cruelty announced in it has been approved 
 in parliament by one of his Britannic majesty s principal 
 secretaries of state, the Earl of Suffolk; and a majority 
 in both houses of parliament have given their sanction to 
 the manifesto itself by refusing to disclaim it. Upon 
 these grounds it may justly be considered the act of the 
 nation. 
 
 The intentions of Great Britain, derogatory at once of 
 all the sacred rights of humanity, and of the honour of 
 God, and of the established laws of civilized nations, are 
 thus declared in the manifesto. "The policy as well as 
 the benevolence of Great Britain have thus far checked 
 the extremes of war, when they tended to distress a peo 
 ple still considered as our fellow-subjects, and to desolate 
 a country shortly to become again a source of mutual ad 
 vantage. But when that country professes the unnatu 
 ral design, not only of estranging herself from us, but of 
 mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemy, {he 
 whole contest is changed, and the question is how far 
 Great Britain may by every means in her power destroy 
 or render useless a connexion contrived for her ruin, and 
 for the aggrandizement of France. Under such circum 
 stances the laws of self-preservation must direct the con 
 duct of Great Britain ; and if the British colonies are to 
 become an accession to France, will direct her to ren- 
 
 vs 
 
 der that acquisition of as little avail as possible to her 
 enemy." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 107 
 
 The pretext here alleged for carrying war to all ex 
 tremities which the laws of humanity and of nations 
 forbid, and of desolating merely for the purpose of deso 
 lation, is, that the country is to be monopolized by France. 
 That this is merely a pretext is manifest from the treaty 
 itself on which they ground it, in which it is declared that 
 the United States are at liberty to make the same treaty 
 with all nations. 
 
 Your excellency knows too, how unjust this imputation 
 is in our most secret transactions. By one of those 
 strange absurdities into which men blinded by bad pas 
 sions are often betrayed, they denounce this desolation 
 against the people at large, who they in the same breath 
 assert have not ratified the treaty. Thus, if we are to 
 credit their own assertions, the ground of their rage is 
 pretended, and the objects of it innocent. 
 
 It is therefore most clear that the threatened cruelties 
 are not out of policy, but out of revenge. And as no 
 thing is more odious than this spirit, nothing more dan 
 gerous to all that is deemed dear and sacred among men, 
 than an open avowal of such a principle, and an exercise 
 of the barbarities which it suggests, such a conduct 
 ought to arm all nations against a people whose proceed 
 ings thus proclaim them to be "hostis hitmani generis." 
 
 It is not that they can add to the cruelties they have 
 already exercised ; desolation and massacre have mark 
 ed their steps wherever they could approach. The send 
 ing of those captives whom they pretend now to be their fel 
 low-subjects, into perpetual slavery into Africa and India; 
 the crowding of their captives into dungeons where thou 
 sands perish by disease and famine; the compelling of 
 others, by chains and stripes, to fight against their coun 
 try and their relations ; the burning of defenceless towns ; 
 and the exciting of the savages by presents and bribes, 
 to massacre defenceless frontier families without distinc 
 tion of age or sex, are extremities of cruelty already 
 practised, and which they cannot exceed. But the re 
 covery of what they called their rights, and the reduction 
 of those who had renounced as they alleged a just su 
 premacy, was then avowedly the object of the war. These 
 
108 LIFE OF 
 
 cruelties were, it was pretended, incidental severities, and 
 necessary to the attainment of a just object. But now 
 destruction alone is the object. It is not profit to them 
 selves but injuries to others which they are pursuing. De 
 solation for the pleasure of destroying is their only pur 
 pose. They will sacrifice to disappointed vengeance 
 what their injustice lost, and their power cannot regain. 
 
 There cannot be a greater violation of those laws which 
 bind civilized nations together, which are the general 
 property, and which distinguish their wars from those of 
 savages and barbarians, than this manifesto. All civilized 
 nations are called upon, as well by their own interests as 
 those of humanity to vindicate its violated laws. Your 
 excellency will therefore permit me to hope that so dar 
 ing and dangerous a proceedure will call forth a declar 
 ation from the king of Spain, whose preeminent charac 
 ter among princes for piety, wisdom and honour, will ren 
 der him a fit avenger of the common cause of mankind. 
 It is not America only that is wronged by this savage 
 proclamation, but the feelings of humanity, the dictates 
 of religion, the laws of God, and of nations. 
 
 Your excellency will also give me leave to request, 
 that this representation may be laid before his majesty, 
 and enforced with such arguments as your excellency s 
 greater knowledge and the favour you have had the 
 goodness to manifest for our just cause may suggest. 
 
 I have the honour to be your excellency s very humble 
 servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE, 
 
 Commissioner Plenipotentiary from the Congress 
 of the U. S. of N. America to the court of Spain. 
 
 Paris, Dec. 17, 1778." 
 
 Mr. Lee accompanied this letter to the Spanish minis 
 ter with a copy of the manifesto of congress in reply to 
 the British proclamation, and thus concisely but forcibly 
 states the justification of the United States for their re 
 sort to retaliatory extremities. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 109 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 27, 1778. 
 To his excellency the Count Florida Blanca. 
 
 I have the honour of enclosing to jour excellency a 
 manifesto from congress, in answer to that of his Britan 
 nic majesty s commissioners. You have also enclosed a 
 copy of a former resolution of congress on this subject, 
 from which it will appear how earnestly they have shun 
 ned this shocking extremity. As long as it was possible 
 to impute the barbarities committed to the unauthorized 
 intemperance of individuals, congress exhorted the suf 
 fering people to lenity and forbearance. But when they 
 became acts of authority, avowed and ordered, congress 
 must not only stand justified before God and man, but 
 would have been culpable in the eyes of both, had they 
 longer withheld the order for retaliation. Permit me to 
 hope that your excellency will represent these things to 
 his majesty, and that they will produce an immediate 
 declaration which is most likely to arrest the sanguinary 
 progress of our enemy, and compel them to relinquish 
 the devastation of our country for the defence of their 
 own. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 These papers were delivered to the Spanish Ambassador 
 at Paris, with this note. 
 
 " CHAILLOT le 18 Dec. 1778. 
 
 Monsieur Lee a Phonneur de presenter ses respects, a 
 son excellence M. le Comte D Aranda, et de le prier de 
 vouloir bien faire expedier a LI plutot le Pacquet ci-jointe 
 a son excellence le Comte Florida Blanca. 
 
 A son excellence V ambassadeur de VEspagne." 
 
 In order to despatch at once, a subject disagreeable 
 because it records the guilt of a nation which we have 
 so many reasons to admire, but proper to be introduced 
 into this memoire because the papers relating to it re 
 flect honour upon Mr. Lee, the strict chronology of the 
 
110 LIFE OF 
 
 political history of his life has been in some degree vio 
 lated. In the first letter to Count Florida Blanca, Mr. 
 Lee refers to the treaty then existing between France 
 and the United States. The highly important and inte 
 resting part which he acted in negotiating the treaty of 
 alliance with France will now be related. 
 
 On the 9th December 1777, Mr. Lee as commissioner 
 to the court of Spain, addressed the following note to the 
 Spanish ambassador at Paris, enclosing him a copy of a 
 memorial which the commissioners had just presented to 
 the Count Vergennes on the present state of affairs be 
 tween the United States and France. The court of 
 Spain being alluded to in this memorial, it was an ap 
 propriate paper to be presented to the minister of that 
 court. The presenting of it to him was an ingenious 
 mode of recalling the attention of the Spanish court to 
 the representations heretofore made by Mr. Lee, on the 
 policy of Spain joining France in a treaty of alliance and 
 commerce with the United States. The memorial to the 
 French court is an interesting paper. It was drawn by 
 Mr. Lee. 
 
 (Note of Mr. Lee to Count D Aranda.) 
 
 "Dec. 9, 1777. 
 
 To the Count D Aranda. 
 
 I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency a 
 copy of a memorial presented to his excellency Count 
 Vergennes, by the commissioners of congress for this 
 court. The knowledge I have of the great veneration 
 entertained by the United States for the king of Spain 
 and affection for the people, enables me to assure your 
 excellency that nothing will give them greater joy than 
 the happy conclusion of a firm and lasting treaty of amity 
 and commerce between the two nations. 
 
 Permit me therefore to hope that your excellency will 
 co-operate with the favourable disposition of this court, 
 in bringing the treaty formerly proposed to a speedy con 
 clusion. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the highest considera 
 tion and respect, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 1H 
 
 (Memorial to Count Vergennes.) 
 
 " To his excellency the Count de Vergennes. 
 
 The commissioners from the congress of the United 
 States of North America, beg leave to represent to your 
 excellency that it is near a year since they had the ho 
 nour of putting into your hands the propositions of con 
 gress for a treaty of amity and commerce with this king 
 dom, to which, with sundry other memorials, requesting 
 the aid of ships of war and offering engagements to unite 
 the forces of the said states with those of France and 
 Spain, in acting against the dominions of Great Britain, 
 and to make no peace but in conjunction with those 
 courts, if Great Britain should declare war against them ; 
 to all which they have received no determinate answer ; 
 and apprehending that a continuance of this state of un 
 certainty with regard to those propositions, together with 
 the reports that must soon be spread in America, of ri 
 gorous treatment met with in the ports of these king 
 doms, may give advantage to our enemy in making ill 
 impressions on the minds of our people, who, from the 
 secrecy enjoined us, cannot be informed of the friendly 
 and essential aids that have been so generously, but pri 
 vately afforded us ; the commissioners conceive that the 
 present circumstances considered, that the completing 
 of such a treaty at this time must have the most happy 
 effect, in raising the credit of the United States abroad, 
 and strengthening their resolution at home, as well as 
 discouraging and diminishing their internal enemies, and 
 confirming their friends who might otherwise waver. 
 And the commissioners are further of opinion that the 
 aid of ships desired, might at this juncture be employed 
 with great advantage to America, which when honoured 
 with a conference they can more particularly explain. 
 They therefore request your excellency most earnestly 
 to resume the consideration of those affairs, and appoint 
 them some speedy day of audience thereupon. 
 
 They pray also that their grateful acknowledgments 
 may be presented to the king for the additional aid of 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 three millions, which he has been graciously pleased to 
 promise them ; and that his majesty may be assured 
 whatever engagements they may enter into in behalf of 
 the United States, in pursuance of the full powers they 
 are vested with, will be executed with the most punctual 
 good faith by the congress, who, believing their interest 
 to be the same, and that a sure increase of the com 
 merce, wealth and strength of France and Spain will he 
 one consequence of their success in this contest, wish for 
 nothing so much, after establishing their own liberty, as 
 a firm and everlasting union with those nations. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 Signed, SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 Passy, Dec. 8th, 1777. 
 
 The author would treat with contempt that philosophy 
 which will not discern in the course of events the guid 
 ance of an infinitely wise God. No one who is capable 
 of estimating the present condition of the United States, 
 and of elevating his mind to the grandeur of their pros 
 pects ; who can comprehend the multiplied and glorious 
 enjoyments and advantages of civil and religious free 
 dom, and of the arts and sciences, accessible to the mil 
 lions who now and will hereafter inhabit the vast regions 
 of their territory, will deny that the success of the Unit 
 ed States in their conflict with Great Britain, was an 
 event worthy the design and regard of the Great Ruler 
 of all the earth. Let the American reader then, grate 
 fully adore Him, who at this period of the utmost need 
 of his country, when nations the most friendly were yet 
 afraid to ally themselves with her, gave to her arms a 
 signal and decisive victory. The surrender of Burgoyne 
 ensured the final triumph of the United States. To this 
 event, so unexpected a short time before it happened, 
 and so easily to have been avoided by the captured gen 
 eral, may be attributed the commencement of a course 
 of Providence towards the people of the United States, 
 which if they duly regard Him who ordered it, may 
 render them for ages the light, the example, and glory of 
 the world. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 113 
 
 This event has been termed decisive. It was so. It 
 revived the spirits of the people of the states, gave them 
 confidence in themselves and in their commanders, and 
 as the reader will see, decided the timid and reluctant 
 hesitancy of France and Spain. 
 
 A few days after the presenting of the above memorial 
 to the Count Vergennes, intelligence of the surrender of 
 Burgoyne reached the commissioners. They immediate 
 ly laid it before the French court, and Mr. Lee acquaint 
 ed the Spanish ambassador with the grateful information 
 of that event. He wrote to Baron Schulenburg, and to 
 all his correspondents in Holland, and announced to them 
 a victory gained by the unassisted troops of his country 
 over British veterans. 
 
 This intelligence had the happiest effect on the minds of 
 the people of Europe, and on the policy of their govern 
 ments. This was soon evident, in the felicitations of the 
 ministers of France and Spain, presented in animated 
 language to the commissioners. The courts of those 
 nations began to feel the force of the previous represent 
 ations of the American commissioners, that America had 
 spirit and determination to carry on the war, and had 
 rational prospects of success. While these courts felt 
 this they began, especially the court of France, to appre 
 hend that if America was left to carry on by herself a 
 protracted war, which she should bring to a happy issue, 
 they would lose the advantage of the good will and grati 
 tude that aid immediately alforded would produce in the 
 minds of the people of the United States, and which 
 would lead, not only to a lasting amity, but advantageous 
 terms of future commercial intercourse. They began 
 too to perceive the strong probability that the entire 
 separation of the United States from Great Britain 
 might be effected, and their independence secured. The 
 greater the certainty of these events became, the stronger 
 were the inducements to France to incur the expense and 
 hazard the contingencies of a war with England. 
 
 The impression made on the minds of the ministers of 
 France and Spain, may be seen from a perusal of some 
 pages of Mr. Lee s journal at this period of time. 
 
 VOL. i. 15 
 
114 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 The following most interesting and eloquent letters 
 written by Mr. Lee, on the subject of this happy intelli 
 gence, evince the most ardent and devoted patriotism. 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 17th, 1777. 
 
 Sir, The news of Burgoyne s surrender, and Wash 
 ington s having given battle to Howe, \vhich reached 
 Europe the beginning of this month, has produced the 
 most decided opinion of the success and stability of our 
 cause. You will soon see the most open effects of it ; 
 and I may, I think, assure you that our enemies will have 
 more than America, to employ them another campaign. 
 # * * # * # 
 
 Before this time you should have received very con 
 siderable supplies by the Flammant ; and very ample ones 
 will come by this opportunity. Those and the multitude 
 of private adventures will furnish you fully, and will re 
 duce the present exorbitant price of the necessaries of 
 life with you. 
 
 With great respect and esteem, I am, dear sir, your 
 friend, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To James Lovell, Esq. Member from Massachusetts." 
 
 "PARIS, Dec. 18th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Friend, The authentic accounts which reached 
 most parts of Europe about the same time, the beginning 
 of this month, of Burgoyne s surrender, and Washing 
 ton s attacking Howe s army, has given a sensation that 
 is likely to produce the most speedy and decisive effects. 
 I think you may be certain the United States will not 
 make another campaign without allies, nor our enemies 
 be unattacked in Europe. But by my advice this ought 
 not to relax your preparations ; because, though a gen 
 eral war will put us upon a more respectable footing and 
 give more opening and certainty to our efforts ; yet it 
 will call forth more earnest and united exertion from 
 Great Britain, which will arm the hands of its govern 
 ment more strongly, and this augmented force, both from 
 policy and hatred will be principally pointed at us. It 
 must be remembered how much more energy and activity 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 115 
 
 there are in the English than in these nations, which 
 when roused and united will not fail to be formidable, 
 and therefore calls upon us not to think the danger over 
 because we have repelled the force which a divided and 
 ill-directed people have brought against us. 
 
 I think it probable that the lords Chatham and Shel- 
 burne will soon he ministers; and if they cannot ally Great 
 Britain with us, they will use every effort to regain by force 
 what the others have lost by folly. Perhaps the vigour 
 of your preparations will prevent them from attempting it. 
 
 I am, my dear friend, yours truly, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To Samuel Adams, Esq." 
 
 " To the Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, Our joint despatches will inform you of 
 the forwardness in which things are here towards the de 
 sired conclusion. 
 
 In three weeks we shall hear from Spain, and all will 
 I hope be settled. The late intelligence from America 
 has staggered and confounded our enemies, as much as it 
 has elated and decided our friends. Should they at length 
 resolve to continue in rage and despair what they com 
 menced in wickedness and folly, and venture upon a gene 
 ral war by which they must be overwhelmed, their prin 
 cipal efforts will be pointed against us, unless your being 
 in a respectable state of preparation should deter them. 
 In that case they will probably confine themselves to a 
 piratical coasting war, and preying upon our commerce. 
 I have directed all the naval stores that are collected at 
 Bilboa to be shipped forthwith the moment the court of 
 Spain agrees to furnish the money. To accelerate this 
 material supply, I proposed to my colleagues to remit the 
 money from our funds here ; but they did not think it ad 
 visable. 
 
 I have the honour to be very respectfully gentlemen, 
 your humble servant, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 Paris, Dec. \$th, 1777." 
 
116 LIFE OF 
 
 The day after Mr. Lee s letter to that able and sterling 
 patriot Samuel Adams, he wrote another in the following 
 animated terms to the same gentleman, announcing to him 
 an assurance from France which he had just received, 
 that that court would enter into a treaty with the United 
 States. 
 
 "PARIS, Dec. 19th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Friend, The last ray of British splendour is 
 passing away, and the American sun is emerging in 
 full glory from the clouds which obscured it. His most 
 Christian majesty has assured us, in the most explicit terms, 
 that he will enter into a treaty with its as soon as the cou 
 rier returns from Spain ; and will maintain our inde 
 pendence by arms if necessary. The only stipulation 
 he requires, is that we shall not renounce our inde 
 pendency when we make peace ; a condition to which I 
 believe we have no insuperable objection or reluctance. 
 I have no reason to doubt the good faith of this assurance ; 
 and the solid wisdom of it is manifest. They say their 
 object is to attach us to them, as long as human ties can 
 endure ; and certainly the principles on which they mean 
 to act are wisely calculated for this purpose. I doubt 
 you will not drop a single tear on the grave of Great 
 Britain. That perverse and fallen people seem now sen 
 sible of the shame and ruin that await them; but 1 ques 
 tion whether they have spirit to avenge themselves upon 
 the tyrant, who is the author of all their calamities. 
 
 Farewell, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To Samuel Adams, Esq." 
 
 In the same animated manner he concludes a letter to 
 Baron Schulenburg, in which he had given him all the in 
 telligence he had received from the United States. " Our 
 enemies are exerting their utmost endeavours to renew 
 their attempts against us. They are a people of energy 
 and spirit, and worthy of the opposition of those who 
 claim an equal birthright. Unassisted by foreign powers 
 we cannot prevent them from desolating our country ; 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 117 
 
 but we will repel the chains they mean to impose on us, 
 and establish our independence forever." 
 
 With characteristic energy and patriotic feeling he thus 
 congratulates General Gates, the victor of Saratoga. 
 
 " PARIS, Jan. 5th, 1778. 
 
 Major General Gates, 
 
 Dear Sir, Give me leave to renew our old acquaint 
 ance, and to congratulate you on the important services 
 you have rendered to the cause of liberty. Your com 
 plete and effectual victory came very happily to relieve 
 us here from very painful embarrassments with the pow 
 ers of Europe, into which the boasts and preparations of 
 our enemies, with the doubts of our consistency and abili 
 ty to resist them, had involved us. Your successes, with 
 the battle given at Germantovvn have entirely removed 
 those doubts, and will soon place us amongst the ac 
 knowledged sovereign powers of the world. 
 
 It gives me very particular pleasure that you have been 
 so instrumental in this great event, as 1 have so long 
 known you to have the most disinterested attachment to 
 the cause of liberty and of America. 
 
 I have the honour to be dear sir, with the greatest es 
 teem, &c. your friend and servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 To diversify the grave topics on which the reader has 
 been dwelling with the reliefs afforded by the recollec 
 tions of private friendships, and the occasional devotions 
 of the statesman and scholar to literature and learning, 
 the author ventures to interrupt the progress of politics, 
 and to close this chapter with one or two letters from 
 Mr. Lee to his literary friends, William Jones, Esq. (af 
 terwards Sir William Jones) and the Marquis of Rosig- 
 nan ; the latter of whom, like Mr. Lee, united the learn 
 ing of science to the talents and services of a politician, 
 as the former joined the elegant accomplishments of lite 
 rature to the more abstruse acquirements of a lawyer 
 and advocate. Between these gentlemen a long, pleas- 
 
118 LIFE OF 
 
 ing, and instructing correspondence was carried on. The 
 reader will find it in the JOth No. of the Appendix. 
 
 "PARIS, Dec. 22d, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, I enclose you a performance of Dr. Frank 
 lin, which 1 think will please you. 
 
 Our last intelligence from America was of the 4th of 
 August. By that we are informed that General Burgoyne 
 had met with a considerable check, with the loss of seve 
 ral men and of his batteaux. The evacuation of Ticonde- 
 roga arid the progress of the British troops gave no alarm, 
 as it was conceived that they were only hastening to in 
 volve themselves in a country in which they would be 
 cut off. The ravages of the British troops, and Howe s 
 order to the inhabitants to bring in their money and take 
 his notes for it on the treasury, had united and confirmed 
 all men more firmly in favour of American independence. 
 The ministry at London begin to think that this campaign 
 will not answer their purpose; and I trust in God that 
 the event will prove them to be once iri their lives right 
 in their judgment on American matters. 
 
 An Abbe here has contrived a telescope for measuring 
 the distance of objects, which seems to be ingenious and 
 effectual. I do not remember to have seen in your study 
 the electroferus perpetuus, which is a very simple and 
 admirable machine for the ordinary exhibitions in electri 
 city. As it was invented in Germany I suppose you have 
 seen it ; otherwise I would send you a description of it, 
 by which you might easily make one yourself. Mons. 
 Le Sage a very able chemist here, exhibits very satisfac 
 torily the experiment of corroding glass by the fumes 
 produced from the addition of vitriolic acid to spar, for 
 which that of Derbyshire is the best.* What these fumes 
 precisely consist of, or from whence they derive this 
 extraordinary power is not yet ascertained. The same 
 
 * The discovery of the effects of these fumes on glass has become extensively 
 useful in the fine arts. The beautiful art of etching, or picture printing by glass 
 plates, owes its original to the discovery here spoken of. The progress of the science 
 of chemistry, since the date of Mr. Lee s letter, has discovered the nature of these 
 fumes and the rationale of their operation on glass, of which the principal ingredient is 
 silex. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 119 
 
 chemist has observed that the human breath turns violet 
 colours red, and very exactly of that shade which is given 
 to them by the muriatic acid.* 
 
 I have read Dr. Robertson s late history of America ; 
 not with the satisfaction I expected. Voltaire, in his His- 
 toire General, has in my judgment touched it with a much 
 more masterly hand. 
 
 1 beg my respects to the Marquesa, and to be remem 
 bered to our philosophical friends. I hope not only to 
 hear from you, but to be assured too that your journey 
 and the baths have entirely re-established your health. f 
 
 I am, dear sir, with great respect and regard, your friend 
 and humble servant, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To his excellency the Marquis of Rosignan, 
 Sardinian Envoy^ at Berlin" 
 
 "PARIS, Oct. 18, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, I was comforted for the unhappy fate of 
 our accomplished friend Alleyne, by hearing that you 
 
 * All the acids turn vegetable blues red ; and the alkalis converts the red to blue 
 again. The human breath contains a portion of carbonic acid. Hence the blue sit- 
 imis paper is changed to a red colour by exposure to the human breath. The reader 
 will excuse these collegiate reminiscences. 
 
 t The name of Voltaire brings to the recollection of the author an anecdote which 
 Mr. Lee has written at the bottom of a page (in a vol. of Voltaire s works) of his 
 Essay on Epic Poetry. While Mr. Lee resided in France a learned Italian count, 
 who had just been travelling through England, dined with him, in a learned company 
 assembled by Mr. Lee to enjoy the society of the Italian. The count related a fact 
 which had happened in his presence some years before when in England. He 
 had been invited to dine with Voltaire, who was then on a visit to England, and 
 Dr. Young, the author of the Night Thoughts, at the house of some gentleman in 
 London. The reader will recollect that Voltaire pretended to entertain a great con 
 tempt for Milton s Paradise Lost, and had endeavoured to ridicule that inimitable 
 poem, in his Essay on Epic Poetry. Dr. Young ardently admired Milton. He was 
 said to be very animated in his manner, and vehement in his temper. During their 
 sitting after dinner the conversation turned on epic poetry, and Voltaire attacked va 
 rious parts of the Paradise Lost with much ridicule. Dr. Young warmly vindicated 
 the beauties and sublimity of the passages so treated by Voltaire. The Doctor grew 
 more and more warm and vehement in his manner, and unconsciously grasped a 
 large knife near him, and leaning forward toward Voltaire appeared to him to be 
 getting too near. Voltaire, who had a great dread of a hot-headed Englishman, be 
 came quite uneasy at the manner of the Doctor. He at length began to draw back 
 his chair, and the Doctor still leaned towards him, nearer and nearer, with increasing 
 earnestness, until Voltaire rose and stepped back, upon which the Doctor rising to 
 wards him, vehemently uttered the following extemporary verse. 
 
 " You little, profligate and thin, 
 You are Milton s devil, death, and sin." 
 
 Voltaire was remarkably small and thin. The passage of Milton s Paradise Lost 
 which Voltaire had been ridiculing, was Milton s Personification of Death and Sin. 
 
120 LIFE OF 
 
 were coming forward in his place. It was impossible 
 not to have an affection for a man so worthy of it, ex 
 cept in those failings which I knew too well, and by which 
 he himself was the greatest sufferer. I never yet met 
 with a man whose talents were greater, or more calcu 
 lated to please and instruct. The great fortune to which 
 he was born nourished in him I believe that turn for ex 
 travagance which was the source of all his misfortunes. 
 Peace be to him ! I shall ever remember him with es 
 teem and regret. If you see any of his family be pleased 
 to remember me to them. 
 
 Mr. Bolton flatters me that you will put forth your 
 utmost strength upon the great question of impressment. 
 It is of the last importance to the security of the subject, 
 and to the honour of the police of the kingdom, that this 
 question should be decided. For what can more abase 
 the dignity of the constitution, or endanger the security 
 of the subject, than that the least enlightened and most 
 abandoned of the community, for of such press-gangs are 
 usually composed, should be supposed to have a legal 
 power of judging and executing in what concerns the 
 dearest object of legal protection, personal liberty ? To 
 say no worse of this practice and to suppose no intention 
 of oppression, it is certainly left to every press-gang to 
 judge who it is that comes within the description of the 
 warrant under which they act, and in the instant to ex 
 ecute that judgment with ruffian violence, and drag the 
 unhappy victim covered over with wounds into the most 
 dismal of all dungeons, where the approach or knowledge 
 of his friends is always difficult, and may easily be ren 
 dered impossible. 
 
 It ever appeared to me the grossest of all absurdities, 
 to suppose the law could authorize that which overturns 
 all law, and soberly commit to a drunken beadle a sum 
 mary judgment and execution without trial or appeal, 
 which is not trusted to the gravest and most dignified 
 judges of the land, nor even to the sceptre itself. With 
 regard to Mr. Foster s law argument I am satisfied from 
 my own experience that you will find that- by searching 
 into the ancient records, that it is the sophistry of an 
 
ARTHUR F/EE. 121 
 
 advocate and not the opinion of a judge. Among the 
 innumerable arguments against it, these appear to me to 
 be conclusive, and to prove beyond controversy that to 
 use an expression of some note, it is a lewd custom and 
 not law. First, the ancient warrants vouched for press 
 ing seamen do equally authorize the impressing all men, 
 since after describing many others besides mariners they 
 conclude " et alios quoscunque." These therefore prov 
 ing too much, prove in fact nothing, but that the whole 
 is* an usurpation on the part of the crown. Secondly, 
 there is no writ in the register authorizing the recovery 
 of a mariner so pressed into the service, which, had it 
 ever been deemed legal, must inevitably have been the 
 case. The general rule that there is no right without a 
 remedy, is more especially true with regard to the pre 
 rogative. Had there ever been a right in the crown to 
 force seamen into its service, there would have been a 
 writ to retake them when they deserted. But the writ 
 is for those only who have received wages, and the con 
 version of those wages being a proof of consent, that 
 conversion is specified in the writ. It is manifest then 
 that the consent, and not force, was what, in contempla 
 tion of law entitled the crown to claim the mariner s 
 service. Besides, the practice carries an internal evi 
 dence of its illegality with it, since a community of rob 
 bers could not devise an institution more inconsistent 
 with law and order, or more strongly marked with vio 
 lence arid wrong. 
 
 You will do me a very great favour if you will pre 
 serve and convey to me the arguments and opinions upon 
 this question, should it come forward. Perhaps the in 
 temperance of some one among us may be some time or 
 other inclined to introduce it into the United States. 
 
 Next to the establishment of our own liberties, the 
 redemption of your s is my warmest wish. 1 think it is 
 inevitable that the trial must come forward with you in 
 a few years. The Scotch domination drives on too fast 
 to continue long unquestioned. The weight of the yoke 
 from which we have withdrawn will be concentrated 
 upon you. Those who expect experience will make the 
 
 VOL. i. 16 
 
122 TJFE OF 
 
 contrivers of this flagitious business more moderate in 
 the use of the power left them, will, I think, be mis 
 taken. The disappointment will be much more likely 
 to inflame their passions than reform their judgment, to 
 exasperate than to mitigate their tyranny. But in my 
 opinion the Scots have undertaken more than their abili 
 ties and judgment, which I think showy, not solid, can 
 direct or maintain. In the end therefore I hope to see 
 them defeated by you, as 1 have every reason to trust 
 they will be by us. 
 
 For the commencement of a correspondence, this letter 
 I am afraid will appear tedious. I shall therefore close 
 it with assuring you that there is no one in whose re 
 membrance and friendship I shall be happier than in 
 your s. 
 
 I have the honour to be your s, with the truest esteem, 
 dear sir, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 To William Jones, Esq. Middle Temple." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 123 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The effect of the capture of Burgoyne in France and other parts of Europe The 
 French Court resolves on a Treaty of Alliance with the United States Debates 
 on the subject of the llth and 12th Articles of the Treaty Mr. Lee refuses to 
 concur with his colleagues in these Articles The French Court consents that 
 congress may strike them out of the Treaty, without affecting its validity Con 
 gress concurs with Mr. Lee and strikes out those Articles Mr. Lee s efforts to 
 induce Spain to join the Alliance He procures a secret and separate Article from 
 the French Court in relation to Spain His endeavours to procure a loan of two 
 millions of pounds sterling from Spain for Congress His correspondence with 
 Mons. Dumas of Holland Intrigues of British secret agents in Paris Mr. Lee 
 detects and exposes them Invitation of the Congress to Dr. Price, to remove to 
 America and become a citizen of the United States Mr. Lee s letter and Price s 
 reply Sketch of the labours and services of Mr. Lee while in France His jour 
 nal of negotiations with the French and Spanish minister His correspondence 
 with Congress Return of Mr. Lee to America ; causes of it His arrival and 
 reception in the United States His reception by Congress He is elected a 
 member of the Virginia Assembly, and is chosen by that body a delegate to Con 
 gress Is appointed by Congress a Commissioner to treat with all the north 
 western tribes of Indians Is chosen by Congress one of the Board of Treasury, 
 at which he continued from the year 1784 to 1789 His retirement His conti 
 nued correspondence with eminent foreign persons of distinction His literary 
 honours His death and character. 
 
 r 
 
 THE reader has seen from the letters of Mr. Lee on 
 the subject of Burgoyne s surrender, that the intelligence 
 of that event had produced a very favourable effect upon 
 the minds of public men in Europe. It changed the poli 
 cy of the French court towards the United States ; and 
 though the Spanish court did not so promptly yield to 
 this effect, its assurances of amity and aid became more 
 earnest and unequivocal. 
 
 The French court immediately entered into negotia 
 tions on the subject of a treaty of alliance and commer 
 cial intercourse. The reason given by the Spanish min 
 istry for its dilatory course towards the United States, 
 was the hazard to which an open alliance with them 
 would expose their fleet, then not yet returned from 
 South America with the annual supply of silver. 
 
124 LIFE OF 
 
 The reader will find in the journal of Mr. Lee, a mi 
 nute and a most interesting detail of the progress of the 
 negotiation with the French court, for a treaty of alliance 
 and commerce. It appears that the first projets of a 
 treaty presented by the French ministry did not contain 
 the word " sovereign" when the United States were 
 spoken of. Mr. Lee urged upon his colleagues the pro 
 priety of insisting on an express acknowledgment of our 
 sovereignty and independence, to be inserted at once into 
 the proposed treaty. In support of his opinion of the 
 propriety and duty in the American commissioners, of 
 insisting upon this acknowledgment in the commence 
 ment of the negotiation, he referred to the instance of 
 Holland, whose independence was not acknowledged, for 
 nearly half a century after it had freed itself from the 
 Spanish crown. At his suggestion an article was in 
 serted specifying the possessions of Great Britain, on 
 and near the continent of North America, which France 
 was to be bound not to attempt to conquer during the 
 war. The reader will peruse Mr. Lee s journal of this 
 period with great interest. 
 
 The provisions of the llth and 12th articles of the 
 treaty of commerce with France presents the subject of 
 most interest in the history of our early negotiations with 
 that country. The propositions of the French court which 
 constituted these articles, were at one time embodied in 
 the treaty. France at this time possessed the principal 
 islands in the West Indies, which yielded the greatest 
 supply of molasses. It was proposed to our commission 
 ers, that the United States should exempt from any tax 
 or impost, all merchandize exported from the United States 
 to the French islands yielding molasses, by French subjects, 
 while France should exempt from all duty the molasses 
 exported from her islands to the United States by their 
 citizens. As the principle of these articles, no less than 
 the policy of them, formed a subject of difference be 
 tween the commissioners, and of difficulty in the negoti 
 ation ; and became a subject of debate in congress, and 
 of renewed negotiation after the consent of that body 
 had been gladly and gratefully given to every other part 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 125 
 
 of the treaty, the reader will expect from a" faithful biog 
 rapher of Mr. Lee more than a passing notice of the in 
 teresting topics relating to them. The two articles 
 which were earnestly debated in their day, are in these 
 words in the original treaty. 
 
 " Article 1 1th. It is agreed and concluded that there 
 shall never be any duty imposed on the exportation of 
 the molasses that may be taken by the subjects of the 
 United States from the islands of America, which belong 
 or may hereafter appertain to his most Christian ma 
 jesty. 5 
 
 "Article 12th. In compensation of the exemption 
 stipulated by the preceding article, it is agreed and con 
 cluded that there shall never be any duties imposed upon 
 the exportation of any kind of merchandize, which the 
 subjects of his most Christian majesty may take from 
 the countries and possessions, present or future, of any 
 of the thirteen United States, for the use of the islands 
 which shall furnish molasses." 
 
 Mr. Lee, from the commencement of the conferences 
 upon these articles, earnestly opposed the adoption of the 
 proposition of the 12th article, on the ground that the 
 exemption stipulated for in that article as an equivalent 
 for the exemption of the 1 1th article, was greatly more 
 than a fair equivalent. The single article of molasses to 
 be taken from the French islands was to be exempted 
 from duties by France ; but all merchandize exported to 
 those islands by the subjects of France, was to be ex 
 empted from duties by the United States. Mr. Lee 
 however, anxious to secure an alliance with France, 
 was not disposed to secure it at such a price. He con 
 tended that reciprocity should constitute the basis of the 
 treaty, and that there should be some just proportion be 
 tween equivalents. He forcibly remarked that an agree 
 ment to these articles would be a permission to France, 
 
 " to tie both of our hands." for the privilege of " tiring one 
 
 / 7 r ",, & / <b 
 
 o/ herjtngefs. 
 
 As the French ministry seemed desirous to retain 
 these articles, and as Mr. Lee s colleagues assented to 
 them, he waived for a time his objections, and they were 
 
126 LIFE OF 
 
 comprehended in the treaty. His reasons for this waiver 
 of objections, which to his mind appeared to be insuper 
 able, he states to be a desire to exhibit unanimity in the 
 commissioners, and to procure a speedy conclusion to 
 their negotiations for a treaty. But upon further reflec 
 tion his mind became more strongly impressed with the 
 impolicy of these articles, and he finally refused to sign 
 the treaty unless there should be an explicit understand 
 ing with the French court, that they should be considered 
 as open to the adoption or rejection of the congress of 
 the United States ; and that the rejection of them should 
 form no impediment to the ratification of the treaty. 
 The notes of Mr. Lee to his colleagues, and their replies 
 are here given. They present the reasons of Mr. Lee 
 for disagreeing to the 11th and 12th articles, and afford 
 a gratifying specimen of his ability as a statesman and 
 diplomatist. 
 
 " CHAILLOT, January 30th, 1778. 
 
 To the Hon ble Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane. 
 
 Gentlemen, More mature consideration and fuller 
 lights upon the subject have satisfied me that I was 
 wrong in receding from my opinion against the admissi- 
 bility of the 12th article in the proposed commercial 
 treaty. I should therefore think myself neglectful of the 
 duty I owe to the public if I did not endeavour yet to 
 prevent that measure before our signature has rendered 
 it irrevocable. And certainly nothing short of totally 
 preventing the treaty from being concluded will prevail 
 upon me to sign it if that article is to stand. 
 
 What has thus confirmed me in my former sentiments 
 is this ; at the conclusion of Mr. Gerard s observations 
 upon what we proposed, he said they had no design to 
 lay duties upon their molasses, nor was it compatible 
 with their policy. Dr. Franklin informed me yesterday 
 that a substitute for molasses had been found in America, 
 procurable from a substance, which is the growth of the 
 country, and of infinite plenty. A prohibition on the 
 export of their molasses will effect every purpose which 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 127 
 
 we are providing against by restraining the imposition of 
 duties. 
 
 From these considerations it seems clear to me that 
 molasses is not such an important object as was stated ; 
 that the demand is more likely to diminish than increase ; 
 that there is no sound reason for apprehending that with 
 out any restraint, duties will be imposed on that article ; 
 that if there were the strongest reasons for that appre 
 hension, the sacrifice does not secure us from the evil it 
 is intended to prevent. 
 
 If these reasons are not utterly fallacious, we are by 
 the article proposed really tying both our hands with the 
 expectation of binding one of her fingers. The princi 
 ple too is, and the effect must be, the encouragement 
 of commerce at the expense of agriculture. Whatever 
 temporary advantages it may give will be permanently 
 pernicious to our country. Nor is it an argument of lit 
 tle weight with me that we are binding our constituents 
 forever, upon a point on which they have not had an op 
 portunity of giving their instructions. How far it is 
 within the limits of our powers and our discretion I am 
 exceedingly doubtful. 
 
 I would therefore submit to you, gentlemen, upon the 
 ground of the article not having been in the plan given for 
 our guidance, and of doubts which have arisen amongst 
 ourselves about the approbation it will meet with, if it 
 should be unrejected by the court here, that we should 
 propose that both articles should be left open to be rejected 
 or admitted by congress, without affecting their ratification 
 of the rest of the treaty. This exception will, it seems to 
 me, refer the decision to that arbitration which ought to 
 determine it, and free us from any possible imputation 
 of having acted wrong, or of having exceeded our 
 powers. 
 
 I am willing that whatever charge of levity may arise 
 from thus renewing the negotiation may be wholly visited 
 upon me. Though indeed, as I think we are treating 
 with gentlemen of sense and candour, I am under no ap 
 prehension that they will view in any such light an anx 
 iety to act with the utmost circumspection in a business 
 
128 LIFE OF 
 
 of great moment, and of doubtful effect. I must beg, 
 gentlemen, an immediate consideration of what I pro 
 pose, and that you will do me the favour of apprizing me 
 of your determination as soon as you have formed it. 
 
 I have the honour to be very respectfully, your obedi 
 ent and humble servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 To this forcible statement of his objection to the 12th 
 article, his colleagues returned him the following reply. 
 
 "PASSY, February 1st, 1778. 
 
 Sir, We have maturely considered your letter of the 
 30th past. And although we cannot see the mischiev 
 ous consequences of the 12th article which you appre 
 hended, yet conceiving that unanimity on this occasion 
 is of importance, we have written to M. Gerard this 
 morning that we concur in desiring that article and the 
 preceding to be omitted, ag-reeable to his first proposal. 
 
 We have the honour to be sir, your obedient hum 
 ble servants, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 SILAS DEANE.* 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 This reply was accompanied with a copy of the joint 
 letter of the two commissioners to Mons. Gerard, who 
 was the minister appointed by the French court to nego 
 tiate the treaties with the American commissioners. 
 
 "PASSY, Feb. 1st, 1778. 
 
 To Mons. Gerard. 
 
 Sir, Mr. Lee having signified to us, that on further 
 consideration he has changed his sentiments relating to 
 the 12th article, and that he cannot join in signing the 
 treaty if that article remains in it ; and as unanimity on 
 this occasion is of some importance, and the articles 11 
 and 12 seem not perfectly consonant with the declared 
 spirit of the treaty, which is to leave each party free in 
 
 * This note is copied from an attested copy from the original. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 129 
 
 its regulations of commerce ; we concur in requesting 
 (if it can be done without occasioning delay) that those 
 two articles may be omitted, agreeable to your own 
 first proposition. 
 
 We have the honour to be sir, your most obedient 
 humble servants, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 SILAS DEANE."* 
 
 The French minister replied that as the treaty had 
 been ratified by the king, under his seal, the articles 
 could not be erased ; but that Mr. Lee s proposition 
 would be accepted, a It was agreed that the two articles 
 should stand in s the treaty^ subjecf however to the adop 
 tion or rejection of congress ; and that the rejection of 
 them by that body should not invalidate the ratification 
 of the treaty. Mr. Lee joined his colleagues in signing 
 it, and this instrument (the sign of independence and 
 hope in the western heavens !) was immediately trans 
 mitted to America. . /: 
 
 The congress and the people of the United States re 
 ceived the treaty with the liveliest emotions of joy and 
 gratitude. The congress instructed their commissioners 
 to return their acknowledgments to Louis by the follow 
 ing resolve. 
 
 " In Congress, May 4th, 1778. Resolved, That this 
 congress entertain the highest sense of the magnanimity 
 and wisdom of his most Christian majesty so strongly ex 
 emplified in the * Treaty of Amity, 5 and Commerce, 
 and the Treaty of Alliance, entered into on the part of 
 his majesty with these United States, at Paris, on the 
 6th February last ; and the commissioners, or any of them 
 representing these states at the court of France, are di 
 rected to present the grateful acknowledgments of this 
 congress to his most Christian majesty, for his truly 
 magnanimous conduct respecting these states, in the said 
 generous and disinterested treaties, and to assure his 
 majesty on the part of this congress, that it is sincerely 
 wished that the friendship so happily commenced be- 
 
 * This note is taken from the original sent to Mr. Lee. It is in the hand-writing 
 of Dr. Franklin. 
 
 VOL. I. 17 
 
130 LIFE OF 
 
 tween France and these United States may be perpet 
 ual."* 
 
 As soon however as the congress and the people were 
 left free from the emotions so natural and just, and were 
 recalled by the voice of duty to consider the treaty in the 
 light of reason, a decided sentiment against the 1 1th arid 
 12th articles was the result. They were rejected, and 
 congress instructed their commissioners to acquaint the 
 French court of the rejection of them, and signify to it 
 that congress approved the principle upon which the 
 treaty had been negotiated, that both nations should be 
 left without restriction by treaty stipulations, to adopt in 
 future whatever commercial regulations they should 
 judge most conducive to their respective interests. The 
 court of France agreed that the articles should be ex 
 punged, and the treaty was finally and completely ratified 
 without them, in a spirit of entire harmony and good will. 
 
 During the pendency of the negotiations with the 
 French courtVMr. Lee as minister from the United 
 States to the court of Spain, was mindful of his duties 
 in this capacity. He earnestly endeavoured to procure 
 the immediate accession of Spain to the treaty of alli 
 ance and commerce concluded with Frances But all his 
 efforts were without effect to move the slow and cau 
 tious policy of that court. It declined for the present to 
 /join France in the treaty with the United States. But 
 Mr. Lee procured a secret and separate article to be en 
 tered into by the King of France with him as minister to 
 Spain, the purport of which was that his most Christian 
 majesty in concluding the treaty of amity and commerce 
 and of eventual and defensive alljance with the United 
 States, had reserved for his ally the King of Spain, a 
 right of future accession tqtfre treaties and to the ben 
 efits of their stipulations, vhis act was in the following 
 words, as translated from the French language by Mr. Lee. 
 
 (Act Separate and Secret.) 
 
 " The most Christian King declares in consequence of 
 the intimate union which subsists between him and the 
 
 * See the Journals. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 131 
 
 King of Spain, that in concluding with the United States 
 of America this treaty of amity and commerce, and that 
 of eventual and offensive alliance, his majesty hath in 
 tended and intends to reserve expressly, as he reserves 
 by this present separate and secret act to his Catholic 
 majesty, the power of acceding to the said treaties, and 
 to participate in their stipulations at such times as he 
 shall judge proper. It being well understood, neverthe 
 less, that if any of the stipulations of the said treaties are 
 not agreeable to the King of Spain, his Catholic majesty 
 may propose other conditions analogous to the principal 
 aim of the alliance, and conformable to the rules of equal 
 ity, reciprocity and friendship. The deputies of the 
 United States in the name of their constituents, accept 
 the present declaration in its full extent ; and the deputy 
 of the said states, who is fully empowered to treat with 
 Spain, promises to sign on the first requisition of his 
 Catholic majesty, the act or acts necessary to communi 
 cate to him the stipulations of the treaties above written. 
 And the said deputy shall endeavour in good faith the ad 
 justment of the points in which the King of Spain may 
 propose any alteration conformable to the principles of 
 equality, reciprocity and perfect amity ; he, the said 
 deputy not doubting but that the person or persons em 
 powered by his Catholic majesty to treat with the Unit 
 ed States, will do the same with regard to any altera 
 tions of the same kind that may be thought necessary by 
 the said plenipotentiary of the United States. 
 
 In faith whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have 
 signed the present separate and secret article and affixed 
 to the same their seals. Done at Paris the 6th Februa 
 ry 1778. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 C. A. GERALD. SILAS DEANE, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE, 
 Depute Plenipo: pour la France et V Espagne."* 
 
 During the year 1778 the commissioners were employ 
 ed in attending to the concerns which the reader will 
 
 * See Secret Journal, vol. ii. p. 88. 
 
132 LIFE OF 
 
 readily apprehend must have arisenin the relations between 
 two independent nations, now openly and closely allied. 
 They were numerous ; and required all the labour and 
 attention that could be bestowed on them. Mr. Lee 
 gave to them his full share of labour and activity. But he 
 bore the additional character of sole commissioner to the 
 court of Spain, and of acting commissioner to Berlin. 
 His duties therefore were more various in their charac 
 ter, and more numerous than those which devolved on 
 his colleagues. His mind was kept in constant exercise, 
 and his labours were severe and ceaseless. He did not 
 for a moment lose sight of the interests of his country 
 connected with foreign powers ; and the zeal and dili 
 gence with which he devoted himself to his official duties, 
 equalled the ability he displayed in the performance of 
 them. The negotiations which he conducted during the 
 year 1778 with the court of Prussia, may be seen in the 
 5th No. of the Appendix. He conducted a continued 
 correspondence during that year with the Prussian minis 
 ter. He had the honour of obtaining, as the reader has 
 seen, a promise from the Prussian monarch that he would 
 second France in acknowledging the independence of the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Lee did not remit his efforts during this year to 
 induce the court of Spain to accede to the treaties con 
 cluded with France. But it continued- equivocally to de 
 cline all Mr. Lee s propositions. ^At length Mr. Lee be 
 came weary by the delay of that court to give a definite 
 answer to them ; and had formed a resolution to repair to 
 Madrid, and enjoy the advantages of personal conferen 
 ces with the Count Florida Blanca. Having some doubt 
 of the propriety or probable policy of such a step, he con 
 sulted the friendly and candid Vergennes^on the subject 
 in the following note in French, of which Mr. Lee s trans 
 lation is here given. 
 
 "PARIS, Oct. 12th, 1778. 
 
 To his excellency the Count de Vergennes. 
 
 Your excellency has seen in the separate and secret 
 act signed the 6th February 1778, that I am charged with 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 133 
 
 full powers to conclude a treaty with Spain. You are 
 also acquainted with my having been in Spain, and hav 
 ing had conferences with the Duke de Grimaldi on this 
 subject. 
 
 All the objections which were then alleged against an 
 immediate declaration are now removed. The consisten 
 cy of our cause is now unquestionable. France is ready 
 and has actually declared; their treasures are safe, and 
 the fleet from Buenos Ayres is in their harbours. Yet 
 we do not see the least movement on their part towards 
 realizing the hopes they gave us ; but on the contrary, 
 what ostensible measures they have taken, most certainly 
 give encouragement to our enemies. That court has not 
 thought proper to take the least notice of the ratification 
 of the separate and secret act which I announced to 
 them. While we are therefore bound, they are at liberty. 
 
 All this sir, gives me much uneasiness. I arn appre 
 hensive that congress will not think this mode of acting 
 very satisfactory ; and that the encouragement it must 
 hold out to the court of London will prolong this perni 
 cious war, and make it cost us more blood and treasure 
 than is necessary to tie the hands of our common ene 
 my, and establish effectually the liberty, the sovereignty, 
 and independence of the United States. 
 
 In these very critical circumstances I must have re 
 course to the king and to your excellency. Our cause is 
 common ; and it is my wish to conduct it by your expe 
 rience, your lights, and your counsel, as to the measures 
 I am to take, whether it be to act or to wait. This 
 would always be my desire, but I consider it now my 
 duty ; for it seems to be the mutual sentiment of your 
 court and of congress, that the eventual treaty signed at 
 Paris on the 6th February is now become actual, perma 
 nent, and indissoluble. The first article of that treaty 
 says that if war should break out between France and 
 Great Britain during the continuance of the present war 
 between the United States and England, his majesty and 
 the United States will make it a common cause, and will 
 aid each other with their mutual good offices, counsels, 
 and forces, according to the exigency of things, and as be 
 comes good and faithful allies. 
 
134 LIFE OF 
 
 It is upon these principles that I think it my duty to 
 endeavour to place upon an equal footing the interests of 
 France and the United States ; and therefore not to com 
 mence any thing without the concurrence of your court. 
 Upon the same principles I flatter myself with obtaining 
 the aid and assistance of your wisdom and information, 
 as to the moment of commencing the measures to be 
 taken and the means to be employed with the court of 
 Spain. 
 
 I am persuaded, and always was so, that Great Britain 
 cannot make head for a year against the united counsels 
 and force of the house of Bourbon and the United States 
 of America. 
 
 I have the honour to be your excellency s very obedi 
 ent servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 Y/ The count advised that Mr. Lee should not at this time 
 press the subject further on the Spanish court. Mr. Lee 
 was guided by his counsel, and did not go to Madrid, but 
 continued in friendlycorrespondence with the minister 
 of Spain at Paris.V/Though Spain thus long declined the 
 overtures of the United States to an open alliance, the 
 good understanding and the friendly biases of the former 
 towards the latter which had hitherto subsisted continued 
 to exist. A pleasing proof of this is exhibited in the fol 
 lowing communication of Mr. Lee made to the Spanish 
 court, by the direction of congress. That body must 
 have been well assured of the cordiality of Spain towards 
 their cause, w T hen they would have disclosed to her cabi 
 net, yet holding ostensibly amicable relations \vith Great 
 Britain, the wants and distresses of their country. Their 
 representative performed the duty assigned him by their re- 
 solve,with no ordinary ability and with the desired success. 
 Towards the close of the year 1777 the fiscal affairs of 
 the United States were greatly embarrassed. The rapid 
 depreciation of their paper money had already been at 
 tended with serious consequences, and threatened for the 
 future more deplorable evils. In consequence of this 
 state of things, congress on the 23d December 1777 pass 
 ed a resolution, instructing and authorizing their com- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 135 
 
 missioners at the different courts to make an immediate 
 and earnest application for a loan of two millions sterling, 
 upon terms specified in the resolution. As soon as the 
 resolution and the instructions reached Paris, Mr. Lee 
 addressed this earnest and well adapted letter to the 
 prime minister of Spain through her resident ambassador 
 at Paris. 
 
 " Mr. Lee presents his respects to his excellency 
 Count D Aranda, and begs he will have the goodness to 
 forward the packet which he has the honour of enclosing 
 him, and which is on business of the last importance, by 
 the first opportunity to his court. 
 
 Chaillot, July 19, 1777." 
 
 " To his excellency the Count Florida Blanca. 
 
 I have the honour of transmitting to your excellency 
 the enclosed resolution of congress, with my most earn 
 est prayer that it may be immediately laid before the 
 king. Nothing but the uncommon exigency of the pre 
 sent war, attended with such peculiar circumstances with 
 regard to the United States, would prevail upon them to 
 press so much upon his majesty s goodness. That ne 
 cessity must also plead my pardon for entreating your 
 excellency to let me have as early an answer as possible. 
 As the United States have the highest confidence in the 
 friendship of the king, they promise themselves that his 
 goodness will afford this loan, as a relief to their most 
 urgent distresses. With regard to the interest, the 
 quantum of that they refer themselves to his majesty s 
 justice. Five per cent, is the legal interest with them, 
 but I am authorized to give six if his majesty should de 
 sire it. 
 
 This interest .will be most punctually paid, and they 
 will neglect no means of liquidating the principal, if de 
 sired, sooner than the stipulated time ; which will be 
 easily accomplished when peace or some other employ 
 ment of the enemy s navy than that of preying upon the 
 trade of the United States, will permit their exports to 
 find European markets. 
 
 Your excellency will perceive that this loan is appro- 
 
136 LIFE OF 
 
 priated to sink the paper money which necessity obliged 
 congress to issue. An infant and unprepared people 
 compelled to defend themselves against an old, opulent 
 and powerful, and well appointed nation, were driven to 
 this resource of issuing paper. They were to create ar 
 mies and navies, to fortify towns, erect forts, defend 
 rivers, and establish government; besides the immense 
 expense of maintaining a war, that pressed them power 
 fully on all sides. For these purposes they had neither 
 funds established, taxes imposed, specie in their country, 
 nor commerce to introduce it. In this exigency paper 
 money was their only resource, and not having been able 
 for the same reasons to redeem it, the depreciation which 
 necessarily followed threatens the total destruction of 
 their credit, and consequently their only means of main 
 taining their independence. 
 
 In this distress their hope is fixed upon his majesty ; 
 and I most earnestly beseech your excellency so to repre 
 sent our situation to the king, as may move his royal be 
 nevolence to furnish the relief we wish, which would 
 raise an everlasting tribute of gratitude in the people of 
 the United States. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, 
 your excellency s most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 Pari^July 18, 1778." 
 
 The resolution of congress is here added. 
 
 " In congress, Dec. 3, 1777. 
 
 The great quantity of paper money issued to defray 
 the expenses of the war, having at length become so 
 considerable as to endanger its credit, and congress ap 
 prehending the slow operation of taxes may not be ade 
 quate to the preventing of an evil so pernicious in its 
 consequences, and as experience proves that the method 
 of paying the interest by bills on France does not fill the 
 loan office so fast as the urgent calls of the war de 
 mands, 
 
 Resolved, that the commissioner at, &c. be directed 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 137 
 
 to exert his utmost endeavours to obtain a loan of two 
 millions sterling, on the faith of the United States, for a 
 term not less than five years, with permission if practi 
 cable, to pay the same sooner if it shall be agreeable to 
 these states, giving twelve months previous notice to the 
 lender, of such intention to return the money. That the 
 commissioner be instructed to consider the money hereby 
 directed to be borrowed, as a fund to be applied, unless 
 congress direct otherwise, solely to the purpose of an 
 swering such draughts as congress shall make for the 
 purpose of lessening the sum of paper money in circula 
 tion. 
 
 That in order more effectually of answering the good 
 purposes intended by this plan, the commissioner be also 
 instructed to keep as secret as the nature of the thing will 
 admit, whatever loan he shall be able to obtain for this 
 purpose on account of the United States." 
 
 The court as well as the people of Holland, had enter 
 tained a strong sympathy for the people of the United 
 States. It was a sympathy at once natural, moral and 
 politic. It was a moral sympathy between the " old 
 republicans of Holland and the " new republicans of 
 America ;" while it was the natural and politic feeling 
 of one commercial state towards another commercial 
 state. The kindly sentiments of the people and govern 
 ment towards the United States had induced congress to 
 appoint an agent at the Hague. Mr. William Lee, a 
 brother of Arthur Lee, had for some time past acted in 
 the capacity of commercial agent of the United States 
 at that place. 
 
 Mr. Arthur Lee, with his usual activity and zeal, had 
 done much to conciliate the good will of the ministers 
 and public men of Holland towards his country, to gain 
 their respect and engage their interest in its affairs, from 
 the suggestions and motives of policy. With these views 
 he had corresponded with some of the leading men of 
 that country, and had given to them all such information 
 respecting the character of the people and institutions of 
 the United States, of their resources and commercial fa- 
 
 VOL. i. 18 
 
138 LIFE OF 
 
 cilities, as was calculated to produce an interested and at 
 the same time a moral feeling, advantageous to the cause 
 he had so much at heart. He wrote the following me- 
 moire for the reading and commercial men in Holland, 
 and sent it to one of his friends to be published in some 
 of the popular gazettes at the Hague. 
 
 MARCH 31st, 1778. 
 Monsieur Dumas, a la Hague. 
 
 Dear Sir, I enclose you a memoire written last year, 
 but not sent in consequence of my going to Spain. You 
 will be so good as to show it to your friends, and have it 
 printed if you think that will be of any service. 
 
 It is reported from America that a fire has happened 
 at Charleston which burnt 200 houses ; and that the Ca 
 nadians have taken up arms and declared for the United 
 States.* 
 
 I am with great respect dear sir, your friend and ser 
 vant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 Memoire of Arthur Lee, referred to in the preceding 
 letter to Mons. Dumas. 
 
 " When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the 
 United States of America first settled that country, they 
 did it entirely at their own expense. The public of Eng 
 land never granted one shilling to aid in their establish 
 ment, f Had any such grants existed they must have 
 been on record. The state of England therefore could 
 not claim the benefit of an acquisition it had not made. 
 
 * The author has found a note to the Count de Vergennes, containing a benevo 
 lent and becoming suggestion to that minister respecting the calamity which had 
 befallen Charleston. 
 
 "CHAILLOT, April 17th, 1778. 
 To the Count Vergennes. 
 
 Mr. Lee presents his respects to his excellency Count Vergennes, and encloses a 
 Gazette containing the speeches in the famous debate on the 8th. He begs it may 
 be returned when done with. 
 
 Mr. Lee cannot help suggesting that the king has an opportunity of doing an act 
 of great graciousness towards America, in ordering a sum of money for the sufferers 
 in the dreadful calamity of the fire in Charleston, South Carolina. Such an act 
 would be consonant to the character of benevolence and generosity which his majes 
 ty so deservedly bears ; and in a popular government like that of the United States, 
 it might have a more favourable effect than the efforts of the ablest negotiator. 
 
 With profound respect I have the honour to be, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 t Georgia is au exception, for which grants have been made. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 139 
 
 Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they 
 had a right to exchange and sell the produce of their labour 
 to all nations without control. This right they actually 
 enjoyed unquestioned, until the year 1652. Then it was 
 that the English, in violation of every principle of justice, 
 usurped and established a monopoly of the American com 
 merce, which they maintained until the vigour of their 
 domination compelled the Americans to reclaim their an 
 cient and unalienable rights, by declaring themselves free 
 and independent states. In consequence of this, all na 
 tions are now restored to a participation of that com 
 merce, from which the monopolizing spirit of the English 
 had unjustly excluded them. 
 
 No nation is more interested in this event than the 
 Dutch ; because it was against them the establishment 
 of the monopoly was chiefly intended. The great object 
 of commercial policy with Holland was the carrying 
 trade. When the commerce of America was free, the 
 number of Dutch vessels in the American ports exceeded 
 those of England. But in the year 1651 a quarrel arose 
 between the states of Holland and the then republic of 
 England. The English, jealous of their naval power, 
 resolved to destroy that American commerce which con 
 tributed so much to the support of the naval strength of 
 Holland. To effect this, the council of state projected 
 and passed on the 1st Dec. 1(351 the Navigation Ordinance; 
 by which the carriage of American produce was prohi 
 bited, except in English bottoms. The Dutch saw the 
 intention and felt the effects of this measure. Their re 
 sentment of it added fuel to the war that raged from 
 that time until the year 1(354 with so much fury. Their 
 success however was not sufficient to re-establish what 
 had thus been wrested from them. In negotiating the 
 peace which concluded that war, De Witt laboured with 
 his usual abilities to obtain an abolition of that act, but 
 all his efforts were ineffectual. Cromwell, who was not 
 his inferior in acuteness, maintained the navigation act, 
 and under Charles II. it received the form and sanction 
 of an act of the parliament. Thus in despite of all 
 their efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrest 
 ed from the Dutch, and monopolized by the English. 
 
140 LIFE OF 
 
 But what neither the uncommon talents of DeWitt 
 nor the struggles of an obstinate war could effect, the 
 course of human events has produced. The wealth and 
 power arising from this very monopoly so intoxicated 
 Great Britain, as to make her think that there were no 
 bounds to the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not 
 content therefore with thus restraining the Americans for 
 her own emolument in the mode of acquiring money, she 
 arrogated to herself the right of taking that which was 
 obtained under those restraints. The natural conse 
 quence of thus urging her domination, and adding a new 
 usurpation to the former, was the abolition of the whole. 
 America has in form renounced her connexion with Great 
 Britain, and is maintaining her rights by arms. 
 
 The consequence of her success will be the re-estab 
 lishment of commerce upon its ancient free and general 
 policy. All nations are interested in this success ; but 
 none so much as the Dutch. From them therefore, 
 America in a most special manner looks for support. Re 
 sentment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, 
 and all their present interests, unite in calling upon them 
 for a spirited avowal and support of the independence of 
 America. They will not forget the blood that was spilt 
 in endeavouring to vindicate their rights when first invad 
 ed. They will not forget the insolence and injustice with 
 which Great Britain harassed their trade during the late 
 war, by means of that very naval strength which she de 
 rived from their monopoly. They cannot but feel at. this 
 moment the insult and indignity from the British court, 
 in presuming to forbid them that free participation of com 
 merce which America offers. 
 
 The extraordinary remittances which the people of 
 America have made to the merchants of Great Britain 
 since the commencement of this dispute, is a proof of 
 their honour and good faith ; so much more safe and ad 
 vantageous is it to trust money with a young, and indus 
 trious, and thriving people, than with an old nation, over 
 whelmed in debt, abandoned to extravagance, and im 
 mersed in luxury. By maintaining the independence of 
 America a new avenue will be opened for the employ- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 141 
 
 ment of money ; where landed property as yet untouched 
 by mortgage or other incumbrance, will answer for the 
 principal, and the industry of a young and uninvolved 
 people would ensure a regular payment of interest. The 
 money holder would in that case be delivered from those 
 continual fears and apprehensions, which every agitation 
 of the English stocks perpetually excite. He might 
 count his profits without anxiety, and plan his monied 
 transactions with certainty. These are the substantial 
 objects of advantage which America holds up to the peo 
 ple of Holland ; and this is the moment of embracing 
 them." 
 
 In a long and interesting letter to the committee of 
 correspondence, written subsequently to his letter to 
 Mons. Dumas, Mr. Lee informed them that he had pro 
 cured the publication in Holland of a memoire he had 
 prepared for the purpose of attracting the attention of the 
 court and public of that country to the affairs of the 
 United States ; and that a well informed friend at the 
 Hague had expressed to him an opinion " that it would 
 have a very good effect." His friend, Mons. Dumas, 
 added to the preceding memoire some appropriate and 
 well timed reflections, for which Mr. Lee thus thanks him. 
 
 " CHAILLOT, June 4th, 1778. 
 
 Mons. Dumas. 
 
 Dear Sir, It gave me great pleasure to receive the 
 key to the treasure you sent us before in Dutch, my un- 
 acquaintance with which prevented me from knowing 
 how much I was obliged to you for the improvements 
 made on the little essay I had the honour of sending 
 you. Felix, faustumque sitS May it open the eyes of 
 your people to their own interest, before an universal 
 bankruptcy in England and a compelled frugality in Ame 
 rica have deprived them of the golden opportunity of ex 
 tricating themselves from bad debtors, and connecting 
 themselves with good ones. 
 
 So fair an opportunity of sharing in the most valuable 
 commerce on the globe will never again present itself; 
 
142 LIFE OF 
 
 and indeed they are greatly indebted to the noble and 
 disinterested principles of France, which prevented this 
 country from attempting to possess itself of the mo 
 nopoly which Great Britain had forfeited. In truth they 
 were great and wise principles, and the connexion form 
 ed upon them will be durable. France and the rest of 
 Europe can never pay too large a tribute of praise to the 
 wisdom of the most Christian king and his ministers in 
 this transaction. 
 
 You are happy in having the esteem and counsel of 
 the Grand Facteur, who seems to have equal sense and 
 good intentions. Our enemies seem embarrassed in 
 their operations, as is generally the case with the weak 
 and the wicked. As far as we can learn their fleet has 
 not yet sailed for America, to save the Howes from the 
 fate that hangs over them. We have no intelligence on 
 which we can rely. 
 
 I have the honour to be dear sir, with the greatest re 
 spect, your friend and servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 On the 8th of April 1778, John Adams, Esq. arrived 
 in Paris. He had been appointed a joint commissioner 
 to France, in the room of Mr. Deane. With this gentle 
 man Mr. Lee had enjoyed previously no personal ac 
 quaintance ; but their characters and their patriotic and 
 essential services to their common country had been long 
 known to each of them. A personal friendship immedi 
 ately ensued, and continued during the life of Mr. Lee. 
 The interesting letters of John Adams to him, written 
 during his missions to Holland and England at a highly 
 important period, will be read with earnestness and 
 pleasure by every intelligent reader. They will be found 
 in the Appendix, No. 9. 
 
 In the early part of the year 1778, as the reader has 
 learned from history, the British parliament, by the ad 
 vice of the ministry, who had foreseen the probability and 
 consequences of a treaty of commerce and alliance be 
 tween France and the United States, authorized commis 
 sioners who were named in the act, appointing them to 
 make pacific propositions to the congress. The ministry 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 143 
 
 at the same time despatched a private agent, a gentle 
 man of much respectability, to Paris, for the purposes of 
 watching the proceedings of the court of France, and of 
 sounding our commissioners on the subject of a recon 
 ciliation with England. The following notes of Count 
 Vergennes and Mr. Lee will give the reader some idea 
 of the artful efforts made to obstruct the treaty with 
 France. They will at the same time illustrate the mu 
 tual confidence and good faith which existed between 
 the able and amiable Vergennes and our commissioners. 
 
 " CHAILLOT, April 24th, 1778. 
 
 Sir, Since I had the honour of seeing your excellency 
 I have learnt that Mr. Hartley in conversing with French 
 people whose opinions he thinks may have weight, insinu 
 ates to them, that engaging in a war in our favour is very 
 impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but the 
 ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great 
 Britain. To us, he says, the French have done nothing 
 for you, they can never be trusted ; no cordial connexion 
 can be formed with them, therefore you had better re 
 turn back to your former connexion, which may be upon 
 your own terms if you will renounce France. This gen 
 tleman and the wise men who sent him have so high an 
 opinion of our understandings, that they flatter them 
 selves these insinuations w T ill succeed. 
 
 I have also been informed that besides their commis 
 sioners, the ministry have despatched two persons to 
 America to work privately as Mr. Hartley is doing. 
 One of them is an American ; I know them, and both 
 the size of their understanding and the degree of their 
 influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. 
 These are the little projects of little spirits, and will be 
 attended with proportional success. They show the im 
 becility and distress of our enemies, and will only change 
 the detestation of America into utter contempt. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great respect, your ex 
 cellency s most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 His excellency Count de Vergennes." 
 
144 LIFE OF 
 
 " VERSAILLES, April 24, 1778. 
 
 T am much obliged to you sir, for giving me informa 
 tion touching the insinuations of Mr. Heartley, as well 
 to you as to those whom he thinks have an influence in 
 this country. 
 
 I do not doubt of his receiving as little credit with you 
 as he certainly will with us. And I can answer for it 
 that he will not find us susceptible of the suspicions he 
 wishes to inspire. 
 
 I am obliged to go immediately to council, and must 
 beg you to accept the assurances of the respect with 
 which I have the honour to be sir, your very obedient and 
 humble servant, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 Previously to this time the British ministry had made 
 an attempt, as unsuccessful as the one just related, to in 
 terrupt the amicable relations between France and the 
 United States, and to prevent so hearty an union in the 
 affections of the people of the two countries, as would 
 alienate those of the latter altogether from Great Britain. 
 For these purposes they had engaged an agent, and au 
 thorized him to make overtures of reconciliation to our 
 commissioners. The name of this agent was Berken- 
 hout. This gentleman had been a classmate and an in 
 timate friend of Mr. Lee while he was a student at the 
 University of Edinburg. The former intimacy between 
 Mr. Lee and this gentleman had become known to the 
 ministry. Hence he was instructed to commence his 
 efforts by seeking to renew his acquaintance with Mr. 
 Lee, and by cautiously disclosing to him the disposition 
 of the British Court, to propose terms of accommoda 
 tion. The ministry were doubtless desirous of retriev 
 ing the consequences of their violent proceedings agaiffst 
 America, and to save Great Britain from the entire loss 
 of so large and important a part of her empire. But 
 they were yet unwilling to acknowledge the independ 
 ence of the United States. Neither their agents, Messrs. 
 Hartley and Berkenhout, nor their commissioners, whom 
 they had sent to America, were authorized to give any 
 promise or pledge on that subject. The contest had con- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 145 
 
 tinued too long, and the people of the United States had 
 been too confident of ultimate success, and had been too 
 deeply smitten with the idea of national independence, 
 to listen to any terms not founded on an acknowledg 
 ment of it. 
 
 Dr. Berkenhout repaired to France in the latter part 
 of the year 1777, and continued until the year 1778. 
 He addressed a letter to Mr. Lee, inviting him to come 
 to Calais. He gave him to understand that his visit to 
 France was authorized by the court of London, and that 
 he was charged with business of high import to the 
 United States. Their correspondence was carried on 
 under feigned signatures, at the request of Dr. Berken 
 hout. He soon learned that while Mr. Lee was still 
 true to the amiable and grateful recollections of friend 
 ship, he was a bold and inflexible patriot who would not 
 despair of his country, and would indignantly spurn all 
 idea of any connexion with Great Britain except that 
 which may exist between independent nations. 
 
 The following notes from Mr. Lee to Dr. Berkenhout 
 will show the reader the spirit in which the ministerial 
 proposals were met by the former, and the degree of en 
 couragement which he gave to the latter gentleman to 
 hope for success in bringing about any amicable under 
 standing, without the previous and positive acknowledg 
 ment of the absolute independence of the United States. 
 Notwithstanding the little success which attended Dr. 
 Berkenhout s attempts at Paris, he was subsequently 
 sent to the United States to aid the British commission 
 ers in similar efforts there.* 
 
 "August 1, 1777. 
 
 Dr. B. Amico has received and considered your last 
 letter. To your last question he answers you may come 
 if you are properly authorized. But it should be to 
 
 * Dr. B. upon his arrival in America addressed himself to Richard Henry Lee, 
 from whom his proposals met with the same stern rejection that they had experi 
 enced from the congenial spirit of his brother. 
 
 VOL. I. 19 
 
146 LIFE OF 
 
 Paris, and not to Calais, because Amico s going thither 
 would excite curiosity and suspicion. 
 To Dr. Berkenhout." 
 
 " December 3, 1777. 
 
 Amico, My last might serve as an answer to your s. 
 We have power to receive, not to make, overtures. Voila 
 la difference. We have as much dignity, and I hope more 
 reason on our side. If therefore they stay for overtures 
 from us, I promise you they will not receive them till 
 their faith can move our mountains. I hoped something 
 from this negotiation, and therefore more willingly lent 
 myself to it. But I now see too well their abundant 
 pride and folly to think the public will derive any ad 
 vantage from it. They are determined to make us a 
 great people by continuing a contest which forces us to fru 
 gality, industry and economy ; and calls forth resources 
 which without such necessity would never have been 
 cultivated. I have long thought that if they intended 
 us the benefits their conduct will bring us, we should 
 owe them mountains of gold. Adieu." 
 
 The Doctor continued, in spite of these stern rebukes, 
 to continue in France and occasionally to introduce to 
 Mr. Lee the subject of reconciliation with England, with 
 the same result to all his efforts. To a request from the 
 Doctor to disclose to him some intelligence upon which 
 he might adventure in the business of stock-jobbing, Mr. 
 Lee returned him this frank and wise advice. 
 
 "January 13, 1778. 
 
 Dr. Berkenhout. 
 
 Dear Friend, You could not possibly have written to 
 a more improper person for intelligence to stock-job upon. 
 I am determined that no consideration shall ever prevail 
 on me to contribute to such work, and more especially 
 in my situation. You must therefore pardon me if my 
 friendship for you cannot go so far. Nor indeed can I 
 help dissuading you from entering at all into a walk fre- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 147 
 
 quented by knaves and dupes, and in which, from all I 
 have heard of it, nothing can save an honest man from 
 being sacrificed to those who are not so. The acquaint 
 ance I have had with political business satisfies me that 
 there is great risk in ensuring on political events. I ad 
 vise you to think no more of it. Farewell." 
 
 All the attempts of the court of London to arrest that 
 progress of events which resulted in the treaties of com 
 merce and alliance between France and the United States, 
 proved abortive alike in both countries. The missions 
 of Messrs. Hartley and Berkenhout, and of the commis 
 sioners sent to America, utterly failed. 
 
 The author had not known the fact, and perhaps most 
 readers are unacquainted with it, that the " old congress" 
 had invited the celebrated Dr. Richard Price, so well 
 known to politicians as an able writer on the recondite 
 subjects of government and finance, and to the learned 
 world as a profound metaphysician, to become a citizen 
 of the United States, and to assist them in the regula 
 tion of their financial systems. They accompanied this 
 invitation with an assurance, that if he should think it 
 expedient to remove with his family to America, " a ge 
 nerous provision should be made for requiting his ser 
 vices." This resolution, so honourable to Dr. Price, is 
 in these words ; 
 
 "October 6, 1778. 
 
 Resolved, that the honourable Benjamin Franklin, 
 Arthur Lee, and John Adams, Esquires, or any of them, 
 be directed forthwith to apply to Dr. Price and inform 
 him that it is the desire of congress to consider him a 
 citizen of the United States, and to receive his assist 
 ance in regulating their finances. That if he should 
 think it expedient to remove with his family to America, 
 and afford such assistance, a generous provision shall be 
 made for requiting his services."* 
 
 His colleagues devolved upon Mr. Lee the office of 
 
 * See Secret Journals, Vol. U. p. 101. 
 
H8 LIFE OF 
 
 making known the foregoing resolution to Dr. Price. 
 Between them there had existed, while Mr. Lee resided 
 in England, a warm friendship and congeniality of senti 
 ment and opinions, on most subjects of learning and ab 
 stract research. The office was therefore a most grate 
 ful one, and he performed it with all his heart. It is to 
 be regretted that no copy of Mr. Lee s letter in behalf 
 of the commissioners has been found. The reply of Dr. 
 Price is worthy of him. The reader will greet its inser 
 tion here. 
 
 GREEN, Jan, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your most kind and excellent letter, to 
 gether with the letter conveying the resolution of con 
 gress, has made the deepest impression on my mind.* I 
 entreat you to accept yourself and to deliver to Dr. 
 Franklin and Mr. Adams my best acknowledgments. 
 Though I cannot hesitate about the reply addressed to the 
 honourable commissioners, and through them to congress, 
 which accompanies this letter, yet so flattering a testi 
 mony of the regard of an assembly which I consider the 
 most respectable and important in the world cannot but 
 give me the highest pleasure, and I shall always reckon 
 it among the first honours of my life. 
 
 There is an indolence growing upon me as 1 grow 
 older, which will probably prevent me forever from 
 undertaking any public employment. When I am in my 
 study and among my books, and have nothing to encum 
 ber me, I am happy ; but so weak are my spirits that 
 the smallest hurry and even the consciousness of having 
 any thing to do which must be done, will sometimes dis 
 tress and overpower me. What I have written on the 
 subject of finances has been chiefly an amusement which 
 I have pursued at my leisure, with some hope indeed, 
 but very little expectation, of its being useful. Nothing 
 can be more melancholy than to see so many European 
 states depressed and crippled by heavy debts, which 
 have been the growth of ages, and which in the end 
 
 * No copy of Mr. Lee s letter here mentioned by Dr. Price has been found. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 149 
 
 must ruin them, but which a small appropriation faithful 
 ly applied might have always kept within the bounds of 
 safety. This is particularly true of this country. Here 
 our debt must soon produce a shocking catastrophe. 
 The new world will I hope take warning and profit by 
 the follies and corruptions and miseries of the old. 
 
 My pamphlets on the principles of government and 
 the American war, \vere extorted from me by my judg 
 ment and my feelings. They have brought upon me a 
 great deal of abuse ; but abundant amends have been 
 made me by the approbation of many of the best men 
 here and abroad ; and particularly by that vote of con 
 gress to which I suppose they may have contributed. 
 When you write to any of the members of that assembly 
 be so good as to represent me as a zealous friend to lib 
 erty, who is anxiously attentive to the great struggle in 
 which they are engaged, and who wishes earnestly for 
 the sake of the world that British America may preserve 
 its liberty, set an example of moderation and magnani 
 mity, and establish such forms of government as may 
 render it an asylum for the virtuous and the oppressed 
 in other countries. 
 
 Tell Dr. Franklin that he is one of the friends in 
 whom while in this country I always delighted, and for 
 whom I must ever retain the greatest esteem and affec 
 tion. We are now separated from one another never 
 probably to meet again on this side of the grave. May 
 he long be preserved as a blessing to his country. My 
 connexions and state of health are such that I must stay 
 in this country and wait its fate. I do this with a pain 
 ful concern for the infatuation which has brought it into 
 its present danger ; but at the same time with indiffer 
 ence as far as my own personal interest is concerned, 
 and a perfect complacency in the consciousness of having 
 endeavoured to act the part of a good citizen, and serve 
 the best of all causes. Will you further mention me par 
 ticularly to Mr. Adams, and inform him that I greatly 
 respect his character. 
 
 Some good friends of yours and mine are well, but I 
 differ from them at present in opinion. 
 
150 LIFE OF 
 
 Under a grateful sense of your friendship and with 
 great regard, and wishes of all possible happiness, I am 
 my dear sir, your obliged and very obedient humble ser 
 vant, RICHARD PRICE. 
 
 P. S. The interest of mankind depends so much on 
 the forms of government established in America, that I 
 have long thought it the duty of every man to contribute 
 all he can towards improving them. I am possessed of 
 some observations which have been made by a great man 
 with this view, and I may some time or other take the 
 liberty to communicate them with a few additional ob 
 servations. R. P." 
 
 The great object of the mission of Messrs. Franklin, 
 Deane, and Arthur Lee to the court of France having 
 been accomplished by the conclusion of the treaties with 
 that nation, the principal exertions and labours of Mr. 
 Lee during the years 1778 and 1779 w r ere required by 
 his office, and were devoted to his duties of sole commis 
 sioner to the court of Spain, and of the acting commis 
 sioner to that of Prussia. During this period he aided 
 his brother, William Lee, in his negotiations with Hol 
 land. Mr. Lee s attention to the duties of these com 
 missions, and his labours to advance the interests of his 
 country in regard to them, were assiduous, able and pat 
 riotic. They were always onerous, always responsible, 
 and generally perplexing. After having obtained loans 
 and warlike supplies from the courts of Spain and Hol 
 land, and permission to purchase arms from the Prussian 
 armories, he encountered f many difficulties and suffered 
 vast trouble in the selections of the articles, in the 
 necessary arrangements with the merchants, and in the 
 making of arrangements with the subordinate agents and 
 ministers of the several governments, as to the mode of 
 ensuring and shipping them. Some estimate may be 
 formed of the continuance, perplexity and minuteness of 
 the labours of Mr. Lee during the periods just mention 
 ed, from his letters to the " Corresponding Committee" 
 of Congress, and from his Letter Books and Journals, 
 from which have been made the selections accompanying 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 151 
 
 this brief and feeble attempt to present to his country 
 men for their gratitude and imitation, a sketch of the 
 character and services of this able and devoted patriot. 
 His labours during the years 1778 and 1779 were suc 
 cessful in some of their most important objects. He 
 obtained in times of urgent need, loans from Spain and 
 Holland, and military supplies from Prussia, on advan 
 tageous terms. 
 
 During the period of which this brief view has been 
 taken, Mr. Lee continued to act as agent for the state of 
 Virginia, and to conduct negotiations with the court of 
 France for supplies of^arms, &c. for that commonwealth. 
 To negotiate for loans and supplies was the least of the 
 trouble and labours ofJVlr. Lee s official duties. The de 
 tails involved in- the many interviews "and arrangements 
 with the different officers of the French government re 
 specting the Virginia supplies, and the jelivery and ship 
 ping of them, added greatly and continually to the vari 
 ous other engagements of Mr. Lee. But no labour, 
 however constant and wearying, no details of business 
 however dry and minute, could abate his exertions. An 
 unquenchable zeal for his suffering and struggling coun 
 try, ceaselessly animated his bosom. The evidence 
 which supports this remark exists in a much greater 
 amount than has been here exhibited to the reader. His 
 conduct was indeed a commentary upon the noble de 
 claration he made in his admirable letter to Lord Shel- 
 burne ; " I am determined to see the liberties of my 
 country established, or to perish in her last struggle." 
 The continued attention of Mr. Lee to the business of 
 supplies for the state of Virginia, amid his other multi 
 plied engagements, will be seen in his correspondence 
 with Governors Henry and Page, which will be found in 
 the Appendix, No. 4, (c) and No. 8. 
 
 Towards the latter end of the year 1778, our affairs 
 with France having assumed the regular form of the re 
 lations of an established government, it seems to have 
 been thought by congress that a single national repre 
 sentative to that country would suffice ; and that a name 
 of office, importing the dignity of national independence, 
 
152 LIFE OF 
 
 was now appropriate to our condition. It was resolved 
 that it was expedient to appoint a minister plenipoten 
 tiary to reside at the court of France. In October 1778 
 Dr. Franklin was elected to fill that office. Our affairs 
 with Spain, Prussia, Holland, and Germany, being still of 
 an indefinite character, commissioners only were continued 
 at their respective courts. Mr. Lee was continued sole 
 commissioner to Spain, and acting commissioner at the 
 court of Prussia. A brief attempt has been made to 
 give the reader a general idea of the value of his services 
 during the period which elapsed from October 1778 un 
 til the end of the year 1779. He who shall read his cor 
 respondence during this time, will perceive that it has 
 been thought better to leave the reader to form a due 
 estimate of the zeal and disinterestedness of Mr. Lee s 
 services from the materials of this memoir, than from an 
 elaborate effort of his biographer to present here a full 
 statement of his labours. 
 
 Great and undeniable as had been the patriotism and 
 services of Mr. Lee, he did not escape the malicious in 
 sinuations and false charges of detected peculation, and 
 conscious infidelity to public trust ; while he experienced 
 the inevitable consequence of an honest performance of 
 duty, the persecution of abating faction. A short period 
 of his life afforded another instance, in addition to the 
 many furnished by the history of all times, that active 
 virtue never passed along its whole career without de 
 traction and injustice. To posterity, and not to contem 
 poraries, patriotism and virtue have ever been most in 
 debted for a just estimate of their claims to admiration 
 and gratitude. 
 
 The biographer of Mr. Lee, actuated by the same 
 love of country that distinguished his subject, reluctant 
 ly records facts which cast a shade on any period of our 
 revolutionary times. But this reluctance is lessened by 
 the reflection, that while truth requires a glance at this 
 shade, it is to be recorded, that its own redeeming ener 
 gy and testimony, informing and invigorating the zeal and 
 public virtue which so distinguished the times of the 
 American revolution, quickly dispelled the clouds of error 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 153 
 
 and injustice from the character of one of the most hon 
 est and able of those public servants who had given suc 
 cess and lustre to that eventful and glorious epoch. 
 
 When, in the latter end of the year 1779, it had be 
 come expedient to appoint a minister plenipotentiary to 
 the court of Spain, and one or more to negotiate a treaty 
 of peace with Great Britain, (which it was now probable 
 Great Britain would consent to make with us as an in 
 dependent nation) Mr. Lee, though nominated, was not 
 elected to either of these honourable and important sta 
 tions. Any reader of ordinary sagacity and sensibility, will 
 at once perceive that at least an apparent affront was offered 
 to him. A person of less sensibility than he would have 
 felt mortification, if not resentment.* After the long 
 and important services of Mr. Lee at the court of Spain, 
 to which may be so justly ascribed the friendly under 
 standing that had existed, and that was now on the eve 
 of a successful consummation in the conclusion of a treaty 
 recognising the independence of his country, the propri 
 ety and justice of conferring upon him the honour of the 
 appointment of first minister plenipotentiary to that court, 
 would seem clear and indisputable.! As soon as he re 
 ceived intelligence of this appointment he resolved to re 
 turn to America, and resign OT! employment under the 
 congress. The reader may perhaps wonder that so long 
 as he could render any service to his country abroad, the 
 ardent and disinterested patriotism he had so long ex 
 hibited had not induced him to remain in Europe, con 
 senting to sacrifice his feelings to the public good. The 
 following sketch will suffice to acquit him of all undue 
 regard to personal considerations of pride and etiquette. 
 The many testimonies of the public respect and gratitude 
 he received upon his return, make it unnecessary to go 
 into much detail of the reasons which led him to re 
 turn, and of the circumstances which rendered his pre- 
 
 * It will be seen by inspecting the vote, that the vote for Mr. Lee was numerous 
 and respectable. 
 
 t It was surely meet that to him should have been afforded the opportunity of con 
 cluding a treaty with a nation with which he had so early, so long, and so ably 
 negotiated, and of thus gloriously crowning his arduous labours and ardent wishes. 
 VOL. I. 20 
 
154 LIFE OF 
 
 sence in America an imperative duty to himself and his 
 country. 
 
 It was of necessity that the congress employed many 
 commercial agents ; and an equal necessity obliged them 
 to authorize their commissioners to employ sub-agents to 
 attend to details of business which it was impossible for 
 the commissioners themselves to transact. Owing to the 
 distance from the residence of the commissioners, of the 
 places where the disbursement of the public moneys was 
 made in the purchase and shipment of warlike supplies, 
 which at this time could be purchased only in Europe, 
 and the absence of a regular system of accountability, 
 it was extremely difficult if not impossible, to secure a 
 faithful application of the funds of the public, when it 
 necessarily depended on the honesty alone of the agents 
 employed. Such is the desire of gain, such is the " sacra 
 anri fames" that in almost every instance the agents em 
 ployed by congress and by the commissioners, and the 
 merchants with whom contracts were made, proved re 
 gardless of principle, and amassed wealth for themselves 
 at the expense of the United States. This state of things 
 existed to an extent which at this day would appear al 
 most incredible. AgainsLthis abuse Mr. Lee uniformly, 
 actively, and with an unrompromising spirit, opposed all 
 the authority and restraint he could exercise. This course 
 excited against him, as he was aware it would certainly 
 do, the most intense dislike. The most desirable object 
 to these faithless agents was tq procure his dismission 
 from the public service, and his recal to the United States. 
 Various and malignant arts were employed and unceasing 
 efforts were made to attain "their purpose. He was a sub 
 ject of their constant abuse and complaint. They secret 
 ly charged him with a concealed attachment to England, 
 and insinuated that he was in truth little better than a 
 spy upon his colleagues in the interest of the enemy. 
 They first endeavoured to excite a suspicion and distrust 
 of him in the minds of the French ministers ; but failing 
 to effect this design they next strove to infuse into the 
 minds of their friends and connexions in America the 
 strongest prejudices against him, by writing thither re- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 155 
 
 specting him the grossest falsehoods. They represented 
 to them that he kept up an intimacy and correspondence 
 with Hartley and Berkenhout,of the true nature of which 
 the reader has been informed. Their friends naturally 
 believed their representations, and imbibed their dislike 
 and enmity. Many of these agents were of respectable 
 families in America, and some of them had relations and 
 friends in congress. By the joint effect of arts and of 
 falsehood, operating on the sympathy of their friends in 
 and out of congress, they at length succeeded in raising up 
 a faction in that body and out of it, bitterly opposed to 
 and resentful against him. Hence the result of the elec 
 tions in congress which have just been mentioned; for as 
 several persons were nominajted, this .faction, by joining 
 their numbers to the vote for any other candidate than 
 Mr. Lee, defeated his election. 
 
 He had long discovered the means taken by the dis 
 honest agents of the public in Europe, to traduce and in 
 jure him in America. He had been well aware of the 
 extent and strength of the connexions of some of them 
 in congress, and had contemplated the possible success 
 of their efforts to produce an unfavourable impression 
 
 concerning him on the minds of its members. But a 
 
 A 
 fearless and disinterested zefll for the interests of his 
 
 country, a consciousness of his fidelity to her cause, and 
 of an honest performance of every duty in her service, 
 rendered him proof against their assaults. He confid 
 ed in the virtue of his countrymen for a just and grate 
 ful estimate of his labours and patriotism. He did not 
 underrate their virtues, as the sequel of this memoir will 
 show. 
 
 Mr. Lee continued during the period of two years, not 
 withstanding the malevolence of the public defaulters, 
 and the injuries they were continually inflicting on his 
 feelings and character by their misrepresentations, to pur 
 sue, detect, and denounce them. He acquainted con 
 gress with their peculations, and pledged himself to make 
 good his charges against them.. Upon his arrival in Ame 
 rica he redeemed the pledge he had made to congress, 
 and proved to their conviction, and to the satisfaction of the 
 
156 LIFE OF 
 
 country, the defalcations of many of the public agents. He 
 broke down the hostile faction, and triumphed over its ma 
 chinations. During the whole of this contest Mr. Lee re 
 tained the unabated confidence and friendship of the most 
 undoubted and distinguished patriots of that day. The two 
 Adamses, Lovel, Dana and Gerry, of Massachusetts; Liv 
 ingston, Morris, &c. of New- York ; Dickenson, M Kean, 
 Wilson, Rush, of Pennsylvania ; Johnson and Chase, of 
 Maryland ; Henry, Pendleton, the Pages, Bland, Wythe, 
 Monroe, of Virginia ; Laurens and the Rutledges, of 
 Carolina, were all the firm friends and admirers of Arthur 
 Lee. 
 
 It has been mentioned that the enemies of Mr. Lee 
 endeavoured to infuse into the minds of the French min 
 istry a suspicion that Mr. Lee was not heartily attached 
 to the cause of his country. They alleged as proof that 
 he had many friends in England, and that Dr. Berkenhout 
 had been known to correspond with him. The reader 
 has seen the purport of the correspondence between 
 that person and Mr. Lee, as well as that of his corre 
 spondence with the French minister respecting Hartley s 
 mission to France. While an effort was made to render 
 Mr. Lee s fidelity questionable in the minds of Vergennes, 
 Neckar, Montbarey andAthers, it was positively as 
 serted in America that he had lost the confidence of the 
 French court, and was personally obnoxious to its min 
 istry. The scanty selections in this memoir from the 
 confidential correspondence between the members of the 
 ministry just named and Mr. Lee, as one of the commis 
 sioners, and particularly as agent for his native state, reach 
 ing through the whole term of his residence in France, 
 sufficiently refutes these falsehoods. The assertions of 
 his enemies in America, that Mr. Lee was not trusted by 
 the French court and was suspected by his own, had been 
 made in some of the public prints in the United States, 
 and sent to France. John Adams, who had succeeded 
 Silas Deane in the commission to France, and had acted 
 for more than a year with Mr. Lee, had become entirely 
 convinced of the utter want of truth in the insinuations 
 and charges made against him, and of the ability and 
 integrity with which he had served his country. As soon 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 157 
 
 as the printed charges against him reached France Mr. 
 Adams, without Mr. Lee s knowledge, with that ingenu 
 ousness, promptitude, and honesty of purpose, which 
 so strongly characterized him, addressed the following 
 letter to Count Vergennes. 
 
 " PASSY, Feb. llth, 1779. 
 
 Sir, As your excellency reads English perfectly 
 well, my first request is that you would do me the favour 
 to read this without a translation ; after which I submit 
 it to your excellency to make what use of it you may 
 think proper. 
 
 I have hitherto avoided in my single capacity giving 
 your excellency any trouble by letter or conversation ; 
 but the present emergency demands that I should ask 
 the favour to explain my sentiments, either by letter or 
 in person. If you will permit a personal interview, I 
 am persuaded I could make myself understood. If you 
 prefer a correspondence I will lay open my heart before 
 your excellency. 
 
 It is the address to the people in America under the 
 name of Mr. Silas Deane that has occasioned this bold 
 ness in me. It is to me the most unexpected and un 
 foreseen event that has happftied. I hope your excel 
 lency will not conclude from this that I despair of the 
 commonwealth. Far otherwise ; I know that the body 
 of the United States stands immoveable against Great 
 Britain ; and I hope this address of Mr. Deane, though 
 it may occasion trouble to individuals, will produce no 
 final detriment to the common cause ; but, on the con 
 trary, will occasion so thorough an investigation of the 
 several things, as will correct many abuses. 
 
 It is my indispensable duty upon this occasion, to in 
 form your excellency without consulting either of my 
 colleagues, that the honourable Arthur Lee was as long 
 ago as 1770 appointed by the house of representatives of 
 the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the honour 
 to be a member, their agent at the court of London, in 
 case of the death or absence of Dr. Franklin. This ho 
 nourable testimony was given to Mr. Lee, by an assem- 
 
158 LIFE OF 
 
 bly in which he had no natural interest, on account of 
 his inflexible attachment to the American cause, and the 
 abilities of which he had given many proofs in its de 
 fence. From that time to the year 1774 he held a con 
 stant correspondence with several of those gentlemen 
 who stood foremost in the Massachusetts Bay, against 
 the innovations and illegal encroachments of Great Bri 
 tain. This correspondence I had an opportunity of see 
 ing ; and I assure your excellency, from my own know 
 ledge, that it breathed the most inflexible attachment to, 
 and the most ardent zeal in, the cause of his country. 
 From September 1774 until November 1777, I had the 
 honour to be in congress, and the opportunity of seeing 
 his letters to congress, to their committees and to indi 
 vidual members. Through the whole of both those periods 
 he communicated the most constant and certain intelligence, 
 which was received from any individual within my know 
 ledge. And since I have had the honour of being joined 
 with him here, I have ever found in him the same fidelity 
 and zeal ; and I have not a glimmering of suspicion that 
 he ever maintained an improper correspondence in Eng 
 land, or held any conference or negotiation with any body 
 from thence, without communicating it to your excellen 
 cy or to his colleagues. 9 am confident therefore that 
 every insinuation and suspicion against him, of infidelity 
 to the United States, or to their engagements with his 
 majesty, are false and groundless, and that they will as 
 suredly be proved to be so. 
 
 The two honourable brothers of Mr. Lee, who are 
 members of congress, I have long and intimately known ; 
 and of my own knowledge I can say that no men have 
 discovered more zeal in support of the sovereignty of the 
 United States, and in promoting, from the beginning, a 
 friendship and an alliance with France. There is noth 
 ing of which I am more firmly persuaded, than that every 
 insinuation that is thrown out to the disadvantage of the 
 two Mr. Lees in congress, is groundless. 
 
 It would be too tedious to enter at present into a more 
 particular consideration of that address. I shall there 
 fore conclude this letter, already too long, by assuring 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 159 
 
 your excellency that I am, with the most entire consid 
 eration, your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 To his excellency the Count de Vergennes." 
 
 Some months after Mr. Adams, thus unsolicited by 
 Mr. Lee, had written the above manly letter to the 
 Count Vergennes, Mr. Lee requested of Mr. Adams, 
 previously to the departure of the latter from France for 
 the United States, to state his opinion of the character 
 of his conduct and services, while they were joined in 
 the commission to the court of Versailles. In comply 
 ing with Mr. Lee s request, Mr. Adams wrote to Mr. 
 Lee the following characteristic- and interesting letter. 
 
 " L OniEN-r, June 9, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favours of the 4th and 5th are now 
 before me ; that of March 29th I have answered, if I 
 ever received it, for I have answered every one I have 
 received from you, but not having my papers at hand 
 cannot be particular. I thank you for the MS. and the 
 pamphlet. 
 
 I am happy to hear from you and from all others, so 
 agreeable a character of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and 
 Monsieur Marbois, the last of whom I have had the plea 
 sure to see. I wish it were in rny power to do more for 
 Mr. Ford, and to take him with me, but the frigate will 
 be so crowded that I fear it will be impossible. The 
 declarations of the northern powers against England, to 
 stop their merchant vessels, and arming to support their 
 rights, are important events. The displacing Mr. Paine 
 is a disagreeable and an alarming one. 
 
 It is with no small astonishment I learn by your letter 
 of the 5th, that by advices from America since your last 
 to me, your enemies are determined to impeach your at 
 tachment to our country and her cause. Your request 
 that I would give my opinion on that subject, from the 
 knowledge I have had of your conduct while w r e acted 
 together in the commission, can meet with no objection 
 from me. 
 
160 LIFE OF 
 
 But I hope I need not inform you that my opinion on 
 this point is no secret at Versailles, at Nantz, or else 
 where. I enclose a copy of a letter, I did myself the 
 honour to write to the Count de Vergennes some time 
 ago, which, for any thing I know, is communicated to all 
 the court. The answer shows it was received. 1 had 
 my reasons then for keeping it to myself, which exist no 
 more. I would transcribe the whole correspondence, if 
 it were in my power, but I have not time. It is suffi 
 cient to say, that it was conducted by his -excellency 
 with the most obliging politeness. It is my duty now 
 to furnish you with a copy, lest any accident should be 
 fall me, which is by no means improbable. I thought 
 then, and am now confirmed in that opinion more and 
 more, that it was my duty to communicate my senti 
 ments to the court upon that very extraordinary occa 
 sion ; and from regard to my own reputation, I am glad 
 you have given me an opportunity of furnishing you with 
 evidence, that I did that part of my duty, so far forth. The 
 letter was written, sent to Versailles, and received by his 
 excellency, before the arrival of the Marquis de la Fay- 
 
 ette, his aid de camp, or Dr. , that is before the 
 
 news reached Passy, of the new arrangement. 
 
 But lest the letter shoufcl not be sufficient, I shall en 
 close another certificate, not without a heartfelt grief 
 and indignation, that malice should be so daring and bar 
 barous, as to make either such a letter or such a certifi 
 cate from me necessary or even pardonable. Your hint, 
 that I must correct some things that are amiss, extorts 
 from me an involuntary sigh ! I shall be in a situation, 
 critical and difficult without example ; my own character 
 at stake from various quarters, and nothing to support me 
 but truth and innocence ; and you need not be informed, 
 these are not always sufficient. I have little expectation 
 of doing good : God grant I may do no harm. I shall 
 not designedly. But I suppose congress mean to exam 
 ine me as a witness, and I must tell the truth, the whole 
 truth, and nothing but the truth, so far as I know it. 
 If the task should end here, I shall not be much embar 
 rassed, but if they proceed to demand of me opinions and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 161 
 
 judgment of men and things, as there is reason to expect 
 they will, although I hope they will not, what will be the 
 consequence ? 
 
 Upon the whole, truth must be my shield, and if the 
 shafts of interested malice can pierce through this, they 
 shall pierce me. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, dear 
 sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 To the Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 It has been said that Mr. Lee had resolved to incur 
 that enmity and opposition of public defaulters and their 
 friends, both in France and in the United States, which 
 he knew would follow a fearless performance of his duty. 
 Two of his letters, written at different periods, one ad 
 dressed to the corresponding committee of congress, and 
 the other to a friend in Virginia, will exhibit sufficiently 
 for the present purpose of his biographer, the conduct of 
 of those whom he had offended, in the course of his offi 
 cial duties. The letter to the committee will be found 
 in Mr. Lee s correspondence with congress, in the 6th 
 No. of the Appendix, dated 1st June 1778. His letter 
 to his friend in Virginia is here inserted. Both letters 
 contain much more agreeable matter than that which re 
 lates to the immediate subject here referred to. 
 
 "PARIS, Dec. 13th, 1778. 
 
 To Theodoric Bland, Esq. 
 
 My dear friend, On the 9th of this month I received 
 yours of the 19th July. If a Mr. Archer gets safely to 
 America you will receive a letter by him which will 
 prove that you live not only in my memory but in my 
 warmest friendship. It gives me the greatest pleasure 
 to find that, notwithstanding the long absence and in 
 terval of our correspondence we harmonize in the same 
 wish to renew it. 
 
 I should have been very much surprised if either you 
 or I had rested in retirement while the cause of liberty 
 and our country was in issue. We have acted exactly 
 
 VOL. i. 21 
 
162 LIFE OF 
 
 conformable to the principles we always avowed and 
 actually felt. For myself there never was a moment 
 since I could distinguish between good and bad, that I 
 would not have stood forth in opposition to arbitrary 
 power, whatever shape it assumed. I believe the same 
 of you ; and the similarity of our sentiments have knit 
 me to you, with an esteem that can never vary. 
 
 I observe that of the misfortunes that have happened 
 to our troops, nine out of ten have arisen from want of 
 vigilance. I am the more surprised at this because I be 
 lieve there never was a soldier of more circumspection 
 than your commander in chief. It seems the fate of 
 poor Col. Baylor and his troops was owing to his being 
 surprized. This, I hope, is the last mishap that will 
 befal you. Some foreign officers who have returned 
 speak highly of the discipline of your army, and the 
 enemy seem to have no superiority to boast of. Even at 
 London they despair of any conquest, and are for deso 
 lating out of revenge what they can neither conquer nor 
 retain. 
 
 I see by the public prints with you that my quondam 
 colleague is assuming all the merit of what has been 
 done here, and I know is forming a faction against your 
 friend. I should never have opened my lips on this sub 
 ject, did not their assuming merits which they do not de 
 serve, make it an act of duty to state the facts. So far i 
 then were my colleagues from having any peculiar merits J 
 in the treaties, that it was with the greatest difficulty I i 
 persuaded them to insist on the acknowledgment of our ; 
 independence and recognition of our sovereignty. These, 
 were proposed by your friend, evaded by his colleagues, \ 
 and only admitted after being re-urged in a manner that 
 made them apprehend the consequences of an opposition 
 they could not justify. It was also in spite of the opin 
 ion, reasonings and even remonstrances of your friend, 
 that they would insert two articles of the treaty which 
 were unanimously condemned by congress, and have been 
 expunged here. After this one would imagine they 
 might have been contented with an equal share of praise, 
 when in truth their conduct merited censure. They will 
 force me one day or other to bring the proofs of these 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 163 
 
 things before congress and the public, when I am sure 
 they will shed some of their borrowed plumes. 
 
 I look forward with hope to the time when a peace 
 able establish mentof what we are contending for, will 
 permit us to retire to the private walks we have been 
 forced to quit. To the enemies who have risen up 
 against me personally, it seems my place is an object of 
 envy. I tell you, my friend, I have experienced more 
 cares and anxieties in two years occupation of it than in 
 all my life besides. You may therefore guess that when 
 the public shall think my services no longer necessary I 
 shall not repine at being dismissed. But it is not a little , 
 unpleasant to be deprived of that praise that constant toil 
 and assiduity in the public service have deserved, and j 
 submit to be traduced by those who, instead of consulting! 
 the public interest when in office, have made immense 
 private fortunes for themselves and their dependants ; 
 who are occupied in two things only, their own gain 
 and the abuse of every one who will not sacrifice the 
 public to their views. Mr. is generally under 
 stood to have made 60,000 while he was employed 
 here, and Dr. Bancroft his clerk, from being penniless, 
 
 keeps his , his house, and his carriage. Mr. 
 
 from being a clerk in a sugar-bake house in London, is 
 become a capital merchant here, loading a number of 
 ships on his own account, while gentlemen of the first 
 fortunes in America cannot get remittances on credit for 
 their subsistence. These things are notorious, and 
 there are no visible sources of this prosperity, but the 
 public money, and state secrets to trade upon. It may 
 be useful to you to know these things as they concern 
 the public. My opposition to these proceedings have 
 made all that are concerned in them my bitter enemies. A 
 
 I am afraid the objection of religion is an insur 
 mountable bar to your scheme of putting your nephew in 
 the French navy. I know it was so to the admission of 
 my nephew into the Ecole militaire here. But I will 
 make particular enquiry and let you know. Remember 
 me to our common friends, and believe me to be with 
 sincerest friendship, yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
164 LIFE OF 
 
 Mr. Lee having determined to return to the United 
 States, sailed from France in the month of August 1780, 
 and arrived in Boston in the month of September. He 
 was received with most flattering marks of respect and 
 gratitude by the people of Massachusetts and with the 
 warmest greetings of his friends in Boston. He had 
 the gratification of finding around him on all occasions 
 the most distinguished and approved whigs. During his 
 stay in Boston, though that was short and his time con 
 tinually occupied by public and private invitations, he 
 wrote a long and earnest letter to the Baron de Breteuil 
 one of the most influential members of the French min 
 istry, pressing upon him the necessity to the common 
 cause of aiding the United States with a loan of specie ; 
 thus continuing to exhibit at all times a ceaseless anxiety 
 for the public interest, and to make exertions for its ad 
 vancement, the motives of which cannot be impeached 
 with a desire of gaining applause, since they were made 
 in private modes altogether secluded from the public eye. 
 The letter to the Baron de Breteuil will be found in the 
 Appendix, No. 8. 
 
 After remaining a short time in Boston, Mr. Lee pro 
 ceeded to Philadelphia. On every part of his journey 
 thither he was honoured by the purest patriots of the 
 day, and by popular applause. From Boston he carried 
 with him letters of introduction from eminent men, dis 
 tinguished for their public services and for their learn 
 ing to men of similar distinction in the different states 
 through which he passed. Among his MSS. of this de 
 scription, the author has found several letters from Dr. 
 Cooper, a distinguished scholar and divine. As these 
 letters were written by eminent and disinterested men, 
 at a time when Mr. Lee had been attacked in the pub 
 lic journals of the time, by a faction containing some 
 persons who had been regarded as patriotic, they are 
 more valuable than ordinary letters on common occasions, 
 because they show the estimate formed of his character 
 and services by them. With this view of their value 
 some of them are here inserted with a hope that they 
 will thus be preserved. The author has selected from 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 165 
 
 the letters of the description mentioned one of the pat 
 riot Elbridge Gerry, and the letters of Dr. Cooper, 
 which are remarkable for their elegance of style and 
 felicitous variation in the expression of similar ideas and 
 sentiments. 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 21, 1780. 
 
 Sir, This will be delivered to you by the Hon. Mr. 
 Lee, who has lately arrived here from France in the Alli 
 ance frigate, and purposes to set off this morning to the 
 southward. During his short stay in this city he has 
 confirmed such of the principal inhabitants of this state 
 as have had the pleasure of his acquaintance, in their 
 opinion of his zeal, integrity, and abilities in the common 
 cause; and they have endeavoured to show him every 
 mark of their esteem and respect. But as your excellen 
 cy s knowledge of this gentleman s character renders it 
 needless to speak of his merit, I shall only add, that he 
 will be able to give every useful information respecting 
 the state of our foreign affairs, and many useful hints of 
 measures necessary to be adopted by the states. 
 
 I have the honour to be sir, with the highest esteem 
 and respect your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 E. GERRY. 
 
 His excellency George Clinton." 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 19th, 1780. 
 
 My Dear Sir, This will be delivered to you by the 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, who lately arrived here from France, 
 and is now going to Philadelphia. 
 
 I need not mention to you the political or literary ac 
 complishments of this gentleman, by which he has attract 
 ed such esteem in Europe as well as in America; the 
 early and decided part he took in favour of our liberties ; 
 his important public employments ; or the zeal and firm 
 ness with which he has served the United States. To 
 these things you are no stranger. But the opportunity of 
 knowing a gentleman of whose distinguished reputation 
 you were before acquainted, and of paying any offices of 
 friendship to such a friend of our country, must be highly 
 pleasing to you. 
 
166 LIFE OF 
 
 I am sir, with much respect aud affection, your obedi 
 ent servant, SAMUEL COOPER. 
 The Rev. Mr. Elliot." 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 19, 1780. 
 
 My Dear Sir, You will receive this from the hand of 
 the Hon. Arthur Lee, who lately arrived here from France, 
 and will pass through New-Haven on his way to Phila 
 delphia. To one so well acquainted with those great 
 characters who have stood forth in the American cause, 
 and whose distinguished political and literary abilities 
 have defended and advanced it, I need only mention the 
 name of Dr. Lee. You know all the rest ; and how much 
 our country is indebted to the uncommon services of this 
 gentleman. Should he find an opportunity, it will give 
 him great pleasure to visit that seat of learning over 
 which you so honourably preside. 
 
 Wishing it prosperity, and the most brilliant success to 
 all your exertions for the promotion of knowledge and 
 virtue, I am sir, with much respect and affection, your 
 most obedient humble servant, SAMUEL COOPER. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Stiles."* 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 19, 1780. 
 
 My Dear Sir, The Hon. Arthur Lee, who not long 
 since arrived here from France, will probably pass through 
 Middletown on his way to Philadelphia. 
 
 The bare mention of this gentleman s name must im 
 mediately recall to your mind his steady patriotism, his 
 important public employments, and the long series of ser 
 vices which from the commencement of our troubles his 
 distinguished literary and political abilities have rendered 
 to the cause of America. 
 
 You will be highly pleased, I am persuaded, with an 
 opportunity of conversing with this gentleman, and of 
 rendering any offices of friendship to such a friend of our 
 country. 
 
 Wishing you and your family all good things, I am dear 
 
 * The venerable President at this time of Yale College ; one of the profoundest 
 scholars and writers of any country. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 sir, with great respect and friendship, your humble ser 
 vant, SAMUEL COOPER. * 
 The Rev. Mr. Huntington." 
 
 As soon as Mr. Lee arrived in Philadelphia he request 
 ed of congress permission to address that body, in vindi 
 cation of his character and conduct from the charges 
 which had been publicly made against him, and which 
 derived, as he thought, some weight or appearance of 
 credibility from the fact that he had been left out of the 
 late missions to Europe. The congress resolved that no 
 charge against him had been entertained by them, and 
 that it was never intended to fix the least censure on any 
 part of his public conduct.f The author has in his posses 
 sion, in the handwriting of Mr. Lee, an able and elaborate 
 speech which he prepared with a view to deliver it before 
 congress. He meets all the criminations of his enemies, 
 (of the nature of which the reader has some idea) and con 
 futes them by irresistible arguments, and ample and au 
 thenticated proofs of their falsehood. He had prepared 
 the evidence in an arrangement suited to that of the 
 
 O 
 
 speech. This evidence consists of documentary testi 
 mony. Wherever the least doubt could be entertained of 
 the genuineness of the copy, he has procured the attesta 
 tion of disinterested and well known persons. The 
 greater number are examined and attested by John Ad 
 ams. This speech, and the documents attached to it, 
 are not deposited with the other papers of Mr. Lee in the 
 library of Cambridge University, but are carefully preserv 
 ed by the author. The many subsequent and honourable 
 testimonials given by the congress and the public to the 
 patriotism and integrity of Mr. Lee, render it unnecessa- 
 
 * The above letters, and the characters to whom they were addressed, afford a 
 pleasing evidence of what is generally known, that the Christian ministers of Ame 
 rica in the revolutionary time were ardent patriots and decidedly and universally 
 friends to civil and religious freedom. The author, who is honoured with an exten 
 sive and intimate friendship with many of all denominations, can testify how ground 
 less are the charge and the fears (generally the offspring of ignorance and wicked 
 ness combined) expressed by men of the world, and particularly by a certain class 
 of politicians so called, that the Christian clergy are aiming at temporal power, and 
 are attached to arbitrary systems. 
 
 t See Journals 6th, p. 246. 
 
168 LIFE OF 
 
 ry to insert here this speech and its accompanying papers. 
 The author however cannot refrain from inserting the 
 exordium of the speech, as it contains a grateful tribute 
 of homage from an American patriot (who had enjoyed 
 an opportunity of knowing from personal observation the 
 truth of what he said) to the character of our ally of the 
 revolution, the generous, the amiable, and the unfortu 
 nate Louis, of France. The speech begins with a con 
 ciseness and energy, worthy of the occasion and subject 
 which the author was contemplating. Quintilian would 
 have selected it as a model. 
 
 " Mr. President, I return to you, in consequence of the 
 resolution with which I engaged in this cause, to see the 
 liberty of my country established, or to perish in her last 
 struggle. 
 
 When I took leave of the court of Versailles as one of 
 your former commissioners, his excellency the Count de 
 Vergennes presented me with a gold enamelled snuff-box, 
 containing the picture of the king of France, set with 
 diamonds. The minister accompanied it with an assur 
 ance that he delivered it to me as a mark of the esteem 
 of his sovereign. In my judgment no period ever produc 
 ed a prince whose esteem was more valuable. His por 
 trait is engraven on my mind by the virtue and justice 
 which form his character ; and gold and jewels can add 
 nothing to its lustre. 
 
 This testimony of his majesty s esteem, however flat 
 tering to me, I received with a resolution of holding it 
 at your disposal only. I therefore now beg leave, agree 
 ably to what I think my duty, to deposite it with congress; 
 for I esteem it of dangerous consequence, that any re 
 publican should receive presents from a foreign prince, 
 or retain them without the knowledge or consent of the 
 republic.* Still more dangerous and unbecoming is it to 
 measure the merits of those employed in the public ser 
 vice by them, or to make their characters depend on com- 
 
 * It is highly probable that this sentiment of Mr. Lee was adopted into that arti 
 cle of the present constitution of the United States, which prohibits an American 
 citizen holding an office, from accepting titles or presents from foreign princes. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 169 
 
 plimentary letters and praises from the followers of the 
 court where they have resided. It is the most sure of all 
 possible methods, to make them subservient where they 
 ought to be independent, and lead them to substitute in 
 trigue in the place of a due discharge of their duty, or 
 sacrifice the interests of their country to the inclinations 
 of a foreign minister. If they do their duty to their 
 country, their constituents ought best to know it ; and 
 the reward they are pleased to bestow upon them, is the 
 sole and sufficient recompense becoming the dignity of a 
 free citizen to possess." 
 
 Mr. Lee, instead of being called by congress to vindi 
 cate himself from the charges which had been so falsely 
 and undeservedly made upon him, was requested by a 
 vote of that body, to lay before them all the information 
 he possessed, respecting the foreign affairs of the United 
 States. This vote was made known to him in a respect 
 ful letter from the president. It may be proper to state 
 that Mr. Lee accounted, to the satisfaction of congress, 
 and of the state of Virginia, for all sums of money which 
 had been received or loaned by him, for the public service. 
 
 Mr. Lee now returned to private life. He was not 
 long permitted to remain in its quiet and soothing scenes 
 and enjoyments. In the spring of the year 81 he was 
 elected by the freeholders of Prince William County, in 
 his native state, a delegate to the assembly of Virginia.* 
 By this assembly he was elected, in December of that 
 year, a deputy to the general congress. In this illus 
 trious body, he served from February 82, until the year 
 85. During this period, he served throughout its long 
 sessions, with punctuality and diligence. It is believed that 
 he seldom took part in the debates ; but he acted with 
 ability and efficiency on most of its important committees. 
 Whenever he did address the house, his speeches were 
 clear and argumentative ; vigorous in their style, and full 
 of philosophic reflections and useful information. 
 
 * This was not the county of his nativity or residence ; but he was eligible, be 
 ing a landholder in it. A resident of Virginia, being a freeholder in any county, 
 was eligible to represent it, though not an inhabitant of it. 
 
 VOL. i. 22 
 
170 LIFE OF 
 
 Before the reader is made acquainted with the last ser 
 vices of Mr. Lee as a public man, the author begs per 
 mission to refer in this place to a subject, which he has 
 in another part of this memoir promised to recur to. It 
 has been stated, that Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee had 
 been, for several years of their acquaintance and service 
 together as public men, attached to each other by the 
 ties of a friendship, cemented by mutual admiration, con 
 genial political sentiments and views, and by scientific 
 taste and acquirements, but had become estranged from 
 each other to the regret of their common friends. The 
 cause of this requires some explanation, because many 
 references to this circumstance are contained in the wri 
 tings of Mr. Lee which could not be omitted, and be 
 cause the reader will find such men as Sir Wm. Jones 
 regretting the separation of these citizens. 
 
 The separation between Mr. Lee and Dr. Franklin 
 was caused by the insidious acts of those public agents, 
 whose unfaithfulness Mr. Lee had been impelled by a 
 j sense of duty to expose. Some of them had been ac- 
 / 1 quainted with Dr. Franklin in America, and had enjoyed 
 I his confidence, which they then deserved. Dr. Franklin 
 f was by nature, of an easy and confiding disposition ; and 
 age had added to this inherent indisposition to doubt and 
 contention. At the time of his going to France, he had 
 attained an advanced age. The reader will remember 
 that he declined the mission to Spain, to which he had 
 been appointed by congress shortly after his arrival in 
 France, " on account of his infirmities." He was now 
 therefore indisposed to action, and to those duteis the 
 performance of which required activity and vigilance. 
 The immunities and privileges of age were cheerfully ex 
 tended to him by his younger colleagues. Hence the 
 frauds and irregular proceedings of agents, who did not 
 act immediately under his eye, were not so soon descried, 
 nor so clearly seen by him as by Mr. Lee, whose vigour 
 and health, yet unimpaired by years, permitted him to 
 undertake the more minute and laborious duties of the 
 commission, and whose active habits led him through a 
 more enlarged sphere of action and investigation. The 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 171 
 
 charges of Mr. Lee were denied ; and his suspicions, 
 which afterwards were proved to be well-founded, were 
 declared to Dr. Franklin to be the suspicions of a petu 
 lant and unamiable temper. He permitted his mind to 
 be affected by these representations ,- and being disinclin 
 ed to laborious examinations of accounts, and to a scru 
 tiny into the conduct of others, which would necessarily 
 offend them, and thus ruffle the " even tenor of his way," 
 he at length lent a doubtful ear to Mr. Lee, while he 
 turned a willing one to those, whose object and policy 
 induced them to wish to avoid the control of his ener 
 getic colleague. His kind and unsuspecting disposition 
 was imposed upon and deceived. He became cold and 
 distant in his manners towards Mr. Lee ; and gave a de 
 gree of countenance to defaulting agents, which proved 
 injurious to the public interests. Mr. Lee resented this 
 conduct on the part of Dr. Franklin, and openly and 
 fearlessly stated its consequences to the United States. 
 A rupture at last took place ; and their broken friendship 
 was never repaired. 
 
 In the year 1784, while Mr. Lee still remained in 
 congress, he was appointed by that body one of a com 
 mission to make treaties with all the tribes of Indians on 
 the northern and north-western frontiers of the United 
 States. He kept a regular journal of his travels from 
 Philadelphia to the lakes and Fort Stanwix, through the 
 western part of Pennsylvania. He examined the coun 
 try through which he passed with the eye of a statesman 
 and a philosopher. He traces the course of its rivers, 
 and their possible connexions ; and describes the various 
 soils, productions and minerals, which his time and duties 
 permitted him to ascertain. 
 
 He turned his acute and active mind, at this time, very 
 earnestly to the study of the origin, languages, customs 
 and character of the aboriginal inhabitants of North Ame 
 rica. To aid his investigation of this interesting subject, 
 he obtained the acquaintance and correspondence of sev 
 eral learned Moravian scholars at Betlehem and^Leditz, 
 in Pennsylvania, who had at a very early period of the 
 settlement of that state, been sent by the pious and be- 
 
172 LIFE OF 
 
 nevolent sect of Christians, to which they belonged, as 
 missionaries among the Indians. From one of those ex 
 cellent men, he obtained a learned essay on the origin, 
 customs, religion and language of the Algonquin and Iro- 
 quois races. This learned Moravian, who had long and 
 profoundly studied these subjects, had been convinced, 
 particularly by the similarity of languages, in their roots 
 especially, that our Indians are descendants of the lost 
 tribes of the Jews, whose ancestors at some remote pe 
 riod he supposed, had crossed over the Straits of Behr- 
 ing from Asia.* Some additional interest was imparted 
 to this journey of Mr. Lee, by the presence of our 
 national favourite and friend, Lafayette, who, with his 
 characteristic zeal for our country, accompanied the com 
 missioners, to assist them by the influence of his name, 
 in conciliating their red brothers. The reader will find 
 in the Appendix, No. 9, a letter on this subject from La 
 fayette, and Mr. Lee s answer. 
 
 Mr. Lee remained at Fort Stanwix during an entire 
 winter, amid the intense cold of that region. Early in 
 the ensuing spring he commenced friendly " talks" with 
 the Indians, and concluded treaties with most of the 
 hostile or undecided tribes. He has left many of his 
 speeches made on these occasions, which are happily 
 adapted to the character of their minds, in the simplicity, 
 energy and conciseness of their style. His services were 
 highly satisfactory to congress and to the country. f 
 
 On the return of Mr, Lee to his seat in congress he 
 was appointed to one of the most important and con 
 fidential posts in their disposal a seat at the board of 
 treasury. The financial affairs of the United States had 
 become complex and confused. Congress, by an ordi 
 nance passed in May 1784 put the department of fin 
 ance into commission. The commission, consisting of 
 three persons, was styled " the Board of Treasury. "f 
 Every reader who has attended to the fiscal concerns of 
 
 * Whoever reads with attention the account of Long s Expedition, will find this 
 opinion strongly corroborated. 
 
 t Only a part of Mr. Lee s Journal has been preserved. Extracts from it will 
 be found in the Appendix, No. 11. 
 
 t See Journals, vol. ix. p. 255. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 173 
 
 the " Old Confederation," will readily comprehend the 
 importance and the difficulties of the duties and opera 
 tions of this board. Mr. Lee served in the capacity of 
 a commissioner of the board of treasury, from the year 
 1784 to 1789, with the diligence and efficiency which 
 had distinguished him in every previous public employ 
 ment. In the year 1787 a committee was appointed by 
 congress to consider what offices in the civil department 
 had become unnecessary. Upon the report of this com 
 mittee it was resolved unanimously " that Samuel Os- 
 good, Walter Livingston and Arthur Lee, commissioners 
 of the board of treasury, appointed in pursuance of an 
 ordinance of congress, passed May 28th, 1784, for putting 
 the department of finance into commission, with all the 
 powers and duties appertaining to the said board of com 
 missioners be, and the same are hereby continued to the 
 10th November 1789."* During the continuance of Mr. 
 Lee at the board of treasury, he was appointed in Oc 
 tober 1786, by a joint ballot of the senate and house 
 of delegates of Virginia one of a commission to revise 
 the laws of that commonwealth. He aided greatly the 
 labours of those with whom he was associated in 
 this important task. In November 1789, the board of 
 treasury was dissolved by force of the resolution of 
 September 1787. Mr. Lee then retired to private life. 
 But the situation of the affairs of the country did not 
 permit his mind to abstract its attention and anxieties 
 from them. The plan of the present federal constitution 
 about this time occupied the intense consideration of 
 politicians, and excited the hopes and fears of the people 
 of the United States. Mr. Lee performed the part of 
 a wise citizen, and deeply and solemnly investigated the 
 theory, principles and provisions of this celebrated in 
 strument. "He viewed it with jeatousy, and in common 
 with many of the ablest patriots of that day, considered 
 it as the basis of a consolidated government. He op 
 posed its .adoption. Hjs~ opposition to it however was 
 not the^result of prejudice, nor inconsideration. He in 
 vestigated it with calmness, and with an honest desire to 
 
 * Journ. xii. p. 142. 
 
174 LIFE OF 
 
 reach a just conclusion on a subject of the highest im 
 portance to a citizen, and of lively interest to a friend of 
 human rights and of the liberty of mankind. 
 
 Although the conclusion of his reflections was adverse 
 to the constitution in its original form, it is known that 
 his dislike to the federal constitution greatly abated if it 
 were not entirely removed, by the amendments he lived 
 to see adopted. 
 
 One of the most abundant sources of enjoyment 
 which contributed to his pleasures in private life, was his 
 correspondence with his political, literary and scientific 
 friends in America and Europe. Among these were 
 many distinguished men in England, Burke, Barre, Wind- 
 ham, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Sir William Jones, and 
 the Earl of Buchan, in Scotland ; on the continent, the 
 Marquis of Rosignan, Baron de Breteuil, Count de Mous- 
 teir, Abbes D Arnou and Raynal, the Duke of Rochefou- 
 cault, and other persons of literary and political eminence. 
 He enjoyed the correspondence of most of the distin 
 guished men of the United States. The correspondence 
 of such men soothed his spirits and cheered and relieved 
 the disquietudes, anxieties, and labours of his political 
 career, and imparted rich enjoyments to the pleasures of 
 private life. With many of them he continued to corres 
 pond until his death, and received the frequent and grate 
 ful assurance of their respect and friendship.* In the 
 9th and 10th Nos. of the Appendix, the reader will find 
 the letters of many of the most eminent men of their 
 day, which time and accident have left. An interest 
 ing letter in which Mr. Lee renewed his correspond 
 ence with the Marquis of Lansdowne, after peace be 
 tween the two nations had removed the seeming impro 
 priety of intimate intercourse, is here inserted. 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, July 23d, 1783. 
 
 To the Earl of Shelburne. 
 
 My Lord, Among the blessings of pe^ice I number 
 that of being able to renew my correspondence with a 
 
 * The remaining letters of Mr. Lee to his American and foreign correspondents 
 arc found in No. 8, Appendix, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 175 
 
 nobleman I so much respect and esteem. For that peace, 
 honourable to America, and as much so in my judgment 
 for England as the actual situation of things could give 
 any colour of reason to expect, your country and Ame 
 rica are indebted to your lordship s wisdom and firmness. 
 
 Upon my word, my lord, did I not know so much of 
 the politics of St. James and St. Stephens , I should be 
 lost in wonder at the vote in the house of commons 
 and the treatment your lordship has received. But I 
 shall never forget Lord Chatham s expression, c I was 
 duped and deceived. The outrageous wickedness of vis 
 iting upon your conclusion of the war, the evils which 
 the folly of its commencement, and the rapacity, cruelty 
 and profusion of the conduct of it produced, sprung from 
 the same source with the deception practised upon Lord 
 Chatham, which he so emphatically detailed in the house 
 of peers. 
 
 I always judged that the author of those measures, 
 who cannot be said to cover himself with the majesty of 
 darkness, though he meant the subjugation of America, 
 would in fact conduct her to independence. I judged, 
 too, that he would in the end, bring himself to ruin. 
 Nothing, surely, can more accelerate this event, than in 
 troducing again into high office the ostensible minister of 
 those pernicious measures. For as to his whig colleagues, 
 their reign is short ; and their fall will assuredly be un- 
 pitied. 
 
 Of the people of England, on whom in fact the sal 
 vation of their country depends, it may be said, that " al- 
 iquando redit in prcccordia virtus." They have given 
 some proofs of this ; and perhaps the last one will bring 
 due punishment upon the author of their near approach 
 to humiliation and ruin ; an humiliation and ruin which, 
 had not your lordship interposed, would at this moment 
 have been consummated. 
 
 I have flattered myself that your lordship has felt 
 some anxiety about my situation, under the various at 
 tacks that have been made upon me. They all origin 
 ated with the minister, whose politics so much overshot 
 themselves in the late negotiation for peace, and who 
 
176 LIFE OF 
 
 was determined on my removal, as one who could not 
 be bent to his purposes. He found, however, my succes 
 sor as stubborn ; and this country owes immortal grati 
 tude to that gentleman s firmness, spirit and integrity. 
 Yet an attempt was made to sacrifice him, for this 
 very service ; and I had the pleasure of defending him 
 against those men, with whom he cooperated in effecting 
 my removal. I am now elected into congress, for the 
 third and last year I am capable of sitting there, by the 
 confederation. I shall then retire into private life, with 
 the satisfaction of dwelling under that constitution which 
 I have laboured to assist in rearing to liberty, virtue and 
 public happiness. 
 
 But I am afraid politicians have been too sanguine in 
 their expectations from systems of government. Corrup 
 tion and intrigue seem inseparable from them all; and 
 these are promoted or restrained more by the genius of 
 the people, than by forms of government, or the operation 
 of laws. Indeed it does not seem so unwise now, as it 
 once did, in Mr. Pope, to say, 
 
 " For forms of government let fools contest ; 
 That which is best administer d, is best." 
 
 Nor would I promise that a little more experience will 
 not make me a convert to his opinions. 
 
 You used to say, my lord, that you would send Lord 
 Fitzmaurice to make the tour of America. Such a tour, 
 I conceive, would be both interesting and instructive. 
 Nature has displayed her powers in the sublime and 
 beautiful far more in America than in Europe, and the 
 progress of art, considering the time it has had to operate, 
 is astonishing. I shall next year be at liberty to accom 
 pany Lord Fitzmaurice in such a tour, and should take a 
 vast deal of pleasure in doing it. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with profound respect and re 
 gard, your obedient servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 The homage of scientific and literary men added a 
 charm to all other pleasures Mr. Lee had the happiness 
 to enjoy. They regarded him as shedding as much lus- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 177 
 
 tre on the intellectual and literary character of his coun 
 try, as his genius and patriotism had reflected upon its po 
 litical history. At different times after his return to 
 America, various literary honours were bestowed upon 
 him. The degree of LL.D. was conferred on him by 
 the university of Cambridge ; and he was constituted a 
 member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 
 He was also elected an honorary member of the American 
 Philosophical Society. The following letter from James 
 Bowdoin, once governor of Massachusetts, (in honour of 
 whom a flourishing and respectable college in Maine is 
 called) acquaints Mr. Lee of the two diplomas first men 
 tioned. 
 
 . " BOSTON, Jan. 31st, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to acquaint you that at 
 a meeting of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 
 you were yesterday elected by an unanimous vote a 
 Fellow of the Academy. You will give me leave to con 
 gratulate that society on the accession of so valuable a 
 member. 
 
 I communicated to them, at the next meeting after 1 
 received it, the letter you some time ago favoured me 
 with, relative to the progress and effects of lightning up 
 on a house in Philadelphia. They were much pleased 
 with it, and would be glad to be favoured with other com 
 munications. 
 
 I have the pleasure also to inform you that the corpo 
 ration of our university at Cambridge has conferred on 
 you the degree of LL.D. ; and a diploma will be sent 
 you the first opportunity. 
 
 The letter I wrote you last February or March, en 
 closed in one to Mr. President Huntington, it does not 
 appear you have received. I imagine it miscarried, and 
 has probably found its way to New-York; several mails 
 having been taken and carried thither about that time. 
 The military gentry there, by encouraging the filching of 
 mails, have been themselves taken in. Some of the in 
 tercepted letters, written with a design to fall into their 
 hands, corroborated by corresponding manoeuvres of the 
 
 VOL. i. 23 
 
178 LIFE OF 
 
 allied army, have totally deceived them as to the object 
 of its operations. Hence the capture of Cornwallis, 
 and the happy consequences we may expect from that 
 important event ; so important that you will not think it 
 out of time even now to congratulate you upon it, which 
 I do most fervently ; and am with sincere esteem dear 
 sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 JAMES BOWDOIN. 
 
 The ladies and Mr. Temple who arrived here last fall, 
 present their most respectful compliments to you. 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Lee received the letter of Mr. Bow- 
 doin, the Rev. Dr. Joseph Willard, the learned president 
 of Cambridge University, and corresponding secretary 
 of the Academy of Arts and Sciences, by the direction of 
 these institutions informed Mr. Lee that the degrees just 
 mentioned had been bestowed upon him by the universi 
 ty and academy. To the letter of the president he re 
 turned this answer. 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, April 20th, 1782. 
 
 Reverend Sir, I had yesterday the honour of receiving 
 from the hand of the Rev. Dr. Elliot, your very obliging let 
 ter of the 28th ult., together with a diploma for an hono 
 rary Doctorate of Laws from the university over which 
 you preside with so much deserved reputation. 
 
 I beg sir, you will be assured, and that you will as 
 sure the visiters and fellows of the university, that I 
 have the highest sense of the honour they have confer 
 red upon me. Laudari a laudatis viris would be flatter 
 ing to a person infinitely less deserving of praise than I 
 can possibly think myself. It was with peculiar pleasure 
 I read a diploma, conceived in language pure and elegant 
 enough to have flowed from an ancient pen. 
 
 Liberty and letters sir, are so inseparably connected, 
 that a lover of the one cannot but see with sincere satis 
 faction the cultivation and prosperity of the other. It is 
 to the light which literature had diffused that we owe 
 the assertion of our liberties, and to the continuance of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 179 
 
 the same we must owe their establishment and perma 
 nency. The eminent share which the university of Cam 
 bridge had in diffusing these salutary lights, by her ex 
 ample and instructions, has made her proportionally re 
 spected ; and a perseverance in the same course will ren 
 der her an honour and blessing to these United States. 
 For an institution of such utility it is patriotism to pray, 
 esto perpetua. 
 
 The American Academy of Arts and Sciences hath 
 done me great honour in admitting me into their society, 
 instituted for the best of purposes by gentlemen capable 
 of fulfilling them. I entreat you sir, to lay before them 
 the due sense I have of the favour with which they have 
 distinguished me, and to assure them that I shall ever 
 be happy in contributing every thing within the compass 
 of my poor abilities, to promote the valuable object of the 
 institution. 
 
 Do me the favour sir, of accepting my thanks for the 
 very polite and obliging manner in which you have signi 
 fied the proceedings of the university and of the acade 
 my, and my best wishes for your health and prosperity. 
 
 I have the honour of being, reverend sir, with the ut 
 most respect and esteem, your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To the Rev. Joseph Willard, President of the 
 
 University of Cambridge, and Secretary of the 
 
 American Academy of Arts and Sciences." 
 
 The following letter contains the homage of an Ame 
 rican scholar and historian.* 
 
 " Sir, By Col. Lee I do myself the honour of present- 
 ing to you my academical exercise. 
 
 The liberty of prefixing your name will I trust be ex 
 cused, when we reflect with what ardour writers of eve 
 ry denomination search for particular personages, whose 
 names are most calculated to give dignity to their per 
 formances, or credit to themselves. 
 
 * Dr. Ramsay. 
 
180 LIFE OF 
 
 To secure these advantages I sought a character whose 
 public offices had equalled his private merits ; and in ob 
 taining this object I have had recourse to the reports of 
 the best established medical society in Edinburgh, where 
 your name stands sir, as an illustrious monument of your 
 professional claims ; and in the more extensive field of 
 public merit none so justly attracted my attention as 
 yours, independent of the emotions of gratitude for the 
 singular services rendered my nearest connexion when so 
 much needing the hand of friendship as the unfortunate 
 situation of Dr. Boush required, when in France. 
 
 The work in itself scarcely merits your attention. 
 The printer has added many errors to bad language ; 
 some of which are corrected, others not ; but if it receive 
 your acceptance it will amply compensate every incon 
 venience my feelings have sustained from its imperfec 
 tion. 
 
 With the sincerest wishes for your health and happi 
 ness, I am your obedient humble servant, 
 
 JAMES RAMSAY. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee. 
 
 Norfolk, July 16th, 1788." 
 
 At the expiration of the period during which the fin 
 ancial department of the confederation had been contin 
 ued in commission by the resolution of September 1787, 
 Mr. Lee finally retired from public life. 
 
 He had long sighed for the peaceful pleasures and the 
 quiet, though active employments of agricultural life. 
 He contemplated with pleasing anticipations, the oppor 
 tunity he would enjoy of applying his mind to the im 
 provement of the science and practice of agriculture in 
 his native state. He had not been inattentive to their 
 progress in England, and in many parts of Europe 
 through which he had travelled.* 
 
 With a view to gratify his feelings and his taste for 
 rural occupations and pleasures, he purchased a farm in 
 the county of Middlesex, and resided near a village 
 
 * While Mr. Lee resided in London he was made a member of the Society of 
 Arts and Agriculture. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 181 
 
 called Urbana, on the banks of the River Rappahannoc, 
 in Virginia. Here he had hoped to exhibit a useful ex 
 ample of industry and of successful husbandry. His taste 
 had devised many plans to ornament the grounds around 
 his mansion, to please the eye of the guest who should 
 enjoy its simple, but elegant and cordial hospitality. In 
 assisting to execute a part of his intended improvements, 
 he was beguiled into a forgetfulness of the danger of ex 
 posure in an unhealthy season of the year. He assist 
 ed with his own hands in planting out* an orchard of select 
 fruits, during a cold and rainy day in the month of De 
 cember. He was seized by a violent pleurisy, which 
 baffling his skill, and that of his physician, proved fatal. 
 He died on the 12th of December, in the year of Him, 
 who is " the resurrection and the life," 1792, in the 
 fifty-second year of his age. 
 
 The death of Mr. Lee caused a considerable sensation 
 throughout the United States. An extensive circle of re 
 lations and friends who had loved him for his virtues no 
 less than they had admired him for his genius and ac 
 quirements, sincerely mourned at this event. The ablest 
 and purest patriots of the revolution who survived him, 
 deeply sighed ; and deplored the loss of one of themselves ! 
 
 Genius, science and literature, offered to his memory 
 tributes of their respect and veneration. They have 
 long since performed a part of the office of his biog 
 rapher ; and have concisely and justly thus portrayed 
 his public character, " The scholar, the writer, the phi 
 losopher, and negotiator."* 
 
 Mr. Lee was well entitled to the character of a schol 
 ar. Throughout his life he read with ease the most dif 
 ficult authors in the Greek and Latin tongues. He spoke 
 and wrote not only correctly, but with force and elegance, 
 the French, Spanish and Italian languages. He was 
 perfectly familiar with the finest writers, in prose and 
 verse, of ancient Greece and Rome, and of modern Italy, 
 of Spain and France, and quoted from them with readi 
 ness and felicity. 
 
 * See American Quarterly Review, vol. ii. Article, " American Biography." 
 
183 LIFE OF 
 
 Of his style as a writer, men of taste and literature 
 had formed a flattering opinion ; the reader can form his 
 own judgment from his writings. 
 
 He was not only a scholar, but a man of learning. 
 His attainments in physical science were various, exten 
 sive and profound. 
 
 He was a thoroughly read physician ; a learned coun 
 sellor, and an eloquent and ingenious advocate. 
 
 He was a profound politician, and a skilful diplomatist. 
 To what merit he was entitled, and to what fame he had 
 attained in these characters, the reader has learned from 
 the attestations of his contemporaries. He can form his 
 own judgment of their truth and justice. 
 
 The history of the private life of Mr. Lee does not al 
 low to his biographer the pleasing duty of presenting him 
 as an example of matrimonial arid parental tenderness. 
 Mr. Lee never married. This circumstance was al 
 ways a source of regret to himself, and of surprise to 
 his friends ; for he was a person of great sensibility, and 
 of an ardent and affectionate disposition. He was an 
 enthusiastic admirer of the female sex ; and was always a 
 favourite with them. In one of his journals he thus states 
 the reasons why he had never enjoyed the sympathies of 
 married life. " With my sentiments of love and mar 
 riage, I am not likely to find a wife. An Emma, an 
 Eloise, or a Constantia, would alone answer the high, 
 enthusiastic ideas I possess of wedded love. I am afraid 
 I should regard any one, unactuated by their ardent and 
 absolute sentiments of love, as a house-keeper ; not as the 
 wife of my bosom, from whose glowing tenderness love 
 would light his constant lamp, < would reign and rev 
 el. I am convinced that love is the most cordial drop 
 that heaven has poured into the cup of man. But as it 
 is precious, it is rare. I have seen ladies whom I sin 
 cerely loved ; but the tempest of my fortune bore me 
 from them before I had time to know their real disposi 
 tions, or woo them to approve my pleaded reason ; 
 for they were like Eve, endued with a conscience of 
 their worth, that would be wooed, and not unsought be 
 
 won." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 183 
 
 The person of Mr. Lee was above the middle size, 
 and finely proportioned. The features of his face were 
 striking and handsome. A large and radiant blue eye 
 cast a lustre over his expressive features. His manners 
 were elegant, and his conversation, according to the occa 
 sion, was gay and brilliant, or " solemn and severe." 
 
 Mr. Lee was a sincere friend and affectionate rela 
 tion, a kind master, a just and benevolent citizen. The 
 reader will add, he was indeed a patriot.* 
 
 * The author has often been told by a near relation, who intimately knew Mr, 
 Lee, a trait of his character. He was rigid and exact in requiring white hired ser 
 vants, whom he had in his service, when abroad, to perform their duties ; but to 
 his slaves he was kind and indulgent to a fault. He could demand from a free 
 man the performance of his contract ; but he could command from the slave 
 scarcely any service he did not choose to perform. 
 
LITE 
 
 OF 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Early letters of Arthur Lee, written principally from the year 1767 to his departure 
 from London in 1776, on British and American politics during that period. 
 
 " LONDON, , 1767. 
 
 THOUGH my dear brother s solicitude about my not fre 
 quently and freely writing to him is exceedingly pleasing 
 to me, as it shows me he values my love as highly as I 
 prize his, yet I cannot acquiesce in the justice of his 
 complaint. For considering the great attention due to 
 the study in which I am now engaged, and the many 
 friends to whom I am bound to write, great indulgence 
 should be granted to me, both in point of the frequency 
 and length of my letters.* Neither indeed does the state 
 of things furnish matter for much writing. The little 
 detail of politics is too despicable to slander even your 
 leisure hours with ; and there is no probability of any 
 change in men or measures with us. 
 
 You will see by the last resolution of the bill of rights, 
 which I desired our brother to send you, what hope we 
 entertain, and what plan we have adopted to obtain a 
 redress of grievances. You will know the author by 
 the style. If the people cannot be roused to take some 
 effectual measures at the next general election, "actum 
 est de libertate." Mrs. McCauley has written to me, ap- 
 
 * Mr. A. Lee was at this time a student of law. He became a conspicuous and 
 successful advocate, and was in habits of intimacy with Dunning and Glynn, and was 
 often engaged in cases with them. He had studied medicine in Edinburgh, and gradu 
 ated with the botanical prize. 
 
 VOL. i. 24 
 
186 LIFE OF 
 
 proving highly of the proceedings of the bill of rights. I 
 am under some apprehension of having lost the patron 
 age of Lord Shelburne and Col. Barre, by the part 1 
 have taken in the proceedings. Their tools conducted the 
 attempt to dissolve the society, and destroy Mr. Wilkes, 
 whether by their particular direction I do not know. But 
 as I voted against them, and as their failure has totally 
 sacrificed the popularity of Lord Shelburne, it is not 
 improbable that he will consider me as a partisan 
 against him, and therefore not entitled to his favour. 
 They are both abroad at present ; when they return, 
 your presents shall be delivered. But, whatever may 
 happen, I shall be satisfied with having acted honestly. 
 The public cause, and particularly that of America, which 
 induced me to engage in the society, was the mover of 
 my conduct. Townshend is an opinionated, over-grown 
 school-boy ; Home is a malevolent, vain, petulent, impu 
 dent priest. The former, in his conceit and folly, thought 
 he could lead the city ; the other, in his vanity and knav 
 ery, conceived that his abilities were equal toTownshend s 
 ambition, and that he should be rewarded. The event 
 has shown how weak their judgment was, and how im 
 potent their endeavours were when separated from those 
 who gave them weight and importance with the people. 
 They never appear in public without being hissed; and 
 at a late meeting of the livery, there were but five who 
 voted for recommending Mr. Townshend to the common 
 hall, as lord mayor for the ensuing year. Lord Shelburne 
 suffers for all their follies, and has therefore lost his popu 
 larity in the city. Expecting redress only from the peo 
 ple, I am determined to stand with them, however my 
 particular interest might advise a different course. You 
 know by experience how little profit and how much ob 
 loquy attends such a principle ; but you know too, how 
 much satisfaction springs from a conviction of its recti 
 tude. The present lord mayor and alderman Bridges 
 will be returned by the livery ; and if the aldermen choose 
 Bridges, he will constitute the other his locum tenens ; so 
 that popular councils will still prevail in the city. Crosby 
 is a plain, determined man, who courts no great man, and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 187 
 
 looks to the people for approbation and support. He will 
 be returned next year with Wilkes, so that the aldermen 
 will have little to choose between them, and the liberties 
 of the city will be upheld. I am much obliged to you 
 for your present, duck and brandy. She appears very 
 disconsolate without a mate. The partridges were by 
 mismanagement let loose at sea, and perished in the 
 
 ocean. * 
 
 The chief political object in Europe at present is Rus 
 sia, unless a cession of what she has conquered should 
 procure the Turk an ignominious peace. The revolt of 
 Egypt will probably oblige the Ottoman to sheathe the 
 Russian sword at any price. Whether the encouraging 
 of so tremendous a power, and especially the promoting 
 of the Zarina s wish of establishing a large, disciplined, 
 and formidable navy, be sound policy in us, to me is 
 doubtful. We may be cherishing a serpent, which will 
 strike us to the heart. 1 do not think it in the least pro 
 bable that any change will take place in the administra 
 tion, unless in consequence of a war. That is an event 
 which the endeavours of the present men, seconded by 
 the disturbances and inability of France, will place at a 
 great distance. The present men do the king s business 
 better than any others he could find ; why then should 
 he change them? Most assuredly it must be the neces 
 sity of the last extremity which will move him to admit 
 a single man of virtue within the circle of his throne. 
 An impeaching parliament might be a more effectual 
 remedy than a war ; but there is still less expectation 
 of this than of that. The lords Chatham and Shelburne 
 will then only come in, when it is necessary to cultivate 
 the people, to support a war, or to soothe the rage of an 
 impeaching house of commons, &c. &c. 
 
 Very melancholy, my dear brother, is the prospect of 
 our affairs, and little apparent hope that any attention 
 will be paid to the just rights of America. The present 
 ministry, arbitrary and anti-American as they are, have 
 for their opponents men who for the most part are des- 
 
 * Mr. A. Lee was making a collection of the natural productions, &c. of Ame 
 rica. 
 
188 LIFE OF 
 
 potie in their views, and who found their opposition upon 
 the inefficacious and pusillanimous lenity of the present 
 proceedings against the colonies. As the views of the 
 court are unquestionably despotic on the American ques 
 tion, it is sure that those who talk in the most absolute 
 style are the most agreeable. Temple and Grenville are 
 the men I mean, with my lord Egremont, whose princi 
 ples are as inconsistent with liberty as fire with water. 
 The present administration is weak, because they acted 
 as oppressors ; but should this new set come in, being re 
 garded as patriots, they will have the stronger support in 
 subverting the constitution of America. 
 
 So circumstanced here, the cause of American liberty 
 would be desperate indeed, if it find not a firm support in 
 the virtuous and determined resolution of the people of 
 America. This is our last, our surest hope, this is our 
 trust and refuge. To encourage and invigorate this spirit 
 must be the constant endeavourof every patriot, si patrice 
 volumus, si nobis vivere cari. 
 
 The Rockingham party have refused to take lead in 
 obtaining the repeal of the duty acts. The merchants 
 are very averse to present any petition to parliament for 
 that purpose, because it is disagreeable to the ministry. 
 Possibly they may be stirred up before the holydays are 
 over. They do not feel enough. My lord Shelburne 
 and his adherents are the wisest and soundest supporters 
 of America ; but I doubt whether they will be willing to 
 take the lead. In a few days I go to lord Shelburne s 
 country seat by express invitation, to spend some time ; 
 while there, 1 hope to animate him to a more vigor 
 ous advocation of our cause. The house of lords have 
 passed several resolves, very violent against all the pro 
 ceedings at Boston, and voted an address to his majesty 
 against the treasonable practices suspected there, and to 
 bring the authors of them over here for trial. The justice 
 of this they found on a statute of Henry seventh, which 
 by a resolve of the house they extend to America. I will 
 not anticipate your reflections on this proceeding. They 
 were sent down to the commons, and their concurrence 
 desired ; but they have deferred the consideration of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 189 
 
 them until after the holydays. To pave the way for 
 these measures, a very partial presentment of papers was 
 made to the house by the ministry ; all the incendiary 
 letters of Governor Bernard, with the most trifling oc 
 currences of the " sons of liberty," down to their drink 
 ing the health of Paoli and the Corsicans ; but the par 
 agon of impudence and malevolence was a letter from 
 the commissioners at Boston, full of misrepresentations 
 and invective. Nothing was read on the other side, but 
 the Boston petition ; and this will be forever the treat 
 ment of Americans here ; from whence therefore they 
 are to expect neither justice nor favour. The public 
 liberty here has gained a signal victory over court despot 
 ism, in the election of sergeant Glynn, Wilkes s friend 
 and advocate, for this county, against all the influence of 
 Beauchamp Proctor, with an hired mob, bribery and min 
 isterial influence. The party of Mr. Wilkes is strong in 
 the house of commons. His having published the letter 
 you will receive with this, prefaced by some strong ani 
 madversions on the detestable intention of its authors, 
 has increased the hatred of the ministry to absolute rage ; 
 in consequence of which they procured a vote in the 
 house of lords, branding it as a seditious and inflamma 
 tory libel, with a conference to invite the concurrence of 
 the commons; but this they could not obtain, and there 
 fore they adjourned the question until after the holydays, 
 when it will be abandoned. Then too, a petition he has 
 presented, praying to be permitted to prosecute Philip 
 Carteret Webb, guilty of bribery and perjury, with the 
 public money, and to have the lords Sandwich and March 
 examined touching the matter, is ordered to be heard. 
 The commons sent a message to the lords, desiring that 
 those peers might attend in their house, which was voted 
 a breach of privilege. The conference was held, but the 
 commons were firm, and the two lords were permitted 
 to attend. I have dined with Wilkes, in the King s 
 bench. He speaks very warmly of America, and highly 
 applauds their proceedings. The Farmer s letters are 
 much read here, but to little purpose, though universally 
 admired, and no answer attempted. They continue of 
 
190 LIFE OF 
 
 the same opinion, without a single reason for it, and con 
 tinue in obstinacy what the} 7 began in ignorance. Lord 
 Hillsborough told me he was both greatly pleased and 
 informed by them, but he wished Mr. Dickinson had ac 
 commodated his reasoning to the necessity of a supreme 
 power. I observed that Mr. Locke had executed that 
 with great perspicuity. This lord is affable and plausi 
 ble ; has a routine of argument which he uses to every 
 one, and on all occasions, without giving time for an an 
 swer. He appears to me to be extremely shallow, and 
 he is detested in Ireland for his arbitrary principles. I 
 send you with this a number of the North Briton, con 
 taining Wilkes s letter, the Public Advertiser, and two 
 pamphlets concerning America. I have written on 
 ly two pieces published in the Gazetteer, giving an ac 
 count of the proceedings at Boston, with some remarks 
 on them. One of them is reprinted in the Gentleman s 
 Magazine for November. I am meditating two pam 
 phlets, under the titles of an Address to the Merchants, 
 and a Summary of the Arguments on both sides of the 
 American Question. Whether I shall finish them I can 
 not determine. The load of prejudice seems almost im 
 movable, and pours despair on all our attempts to bring 
 this country to reason. 
 
 My best love attend you all ; my cordial good wishes 
 await the friends of liberty and their transactions. Once 
 more let me remind you that no confidence is to be re 
 posed in the justice or mercy of Great Britain ; and that 
 American liberty must be entirely of American fabric. 
 
 Adieu, my dear brother. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " IPSWICH, Sept. 18, 1769. 
 
 My Dear Brother, I have received all your favours, 
 but none with more pleasure than that of the 16th July, 
 which assures me of your having recovered from the ef 
 fects of that terrible fall. God grant that it may be the 
 last bitter drop in your bitter cup, and that your future life 
 may be one uninterrupted stream of happiness. 
 
 Your letter, &c. I myself presented to lord Shelburne, 
 at his own house, where I lately spent a week with him. 
 He desires me to return his thanks for them. Grenville 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 191 
 
 has had the art of turning the present opposition to an in 
 famous administration somewhat to his advantage ; and 
 by uniting with Chatham, Temple and Rockingham, is 
 aiming at a resumption of that power which he so much 
 misused. With but small abilities, he has much art, so 
 that no man has more influence in the house of commons. 
 He is endowed with a perseverance in the pursuit of 
 power never to be overcome, and capable of using any 
 artifice, and submitting to any meanness that may pro 
 mote his ambitious purposes. Upheld by these supports, 
 nothing prevents his promotion but the unfeigned piety 
 
 of the , with whom revenge is virtue. The affront 
 
 given by him to a certain lady in the regency bill, occa 
 sioned his dismission, and will in all probability be an 
 insurmountable bar to his ambition. So far is her vice 
 a virtue, operating the good of the nation in the gratifi 
 cation of her malice. Should the complaints of the peo 
 ple prevail on the king to dismiss his present ministers, 
 most probably lord Chatham will be applied to for the 
 formation of a new administration. Here then will be 
 a struggle of lord Chatham (as he has certainly united 
 with Grenville), should he insist on his admission. That 
 the dowager s enmity would prevail over lord Chatham s 
 influence is beyond a question ; but policy may induce 
 her to dissemble (a virtue not yet banished from St. 
 James ), and Grenville be admitted. Whether Lord 
 Shelburne will find a place, or accept one, I cannot 
 venture to conjecture. I think his virtues and abili 
 ties will force him into power, whether soon or among 
 the present abandoned crew, I cannot determine. Be 
 this as it may, I think he is the only one attached to 
 us from principle ; from policy there are many against 
 opposing us ; as Lord Chatham, Richmond, and Rock 
 ingham. Temple and Grenville are our determined foes; 
 but whether they will not think it policy to let our rights 
 remain unquestioned, is doubtful. As I perceived it was 
 likely they would come in, if at all, on popular grounds, I 
 have laboured much to make the cause of America pop 
 ular, in which if I have been assisted by the American 
 agents, I have not the least doubt of having succeeded. 
 
LIFE or 
 
 But the only duty an American agent has to do, is to 
 make a very formal and humble visit to White Hall, with 
 any paper his assembly sends him. He leaves it to the 
 pleasure of the minister, and thinks his duty is done. 
 Tis not all who will do even this paltry service ; and Mr. 
 Abercrombie has not condescended to take the least 
 notice of the order of council for co-operating with the 
 agent. What reason has America to expect any thing 
 farther, when by far the greater number of her agents 
 are unknown here, of no abilities, no rank, or if of 
 any, of a bad character ; some of them menials, all of 
 them servile expectants. Mr. Jennings intended the 
 picture he sent you as a present, and is therefore offend 
 ed that it is mentioned publicly as a purchase with the 
 subscription money which is still in his hands. As there 
 is no probability of getting Lord Camden to sit, I could 
 wish the subscribers to be prevailed on to order Lord 
 Shelburne s to be sent, in gratitude for his having divided 
 the lords in favour of their rights. He I think will have 
 no objection to gratifying us, for his principles remain 
 unaltered. You will see our agent on the most infamous 
 list of voters for Colonels Lutterel and Brentford, than 
 which nothing can more demonstrate his servile depend- 
 ance on administration ; when applied to he refused to 
 draw up for the tobacco merchants a petition against the 
 revenue acts, on a pretence that as they had not treated 
 him with respect he would not have any thing to do with 
 them. But his vote will explain his refusal. Should this 
 conduct have any influence in Virginia to his prejudice, 
 as I think in truth it ought, I need not tell you I should 
 be happy to serve in his place. If Mr. Nicholas would 
 join you, one would imagine the point would be carried. 
 It would certainly enable me to get into parliament, and 
 by that method promote the interest not only of Virginia 
 but of all America. Had I been in this character a year 
 ago, I could have made the cause of America the cause 
 of Middlesex, for they are in truth the same. As no 
 thing is more in my wish than this cause, I should like to 
 have my inclinations seconded by my situation, which as 
 agent of the assembly would be certainly effected. 
 Your s affectionately, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 193 
 
 " Bow WOOD, December 3d, 1769. 
 
 Dear Brother, I wrote to you lately, and probably 
 the same conveyance will bring you this letter. It is 
 with much pleasure I can assure you that Lords Shel- 
 burne, Chatham, and Camden are determined to write 
 once more in supporting the cause of America against 
 the present weak and wicked administration. I am at 
 present at Lord Shelburne s in the country, and you may 
 depend on what I say concerning our friends. Every 
 day makes our cause more popular, and I think the min 
 istry will find the opposition too strong to attempt any 
 forcible measure ; and you well know how little their 
 artifices will avail them. I have endeavoured by mixing 
 popular subjects here with that of America to bring the 
 signature of Junius Americanus into estimation, and by 
 that means to gain a more easy ear to the discussion of 
 American grievances. I am in hopes of succeeding. 
 Colonel Barre is of opinion that America stands on ex 
 cellent ground, and need not be in the least apprehensive 
 of what her enemies can do. I have just heard from our 
 brother William that the election has been patriotic, and 
 
 that has met with the contempt and detestation he 
 
 merits. My heart is at ease, and I trust we must be 
 free. I think myself much honoured by the name of 
 Virginia, and feel infinite gratitude to the people at large 
 for the noble spirit with which they have resisted all the 
 attempts of art, and honoured the cause of liberty. 
 
 I do riot know any thing which would gratify my 
 wishes more than the agency of Virginia. I should de 
 vote myself with so much cordiality to its duties, and 
 obey with so much joy the commands of a spirited people 
 asserting their rights. 
 
 Farewell, and believe me as I am ever, yours affection 
 ately, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " BATH, November 9th, 1769. 
 
 My Dear Brother, Col. Barre is just arrived here, 
 ai\d informs me that Governor Bernard is to be before 
 the king and council, agreeable to the Massachusetts pe- 
 
 VOL. i. 25 
 
194 LIFE OF 
 
 tition, with a view to deceive the world into a belief of 
 his innocence, not to make any enquiry into his guilt. 
 With this view only six days notice is given to the agent 
 to summon his witnesses three thousand miles distant. 
 The wickedness of this administration can be equalled 
 only by its weakness. For must it not be most egre 
 gious to expect the world will be deceived by so infa 
 mous an artifice. The agent has delivered a petition to 
 the council for a delay ; whether that will succeed I 
 know not, but it will render their injustice more glaring. 
 
 He is an upright, spirited, and independent old man, 
 
 and therefore most obnoxious to Lord H gh, who has 
 
 made some mean attempts to injure him. The ministry 
 have so affronted the Duke of Rutland as to make him 
 resign. It is expected the Marquis of Granby will fol 
 low him. Tis well they are so rash, as abler men in 
 these times of corruption might endanger our liberties. 
 I find my health better than when with you. I pray 
 heaven to guard you. 
 
 Yours. Adieu. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "August 15, 1769. 
 
 My dear brother s favours all reached me in due time 
 at Bristol Wells, where I was spending the summer 
 season, to look about me, and form acquaintances which 
 may be useful hereafter. The ensuing winter I mean to 
 spend in Bath, where I now am ; a place to which Dr. 
 Fothergill advised me, and where I expect his patronage. 
 Your packet for Lord Shelburne I shall deliver myself in 
 a few days, at his country seat about twenty miles off, 
 where I am to spend a week. I have not been in Lon 
 don since Johnston s arrival, and as Dr. Fothergill is 
 probably in the country, I reserve your letter to him also 
 to deliver myself, as I shall be in town soon. 
 
 My last letter from our brother F. of the 14th June, made 
 me exceedingly unhappy, as it brought, an account of the 
 dreadful accident which befel you about that time. I 
 flatter myself that long before you receive this you v l ill 
 have received entire relief from the effects of that mis 
 fortune ; and I cannot now help chiding you for being so 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 195 
 
 very careless of a life on which the happiness of so many 
 depend ; the horses were notoriously vicious, and the 
 dastardly temper of the negroes you well know. How 
 then could you trust yourself so absolutely in their power 
 as to injure yourself and afflict us ? for heaven s sake 
 remember that you are accountable to your country and 
 to those who love you for your personal safety, which 
 cannot be injured without very great detriment and dis 
 quietude to them. Heaven shield you from such disas 
 ters for the future, and grant you for the great share of 
 misery you have already suffered, an uninterrupted series 
 of prosperity and health. I may now I hope congratu 
 late you on your marriage with Mrs. Pinkard ; the small 
 acquaintance I had with her gives me great reason to 
 believe she will make you happy ; and I most ardently 
 pray that her goodness may prevent both you and the 
 poor little ones who survive, from feeling the loss of the 
 tender and amiable wife and mother that is gone. 
 
 The resolutions into which you have entered, and 
 which I perceive South Carolina has adopted, are in the 
 highest degree laudable, and you may depend upon it, 
 will work your salvation. The ministry thinking it vain 
 to contend against such virtue as they are now convinced 
 animates America, are at present certainly disposed to 
 conciliatory measures. But they are far from being yet 
 brought to a due sense of what in justice they owe to 
 the constitutional rights of the colonies. You have com 
 menced those measures which tend to their conviction, 
 and I make no question you will persevere till that im 
 portant purpose is fully accomplished. The intent of the 
 monitors I sent you being entirely fulfilled, I do not ask 
 what you did with those I sent you, though I have seen 
 nothing of them in the papers. The state of politics at 
 present is as appears to me exceedingly complex. As 
 far as I can unravel them, they consist of the court par 
 ty, the opposition, and the constitutionalists. The lords 
 Holland and Bute, the Dukes of Bedford and Grafton, 
 form the court party ; lords Temple, Chatham arid Mr. 
 Grenville, with Rockingham, compose the opposition ; 
 and my lord Shelburne heads the constitutionalists. The 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 last party are the promoters of petitions, as the most 
 proper method of informing the people of the constitu 
 tional power they possess, and of rousing them against 
 the arbitrary measures of the court. The opposition, 
 desirous of changing men only, and not measures, are 
 for determining the matter by the representative body 
 by intrigue and influence. The constitutionalists are for 
 appealing to the people at large, and effecting a change 
 of measures as well as of men. Mr. Wilkes and all of 
 his party that are honest, with Beckford, Townshend, 
 Sawbridge, Mrs. McCauley, &c. are what I call constitu 
 tionalists. Of the political writers Junius only deserves 
 reading, and his talents are certainly great. I cannot but 
 think that my lord Shelburne s abilities and virtue will 
 force him again into pow r er ; though they render him 
 exceedingly unwelcome at court, where such qualities 
 are not in estimation. Happily for the liberties of this 
 country, the court party are at variance among them 
 selves ; could they agree, I do not see what would pre 
 vent them, with a corrupt house of commons, vast influ 
 ence from places and money, with a powerful army, from 
 absolutely subverting the constitution. But Bute pos 
 sesses the year, Bedford the parliamentary power ; Graf- 
 ton was the representative of the former, but the latter, 
 ever jealous and ambitious, has contrived to gain the 
 duke over by marriage. This in all human probability 
 was the cause of lord Bute s precipitate return, being 
 alarmed lest in consequence of that connexion Grafton 
 should betray him, and uniting with Bedford, enable him 
 to do what he has long wished ; exclude his lordship 
 from influence in administration. When Peacham and 
 Locket quarrel, they bring each other nearly to the gal 
 lows. -Would to heaven these political villains may be 
 more irreconcilable in their anger. I am now at my 
 lord Shelburne s, where I have the pleasure of seeing 
 perfect domestic happiness. Lady Shelburne is a pattern 
 of every thing that is amiable and good ; and her lord 
 seems perfectly worthy of so valuable a wife. Much 
 reading has produced in me the effect of age, in which 
 confidence in political professions is slowly granted ; and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 197 
 
 therefore highly as I esteem this lord, I do not implicitly 
 confide in him. Yet if he does not support the genuine 
 cause of liberty, and continue firm in constitutional prin 
 ciples, I do not believe there is a single man of eminence 
 who will vindicate the violated rights of the people. A 
 temporary support many will give, but an opposition 
 grounded on true principles, and steadily pursued, I ex 
 pect from him only. God send he may answer my ex 
 pectations ; if not actum est de libertate. I am not so des 
 perate with regard to America ; the spirit of liberty seems 
 now so truly and universally diffused, that I do not think 
 it possible to suppress it ; and therefore I look forward 
 with infinite pleasure to that spirit as the surest nurse of 
 British constitutional liberty. I some time since sent 
 enclosed to Mr. Parker and you the proceeding respect 
 ing the Mississippi company. Nothing certain is to be 
 expected from this ministry : when it is changed I shall 
 not fail to resume the solicitations. I beg you will give 
 my most cordial thanks to all those of my acquaintance 
 who have distinguished themselves in the resolution of 
 not consuming British manufactures, and of maintaining 
 firmly their constitutional rights. As a friend to freedom, 
 I esteem myself infinitely obliged to every one who sup 
 ports it. 
 
 My inviolable regard awaits you and yours. Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. Pray remember me to our brother Thomas ; I 
 never hear of or from him, which I very much regret. 
 My best wishes attend Belvieu." 
 
 BATH, November 15, 1769. 
 
 My Dear Brother, It appears to me a very long time 
 since I had the pleasure of hearing from you. In the 
 mean time I please myself with supposing that you, with 
 the rest of America, are working your own salvation by 
 frugality and industry. Pertinent to this are your questions 
 to our brother William concerning the glass manufactory ; 
 in which, I am sorry to inform you, no satisfactory infor 
 mation can be obtained. Much care is taken at Bristol 
 
198 LIFE OF 
 
 to provide against the loss of workmen ; they are there 
 fore articled for a certain time, and their wages artfully 
 advanced, so as to keep them constantly in arrear, and 
 thence in bondage. A very few only are entrusted with 
 the secret of the materials, and their proportions. I 
 wrote to a merchant of Bristol, immediately on my broth 
 er s receiving yours, for more precise information ; but he 
 has never answered me, probably through some jealousy 
 in himself, or an apprehension of it in others. Newcas 
 tle would be the best place I apprehend, not only to make 
 enquiries without suspicion, but to apply for workmen. 
 The people here do not yet complain much of the want of 
 trade arising from the stoppage of American exports ; but, 
 by persevering, they will feel, and then will infallibly 
 complain. What the ministry will do in the perturbed 
 state of the empire, both at home and abroad, it is diffi 
 cult to say ; what they wish to do is more easily imagin 
 ed. Great certainly is the struggle between their arbi 
 trary inclinations, and their fears to execute them. 
 
 The Mississippi affair rests entirely, and must do so 
 till the ministry are removed ; whenever that happens 
 the company may be assured that I will resume the busi 
 ness without any farther expense to them. Our brother 
 William forgot to bring over a minute of the company s 
 resolution appointing me agent ; so that had my creden 
 tials been required nothing could have been done. Hap 
 pily they were not ; but to provide against it for the fu 
 ture, I could wish you and Mr. Parker would send me 
 such credentials as you may think proper. Please to re 
 member me to that gentleman, and tell him I hope every 
 patriotic scheme succeeds, and that we shall see him in 
 
 the next list of the house of burgesses, in J. R ph s 
 
 place. I wish things were reversed, and this tool of pow 
 er were his deputy. Your governor is becoming very 
 popular as we are told here, and I have the worst proof 
 of it in the increased orders for fineries from the ladies, 
 at this time of general distress in their families. Either 
 our countrywomen are misrepresented by the merchants 
 wives, or they are growing deplorably extravagant. If 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 199 
 
 his excellency introduces such a spirit, I am sure his popu 
 larity will be ill-founded. Wilkes suit with Lord Hali 
 fax is at length determined, with 4000 damages, which 
 it was proved in court the treasury was to pay. Inade 
 quate as these would in any case have been, the manner 
 in which they are to be paid prevents them from being 
 exemplary ; since no minister will be deterred from re 
 peating this injury by a fine which he is not to pay. Our 
 houses, liberties, and most interesting secrets, are thus at 
 the mercy of any minister who will pay this sum out of 
 the treasury, which, with the present furniture of St. Ste 
 phen s chapel, he might do to-morrow without danger of 
 impeachment. Yet there are many men so wicked or 
 so weak as to deny that the constitution is in danger. 
 There are men who will never believe their houses are 
 near the flames until they are on fire ; so long as they 
 walk free they care not who is illegally imprisoned. The 
 parliament will probably meet about the middle of Janu 
 ary ; it will be an important session, but I believe attend 
 ed with no farther good than convincing the people their 
 complaints are just, and their desire of a dissolution per 
 fectly proper. I am extremely well with Lord S e, 
 
 the lord mayor, the sheriffs, Mr. Wilkes, Home, McCau- 
 ley, Bellas, &c.; the two first and the last are those only 
 of whose principles I have a good opinion ; but I am so 
 sensible of my own deficiency in judgment, that while I 
 act in the integrity of my heart, I do not suffer my sus 
 picions to influence my actions. I dine frequently in the 
 King s Bench where I meet the declared patriots, of 
 whom I shall be satisfied if we find one Sidney in twelve 
 elect. The city of London is however in our possession, 
 and will support the character it has always maintained, 
 of standing foremost and firm in opposition to arbitrary 
 power. It is a chance whether you ever meet with a se 
 ries of letters signed Junius Americanus, in which the 
 enemies of America are chiefly attacked ; though to make 
 what was written in defence of the colonies acceptable, 
 it was necessary to give now and then a stroke to the 
 characters obnoxious here. It is desirable to make a sig 
 nature popular ; when that is effected I shall be able to 
 
200 LIFE OF 
 
 write for America under it with success, which it is oth 
 erwise extremely difficult to accomplish. Send copies 
 of Parker s edition of the Farmer s Letters to Lord Shel- 
 burne, Mrs. McCauley, and Col. Barre. Farewell. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " A very ill timed fever, my dear sir, confining me to my 
 bed and room for some days past, has for the present 
 marred my Mississippi and political operations. Of the 
 former therefore, I can say nothing more than what the 
 enclosed, written a week since, contains ; of politics lit 
 tle certain can be said, for no one yet knows what the 
 parliament, which meets to-morrow, will determine. The 
 ministry are entirely Bedfordian, neither much in confi 
 dence of the landed or mercantile part of the nation ; but 
 they are of Lord Bute s complexion, and have therefore 
 the royal ear and protection. Grafton is the premier, 
 profligate, arbitrary, and contemptible ; Weymouth, aban 
 doned to gaming and drinking, totally involved, but ex 
 tremely clever ; North, Gower, and Bristol, nothing ; 
 Hillsborough or Pownal, arbitrary, opinionated, subtle, 
 and severe : of these the present council are formed, 
 without one speaker or advocate in the house of com 
 mons. All parties will, it is probable, be opposed to 
 them ; but virtue and real patriotism are so little the ob 
 jects of pursuit to any party, that it is rather a scuffle 
 who shall enjoy the power and wreath of office, than who 
 shall administer peace and welfare to the nation. This 
 being the case the sovereign will always turn the scale, 
 since such ministers can never acquire the confidence of 
 the nation, so as to be independent of court influence ; 
 this makes me apprehend that the present ministry, as 
 being certainly that of the favourite, though he be now 
 abroad, will stand, and they are to all intents and purpo 
 ses enemies to America. They delude us here with talk 
 ing of conciliating measures, but it is only to try once 
 more the effect of art and management in disuniting the 
 colonies, while it is evident they are collecting a great 
 force at Boston, to crush, as they fondly flatter themselves, 
 the head of opposition at one blow ; from the persever- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 201 
 
 ance of your colony much is feared, and greatly is it ex 
 pected that the address, powers, and beguiling splendour 
 of his excellency, will detach it from the cause of liber 
 ty, obtain a vote subversive of your former resolves, ac 
 knowledging your promptitude to bend the servile knee, 
 and fawning take the splendid robber s boon. Severe 
 will be the trial, but more exemplary therefore the virtue 
 that triumphs over it; alas! I fear it will not be found, 
 where meanness and servility are already so prevalent 
 among the little great people of your colony: yet on the 
 issue of this essay must I hereafter glory in being a Vir 
 ginian, or hide my head when it is mentioned. Subtlety 
 and arbitrariness being the characteristics of the present 
 ministry, great prudence, caution, and management will 
 be requisite to frustrate their measures, or elude their re 
 venge. You may be assured, if they stand this session, 
 and their present policy succeeds not in America, the first 
 step to enforcement will be the seizing and executing 
 the patriotic leaders ; in your conduct therefore let me 
 recommend an attention to the conduct of the first prince 
 of Orange, which saved him from an ignominious death, 
 and effectually vindicated the liberties of his country, 
 while the incaution of his associates made them victims 
 to the bloody and revengeful purposes of the tyrant they 
 opposed. Our first duty is to our country unquestionably, 
 and her dearest right is liberty ; but if this be not the 
 sense of the people, if there is no prospect of opposing 
 tyrannous measures with success, twere better wait the 
 favourable moment, since once engaged, success, eternal 
 enmity, or death, must be the issue. Cato, Brutus, and 
 Cassius did not precipitately undertake a hopeless cause, 
 but they made a glorious and dreadful struggle, that fail 
 ing, death was the only worthy end of such a beginning. 
 O how my soul swells with the great idea! methinks I 
 could smile in the very pangs of death, and pity the in 
 sulting tyrant. Should such a trial come, and my weak 
 flesh shrink from the nobler purposes of my soul, to what 
 contempt would it reduce me. Inured to war and death, 
 habit had steeled their bodies, and made them equal to 
 the achievement of every daring resolution ; happy had I 
 VOL. i. 26 
 
202 LIFE OF 
 
 been bred a soldier, or these trying times had not arrived 
 in my day. These are reflections which I cannot avoid, 
 though they leave stings behind them ; the very doubt of 
 bearing unmoved the utmost efforts of afflicting power, 
 and telling the tyrant or his minion to the last I scorned 
 him, is to me grievous. 
 
 I have not sent you the Museum Rusticum, because 
 it is certainly too dear for its usefulness ; and another 
 publication is daily expected, which perhaps may be pre 
 ferable. I reserve Tissot till I have leisure to read him, 
 and make some annotations for you. There is a book 
 sometime since published, called a Handmaid to the Arts, 
 which should be useful to you ; if I think so upon exam 
 ining, it shall be sent. The Court Register will be pub 
 lished the 28th of this month, therefore I hardly think it 
 worth while to send the old one now. I know of nothing 
 else worth your attention. 
 
 "October 9th. The great debate is passed, adminis 
 tration has carried her point, forcing by the sword over 
 the colonies those laws which reason and justice cannot 
 support or establish. Dreadful idea ; suggested in a 
 free house, it ought to have excited indignation and ab 
 horrence. To the king s speech containing an account 
 of America being in an alienated state of allegiance and 
 submission to law ; and one part, namely Boston, on the 
 verge of rebellion through the agency of some seditious 
 persons, an address was moved for by Lord Henly, Lord 
 Northington s son, approving the steps which had been 
 taken by the king in America, and promising him sup 
 port. This was seconded by Mr. Stanley, who said the 
 late acts were intended to bring this contest of right to 
 an issue ; that the troops had been drawn together in 
 America to enforce it with more facility, and had now 
 commenced the operation in Boston. Mr. Dowdswall, 
 late chancellor of the exchequer, moved for an amend 
 ment, using milder terms towards the Americans, and 
 not expressing any approbation of ministerial measures. 
 Lord Clare and Lord North supported the former ; with 
 heavy if not unwarrantable charges against the people 
 of Boston, and high ideas of absolute power. The 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 203 
 
 amendment was then supported by Sir G. Seville, but 
 not on American principles. Mr. Burke then entered 
 more largely and with more masterly eloquence into the 
 transactions of Governor Bernard and the administra 
 tion. He showed the present disturbances arose from 
 a concerted plan and intentional injuries offered the peo 
 ple of Boston ; that the right of taxing and the laws 
 founded on it were repugnant to the feelings of America, 
 which never could be overcome; he insisted that the re 
 quiring the assembly of Boston to rescind a vote under 
 penalty was absolutely illegal and unconstitutional ; that 
 sending soldiers there and demanding provision for them 
 was directly repugnant to the act of parliament, which 
 directs that provision be made by the assembly. Mr. 
 Grenville then advised supporting the measures of ad 
 ministration in subduing the colonies ; he praised his 
 S. A., talked much about himself, and condemned the 
 minister s mandate for rescinding as totally illegal. Col. 
 Barre next spoke with great judgment upon the ques 
 tion in favour of the amendment ; he questioned the 
 right, disapproved the measures, and demonstrated that 
 they were urging a quarrel with their colonies, from an 
 ill-grounded jealousy, when the state of Europe made 
 harmony absolutely requisite to our preservation. Mr. 
 Wedderburn then pointed out with great justice that gov 
 ernment, both at home and abroad was executed by files 
 of musketeers ; that laws were obeyed not from a re 
 spect and confidence in the people for the legislature and 
 government, but from terror ; a dreadful state existed 
 by some unhappy defect in the executive part, which 
 threatened our ruin ; he declared against the legality of 
 the ministerial mandate at Boston. Many others spoke 
 on both sides, but the ministry carried it without a di 
 vision. All this I consider as done in heat, and hope 
 better information and more dispassionate deliberation 
 will produce the conciliating measures of recalling Ber 
 nard, and repealing the duty acts ; should this not be 
 done, I apprehend that the present establishment of the 
 military in America will prevent any armed opposition to 
 the measures of administration ; but I conceive the Ame- 
 
204 LIFE OF 
 
 ricans will endeavour by those means of not consum 
 ing British manufactures, which are absolutely in their 
 power, to bring this ungrateful country to a better sense 
 of their usefulness to her, and how vain the attempt is 
 to rule by force a free people. Mr. Burke asserted that 
 Chatham and Camden had both acted towards America 
 inconsistently with those principles ; which, corning from 
 such great authorities, had confirmed the colonists in their 
 opinion that parliament had no right to tax them. 
 
 God knows whether this will be suffered to reach you; 
 for the administration are determined to sacrifice the 
 most active in the American cause, and may probably 
 stop letters. 
 
 Yours, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "BRISTOL- WELLS, August 4th, 1769. 
 
 My dear brother, I am sorry you have so much reason 
 to complain of my neglect ; for which I must rely on 
 your goodness to pardon me. My letters by Johnston 
 brought me an account of your marriage ; on which I 
 give you and Mrs. Lee joy with all my heart. The 
 union which crowns a mutual affection long tried, prom 
 ises the most permanent felicity ; and I hope every suc 
 ceeding moon will find you equally happy with the first. 
 
 I am now the only unhappy or single person of the 
 family ; nor have I any prospect of being otherwise. I 
 have spent this season at the Bristol Wells in pursuit of 
 practice and to make acquaintances, and shall remain the 
 winter at Bath with the same views. In the latter it is 
 easy to succeed, in the first not quite so easy here as at 
 Williamsburg. Perseverance, of which unhappily I have 
 very little, is absolutely requisite to accomplish this busi 
 ness. I often feel so home sick that I cannot bear the 
 thoughts of living forever from you ; so that if I am not 
 very short lived I feel that I must make another trip to 
 see you. Contrasted with that of this country, how il 
 lustriously eminent does the patriotic conduct of America 
 appear. I had my fears, my anxieties about Virginia, 
 but my countrymen have fulfilled my most sanguine 
 wishes and acquired an honour which can never be tar- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 205 
 
 nished. Here the spirit of liberty is very languid, and all 
 attempts to rouse it meet with little success. Corrup 
 tion has spread its baneful influence so universally, that 
 this country seems now to be nearly in that state in 
 which Jugurtha found Rome when he exclaimed, 
 
 "O venalem urbem, et cito perituraui, si emptorem invenies." 
 
 However the utmost endeavours are used to awaken a 
 proper resentment of the atrocious injuries which have 
 been offered to the constitution. And though I believe 
 they will obtain petitions enough to awe the ministry, yet 
 I do not hope to see all grievances fully redressed, and the 
 authors of them brought to condign punishment. With 
 respect to us the ministry speak in a conciliating tone, 
 but they are so void of all virtue that no credit is due 
 to them, especially as their principles are most notorious 
 ly arbitrary. Persevere in the plan of frugality and in 
 dustry, encourage and confirm a spirit never to submit 
 or yield, and you will compel them to be just hce tibi 
 artes, hcBc arma ; and may heaven render them invinci 
 ble. The town of Bristol, which is very near the wells, 
 is immersed in the turtle and venison feasting, and there 
 fore seems to apprehend little from the revolutions you 
 have made ; but they will feel presently, and then I will 
 answer for their justice being awakened, and their feel 
 ing how cruel it is to oppress us. We have much com 
 pany here besides invalids, dancing and card playing 
 every day, so that the time passes agreeably though idly. 
 My Lord Bute having lately arrived from abroad it is 
 expected his advice will make some change in adminis 
 tration ; but from so impure a fountain no good can be 
 expected. The Mississippi scheme must lie dormant 
 till Lord Hillsborough is removed, for he will never suffer 
 it to be executed. 
 
 Remember me, my dear brother, affectionately ; be free, 
 be happy, and adieu. A. LEE." 
 
 " LONDON, May 20th, 1770. 
 
 My dear brother, The parliament being now pro 
 rogued concludes all hopes of any redress of grievances, 
 
206 LIFE OF 
 
 either for America or Great Britain. Several motions 
 were a week ago made in the commons, and repeated in 
 the lords, by Mr. Burke and the Duke of Richmond, 
 tending to censure alt the measures of this administra 
 tion relative to America, especially my Lord Hillsbo- 
 rough s rescinding and promising letters. They were 
 all rescinded in the lump, by a previous question, on 
 which the ministerial majority was three to one. Lord 
 Chatham has made two remarkable motions this session, 
 one for dissolving the parliament, and one censuring those 
 who advised the rejection of the London remonstrance. 
 They were fruitless, being rejected by a large majority. 
 No ministry ever had less argument, and greater influ 
 ence. In the American debate Lord Hillsborough de 
 clared that all hopes of reconciliation with America were 
 vain, unless the whole authority of parliament was given 
 up, for that it was the navigation act we were aiming to 
 overthrow. Such are the fixed impressions of this dull, 
 arbitrary lord, and the prejudices which he and his tools 
 labour but too successfully to infuse into others. 
 
 The city of London, unawed by their late rejection, has 
 voted a second remonstrance to the throne, in very spir 
 ited terms, which is to be presented next Wednesday. 
 Mr. Wilkes sits and acts as alderman with great ap 
 plause. 
 
 The friends of America here are apprehensive that 
 you will not abide by your non-importation agreements, 
 on which all prospects of a re-establishment of our in 
 vaded rights depend. I can hardly think that my coun 
 trymen can be so wanting to themselves as to give their 
 enemies their wish, and sacrifice for a temporary profit 
 or convenience, the liberties of themselves and their pos 
 terity. Adieu. 
 
 Yours, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " My Dear Brother, Lord Hillsborough is out. The 
 ostensible cause is that he dissented to the establishment 
 of a government where our petition is located. But the 
 true reason is that the Bedford party were determined 
 to remove him to provide for one of themselves. But 
 in this they were disappointed, for lord North threatened 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 207 
 
 to resign. They were obliged to soothe him by the ap 
 pointment of his half brother, Lord Dartmouth. This 
 place was originally promised him, but the king, as his 
 custom is, deceived him ; and it is thought rather shabby 
 in him to accept of it now. However, he is a man of 
 good principles, of a fair character, of exemplary life, 
 and a friend to America. I have no doubt but that as 
 far as it depends upon him, which indeed is but little, 
 the colonies will not have much cause to complain. 
 
 There is no opposition now, nor any forming. At the 
 meeting of the next parliament the leaders will hope that 
 the memory of their former follies may be obliterated, and 
 again unite in that opposition which they so shamefully 
 abandoned. Nothing is more uncertain than the revolu 
 tions of states, nor can any one form a tolerable conjec 
 ture from the appearances of the political sky. This is 
 our only comfort in the midst of a calm which seems to 
 resign every thing to the will of a court, which is med 
 itating and executing a systematic destruction of our 
 liberties. I expect to be at the bar quite in time for the 
 next general election, and to be employed in some con 
 tested election, which is a fair introduction into a valu 
 able branch of the profession, that of pleading before the 
 house of commons. Yours, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "LONDON, March 18, 1774. 
 
 Dear Brother, The affairs of America are now be 
 come very serious ; the minority are determined to put 
 your spirit to the proof. Boston is their first object. On 
 Monday the 14th, it was ordered in the house of com 
 mons that leave be given to bring in a bill, 4 for the im 
 mediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection 
 and management of his majesty s duties of customs from 
 the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts 
 Bay, in North America ; and to discontinue the landing 
 and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares and 
 merchandize at the said town of Boston, or within the 
 harbour thereof. * 
 
 * Many native Americans, who were at this time in London, presented a peti 
 tion to parliament in behalf of their countrymen in Boston, against the operation 
 of thia act. It was written by Arthur Lee. 
 
208 LIFE OF 
 
 If the colonies in general permit this to pass unnoticed, 
 a precedent will be established for humbling them by 
 degrees, until all opposition to arbitrary power is sub 
 dued. The manner, however, in which you should meet 
 this violent act, should be well weighed. The proceed 
 ings of the colonies, in consequence of it, will be read 
 and regarded as manifestos. Great care therefore 
 should be taken to word them unexceptionably and plau 
 sibly. They should be prefaced with the strongest pro 
 fessions of respect and attachment to this country; of 
 reluctance to enter into any dispute with her ; of the 
 readiness you have always shown and still wish to show, 
 of contributing according to your ability, and in a consti 
 tutional way to her support ; and of your determination 
 to undergo every extremity rather than submit to be en 
 slaved. These things tell much in your favour with 
 moderate men, and with Europe, to whose interposition 
 America may yet owe her salvation, should the contest 
 be serious and lasting. In short, as we are the weaker, 
 it becomes us to be suaviter in modo, however we may 
 be determined to act fortiter in re. There is a per 
 suasion here that America will see, without interposition, 
 the ruin of Boston. It is of the last importance to the 
 general cause, that your conduct should prove this opin 
 ion erroneous. If once it is perceived that you may be 
 attacked and destroyed by piecemeal, actum est, every 
 part will in its turn feel the vengeance which it would 
 not unite to repel, and a general slavery or ruin must en 
 sue. The colonies should never forget Lord North s 
 declaration in the house of commons, that he would not 
 listen to the complaints of America until she was at his 
 feet. The character of Lord North, and the consideration 
 of what surprising things he has effected towards enslav 
 ing his own country, makes me, I own, tremble for ours. 
 Plausible, deep and treacherous, like his master he has 
 no passions to divert him, no pursuits of pleasure to with 
 draw him from the accursed design of deliberately de 
 stroying the liberties of his country. A perfect adept in 
 the arts of corruption, and indefatigable in the application 
 of them, he effects great ends by means almost magical, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 209 
 
 because they are unseen. In four years he has over 
 come the most formidable opposition in this country, 
 from which the Duke of Grafton fled with horror. At 
 the same time he has effectually enslaved the East India 
 Company, and made the vast revenue and territory of 
 India in effect a royal patronage. Flushed with these 
 successes, he now attacks America ; and certainly if we 
 are not firm and united, he will triumph in the same 
 manner over us. In my opinion a general resolution of 
 the colonies to break off all commercial intercourse with 
 this country, until they are secured in their liberties, is 
 the only advisable and sure mode of defence. To exe 
 cute such a resolution would be irksome at first, but you 
 would be amply repaid, not only in saving your money, 
 and becoming independent of these petty tyrants, the 
 merchants, but in securing your general liberties. You 
 are however more capable of judging what is proper and 
 practicable. My great wish is to see you firm and 
 united. Adieu. 
 
 Yours affectionately, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " LONDON, Dec. 13th, 1774. 
 
 My Dear Brother, The proceedings at the congress 
 are yet unknown to us, but our last accounts from you 
 signify that the non-export will not take place till the 
 present crop is shipped. It is unfortunate that you did 
 not adopt that measure immediately upon the receipt of 
 the late acts, because the operation of it would have 
 been felt by this time, and would in all probability have 
 enforced the repeal of them this session. But now by 
 that dangerous delay, the present parliament will be in 
 volved like the old one, and the plea of wounded dignity 
 will still impede a retraction. The merchants too, being 
 in possession of one year s crop, will be enabled to pay 
 the tradesmen, &c. and subsist themselves under a sus 
 pension of trade for at least a year, so as to prevent any 
 clamour, and give the ministry that time to try what 
 fraud and force can do to divest you of your liberties. 
 Thus, by an ill judged tenderness towards men who 
 have neither the feelings of humanity or justice for us, 
 VOL. i. 27 
 
210 LIFE OF 
 
 but on the contrary would joyfully minister to our oppres 
 sion, we have strengthened the hands of our enemies, and 
 subjected ourselves to additional hazards and hardships. 
 However, instead of idly lamenting over what is irre 
 trievable, let us consider what should be our conduct in 
 the present situation. If the people flatter themselves 
 that the threat will be sufficient, and that they will not 
 be put to the trial, under that dangerous deception they 
 will again plant tobacco, and be equally unprepared to 
 stand the contest. The utmost attention should there 
 fore be employed to convince them that it is serious, that 
 nothing but a hearty struggle will save their civil and re 
 ligious liberties. In order to be prepared, they should 
 double their quantity of corn and grain, not that they 
 can export it, but that they may enjoy the blessing of 
 plenty to mitigate other hardships, and keep the country 
 in good humour ; they should plant great quantities of 
 cotton, and desist immediately from the use of mutton 
 and lamb, which will furnish them against next winter 
 with wool and cotton enough to clothe the whole colony. 
 With provisions cheap and plenty, and warm clothing, 
 you may surely bid defiance to this country. Every 
 thing that will yield spirit, as persimmons, grapes, &c. 
 should be gathered and distilled ; rye and barley should 
 be cultivated for that purpose. My reason for this is 
 that it will be the plan to cut off all communication be 
 tween the colonies, from whence the usual supply of 
 spirits being prevented, the common planters to whom 
 they are absolutely necessary may be induced to murmur 
 if not resist those measures of opposition, which our 
 Scotch friends will take care to whisper them are the 
 cause of their distress. As a great deal depends upon 
 the hearty concurrence of the body of the people, pro 
 vision should be made against every thing that may ob 
 struct it. The ministerial language now is not for force ; 
 however I would not trust them, but prepare against that 
 too by arming and exercising the militia. The plan at 
 present is to pass two acts, one for taking the fishery 
 from New-England and encouraging the Canadians, the 
 other to make all associations touching trade, treasonable. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 211 
 
 Additional supplies will be granted, and it will be left to 
 the king and his ministry to add military force, which I 
 verily believe they will do. You have the whole of their 
 plan before you, and I hope you will not remit of the ut 
 most activity to defeat it. The not planting any tobac 
 co will be a decisive measure to convince them here that 
 you are in earnest. Such conviction will be of great use. 
 You may depend upon it that the merchants here will 
 never move in your behalf till you alarm their fears so 
 much, or touch their interests so strongly, as to make the 
 cause their own. My anxiety about the public absorbs 
 every idea of private concerns. Col. Phil, remits me 
 nothing, and the additional expenses of my being called 
 to the bar in April next, will distress me extremely. My 
 love to Mrs. Lee and every body else. Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "LONDON, Dec. 22, 1774. 
 
 My Dear Brother, The proceedings of the congress 
 meet with universal approbation here, and have operated 
 like an electric shock upon the ministry and their de 
 pendants. They begin to reprobate their own measures, 
 and each to exonerate himself from the charge of having 
 advised them. The king consented to receive the peti 
 tion of the congress, arid lord Dartmouth told us it was 
 found to be decent and respectful. I expect we shall 
 receive his majesty s answer time enough to send with 
 this. 
 
 The merchants have advertised for a meeting, and 
 every thing seems to promise a speedy accommodation. 
 The terms of that must depend on you. Your demands 
 must be made with great moderation, and should not, 
 nay I think cannot be receded from one iota. Depend 
 upon it, the same firmness and unanimity which have 
 compelled a conciliatory disposition, will enforce a full 
 redress. Be therefore firm and fear not. The excess 
 of my anxiety for our ultimate success, and the termina 
 tion of these unhappy disturbances, makes me sometimes 
 apprehensive that these specious appearances will make 
 you remiss in your preparations for a different conduct ; 
 
212 LIFE OF 
 
 that you will forget that he who sheathes the sword be 
 fore the peace is concluded, exposes himself to a shame 
 ful defeat. But trusting to jour wisdom, I hope you 
 will treat them as appearances only, which firmness, vig 
 ilance and unanimity alone, on your part, can realize. 
 
 December 24th. Lord Dartmouth this day informed 
 us that his majesty received your petition very graciously, 
 and for its importance \vould lay it before his houses of 
 parliament when they met. 
 
 I communicate to you the following copy of a letter 
 from Lord Chatham, because I think it must give you in 
 finite satisfaction. At the same time I must entreat you 
 not to let it get into the press, as it would be a breach 
 of honour in me. 
 
 * I have not words to express the infinite satisfaction 
 which I feel, since congress has conducted this most ar 
 duous and delicate business with such manly wisdom 
 and calm resolution as do the highest honour to their de 
 liberations. Very few are the things contained in their 
 resolves that I could wish to be otherwise. Upon the 
 whole, I think it must be evident to every unprejudiced 
 man in England, who feels for the rights of mankind, 
 that America, under all her oppressions and provocations, 
 holds out to us the most fair and just opening for restor 
 ing harmony and affectionate intercourse as heretofore. 
 I hope that the minds of men are more than beginning 
 to open on this great subject, so little understood, and 
 that it will be found impossible for free men in England 
 to see three millions of Englishmen slaves in America. 
 
 Such praise from the character of the age, ought to in 
 spire you with confidence, if any thing can add to the 
 conscious dignity of freemen, and make you resolve to 
 maintain your demands with immovable firmness. 
 
 December 26th. I was yesterday in the country with 
 Lord Chatham, to show him the petition of the congress. 
 He approves of it exceedingly. His words were, i the 
 whole of your countrymen s conduct has manifested 
 such wisdom, moderation and manliness of character, as 
 Would have done honour to Greece and Rome in their 
 best days. Laudari a laudato viro, should make us 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 213 
 
 cautious that we support the character by a manly per 
 severance in those measures which have secured it. His 
 opinion is that a solemn settlement of the question, by a 
 renunciation of the right to tax on one part, and an ac 
 knowledgment of supremacy on the other, might be 
 made. My object is to unite the heads of opposition upon 
 one uniform large ground, which, with the present pop 
 ularity of our cause, will I think enforce a complete ab 
 olition of these pernicious measures. I have this moment 
 learnt that the resolution of the court is to repeal all the 
 acts except the declaratory and admiralty act ; that lords 
 North and Dartmouth are to give place to lords Gower 
 and Hillsborough, who are to commence their adminis 
 tration with these conciliatory measures. The incon 
 sistency of this plan is no objection to the probability of 
 it, for these men have long been disciplined to turn, and 
 turn, and turn again. But you may learn from it that 
 there is little cordiality in the relief to be given, and that 
 we are to hold a jealous eye over the measures of men, 
 whose minds are actuated against us by the bitterest 
 rancour and revenge. You will consider this intelligence 
 as of doubtful nature, and let no hasty gleam of hope go 
 forth, which may tend to make men remiss in their ex 
 ertions, or relax in the terms they demand. Farewell. 
 
 Your affectionate brother, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To Col. Richard Henry Lee." 
 
 "LONDON, Dec. 26th, 1774. 
 
 My Dear Brother, It is with great pleasure I inform 
 you that the proceedings of the general congress, and the 
 vigorous preparations for effectual resistance, have render 
 ed our cause so popular, and so intimidated administration, 
 that they seem determined to give us redress. The king 
 received the congress petition very graciously, and is to 
 lay it before his two houses of parliament as soon as the 
 adjournment for the holidays is over. It is whispered 
 from court that Lord Gower and Lord Hillsborough will 
 be put into the places of Lord North and Lord Dart 
 mouth, and that all the acts will be repealed except those 
 for establishing admiralty, &c. courts, and declaring the 
 
214 LIFE OF 
 
 right. Should this be true you will see with what ill-will 
 this partial relief is given, and that they are determined 
 to continue our apprehensions by advancing our worst 
 enemies, and preserving those acts as the seeds of conten 
 tion. But you will certainly be of opinion, with all our 
 friends here, that nothing but a full and solemnly ratified 
 redress ought to satisfy us, and that the same resolution, 
 unanimity, and firmness, which have extorted a part will 
 compel the whole. 1 have waited on Lord Chatham 
 with the petition, on which, and on all the proceedings of 
 the congress he bestows the highest commendation. He 
 is clearly for a full, solemn, authentic settlement of the 
 dispute upon the conditions proposed by the congress, and 
 will assuredly support it with all his abilities. 1 think I 
 shall get the heads of opposition to unite with him, as I 
 find them much disposed to it. This junction, with the 
 voice of the people here, and the firmness of America, 
 will I trust compel our oppressors to absolute submission. 
 My love to Mrs. Lee, and respects at Mount Airy. Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 215 
 
 LETTERS FROM ARTHUR LEE TO SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 "TEMPLE, June 10th, 1771. 
 
 Sir, The session of parliament is now at an end 
 without one offensive measure to America. We owe 
 this to the difference with Spain, which engaged all the 
 attention of administration in the first part of the session ; 
 and a quarrel with the city of London, which employed 
 the remainder. 
 
 I am very well informed that my Lord Hillsborough, 
 aided by his most illustrious friend the Nettlehen, has 
 planned an act to change the mode of electing your coun 
 cil, which was to have been carried into execution this 
 session, but was prevented by the contingencies I have 
 mentioned. Could any action of their lives warrant a 
 supposition that experience would teach them right wis 
 dom, I should be inclined to believe, that perceiving how 
 quiet the colonies are when not irritated, they will desist 
 from agitating anew those waters which have not been 
 easily composed. But I know that neither experience 
 will give them true wisdom, nor time assuage their ma 
 lice. Therefore I think it my duty to give you this in 
 formation that you may have time before next session of 
 parliament, to take such measures as you may judge most 
 effectual to defeat their intentions. 
 
 I am the more suspicious that the measure is suspend 
 ed only, that I find Lord Hillsborough takes great pains 
 to persuade and to assure your countrymen that as long 
 as they continue quiet nothing will be done to their pre 
 judice. As treachery and imposition is his fort, there is 
 most danger when his professions are warmest. Besides 
 as he certainly intended mischief, he is more strongly in 
 duced to exercise those arts in order to quiet the alarm 
 which such an intention going forth would necessarily 
 produce. He possesses too a perverse spirit, that thinks 
 he is doing nothing if he is not doing mischief. You 
 may conceive, sir, whether such a temper perpetually 
 acted upon by the implacable hatred of Bernard is likely 
 to abandon a favourite system of tyranny and revenge, 
 
216 LIFE OF 
 
 without any apparent reason. I am therefore of opinion 
 that the fire still subsists, though covered with deceitful 
 ashes ; and such I can assure you are the sentiments of 
 the best friend you have here, Col. Barre. 
 
 It would form a very powerful objection to this bill, if 
 America in general appeared to be alarmed at it. And 
 certainly innovations abridging liberty in one colony are 
 very just cause of apprehension to all. It might be 
 therefore of great use to apprise the leading members of 
 the different assemblies of the business, and engage them 
 if it should be moved here to procure petitions against it. 
 I will write to Mr. Dickinson upon it and to my brother. 
 Should such a bill pass the first session, as it is proposed, 
 the injustice of deciding upon a matter so interesting to 
 the province without hearing their objections, will be fla 
 grant. Should it be deferred after being moved, the rest 
 of the colonies if properly prepared, will have an oppor 
 tunity of joining you in the opposition, and though 
 their councils are generally upon a slavish establishment 
 already, yet this being a mode only of trenching on the 
 freedom of your constitution they must see that if any 
 other part of their constitution, should be equally obnox 
 ious because equally free, the same attempt will be made 
 to destroy it. The enmity conceived against the council 
 proceeds from their having embarrassed and opposed 
 them in their arbitrary proceedings. Therefore it is in 
 truth an attempt against American liberty. Viewing it in 
 this light the rest of the colonies cannot but be impress 
 ed with a sense of the common danger that attends the 
 establishing a precedent for altering by the intervention 
 of the British legislature, whatever opposes the arbitrary 
 measures of administration in America. 
 
 I have read lately in your papers an assurance from 
 Dr. Franklin that all designs against the charter of the 
 colony are laid aside. This is just what I expected from 
 him ; and if it be true, the Dr. is not the dupe but the in 
 strument of Lord Hillsborough s treachery. That Lord 
 Hillsborough gives out this assurance is certain, but 
 notorious as he is for ill faith and fraud, his duplicity 
 would not impose on one possessed of half Dr. F. s sa- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 217 
 
 gacity. And indeed what reason is there for this change ? 
 Is the oppressive plan against America abandoned ; or is 
 it discovered that an independent council will be less 
 troublesome in the prosecution of it than they hitherto 
 have been ? Neither the one nor the other ; and though 
 the reasons I have already mentioned compelled his lord 
 ship to suspend the execution of his scheme, yet to trust 
 that it is therefore laid aside, is a degree of credulity and 
 infatuation which I hope will never be imposed on the 
 assembly. The minister s aim in these assurances is 
 manifest, not only to remove the odium which the dis 
 covery must bring upon him, without his plans being ex 
 ecuted, but to lull to sleep that vigilance and precaution 
 which the detection would produce on your side, and 
 which w r ould much embarrass if not frustrate his design. 
 Could he thus smother your suspicions and silence all 
 opposition from you, he would have nothing to obstruct 
 him but the agent, from whom his apprehensions cannot 
 be very great. The possession of a profitable office at 
 will, the having a son in a high post at pleasure, the grand 
 purpose of his residence here being to effect a change in 
 the government of Pennsylvania, for which administra 
 tion must be cultivated and courted, are circumstances 
 which, joined with the temporising conduct he has always 
 held in American affairs, preclude every rational hope that 
 in an open contest between an oppressive administration 
 and a free people, Dr. F. can be a faithful advocate for 
 the latter ; or oppose and expose the former with a spirit 
 and integrity which alone can, in times like these, be of 
 any service. By temporising I mean consulting the in 
 clination of ministers and acting conformable to that, not 
 to the interests of the province. Thus W 7 hen the Rock- 
 ingham administration espoused the American cause 
 no man was more zealous or active than Dr. F., since 
 that he has been totally inactive ; and his particular par- 
 tizans here, the Quaker merchants, were opposed to the 
 late measure of petitioning for the repeal of the revenue 
 act ; though the exciting the merchants and manufac 
 turers here to petition against it was the great benefit 
 expected from the non-importation agreements with you, 
 VOL. i. 28 
 
218 LIFE OF 
 
 which the Dr. immediately after advised the Philadel- 
 phians not to violate. The artifice of this is manifest, 
 that advice made him popular in America, his preventing 
 the effect of it recommended him to administration here ; 
 and in consequence we see, that though accounts of 
 that letter were transmitted to Lord Hillsborough, the 
 writer stands in the same place and favour as before, 
 though it is a fixed rule of conduct with his lordship to 
 displace all those who not only oppose, but who do not 
 conform perfectly to his plan. 
 
 I feel it not a little disagreeable to speak my senti 
 ments of Dr. Franklin, as your generous confidence has 
 placed me in the light of a rival to him. But I am 
 so far from being influenced by selfish motives, that 
 were the service of the colony ten times greater, I would 
 perform it for nothing rather than you and America, at 
 a time like this, should be betrayed by a man, who, it is 
 hardly in the nature of things to suppose, can be faithful 
 to his trust. Your house has done me the honour unso 
 licited and personally unknown, to testify their approba 
 tion of the manner in which I have treated the enemies 
 of America and their particular foes. Such an approba 
 tion is with me the highest incentive not only to oppose 
 your avowed enemies, but to detect your false friends. 
 
 I could have wished the address of your council to the 
 new viceroy had been conceived in a different strain from 
 the one which I have read. The circumstances therein 
 mentioned, as inducing them to applaud his majesty s ap 
 pointment do, in my opinion, render the appointment 
 more alarming and the person more detestable than even 
 those of Governor Bernard. The man who rises to 
 the same bad eminence, by sacrificing every sacred tie 
 and every duty due to his country and to the community, 
 of which he was born a member, most surely incurs guilt 
 of a much deeper die than a stranger who commits no 
 such violation of duty or of feeling. Such characters as 
 that of Governor Hutchinson unhappily occur too often 
 in history, and have ever been the bane of public liberty 
 and virtue. With plausibility to conceal their want of 
 principle and ambitious views, and knowledge to conduct 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 219 
 
 them successfully to their pernicious ends, they accom 
 plish the attainment of what they wish, and become the 
 most dangerous instruments of oppression ; I will there 
 fore venture to foretell that Mr. Hutchinson will prove 
 one of the most abject tools of administration, that ever 
 disgraced the dignity of human nature, or trampled on 
 the rights of mankind. 
 
 Wishing that I may not have trespassed too much on 
 your time and patience, I remain sir, your sincere friend 
 and very humble servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " TEMPLE, June 23, 1772. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Since my last to you, I have received 
 your two last favours ; for which I cannot express how 
 much I am obliged to you. I have reconsidered what I 
 then wrote you touching the policy of a congress ; and 
 I am happy in retracting my opinion, upon a full convic 
 tion that you are wiser and better able to judge what is 
 proper in this business than I can possibly be. From the 
 very beginning of this dispute, I have taken that part in 
 it which a general zeal for liberty, pointed by a particu 
 lar duty to my country, prompted. I have been fixed in 
 two fundamental opinions on it ; that the parliament had 
 no legislative right over us, and that when firmly united, 
 we might maintain our rights against the power of this 
 country. No position seemed ever clearer to me than 
 that a free people could not be bound by laws not made 
 or assented to by themselves. In so far as they were 
 bound, they were not free. 
 
 When we consider from how much more feeble be 
 ginnings other states have established their claims to 
 freedom, it is plain that a fixed resolution only was want 
 ing on our part, to vindicate our invaded rights. 
 
 And yet I must confess to you that I wished the dis 
 pute might be accommodated without urging it to its ut 
 most. I foresaw great present misery to America, in 
 bringing it to such a decision at this time ; and ruin to 
 this country, which I cannot help revering as the noble 
 nurse of generous freedom. It seemed to me that draw 
 ing a line between internal and external legislation, 
 would leave us room enough to thrive and prosper in, and 
 
220 LIFE OF 
 
 this country sufficient power to maintain her ground 
 against her European enemies. Something, I thought, 
 was to be yielded to the parent state ; and as we were 
 rising and she sinking, I felt it more desirable that we 
 should gradually arrive at the full enjoyment of liberty 
 by inheritance, than by violently grasping at it, precipi 
 tate her fall. 
 
 These were my sentiments ; and these I long ago laid 
 down in a periodical paper, written in Virginia, signed 
 Monitor. The first wish of my heart is that Amerka 
 may be free the second is, that we may ever be united 
 with this country. But this union, however desirable, 
 must not be upon dishonourable and slavish terms. And 
 in truth, I cannot discover a disposition in this country to 
 unite upon terms fair and honourable to us, unless upon 
 some degree of compulsion. That degree of compulsion 
 will, I think, spring from a congress ; and if it should not, 
 such a measure will still have the very desirable effect of 
 knitting firmly the colonies together. When that is effect 
 ed, upon the great ground of public liberty, we may bid de 
 fiance even to this country. Your remark upon Junius 
 Americanus is just, and yet there is some difference be 
 tween defending the cause here and with you. The en 
 emies of America have ever strove to avoid reasoning 
 upon the real question, by the inflammatory charge of its 
 being a pretence only on our part for claiming absolute 
 independence. Our advocates have endeavoured to pin 
 them down to the very point in issue, by affirming that 
 no such claim was meditated, nor any resistance ever 
 given to the operation of the supreme authority of the 
 British legislature. It was policy to force the adversary 
 to keep upon that ground, which was notoriously unten 
 able. Neither w r ould it have been becoming for an indi 
 vidual to have held so high a tone, until America had set 
 the key. And certainly you have laid down and main 
 tained a position which, since the commencement of this 
 dispute, has been either not touched at all, or with a 
 trembling hand. Nor could any thing bejnaore fortunate 
 than the event which produced your declaration. For it 
 appearing to have been pointed out to you and forced 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 221 
 
 from you by the forward and impudent zeal of Mr. Hutch- 
 inson, no one imputes it to any premeditated intention, 
 similar to that of which you have been accused,. So that 
 it happens with peculiar felicity that the very declara 
 tion, the charge of which so exasperated the minds of 
 men here, is now formally made and irrefragably main 
 tained, without exciting one murmur of reproach or in 
 dignation. The whole blame is visited upon Mr. H., 
 who certainly at this moment totters on his throne. With 
 how much melancholy propriety may he use these heart 
 felt reflections of Macbeth : 
 
 I have lived long enough : my way of life 
 
 Is fall n into the sere, the yellow leaf ; 
 And that which should accompany old age, 
 As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends, 
 I must not look to have ; but in their stead 
 Curses not loud, but deep ; mouth honor, breath, 
 Which the poor heart would fain deny, and dare not. 
 
 I should have felt it as impiety not to have wished his 
 fall ; yet I pity him when falling. 
 
 I have marked two things in the event of this contest 
 between us and this country, which seemed to have flow 
 ed from a grievous overruling providence, precipitating 
 our enemies into the very pit they had prepared for us. 
 Their view was to enfeeble and enslave us. To effect 
 this, they endeavoured to engage the public against us, 
 by representing us as rioting in affluence, in a land where 
 every thing was plentiful, and nothing taxed ; and that 
 our opposition to their new system was grounded merely 
 upon a claim of absolute independence. The people, 
 taking these things for granted, are flocking to this land 
 of milk and honey ; thereby enriching us and impover 
 ishing them. The numbers that have shipped themselves 
 off from Ireland and Scotland within these four years, 
 and are daily emigrating, is incredible. So powerfully 
 does the persuasion work, yet so opposite to their inten 
 tions. From charging us with aiming at independency, 
 they have brought us to consider, then to claim, and I 
 think in God they will bring us to confirm it. 
 
 With how much more propriety might the people for 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 this, than for what the governor directs, go up with a 
 general thanksgiving to God, who out of evil hath mani 
 festly brought forth good ; hath confounded the wicked 
 in their own imaginations, and out of the malice of our 
 enemies hath worked prosperity and honour to his ser 
 vants. 
 
 Lord Dartmouth is too insigificant, for you to regard 
 what he says. The letter you mention cannot do any 
 good, and may in some measure be productive of the 
 evil you apprehend. And yet I hope the conviction of 
 the people is too strong to be misled by false lights. I 
 am happy to hear of the firmness of Mr. H., and have un 
 deceived Mr. Wilkes. The gentlemen you recommend 
 shall be taken care of. I have read Mr. Adams s essays 
 in the public papers, \vith astonishment at the depth of 
 his law learning. He will do our society honour. 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to know that you and my 
 brother Richard Henry, have commenced a correspond 
 ence. I recommended it to him ; and wished that no 
 punctilio of ceremony might prevent a communication 
 which must be, I am sure, beneficial to the great and sa 
 cred cause of public liberty. You will find him ever 
 ready to defend, at all hazards, the rights and liberties of 
 America. 
 
 I have this moment received information which I com 
 municate to you in great confidence, for in such it was 
 trusted with me by a peer, no one being now admitted to 
 hear the debates of the lords. When they were a few 
 days since debating on the East India bill, which among 
 other things appoints judges for that country, Lord Shel- 
 burne rose and remarked, that he had heard nothing of 
 America during this session, that he saw things taking a 
 very serious aspect in that country, that on this very sub 
 ject of judges there were great and just complaints, since 
 as it was right and necessary that they should be inde 
 pendent here, it was much more so that they should be 
 on that footing in America, because the farther power is 
 from the fountain head, the more danger there is of its 
 abuse ; that America was one of the cables which kept 
 our political vessel from shipwreck, her rights were sa- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 cred, and we ought to redress her grievances, that he had 
 congratulated America on the appointment of the present 
 noble lord to that department, from the moderation and 
 purity of his principles ; but he had hitherto expected in 
 vain, the healing, conciliatory, and uniting measures, 
 which he hoped would flow from that noble lord s senti 
 ments, which he knew were once as friendly to the colo 
 nies as his own. 
 
 Lord Dartmouth replied that his sentiments were the 
 same with Lord Shelburne s, and that he had formed his 
 plan of redress and reconciliation, which he would carry 
 into execution at the hazard of his office. I commit this 
 intelligence to your discretion ; at the same time I can- 
 iiot help wishing it may not go forth among the people. 
 Nothing can in my opinion do more injury to our cause, 
 than withdrawing the attention and confidence of our 
 countrymen from themselves, to a reliance on the promi 
 ses of this country. To be redressed they must be re 
 spected, to be respected they must be formidable, to be 
 formidable they must be united. You are now in a fair 
 way of establishing that union ; for God s sake let no 
 delusive expectations divert you from it. Were this 
 country to grant you every thing, they who call them 
 selves our friends think we deserve, it would not be half 
 so much as we ought to demand. Their utmost conces 
 sions flow from policy, not from principle. It is our busi 
 ness, when we do demand a bill of rights, so to frame it, 
 that no question hereafter may arise touching the liber 
 ties we ought to enjoy. The indignity of having endured 
 so many flagrant violations of our rights is now over, and 
 we may coolly and circumspectly form our plan, and pre 
 pare for its effectual execution. 
 
 With regard to the particulars and extent of Lord 
 Dartmouth s ideas of redress, I am unacquainted with 
 them, as he speaks only in general terms. But I am 
 sure his abilities and weight are not equal to the attempt. 
 Lord North, who keeps him in his place, is very luke 
 warm in the business, and infirm in his seat ; so that not 
 only the inefficiency of what we may expect from them, 
 but the improbability of their being able to effect any 
 
224 LIFE OF 
 
 thing, should prevent us from desisting from those great 
 and effectual measures, which will establish our liberties 
 upon the most permanent foundation. 
 
 We have just now carried Mr. Sayre sheriff for London, 
 &c. in great triumph, solely on public ground, and the 
 interest of the bill of rights. No men can be more de 
 termined in the cause of liberty than the livery of Lon 
 don. I shall not longer detain you from your public la 
 bours but to assure you, that I am, with the truest respect 
 and esteem, dear sir, most sincerely yours. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. If you have kept any chronological account of the 
 events since the commencement of our dispute in 1764, 
 I shall be much obliged to you for it. The variety of 
 pursuits I am obliged to attend to impair the memory of 
 particulars, and it will be exceedingly laborious to revise 
 all the papers containing them." 
 
 " MIDDLE TEMPLE, Dec. 24, 1772. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I have long waited with anxious ex 
 pectation for a letter from you. But I will not complain. 
 You have not neglected the public. The present seems 
 to be a favourable moment for exertion. I mean with a 
 view of overthrowing some of those hypocritical traitors 
 who reign over you. As to any farther success it is not 
 to be expected. Lord Dartmouth is at least too mode 
 rate a character to attempt any thing grand or decisive. 
 Connected as he is, the tenor of his conduct must be 
 very humble. 
 
 Lord North, is for the quiet enjoyment of a place which 
 he knows to be precarious, nor will he hazard the accele 
 rating of his own fall, by attempting any thing so unpleas- 
 ing as the redress of American grievances would be, to 
 his royal master. 
 
 The East India business is like to engross the attention of 
 this session of parliament. It seems probable that govern 
 ment will assume tliQJura regalia of that mighty dominion. 
 This will fatally extend the influence of the crown. Our 
 constitution is indeed already infected to the very heart. 
 The ruin however may be accelerated. Asiatic wealth 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 225 
 
 has, like a mighty torrent, overwhelmed every free con 
 stitution upon which it has been hitherto turned. But 
 the virtue of this unhappy country has at once to con 
 tend with the luxury of the East, and Scotch treachery. 
 
 To one however who adores liberty, and the noble vir 
 tues of which it is the parent, there is some consolation in 
 seeing, while we lament the fall of British liberty, the 
 rise of that of America. Yes, my friend, like a young 
 phcenix she will rise full plumed and glorious from her 
 mother s ashes. The numbers who are daily emigrating 
 from this country, and the multitudes that on any public 
 calamity will resort to us, must in a little time lay the 
 most permanent foundation of populousness and power. 
 America, in her turn, will be the imperial mistress of the 
 world. The late contest turned upon us the eyes of all 
 Europe, and whenever the people of it want refuge, or 
 to seek the retreats of freedom, America will be their 
 object. 
 
 We are endeavouring to prepare my lord Dartmouth 
 for your representations, by giving him a proper idea of 
 Mr. Hutchinson. Sir Francis is as assiduous in support 
 ing him. I cannot but think that a determined opposi 
 tion on your part to the dangerous innovation of pension 
 ing the governor and judges, will defeat it. It is so di 
 rectly contrary to his majesty s declaration, and so utter 
 ly inconsistent with every constitutional idea concerning 
 an impartial administration of justice, that it cannot be 
 maintained but on the ground of arbitrary policy. The 
 removal of Mr. H. would I think be a very great mortifi 
 cation and check to those among you who are selling their 
 country for plunder and preferment, I do not despair of 
 this being effected. 
 
 I will take care that the generous conduct of Mr. Otis 
 to his assassin shall be held up to the public. I hope 
 that gentleman is perfectly recovered from the conse 
 quences of that infamous transaction. 
 
 It will give me very great pleasure to hear from you, 
 and to know that you are all firm and unanimous in your 
 opposition to arbitrary power. 
 
 VOL. i. 29 
 
226 LIFE OF 
 
 I am dear sir, with very great esteem, your sincere 
 friend and very humble servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " JANUARY 25th, 1773, 
 
 My Dear Sir, I have just now received your favour 
 of Nov. 3, 1 772, together with a pamphlet and some pa 
 pers, for which I am extremely obliged to you. The 
 pacquet however came to me open, which I am told 
 generally happens to letters which come by Bristol ; the 
 merchants there being solicitous to acquire information in 
 commerce before it reaches London. I must therefore 
 beg the favour of you to be cautious of writing through 
 that channel. 
 
 I shall take the liberty of putting the first part of your 
 letter in the newspapers here, as I think it extremely 
 proper my lord Dartmouth should read the excellent ad 
 monition it contains. I very much suspect that the ap 
 probation boasted of, is a forgery of the pious gover 
 nor s. Be that as it will, tis fit his lordship should 
 know it. 
 
 In truth I have very little hope from Lord Dartmouth. 
 He is an insignificant character, and with all the affecta 
 tion of piety and good intentions towards the public, he 
 has voluntarily connected himself with a set of men, the 
 most abandoned in private life, and the most flagitious in 
 public, that this or any other nation ever produced. The 
 sole inducement to so infamous a connexion were the 
 emoluments of office. For these he has already made 
 shipwreck of his character, which I fear he will never 
 have virtue enough to retrieve. I have thought it how 
 ever the most prudent method to treat him with tender 
 ness at first, but should he continue to approve and sup 
 port the conduct of your pernicious governor, he will be 
 treated with as little lenity by Raleigh, as his predeces 
 sor was by Junius Americanus. 
 
 I cannot describe how much I am pleased with the 
 spirit with which you oppose the infringement of your 
 rights. I cannot but hope every town in the province 
 will harmonize with Boston. Nothing will make so deep 
 an impression here as a proof of unanimity and firmness. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 227 
 
 My countrymen must ever remember what I have before 
 mentioned, that from the justice of the ruling powers in 
 this country they are to expect nothing, from their fears 
 and necessities every thing. I agree entirely with you, 
 that the tribute, is the indignity that must be done away. 
 Your sentiments correspond entirely with those I signi 
 fied to Junius in answer to his card, (of which I sent you 
 a copy) in these words. "The emigration of our ances 
 tors, you are pleased to say, deserved no praise. But did 
 it deserve the worst of all punishments, the loss of lib 
 erty ? We are not setting up any new claim, but oppos 
 ing it in you. We are exclaiming against your invasion 
 of those rights which are essential to the existence of 
 freedom, against the infringement of those privileges 
 which we have enjoyed and exercised for more than a 
 century. The question is not whether we shall be per 
 fectly free, but whether we shall be perfectly enslaved. 
 While the crown possessed over us all the executive, the 
 judicial, and three-fourths (so at least it is in Virginia) of 
 the legislative authority, while this country exercised a 
 supreme legislative power respecting our trade, and while 
 we had no power of impeachment, it is plain we were 
 far from possessing the rights of Englishmen. Indeed 
 we retained but that single security of the constitution 
 which arises from giving and granting our own money : 
 and it is of that, you would finally strip us. It is for this 
 we are contending, and I hope shall ever contend till we 
 receive full and ample satisfaction." 
 
 The last signal act of my lord Hillsborough was his 
 declaration of war against the Caribs of St. Vincent s. 
 It is impossible to conceive a measure so wicked in its 
 principle, and so weak in its plan. The troeps were 
 sent on that service at a season when they were sure of 
 destruction from the inclemency of the weather. The 
 intention of the armament was to seize by force upon 
 their property, and if they refused to become slaves, to 
 transport them to some desert on the coast of Africa. 
 This is the plan laid down in his letters, which are now 
 before the house. Had his conduct towards America, 
 and the king s approbation in advancing him to an earl- 
 
228 LIFE OF 
 
 dom, left the least doubt of his being one of the most 
 flagitious men alive, this business would have stampt 
 upon him indelibly that character. 
 
 My lord Chatham and my lord Shelburne remain faith 
 ful to the cause of this country and America. But I 
 would wish my countrymen to remember that salvation 
 cometh not from the east, nor from the west, but from 
 themselves. The scripture tells us that to put our trust 
 in princes and in great men is futile, and certainly we 
 were never so respectable here as when we seemed to 
 be on the eve of appealing to God. I am afraid many of 
 my letters to you have miscarried, that (which I think 
 was sent by Mr. Story) containing an answer to the gov 
 ernor s resolution in council against J. Americanus, must 
 have failed, as you have never mentioned the receipt of it. 
 The full council ought in justice to have rescinded so 
 scandalous a resolve. 
 
 Mr. Wilkes tells me he has information of Mr. Han 
 cock s having deserted the cause. But I hope he is mis 
 informed. It is sometime since I sent you notice of your 
 being chosen a member of the bill of rights, which I 
 hope you have received. As the postage of letters con 
 taining newspapers, &c. is extremely heavy, I have en 
 closed you franks with which I beg the favour of you to 
 cover any thing of that sort which you may be so good 
 as to send me hereafter. As there is not so great cer 
 tainty of finding me in my chambers in the Temple, as 
 my brother, I have got them addressed to him. 
 
 I have heard much of a sermon preached before your 
 assembly by Mr. Tucker, I think, drawing the line be 
 tween obedience and resistance. If it strikes you as 
 worth reading, be so obliging as to send it me. 
 
 I have wrote twice to Mr. Gushing without receiving 
 a line in return. The seeing Mr. Otis on your commit 
 tee, gives me hopes he is recovered. 
 
 With the warmest wishes for your health and success, 
 I am, my dear sir, your most sincere friend, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 229 
 
 " TEMPLE, June llth, 1773. 
 
 My dear Sir, I am so very unfortunate as to be dis 
 appointed in not receiving the letter which your last 
 favour, of the 22d April, informs me you had written by 
 the same opportunity. The captain can give no account 
 of it ; and I am very greatly disappointed. I am how 
 ever very much obliged to you for the packet I did re 
 ceive, as well as for the pleasure you intended me, and 
 of which, I know not what accident has deprived me. 
 
 There is but one opinion here concerning Mr. Hutch- 
 inson s late conduct ; and that is in condemnation of it. 
 Nothing alarms them more than that spirit they flatter 
 ed themselves was extinguished, and which they con 
 ceive this controversy has reanimated. I am extremely 
 rejoiced at the manner in which the assembly of Vir 
 ginia has taken it up ; and I think it is now in a train 
 which cannot fail of conducting us to what I have so 
 long and ardently wished for, the establishment of a gen 
 eral and well weighed petition of American rights, which 
 may be the fixed object of American opposition. The 
 prospect of a general war in Europe strengthens daily ; 
 and it is hardly probable that another year will pass 
 away before that event. You cannot therefore be too 
 speedy in preparing to reap the full advantage of that 
 opportunity, so as to leave the fundamental principles 
 at least of American liberty no longer questionable. 
 You have with great propriety mentioned in your answer 
 to the governor s first speech, that the drawing a line 
 being an arduous undertaking and of general concern 
 ment, you would not attempt it without a general con 
 gress. Of the justice of this 1 am clear, but doubtful of 
 its policy. I cannot help thinking that the leading men in 
 each assembly communicating with one another, would 
 form a plan more wise and well considered than can be 
 expected from a public body. And there would be no 
 danger of effectual opposition to it in the different as 
 semblies, when the time came in which they could de 
 mand a ratification of it from this country with assurance 
 of success. My great objection to a public congress is 
 that it will rouse this country, and perhaps incense her 
 
230 LIFE OF 
 
 to some hostile measure. The only contention In 
 which we are unequal to her, is in that of arms. It 
 is not wise policy therefore to provoke this issue of the 
 dispute, if our purpose can be compassed without it. 
 For with all her ill usage Britain is still our mother 
 country. We are growing stronger every day, and she 
 weaker. Therefore the more we procrastinate any des 
 perate decision, if it must end in that, the fairer will be 
 our prospect of success. But I conceive such a termin 
 ation of it would be effectually prevented, if we deferred 
 the open measure of a congress till the situation of this 
 country, from its being involved in a war, rendered it 
 impossible for her to attempt any military operation 
 against us. My opinion is, that though every thing is to 
 be hazarded rather than suffer ourselves to be enslaved, 
 yet that if we can attain this, and without bloodshed, it 
 is our duty to endeavour it. 
 
 Your reply to the governor s second speech is certain 
 ly unanswerable. The principle of the argument lies 
 indeed in a very narrow compass. By the feudal law 
 as it has been adopted into our constitution, all ter 
 ritory taken possession of in any manner whatsoever, by 
 the king s subjects, rests absolutely in him. This has 
 been the law and the practice invariably ever since we 
 have any record of our proceedings. It is therefore that 
 the king has ceded, given, or granted such territory to 
 whom he pleased, and in what manner he pleased, with 
 out the intervention or consent of the state. By the state 
 I mean here the supreme legislature, though the word 
 sometimes stands for the king alone ; and in the debate 
 lately in the house of commons on General Burgoyne s 
 motions relative to acquisitions made in India, it was ad 
 mitted that the word state, might imply the crown or the 
 company. Taking it however to import, as it generally 
 does, and the governor intends, the king, lords and com 
 mons, there is not a single instance in which acquired 
 territory did rest or was conceived to rest in them. So 
 far from it, that the king since the last peace made a 
 present of the conquered and ceded lands in the islands 
 to the states, which was thankfully received. Which 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 surely would not have happened had there been an idea 
 that they were not his to give. Of the additional ac 
 quisitions in America he continues to dispose at his pleas 
 ure, as absolutely his. It is true that the king being the 
 head of the American states, and at the same time under 
 the control of the two houses of parliament here, a vir 
 tual control arises to them from thence over his conduct 
 in America. But this is not an original participation of 
 power, but an incidental arid collateral check over it. 
 And certainly the mistake, or as I am more inclined to 
 conceive it, the sophistry of Mr. Hutchinson, consists in 
 not distinguishing between a direct original right and one 
 that is merely incidental. Thus when Charles the First 
 became Emperor of Germany, though the states could 
 not claim any immediate control over his hereditary do 
 minions, yet previous to their gratifying him in any de 
 mand, they might have stipulated that certain things 
 should be done in Spain, and then they would virtually 
 govern that country. It seems to me that this is the only 
 method by which a British parliament can constitution 
 ally interfere in the government of the colonies. But 
 certainly this is a great question, and one which this 
 country will never concede to reason. Necessity alone 
 will prevail with her to give up this claim, however re 
 pugnant to constitutional principles. Let it therefore be 
 our policy to watch for that necessity ; and in the mean 
 time avoid the risk of bringing it to the decision of force, 
 in which alone, we have any chance of being losers. 
 
 It is impossible for me to find words to express my 
 infinite contempt of him who would be capable of so 
 shameless a prostitution of character, as publicly and sol 
 emnly to declare, that the " king has no wish but that 
 of reigning in the hearts and affections of his people." 
 There is not an action of his reign, some few treacher 
 ous ones excepted, but what manifest it to be his sole 
 wish to be the tyrant of his people. To assert a thing 
 therefore so notoriously false and flattering, argues such 
 a turpitude of mind as ought to doom its possessor to a 
 suspension between heaven and earth, as unworthy of 
 a place in either. You may depend upon it that the late 
 
233 LIFE OF 
 
 American Act of Revenue, moved from the throne with 
 an insidious view of dividing the American opposition, 
 that is by holding up Rockingham, Lord Chatham, Shel- 
 burne and Camden, who were then in, as having adopted 
 Mr. Grenville s policy with regard to us. 
 
 I have read Mr. Tucker s sermon with great pleasure. 
 Lord Chatham and Lord Shelburne approve of it much, 
 as they do of your proceedings in the town and assem 
 bly. They certainly do great credit to the province, and 
 to the cause of America. Surely the governor will not 
 venture into the field of controversy again. 
 
 I shall take care to undeceive Mr. Wilkes respecting 
 Mr. Hancock. I am extremely sorry for the misfortune 
 of the other. 
 
 Dr. Franklin frequently assures me that he shall sail 
 for Philadelphia in a few weeks ; but I believe he will 
 not quit us till he is gathered to his fathers. Lord Dart 
 mouth I understand has promised to contrive some me 
 thod of admitting the payment of the late agents salary, 
 without forming a precedent for the future. He is a 
 poor wretch ; and though not so actively bad, is yet I 
 believe as capable of adopting any unjust and arbitrary 
 measure as my Lord Hillsborough. He forfeited his 
 honour and his character in accepting the place ; and his 
 Rhode Island measure seems to show that he is a man 
 after his majesty s own heart, arbitrary and hypocritical. 
 
 I am with great truth, dear sir, your affectionate 
 friend, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "July 21, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I am indebted to you for yours of the 
 13th May, with the paper enclosed. It gives me pleasure 
 to see every thing, the minutest expression of resentment 
 in the people, against those who infamously aid in op 
 pressing them. I confess it would give me pain to think 
 that such base men as Hutchinson and the commissioners 
 should profane with their unhallowed revels, the rewards 
 of their treachery, that sacred hall which a zealous and 
 much injured people have so often consecrated to liberty. 
 
 You are now acquainted, from the most incontestible 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 233 
 
 evidence, with the very men by whom you have been 
 traduced, and at whose instigation, co-operating with their 
 friend Gov. Bernard, so many atrocious injuries and in 
 sults have been brought upon you. It will be astonishing 
 if the governor can, after the damning proofs produced 
 against him, even palliate his conduct, much less propose 
 a coalition which it is possible for you to adopt. I 
 will trust to the resentment of the house for punishing 
 him as far as they legally may ; nor should I be surpris 
 ed if the more ungovernable, though not less honest in 
 dignation of the people should make an immediate sac 
 rifice of such an insidious enemy. 
 
 You can certainly judge what would be most proper, to 
 convey a true opinion of him ; the publishing his letters, 
 or reading them in private. It must however be consid 
 ered, that their being published would put all others so 
 much on their guard for the future, that there would be 
 no possibility of ever furnishing you with more. And 
 I should conceive that showing them to the members 
 and other leading people would answer every good pur 
 pose, without spreading the alarm to similar knaves, by 
 making them public. The friends of this bad man must 
 be very audacious, or the credulity of those to whom they 
 speak unequalled, if after such specimens of his former 
 correspondence, they hope to affirm with success that his 
 late letters are c replete with tenderness to the province. 
 
 The letters you have, were obtained by a very singular 
 accident ; and you may guess it will not be easy to pro 
 cure any more, at least in a short time. I shall try how 
 ever to get from Lord D. some general idea of the char 
 acter Hutchinson has given him of the province. No 
 doubt he will for the future be extremely guarded, though 
 perhaps no human circumspection could have prevented 
 the present detection. May providence thus always in 
 terfere to confound the politics of wicked men ; and 
 teach even the worst of them that honesty is the best 
 policy. 
 
 I neither see nor hear of any thing being done in con 
 sequence of Lord Dartmouth s promise. Were his prin- 
 
 VOL. i. 30 
 
234 LIFE OF 
 
 ciples ever so pure, his ability and weight are not to be 
 relied on. I am therefore of opinion that it will be best 
 to pursue the plan your own wisdom points out, to effect 
 a union of all the colonies on some general and conclu 
 sive grounds. There are a thousand little circumstances 
 which prudence might suggest, with respect to this 
 country ; but the great consideration is, that you will be 
 respected and redressed here exactly in proportion to the 
 unanimity and firmness of you opposition. Fortiter in re, 
 suaviter in modo ; concordia res parcce crescunt. 
 Heaven prosper you. Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "August28, 1773. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received your last, of 28th June, contain 
 ing an account of the proceedings against Hutchinson 
 and Oliver, in which I most entirely concur. It is in 
 deed a real grief to me that the very name of our coun 
 try should be stained with having given birth to men 
 capable of so much baseness. Mr. Hutchinson s mind 
 seems to be agitated by this event even to passion. 
 Despondency and despair will assuredly succeed this 
 weak effort. Miserable wretch ! if he be not totally lost 
 to all sense of virtue and shame, what a lot is his ! Fallen 
 into the practice of the vilest informer, he has as it were 
 with the touch of Ithuriel s spear, started up in his own 
 shape a fiend, detected, despised, and in every honoura 
 ble sense of the word, disgraced. His politics confound 
 ed, his ambition marred, his gray hairs brought down 
 with shame and sorrow to the grave. Feeling for him 
 as he ought to feel, while I despise and detest, I cannot 
 but pity him. How will the old and disappointed impos 
 tor meet the censure of the world ; and what is infinitely 
 worse, the condemnation of his own heart ? If patriot 
 ism meets no reward, we may yet I think, rejoice that 
 it shields us from calamities like these. 
 
 Mr. Oliver seems to end as he began, the pert, quib 
 bling, egregious knave. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 235 
 
 Your petition remains unpresented, Lord Dartmouth 
 being out of town. It is somewhat extraordinary that 
 several councils should have been held upon the affairs 
 of America without his being present. I suspect he 
 has declared his determination to resign, if concili 
 atory measures are not adopted. He is so strongly 
 pledged to do this, that cheap as I hold him, I think he can 
 not have failed. The resolves of Virginia, I understand, 
 is the measure they stomach least. They have not yet 
 however determined upon any thing. Should they at 
 length resolve to persevere in defiance of us, I expect 
 Lord Dartmouth will resign, and Lord Weymouth suc 
 ceed him. The Bedford party and the king are for urg 
 ing the tyranny. It will puzzle them, I trust, to pursue 
 their plan without shame and disappointment to them 
 selves. If a general communication takes place among 
 the colonies, as I cannot doubt it will, it is not in their 
 power to prevent our regaining in the most ample man 
 ner, the rights they have violated. They may indeed 
 protract the day of restitution, but it will finally be fatal 
 to the very power they wish unduly to promote. Instead 
 of an immediate, manly compliance, which would concili 
 ate our respect, they will wait till they are compelled to 
 an ignominious surrender, which will create our contempt. 
 One cannot but lament that the seeds of lasting enmity 
 and disunion should be thus sown between two brave 
 people, who united are proof against the world in arms, 
 by men who have neither worth nor wisdom. 
 
 I am very sensible of your goodness to me, and of the 
 honour the house have done me in their directions to Dr. 
 Franklin. I hope at least in zeal and assiduity, I shall 
 not disgrace your recommendation, or disappoint the 
 confidence of the house. It will be more than a twelve 
 month before I shall be called to the bar, till which time I 
 cannot speak, as counsel, before the council. I am not 
 such a favourite as to obtain any relaxation of their rules. 
 Indeed I believe the petition will not be referred to a 
 hearing, unless Hutchinson should come over and demand 
 it. It is a business administration would not wish to 
 have agitated, especially in public. Even bad men find 
 
236 LIFE OF 
 
 it generally convenient to renounce the traitors, howsoev 
 er they may approve the treachery ; and, as the court 
 must be convinced that the two criminals having lost all 
 confidence with the people, are thereby incapacitated to 
 serve them any longer, I do believe they will be dismiss 
 ed. I hear very little said in their defence, and even 
 that by insignificant persons. 
 
 To corrupt the administration of justice in the persons of 
 the judges, is the last effort of political wickedness. The 
 judges who submit to this state of corrupt dependence, 
 ought to be branded as enemies to their country. They 
 should experience at least the universal and constant con 
 tempt of their countrymen. They will soon feel their 
 salaries dearly earned. 
 
 May the great God, in whose hands are all the corners 
 of the earth, confirm and guide you in that which alone 
 can work our salvation, a firm union, and a resolute, un 
 remitting opposition. 
 
 I am, my dear sir, most sincerely yours, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "TEMPLE, Oct. 13th, 1773. 
 
 Dear Sir, Nothing has happened since last I had the 
 pleasure of writing to you. Lord Dartmouth is still in 
 the country, your petition therefore not delivered, nor 
 does any thing transpire relative to the intentions of ad 
 ministration. 
 
 Lord North is a man totally immersed in the corrup 
 tion and emoluments of office, and who therefore wishes 
 by all means to avoid moving momentous questions. 
 Yet I think the affairs of America must come into parlia 
 ment next session. Parliament is prorogued to the 23d 
 Nov., and unless something unforeseen happens, will not 
 meet till January. They have therefore full time for de 
 liberation. As to us, delay may be distressing, but it is 
 not dangerous. Every day gives us new light and new 
 strength. At first it was a tender point to question the 
 authority of parliament over us in any case whatsoever ; 
 time and you have proved that their right is equally 
 questionable in all cases whatsoever. It was certainly a 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 237 
 
 great stroke, and has succeeded most happily. It will 
 remain an authentic record to vouch in opposition to 
 their declaratory act, whenever the great and ultimate 
 question is seriously brought forward. It stands uncon- 
 troverted. The champion for despotism, Mr. H. has in 
 the opinion of all mankind cried Craven. And we not 
 only grow strong in argument, but in people to maintain 
 it ; as well from a rapid natural increase as from nume 
 rous emigrations. Turning the prospect a thousand 
 times in my mind, I see decided victory dwell upon our 
 side. This proud usurping parliament must humble 
 itself before us, and acknowledge the liberties of America 
 and England to have the same sacred foundation. 
 
 Have we not reason then my friend to be of good 
 cheer ; to congratulate ourselves that we are engaged in 
 the cause of virtuous liberty and truth ? The present op 
 pression may be painful, but we shall work out our sal 
 vation. We shall establish our rights in adamant, and 
 rear an imperishable monument to liberty. 
 
 I am with great truth, dear sir, your most sincere 
 friend, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. I had forgot to mention the scheme which is 
 carrying into execution of insidiously obtaining from us 
 the duty on tea, by the company, under an act of the last 
 session, exporting that commodity to America on their 
 own account, and paying government the duty here. 
 Should this succeed, the company will never be prevailed 
 on to petition for the repeal of the American Revenue 
 Act, besides that its success may lead to a thousand 
 other artful ways of enslaving us, by what alone can 
 effect it, our own acquiescence. The introduction of the 
 tea ought I think therefore to be opposed. I enclose 
 you a letter on that subject. The confidence with which 
 the least appearance of safety inspires cowards, should 
 make us cautious of permitting administration to succeed 
 in any of their measures. The commodity may under 
 this manoeuvre come cheaper to the consumer, the mer 
 chants commission, &c. being avoided, but whatever 
 touches our liberties should, under every temptation, be 
 shunned. Besides when once they have fixed the trade 
 
238 LIFE OF 
 
 upon us, they will find ways enough to enhance the price. 
 But I rest in your wisdom. A. L." 
 
 " No. 33, TOWER HILL, Dec. 22d, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, No new light has been thrown upon 
 American politics since I last wrote to you. My Lord 
 Dartmouth continues promising every thing and doing 
 nothing. His suffering the order for paying the judges 
 salaries to remain unsettled, and refusing that of your 
 agent, is a proof to me that he has no inclination or no 
 power to relieve us in any thing. The means of redress 
 for the rest of our complaints he may say parliament 
 only can minister. But he can have no such excuse 
 for protracting the revocation of the instructions to 
 the governor, with which parliament have no concern. 
 I protest to you it seems to me that the intentions of ad 
 ministration are the reverse of being conciliatory or 
 remedial. I cannot but think that the sending tea to 
 America was a ministerial trick of Lord North s, who is 
 treachery itself, to stir up again some violence on your 
 part, which might justify them in continuing the present 
 impositions by coercive means. The directors were to 
 my knowledge fully apprized of the consequences of 
 sending the tea, and that it would end in a certain loss 
 to the company. But they were determined to make 
 the trial without giving one reason for it, and it is well 
 known they are under ministerial influence. 
 
 I wish most sincerely I may be mistaken in Lord 
 Dartmouth. Perhaps the utter contempt in which I hold 
 him may beguile my judgment. Had he done any one 
 of those remedial acts, which, if he is minister, were in 
 his power, I should have some hope. But how can it be 
 expected that having violated every tie of honour and of 
 gratitude to get into place, he should behave well in it. 
 
 I have been afraid that your letter to him would give 
 offence to the other colonies ; and shock in its infancy 
 the union and confidence which are so essential to our 
 welfare. As it lays down a plan of redress for the whole, 
 should not the sense of the whole have been taken be 
 fore it was authorized by your house of assembly ? Let 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 239 
 
 us suppose the ministry should pretend to adopt it, and 
 several of the other colonies should not be contented, 
 they would then plead that as you could not agree about 
 the mode, no relief could be given. This would be a very 
 likely means of involving you in irreconcilable disputes, 
 and destroying all confidence and harmony among you. 
 I speak only of what I fear. It must be remembered 
 that free people are always zealous and umbrageous. 
 Great management is requisite to keep such spirits in 
 temper. Believe me sir, the harmony and concurrence 
 of the colonies is of a thousand times more importance 
 in this dispute than the friendship or patronage of any 
 great men in England. The heart of the king is hard 
 ened like that of Pharaoh against us. His nobles are so 
 servile that they will not attempt any thing to which he 
 is averse, unless necessity should compel both him and 
 them to assume a virtue which they do not possess. 
 That necessity must come from your general, firm, per 
 manent opposition. To cultivate and preserve that, is 
 therefore the first object of American policy. The op 
 eration of it though slow, will be certainly successful. 
 
 Our valuable friend Mr. Temple is in some distress at 
 present. Mr. Whately has raised a suspicion of his 
 having taken from him clandestinely the letters sent to 
 you. A duel has been the consequence, in which Mr. 
 Whately was wounded. Many scandalous falsehoods 
 have been circulated by Mr. Temple s enemies, impeach 
 ing his fairness in the encounter, at which, by Mr. Whate 
 ly s desire, there were no seconds. Mr. T. will give 
 them a complete answer as soon as Mr. W. is entirely 
 out of danger. He received no wound. There is no 
 man more obnoxious to Hillsborough, Bernard, Knox, 
 and all that tribe of determined enemies to truth, to 
 virtue, liberty and America. 
 
 Your petition against the base betrayers of their coun 
 try remains, as far as I can learn, sub judicc. Lord Shel- 
 burne will endeavour to have the complaints of America 
 attended to, their situation examined, and their grievances 
 redressed in the ensuing session of parliament. For the 
 .interest and happiness of both countries it is my most 
 
240 LIFE OF 
 
 earnest wish that moderation and justice may govern for 
 once the measures of this administration. 
 
 I am jours most truly, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " LONDON, Feb. 8th, 1774. 
 
 Dear Sir, I informed you in my last of the insolent 
 abuse which the solicitor-general, Mr. Wedderburne, pour 
 ed forth against Dr. Franklin before the privy council, at 
 the hearing of your petition. Dr. Franklin bore it all 
 with a firmness and equanimity which conscious integri 
 ty alone can inspire. The insult was offered to the peo 
 ple through their agent ; and the indecent countenance 
 given to the scurrilous solicitor by the members of the 
 privy council, was at once a proof of the meanness and 
 malignity of their resentment. I enclose you some pa 
 pers, in which you will see Mr. Wedderburne treated as 
 he deserves. 
 
 I mentioned that they threatened to take away Dr. 
 Franklin s place. That threat they have now executed. 
 The same cause which renders him obnoxious to them, 
 must endear him to you. Among other means of turning 
 their wickedness to their own confusion and loss, this of 
 the post-office is not the least desirable, or most difficult. 
 Though not a tax in its principles, it is in its operation. 
 It produces already 3000 yearly, and is hourly increas 
 ing. This revenue therefore alone would furnish most 
 fearful means of corruption. We see from the violent 
 and ungrateful treatment of Dr. F., whose wisdom and 
 industry alone has fostered it from being worse than 
 nothing, to its present prosperous state, that it is expect- 
 ted the post-master shall be an enemy to America. In 
 every view therefore, it is our duty to frustrate by all 
 means so pernicious an institution. The means are in 
 your hands, and easily applied. Let the merchants of 
 Boston, New-York, and Philadelphia, support carriers by 
 subscription, who shall deliver all letters post free, and 
 this imposition will inevitably fail. 
 
 The present time is extremely critical with respect to 
 the measures which this country will adopt relative to 
 America. From the prevailing temper here, I think you 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 241 
 
 ought to be prepared for the worst. It seems highly proba 
 ble that an act of parliament will pass this session, enabling 
 his majesty to appoint his council in your province. On 
 Tuesday last the Earl of Buckinghamshire made a motion 
 in the house of lords for an address to the king, to lay be 
 fore them the communications from Gov. Hutchinson to the 
 secretary of state. He prefaced his motion with declaring, 
 that these papers were to be required merely out of form ; 
 for that the insolent and outrageous conduct of that pro 
 vince was so notorious, that the house might well pro 
 ceed to punishment without any farther information or 
 enquiry. That it was no longer a question whether this 
 country should make laws for America, but whether she 
 should bear all manner of insults and receive laws from 
 her colonies. That Dr. Franklin was here, not as an 
 agent of a province, but as an ambassador from the states 
 of America. That he could not compare his embassy to 
 any thing but that sent by Louis XIV. to the republic of 
 Genoa, commanding the doge to come and prostrate him 
 self at Versailles, to appease the resentment of the grand 
 monarque. One can hardly conceive a man s uttering 
 such an absurd rhapsody even in the delirium of a 
 dream, much less in a deliberate, premeditated speech, 
 and upon the most important question to this country 
 that can ever come before the legislature. He was an 
 swered by the Earl of Stair, who said it could be consist 
 ent neither with humanity, justice, nor policy, to adopt 
 the noble lord s ideas against America. Lord Dartmouth 
 then begged the motion might be withdrawn, not, as he 
 said, from any desire to throw cold water on the noble 
 lord s zeal, but because the despatches were not yet ar 
 rived, and they would be laid before the house in due 
 time. The motion was withdrawn. 
 
 Lord Dartmouth declaring that he did not mean to 
 throw cold water on such zeal, might proceed from the 
 affected meekness of his temper, or from his approba 
 tion of it. Indeed the insincerity and insignificancy 
 of the man make his motive very immaterial. 
 
 By very late letters from New- York we understand that 
 
 VOL. i. 31 
 
242 LIFE OF 
 
 it is settled to return the tea, as at Philadelphia ; and 
 that the governor will not interfere. This completes the 
 history of that unfortunate adventure; but it leaves Bos 
 ton singled out as the place where the most violence has 
 been offered to it. Your enemies here will not fail to 
 take advantage of it, and Mr. Hutchinson s representa 
 tions I presume will not soften the matter. They will 
 shut their eyes to what is obvious, that his refusal to let 
 it repass the fort compelled you to that extremity. Be 
 prepared therefore to meet some particular stroke of re 
 venge during this session of parliament ; and instead of 
 thinking to prevent it, contrive the means of frustrating 
 its effect. I have already mentioned the alterations of 
 your charter relative to the election of the council ; but 
 I am in hopes true patriotism is too prevalent and deep- 
 rooted among you, to suffer them to find twelve men even 
 upon the new establishment abandoned enough to betray 
 their country. I am willing to flatter myself that there 
 are not six such men as Hutchinson and Oliver in the 
 whole province. 
 
 If our wise men here should think proper to publish a 
 second edition of the Rhode Island commission, ground 
 ed on the governor s lucubrations on the treason commit 
 ted by the town-meeting and the Mohawks, what recep 
 tion will it meet with in Boston? 
 
 I am, my dear sir, your most sincere friend, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 243 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 The following is the commencement of a memoir of the American revolution which 
 Mr. Arthur Lee did not live to complete. Much of what he did write has been 
 lost, and but a mutilated scrap can be presented to the reader. 
 
 MEMOIRS are the handmaids of history. They fur 
 nish her with facts, which are the foundation of her 
 work. They enable her to trace to their true though se 
 cret motives, actions which would otherwise appear dark 
 and incomprehensible. By these she developes what is 
 hid, and illuminates what is obscure. Memoir-writings 
 therefore, though they may be of less dignity, are not of 
 less utility than history. 
 
 It is to aid in placing the history of the American revo 
 lution in its true light, that the following memoirs are 
 written. The author of them was concerned in its events 
 from its commencement to its conclusion. He was em 
 ployed generally in the highest stations, and in the most 
 secret and confidential transactions. He always preserv 
 ed the original papers and letters, on which he founded 
 the journal from which the following memoirs are extract 
 ed. He is therefore sure of their authenticity, as well as 
 of his determination, "we quid falsl dicere; ne quid acre 
 narrare." 
 
 The writer of these memoirs w T as in London when the 
 repeal of the stamp-act was agitated in both houses of 
 parliament. He heard Mr. Pitt* and Lord Camden de 
 liver those celebrated speeches on this question, which 
 would have immortalized them as orators and statesmen. 
 Though the obnoxious act was repealed, yet he was per 
 suaded that the spirit which dictated it and was still 
 resting near the throne, was not changed. With this im 
 pression he returned to Virginia. 
 
 * Never were the power and fascination of eloquence more strongly exemplified 
 than in the speeches of Mr. Pitt. * * * * [The rest of the note 
 is obliterated. ] 
 
244 LIFE OF 
 
 It was not long before his apprehensions were realiz 
 ed, by the passage of an act of the British parliament 
 for imposing duties on tea, paper, glass, &c. exported to 
 the colonies. This was changing the mode, but preserv 
 ing the principle of the stamp-act. This was soon and 
 ably pointed out in some periodical letters, under the sig 
 nature of a Pennsylvania Farmer. These letters were 
 written in a popular style, were universally read, and as 
 universally admired. 
 
 T endeavoured to aid their operation in alarming and 
 informing my countrymen, by a series of letters under 
 the signature of the Monitor. In the course of a few 
 months it was manifest that the people of this continent 
 were not disposed to be finessed out of their liberties ; 
 and as I knew that the British cabinet was determined to 
 enforce rather than abandon the usurpation, I was per 
 suaded that a very serious contest was approaching. To 
 prepare for that was the next object of my mind. The 
 most effectual way to accomplish this, it seemed to me, 
 was to form a correspondence with leading patriotic men 
 in each colony. I wrote myself to London, where the 
 acquaintance I had would enable me to obtain speedy and 
 accurate information of the real designs of the British 
 ministry, which being communicated to leading men in 
 the several colonies, might enable them to harmonize in 
 one system of opposition, since on this harmony the success 
 of their opposition would depend. In pursuance of this 
 plan I went to Maryland, to Philadelphia, and New-York. 
 The men I had in contemplation were Mr. Daniel Dula- 
 ny, who had written some able pieces styled Considera 
 tions on the Stamp-Act; Mr. John Dickinson, who was 
 the author of the celebrated Farmer s Letters ; and the 
 leader of the Livingston party in New-York, who is at 
 present governor of New Jersey. 
 
 I found Mr. Dulany so cold and distant that it seemed 
 in vain to attempt any thing with him. Mr. Dickinson 
 received me with friendship, and the contemplated corre 
 spondence took place. Mr. Livingston, of New- York, 
 was absent from the city in the country, lamenting the 
 death of a child, so that I did not see him. The time I 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 245 
 
 was to sail for England now approached ; I could not 
 therefore proceed farther eastward. Embarking with 
 one of my brothers, we arrived safe in London. 
 
 The proceedings against Mr. Wilkes at this time agi 
 tated the nation. Mr. Wilkes was the idol of the people, 
 and the abhorrence of the king. All the power of pre 
 rogative, all the influence of the crown, and every prac 
 ticable perversion of law, were employed to subdue 
 him. Of courage, calm and intrepid, of a flowing wit, 
 accommodating in his temper, of manners convivial and 
 conversible, an elegant scholar, and well read in constitu 
 tional law, he stood the atlas of popular opposition. 
 Such was the man against whom the w r hole powers of 
 the crown were mustering their rage ; and whom, to use 
 the words of Junius, " the rays of royal indignation col 
 lected upon him, served only to illuminate, but could not 
 consume." Mr. Wilkes was then confined in the King s 
 Bench, as the printer and publisher of the Essay on Woman. 
 The city of London was the strong hold of popular op 
 position, and the society of the bill of rights the most 
 active in conducting it. This society consisted of real 
 or pretended personal friends of Mr. W.; but some insinu 
 ated themselves with very different views. 
 
 Having taken this view of the political condition of 
 England, I formed the plan of connecting myself with 
 the opposition ; and the grievances of America, with those 
 of England. For these purposes I became a member of 
 the bill of rights, and purchased the freedom and livery 
 of the city of London. By these means I acquired a 
 voice and influence in all the measures of that society, 
 and in the proceedings and elections of the city. An ac 
 quaintance with Mr. Wilkes soon grew into intimacy and 
 confidence. The arbitrary views of the crown originated 
 in the same spirit on both sides of the Atlantic. To sensi 
 ble men therefore, the combining of the complaints of 
 the people of America and England, appeared just and 
 politic. I procured the introduction of the grievances of 
 America into the famous Middlesex Petition;* and to 
 
 * This waa not effected but with great trouble and difficulty, even in the follow 
 ing general words. The same discretion has been extended by the same evil 
 
246 LIFE OF 
 
 keep them alive in the popular mind, I commenced and 
 continued a periodical paper, under the signature of Junius 
 Americanus. My brother established himself in London, 
 was elected an alderman and one of the sheriffs. Our 
 footing was now strong, and the American cause was firm 
 ly united with that of England. During these transac 
 tions I studied the law in Lincoln Inn and the Middle 
 Temple, and being called to the bar, practised in the 
 king s bench and on the home circuit. This situation in 
 creased my opportunities of serving my country. 
 
 Lord Hillsborough was then first lord of trade. Fre 
 quent conversations with him convinced me that the min 
 istry were fixed in prosecuting their American plan, and 
 were determined to make such alterations in the colonial 
 governments, as should accommodate them to the new 
 system of parliamentary power. A government west 
 of the Alleghany mountains was to be constituted on this 
 
 new ministerial model, under the name of Vandalia ; 
 
 and were the principal proprietors in this grant, and 
 
 the most active petitioners for it. 
 
 Of the disposition and intentions of the administration 
 I kept my correspondents in America constantly inform 
 ed, with this constant opinion, that they must prepare to 
 maintain their liberties at all hazards. My conduct in 
 England had reached America in so favourable a light, 
 that the house of representatives of Massachusetts elect 
 ed me their agent in case of the absence or death of Dr. 
 Franklin. At that time I was not personally known to 
 any member of the house. The answer to the speaker 
 of the house of representatives, the Hon. Thomas Gush 
 ing, was as follows. 
 
 " MIDDLE TEMPLE, January 6th, 1771. 
 
 Sir, I have had the honour of receiving your favour of 
 the 23d November 1770, intimating to me the pleasure 
 
 counsellors to your majesty s dominions in America, and has produced to our suffer 
 ing fellow subjects in that part of the world, grievances and apprehensions similar 
 to those of which we complain at home. " The subject was novel, supported only by 
 myself, almost a stranger, and appeared to many of the leading men to be foreign 
 to their purpose. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 247 
 
 of the house of representatives of Massachusetts bay re 
 specting their agency. 
 
 Do me the favour sir, of accepting my thanks for the 
 very obliging manner in which you have signified to 
 me the intentions of the house ; and suffer me to con 
 vey through you my warmest acknowledgments to the 
 house, for this distinguished and unmerited mark of their 
 confidence. The approbation of a free people I shall 
 ever deem the most desirable and their service the most 
 honourable. Especially am I flattered by the generous 
 confidence of a representative body, who have uniformly 
 asserted the constitutional rights of their constituents 
 and eventually of all America, against the insidious and 
 incendiary arts of government with a dignity, discern 
 ment and wisdom which have forced the applause of the 
 present, and will secure to them the veneration of all 
 future times. Feeling the same zeal for the sacred 
 cause of American liberty which eminently animates 
 your house, and having a lively sense of the particular 
 oppressions of your province, I may venture to assure 
 you sir, that if ever the trust should devolve upon me, 
 out of the abler hands in which their wisdom has now 
 placed it, I will to the utmost of my power watch over 
 their rights and co-operate with them to obtain a redress 
 of grievances, and to fix our constitutions on a clear and 
 permanent foundation. It is incumbent on me however, 
 and I willingly embrace this opportunity to declare, 
 that America must depend on herself for obtaining the 
 security and redress she wishes. From this country a 
 secondary support only is to be expected. It appears to 
 me that nothing can be more necessary than that this 
 truth should be well understood, lest too much confi 
 dence in others should lull us into a fatal security, or 
 slacken those patriotic exertions which to be effectual 
 should be ardent and unremitting. America must work 
 her own salvation. His majesty s present ministers have 
 brought the trial so fully forward as to render unremon- 
 strating submission perfect slavery. They have substi 
 tuted discretion for law, and set the principles of the con 
 stitution, which should be fixed and free, afloat upon the 
 
248 LIFE OF 
 
 merciless and fluctuating sea of arbitrary will. Not to 
 oppose this most pernicious system would be a crime, to 
 oppose it unsuccessfully will be only our misfortune. 
 After juries have been abolished by the present establish 
 ment of admiralty courts, or rendered nugatory by the 
 partial conduct of prerogative judges, our assemblies to 
 every great purpose of the constitution almost annihilat 
 ed, property disposed of without the consent of the peo 
 ple, in short when the representative part of the consti 
 tution, the legislative, executive and judicial powers are 
 completely torn from us, and vested in our arbitrary 
 rulers, what farther badge of slavery have ministers to 
 impose, or we to wear. Yet if force and lawless power 
 must at present prevail, still it behoves us to protest 
 against that which we cannot prevent, and bear our tes 
 timony before God and man, that we did not submit 
 without a struggle to this humiliating state of absolute 
 bondage ; that our posterity when they have power, and 
 power they will have, may not want spirit and example 
 to reclaim those liberties which their forefathers reluct 
 antly resigned. You will pardon me sir, if I have tres 
 passed upon your patience. Out of the fulness of the 
 heart the mouth speaketh. My heart is filled with grief 
 and indignation for the oppressions of my country ; and 
 my tongue shall sooner cease to move than to remon 
 strate against them. Convinced of the righteousness of 
 the cause in which we are engaged, since nothing tends 
 more to debase, vitiate, and abuse mankind, than the 
 tyrannic system we are opposing, we may well trust that 
 heaven will assist our earnest endeavours, and direct 
 them to a happy issue out of all our difficulties. 
 
 That the blessing of Almighty God may prosper all 
 your councils I most sincerely pray. 
 
 And am with great respect, honourable sir, your 
 friend and servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 The rescinding the non-importation agreement by a 
 formal act of the merchants of New- York about this 
 time, gave a great shock to the friends of America in 
 England, and seemed to threaten the dissolution of all 
 effectual opposition in America. 
 
ARTHUR Lfcfc* 249 
 
 A friend to Mr. Samuel Adams of Boston, had recom 
 mended to me the establishing a correspondence with 
 Mr. Adams. As it coincided with my views, I readily 
 adopted his advice, and wrote to him as follows* 
 
 "MIDDLE TEMPLE, January 10, 1771. 
 
 Sir, Our friend Mr. Sayre has done me the favour of 
 communicating to me your very obliging invitation to a 
 correspondence. An honour which I accept with great 
 pleasure, because I have long respected your character, 
 though your person was unknown to me. It will always 
 make me happy to submit my sentiments on the present 
 state of politics, so very alarming to public liberty, to 
 one, with whom I flatter myself I shall entirely harmo 
 nize in views of public good. It will be peculiarly unfortu 
 nate when the foes of liberty and virtue are conspiring to 
 gether manifestly to subvert the constitution, if the friends 
 of freedom should stand single and un-united, to fall un- 
 pitied sacrifices in an unavailing struggle. And certainly, 
 despicable as those are who meditate our ruin, they set 
 us an example of union, secrecy and perseverance, which 
 highly deserves our imitation. Nothing escapes, of the 
 conferences between Lord Hillsborough and Governor 
 Bernard. Their doings are kept perfectly secret, and 
 by the instructions to the wretched, because dishonest 
 Hutchinson, they seem determined to fix an hermetic 
 seal on all the springs of their movements with you. I 
 have great comfort, however, in perceiving with what 
 sagacity your house developes their designs, and the firm 
 ness with which you oppose them. Even the plausibili 
 ty of a Hutchinson is not equal to the task of evading 
 that vigilance, which marks the representatives of your 
 province as the real guardians of the people s rights. In 
 that truly respectable and patriotic house, you, sir, stand 
 eminently distinguished; and as a friend to liberty I 
 have long been thankful to you for your wise and spirited 
 exertions in its defence, without having had an opportu 
 nity of offering you my thanks. Do me the favour to 
 accept them now, and be assured that whatever may be 
 the event of the contest, they who have stood honestly 
 
 VOL. i. 32 
 
250 LIFE OF 
 
 forth in defence of the liberties of their country, will have 
 their reward in the applause at least of all the worthy 
 part of mankind* 
 
 The infraction of the non-importation associations 
 with you, has operated here like an opiate on all but the 
 enemies of America. It has either benumbed their ex 
 pectations, or quieted their apprehensions, so as to make 
 them believe the American opposition entirely annihilat 
 ed. It is plain, however, that our enemies are not so 
 deceived, since they are strengthening the hands of op 
 pression with you, and taking every precaution to render 
 their despotic system as permanent as it is pernicious. 
 We have, therefore, now little to expect from the public 
 here, and still less from the leading men in this nation. 
 From this number, however, I am bound in truth to ex 
 cept the lords Chatham, Shelburne and Camden, and 
 Col. Barre, who very sincerly wish, as I well know, to 
 restore to us our violated rights, and the constitution as we 
 formerly enjoyed it. Two evils have arisen from the 
 manner in which the associations have been broken, 
 which I am much afraid are irremediable the loss of all 
 character here with the public, and the destruction of 
 that confidence and harmony among the colonies, so es 
 sentially necessary to unite their efforts and render them 
 successful in the common cause. To regain the opinion 
 of the public here, and reunite the affections and opera 
 tions of the colonies, is a task, however arduous, that 
 must be undertaken. I can hardly think that the best 
 plan of opposition will otherwise succeed. Might it not 
 effect this to establish a correspondence among the lead 
 ing men of each province, that you might harmonize in 
 any future measure for the general good in the several 
 assemblies. Unanimity among yourselves will render 
 you formidable and respected here. I observe that those 
 who write in the public papers here against your town, 
 are furnished with very speedy and accurate intelligence 
 on all political affairs with you, which they communicate 
 in such portions and manner as may best prejudice the 
 public and promote their purposes. I have often lament 
 ed the want of authentic information to refute them, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 251 
 
 where from the general complexion of their story I con 
 jectured it was fraudulent and false. It will not, how 
 ever do to hazard one s conjecture on this ground, be 
 cause being once wrong would fix mistrust on every 
 future attempt. I shall therefore be always obliged to 
 you for such intelligence as will enable me to detect their 
 falsehoods, and defend the province and the town from 
 their unjust aspersions. The character you give of Mr. 
 H h n is exactly conformable to the idea I had form 
 ed of him. The lust of power, not worthy of being dig 
 nified with the name of ambition, is the animating prin 
 ciple of his conduct ; and duplicity, the mould in which 
 he casts it. His public acts show him to be a devoted 
 tool of the present government, and I could not brand 
 my bitterest foe with a more odious appellation. 
 
 My Lord Sandwich, " homo omnium quos terra sustinet 
 seder atissimus" is made secretary of state on the resig 
 nation of Lord Wey mouth. The cause of his resignation 
 is supposed to be the accommodation which is contriving 
 with Spain, too infamous it seems even for him to coun 
 tenance. Madame Barre has gained the entire ascend 
 ancy in the French cabinet, in consequence of which 
 Chosieul, who was for peace, is supplanted. Upon the 
 whole, I believe it will hardly be in the power of our ab 
 ject ministers to avoid a war ; and if so, America will, for 
 the present, suffer no farther oppression. Indeed if she is 
 wise, then will be the time to insist on a bill of rights, 
 before she lends her blood and treasure to increase that 
 power which is turned to her destruction. 
 
 I have the honour to be sir, with very great respect, 
 your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 At this time the disposition of the court of Spain seem 
 ed so inclined to war, that though it was as little the wish 
 of the ministry to hazard themselves in that field, as it 
 formerly was that of Sir Robert Walpole, yet the bold 
 proceedings of the Spaniards seemed to render it in 
 evitable. The ministry were constantly goaded to it by 
 the opposition, as a rock on which they must be wreck- 
 
252 LIFE OF 
 
 ed. Every one knows by what a shameful submission 
 they appeased the wrath of Spain. The manner in which 
 the non-importation agreement had been violated in 
 America dwelt heavily on my mind. The bad conse 
 quences of it appeared alarming in proportion to the high 
 expectations which were founded on it. I was deceived 
 both in my expectations and apprehensions. There are 
 indeed so many unforeseen circumstances which defeat 
 the best concerted political projects, that an experienced 
 politician will build upon them with extreme caution. The 
 anxiety of my mind dictated the following part of a let 
 ter to Mr. John Dickinson, dated January 10th, 1771. 
 
 " From this pleasing prospect I must now turn to the 
 melancholy view of our political state. When I speak of 
 my country it is in the despair and grief of my heart. She 
 is undone. That virtue which alone could have saved 
 her does not exist. There is in my apprehension a fatal 
 sympathy between the merchants and the people. The 
 former would never have hazarded such copious import 
 ations had they not been assured that the latter would 
 purchase them. And if our liberties are not worth the 
 difference between a homespun and a broadcloth coat, 
 between a worsted and a silk stocking in the estimation 
 of the people, on what are we to found our hopes of re 
 trieving our rights ? We have demonstrated our slavery, 
 and submit to be enslaved for the most contemptible of 
 all human gratiiications, that of vanity. We have rat 
 tled our chains through all Europe, that all Europe 
 might see we have not spirit to shake them off. It is 
 not a doubtful business, a plausible usurpation, but an 
 avowed, demonstrated, and acknowledged tyranny. We 
 are not deluded, but driven into slavery. And this, not 
 by the valour, the wiles, or the wisdom of the tyrant ; 
 but by our own intolerance of every honourable and vir 
 tuous effort to redeem us from bondage. It is not that 
 the non-importation agreements have been given up ; but 
 that they were faithlessly kept and shamefully aban 
 doned. A measure found by experience to be impracti 
 cable or inadequate, might have been dropped with 
 honour and propriety, but mutual treachery and bitter 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 253 
 
 recrimination must render every future operation con 
 temptible and nugatory. In these circumstances sir, 
 even your confidence and assurances can hardly revive 
 my hopes. I am certain too that even our friends here, 
 were they to come into power to-morrow, would not at 
 tempt to redress our grievances. They well know that 
 against the sense of the members and lords of parlia 
 ment, against the plans and principles of the ostensible 
 administration men and interior cabinet, but above all 
 against the wish of the king and his favourite ; such an 
 attempt, without a steadfast, determined, alarming op 
 position on the part of America, must be without success. 
 It is therefore but too sure that the chains which the late 
 system imposed, are rivetted on us. There are indeed 
 leading men in this kingdom who are against the whole 
 system, both principle and practice, but their opinions 
 are over-ruled, and that without hope of the reverse. 
 There is however one event to which I yet look forward 
 with some confidence ; an event which cannot be at any 
 great distance, that of a war. One noble and united 
 struggle then would yet redeem us. I therefore took the 
 liberty of proposing to your consideration whether it 
 would not be proper to prepare for that opportunity, 
 especially in point of union ; for unanimity among the 
 colonies is absolutely necessary to success, whatever 
 may be the measure pursued. The assemblies should 
 harmonize in three things. Refusing supplies without 
 redress of grievances ; repeating their resolve of rights ; 
 and sending over petitions for redress at that critical and 
 alarming period, when the value of our affection and 
 assistance will appear in its highest lustre ; the more 
 symptoms we show of discontent and alienated affec 
 tions the more sure will be the attainment of our end. 
 Therefore the moderation so commendable at other times, 
 would assuredly injure us then. If you could communi 
 cate this scheme, modelled and digested by your better 
 judgment to such leading men in each colony as may be 
 trusted, a plan might be deliberately formed, and a mea 
 sure of so great importance would not be left to the pre 
 cipitate emergency of the moment of action. 
 
S54 LIFE OF 
 
 It is proper sir, that I should make some apology for 
 presuming to advise where there is so much superior 
 wisdom and knowledge. But I am prompted to exceed 
 the limits of modesty by the warmth of my heart for the 
 liberties of my country, and encouraged by the candour 
 with which you treat me, to hope that excess will be 
 pardoned. I am very well satisfied of the propriety of 
 what you urge against addressing the people at this time ; 
 but it is far from seeming probable to me that the min 
 istry will soon give any fresh cause of complaint by add 
 ing to the oppressions with which we are already loaded 
 by any general act. Their system is the reverse. They 
 think that to secure the ground they have already gained 
 is sufficient for the present, and will furnish a foundation 
 on which, when opportunity serves, an ampler tyranny 
 may be erected. And surely we must want gall to make 
 oppression bitter, if that we now sustain is insufficient, 
 and our principles of liberty must be feeble indeed if we 
 let the favourable opportunity of a war pass away unem- 
 braced and unsuccessful. You very justly observe that 
 to move large bodies permanently there must be an ap 
 pearance of deliberate moderation. But when opportu 
 nity seconds inclination, less address is requisite for the 
 purpose. Our political state here is not very promising ; 
 opposition is weak, and what is worse, wicked ; meaning 
 no good to the people, and therefore not strengthened 
 with their confidence. Administration, abandoned and 
 having no character to lose, lend themselves desperately 
 to the worst measures. There seems to be no hope but 
 in Lord Chatham and Lord Shelburne. Nothing but the 
 emergency of a war will bring them in, on their patriotic 
 principles. The ministry very sensible of this are ward 
 ing off a war with their utmost art. But the politics of 
 Europe seem so much inclined to a rupture that it ap 
 pears inevitable. The Duke of Bedford s death will 
 throw the whole power into Carleton house ; but whether 
 they will attempt or be able to sustain it alone, is doubt 
 ful. At present they seem inclined to recruit by draughts 
 from the opposition, and the dispute will be between the 
 
ARTHUR LEE- 255 
 
 Rockingham and Grenville parties, who are both at St. 
 James s market, but differ in their price. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 My political progress had made me acquainted with 
 many of the leaders of all parts of the opposition, such as 
 Lord Shelburne, Mr. Beckford, Lord Temple, Mr. Dun 
 ning, sergeant Glynn, Col. Barre, Mr. Wilkes, the alder 
 men Sawbridge, Townsend and Oliver. 
 
 It was by constantly comparing the different ideas of 
 those gentlemen with one another, and with the plans and 
 proceedings of the ministers, that I was able to form a 
 pretty accurate judgment both of the real intentions of 
 the latter, and how far America was warranted in relying 
 on the support of the former. These were the two princi 
 pal objects of my pursuit. The dearest rights and interests 
 of my immediate country were at hazard. It would not 
 have been wise to have trusted these to the mere issue 
 of political intrigues and party opposition for place and 
 preferment. Some however of the above leaders, ap 
 peared to me hearty in the cause of America, as well as 
 of England. Their advocation of liberty was general. 
 Among these, the most illustrious was the Earl of Shel 
 burne. Him I had long known, long studied, and found 
 his conduct uniform and unimpeachable. But the pri 
 vate life of this nobleman was no less the subject of my 
 esteem and admiration. The following letter will bear 
 testimony of my sentiments at that time regarding him ; 
 sentiments which under great and various trials since, I 
 have had no reason to alter. 
 
 " October 25, 1772. 
 
 To Dr. Priestly. 
 
 Sir, At the request of our very worthy friend, Dr. 
 Percival, I very readily contribute my endeavours towards 
 relieving you from a painful uncertainty respecting Lord 
 Shelburne. The gratitude that I in common with all lov 
 ers of science, owe you, makes this my duty. A long and 
 intimate acquaintance enables me to speak with confi- 
 
256 LIFE OF 
 
 dence of Lord Shelburne s real character. With a strong 
 understanding, and great desire for the acquisitions of 
 useful knowledge, he has a mind turned to the enjoyment 
 of private life, as well as to those high pursuits in the 
 state which become his rank. His aims are noble, his 
 means fair and honourable. Nor does he forget or neglect 
 in the pursuits of a statesman, the duties of domestic 
 life. His family is regulated with the most perfect order 
 and decorum. His guests are as at home, nor does any 
 man better know how to combine the dignity of the no 
 bleman with the ease of a gentleman, and the familiarity 
 of a friend. As a father and a husband, no man was 
 ever more duteous, tender and attentive. I do assure 
 you, sir, that I have not an idea of a more perfect state 
 of conjugal happiness than that which subsisted between 
 him, and the incomparable lady, who unhappily is now 
 no more. Lord Shelburne has a great deal of good na 
 ture, and his behaviour has always a proper mixture of 
 ease and dignity. I do not know one vice to which he 
 is addicted, nor one virtue which he wants. In the coun 
 try, what time he has to spare from his domestic concerns, 
 to which he is ever strictly attentive, is employed in 
 reading or directing the improvements of his grounds. In 
 town, the duties of a statesman occupy him chiefly. Up 
 on the whole sir, I may venture to assure you, as far as 
 my judgment can direct me, that in Lord Shelburne you 
 will be connected with an amiable and honest man, of a 
 noble nature, and exemplary in all the duties of social 
 life. How far it may be eligible in the terms of it I can 
 not presume to judge ; but both from my regard for him 
 and for you, I cannot help wishing it may take place. 
 I am, &c." 
 
 The removal of Lord Hillsborough from the Board of 
 Trade, and the appointment of Lord Dartmouth to be sec 
 retary of state for the American department, had raised 
 the expectations of the friends to America. His char 
 acter was that of an amiable man, exemplary in his devo 
 tions. In fact he was religious overmuch, and even ad 
 dicted to methodism. Such a disposition argued a weak 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 257 
 
 mind, or hypocritical heart. The subsequent conduct of 
 this minister savoured of both. Neither his abilities nor 
 his connexions promised much. 
 
 The policy of administration seemed now, to take the 
 colonies one at a time, and to begin with Massachusetts, 
 which they considered the strong hold of liberty in Ame 
 rica. This mode was suggested by Sir Francis Bernard 
 and Governor Hutchinson, and to them the execution was 
 trusted. Some difficulties were to be smoothed by chang 
 ing the charter mode of electing counsellors, and there 
 was no doubt, that for this and other purposes the char 
 ter was to be altered. Knowing this, and the conse 
 quences of it, I was equally astonished and concerned to 
 find that Dr. F n had attempted to lull the province to 
 sleep by assuring them they had nothing to fear on that 
 subject. That he could be deceived as to the designs of 
 administration, I could hardly believe. That he was 
 bribed to betray his trust I had not suspected. It remain 
 ed therefore, as the most probable conjecture, that he 
 endeavoured to lull his constituents into security, that he 
 might prevent any commotions which would hazard the 
 lucrative posts he possessed. From whatever motive the 
 deception sprang, the mischief of it was such as rendered 
 a counteraction of it necessary. For that purpose, the 
 following letter was written ; but it was written in an 
 ger, and yet the experience I have had since would justi 
 fy the worst interpretation of his conduct. [Published 
 in full, page 215 of this volume, under date of " TEMPLE, 
 June 10th, 1771."] 
 
 The state of things in 1772 I represented to Mr.. 
 Samuel Adams in my letter of Dec. 24. [Published in 
 full, page 224 of this volume.] 
 
 The people of Boston, in town-meeting assembled, 
 entered into a full declaration of their rights and griev 
 ances, and established a correspondence with the other 
 town-meetings. Of this I received information -in the 
 following letter. 
 
 VOL. i. 
 
258 LIFE OF 
 
 "BOSTON, Dec. 8th, 1772. 
 
 Sir, In pui^uance of a Vote of the inhabitants of the 
 town of Boston^ at a legal meeting on the 20th Novem 
 ber last, I have the honour by the direction of their 
 committee to transmit to you the votes and proceedings 
 of that day, and am, with great esteem, sir, your most 
 humble servant, 
 
 Signed, WILLIAM COOPER, Town Clerk. 
 
 Arthur Lee, 
 
 To a wise administration such measures would have 
 appeared to be the solid foundation of serious resistance 
 to arbitrary measures. They would therefore have de 
 termined to remove the causes of discontent or to take 
 effectual measures for carrying their plan into execution. 
 They do not appear to have done either. Sir Francis 
 Bernard, Governor Hutchinson and their adherents were 
 suffered to continue irritating the people ; and the troops 
 stationed at Castle William gave an appearance of sup 
 porting these obnoxious measures with military force. 
 These things had the effect which might have been ex 
 pected, effects which were fully and repeatedly pointed 
 out to the ministers long before they happened. The 
 affairs of the East India Company being now the object 
 with administration, I determined to join the opposition 
 in that quarter, not only from a conviction of its being 
 right, but with the hope of embarrassing their measures 
 against America. A friend of mine qualified me as a 
 proprietor. I soon got into a private committee of pro 
 prietors who met to consult upon the measures they 
 should take. The Duke of Richmond and Lord Pigot, 
 who was afterwards wickedly deprived of his govern 
 ment and murdered by some of the company s servants 
 in the East Indies, were of this committee. His grace 
 seemed to be an oppositionist more from having little 
 else to do, than from clearly comprehending the object 
 and grounds of his opposition. Lord Pigot appeared to 
 be a sensible, candid and upright gentleman. In this 
 committee the system of opposition in the court of pro 
 prietors was generally planned. The bills brought into 
 parliament by Lord North for raising the qualification of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 259 
 
 a voter in the company from 500 to 1000 of stock, 
 
 and for appointing supervisors of parliament in 
 
 India with supreme powers independent of the company, 
 were measures of serious alarm, not only to the proprie 
 tors, but to every one who considered the extension of 
 the influence of the crown from an increase of patronage, 
 already too great ; as dangerous to the liberties of the 
 people. The proprietary opposed in every step. They 
 chose a special committee to watch over the measures 
 of the minister and sustain their rights. I was elected 
 into this committee. For some time we pursued the 
 purpose of our appointment with ardour and apparent 
 honesty. It was determined that two of the committee 
 should speak at the bar of the house of commons against 
 the bill for altering the qualifications. It was proposed 
 to me to be one. My confidence I confess failed me. I 
 doubted whether, being little conversant in public speak 
 ing, I should possess sufficient confidence in my own 
 strength, to do justice to the subject or honour to myself. 
 Doubting I declined. In this committee a circumstance 
 happened of some singularity, and which served to show 
 me of what stuff the majority of those composing it were 
 made. Mr. Dempster, a member of the committee and of 
 parliament, requested the advice and opinion of the com 
 mittee relative to the answer he ought to give to Lord 
 North, who had proposed to him an appointment as one 
 of the supervisors in India, to be made by one of the 
 bills we were intrusted to oppose. He stated his own 
 doubts whether he could with honour accept the minis 
 ter s offer, and therefore he had declined giving him an 
 answer till he had consulted this committee ; the rest of 
 the members, two only excepted, gave their opinion for 
 the acceptance. Gov. Johnstone and a Mr. Rous made 
 set speeches, even urging him to the measure with warm 
 and plausible speeches. The governor observed with 
 much sagacity that we had now brought the opposition 
 to the very point we should wish that in not embracing 
 the opportunity of getting one of our friends into so 
 valuable and important a place would be very much 
 wanting to ourselves ; that such was the character of 
 
260 LIFE OF 
 
 the honourable gentleman and such the confidence he 
 possessed, that no appointment would give more pleasure 
 to our constituents and to the nation at large. I was of 
 the contrary opinion, supported by one member only, a 
 Mr. Chrecton, who was afterwards chosen an alderman 
 of London. I requested the gentleman to consider in 
 deciding on the conduct proper for him to pursue, in what 
 situation he stood. That he was there in triple trust ; 
 as a trustee of the people in parliament, as a proprietor, 
 and as a member of a committee to whom the sacred 
 rights of the company, violated by this very minister, 
 were specially confided ; that the acceptance of a place 
 under a bill which he opposed and reprobated as a mem 
 ber of parliament, as a proprietor, and as one of their 
 select committee, was manifestly incompatible with every 
 claim to integrity and honour ; that the true point of 
 opposition was to defeat a bill calculated to wrest from 
 the company their rights and vest them in the crown, 
 already too powerful in patronage and influence ; that 
 the obvious view of the minister who made this offer was 
 to disunite and disgrace the opposition. It was true the 
 honourable gentleman enjoyed the highest confidence of 
 the company ; and so much more did it behove him not 
 to wound that confidence ; so much the more reproachful 
 would it be to countenance such a bill and such a min 
 ister to betray a confidence so sacred, to take from the 
 people all hope of integrity in those they trusted, and 
 verify the profligate declaration of a profligate minister, 
 that every man had his price ; that much as I wished 
 to see the honourable gentleman in high trust, I could 
 not wish him to sacrifice for it his faith and honour. 
 And though the gentleman was the best guardian of his 
 own honour, yet I could not help giving my opinion that 
 accepting the offer in question, circumstanced as he was, 
 would fix upon his character indelible disgrace." Mr. 
 Dempster thanked the members for the candour with 
 which they had given their opinions ; he said the senti 
 ments of those who dissuaded his acceptance were so 
 congenial with those of his own mind, that he should 
 without delay inform Lord North that he could not ac- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 261 
 
 cept his offer. The bills however passed in spite of us, 
 the influence of the crown bearing down all opposition. 
 On those proceedings of parliament I gave my senti 
 ments to Mr. Samuel Adams of Boston, in the following 
 letter. 
 
 "December 3, 1773. 
 
 Sir, You ask me what political news. What can 
 I say, but that we are undone ? We are in the dead calm 
 of corruption, which with more than Circean charm, fas 
 cinates every feeling of public virtue. If any thing can 
 fix the enchantment beyond a possibility of dissolution, 
 it is eastern wealth and eastern manners. Unhappy 
 East, what a fate is thine ! Doomed to be forever plun 
 dered by the west, with only the melancholy considera 
 tion of eventually undoing your plunderers. You minister 
 poison in a cup of gold. Your fruit, like the apple of 
 temptation, is precious to the sight, but poisonous in the 
 taste ; fair, but fatal ! The East India regulating-bill has 
 diverted the wealth of India into the direct channel for 
 our destruction. For the future, the story of Lord Clive 
 will be that of every military plunderer in the east ; that 
 of Ceyx of every civil extortioner. It begins in blood 
 and plunder, it ends in servility and dependence. The 
 wealth would be insecure under the crimes by which it 
 was acquired, without ministerial influence and protec 
 tion to cover them from enquiry, or screen them from 
 punishment. In a few years, the two houses of parlia 
 ment will be filled with Omrahs and Subbedars, nurtur 
 ed in the corruption and despotism of the East. What 
 will be the consequence ? We must fall as Greece and 
 Rome have fallen, in the same manner, and by the same 
 means. In this prospect there is but one consolation. 
 That liberty, when she abandons this country, will not, 
 like Astraca, relinquish us forever ; but will fix her favour 
 ite seat in the rising regions of America. There may she 
 rest, and spread her happy influence, till time shall be no 
 more. But if we too must lose her, when she ascends 
 the skies, we shall at least have the prerogative of show 
 ing her last, her parting steps. Adieu, &c," 
 
262 LIFE OF 
 
 In the spring of 1774, 1 sat out with Mr. and Mrs. Izard 
 to make the tour of France and Italy. But previous to 
 my going I drew up apiece entitled, " A True State of the 
 Proceedings in the Province of Massachusetts Bay," 
 which has been attributed to Dr. Franklin because it was 
 left with him, as agent to have it printed. The purpose 
 of it was to remove the unjust and injurious impressions 
 made by a report of a committee of the house of lords 
 on the same subject. While at Paris I wrote " The Ap 
 peal to the Justice and Interests of the People of Great 
 Britain," which I transmitted to my brother in London, 
 who had it printed and published by Almon. This 
 pamphlet went through five editions. One was printed 
 by a vote of the town of New-Castle and distributed 
 among the people. Another edition was also printed 
 and distributed at the expense of the merchants in Lon 
 don trading to America. While we were at Rome we 
 were acquainted with the Earl of Huntington and his 
 nephew, who has since distinguished himself in Ame 
 rica under the title of Lord Rawdon, and is certainly 
 among the most promising officers in the British army. 
 Mr. Izard and myself were too zealous not to encounter 
 the British peer in defence of our country. He argued 
 like a gentleman, but I thought not with much ingenuity. 
 Lord Rawdon never disclosed his sentiments. I observ 
 ed wherever I went, even in Italy, that all the papers 
 and monthly productions contained every thing that was 
 written in America on the subject of our dispute, and 
 that the desire of enquiry into it pervaded all mankind. 
 The opinion that her cause was just and the wish that 
 she might succeed, seemed almost universal. The Brit 
 ish name was clothed in Europe with terror and admira 
 tion. The able manner in which the Americans vindi 
 cated their constitutional rights, and the determined tone 
 in which they declared their resolution of resisting Great 
 Britain if she persisted, gave the Europeans a very ex 
 alted idea of their spirit and abilities. Intelligence from 
 England informed us of a sudden dissolution of parlia 
 ment. The meeting of the new one was a crisis in our 
 affairs from which the anxiety of my mind would not 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 263 
 
 permit me to be absent. I therefore gave up my inten 
 tion of wintering in Rome and Naples, and in November 
 sat out post alone for London. The weather was most 
 remarkably rigorous, and I travelled from Turin to Paris, 
 and from Paris to London, through continued snow and 
 ice. 
 
 The new parliament soon showed its complexion. 
 Indeed it was not long kept secret, that the dissolu 
 tion was a ministerial manoeuvre, for the purpose of car 
 rying on the war against America. The king s speech 
 on opening this parliament was in fact a declaration of 
 war. He told them that a most daring spirit of resist 
 ance and disobedience to the law, still unhappily prevail 
 ed in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and had in di 
 vers parts broke forth in fresh violences of a very crimi 
 nal nature ; that these proceedings had been countenanc 
 ed and encouraged in other of his colonies, and unwar 
 rantable attempts had been made to obstruct the com 
 merce of this kingdon by unlawful combinations ; that 
 he had taken such measures and given such orders as he 
 judged most proper and effectual for carrying into execu 
 tion the laws which were passed in the last session of the 
 late parliament for the protection and security of the 
 commerce of his subjects, and for the restoring and pre 
 serving peace, order, and good government in the province 
 of the Massachusetts Bay. The address of the commons 
 corresponded with the spirit of the speech. Lord J. 
 Cavendish moved as an amendment, to request that his 
 majesty would be most graciously pleased to communi 
 cate the intelligence he had received from America to 
 the house ; this was negatived 264 to 73. The whole 
 of the session was passed with an entire obsequiousness 
 to the measures of the minister ; and he and his royal 
 master were in an evil hour armed with every power they 
 desired for reducing America to unconditional submission. 
 The reception of the petitions from America soon show 
 ed what use the king and his ministers meant to make of 
 this parliamentary support. A petition arrived from the 
 assembly of Delaware. I informed the secretary of state 
 of having received such a petition, and my desire to pre- 
 
264 LIFE OF 
 
 sent it to him that it might be delivered to the king. He 
 received it frem me on , and on the 13th I receiv 
 ed from him the following answer. 
 
 "Lord Dartmouth presents his compliments to Mr. 
 Lee, and desires to see him on Monday next, at 10 
 o clock. 
 
 April , 1775." 
 
 The issue of this conference is contained in the follow 
 ing letter to the speaker of the assembly. 
 
 " GARDEN COURT, MIDDLE TEMPLE, April 17, 1775. 
 
 Sir, Your letter containing the petition from the 
 house of representatives to the king, arrived here after 
 Dr. Franklin had sailed for Philadelphia. The petition 
 was therefore put into my hands to deliver to Lord Dart 
 mouth. I accordingly gave it to his lordship, informing 
 him of these circumstances, and of the wish of the house 
 that it might be presented to his majesty. But his lord 
 ship returned it to me this morning, with a declaration 
 that as I was not authorised by the house, he, as secreta 
 ry of state, could not receive it from me for the purpose 
 I desired. .To deliver it to the king in the common way, 
 if I were authorised so to do, would be ineffectual, be 
 cause there is no certainty of his reading it, and he never 
 gives an answer but from the throne, or through one of 
 his secretaries of state. The petition will therefore re 
 main here, to wait the further pleasure of the house. 
 They who know and lament that petitions for redress of 
 grievances from the different assemblies have been repeat 
 edly rejected, cannot but be persuaded that the promise 
 of their being now attended to, is only a ministerial ma 
 noeuvre to divide the colonies, and draw off their atten 
 tion to and confidence in that which is their great shield 
 and defence union in general congress. Your consti 
 tution was so framed as to mortify that hope. To di 
 vide and to destroy, or >* * ;*L \* * to fix this mer 
 ciless tyranny upon us, is their only endeavour. But I 
 trust in God that the wisdom and virtue of our country- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 265 
 
 men will continue to render it ineffectual, and give us at 
 length a happy issue out of all our troubles, by obtaining a 
 full redress of grievances. I have the honour of being, &c. 
 
 Signed, ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 James Rinsey, Esq. New Jersey." 
 
 The year 1774 was an eventful year, and brought the 
 American question to a crisis. In its commencement 
 the ministry appeared determined upon measures of the 
 most decided irritation, and even hostility. This I inti 
 mated in a letter to the ever to be lamented Dr. Warren, 
 who was immortalized by his conduct and death in the 
 action of Bunker s Hill. My letter was as follows. 
 
 " FEBRUARY 20th, 1774. 
 
 Sir, I am obliged to you for giving me an oppor 
 tunity of thanking you for the efforts you have made in 
 vindication of the just rights of America. Unless you 
 substitute the intention for the act, you far overrate the 
 merit of my services. The rights of my country are 
 with me sacred. It is my first duty to maintain them. 
 The cause of liberty is the cause of virtue. 
 
 " I own the glorious subject fires my breast; 
 And the soul s darling passion stands confest," 
 
 I not only lament the attempts which have been made 
 and are making to enslave us, as productive of great 
 misery to America, but as fraught with danger to this 
 country. Revering as I do the very name of England, 
 and loving most sincerely the people, it adds infinitely to 
 the affliction of these proceedings that they must eventu 
 ally operate the ruin of this country.* Whatever alien 
 ates the affections of the colonies, must impair if not de 
 stroy that commerce, which is the great source of the 
 riches, the strength, the glory of Great Britain. There 
 
 * In the conjecture I made of the consequences that would follow measures, I was 
 deceived, or rather mistaken. From this I must except the impracticability of reducing 
 America, the resistance that would infallibly follow attempting it by force, the im 
 mense loss of men and expense that would attend it, and the independence of Ame 
 rica. In these I was not mistaken; but in the effect which the non-importation 
 would produce, the ruin of the credit and commerce of Great Britain, the diminu 
 tion of har power, and the downfall of her empire, I was mistaken. A. L. 
 
 VOL. i. 34 
 
66 LIFE OF 
 
 is at present a total stagnation of all public opposition 
 here. Administration is therefore left at liberty to bend 
 all their force against us. They seem eager to embrace 
 the opportunity. The treatment of your petition, of Dr. 
 Franklin, and of Mr. Temple, savour of the most malig 
 nant and persecuting disposition. In my opinion the ac 
 tive Americans here stand in daily peril of their lives. 
 It will not indeed be an easy matter to destroy us by an 
 English jury. But parliament is equal to any thing, and 
 parliament is entirely under the direction of this, as you 
 justly style it, all powerful administration. Either I am 
 deceived, or times of great calamity and oppression are 
 near. How they will end He only knows in whose hands 
 are all the corners of the earth. In the mean time we 
 have only to remember, that at every hazard we must be 
 free. Adieu." 
 
 I shall give a summary of the proceedings on the peti 
 tion mentioned in the above letter, which occasioned a 
 duel and a very celebrated speech from Mr. Wedderburne, 
 now Lord Loughborough. 
 
 Some letters written to a Mr. Whately by Governor 
 Hutchinson and lieutenant-governor Andrew Oliver, were 
 laid before the assembly of Massachusetts. In these let 
 ters the writers of them had calumniated the people, en 
 deavoured to inflame those who should read them, against 
 the province, and suggested measures calculated to pre 
 vent all popular opposition to ministerial measures. Up 
 on these letters, which were original, and therefore could 
 not be denied, the house of representatives voted a peti 
 tion to the king for the removal of the governor and 
 lieutenant-governor. This petition they transmitted to 
 their agent, Dr. Franklin, to be presented to the throne. 
 I received also the following letter from their speaker. 
 
 "PROVINCE MASSACHUSETTS BAT, June 25, 1773. 
 
 Sir, I have received the commands of the house of 
 representatives of this province, to inform you that they 
 have lately had divers letters, signed Thomas Hutchinson, 
 Andrew Oliver, &c. laid before them, and that they have 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 267 
 
 voted as their sense, that the tendency and design of said 
 letters appear to have been to overthrow the constitution 
 of this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into 
 this province. They have also agreed upon and passed 
 an address to his majesty, praying that his excellency 
 Thomas Hutchinson, governor, and the Hon. Andrew 
 Oliver, lieutenant-governor of this province, may be re 
 moved from the posts they hold within the province, which 
 they have directed Dr. Franklin to lay before his majesty, 
 and have also directed him to employ you as council upon 
 this occasion ; and as the persons aforementioned have 
 by this their conduct rendered themselves very obnoxious 
 to the people here, and have entirely lost their confidence, 
 they doubt not you will employ your interest and influ 
 ence to support the petition above mentioned, and do all 
 in your power that it may have its desired effect. 
 
 I am with great respect your humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING, Speaker. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 As I was at this time only a student of law, I could 
 not appear as counsel in support of the petition. But I 
 addressed the following observations to Lord Dartmouth, 
 under the signature of Raleigh. 
 
 " My Lord, The report to be made upon the petition 
 from the house of representatives of Massachusetts Bay 
 against their governors, will have so decisive an influence 
 on the people of that province, that I feel myself com 
 pelled to address your lordship on the subject. A dis 
 covery is made by letters under their own hands that the 
 governor and lieutenant-governor had been secretly la 
 bouring to subvert the chartered rights of the colony ; to 
 subject the people to arbitrary government ; and to sub 
 due them by military force. It appeared that to accom 
 plish these ends they had painted the proceedings of the 
 people in the most false and odious colours, forging false 
 hoods where misrepresentations would not suffice. All 
 this was done under the cloak of secret and confidential 
 correspondence, that the mischief might come upon the 
 
268 LIFE OF 
 
 people unforeseen, the causes unknown, and the authors 
 undiscovered. The people were to be the victims of a 
 secret information ; they were to be condemned without 
 being heard ; and punished with the heaviest of all ca 
 lamities, the loss of their rights and liberties, without 
 being apprized of the accusation or enjoying a possibili 
 ty of defence. The persons who contrived this atro 
 cious and (upon principle it cannot be deemed less) this 
 treasonable conspiracy against the constitution, stipulated 
 the expected rewards. It was natural that this discov 
 ery should exasperate the people to an extreme. They 
 saw in the persons of those who were planning their de 
 struction, men bound to them by all the ties of fellow 
 citizens and the obligations of gratitude ; men who had 
 been long cherished and trusted among them, and who 
 had always professed the most zealous attachment which 
 virtue and gratitude could inspire to their rights and lib 
 erties. This was more especially the case of their chief 
 governor, who was at that very time practising every art 
 to fix in the minds of the people an exalted opinion of 
 his warmest affection for them, and of his unremitting 
 endeavours to promote their best interests at the court 
 of Great Britain. They saw besides in one mode of 
 their attempt against them something peculiarly malig 
 nant. The ministry were sufficiently disposed to adopt 
 every severity against them. Governor Bernard and 
 the commissioners were sufficient to keep up their pre 
 judices and passion. To poison the minds of those in 
 opposition, and by that means to deprive the people of 
 every benefit either from the efforts of that opposition or 
 from a change of administration. This my lord was the 
 diabolical plan of Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver. Had 
 the popular indignation been followed by the most im 
 mediate and tragical consequences no one could have 
 been surprised. Happily however the very men whom 
 these governors had aspersed as the sowers of sedition 
 and promoters of outrage, prevailed upon them to trust 
 to his majesty s justice for redress. For this purpose the 
 house of representatives have, in an humble petition, im 
 plored his majesty s intervention to remove these men 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 269 
 
 because they have lost all trust and confidence with the 
 people. It is to this prayer to which you are now to 
 advise an answer. It is well worth considering my lord 
 what will be the consequence of an ungracious, irritating 
 answer. For some years past the people of America 
 and those of Boston in particular, have been abused, mis 
 represented, and oppressed beyond the example of the 
 worst of times. They have seen for a series of years 
 every representation against them received ; every ap 
 plication for them rejected. When the authors of the 
 secret information which tended to bring upon them the 
 displeasure of their sovereign, the resentment of parlia 
 ment, and to subvert their liberties, were providentially 
 discovered, and their representations proved false and 
 wicked, the consequence has invariably been the encour 
 agement and reward of those so detected. The discov 
 ery of Governor Bernard s false and malignant letters, 
 with the frauds he committed in office, served only to 
 make him a baronet, with what is equivalent to an enor 
 mous pension. Mr. Oliver was charged upon the oaths 
 of several of his majesty s council and by their unani 
 mous resolution, with a most dangerous breach of trust, 
 in having forged minutes of their board and authen 
 ticated them on oath, for the purpose of justifying a mas 
 sacre committed by a licentious soldiery, and to throw 
 the blame of it on the people. What my lord was the 
 consequence ? Not punishment, but promotion. The peo 
 ple saw with astonishment and horror this very man, thus 
 stigmatized, immediately promoted to be their lieutenant 
 governor. These are facts my lord, of public notoriety ; 
 facts which, spoken to stones, would make them capa 
 ble of hearing. Rewards have followed crimes, as con 
 stantly as light the sun. Promotion and emolument in 
 America have been exactly proportioned to men s perfidy 
 to the people, and their avowed enmity to their imme 
 diate country. No people can be so dull as not to feel 
 those injuries ; no people can be so pusillanimous as not 
 to resent them. Reiterated oppressions, detections, com 
 plaints and disappointments, have worked up men s 
 minds to the greatest degree of discontent. * * * 
 * [The rest here is lost.] 
 
270 LIFE OF 
 
 Dr. Franklin gave the Earl of Dartmouth information 
 of it in a letter dated August 21st, 1773, in which the 
 Dr. used this extraordinary expression, " And it is said 
 that, having lately discovered, as they think, the authors 
 of their grievances to be some of their own people, their 
 resentment against Great Britain is thence much abated." 
 The resentment of a province against Great Britain, was 
 a tone somewhat higher than is commonly assumed by 
 even the mightiest monarch to the smallest state. There 
 is not an instance I believe of the crown using such lan 
 guage to the most insignificant provincial assembly. The 
 expression was at least not very guarded. Butjn fact, 
 Dr. Franklin thought the ministry at his feet. He soon 
 felt his mistake ; the petition was heard before the privy 
 council on the 29th of January 1774. In the mean 
 time a question arose how these original letters came into 
 the hands of those who laid them before the house 
 of representatives. Mr. Whately, to whom they were 
 written, was dead. When they were written he was 
 member of parliament and very influential with Mr. 
 George Grenville. His brother, who had the papers of 
 the deceased, could give no other account of it, but that 
 Mr. John Temple had leave from him to examine letters 
 from his brother s American correspondents, from which 
 he supposed that gentleman had taken the letters in 
 question. This he charged him with in the public 
 papers, confessing however that he did not know those 
 identical letters were in the papers he intrusted to Mr. 
 Temple s examination. This^charge was circulated with 
 the utmost industry and ^njPjpny^by^ylr. Wedderburne 
 andjother ministerial agents.^ Mr. Temple determined 
 to sendTMn W&ately a challenge. Mr. Izard bore it, 
 and offered to be his second. Mr. Whately accepted 
 the meeting, but refused to have a second. Four o clock, 
 in the ring at Hyde Park was the appointment. Mr. 
 Izard and myself went to the park in his carriage to 
 attend the issue. On our way to the ring our attention 
 was drawn to another quarter by the report of pistols. 
 Thither we went and met Mr. Whately coming from the 
 field of action, having received a slight wound in the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 271 
 
 breast and one on the shoulder a little behind ; both with 
 a sword. He made no charge to us of unfair play on the 
 part of his antagonist. Mr. Izard offered his carriage to 
 carry him home, which he accepted, and Mr. Izard ac 
 companied him. I went in quest of Mr. Temple, and 
 we walked together to Mr. Izard s house. He informed 
 me that some persons being at the ring Mr. Whately and 
 he agreed to go to a different part. Mr. Whately had a 
 sword but no pistols. He lent him one of his, they fired 
 without effect, and then appealed to the sword ; at which 
 he found his antagonist so little skilled that his life was 
 at his mercy ; that he wounded him slightly in order to 
 make him beg his pardon. A whisper however was soon 
 circulated that Mr. Temple had attempted to stab his 
 opponent when down. To corroborate which, a declara 
 tion from Mr. Whately supported by the affidavits of an 
 alehouse-keeper and some stable-boy were published, 
 affirming that when Mr. W r hately fell on his face the 
 other stabbed him behind. As this business was in fact 
 political and concerned America, I wrote a justification 
 of Mr. Temple, in which I stated that Mr. Whately had 
 accirsed him on mere suspicion; that he refused to have 
 seconds ; came without pistols ; made no charge against 
 Mr. Temple when we met him, warm from the encoun 
 ter, and most likely to have exclaimed against such treat 
 ment ; neither did those who had parted the combatants 
 and were with him, say a word of it. That the slight 
 wound on the shoulder, which gave countenance to this 
 malignant charge, might well have happened from Mr. 
 Temple being in the act of thrusting, when his opponent 
 fell, and by that means unintentionally touching him on 
 the shoulder. That it was an absurdity to suppose, that 
 when it was acknowledged Mr. Temple could from his 
 superior skill have wounded him fairly, he would attempt 
 to do it foully. That the charge came with additional 
 ill grace from one who had positively refused to have 
 seconds, and who coming to the field without pistols 
 seemed desirous to refer the dispute to the sword. I am 
 inclined to think that the public was satisfied that this 
 charge with its contemptible affidavits was fabricated by 
 
273 LIFE OF 
 
 Messrs. Wedderburne and Manduit, and had no real 
 foundation. At the close of these proceedings Dr. 
 Franklin came forward with the following address to the 
 printers. 
 
 " Sirs, Finding that two gentlemen have been unfor 
 tunately engaged in a duel about a transaction and its 
 circumstances of which both of them are totally ignorant 
 and innocent, I think it incumbent on me to declare (for 
 the prevention of farther mischief, as far as such a decla 
 ration may contribute to prevent it,) that I alone am the 
 person who obtained and transmitted to Boston the let 
 ters in question. Mr. W. could not communicate them, 
 because they were never in his possession; and for the 
 same reason they could not be taken from him by Mr. T. 
 They were not of the nature of private letters between 
 friends. They were written by public officers to persons 
 in public stations, on public affairs, and intended to pro 
 cure public measures. They were therefore handed to 
 other public persons, who might be influenced by them 
 to produce those measures. Their tendency was to in 
 cense the mother country against her colonies, and by 
 the steps they recommended, to widen the breach they 
 effected. The chief caution expressed with regard to 
 privacy, was to keep their contents from the colony 
 agents, who the writers apprehended might return them, 
 or copies of them, to America. That apprehension was 
 it seems well founded, for the first agent who laid his 
 hands on them thought it his duty to transmit them to his 
 constituents. 
 
 Craven Street, Dec. 25th, 1773." 
 
 Mr. Wedderburne in his speech before the council was 
 pointedly severe against this letter. " After the mis 
 chiefs, said he, of this concealment had been left for five 
 months to have their full operation, at length comes out 
 a letter which is expressive of the coolest and most de 
 liberate malevolence. My lords, W 7 hat poetic fiction only 
 had penned for the breast of a cruel African, Dr. Frank 
 lin has realized and transcribed from his own. His too 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 273 
 
 is the language of Zanga. Know then twas I. I forg 
 ed the letter I disposed the picture I hated I despis 
 ed and I destroy." 
 
 The greater part of his speech was a violent philippic 
 against the Doctor. He was certainly eloquent and art 
 ful. Insomuch that notwithstanding the great decency 
 and decorum that distinguish their lordships, he made 
 them so far forget themselves and the character in which 
 they officiated, as to cry out hear him, hearpiim. There 
 were present with the lord president other lords, among 
 whom was the Archbishop of Canterbury. The decision 
 was " that the petition should be dismissed as groundless, 
 vexatious and scandalous, and calculated only for the se 
 ditious purpose of keeping up a spirit of clamour and dis 
 content in the said province." 
 
 In August Richard Penn arrived with a petition for the 
 throne from the general congress of America, which that 
 august body desired might be presented by him, and the 
 agents for the several colonies. Mr. Bollan and myself 
 were the only agents in town. Mr. Bollan, Dr. Frank 
 lin, and myself, were the only agents that would act. 
 We presented the petition through Lord Dartmouth to 
 the throne, and received an answer from that nobleman 
 that his majesty had received it very graciously, and for 
 its importance, would lay it before his two houses of par 
 liament as soon as they should meet. The ministerial 
 tone was now much softened, because the petition and 
 address to the people were conceived in terms of such 
 moderation and good sense, that they made a very fa 
 vourable impression upon the public mind. I knew the 
 king and his ministers too well to trust to their profes 
 sions. I therefore thought it necessary to w r arn my coun 
 trymen against the delusion of these appearances. With 
 this view I wrote to my brother R. H. Lee, who was a 
 member of congress, the following letters,* which I knew 
 he would communicate with effect. 
 
 The alarming procedure of the British king and parlia- 
 
 * The letters here spoken of, with a note containing the complimentary expres 
 sions of Lord Chatham on the subject of the address of congress, will be found in 
 No. I. Appendix, amongst the "Letters of A. Lee." 
 
 VOL. I. 35 
 
274 LIFE OF 
 
 ment obliged the Americans to meet in general congress 
 at Philadelphia, to consult on proper measures for the 
 general safety. The congress agreed upon a petition to 
 the king, stating their grievances, avowing their loyalty, 
 and supplicating redress. This petition was transmitted 
 with the following letter to the colonial agents in London. 
 
 "To Paul Wentworth, Esq., Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Wil 
 liam Bollan, Esq., Dr. Arthur Lee, Thomas Life, Esq., 
 Edmund Burke, Esq. and Charles Garth, Esq. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 26th, 1774. 
 
 Gentlemen, We give you the strongest proof of our 
 reliance on your zeal and attachment to the happiness of 
 America and the cause of liberty, when we commit the 
 enclosed paper to your care. We desire you will deliver 
 it into the hands of his majesty; and after it has been 
 presented, we wish it may be made public through the 
 press, together with the list of grievances. As we hope 
 for great assistance from the spirit and virtue of the na 
 tion, it is our earnest desire that the most effectual course 
 be taken as early as possible to furnish the trading cities 
 and manufacturing towns throughout the united kingdom 
 
 O c5 O 
 
 with our memorial to the people of Great Britain. We 
 doubt not but your good sense and discernment will lead 
 you to avail yourselves of every assistance that may be 
 devised from the advice and friendship of all great and 
 good men, who may incline to aid the cause of liberty 
 and mankind. The gratitude of America, expressed in 
 the enclosed vote of thanks, we desire may be conveyed 
 to the deserving objects of it in the manner you think 
 may be most acceptable to them. It is proposed that 
 another congress be held on the 10th of May next, at this 
 place ; but in the mean time we beg the favour of you 
 gentlemen, to transmit to the speakers of the several as 
 semblies the earliest information of the most authentic 
 accounts you can collect, of all such conduct and designs 
 of ministry or parliament as it may concern America to 
 know. 
 
 We are, &c. &c. 
 
 Signed, HENRY MIDDLETON, Pres>t." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 275 
 
 The remainder of this commencement of a history of 
 the American revolution, by Mr. Lee, has been lost. The 
 author adds here a letter from Thomas Gushing to him, 
 who presided as speaker of the assembly of Massachu 
 setts during the years 1769, 1770, 1771, and 1772. It 
 was written after Mr. Cushing s return from the first 
 congress at Philadelphia. He had corresponded with 
 Mr. Lee while he acted as agent in London of the colony 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 " BOSTON, Feb. , 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am obliged to you for your favour of the 
 6th Dec. last. I heartily rejoice to hear you are safely 
 arrived in London ; we are much obliged to ypu for travel 
 ling night and day from Rome, in order to do what ser 
 vice you can at so important a crisis. The people in 
 America are not at all dismayed at the king s speech ; 
 they wish for peace, and for an amicable and equitable 
 settlement of this unhappy controversy; but if their hopes 
 should be called off by the intemperate and violent con 
 duct of the mother country, after the conciliatory offers 
 that have been made by the continental congress, by 
 which they have reduced the dispute to mere matter of 
 speculation, and administration should determine to carry 
 into execution the late acts of parliament by a military 
 force, the people of America I am persuaded will make 
 the last appeal. They are determined life and liberty 
 shall go together. You need not be concerned ; firm 
 ness and unanimity prevail through all the colonies, the 
 association of the continental congress is sacredly adher 
 ed to, and 1 have just been informed that the merchants 
 at New- York have obliged a vessel that arrived there 
 from Scotland since the first of February, to return im 
 mediately without breaking bulk. Our people are prompt 
 and forward in their military exercises. There never 
 was since we have been a people such a military spirit 
 prevailing as at present ; but God forbid we should set 
 tle this dispute by arms. May the great Governor of the 
 universe direct the councils of the nation, and lead them 
 into such measures as may restore peace, harmony, and 
 
276 LIFE OF 
 
 happiness to both countries. I had the pleasure of see 
 ing your brother, Col. Lee, at the congress at Philadel 
 phia, and spending many an agreeable hour with him ; 
 he is a steady friend to his country, and an able defend 
 er of her rights. Pray let me hear from you by every 
 opportunity, and advise me constantly of the designs of 
 administration relative to America. 
 
 I am with great truth your sincere friend and humble 
 servant, THOMAS GUSHING. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 P. S. The terms of accommodation between Great 
 Britain and the colonies, which you and I have joined in 
 judgment in, and have heretofore thought reasonable, 
 happen to be approved by all the leading men in Ameri 
 ca, as you will perceive by the resolutions of the conti 
 nental congress. T. C." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 277 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 " PARIS, June 7, 1779. 
 
 To his excellency Mon. le Comte d Aranda. 
 Mr. Lee has the honour to present his respects to the 
 Ambassador of Spain ; and to beg him to transmit to his 
 Court the annexed memorial. 
 
 " PARIS, June 6, 1779. 
 
 To his excellency Count Florida Blanca, Prime Minis 
 ter of Spain. 
 
 I have the honour of enclosing to your Excellency a 
 memorial, which the opportunities I have had of knowing 
 the temper and circumstances of Great Britain, make me 
 presume to submit to your consideration. The earnest 
 desire I have of rendering some service to Spain, and the 
 common interest that must subsist in the success of the 
 war, should it happen, are the motives, and I hope will 
 be the apology, for what I offer. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, June 6, 1779. 
 
 Memorial to his excellency Count Florida Blanca. 
 The English having taken possession of Savannah, in 
 Georgia, are extending themselves in that state, so as to 
 form a connexion with and establish an influence over 
 the Indian nations that border on all that country. They 
 design also to possess themselves of Port Royal, in South 
 Carolina, and if possible, of Charleston. These acqui 
 sitions, if they are suffered, with their contiguous pos 
 sessions, will give them such a command upon that,eoast, 
 and in the Gulf, as well as such means of exciting the 
 savages, and seconding their enterprises against the 
 neighbouring territories of Spain, as may be difficult to 
 resist, if they are not prevented. What renders it im 
 practicable for the Americans to repel the enemy, is, their 
 superiority at sea, which at the same time that it sup- 
 
278 LIFE OF 
 
 ports their posts on the land, enables them to make di 
 versions in various quarters, so as to keep up a general 
 alarm, and prevent our force from being united in any 
 one point. With this view, they have very lately invad 
 ed the state of Virginia, in the bay of Chesapeake, to with 
 hold the aid which that state would send to South Caro 
 lina and Georgia. In this situation, it is in his majesty s 
 power to give very effectual assistance to the invaded 
 states, and prevent the enemy from making such danger 
 ous establishments and such an augmentation of their 
 power. The naval force of the English in Georgia and 
 South Carolina, will consist of a fifty gun ship, the Ex 
 periment lately sailed, and three frigates. In the bay 
 of Chesapeake there are a sixty-four and forty-four gun 
 ship, with some armed tenders. A small squadron there 
 fore of three or four large ships and a few frigates, sent 
 from the Havannah, would destroy the enemy s ships in 
 Georgia, South Carolina arid Chesapeake bay ; and de 
 liver their troops into the hands of the Americans. 
 
 The state of the enemy s fleets in Europe and the 
 West Indies, will not permit them at present to augment 
 their force on the coast of America. The scfuadron ac 
 tually sailed, under Admiral Arbuthnot to New- York, 
 consists of four ships of the line and one frigate ; name 
 ly, the Robust 74, the Russel 74, the Europe 64, the 
 Alliance 64, and the Guadaloupe 28. As this squadron 
 must support the operations of their main army, and pro 
 tect Halifax, Rhode Island and New- York, it is not prob 
 able they will detach any additional force from thence 
 to the southward, so that their armaments there, if not 
 withdrawn, must necessarily fall a sacrifice to a Spanish 
 squadron." 
 
 PARIS, December 16, 1779. 
 
 To his excellency Count Florida Blanca. 
 Sir, You will have the goodness to permit my recall 
 ing to your consideration the facts I already had the 
 honour of stating to you, relative to the plan of the com 
 mon enemy, to establish themselves in Georgia and 
 South Carolina, in order to carry on more effectually the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 279 
 
 war against the possessions of Spain in America, and 
 against the United States. I have the most undoubted 
 intelligence that they are more and more determined on 
 pursuing that plan. The good intentions of Count d Es- 
 taign to drive them from Georgia having unfortunately 
 failed, and the departure of the French fleet having left 
 them again a decided superiority on our coast, must give 
 them fresh encouragement to prosecute their enterprise, 
 and will render the assistance of his Catholic Majesty s 
 squadron at the Havannah absolutely necessary, to pre 
 vent its succeeding. Suffer me therefore to entreat most 
 earnestly your excellency s attention to this, if other 
 more near and important objects of the war should have 
 hitherto diverted it." 
 
 " Sir, I received in due time the two letters of the 
 7th and 25th of June, with which your honour favour 
 ed me, in both which you explain the situation of Eng 
 land, and the plan which you think the powers at war 
 with that crown ought to pursue, joined with various 
 observations relative to the situation of these united 
 American provinces. I can assure you sir, that I have 
 read with great pleasure and consideration, the wise and 
 prudent reflections contained in those letters. I assure 
 you I shall make a proper use of them. I embrace this 
 opportunity of offering you my best services, and of as 
 suring you of my prayer for the preservation of your life 
 many years. COUJNT FLORIDA BLANCA. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
280 LIFE OF 
 
 APPENDIX IV. (a) 
 
 Instructions to Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Commissioners 
 appointed by the Congress of the United States of America to the Court of 
 France. 
 
 "THERE is herewith delivered to you a plan of a trea 
 ty with his most Christian majesty of France, approved 
 of in congress on the part of the United States of Ame 
 rica. 
 
 It is the wish of congress that the treaty should be 
 concluded, and you are hereby instructed to use every 
 means in your power for concluding it conformably to the 
 plan you have received. If you shall find that to be im 
 practicably, you are hereby authorized to relax the de 
 mands of the United States, and to enlarge their offers, 
 agreeably to the following directions. If his most Chris 
 tian majesty shall not consent that the subjects, people, 
 and inhabitants of the United States shall have the privi 
 leges proposed in the second article, then, the United 
 States ought not to give the subjects of his most Chris 
 tian majesty the privileges proposed in the first article ; 
 but that the United States shall give to the subjects of 
 his most Christian majesty the same privileges, liberties, 
 and immunities, at least, and the like favour in all things, 
 which any foreign nation the most favoured shall have, 
 provided his most Christian majesty shall give to the sub 
 jects, people, and inhabitants of the United States the 
 same benefits, privileges, and immunities, which any the 
 most favoured foreign nation now has, uses, or enjoys. 
 And in case neither of these propositions of equal advan 
 tages are agreed to, then the whole of the said articles 
 are to be rejected, rather than obstruct the farther pro 
 gress of the treaty. The third article must be insisted 
 on. The sixth article ought to be obtained if possible, 
 but should be waived rather than the treaty should be in- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 281 
 
 terrupted by insisting upon it ; his most Christian majes 
 ty agreeing nevertheless to use his interest and influence 
 to procure passes from the states mentioned in this arti 
 cle, for the vessels of the subjects and inhabitants of 
 the United States upon the Mediterranean. The seventh 
 article will probably be attended with some difficulty. If 
 you find his most Christian majesty determined not to 
 agree to it, you are empowered to add to it as follows. 
 That the United States will never be subject, or acknow 
 ledge allegiance or obedience to the king, or crown, or 
 parliament of Great Britain, nor grant to that nation any 
 exclusive trade, or any advantages or privileges in trade, 
 more than his most Christian majesty ; neither shall any 
 treaty for terminating the present war between the king 
 of Great Britain and the United States, or any war which 
 may be declared by the king of Great Britain against 
 his rnost Christian majesty, in consequence of this trea 
 ty, take effect until the expiration of six calendar months 
 after the negotiation for that purpose shall have been du 
 ly notified, in the former instance by the United States 
 to his most Christian majesty, and in the other instance 
 by his most Christian majesty to the United States, to 
 the end that both these parties may be included in the 
 peace, if they think proper. The eleventh and twelfth 
 articles are to be waived, if you find that the treaty will 
 be interrupted by insisting on them. You will press the 
 thirteenth article, but let not the fate of the treaty depend 
 upon obtaining it. If his most Christian majesty should 
 be unwilling to agree to the fifteenth and twenty-fifth 
 articles, you are directed to consent that the goods and 
 effects of enemies on board the ships and vessels of either 
 party shall be liable to seizure and confiscation. The 
 twenty-fourth article is not to be insisted on. You will 
 solicit the court of France for an immediate supply of 
 twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a 
 large supply of ammunition and brass field pieces, to be 
 sent under convoy by France. The United States en 
 gage for the payment of the arms, artillery, and ammu 
 nition, and to indemnify France for the expense of the 
 convoy. Engage a few good engineers in the service of 
 VOL. i. 36 
 
282 LIFE OF 
 
 the United States. It is highly probable that France 
 means not to let the United States sink in the present 
 contest ; but as the difficulty of obtaining true accounts 
 of our condition may cause an opinion to be entertained 
 that we are able to support the war on our own strength 
 and resources longer than in fact we can do, it will be 
 proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit 
 declaration of France in our favour, upon a suggestion 
 that a re-union with GreatBritain may be the consequence 
 of a delay. 
 
 Should Spain be disinclined to our cause from an ap 
 prehension of danger to her dominions in South America, 
 you are empowered to give the strongest assurances that 
 that crown will receive no molestation from the United 
 States in the possession of those territories. You will 
 transmit to us the most speedy and full intelligence of 
 your progress in this business, and of any other Europe 
 an transaction that it may import us to know. 
 
 You are desired to get the best and earliest informa 
 tion that you possibly can of any negotiations that the 
 court of London may be carrying on, for obtaining foreign 
 mercenaries to be sent against these states the next cam 
 paign ; and if any such design is in agitation, you will 
 endeavour to prevail with the court of France to exert 
 its influence in the most effectual manner, to prevent the 
 execution of such designs. You are desired to obtain as 
 early as possible a public acknowledgment of the inde 
 pendency of these states on the crown and parliament of 
 Great Britain, by the court of France. In conducting 
 this important business the congress have the greatest 
 confidence in your address, abilities, vigilance, and attach 
 ment to the interests of the United States, and wish you 
 every success. 
 
 By order of congress, 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, President." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 283 
 
 " In Congress, October 16th, 1776. 
 
 Additional instructions to Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, 
 
 and Arthur Lee, Commissioners from the United States 
 
 of America to the king of France. 
 
 Whilst you are negotiating the affair you are charged 
 with at the court of France, you will have opportunities 
 of conversing frequently with the ministers and agents 
 of other European princes and states residing there. 
 
 You shall endeavour, when you find occasion fit and 
 convenient, to obtain from them a recognition of our in 
 dependency and sovereignty, and to conclude treaties of 
 peace, amity, and commerce, between their princes or 
 states and us ; provided that the same be not inconsistent 
 with the treaty you shall make with his most Christian 
 majesty, that they do not oblige us to become a party in 
 any war which may happen in consequence thereof, and 
 that the immunities, exemptions, privileges, protection, 
 defence, and advantages, or the contrary, thereby stipu 
 lated, be equal and reciprocal. If that cannot be effect 
 ed, you shall to the utmost of your power prevent their 
 taking part with Great Britain in the war which his Bri 
 tannic majesty prosecutes against us, or entering into of 
 fensive alliances with that king, and protest and present 
 remonstrances against the same, desiring the interposition, 
 mediation, and good offices, on our behalf, of his most 
 Christian majesty the king of France, and of any other 
 princes or states whose dispositions are not hostile to 
 wards us. In case overtures be made to you by the 
 ministers or agents of any European princes or states, 
 for commercial treaties between them and us, you may 
 conclude such treaties accordingly. 
 
 By order of congress, 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, President." 
 
 "In Congress, October 22d, 1776, Resolved, that the 
 commissioners going to the court of France, be directed 
 to procure from that court, at the expense of these Unit 
 ed States, either by purchase or loan, eight line of battle 
 ships, of 74 and 64 guns, well manned and fitted in every 
 
284 LIFE OF 
 
 respect for service ; that as these ships may be useful in 
 proportion to the quickness with which they reach North 
 America, the commissioners be directed to expedite this 
 negotiation with all possible diligence. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, President." 
 
 Letters of Instruction, &c. from the Committee of For 
 eign Affairs to the Commissioners in France, and 
 from them to the Committee. 
 
 "BALTIMORE, MARYLAND, December 21, 1776. 
 
 Honourable Gentlemen, After expressing our hopes 
 that this will find you all three safely fixed at Paris, we 
 proceed with pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. 
 Deane s letter of the first of October. When we reflect 
 on the character and views of the court of London, it 
 ceases to be a wonder that the British ambassador and 
 all other British agents should employ every means that 
 tended to prevent European powers, but France more 
 especially, from giving America aid in this war. Pros 
 pects of accommodation, it is well known, would effec 
 tually prevent foreign interference, and therefore without 
 one serious design of accommodating on any principles 
 but the absolute submission of America, the delusive idea 
 of conciliation hath been industriously suggested on both 
 sides the water, that under cover of this dividing and 
 aid-withholding prospect, the vast British force sent to 
 America might have the fairest chance of succeeding. 
 And this policy hath in fact done considerable injury to 
 the United States, as we shall presently show, by a just 
 detail of this campaign, for it is not yet ended. You 
 know, gentlemen, that at the moment a potent land and 
 marine force was preparing to be sent here, an act was 
 passed for appointing commissioners, whom too many 
 expected were to give peace to America. As therefore 
 the war might be soon concluded, so were our military 
 arrangements accommodated, and the troops taken into 
 service the last spring, consisting of regular corps and 
 bodies of militia, were all engaged for short periods. With 
 these the compaign begun in various parts of North Ame 
 rica. Dr. Franklin is so well acquainted with the pro- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 285 
 
 gress of the war in Canada, previous to his departure, 
 that we need only observe the campaign has ended as 
 favourably for us in that quarter, as we could reasonably 
 expect. The enemy having been able to pierce no far 
 ther than Crown Point, after a short stay, and recon- 
 noitering General Gates s army at Ticonderoga, thought 
 proper to recross the lake, and leave us in quiet posses 
 sion of these passes. General Gates having left a proper 
 force at Ticonderoga, and on the communication, retired 
 with the rest of his troops. New-York and its neigh 
 bourhood not being defensible by an army singly, against 
 a strong land and sea force acting in conjunction, was 
 of necessity yielded to the enemy, after some contest ; 
 General Washington retiring after the situation of the 
 country above Kingsbridge no longer enabled the enemy 
 to receive aid from their ships. General Howe having 
 stopped here, and General Carleton at Crown Point, ef 
 fectually disappointed the great object of joining the< two 
 armies. The latter, as we have said, returning to Can 
 ada, and the former retreating from the White Plains 
 towards New-York, gave us a favourable prospect of see 
 ing a happy end put to this dangerous campaign. How 
 ever, many causes have concurred in producing an unlucky 
 reverse of fortune ; the nature of the country, the un 
 common fineness of the weather even to this day, and 
 above all the short enlistments, which gave the soldiery 
 an opportunity of going home, tired as they were with 
 the operations of an active summer. When General 
 Howe retreated from the White Plains, he halted his 
 whole army on the North River, between Dobb s Ferry 
 and Kingsbridge, where he remained for some time. 
 Having effected so little of the great business that brought 
 him here, and the season allowing him time for it, most 
 men were of opinion that the next attempt would be to 
 get possession of Philadelphia by a march through the 
 Jerseys, whilst a fleet should be sent up the Delaware to 
 facilitate the enterprise. To guard against such a ma 
 noeuvre, General Washington crossed the North River 
 with all the battalions that had been raised to the west 
 ward of it, leaving General Lee, with the eastern troops, 
 
286 LIFE OF 
 
 to guard the pass of the high lands on Hudson River. In 
 this situation of things, General Howe made a sudden 
 attack on Fort Washington with the greatest part of his 
 army, and carried it with a considerable loss : here he 
 made near 3000 of our men prisoners. By this event it 
 became unnecessary longer to hold Fort Lee, or Fort 
 Constitution as it was formerly called, which is on the 
 west side of the North River, nearly opposite to Fort 
 Washington. It had therefore been determined to aban 
 don Fort Lee, but before the stores could be all removed, 
 the enemy came suddenly upon it, and the garrison re 
 treated, leaving some of their baggage and stores behind. 
 About this time General Howe became possessed of a 
 letter, (by the agency of some wicked person, who con 
 trived to get it from the express) written by General 
 Washington to the Board of War, in which he had given 
 an exact account when, the time of service of all our bat 
 talions would expire, and his apprehensions that the 
 men would not re-enlist, without first going home to see 
 their families and friends. Possessed of this intelligence, 
 the opportunity was carefully watched, and a vigorous 
 impression actually made at the very crisis when our 
 army in the Jerseys was reduced to 3000 men, by the re 
 tiring of numbers and the sickness of others, and before 
 our militia could in this extensive country, be brought up 
 to supply their places. The enemy marched rapidly 
 on through the Jerseys, whilst our feeble army was 
 obliged to retreat from post to post until it crossed the 
 Delaware at Trenton where about 2500 militia from 
 Philadelphia joined the general. Since General Howe s 
 arrival on the border of the Delaware various manoeu 
 vres and stratagems have been practised to effect a pas 
 sage over the river, but they have hitherto failed. Gen 
 eral Washington s small army is placed along the west 
 side of Delaware, from Corrill s ferry to within fourteen 
 miles of Philadelphia ; with the gondolas and one frig 
 ate of 32 guns, and other armed vessels on the river 
 above the cheveaux defrisc over the passage of it. Gen. 
 Lee, who had crossed the North River w r ith as many of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 287 
 
 the eastern troops as could be spared from the defence 
 of the high lands, (either to join Gen. Washington or to 
 act on the enemies rear, as occasion might point out) 
 was the other day unfortunately surprised and made 
 prisoner by a party of 70 light horse, who found him 
 in a house a few miles in the rear of his army with his 
 domestics only. This loss though great, will in some 
 degree be repaired for the present by Gen. Gates, who 
 we understand has joined the army commanded by Gen. 
 Lee, and who we have reason to think has by this time 
 effected a junction of his force with that of Gen. Wash 
 ington. As the militia are marching from various quar 
 ters to reinforce the general, if the enemy do not quickly 
 accomplish their wishes of possessing Philadelphia, we 
 hope not only to have that city, but to see Gen. Howe 
 retreat as fast as he advanced through the Jerseys. 
 Gen. Clinton, with a fleet in which it is said he carried 
 8000 men, has gone from New-York through the Sound ; 
 some suppose for Rhode Island, but neither his destina 
 tion nor its consequences are yet certainly known to us. 
 Thus gentlemen we have given you a true detail of the 
 progress and present state of our affairs, which, although 
 not in so good a posture as they were two months ago, are 
 by no means in so bad a way as the emissaries of the 
 British court will undoubtedly represent them. If the 
 great land and sea force with which we have been at 
 tacked, be compared with the feeble state which the 
 commencement of this war found us with respect to mili 
 tary stores of all kinds, soldiers, clothing, navy and reg 
 ular force, and if the infinite art be considered with 
 which Great Britain hath endeavoured to prevent our 
 getting these necessaries from foreign parts, which has 
 in part prevailed, the wonder will rather be that our 
 enemies have made so little progress than that they 
 have made so much. All views of accommodation with 
 Great Britain, but on principles of peace as independ 
 ent states, and in a manner perfectly consistent with the 
 treaties our commissioners may make with foreign states, 
 being totally at an end, since the declaration of inde 
 pendence and the embassy to the court of France, con- 
 
288 LIFE OF 
 
 gress have directed the raising 94 battalions of infantry 
 with some cavalry. Thirteen frigates from 24 to 36 
 guns are already launched and fitting, and two ships of 
 the line with five more frigates are ordered to be put on 
 the stocks. We hear the levies are going on well in the 
 different states. Until the new army is collected the mi 
 litia must curb the enemies progress. The very consid 
 erable force that Great Britain has already in North Ame 
 rica, the possibility of recruiting it here within their own 
 quarters, by force and fraud together, added to the rein 
 forcements that may be sent from Europe, and the diffi 
 culty of finding funds in the present depressed state of 
 American commerce, all conspire to prove incontestably, 
 that if France desires to preclude the possibility of 
 North America being ever reunited with Great Britain, 
 now is the favourable moment for establishing the glory, 
 strength, and commercial greatness of the former king 
 dom, by the ruin of her ancient rival. A decided part 
 now taken by the court of Versailles, and a vigorous 
 engagement in the war in union with North America, 
 would with ease sacrifice the fleet and army of Great 
 Britain, at this time chiefly collected about New- York. 
 The inevitable consequence would be the quick reduc 
 tion of the British islands in the West Indies, already 
 barred of defence by the removal of their troops to this 
 continent. For reasons herein assigned, gentlemen, you 
 will readily discern how all-important it is to the secu 
 rity of American independence that France should enter 
 the war as soon as may be, and how necessary it is if it 
 be possible, to procure from her the line-of-battle ships 
 you were desired in your instructions to obtain for us, 
 the speedy arrival of which here, in the present state of 
 things, might decide the contest at one stroke. We shall 
 pay proper attention to what Mr. Deane writes concern 
 ing Dr. Williamson and Mr. Hopkins, and we think the 
 ill treatment this country and Mr. Deane have received 
 from these men, strongly suggest the necessity of invin 
 cible reserve with persons coming to France as Ame 
 ricans and friends to America, whom the most irrefraga 
 ble proofs have not removed all doubt about. The Bri- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 289 
 
 tish recall of their Mediterranean passes, is an object of 
 great consequence, and may require much intercession 
 with the court of France to prevent the mischief that 
 may be desired to American commerce therefrom. But 
 this subject has been already touched upon in your in 
 structions on the sixth article of the treaty proposed to 
 be made with France. As all affairs relative to the con 
 duct of commerce and remittance pass through another 
 department, we beg leave to refer you to the secret com 
 mittee and Mr. Thomas Morris their agent in France, for 
 every information on these subjects. The neighbourhood 
 of Philadelphia having by the enemies movements be 
 come the seat of war, it was judged proper that congress 
 should adjourn to this town, where the public business 
 may be attended to with the undisturbed deliberation 
 that its importance demands. The congress was accord 
 ingly opened here on the 20th inst. As it is more than 
 probable that the conference with Lord Howe on Staten 
 Island may be misrepresented to the injury of these 
 states, we do ourselves the pleasure to enclose you an au 
 thenticated account of that whole business, which the 
 possibility of Dr. Franklin s not arriving renders proper. 
 This step was taken to unmask his lordship, and evince 
 to the world that he did not possess powers, which for 
 the purposes of delusive division, it had been suggested 
 he did. Mr. Deane s proposition of a loan is accepted by 
 congress, and they have desired two millions sterling to 
 be obtained if possible. The necessity of keeping up 
 the credit of our paper currency and the variety of im 
 portant uses that may be made of this money, have in 
 duced congress to go so far as six per cent., but the in 
 terest is heavy, and it is hoped you may be able to do the 
 business on much easier terms. The resolves of con 
 gress on this subject are enclosed and your earliest atten 
 tion to them is desired, that we may know as soon as 
 possible the event of this application. Another resolve 
 of congress enclosed will show you that congress approve 
 of armed vessels being fitted out by you on continental 
 account, provided the court of France dislike not the 
 measure ; and blank commissions for this purpose will be 
 VOL. i. 37 
 
290 LIFE OF 
 
 sent you by the next opportunity. Private ships of war 
 or privateers cannot be admitted where you are, because 
 the securities necessary in such cases to prevent irregular 
 practices cannot be given by the owners and command 
 ers of such privateers. Another resolve of congress 
 which we have the honour to enclose you, directs the con 
 duct to be pursued with regard to Portugal. We have 
 nothing farther to add at present, but to request that you 
 will omit no good opportunity of informing us how you 
 succeed in your mission, what events take place in Eu 
 rope by which these states may be affected, and that you 
 forward us in regular succession some of the best Lon 
 don, French, and Dutch news-papers, with any valuable 
 political publications that may concern North America. 
 
 We have the honour to be, gentlemen, with great re 
 spect and esteem your most obedient and very humble 
 servants, BENJ. HARRISON, 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 WILL. HOOPER, 
 
 JNO. WlTHERSPOON, 
 
 ROBT. MORRIS, of Philad. 
 
 P. S. The American captures of British vessels at 
 sea have not been less numerous or less valuable than 
 before Dr. Franklin left us. The value of these cap 
 tures has been estimated at two millions." 
 
 " BALTIMORE, 2d Feb. 1777. 
 
 Hon. Gentlemen, You will receive enclosed copies 
 of our letters of the 21st December, and of the resolves 
 of congress accompanying them. It concerns us not less 
 than we are sure it will you, that you should have heard 
 so seldom from us, but the vigilance of the British 
 cruisers has prevented our most earnest solicitude for this 
 purpose. The manner in which they now conduct the 
 business proves the necessity of the request made by 
 congress for the loan or sale of a few capital ships. The 
 entrance into Delaware and Chesapeake being narrow, 
 by placing one 40 or 50 gun ship for the protection of 
 their frigates, they both stop our commerce and our cor 
 respondence. Formerly their frigates protected their 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 291 
 
 traders, but now that we have frigates their larger ships 
 protect their frigates ; and this winter has been so un 
 commonly favourable that they have been able to keep 
 the sea, undisturbed by those severe gales of wind so 
 usual off this coast in the winter season. If we had a 
 few line of battle ships to aid our frigates, the com 
 merce of North America, so beneficial to ourselves and 
 so advantageous to France, would be carried on maugre 
 the opposition of Great Britain. As we have not re 
 ceived any of those military stores and clothing promis 
 ed by Mr. Deane, we have much reason to fear they 
 have fallen into the enemies hands, which would render 
 a fresh supply necessary. Except Mr. Deane s favour of 
 September 17th, which is but just now r received, and 
 that of October the 1st, we have not heard from him 
 since the summer, so that we have been as destitute of 
 European as we have been of true American intelligence. 
 The enclosed papers will furnish you with authentic ac 
 counts of our successes against our enemies since the 
 24th December. They have paid severely for their visit 
 of parade through the Jerseys, and these events are an 
 abundant proof of British folly in attempting to subdue 
 North America. Although the short enlistments had dis 
 persed our army directly in the face of a hostile force, 
 and thereby induced a proud enemy to suppose their 
 work was done, yet they suddenly found themselves at 
 tacked on all sides by a hardy active militia, who have 
 constantly been beating up their quarters, captivating and 
 destroying their troops, so that in the six or seven last 
 weeks they have not looked much fewer than 3000 ; 
 about 2000 of whom with many officers are now our 
 prisoners. Instead of remaining cantoned in the pleasant 
 villages of Jersey, as the enclosed authentic copy of Gen. 
 Howe s order to Col. de Dourp (the original of which fell 
 into our hands by the colonel s flight from Bordenton) will 
 show you, that they are now collected upon the Bruns 
 wick Heights, where they suffer every kind of distress 
 from want of forage, fuel, and other necessaries, whilst 
 Gen. Washington s army of militia so environs them, that 
 they never show their faces without their lines, but they 
 
292 LIFE OF 
 
 get beaten back with loss and disgrace. Being thus situ 
 ated, we have reason to hope that this part of their army 
 (and it is the most considerable part) will by the end of 
 the winter be reduced very low by deaths, desertion, and 
 captivity. Gen. Heath with a body of eastern troops, 
 is making an impression on New- York by King s Bridge, 
 which we understand has obliged the enemy to recall 
 their troops from Rhode Island, for the defence of that 
 city. The regular corps that are to compose the new 
 army are making up in the several states as fast as pos 
 sible ; but arms, artillery, tent cloth, and clothing, will 
 be greatly wanted. For these our reliance is on the 
 favour and friendship of his most Christian majesty. If 
 you are so fortunate as to obtain them, the propriety of 
 sending them in a strong ship of war must be very evi 
 dent to you gentlemen, when you know our coasts are 
 so covered with British cruisers of from 20 to 50 guns, 
 though but few of the latter. We believe they have but 
 two ships of 40 and two or three of 50 guns in their 
 whole fleet on the North American station ; and these 
 are employed, one of them to cover a frigate or two at 
 the capes of each bay, whilst the rest remained at New- 
 York. 
 
 We beg leave to turn your attention to the enclosed 
 propositions of congress, and we doubt not you will urge 
 their success with that zeal and careful assiduity that 
 objects so necessary to the liberty and safety of your 
 country demand. 
 
 We are exceedingly anxious to hear from you, and re 
 main with particular sentiments of esteem and friendship 
 honourable gentlemen, your most obedient and very hum 
 ble servants, BENJ. HARRISON, 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 JNO. WlTHERSPOON." 
 "BALTIMORE, 9th January 1777. 
 
 Honourable Gentlemen, Captain Hammond having 
 been detained longer than we expected, furnishes us with 
 an opportunity of giving you the information we have 
 since our last received from the army, through a commit- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 293 
 
 tee of congress left at Philadelphia ; for we have yet no reg 
 ular account from General Washington. On the second 
 instant, General Washington having received information 
 that the enemy were on their inarch to attack him at 
 Trenton, ordered two brigades of militia to advance and 
 annoy them on the road leading from Princeton to Tren 
 ton, who falling in with the enemy about three miles 
 from the latter place, engaged them ; but being over 
 powered by numbers, made a retreating fight, until they 
 joined the main body, who were drawn up on the heights, 
 west of a bridge that divides the village of Trenton near 
 ly in two parts. The enemy attempting to force the 
 bridge, were repulsed with loss by a body of men with ar 
 tillery, placed there to receive them. In the mean time, 
 some batteries being opened on the heights, soon drove the 
 enemy from that part of the town possessed by them. 
 Thus the affair ended for that evening. But General 
 Washington having received intelligence that Gen. Howe 
 was in person coming up to join his army with a strong 
 re-inforcement, directed fires to be made on the heights 
 to deceive the enemy, decamped at midnight, and made 
 a forced inarch in order to meet Gen. Howe and give him 
 battle before he joined his main body. About three 
 miles short of Princeton, the van of our army fell in 
 with 600 British infantry, strongly posted behind a fence, 
 and upon a hill, with artillery. They were attacked, 
 and after a smart engagement routed, having lost 280, 
 killed and taken prisoners ; among whom one colonel, 
 one major, several captains and subalterns were slain, 
 and about 20 officers made prisoners. The fugitives 
 were pursued through Princeton, where our army halted 
 a while. In this affair six pieces of artillery with abun 
 dance of baggage fell into our hands. At Princeton it 
 was learnt that General Howe was not with this party, 
 but that he remained at Brunswick with three or four 
 thousand men. There being a considerable force in the 
 rear, and our men being greatly fatigued with their 
 march, and their baggage chiefly left behind, (it having 
 been sent to Burlington) the general proceeded to Som 
 erset court-house that evening, a little westward of the 
 
294 LIFE OF 
 
 road leading to Brunswick, and about seven or nine miles 
 from that place. Here we understand he expected to be 
 joined by a body of 1500 or 2000 fresh troops, and that 
 his intention was to attack Gen. Howe in Brunswick. On 
 Friday morning, when the enemy at Trenton missed our 
 army, they returned towards Princeton ; but it seems 
 they left three thousand Hessians behind them, who fol 
 lowing afterwards were so fatigued with travelling and 
 want of food, that numbers were left on the road, and 
 were straggling about the country in threes and fours. 
 Many were taken by the country people and brought in 
 prisoners ; many came to Trenton and surrendered them 
 selves. The militia of Jersey were rising generally, and 
 it was thought fe\v of these Hessians would get back 
 again. This is the present state of our information, and 
 we hourly expect a well authenticated account of the 
 whole, and of much greater successes. We shall en 
 deavour to give you the speediest account of what shall 
 farther come to our knowledge from good authority. 
 
 The above relation is taken from a gentleman who was 
 in the action, and who, the committee inform us is a gen 
 tleman of sense and honour. The general has been too 
 much engaged to write, and we suppose waits the final 
 issue. We most earnestly wish you success in your ne 
 gotiations, and are with perfect esteem, honourable gen 
 tlemen, your most obedient and very humble servants. 
 
 BENJ. HARRISON, 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 In secret committee. 
 
 P. S. In the engagement near Princeton we lost fif 
 teen privates, one colonel, and brigadier general Mercer, a 
 very good officer and a worthy gentleman. 
 
 Passy, March 21, 1777. The above is a copy of the 
 last letter., The preceding gives an account of the taking 
 prisoners -three battalions of Hessians at Trenton, De 
 cember 26, of which I suppose you have already seen 
 the particulars. B. F." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 295 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, January 14, 1777. 
 
 Honourable Gentlemen, I have the honour to enclose 
 you herein a copy of two resolves of congress, passed 
 the 19th and 29th November, by which the secret com 
 mittee are directed to import two hundred and twenty- 
 six brass cannon, and arms and equipage complete for 
 three thousand horse. 
 
 You will observe they are also directed to confer with 
 the cannon committee as to how many they can provide 
 here of the field pieces ; but we pay little regard to that 
 point, well knowing they will not be able to procure 
 proper metal for many of them. Therefore I must re 
 quest in the name and on behalf of the secret com 
 mittee, that you will contract immediately for these 
 necessary supplies, and send them out to these states by 
 various conveyances, as quick as possible. Indeed I 
 hope you may procure some line of battle ships to come 
 out with them, and then there will be little danger of 
 their coming safe. I most sincerely hope the court of 
 France may be disposed to favour all our views. That 
 they will accommodate you with sufficient loans to pay 
 for these and all other stores we want from Europe, for 
 although we have plenty of valuable produce, that \vould 
 soon provide you with ample funds, if we could get it 
 exported safely, yet the difficulties and impediments we 
 meet with will render it impossible to get it away half 
 fast enough. Nothing in our power shall be left undone, 
 and Mr. Morris will be ordered to supply you with money 
 as fast as he receives it from the net proceeds of our con 
 signments. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great esteem and re 
 gard, honourable gentlemen, your most obedient humble 
 servant, ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 Chairman of the secret committee of Congress. 
 
 P. S. These resolves would have been sent long 
 since, but our ports have been blocked up by the British 
 men of war, and the confusion we were put in on the 
 rapid march through the Jerseys and near approach to 
 
296 LIFE OF 
 
 this city by the enemy, has put it totally out of our power 
 to forward any despatches for some time past. 
 
 (Third copy.) R. M. 
 
 The Honourable Benj. Franklin, Silas Deane and Arthur 
 Lee, Esquires, Commissioners, fyc. Paris." 
 
 " In Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
 
 (Duplicate.) YORK-TOWN, PENN. Oct. 6th, 1777. 
 
 Honourable Gentlemen, Since ours to you by return 
 of the packet from New-Hampshire, and duplicates by 
 Mr. McCreary from Maryland, we have not written: nor 
 have we received any of your favours during the last two 
 months, except a letter of old date, (April 29th) signed 
 by Mr. Deane and Doctor Lee. Capt. Hammond being 
 not yet arrived, although he sailed in April, it is too pro 
 bable that he has either fallen into the hands of the ene 
 my, or miscarried at sea. Two reasons have prevented 
 us from writing hitherto; because from your assurances 
 we had room to expect a monthly packet, and because 
 the progressive state of the war gave us room to look 
 daily for some more decisive event than had happened, 
 and which might w r arrant the expense of a particular 
 packet ; as the casual conveyance by merchant vessels is 
 almost entirely stopped by the number and vigilance of 
 British cruisers. 
 
 We shall now give you an accurate detail of the war 
 in the northern and middle departments, where alone it 
 has raged since our last. You were before apprized of 
 the evacuation of Ticonderoga, and the retreat of our 
 army from thence towards Albany. Gen. Burgoyne was 
 rapid in pursuit of his successes, and pressed quickly on 
 as far as Fort Edward, near Hudson River, about twenty 
 miles above Albany. Here his progress was interrupted 
 by the American army, which halted and was reinforced 
 a little below him. This circumstance with the follow 
 ing events have continued that interruption, and bid fair 
 to render abortive at least, the great advantages expected 
 by our enemies from their first successes on the lakes. 
 The better to effect his purpose Gen. Burgoyne had de 
 tached Gen. St. Leger, with a body of regular troops, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 297 
 
 Canadians and Indians, by the Oneida Lake and Wood 
 Creek, to take Fort Schuyler, (formerly Stanwix) and to 
 make an impression along Mohawk River. This part of 
 the plan has been totally defeated by the bravery of Gen. 
 Herkirner, with the Tryon County militia, and by the 
 gallant defence of Fort Schuyler, by Col. Gansevort and 
 Lt. Col. Willet. The former of these met the enemy in 
 the field, defeated them, and killed a great number of 
 their Indian allies. This defeat being obtained by mili 
 tia, they dispersed as usual and left the enemy to collect 
 and lay siege to Fort Schuyler, which was defended with 
 great gallantry by the two officers above mentioned, un 
 til the approach of Gen. Arnold with a body of troops 
 occasioned the enemy to raise the siege of that fortress, 
 and to retreat with great precipitation, leaving their bag 
 gage, ammunition, provisions, and some artillery, which 
 fell into our hands. Another body of troops was detach 
 ed by Gen. Burgoyne, under command of Lieut. Col. 
 Baum, to the eastward, for the purpose of collecting 
 horses to mount the troopers, provisions and teams for 
 the use of the army. This detachment was met, attack 
 ed, and defeated, by the brave Gen. Stark and the New- 
 Hampshire militia, at a place called Bennington, now 
 rendered famous by the total overthrow of 1500 regular 
 troops, (posted behind works and fortified with cannon) 
 by 2000 militia. The two wings of Gen. Burgoyne being 
 thus cut off, his body remained inactive until the 19th of 
 last month, when he moved on to attack Gen. Gates, who 
 commands the northern army, and was well posted at 
 the heights above Bekmus s. The consequence of this 
 attack you will see related by Gen. Gates himself among 
 the enclosed, as well as the account of our successes in 
 the rear of the enemy on the lakes George and Cham- 
 plain, by Col. Brown, who had been detached for the 
 purpose by Gen. Lincoln, who is also in Gen. Burgoyne s 
 rear with a strong body of troops. Our enemy being 
 thus surrounded on all sides, with little prospect of safe 
 retreat, and a strong army in front, growing stronger every 
 day by reinforcements, we hope ere long to be able to 
 give you information of definitive success over the British 
 VOL. i. 38 
 
298 LIFE OF 
 
 army in that quarter. An aid of Gen. Gates, who brought 
 these last accounts, tells us that by the concurring testi 
 mony of prisoners, deserters, and our own people who 
 have escaped from the enemy, their loss could not be less 
 than 1000 or 1200 men in killed, wounded, and missing; 
 and that Gen. Burgoyne himself was wounded in the 
 shoulder by a rifle ball. 
 
 In the middle department the war has been less favour 
 able to us, as you will see by what follows. About the 
 middle of August the British fleet appeared in Chesa 
 peake Bay, and landed Gen. Howe s army at the head 
 of Elk, about 50 miles from Philadelphia. Gen. Wash 
 ington s army, which had crossed the Delaware on the 
 embarkation of the British troops, and the appearance of 
 the fleet off the capes of that river, now proceeded to 
 meet the enemy, and came up with them near Wilming 
 ton. After various skirmishes and manoeuvres, a general 
 engagement took place at Chad s Ford over the Brandy- 
 wine, on the llth of Sept. last. This battle terminated 
 in leaving the enemy in possession of the field, with nine 
 pieces of our artillery. Our loss in killed, wounded, and 
 missing, did not exceed 600 ; that of the enemy, as far 
 as we have been able to receive information, was near 
 2000. An orderly book taken from them since the bat 
 tle, makes it 1900. Gen. Washington retreated across the 
 Schuylkill, and having refreshed his army, recrossed that 
 river in two days after the former battle, with the design 
 to attack the enemy, who had remained close by the field 
 of action until he came up with them again. To be bet 
 ter prepared for battle, and to be guarded against the con 
 sequences of a defeat, our army marched without baggage, 
 and left their tents behind. In this situation, and just in 
 the moment of beginning an attack upon the enemy, a 
 heavy, long continued, and cold rain, with high wind, 
 came on, and prevented it. The ammunition in the 
 cartridge-boxes was all rendered unfit for use, the arms 
 were injured, and the troops a good deal hurt and dispir 
 ited. In these circumstances it became necessary to re 
 tire from before the enemy to a place of safety, in order 
 to clean the arms, replace the cartridges, and refresh the 
 
ARTHUR LEE, 299 
 
 men. The enemy were also without tents ; but they 
 have good blankets, are better clothed than our men, and 
 have tin receptacles to keep dry their cartridges. Gen. 
 Howe, judging of our situation, put his army in motion, 
 and endeavoured to distress us by marches, counter-march 
 es, and frequent shows of designing to give battle. After 
 a variety of manoeuvres, the enemy crossed Schuylkill 
 below our troops, and marching to Philadelphia, have 
 possessed themselves of that city. 
 
 Gen. Washington having rested and refreshed his troops, 
 and being reinforced, is now moving towards the ene 
 my. This unfavourable rain has injured our affairs con 
 siderably, by having thrown a number of our men into 
 hospitals, and by the distress and embarrassment of our 
 army consequent thereupon ; however, they are recover 
 ing again, and we hope ere long to give Gen. Howe 
 reason to repent his possession of Philadelphia. The 
 real injury to America from the loss of that city, is not 
 so great as some are apt at first view to imagine, unless 
 the report and misconception of this matter in Europe 
 should too much dispirit our friends and inspirit our ene 
 mies. 
 
 But we rely on your careful and just representation of 
 it, to prevent the ill impressions it may otherwise make. 
 When this contest first began, we foresaw the probability 
 of losing our great towns on the water, and so expressly 
 told our enemies in the address of the first congress ; 
 but we are blest with an extensive sea-coast, by which 
 we can convey and receive benefits independent of any 
 particular spot : and it is far from being clear to us that 
 the enemy will be able to hold Philadelphia, as we are 
 yet masters of the Delaware below, and have hopes of 
 keeping it, so as to prevent the British fleet from getting 
 up to the city. Should this be the case, Gen. Howe s 
 visit cannot be of long duration. 
 
 You say that " the vessels of the United States will 
 be received at the Havannah as those of France, the most 
 favoured nation." We wish to be informed whether all 
 North American products may be carried thither, or pri 
 zes taken to and disposed of in that port, or any other of 
 
300 LIFE OF 
 
 his Catholic majesty in America. You likewise mention 
 a late draught of the Mississippi, taken for the govern 
 ment of Great Britain. We are desirous of being fur 
 nished with a copy. It is with pleasure we read your 
 assurance of sending the soldiers clothing, and other arti 
 cles for the army, in time to meet the approaching cold 
 season. They will be greatly wanted. As the degree 
 of success the enemy have met with this year will proba 
 bly support the hopes of a vindictive court, and occasion 
 the straining of every nerve for the accomplishment of 
 its tyrannic views, we doubt not your most strenuous ex 
 ertions to prevent GreatBritain from obtaining Prussian or 
 German auxiliaries for the next campaign ; and we think 
 with you that it is an object of great importance to cul 
 tivate and secure the friendship of his Prussian majesty, 
 as well for preventing that evil, as for obtaining his pub 
 lic recognition of our independence, and leave of his 
 ports for the purposes of commerce, and disposal of pri 
 zes. The original papers which you mention in a tripli 
 cate to have sent, never came to hand ; so that we are 
 able only to conjecture the disposition of that monarch. 
 The marine force of the enemy is so considerable in these 
 seas, and so over-proportionate to our infant navy, that it 
 seems necessary and wise to send our ships to distress the 
 commerce of our enemies in other parts of the world. 
 For this purpose the marine committee have already or 
 dered some vessels to France, under your direction as to 
 their future operations, and we expect more will be sent. 
 But our frigates are not capable of carrying much bulky 
 commodity for commercial purposes, without unfitting 
 them for war ; besides, the consideration of our being 
 obliged to get them away how and when w r e can, or en 
 danger their being taken, prevents our sending them to 
 those staple colonies, where the commodities wanted are 
 to be obtained. The reciprocal benefits of commerce 
 cannot flow from or to North America, until some mari 
 time power in Europe will aid our cause with marine 
 strength. And this circumstance gives us pain, lest it 
 should be judged unwillingness on our part to pay our 
 debts, when the truth is we have the greatest desire of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 301 
 
 doing so, have materials in abundance, but not the pow 
 er of conveying them. 
 
 This leads us to reflect on the great advantages that 
 must unavoidably accrue to all parties, if France and 
 Spain were to afford effectual aid on the sea by loan or 
 sale of ships of war, according to the former propositions 
 of congress ; or if the Farmers General could be prevail 
 ed upon to receive in America, the tobacco or other pro 
 ducts of this northern continent which France may want. 
 
 We are gentlemen, your very humble servants, 
 
 JNO. WlTHERSPOON, 
 
 BENJ. HARRISON, 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 JAMES LOVELL, 
 THOMAS HEYWARD, Jun. 
 Hon. Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee. 
 
 P. S. Oct. 9th. On the 4th an engagement be 
 tween the two armies took place near Germantown ; 
 the circumstances of which may be known by the en 
 closed papers numbered 6, 7, 8." 
 
 " In Committee for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 YORK-TOWN, May 14th, 1778. 
 
 Sir, Your several favours of Oct. 6th, Nov. 27th, and 
 Dec. 8th, were delivered to us on the 2nd inst, the de 
 spatches by Mr. Deane and those by Capt. Young arriv 
 ing the same day. We had before received your short 
 letter of the 1st of June, but are yet without that of the 
 29th of July, in which you had informed us at large of 
 your proceedings in Prussia. Its contents would have 
 proved highly agreeable to us in those months, when we 
 were quite uninformed of the proceedings and prospects 
 of your colleagues at Paris. Impressed with a sense of 
 the value of the king of Prussia s " warmest wishes for 
 our success," we give assurances of equal wishes in con 
 gress for that monarch s prosperity. We have little doubt 
 of open testimonies of his majesty s friendship in con 
 sequence of the late decision of the king of France. 
 
 Your information in regard to our connexion with the 
 fictitious house of Roderique, Hortales, and Co. is more 
 
309 LIFE OF 
 
 explicit than any we had before received ; but we farther 
 expect that all mystery should be removed ; surely there 
 cannot now be occasion for any, if there ever was for half 
 that which is past. 
 
 Our commercial transactions will very speedily be put 
 under the direction of a board, consisting of persons not 
 members of congress ; it being impracticable for the 
 same men to conduct the deliberative and executive 
 business of the continent now, in its great increase. It 
 has been next to impossible to make remittances for many 
 months from the staple colonies, their coasts having been 
 constantly infested by numerous and strong cruisers of 
 the enemy. We hope the alliance of maritime powers 
 with us will remove our embarrassment, and give us op 
 portunity to carry into effect our hearty wishes to main 
 tain the fairest commercial reputation. 
 
 There will be great impropriety in our making a dif 
 ferent settlement for the supplies received from Spain 
 from those received from France. We are greatly 
 obliged to the friends who have exerted themselves for 
 our relief, and we wish you to signify our gratitude upon 
 every proper opportunity. But having promised to make 
 remittances to the house of Hortales &L Co. for the prime 
 cost, charges, interest, and usual mercantile commission 
 upon whatever is justly due to that house, we must keep 
 the same line with Messrs. Gardoqui. On the one hand 
 we would not willingly give disgust by slighting princely 
 generosity, nor on the other submit to unnecessary obli 
 gations. 
 
 The unanimity with which congress has ratified the 
 treaties with France, and the general glad acceptance of 
 the alliance by the people of these states, must shock 
 Great Britain, who seems to have thought that no cruel 
 ty from her would destroy our former great partiality in 
 her favour. What plan she will adopt in consequence 
 of her disappointment, time only can discover. But we 
 shall aim to be in a posture either to negotiate honour 
 able peace, or continue this just war. 
 
 We stand in need of the advice and assistance of all 
 our friends in the matter of finance, as the quality of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 803 
 
 our paper money, necessarily emitted, has produced a 
 depreciation which will be ruinous, if not speedily check 
 ed. We have encouraging accounts of the temper of 
 the Hollanders of late, and expect we may find relief 
 from that quarter among others. 
 
 A few weeks, if not a few days, must produce fruitful 
 subjects for another letter, when we shall, in our line of 
 duty, renew our assurances of being with great regard, 
 sir, your affectionate humble servants. 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 JAMES LOVELL, 
 ROBERT MORRIS." 
 
 u ln congress, May 7th, 1778, Resolved, that the com 
 missioners appointed for the courts of Spain, Tuscany, 
 Vienna and Berlin, should live in such style and man 
 ner at their respective courts as they may find suita 
 ble and necessary to support the dignity of their public 
 character, keeping an account of their expenses, which 
 shall be reimbursed by the congress of the United States 
 of America. 
 
 That besides the actual expenses of the commissioners, 
 a handsome allowance be made to each of them as a com 
 pensation for his services. 
 
 That the commissioners at the other ceurts in Europe 
 be empowered to draw bills of exchange, from time to 
 time, for the amount of their expenses, upon the com 
 missioners at the court of France. 
 
 May 9th, 1778. Whereas there are more captains in 
 the navy than there are ships provided for them, 
 
 Ordered, that the committee for foreign affairs be di 
 rected to write to the commissioners of the United States 
 at foreign courts, and inform them that congress expect 
 they will not recommend any foreign sea officers, nor 
 give any of them the least expectation of being employed 
 as captains in the navy of the United States. 
 Extract from the minutes. 
 
 CHARLES THOMPSON, Jun." 
 
304 LIFE OF 
 
 " In Committee for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 YORK-TOWN, May 14, 1778. 
 
 Our affairs have now a universally good appearance. 
 Every thing at home and abroad seems verging towards 
 a happy and permanent period. We are preparing for 
 either war or peace ; for although we are fully persuad 
 ed that our enemies are weaned, beaten and in des 
 pair, yet we shall not presume too much on that belief, 
 and the rather, as it is our fixed determination to admit 
 no terms of peace but such as are fully in character with 
 the dignity of independent states, and consistent with 
 the spirit and intention of our alliances on the continent 
 of Europe. 
 
 We believe, and with great reason too, that the honour 
 and fortitude of America have been rendered suspicious 
 by the arts, intrigues, and specious misrepresentations of 
 our enemies. Every proceeding and policy of ours has 
 been tortured to give some possible colouring to their as 
 sertions of a doubtful disposition in America, as to her 
 final perseverance in maintaining her independence ; and 
 perhaps the speeches of several of the ministry in both 
 houses of the British parliament, who seem to persist in 
 the possibility of a reconciliation, might contribute to 
 wards that suspicion. We at this time feel ourselves ex 
 ceedingly happy in being able to show, from the accident 
 al arrangement of circumstances, such as we could have 
 neither the policy to foresee, nor power to alter, that the 
 disposition of America on that head was fixed and final. 
 For a proof of which we desire your attention to the fol 
 lowing. 
 
 The English ministry appear to have been very indus 
 trious in getting their two conciliatory bills (even before 
 they had been read once) over to America, as soon as 
 possible, the reason of which haste we did not then fore 
 see ; but the arrival of jour despatches since, with the 
 treaties, have unriddled the affair. General Howe was 
 equally industrious in circulating them by his emis 
 saries, through the country. Mr. Try on at New- York 
 did the same, and both these gentlemen sent them, under 
 sanction of a flag, to General Washington, who immedi- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 305 
 
 ately sent the first he received to congress. Mr. Tryon s 
 letter, which covered them, and General Washington s 
 answer thereto, you will find in Hall s & Sellers Ga 
 zette, printed at Yorktown 2d May. 
 
 Those bills are truly unworthy the attention of any 
 body ; but lest the silence of congress should be misun 
 derstood or furnish the enemy with new ground for false 
 insinuation, they were instantly referred to a committee 
 of congress, whose judicious and spirited report was 
 unanimously approved by the house April 22d, and pub 
 lished and circulated through the several states with all 
 possible expedition. 
 
 The despatches in charge of Mr. Deane did not arrive 
 till the second of May, ten days after the reports were 
 published ; and his expedition in bringing the despatches 
 to congress prevented any intelligence arriving before 
 him. Enclosed are the reports referred to, to which we 
 recommend your attention in making them as public as 
 possible in Europe, prefacing them with such an explan 
 atory detail of circumstances as shall have a tendency to 
 place the politics of America on the firm basis of national 
 honour, integrity and fortitude. 
 
 We admire the true wisdom and dignity of the court 
 of France in her part of the construction and ratification 
 of those treaties ; they have a powerful and effectual 
 tendency to dissolve that narrowness of mind, which 
 mankind have been too unhappily bred up in. In those 
 treaties, we see the politician founded on the philosopher, 
 and harmony of affection made the ground-work of mutu 
 al interest. France, by her open candour, has won us 
 more powerfully than any reserved treaties could possi 
 bly bind us, and at a happy juncture of times and circum 
 stances, laid the seeds of an eternal friendship. 
 
 It is from an anxiety of preserving inviolate this cordial 
 union, so happily begun, that we desire your attention to 
 the eleventh and twelfth articles of the treaties of amity 
 and commerce. The unreserved confidence of congress 
 in the good disposition of the court of France will suffi 
 ciently appear by their having unanimously ratified those 
 treaties, and then trusted any alteration or amendment to 
 
 VOL. i. 39 
 
306 LIFE OF 
 
 mutual concession afterwards. We are apprehensive 
 that the general and extensive tenour of the twelfth ar 
 ticle may in future be misunderstood, or rendered incon 
 venient or impracticable ; and in the end become detri 
 mental to that friendship we wish ever to exist. To 
 prevent which, you will herewith receive instructions 
 and authority for giving up on our part the whole of the 
 eleventh article, proposing it as a condition to the court 
 of France, that they on their part give up the whole of 
 the twelfth article, those two being intended as recipro 
 cal balances to each other. 
 
 It is exceedingly distressing to congress to hear of 
 misconduct in any of the commanders of armed vessels 
 under the American flag. Every authentic information 
 you can give on this head will be strictly attended to, 
 and every means taken to punish the offenders, and make 
 reparation to the sufferers. The chief consolation we 
 find in this disagreeable business, is that the most expe 
 rienced states have not always been able to restrain the 
 vices and irregularities of individuals. Congress has 
 published a proclamation for the more effectually sup 
 pressing and punishing such practices ; but we are rather 
 inclined to hope, that as the line of connexion and friend 
 ship is now clearly marked, and the minds of the seamen 
 relieved thereby from that unexplainable mystery respect 
 ing their real prizes, which before embarrassed them, 
 that such irregularities will be less frequent, or totally 
 cease, to which end the magnificent generosity of the 
 court of France to the owners of the prizes, which for 
 " reasons of state" had been given up, will happily con 
 tribute. We are gentlemen, your obedient humble ser 
 vants. RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 JAMES LOVELL. 
 
 The Honourable Commissioners at Parish 
 
 " In Committee for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 YORKTOWN, May 15, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, Your pressing request for 5000 hhds. of 
 tobacco, is a matter as embarrassing to congress as to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 307 
 
 yourselves. Their anxiety to get it to you is as great 
 as yours to receive it. We have already lost considera 
 ble quantities in the attempt ; and thereby furnished our 
 enemies gratis with what was designed to discharge your 
 contracts with, and promote the interests and commerce 
 of our friends. We request your particular attention to 
 this information. It is a matter of the highest moment 
 to our allies as well as to ourselves. In the present state 
 of things, it is very probable that England will not. in 
 terrupt the trade of France in her own bottoms, and our 
 desire is, as well for her benefit as ours, that France 
 would open the trade from her own ports, so that the in 
 tentional advantages of the treaties may fully operate to 
 both countries. We need not enlarge on this head, as 
 your own discernment and judgment will furnish you 
 with all the reasons necessary therefor. 
 
 In addition to what is mentioned in our letter No. , 
 respecting the 1 1th and 12th articles, we observe, that the 
 12th is capable of an interpretation and misuse, which 
 was probably not thought of at the time of constructing 
 it, which is, that it opens a door for all or a great part of 
 the trade of America to be carried through the French 
 
 O 
 
 islands to Europe, and puts all future regulations out of 
 our power, either of imposts or prohibitions, which, 
 though we might never find it our interest to use, yet it 
 is the keeping those in our power, that may hereafter 
 enable us to preserve equality with, and regulate the im 
 posts of tl^e countries we trade with. The general trade 
 of France is not under the like restriction ; every article 
 on our part being staked against the single article of 
 molasses on theirs. Therefore congress thinks it more 
 liberal and consistent that both articles should be ex 
 punged. 
 
 We have no material military transaction to acquaint 
 you with. The enemy yet remain in Philadelphia, but 
 some late movements make it probable they will not 
 stay long. Our army is yet at the Valley Forge. The 
 enemy through the course of the winter have carried on a 
 low, pitiful, and disgraceful kind of war against individu 
 als, whom they have picked up by sending out little par- 
 
308 LIFE OF 
 
 ties for that purpose, and revengefully burning several of 
 their houses. Yet all this militates against themselves, 
 by keeping up an inflammable indignity in the country 
 towards them ; and on the whole we know not which 
 most to wonder at, their folly in making us hate them af 
 ter their inability for conquest and desire of peace are 
 confessed, or their scandalous barbarity in expressing their 
 resentments. 
 
 You will see gentlemen, by the contract which the 
 commercial committee has signed with the agent of Mr. 
 Beaumarchais, that congress was desirous of keeping a 
 middle course, so as not to appear to slight any determin 
 ed generosity of the French court, and at the same time 
 to show a promptness to discharge honourably the debts 
 which may be justly charged against these states by any 
 persons. We depend upon you to explain the affair 
 fully, as you seem to make a distinction between the 
 military stores and the other invoices, while no such dis 
 tinction appears in the letters of Mr. Deane and Mr. 
 Beaumarchais. In short we are rather more undetermin 
 ed by your late despatches than we were by your long si 
 lence. 
 
 Congress being at this time deeply engaged in a vari 
 ety of pressing business, and the foreign committee thin 
 of members, you will be pleased to excuse us from be 
 ing more particular in our answer to your several de 
 spatches, as well as in our information of the state of 
 our affairs. 
 
 We are gentlemen your very humble servants, 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 JAMES LOVELL. 
 
 To the Commissioners at Paris. 
 
 P. S. You will see what we have written to Mr. Du 
 mas, and you will point out to us what will be our line of 
 honour to him and justice to these states." 
 
 " In Committee for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 YORK-TOWN, PEKTN. June 21, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, The British commissioners have arrived 
 and transmitted their powers and propositions to congress, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 309 
 
 which have received the answer you will see in the Penn 
 sylvania Gazette of the 20th instant. 
 
 On the 18th of this month Gen. Clinton, with the 
 British army (now under his command) abandoned Phila 
 delphia, and the city is in possession of our troops. The 
 enemy crossed into Jersey, but whether with design to 
 push for Amboy, or to embark below Bordentown on 
 the Delaware, is yet uncertain. Gen. Washington has 
 put his army in motion, and is following the enemy into 
 Jersey. 
 
 There has arrived here a Mr. Holker from France, 
 who has presented a paper to congress declaring that he 
 comes with a verbal message to congress from the min 
 ister of France, touching our treating with Great Britain, 
 and some other particulars, W 7 hich for want of his paper 
 we cannot at present enumerate. The style of his pa 
 per is, as from the representative of the court, but he has 
 no authentic voucher of his mission for the delivery of 
 this verbal message. We desire of you gentlemen to 
 give us the most exact information in your power con 
 cerning the authenticity of Mr. Holker s mission for this 
 purpose. 
 
 We are gentlemen, with esteem and regard, your most 
 obedient and very humble servants, 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 Signed, THOS. HEYWARD, jr. 
 
 JAMES LOVELL." 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, July 16th, 1779. 
 
 Sir, Two days ago several of your letters came to 
 hand, the latest being of April 6th. It is much to be 
 regretted that this one in particular did not earlier ar 
 rive. 
 
 One copy of its contents was sent immediately to Gen. 
 Washington, and another to Governor Trumbull, but alas, 
 too late ! Fairfield had been destroyed by the fire of the 
 enemy. We are mistaken however if that enemy does 
 not find the unprofitableness of this kind of warfare to 
 wards their main purpose. America must be dead in 
 deed to all proper spirit, if such doings will not render 
 
310 LIFE OF 
 
 her both vigilant and active as in the beginning of the 
 contest. 
 
 It is matter of much conjecture why you have not 
 been able for some months back to give us interesting 
 accounts from Spain ; all we know is through Mr. Ge 
 rard. 
 
 We have sent so many sets of the journals of con 
 gress that you will doubtless get one. They are chiefly 
 directed to Dr. Franklin. You will find the parts in 
 which you are personally interested to be under the fol 
 lowing dates. April 6, 15, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30; May 
 3, 22, 24, 25, 27 ; June H. 
 
 We shall speedily write again. In the mean time be 
 assured that we are with much regard sir, your humble 
 servants, JAMES LOVELL, 
 
 For the committee. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "PARIS, Feb. 6th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, Since our last, a copy of which is en 
 closed, Mr. Hodge arrived here from Martinique, and 
 has brought safely the papers he was charged with. He 
 had a long passage and was near being starved. We are 
 about to employ him in a service pointed out by you at 
 Dunkirk or Flushing. He has delivered us three sets of 
 the papers we wanted. But we shall want more, and 
 beg you will not fail to send them by several opportu 
 nities. 
 
 A private company has been just formed here for the 
 importation of tobacco, who have made such proposals 
 to the Farmers General as induced them to suspend the 
 signing of their agreement with us, though the terms had 
 been settled and the writings drawn. It seems now un 
 certain whether it will be revived or not. The com 
 pany have offered to export such goods as we should 
 advise, and we have given them a list of those most 
 wanted. But so changeable are minds here, on occa 
 sion of news good or bad, that one cannot be sure that 
 even this company will proceed. With an universal 
 good will to our cause and country apparent in all com- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 81 
 
 panics, there is mixed an universal apprehension that we 
 shall be reduced to submission, which often chills the 
 purpose of serving us. 
 
 The want of intelligence from America and the im 
 possibility of contradicting by that means the false news 
 spread here and all over Europe by the enemy, has a bad 
 effect on the minds of many who would adventure in trade 
 to our ports, as well as on the conduct of the several 
 governments of Europe. It is now more than three 
 months since our B. F. left Philadelphia, and we have 
 not received a single letter of later date, Mr. Hodge 
 having left that place before him. We are about pur 
 chasing some cutters, to be employed as packets. In 
 the first we despatch we shall write more particularly 
 concerning our proceedings here than by these merchant 
 ships we can venture to do ; for the orders given to 
 sink letters are not well executed. One of our vessels 
 was lately carried into Gibraltar, being taken by an Eng 
 lish man-of-war, and we hear there were letters for us 
 which the captain, just as he was boarded, threw out of 
 the cabin window, which floating on the water were 
 taken up ; and a sloop despatched with them to London. 
 We also just now hear from London through the minis 
 try here, that another of our ships is carried into Bristol 
 by the crew, who consisted of eight American seamen 
 with eight English ; four of the Americans being sick 
 the other four were overpowered by the eight English, 
 and carried in as aforesaid ; the letters were despatched 
 to court. 
 
 From London they write to us that a body of 10,000 
 men, chiefly Germans, are to go out this spring, under 
 the command of Gen. Burgoyne for the invasion of Vir 
 ginia and Maryland. The opinion of this court founded 
 on their advices from Germany, is that such a number 
 can by no means be obtained. But you will be on your 
 guard. The Amphitrite and the Seine from Havre, and 
 the Mercury from Nantes are all now at sea, laden with 
 arms, ammunition, brass field-pieces, and stores, clothing, 
 canvass, &c., which if they safely arrive, will put you in 
 
312 LIFE OF 
 
 a much better condition for the next campaign than you 
 were the last. Some excellent engineers and officers of 
 artillery will also be with you pretty early. Also some 
 few for the cavalry ; officers of infantry of all ranks have 
 offered themselves without number. It is quite a busi 
 ness to receive their applications and refuse them. Many 
 have gone over at their own expense, contrary to our ad 
 vice ; to some few of those who were well recommend 
 ed, we have given letters of introduction. 
 
 The conduct of our general in avoiding a decisive 
 action, is much applauded by the military people here, 
 particularly Marshals Maillebois, Broglio, and d Arcy. 
 M. Maillebois has taken the pains to write his senti 
 ments of some particulars useful in carrying on our war, 
 which we send enclosed. But that which makes the 
 greatest impression in our favour here is the prodigious 
 success of our armed ships and privateers. The damage 
 we have done their West India trade has been estimated 
 in a representation to Lord Sandwich by the merchants 
 of London at 1,800,000 sterling, which has raised in 
 surance to 28 per cent., being higher than at any time 
 in the last war with France and Spain. This mode of 
 exerting our force against them should be pushed with 
 vigour. It is that in which we can most sensibly hurt 
 them. And to secure a continuance of it we think one 
 or two of the engineers we send over may be usefully 
 employed in making some of our ports impregnable. As 
 we are well informed that a number of cutters are build 
 ing to cruise in the West Indies against our small priva 
 teers it may not be amiss, we think, to send your larger 
 vessels thither, and ply in other quarters with the small 
 ones. 
 
 A fresh misunderstanding between the Turks and 
 Russia is likely to give so much employment to the 
 troops of the latter, as that England can hardly expect 
 to obtain any of them. Her malice against us, is how 
 ever so high at present that she would stick at no ex 
 pense to gratify it. The New-England colonies are ac 
 cording to our best information destined to destruction, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 313 
 
 and the rest to slavery under a military government. 
 But the Governor of the world sets bounds to the rage of 
 men as well as to that of the ocean. 
 
 Finding that our residence here together is nearly as 
 expensive as if we were separate ; and having reason to 
 believe that one of us might be useful in Madrid, and an 
 other in Holland, and some courts further northward, we 
 have agreed that Mr. Lee go to Spain, and either Mr. 
 Deane or myself to the Hague. Mr. Lee sets out to 
 morrow, having obtained passports and a letter from the 
 Spanish ambassador here to the minister there. The 
 journey to Holland will not take place so soon. The 
 particular purposes of these journeys we cannot prudent 
 ly now explain. 
 
 It is proper we should acquaint you with the behav 
 iour of one Nicholas Davis, who came to us here pre 
 tending to have served as an officer in India, to be orig 
 inally from Boston, and desirous of returning to act in 
 defence of his country, but through the loss of some 
 effects coming to him from Jamaica, and taken by our 
 privateers, unable to defray the expense of his passage. 
 We furnished him with thirty louis, which was fully suffi 
 cient ; but at Havre just before he sailed, he took the 
 liberty of drawing on us for near forty more, which we 
 have been obliged to pay. As in order to obtain that 
 credit he was guilty of several falsehoods, we now doubt 
 his ever having been an officer at all. We send his note 
 and draught, and hope you will take proper care of him. 
 He says his father was a clergyman in Jamaica. He 
 went in the Seine and took charge of two blankets for 
 M. Morris. 
 
 We hope your union continues firm, and the courage 
 of our countrymen unabated. England begins to be very 
 jealous of this court, and we think with some reason. 
 
 We have the honour to be with sincere esteem gen 
 tlemen, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 The Hon ble the Secret Committee. 
 
 True copy, examined. W. T. FRANKLIN." 
 
 VOL. i. 40 
 
314 LIFE OF 
 
 " PARIS, April 28th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, We wrote to you pretty fully on the 
 state of affairs here in ours of the 12th of March and 
 19th of this month, since which there has been little 
 alteration. There is yet no certainty of a sudden de 
 claration of war, but the preparations go on vigorously 
 both here and in Spain, the armies of France drawing 
 towards the sea coasts, and those of Spain to the frontiers 
 of Portugal, and their fleets fitting in the ports ; but the 
 court still gives assurances of peace to the British am 
 bassador, the nation in general all the while calling 
 out for war. 
 
 We have received the resolution of congress of Feb. 
 5th for sending over a great quantity of clothing upon 
 the credit of the states, in case we cannot borrow money 
 of the government to pay for them. We wrote before 
 that the loan proposed was at present impracticable ; 
 and we have not yet received the credit we expected 
 from Spain ; the arms we have bought, ships building, 
 and the brass cannon ordered will demand great sums ; but 
 as we shall receive a payment from the Farmers Gen 
 eral next month, and hope you will be very diligent in 
 sending remittances, we shall go as far upon our credit 
 as it can carry us, in sending the clothing required. 
 Flints sufficient we apprehend are already gone. 
 
 We have according to orders, notified the several courts 
 of the intention of congress to send ministers to them ; 
 and delivered a remonstrance to the Portuguese ambas 
 sador concerning the proceeding of that court. As the 
 minister for Prussia may not soon arrive, and that court 
 has shown a disposition to treat, by entering into a cor 
 respondence with us, we have thought it might be well 
 that one of us should visit it immediately to improve its 
 present good dispositions, and obtain if possible, the priv 
 ilege of their ports to trade and fit ships in and to sell 
 our prizes. Mr. Lee has readily undertaken this journey, 
 and will soon set out for Berlin with Mr. Carmichael, 
 who has already been there and paved the way, and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 315 
 
 whom we recommend to congress as a faithful, service 
 able man that ought to be encouraged. 
 We have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 To the Hon ble the Secret Committee." 
 
 Dr. Franklin believes there was some addition mad e 
 to this letter before it was sent, but is not certain. 
 
 W. T. F. 
 
 " PASST, near PARIS, Sept. 6th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, It is long since we had a line from you, 
 the last received being of the date of . We sup 
 pose the same causes have occasioned your hearing so 
 seldom from us ; the difficulty of finding safe convey 
 ances, and sometimes the loss of the despatches by the 
 way. 
 
 Mr. Lee informs you, we suppose, of his negotiations 
 in Prussia, and of his safe return hither. There appears 
 in that, as well as in every other country in Europe a 
 disposition to share in our commerce and to oblige us, 
 as far as may be done without oifending England. We 
 have numbers of letters from eminent houses there, pro 
 posing to furnish us with a variety of commodities at rea 
 sonable rates, to be received by us in Europe and paid 
 for here. We advise them to send their goods in their 
 own ships, and protect their own trade to and from our 
 coasts. 
 
 We enclose you a copy of the memorial we sent to 
 Portugal, to which we have yet received no answer. 
 That court has been lately much employed in adjusting 
 its differences with Spain, which it is said are now nearly 
 all accommodated, and that they will accede to the fam 
 ily compact. 
 
 This court continues the same conduct that it has held 
 ever since our arrival. It professes to England a resolu 
 tion to observe all treaties, and proves it by restoring 
 prizes too openly brought into their ports ; imprisoning 
 such persons as are found to be concerned in fitting out 
 
316 LIFE OF 
 
 armed vessels against England from France ; warning 
 frequently those from America to depart, and repeating 
 orders against the exportation of warlike stores. To us 
 it privately professes a real friendship, wishes success to 
 our cause, winks at the supplies we obtain here as much 
 as it can, without giving open grounds of complaint to 
 England, privately affords us very essential aids, .and 
 goes on preparing for war. How long these two parts 
 will continue to be acted at the same time, and which 
 will finally predominate, may be a question. As it is the 
 true interest of France to prevent our being re-annexed 
 to Britain, that the British power may be diminished, 
 and the French commerce augmented, we are inclined 
 to believe the sincerity is towards us ; more especially 
 as the universal bent of the nation is manifestly in our 
 favour. Their not having yet commenced a war, is ac 
 counted for by various reasons : the treaties subsisting 
 among the powers of Europe, by which they are obliged 
 to aid those attacked more than those attacking, which 
 it is supposed will make some difference ; the not being 
 fully prepared ; the absence of their seamen in the fish 
 ery and West Indies ; and the treasure expected from 
 New Spain, with the sugars from the islands, have all, 
 it is said, hitherto contributed to restrain the national 
 desire of a breach with England, in which her trouble 
 some power may be reduced, the wealth and strength of 
 France increased, and some satisfaction obtained for the 
 injuries received in the unfair commencement of the last 
 war. England too is extremely exasperated at the sight 
 of her lost commerce enjoyed by France, the favour our 
 armed vessels have met with here, and the distress of 
 their remaining trade by our cruisers, even on their own 
 coasts ; and yet she seems afraid of beginning a war with 
 this country and Spain together, while she has our war 
 upon her hands. In such a situation, some accident may 
 probably bring on a war sooner than desired by either 
 party. In the mean time, perhaps the delay may have 
 this good effect for us, that enjoying the whole harvest 
 of plunder upon the British commerce, which otherwise 
 France and Spain would divide with us, our infant naval 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 317 
 
 power finds such plentiful nourishment as has increased 
 and must increase its growth and strength most marvel 
 lously. 
 
 It gave us great joy to hear of the arrival of the Mer 
 cury, Amphitrite, and other vessels carrying supplies. 
 Another ship with a similar cargo, which had long been 
 detained at Marseilles, we hope will soon arrive with 
 you. We hope also that you will receive between twen 
 ty and thirty thousand suits of clothes before winter, and 
 from time to time quantities of new and good arms, 
 which we are purchasing in different parts of Europe. 
 But we must desire you to remember that we are, thus 
 far, disappointed in your promises of remittance, either 
 by the difficulties you find in shipping, or by captures, 
 and that though far short of completing your orders, we 
 are in danger of being greatly embarrassed by debts, of 
 failing in performance of our contracts, and losing our 
 credit, with that of the congress. For though we have 
 received three quarterly payments of the two millions of 
 livres formerly mentioned to you, and expect the last 
 next month, our contracts go beyond ; and we must re 
 serve the continuance of that aid for the purpose it was 
 promised, to answer your draughts for interest, if that 
 proposal of ours has been adopted. Particularly we beg 
 you will attend to the affair of tobacco for the Farmers 
 General, with whom we have contracted to supply 5000 
 hogsheads, for which they have advanced us one million 
 livres in ready money, and are to pay the rest on delive 
 ry, as we formerly advised you. Your vigorous exertions 
 in these matters are the more necessary, as during the 
 apparent or supposed uncertainty of our affairs, the loan 
 we were directed to obtain of two millions sterling, has 
 hitherto been judged impracticable. But if the present 
 campaign should end favourably for us, perhaps we may 
 be able to accomplish it another year, as some jealousy 
 begins to be entertained of the English funds by the 
 Dutch and other moneyed people of Europe, to the in 
 crease of which jealousy we hope a paper we have drawn 
 up (a copy whereof we enclose) may in some degree 
 contribute, when made public. 
 
318 LIFE OP 
 
 Mr. Deane has written fully to you on the effect our 
 cruisers have had on the coast and commerce of Britain, 
 which makes our saying much on that head unnecessary. 
 We cannot, however, omit this opportunity of expressing 
 our satisfaction in the conduct of the captains, and of 
 recommending them warmly to the congress. The os 
 tensible letter and answer from and to the minister for 
 foreign affairs, copies of which we enclose, will show the 
 conduct which the court has thought and thinks itself at 
 present obliged to hold with regard to our cruisers and 
 their prizes, of which it seems fit some notice should be 
 given to the several states. 
 
 As the English goods cannot in foreign markets face 
 those of the French or Dutch, loaded as they are with 
 the high ensurance from which their competitors are ex 
 empted ; it is certain the trade of Britain must diminish 
 while she is at war with us, and the rest of Europe at 
 peace. To evade this mischief, she now begins to make 
 use of French bottoms ; but as we have yet no treaty with 
 France, or any other power that gives to free ships the 
 privilege of making free goods, we may weaken that 
 project by taking the goods of our enemy wherever we 
 find them, paying the freight. Arid it is imagined that 
 the captains of the vessels so freighted, may by a little 
 encouragement be prevailed on to facilitate the necessary 
 discovery. 
 
 Spain not having yet resolved to receive a minister 
 from the congress, Mr. Franklin still remains here. She 
 has, however, afforded the aids we formerly mentioned, 
 and supplies of various articles have continued till lately 
 to be sent, consigned to Mr. Gerry, much of which we 
 hear, have safely arrived. We shall use our best endeav 
 ours to obtain a continuance and increase of those aids. 
 
 You will excuse our mentioning to you that our ex 
 penses here are necessarily very great, though we live 
 with as much frugality as our public character will per 
 mit. Americans who escape from English prisons 
 destitute of every thing, and others who need assist 
 ance are continually calling upon us for it, and our funds 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 319 
 
 are very uncertain, having yet received but about 64,571 
 livres of what was allotted for our support by congress. 
 
 The Horfble the Secret Committee." 
 
 A true copy ; attest, W. T. FRANKLIN. 
 
 " PASSY, near PARIS, Oct. 7th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, We received duly your despatches by Mr, 
 McCrery and Capt. Young, dated May 20th and 30th, 
 June 13th, 18th, and 26th, and July 2d. The intelligence 
 they contain is very particular and satisfactory. It re 
 joices us to be informed that unanimity continues to reign 
 among the states, and that you have so good an opinion 
 of your affairs, in which we join with you. We under 
 stand that you have also written to us of later dates, by 
 Capt. Holm. He is arrived at port L Orient, but being 
 chased and nearly taken, he sunk his despatches. 
 
 We are also of your sentiments with regard to the in 
 terests of France and Spain respecting our independence, 
 which interests we are persuaded they see as well as we, 
 though particular present circumstances induce them to 
 postpone the measures that are proper to secure those 
 interests. They continue to hold the same conduct de 
 scribed in our last, which went by Wickes and Johnson, 
 a copy whereof we send herewith, as Johnson is unfortu 
 nately taken ; we have lately presented an earnest me 
 morial to both courts, stating the difficulties of our situa 
 tion, and requesting that if they cannot immediately make 
 a diversion in our favour, they would give a subsidy suffi 
 cient to enable us to continue the war without them, or 
 afford the states their advice and influence in making a 
 good peace. Our present demand to enable us to fulfil 
 your orders, is for about 8,000,000 livres. Couriers we 
 understand are despatched with this memorial to Madrid, 
 by both the ambassador of Spain and the minister here ; 
 and we are desired to wait with patience the answer, as 
 the two courts must act together. In the mean time they 
 give us fresh assurances of their good will to our cause, 
 and we have just received a fourth sum of 500,000 livres. 
 But we are continually charged to keep the aids that are 
 or maybe afforded us a dead secret even from the congress, 
 
320 LIFE OF 
 
 where they suppose England has some intelligence ; and 
 they wish she may have no certain proofs to produce 
 against them with the other powers of Europe. The 
 apparent necessity of your being informed of the true 
 state of your affairs, obliges us to dispense with this in 
 junction ; but we entreat that the greatest care may be 
 taken that no part of it shall transpire, nor of the assur 
 ances we have received that no repayment will ever be 
 required from us of what has been already given us, either 
 in money or military stores. The great desire here seems 
 to be that England should strike first, and not be able 
 to give her allies a good reason. The total failure of re 
 mittances from you for a long time past, has embarrassed 
 us exceedingly; the contract we entered into for clothing 
 and arms in expectation of those remittances, and which 
 are now beginning to call for payment, distress us much, 
 and we are in imminent danger of bankruptcy ; for all 
 your agents are in the same situation, and they all recur 
 to us to save their and your credit. We were obliged to 
 discharge a debt of Merckles at Bourdeaux, amounting 
 to about 5000 livres,to get that vessel away, and he now 
 duns us every post for between 4 and 5000 sterling to 
 disengage him in Holland, where he has purchased arms 
 for you. With the same view of saving your credit Mr. 
 Ross was furnished with 20,000 sterling to disentangle 
 him. All the captains of your armed vessels come to us 
 for their supplies, and we have not received a farthing of 
 the produce of their prizes, as they are ordered into other 
 hands. Mr. Hodge has had large sums of us. But to 
 give you some idea for the present, till more perfect ac 
 count can be rendered, of the demands upon us that 
 we have paid, we enclose a sketch for your perusal; and 
 shall only observe that we have refused no applica 
 tion in which your credit appeared to be concerned, ex 
 cept one from the creditors of a Mr. Ceronis, said to be 
 your agent in Hispaniola, but of whom we had no know 
 ledge; and we had reason to hope that you would have 
 been equally ready to support our credit as we have been 
 of yours, and from the same motives, the good of the 
 public for whom we are all acting, the success of our 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 321 
 
 business depending considerably upon it. We are sorry 
 therefore to find all the world acquainted here, that the 
 commissioners from congress have not so much of your 
 regard as to obtain the change of a single agent who dis 
 graces us all. We say no more of this at present, con 
 tenting ourselves with the consciousness that we recom 
 mended that change from the purest motives, and that the 
 necessity of it, and our uprightness in proposing it, will 
 soon fully appear. 
 
 Messrs. Guardoqui, at Bilboa, have sent several car 
 goes of naval stores, cordage, sail-cloth, anchors, &c. for 
 the public use, consigned to Elbridge Gerry, Esq. They 
 complain that they have no acknowledgment from that 
 gentleman of the goods being received, though they know 
 the vessels arrived. We have excused it to them, on the 
 supposition of his being absent at congress. We wish 
 such acknowledgment may be made, accompanied with 
 some expressions of gratitude towards those from whom 
 the supplies came, without mentioning who they are sup 
 posed to be. You mention the arrival of the Amphitrite 
 and Mercury, but say nothing of the cargoes. 
 
 Mr. Hodge is discharged from his imprisonment on our 
 solicitation, and his papers restored to him. He was well 
 treated while in the Bastile. The charge against him 
 was, deceiving the government in fitting out Cunningham 
 from Dunkirk, who was represented as going on some 
 trading voyage, but as soon as he was out began a cruise 
 on the British coast, and took six sail. He is now safe 
 in Ferrol. 
 
 We have received and delivered the commissions to 
 Mr. W. Lee and Mr. Izard. No letters came with them 
 for those gentlemen with information how they are to 
 be supported on their stations. We suppose they write 
 to you, and will acquaint you with their intentions. 
 
 Some propositions are privately communicated to us, 
 said to be on the part of Prussia, for forming a commer 
 cial company at Embden. We shall put them into the 
 hands of Mr. Lee. 
 
 We do not see a probability of our obtaining a loan of 
 the 2,000,000 sterling from any of the money holders in 
 
 VOL. i. 41 
 
322 LIFE OF 
 
 Europe, till our affairs are in their opinion more firmly 
 established ; what may be obtained from the two crowns 
 either as loan or subsidy, we shall probably know on the 
 return of the couriers, and we hope we shall be able to 
 write more satisfactorily on those heads by Capt. Young, 
 who will by that time be ready to return. 
 
 With the greatest respect, we have the honour to be 
 gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants, 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To the Horfble the Secret Committee." 
 (True copy.) Attest, W. T. FRANKLIN. 
 
 " PASSY, Nov. 30th, 1777, 
 
 Gentlemen, In a former letter we acquainted you 
 that we had engaged an officer, one of the most skilful 
 in naval affairs that this country possessed, to build us a 
 frigate in Holland, on a new construction (draughts of 
 which we sent you), and to go over in her to America and 
 enter your sea service. The frigate is almost finished. 
 She is very large, is to carry 30 twenty-four-pounders on 
 one deck, and is supposed equal to a ship of the line. 
 But the infinite difficulties we find in equipping and 
 manning such a ship in any neutral port, under the re- 
 trictions of treaties, together with the want of supplies 
 from you, have induced us to sell her to the king, who 
 by a large pension offered to our officer, has engaged him 
 to remain in his service, and pays us what we have ex 
 pended on her. 
 
 We have built a small frigate at Nantes, which we 
 hope to get away soon, laden with supplies of various 
 sorts. We meet with difficulties too in shipping arms 
 and ammunition in her, but hope they will be surmount 
 ed. Several other vessels, some under the direction of 
 Mr. Ross, others belonging to French merchants, are 
 almost ready to sail for America, and we had thoughts of 
 sending them in a little fleet under convoy of the Ra 
 leigh and Alfred ; but on consultation, considering the 
 spies maintained by England in all the ports, and thence 
 the impossibility of making up such a fleet, without its 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 323 
 
 being known so as to give time for a superior force to lie 
 in wait for it, we concluded the chance better, to send 
 them off singly as they should be ready. In these ves 
 sels are clothes ready made for 3,000 men, besides arms, 
 cloths, linens, and naval stores to great amount, bought 
 by us and Mr. Ross. The private adventures also will 
 be very considerable. And as we shall continue our 
 endeavours to complete your orders, we hope if the ships 
 have common success in passing, you will be better pro 
 vided for the next campaign than you have been for any 
 of the preceding. 
 
 How we are enabled to make these supplies must be 
 a matter of some surprise to you, when you reflect that 
 little or nothing from you has been received by us since 
 what came by Capt. Wickes, till now by the arrival of 
 the Amphitrite ; and that the seeming uncertainty of 
 your public affairs have prevented hitherto our obtaining 
 the loan proposed. We have however found or made 
 some friends who have helped, and will, we are confi 
 dent, continue to help us. 
 
 Being anxious for supporting the credit of congress 
 paper money, we procured a fund for payment of the in 
 terest of all the congress had proposed to borrow. And 
 we mentioned in several of our letters, that we should 
 be ready to pay all bills drawn for the discharge of such 
 interest to the full value in money of France, that is five 
 livres for every dollar of interest due. We were persuad 
 ed that thus fixing the value of the interest would fix the 
 value of the principal, and consequently of the whole 
 mass. We hope this will be approved, though we have 
 yet no answer. We cannot apply that fund to any other 
 purpose, and therefore wish to know as soon as may be 
 the resolution of congress upon it. Possibly none of 
 those letters have reached you, for your answers have 
 miscarried ; for the interceptions of our correspondence 
 have been very considerable. Adams, by whom we 
 wrote early in the summer, was taken on this coast, hav 
 ing sunk his despatches. We hear that Hammond shar 
 ed the same fate on your coast. Johnson, by whom we 
 wrote in September, was taken going out of the channel; 
 
324 LIFE OF 
 
 and poor Capt. Wickes, who sailed at the same time 
 and had duplicates, we just now hear has foundered near 
 Newfoundland, every man perishing but the cook. This 
 loss is extremely to be lamented ; as he was a gallant 
 officer and a very worthy man. Your despatches also, 
 which were coming by a small sloop from Morris s River, 
 
 and by the Packet, were both sunk on the vessels 
 
 being boarded by English men-of-war. The Amphi- 
 trite s arrival with a cargo of rice and indigo, 1000 bar 
 rels of the one and 20 of the other, is a seasonable sup 
 ply to us for our support, we not having for some time 
 past (as you will see by our former letters) any expecta 
 tions of farther supply from Mr. Morris ; and though we 
 live here with as much frugality as possible, the unavoid 
 able expenses and the continual demands upon us for 
 assistance to Americans who escape from English prisons, 
 &c. &c. endanger our being brought to great difficul 
 ties for subsistence. The freight of that ship too calls 
 for an enormous sum, on account of her long demurrage. 
 We begin to be much troubled with complaints of our 
 armed vessels taking the ships and merchandise of neu 
 tral nations. From Holland they complain of the tak 
 ing of the sloop Chester, Capt. Bray, belonging to Rot 
 terdam, by two privateers of Chaiiestown, called the Fair 
 American and the Experiment ; from Cadiz, of the 
 taking the French ship Fortune, Capt. Kenguon, by the 
 Civil Usage privateer, having on board Spanish property ; 
 and here of the taking the Emperor of Germany, from 
 Cork, with beef belonging to the marine of France, just 
 off the mouth of Bourdeaux River. We send herewith 
 the report we have received, and answers given relating 
 to these captures, and we earnestly request that if upon 
 fair trials it shall appear that the allegations are true, 
 speedy justice may be done, and restoration made to the 
 reclaimers ; it being of the utmost consequence to our 
 affairs in Europe, that we should wipe off the aspersions 
 of our enemies, who proclaim us every where as pirates, 
 and endeavour to excite all the world against us. The 
 Spanish affair has already had very ill effects at that 
 court, as we learn by the return of the courier mentioned 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 325 
 
 in our last. We have by letters to our correspondents 
 at the several ports, done all in our power to prevent 
 such mischiefs for the future, a copy of which we here 
 with send you. 
 
 The European maritime powers embarrass themselves 
 as well as us, by the double part their politics oblige 
 them to act. Being in their hearts our friends, and wish 
 ing us success, they would allow us every use of their 
 ports consistent \vith their treaties, or that we can make 
 of them without giving open cause of complaint to Eng 
 land. And it being so difficult to keep our privateers 
 within those bounds, we submit it to consideration 
 whether it would not be better to forbear cruising on 
 the coasts and bringing prizes in here, till an open war 
 takes place, which, though by no means certain, seems 
 every now and then to be apprehended on both sides. 
 Witness among other circumstances the recall of their 
 fishing ships by France ; and the king of England s late 
 speech. In consequence of this embarrassed conduct 
 our prizes cannot be sold publicly, of which the purchas 
 ers take advantage in beating down the price. And 
 sometimes the admiralty courts are obliged to lay hold 
 of them in consequence of orders from court, obtained 
 by the English ambassador. Our people of course com 
 plain of this as unfriendly treatment ; and as we must not 
 counteract the court, in the appearance they seem inclin 
 ed to put on towards England, we cannot set our folks 
 right by acquainting them with the essential services our 
 cause is continually receiving from this nation ; and we 
 are apprehensive that resentment of that supposed un 
 kind usage, may induce some of them to make reprisals, 
 and thereby occasion a great deal of mischief. You will 
 see some reason for this apprehension in the letter from 
 Capt. Babson, which we send you herewith, relating to 
 their two prizes confiscated here for false entries, and 
 afterwards delivered up to the English : for which how 
 ever we have hopes of obtaining full satisfaction, having 
 already a promise of part. The king of England s 
 speech, blusters towards those kingdoms, as well as to 
 wards us. He pretends to great resolution both of con- 
 
326 LIFE OF 
 
 tinuing this war, and of making two others, if they give 
 him occasion. Yet it is conceived he will with difficulty 
 find men or money for another campaign of that already 
 on his hands ; and all the world sees that it is not for 
 want of will that he puts up with daily known advantages 
 afforded us by his neighbours. They however, we have 
 reason to believe, will not, as long as they can avoid it, 
 begin the quarrel, nor give us any open assistance of 
 ships or troops. Indeed we are scarce allowed to know 
 that they give us any aid at all ; but are left to im 
 agine, if we please, that the cannon, arms, &c. which 
 we have received and sent, are the effects of private 
 benevolence and generosity. We have nevertheless the 
 strongest reasons to confide that the same generosity 
 will continue ; and it leaves America the glory of work 
 ing out her deliverance by her own virtue and bravery ; 
 on which with God s blessing we advise you chiefly to 
 depend. You will see by the papers, and a letter of in 
 telligence from London, that the continuance of the war 
 is warmly condemned in parliament, by their wisest and 
 ablest men, in the debates on the speech ; but the old 
 corrupt majority continues to vote as usual, with the min 
 isters. In order to lessen their credit for the new loans, 
 we have caused the paper which we formerly mentioned, 
 to be translated and printed in French and Dutch by our 
 agent in Holland. When it began to have a run there, 
 the government forbid the farther publication, but the 
 prohibition occasions it to be more sought after, read, 
 and talked of. 
 
 The monument for Gen. Montgomery is finished, and 
 gone to Havre in nine cases to lie for a conveyance. It 
 is plain but elegant, being done by one of the best artists 
 here, who complains that the 300 guineas allowed him 
 is too little ; and we are obliged to pay the additional 
 charges of package, &c. We see in the papers that you 
 have voted other monuments, but we have received no 
 orders relating to them. 
 
 The Raleigh and Alfred will be well fitted and fur 
 nished with every thing they want, the congress part 
 of their prizes being nearly equal to their demands. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 327 
 
 Be pleased to present our dutiful respects to the con 
 gress, and assure them of our most faithful services. 
 
 We have the honour to be gentlemen, your most obe 
 dient, humble servants. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 The Horfble the Secret Committee." 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 18th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, Since ours of Nov. 30th, a copy of which 
 is herewith sent you, we received your despatches of 
 Oct. 6th, from Yorktown ; they came to us by a packet 
 from Boston, which brought the great news of Bur- 
 goyne s defeat and surrender, news that apparently oc 
 casioned as much general joy in France, as if it had been 
 a victory of their own troops over their own enemies, 
 such is the universal, warm, and sincere good will and 
 attachment to us and our cause in this nation. We took 
 the opportunity of pressing the ministry by a short me 
 morial to the conclusion of our proposed treaty, which had 
 so long lain under their consideration, and been from 
 time to time postponed. A meeting was had according 
 ly, on Friday, the 1 2th inst., in which some difficulties 
 were mentioned and removed, some explanations asked 
 and given to satisfaction. As the concurrence of Spain 
 is necessary, we were told that a courier should be des 
 patched the next day to obtain it, which we are since 
 assured was done ; and in three weeks from the time 
 the answer is expected. 
 
 On signifying to the ministry the importance it might 
 be of at this juncture, when probably Great Britain would 
 be making some propositions of accommodation, that the 
 congress should be informed explicitly what might be ex 
 pected from France and Spain, M. Gerard, one of the 
 secretaries, came yesterday to inform us by order of the 
 king, that after long and full consideration of our affairs 
 and propositions in council, it was decided, and his ma 
 jesty was determined to acknowledge our independence 
 and make a treaty with us of amity and commerce ; that 
 in this treaty no advantage would be taken of our pre- 
 
328 LIFE OF 
 
 sent situation, to obtain terms from us which otherwise 
 would not be convenient for us to agree to, his majesty 
 desiring that the treaty once made should be durable, 
 and our amity subsist forever ; which could not be expect 
 ed if each nation did not find its interest in the continu 
 ance as well as in the commencement of it. It was 
 therefore his intention that the terms of the treaty should 
 be such, as we might be willing to agree to if our state 
 had been long since established, and in the fullness of 
 strength and power ; and such as we shall approve of 
 when that time shall come. That his majesty was fixed 
 in his determination not only to acknowledge but to sup 
 port our independence by every means in his power. 
 That in doing this he might probably be soon engaged 
 in war, with all the expenses, risk, and damage, usually 
 attending it ; yet he should not expect any compensation 
 from us on that account, nor pretend that he acted whol 
 ly for our sakes, since besides his real good will to us 
 and our cause, it was manifestly the interest of France 
 that the power of England should be diminished by our 
 separation from it. He should moreover not so much 
 as insist, that if he engaged in a war with England on 
 our account, we should not make a separate peace: he 
 would have us be at full liberty to make a peace for our 
 selves, whenever good and advantageous terms were offer 
 ed to us. The only condition he should require and rely 
 on would be this, that we, in no peace to be made with Eng 
 land, should give up our independency, and return to the 
 obedience of that government. That as soon as the couri 
 er returned from Spain with the concurrence expected, the 
 affair would be proceeded in and concluded ; and of this we 
 might give the congress the strongest assurance in our 
 despatches, only cautioning them to keep the whole for 
 the present a dead secret, as Spain had three reasons for 
 not immediately declaring, her money fleet not yet come 
 home, her Brazil army and fleet the same, and her peace 
 with Portugal not quite completed ; but these obstacles 
 would probably soon be removed. We answered, that in 
 what had been communicated to us we perceived and 
 admired the king s magnanimity and his wisdom ; that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 329 
 
 he would find us faithful and firm allies, and we wished 
 with his majesty that the amity between the two nations 
 might be eternal. And mentioning that republics were 
 usually steady in their engagements, for instance the 
 Swiss Cantons, the secretary remarked that France had 
 been as steady with regard to them, two hundred years 
 having passed since their first alliance for fifty years had 
 commenced, which had been renewed from time to time ; 
 and such had been her uniform good faith towards them, 
 that, as it appeared in the last renewal, the protestant 
 Cantons were free from their ancient prejudices and sus 
 picions, and joined readily with the rest in the league, of 
 which we herewith send you a copy. 
 
 It is sometime since we obtained a promise of an ad 
 ditional aid of three millions of livres, which we shall 
 receive in January. Spain we are told will give an equal 
 sum, but finding it inconvenient to remit here, she pur 
 poses sending it from the Havannah in specie to the con 
 gress. What we receive here will help to get us out of 
 debt. 
 
 Our vessels laden with supplies have by various means 
 been delayed, particularly by fear of falling into the hands 
 of the English cruising ships, who swarm in the bay and 
 channel. At length it is resolved they shall sail togeth 
 er, as they are all provided for defence, and we have ob 
 tained a king s ship to convoy them out of the channel, 
 and we hope quite to America. They will carry we 
 think to the amount of 70,000 sterling, and sail in a 
 few days. Also, in consideration of the late frequent 
 losses of bur despatches and the importance of the pre 
 sent, we. have applied for and obtained a frigate to carry 
 them. These extraordinary favours, of a nature pro 
 voking to Great Britain, are marks of the sincerity of 
 this court, and seem to demand the thanks of the con 
 gress. 
 
 We have accepted five bills drawn on us by the presi 
 dent in favour of some returned officers, and shall pay 
 them punctually. But as we receive no remittances for 
 our support, and the cargo in the Amphitrite is claimed 
 from us by Mr. Beaumarchais, and we are not certain 
 VOL. i. 42 
 
330 LIFE OF 
 
 that we can keep it, we hope congress will be sparing 
 in their draughts, except for the interest mentioned in our 
 former letters; of which we now repeat the assurances 
 of payment. Otherwise we may be much embarrassed, 
 and our situation rendered extremely uncomfortable. 
 
 It is said the French ambassador at London has de 
 sired to be recalled, being affronted there, where the 
 late news from America has created a violent ferment. 
 There is also talk here of Lord Stormont s recall. The 
 stocks in England fall fast ; and on both sides there is 
 every appearance of an approaching war. 
 
 Being informed by the concurring reports of many 
 who had escaped, that our people, prisoners in England, 
 are treated with great inhumanity, we have written a 
 letter of expostulation to Lord North on the subject, 
 which we sent over by a person express, whom we have 
 instructed to visit the prisons under the directions of Mr. 
 Hartley, to relieve in some degree the most necessitous. 
 We shall hereafter acquaint you with the result. The 
 expenses we are put to by those who get to us, are very 
 considerable. 
 
 The supplies now going out from hence, and what we 
 have sent and are sending you from Spain, though far 
 short of your orders, (which we have executed as far as 
 \\e were able) will we hope, with private supplies en 
 couraged by us and others, put you in pretty good circum 
 stances as to clothing, arms, &c. if they arrive. And we 
 shall continue to send as ability and opportunity may 
 permit. 
 
 Please to present our best respects to the congress, and 
 believe us to be, with sincere and great esteem, gentle 
 men, your most obedient and very humble servants, 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To the Hobble Robert Morris, Esq." 
 True copy. Attest. W. T. FRANKLIN. 
 
 PASSY, near PARIS, Feb. 28th, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, Our despatches of Dec. 18th, which 
 would have acquainted you with the state of our affairs 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 331 
 
 here, and our expectations of a speedy conclusion of 
 the treaties with this court, are unfortunately returned ; 
 the French man-of-war which went on purpose to carry 
 them, having met with some disaster at sea, which 
 obliged her to put back, after a long struggle of six weeks 
 against contrary winds. We now have obtained another 
 ship to sail with them immediately, and with our fresh 
 despatches containing the treaties themselves, which 
 were happily concluded and signed the 6th inst., though 
 hitherto for some political reasons kept a secret from the 
 public. 
 
 The English parliament adjourned in December, for 
 six weeks. During that time their ministers strained 
 every nerve to raise men for their armies, intending to 
 continue the war with vigour. Subscriptions were set 
 on foot to aid government in the expense, and they flat 
 tered themselves with being able to enlist 10,000 volun 
 teers. But whether they found this impracticable, or 
 were discouraged by later accounts from America, or had 
 some intimation of our treaties here, their vaunts and 
 threats are suddenly abated; and on the 17th Lord 
 North made a long discourse, acknowledging the errors 
 of their former conduct in the war with America, and 
 proposing to obtain peace by the means of two bills, of 
 which we enclose copies. 
 
 We make no remarks on these bills ; the judgment of 
 the congress can be at no loss in determining on the con 
 duct necessary to be held with regard to them. And we 
 are confident they will not answer the purpose of divid 
 ing in order to subjugate, for which they are evidently in 
 tended. 
 
 Our states have now a solid support for their liberty 
 and independence in their alliance with France, which 
 will be certainly fallowed by that of Spain and the whole 
 house of Bourbon, and probably by Holland and the 
 other powers of Europe, who are interested in the free 
 dom of commerce, and in keeping down the power of 
 Britain. Our people are happy in the enjoyment of their 
 new constitutions of government, and will be so in their 
 extended trade and navigation, unfettered by English acts 
 
332 LIFE OF 
 
 and custom-house officers. They will now never relish 
 the Egyptian bondage from which they have so happily 
 escaped. A long peace will probably be the consequence 
 of their separation from England, as they have no cause 
 of quarrel with other nations ; an immediate war with 
 France and Spain, if they join again with England, and 
 a share in all her future wars, her debts, and her crimes. 
 We are therefore persuaded that their commissioners 
 will be soon dismissed if at all received, for the sooner 
 the decided part taken by the congress is known in Eu 
 rope, the more extended and stable will be their credit, 
 and their conventions with other powers more easy to 
 make and more advantageous. 
 
 Americans are every where in France treated with re 
 spect and every appearance of affection. We think it 
 would be well to advise our people in all parts of Ame 
 rica to imitate this conduct with regard to the French who 
 may happen to be among us. Every means should be 
 used to remove ancient prejudices, and cultivate a friend 
 ship that must be so useful to both nations. 
 
 Some transactions here during the last four or five 
 months, in the rigorous observance of treaties with regard 
 to the equipments of our armed vessels in the ports, and 
 the selling of our prizes, have no doubt made ill impres 
 sions on the minds of our seamen and traders relative 
 to the friendship of this court. We were then obliged 
 to observe a secrecy which prevented our removing those 
 prejudices, by acquainting our people with the substantial 
 aids France was privately affording us ; and we must 
 continue in the same situation till it is thought fit to pub 
 lish the treaties. But we can with pleasure now ac 
 quaint you that we have obtained full satisfaction for the 
 owners of the prizes confiscated here for a breach of the 
 laws by a false declaration, they being entered as coming 
 from Statia, and the payment will be made to the owners 
 in America. We mean the prizes taken by Capt. Bab- 
 son and Hendricks in the Boston and Hancock privateers, 
 which prizes after confiscation were, for reasons of state, 
 restored to the English. This is a fresh proof of the 
 good will and generosity of this court, and their deter 
 mination to cultivate the friendship of America. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 338 
 
 The preparations for war continue in all the ports with 
 the utmost industry, and troops are marching daily to the 
 sea coasts, where three camps are to be formed. As 
 France is determined to protect her commerce with us, 
 a war is deemed inevitable. 
 
 Mr. W. Lee we suppose acquaints you with the de 
 cease of Mr. Morris, his colleague in the commercial 
 agency. On our application to the ministry, an order 
 was obtained to put Mr. Lee in possession of his papers. 
 If that department has been found useful and likely to 
 continue so, you will no doubt appoint one or more per 
 sons to take care of the business, as Mr. Lee has now 
 another destination. Perhaps the general commerce like 
 ly to be soon opened between Europe and America, may 
 render such an appointment unnecessary. We would 
 just add for the consideration of congress, whether, con 
 sidering the mention of Bermudas in one of the articles, 
 it may not be well to take possession of that island, with 
 the consent of the inhabitants, and fortify the same as 
 soon as possible. And also to reduce some or all of the 
 English fishing posts in or near Newfoundland. 
 
 With the greatest respect we have the honour to be, 
 gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN, 
 S. DEANE, 
 A. LEE. 
 HonSble the Committee for Foreign Affairs." 
 
 Authentic copy. Attest, W. T. FRANKLIN. 
 
 (b) Extracts from the Journal of Mr. Lee. Journal 
 continued. 
 
 "PARIS, Sept. 26th, 1777. 
 
 Mr. Grand reported his having delivered the memoire 
 for money to Count Vergennes, who said he must com 
 municate with the Spanish court upon the aid required. 
 He was then informed that it had been communicated to 
 Count d Aranda, and pressed with the immediate neces 
 sity the commissioners were under for the money. Up- 
 
334 LIFE OF 
 
 on that he promised to have it translated immediately, 
 and laid before the king. In the evening Mr. G. carried 
 to the Spanish ambassador a copy of the proposals made 
 by order of congress to the French court, which up 
 on reading, he said had never before been mentioned to 
 him. 
 
 Mr. Lee conversing with Mons. Chaumont upon the 
 present state of things, they agreed that there was no 
 prospect of a war; but Mr. C. said- the conduct of the 
 ministry was totally incomprehensible, and perhaps when 
 they had arranged leur pctits affaires, they might go to 
 war. Mr. Lee asked him whether he numbered their fi 
 nances in that description, and how they could go to war 
 without money. He answered that France was very 
 differently circumstanced in that respect from other 
 countries. For that the king could at any time say to 
 the public creditors, I must apply my revenue to the cur 
 rent expenses, and you must wait till it is convenient to 
 pay you ; that this would occasion no disturbance. It 
 was very desirable, he said, in the actual situation of 
 France to continue in peace, but that there was danger 
 thereby at present of losing the national character of a 
 warlike people, in w r hich their glory and perhaps their 
 safety consisted. 
 
 27th. Mr. L. introduced Mr. Izard to the Abbe Ni- 
 coli. In conversation the abbe observed, that when the 
 states of America had established their independency 
 they would quarrel among themselves, as the Italian and 
 Grecian states had done ; that this would infallibly hap 
 pen, unless a similar mode of taxation was adopted 
 among them all; and that none could be so proper as a 
 general tax upon land, formed upon an universal and equal 
 survey. Mr. Izard answered that nothing would be more 
 unjust than such a tax, because the man who possessed 
 ten thousand acres of uncultivated land would pay ten 
 times as much as him who had a thousand acres in the 
 most profitable cultivation. The abbe seemed to admit 
 the justice of this objection ; upon which Mr. L. observ 
 ed, that for the very reason alleged against it, such a 
 mode of taxation appeared to him the best that could 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 335 
 
 be devised, because it would compel the great land 
 holders to cultivate their lands, or sell it out into parcels 
 to those who could ; and therefore this tax would answer 
 at once the public demands, and promote agriculture and 
 industry. At the same time it seemed to him that rea 
 soning from ancient republics, whose employment and 
 delight were war, to those of the present time, whose 
 object were peace and commerce, was exceedingly erro 
 neous. It is certain, that with the Grecian and Roman 
 states peace was painful, and war delightful; but with 
 modern states it is directly the reverse ; therefore it is 
 probable their conduct will be directly opposite. 
 
 29th. Capt. Young, of the sloop Independence, arrived 
 at Passy with despatches from congress. The letters 
 were originals of copies received ten days before. With 
 them came a commission for Mr. Izard to the court of 
 Florence ; for Mr. W. Lee, to those of Vienna and Ber 
 lin, with instructions ; for myself to Madrid, with a re 
 servation of my powers at this court, while I remained 
 in France.* 
 
 30th. Received an account of the Lexington, Capt. 
 Johnson, having been taken by an English cutter, after 
 a long and obstinate engagement, in which most of her 
 officers were killed. I read a paragraph to the com 
 missioners, in my brother Richard Henry Lee s letter, 
 stating that without an alliance with France and Spain, 
 with a considerable loan to support their funds, it would 
 be difficult to maintain their independence. Resolved 
 to send Mr. Grand next day to Count Vergennes, for an 
 answer to their memoire. 
 
 1st Oct. Mr. Grand reported that Count Vergennes 
 had not yet laid the memoire before the king, and there 
 fore directed him to come on Friday, for an answer ; that 
 he seemed to think the sum of fourteen millions of livrest 
 a great demand ; that he talked of an alliance as a thing 
 yet to be considered of; that it would involve all Europe, 
 and assist us much less than we imagined. He said we 
 
 * I desired the advice of the other commissioners, about announcing my appoint 
 ment immediately. Dr. F. said he would consider of it, and the other said nothing, 
 t The nett revenue of France is 400 millions. 
 
336 LIFE OF 
 
 were wrong in distrusting Maurepas and Necker, and 
 still more in the unguarded manner in which we did 
 business, so that Lord Stormont had apprized Mons. 
 Maurepas, that a memoire was intended before it was 
 presented, and on account of it, has written to him, Ver- 
 gennes, from England. He desired us to be more cau 
 tious, and to be assured that there was a traitor in the 
 congress itself, who gave intelligence. Mr. Grand com 
 municated these things to me in private, and I desired 
 him to do it to all the commissioners together, that it 
 might suggest to them some caution in the conduct of 
 our affairs, which was open to all the world. He did so; 
 and it was considered as a pretext for refusing to assist 
 us by one, and as an unjust accusation by the other. It 
 was said that if Lord Stormont had such information 
 from some one about us, he would not have told it, be 
 cause that would prevent any farther communication, and 
 therefore it seemed improbable that Lord Stormont had 
 told them so. Mr. Lee said that in these cases Lord 
 Stormont s object was to excite distrust and destroy all 
 confidence between them, which it appeared he, aided 
 by other things, had but too well effected. 
 
 The discourse of an alliance was moved by Mr. Grand 
 at my desire, and in consequence of my brother s letter. 
 I drew up a short view of our situation for his instruc 
 tion. 
 
 3d Oct. Mr. Grand made his report that no answer 
 could yet be given, only that we might be assured of the 
 king s good disposition ; that Spain must be consulted, 
 which would require some weeks ; that we must men 
 tion nothing farther to congress when we wrote, but that 
 we had sent them such and such things, for which they 
 need give themselves no trouble about making returns ; that 
 nothing which we had received or were to receive was 
 lent, but to be considered as given ; that war in Europe 
 would disable them from aiding us with money, and 
 perhaps be less advantageous to us than we imagined, 
 because Great Britain would have powerful allies. Mr. 
 Grand added that, as far as he could judge from the 
 count s manner, every thing was favourably disposed, 
 and we might rest satisfied of something being done. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 337 
 
 Mr. Grand proposed to the commissioners that they should 
 make a present of their ship in Holland to the king, as 
 the only manner of getting her from thence, and this 
 measure he understood would be very acceptable, and 
 that Mr. Boux approved highly of the scheme. The com 
 missioners were of opinion that such a proposition should 
 come from the minister, without which it would be both 
 foolish and indecent in them. Mr. Grand was therefore 
 desired to state her situation to the minister, and inform 
 him that the commissioners were ready to follow his ad 
 vice implicitly concerning the disposal of her. The his 
 tory of this vessel is curious enough. Soon after the 
 commissioners arrived, Sir George Grand, banker at Am 
 sterdam, and then in Paris, Mr. Grand, and Mr. Chau- 
 mont, all of whom were in the confidence of the minis 
 try and strongly recommended, introduced to us a Capt. 
 Boux, of the French navy, of whom every good thing 
 was said in the most exaggerated strain of commendation. 
 He was the most ingenious, the most disinterested, and 
 the most honest man in France ; zealous for our cause, 
 and desirous of nothing so much as to get into our ser 
 vice, so entirely free from any selfish motive that he 
 would go out of it naked, (such was the expression) as he 
 came in. Well ; this extraordinary man laid before us 
 a multitude of plans and schemes, which upon paper, and 
 in terms which we did not understand, seemed exceed 
 ingly plausible. We were then told of the wonderful 
 expedition, cheapness, and certainty of building frigates 
 at Amsterdam ; the king of Spain had some built upon 
 an excellent construction of 28 guns, for 7000 ; how 
 ever Sir George was soon to go thither, and he would 
 send us an exact account. His intelligence was, that 
 that they would cost 6000 each. In this situation of the 
 affair, I went to Spain. While I was absent, the business 
 was settled. Mr. Boux agreed to go, but with an an 
 nual pension of , all his expenses paid, and those of 
 
 his nephew, who was now introduced as one of the ne 
 cessary actors mfabulo. The first thing that happened 
 upon his arrival was the drawing for 300,000, which 
 VOL. i. 43 
 
338 LIFE OF 
 
 was to build two frigates. When I returned from Spain, 
 the letters from Sir G. and Mr. B. told us the agree 
 ment was made for one, the workmen not being able to 
 undertake for more within the time limited. But no 
 agreement was sent us. We wrote for the agreement, 
 flattering ourselves that the half of what we had paid 
 would be refunded. I told Mr. Deane then, that this 
 was a vain expectation, for as he who paid beforehand 
 was always made the paymaster for him who did not pay 
 at all, there would be found ways and means to dispose 
 of the money they had got into their hands. The agree 
 ment was at length sent, and it had absorbed every livre ; 
 however, we were flattered with the vessel being invin 
 cible, that she would infallibly be at sea in such a time, 
 and would soon reimburse us this extraordinary expense. 
 Mr. Boux returned the beginning of May, having put 
 every thing into so good a way that his presence it 
 seemed was no longer necessary. Mr. Grand tells me 
 Mr. Boux desired Mr. Deane to settle the account of his 
 expenses, which he had never done. When I returned 
 from Germany, I found Sir George was pressing for con 
 siderable sums more to equip and load the vessel. But 
 our funds being exhausted, I suppose he was informed by 
 Mr. Grand here that nothing more was to be expected, 
 and our next tidings was the melancholy information, that 
 it was impossible we should get sailors to man her. It 
 was therefore agreed to sell her, and the success they 
 had in drawing us into this foolish and expensive scheme, 
 induced them probably to think that we might be duped 
 still farther, in the proposition I have mentioned, which 
 though it appeared absurd and extravagant to us, yet no 
 doubt was some how or other to turn out to Mr. Boux s 
 advantage. 
 
 15th. The commissioners received a letter from Capt. 
 Thompson, commander of the Raleigh at Port Louis, in 
 forming them of his arrival there, in company with the 
 Black Prince ship of war and two West India prizes, 
 and that he was under our orders, as appeared from a 
 letter from the marine committee signed John Hancock, 
 Richard Henry Lee, Whipple, and others. He sent us 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 339 
 
 also a journal of his cruise, by which it appeared he had 
 fallen in with the Jamaica fleet, and almost sunk the Dru 
 id, one of her convoy; the whole of which he would have 
 destroyed, but that the Black Prince was so tender that 
 she could not carry sail nor assist him. We received the 
 same day an account of the arrival of Mr. Chaumont s 
 French packet, but having been boarded by a man-of-war, 
 the despatches for us were thrown overboard. Mr. Girar- 
 dot, the banker, assured us there were more than fifty sail 
 to go soon from France with merchandise for America. 
 
 16th. I had some conversation with Mr. Deane upon 
 Mr. Ross s scheme, which he said had occurred to him. 
 He was for directing a rendezvous at Martinique, and 
 getting a great many private adventurers, some of whom 
 he said would carry upwards of 30 guns, to join the 
 squadron. I gave him my opinion, that the success did 
 not depend so much upon the greatness of the force, as 
 upon the secrecy of the expedition. That if it was com 
 mitted to others it would be impossible to keep it se 
 cret, especially to Frenchmen, whose manner was to talk 
 much, do little, and protract every thing. I added that if 
 the scheme was judged proper, the best way would be 
 to leave the execution of it to one of our number, say Mr. 
 Ross. 
 
 17th. Mr. Ross breakfasted with Mr. Lee, and the 
 above conversation was communicated to him. He 
 seemed satisfied that it would not be safe to extend it to 
 others. Mr. Lee promised him a letter to Mr. Gardo- 
 qui, in Spain, requesting him to take a cargo belong 
 ing to Mr. Ross out of the hands of a merchant at Co- 
 runna. 
 
 18th. Signed a receipt, to the king s treasurer for half 
 a million of livres, paid to our banker, Mr. Grand, from 
 whom we took a receipt. Mr. G. had received a note to 
 come to Fontainbleau, to talk with M. de Sartine about 
 the vessel at Amsterdam. Mr. Deane proposed accom 
 panying him, but without any communication with Mr. 
 L. I desired Mr. G. to request of Mons. Vergennes 
 that he would give us any information he could, touching 
 
340 LIFE OF 
 
 the negotiations of England in Russia and Germany for 
 new troops, and what were the enemy s plans for anoth 
 er campaign. That it was of consequence to give con 
 gress the earliest possible intelligence upon this subject, 
 that they might prepare accordingly. 
 
 19th. Mr. Lee was employed in extracting from the 
 journals of congress, their proceedings relative to the pri 
 soners made from the enemy. Copies of these he meant 
 to distribute over Europe, in answer to the calumnies of 
 the British court, and to show how unjustifiable the cru 
 el conduct of that court to American prisoners ought to 
 be deemed. 
 
 Mr. Lee received the following note and letter from 
 Mr. Deane. 
 
 " Mr. Deane s compliments to Mr. Lee, and encloses 
 him a letter from Mr. S. Deane, which is on a subject 
 that ought to be early attended to, and which Mr. Hodge 
 and Mr. Carmichael can explain. Mr. D. proposes set 
 ting out this afternoon, and returning on Tuesday. 
 
 Sunday Morning." 
 
 " DUNKIRK, Oct. 15th, 1777. 
 
 Honoured Gentlemen, On my arrival here I follow 
 ed your instructions concerning the vessel to be equipped 
 at L Orient. A difficulty arises about sending her from 
 hence. Mr. Morrell having some time since been inform 
 ed from the ministry that the vessel could not be permit 
 ted to depart the port. He informed Mr. Cailly of this 
 circumstance, in consequence of which Mr. Cailly writes 
 Mr. Chaumont by this post, and waits his answer as far 
 ther orders in the affair. Tis likely his letter to Mr. 
 Chaumont, containing a copy of my direction to him, will 
 be shown you. This with Mr. Morrell s letter will fully 
 explain the matter, and I make no doubt the sloop may 
 soon be allowed to pass, as she will have neither guns 
 nor warlike stores on board. I must beg leave to inform 
 your honours that there are several Americans still here, 
 and at a considerable expense, which has been represented 
 to me by Mr. Coffin, the broker, who has advanced con- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 341 
 
 siderably for them, and would be glad to receive orders 
 how to conduct in future. Mr. Carmichael or Mr. Hodge 
 can likely inform you of farther particulars on this sub 
 ject. Their spiritual guide is still here, and very needy, 
 and I am told ready at any thing. I must remark to your 
 honours that it is necessary the sums already advanced 
 by Mr. Coffin be now replaced, and some orders given 
 for his conduct in future on that head, as those persons, 
 unless restricted to a certain daily allowance, may expend 
 too freely. As the bills are considerably in arrears, un 
 less something is determined about their payment, and 
 the management in future, it will not only be hard usage 
 on those who have advanced the money, but must direct 
 ly deprive those American people of any farther assist 
 ance. In gratitude to the gentlemen with whom your 
 business has been entrusted here, at least so far as I have 
 been introduced to them, I must take the liberty to ac 
 knowledge their civility and readiness in each particular, 
 and remain your honours most devoted and obedient 
 servant, SIMEON DEANE. 
 
 The Hotfble Commissioners from the United States." 
 
 To Mr. D. s note I answered that I should be ready 
 to consider the business mentioned, with which I was 
 as yet entirely unacquainted, whenever a time was ap 
 pointed. 
 
 21st. Received a letter from Baron Schulenburg in 
 forming me that his Prussian majesty could not admit 
 our armed vessels into his ports, and must wait a more 
 favourable opportunity of forming a connexion with 
 us, which would give him much satisfaction, when it 
 could be done consistently with his principles. This 
 letter I carried to Dr. F., Mr. D. having set out for Fon- 
 tainbleau the evening before. 
 
 23d. Answered Baron Schulenburg s letter, express 
 ing my regret that we could not form a connexion with 
 a monarch of such reputation for wisdom and for valour. 
 Hoped he would use his influence to prevent our enemies 
 from drawing reinforcements from Germany, Russia, or 
 
343 LIFE OF 
 
 Denmark, and that the baron would communicate to me 
 what success the negotiations of our enemies were likely 
 to have on that subject. 
 
 24th. Dined at Passy. No communication from Mr. 
 Deane of what passed at Fontainbleau. Asked Dr. F. 
 for Count Vergennes s letter, our last memorial and let 
 ter to the committee, that I might copy them. Prom 
 ised them to-morrow. Upon enquiring whether any an 
 swer had been received from Capt. Thompson, a letter 
 was produced which had been received some days, in which 
 the captain observed that Mr. Morris had applied to him 
 for the sale of the prizes, to which he answered that he 
 had put them into hands recommended by the commis 
 sioners. From this it appeared that he understood a let 
 ter which Mr. Deane wrote, and Mr. L. would not sign 
 for that reason, as a direction to put the prizes into other 
 hands than those appointed by the committee, which we 
 had no right to do, and which was raising disputes very 
 indecently and unwisely. All this I told Mr. Deane, 
 when he wanted me to sign the letter, but it went, and I 
 have my share of the blame. I mentioned to Dr. F. the 
 necessity of our sending congress an account of the ex 
 penditure of the three millions of public money that had 
 passed through our hands, and which he had informed 
 me was to be done by the last opportunity. He said the 
 principal articles to which it had been applied were 
 sketched in some former letter. I asked for a copy of 
 the articles sent from Marseilles, which had been in his 
 hands for some time without my having seen it. It was 
 agreed that Mr. Ross should be desired to meet us next 
 day, to talk farther upon his scheme, and Dr. F. said he 
 would write to Capt. Thompson to come up while his 
 ship was refitting to settle the plan of their going to 
 gether. Mr. Lee thought this would delay his fitting 
 out, and create a considerable unnecessary expense ; be 
 cause if there was any hope of secrecy it must not be 
 communicated to any of the captains till they reached 
 the place of rendezvous, and upon secrecy the success 
 entirely depended. Dr. F. observed upon this that it 
 had already been talked of, for Mr. Izard had mentioned 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 343 
 
 it to him yesterday, therefore some one must have told 
 it to him. This is the second instance of the difficulty 
 of keeping any thing secret. When I was going to Ber 
 lin no one was acquainted with it but the other commis 
 sioners, Mr. Carmichael, who then pretended an inten 
 tion of going with me as secretary, and the grand duke s 
 envoy, from whom I received directions concerning my 
 route. And yet Dr. F. complained, in a manner which 
 seemed to charge me with having discovered it, that Mr. 
 Sayre mentioned it to him, and Mr. Carmichael declared 
 Mr. T. had told him he had the information from me. 
 This Mr. T. has not only denied under his hand, but 
 acknowledged, what was the fact, that I communicated 
 it to him two days only before I set out. In the same 
 manner after all the injunctions of secrecy, Mr. Ross 
 had discovered his scheme to Mr. Izard. 
 
 25th. Having some conversation with Dr. F. upon the 
 present state of things, he seemed to agree with me in 
 thinking that France and Spain mistook their interest 
 and opportunity in not making an alliance with us now, 
 when they might have better terms than they could ex 
 pect hereafter. That it was well for us they left us to 
 work out our own salvation ; which the efforts we had 
 hitherto made, and the resources we had opened, gave 
 us the fairest reason to hope we should be able to do. 
 He told me the manner in which the whole of this busi 
 ness had been conducted, was such a miracle in human 
 affairs, that if he had not been in the midst of it, and 
 seen all the movements, he could not have comprehended 
 how it was effected. To comprehend it we must view 
 a whole people for some months without any laws or gov 
 ernment at all. In this state their civil governments 
 were to be formed, an army and navy were to be pro 
 vided by those who had neither a ship of war, a com 
 pany of soldiers, nor magazines, arms, artillery or am 
 munition. Alliances were to be formed, for they had 
 none. All this was to be done, not at leisure nor in a 
 a time of tranquillity and communication with other na 
 tions, but in the face of a most formidable invasion, by 
 
344 LIFE OF 
 
 the most powerful nation, fully provided with armies, 
 fleets, and all the instruments of destruction, powerfully 
 allied and aided, the commerce with other nations in a 
 great measure stopped up, and every power from whom 
 they could expect to procure arms, artillery, and ammuni 
 tion, having by the influence of their enemies forbade 
 their subjects to supply them on any pretence whatever. 
 Nor was this all ; they had internal opposition to encoun 
 ter, which alone would seem sufficient to have frustrated 
 all their efforts. The Scotch, who in many places were 
 numerous, were secret or open foes as opportunity offer 
 ed. The Quakers, a powerful body in Pennsylvania, 
 gave every opposition their art, abilities and influence 
 could suggest. To these were added all those whom 
 contrariety of opinion, tory principles, personal animosi 
 ties, fear of so dreadful and dubious an undertaking, 
 joined with the artful promises and threats of the enemy 
 rendered open or concealed opposers, or timid neutrals, 
 or lukewarm friends to the proposed revolution. It was, 
 however, formed and established in despite of all these 
 obstacles, with an expedition, energy, wisdom, and suc 
 cess of which most certainly the whole history of human 
 affairs has not, hitherto, given an example. To account 
 for it we must remember that the revolution was not di 
 rected by the leaders of faction, but by the opinion and 
 voice of the majority of the people ; that the grounds 
 and principles upon which it was formed were known, 
 weighed and approved by every individual of that major 
 ity. It was not a tumultuous resolution, but a deliberate 
 system. Consequently, the feebleness, irresolution, and 
 inaction which generally, nay, almost invariably attends 
 and frustrates hasty popular proceedings, did not influ 
 ence this. On the contrary, every man gave his assist 
 ance to execute what he had soberly determined, and 
 the sense of the magnitude and danger of the undertak 
 ing served only to quicken their activity, rouse their re 
 sources, and animate their exertions. Those who acted 
 in council bestowed their whole thoughts upon the pub 
 lic ; those who took the field did, with what weapons, 
 ammunition and accommodation they could procure. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 345 
 
 In commerce, such profits were offered as tempted the 
 individuals of almost all nations, to break through the 
 prohibition of their governments, and furnish arms and 
 ammunition, for which they received from a people 
 ready to sacrifice every thing to the common cause, a 
 thousand fold. The effects of anarchy were prevented 
 by the influence of public shame, pursuing the man who 
 offered to take a dishonest advantage of the want of law. 
 So little was the effects of this situation felt, that a gen 
 tleman, who thought their deliberations on the establish 
 ment of a form of government too slow, gave it as his 
 opinion that the people were likely to find out that laws 
 were not necessary, and might therefore be disposed 
 to reject what they proposed, if it were delayed. Dr. 
 Franklin assured me that upon an average he gave twelve 
 hours in the twenty-four to public business. One may 
 conceive what progress must be made from such exer 
 tions of such an understanding, aided by the co-operation 
 of a multitude of others upon such business, not of in 
 ferior abilities. The consequence was, that in a few 
 months, the governments were established ; codes of lav 
 were formed, which, for wisdom and justice, are the ad 
 miration of all the wise and thinking men in Europe. 
 Ships of war were built, a multitude of cruisers were 
 fitted out, which have done more injury to the British 
 commerce than it ever suffered before. Armies of of 
 fence and defence were formed, and kept the field, 
 through all the rigours of winter, in the most rigorous 
 climate. Repeated losses, inevitable in a defensive war, 
 as it soon became, served only to renew exertions that 
 quickly repaired them. The enemy was every where 
 resisted, repulsed, or besieged. On the ocean, in the 
 channel, in their very ports, their ships were taken, and 
 their commerce obstructed. The greatest revolution the 
 world ever saw, is likely to be effected in a few years ; 
 and the power that has for centuries made all Europe 
 tremble, assisted by 20,000 German mercenaries, and 
 favoured by the universal concurrence of Europe to 
 prohibit the sale of warlike stores, the sale of prizes, or 
 the admission of the armed vessels of America, will be 
 VOL. i. 44 
 
346 LIFE OF 
 
 effectually humbled by those whom she insulted and in 
 jured, because she conceived they had neither spirit nor 
 power to resist or revenge it. 
 
 Nov. 1st. Called upon Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane. 
 The latter showed me a letter from the king s officer at 
 Nantes, informing him that he had express orders not to 
 suffer any warlike stores to be shipped in the vessel we 
 were fitting out ; without a reversal it would be impossi 
 ble to permit it. Mr. Deane made an appointment for 
 me to meet next day at 1 1 o clock, to consider the pro 
 position of borrowing the two millions as we were di 
 rected. 
 
 2d. Going to Passy, according to the appointment, I 
 found Mr. Deane had set out for Fontainbleau with Mr. 
 Chaumont, to endeavour to obtain from Mons. Sartine a 
 reversal of the above orders. Dr. F. was to open the let 
 ters, and then send them after Mr. D. All this was done 
 without one word of consultation with me, or the least 
 attention to me. Dr. F. mentioned the affair of borrow 
 ing money. I told him I could not discover that con 
 gress had directed us what to do with the money if 
 we borrowed it ; that if it was to be expended by us, it 
 was proper we should give an account first of what had 
 already passed through our hands; that I was very un 
 easy at being responsible for so great a sum of public, 
 money, without being able to obtain any account of its 
 expenditure, which I had repeatedly desired might be 
 made out. He answered it was as much my business as 
 his ; why did I not make it out? there was no reason to 
 suspect any misapplication. I replied he had certain 
 ly misapprehended me. I had suggested no suspicion, 
 but desired that which was just, reasonable, and absolute 
 ly necessary. I appealed to him whether I had ever re 
 fused to bear my part in doing business; but to make out 
 an account when I was not possessed of a single paper 
 for the purpose, was not possible. A great deal of the 
 money had been expended in my absence, and almost all 
 without consulting me. In consequence I was utterly in 
 capable of giving any account of the expenditure. He 
 said I had as many papers concerning it as he had ; that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 347 
 
 we had sent an account of the principal articles in our 
 last despatches to congress. I said I could not recollect 
 it. He called for the paper, and it appeared to be only 
 the estimate of what we were to expend, with very lit 
 tle account of what we had spent. He then proposed 
 we should altogether collect the account from Mr. Deane s 
 books. But when, he would not determine, and so that 
 went off like every thing el&, unsatisfactorily. We 
 went to Mr. Grand s, who showed us a note from Count 
 Vergennes desiring to see him, in consequence of which 
 he set out immediately for Fontainhleau. 
 
 3d. A letter from a merchant in Rotterdam, with veri 
 fied papers to show that two American privateers had 
 made prize of a vessel and her cargo, which were Dutch 
 property. 
 
 4th. Mr. Grand returned. He delivered a letter from 
 Mr. D. to Dr. F., in which he informed him that he should 
 stay a day longer at Fontainbleau, without any notice of 
 the other commissioner. Mr. Grand s message was, that 
 the king had agreed to let us have three millions of livres, 
 at different payments, on consideration of most profound 
 secrecy, that we should not enter in any accommodation 
 without informing him, and that if that took place before 
 the money was all paid, the remainder should be with 
 held. The minister told him that they would endeavour 
 to obtain as much from Spain ; that orders had been re 
 ceived there for sending supplies, but upon the capture of 
 a French ship with Spanish property, by an American 
 privateer, the king was so enraged that they were coun 
 termanded. He advised us to write a very civil letter to 
 Spain, which he conceived would adjust every thing, be 
 cause the king was as forgiving as he was violent. He 
 said their navy was in great forwardness, but would not 
 be ready till next spring. He also assured Mr. G. that 
 it was settled to purchase the ship in Holland for the 
 king s use. Upon Mr. G. s applying to Mr. Sartine, he 
 wrote him an equivocal answer, and upon a second appli 
 cation the purchase was acknowledged. 
 
 5th. Mr. Lee undertook to answer the letters from 
 Rotterdam, and Dr. F. to draw up one for Spain. 
 
348 LIFE OF 
 
 6th. Mr. G. waited on the Spanish ambassador, to 
 whom at Mr. Lee s desire he mentioned Mr. Lee s com 
 mission for the court of Spain, and desired his advice 
 whether it should be announced immediately. He said 
 that would depend upon there being new instructions 
 with it ; which Mr. L. afterwards informed him was not 
 the case. He said he was very well satisfied with what 
 he had seen in the dock-yards ; that he would go to Fon- 
 *ainbleau next day, and on his return give us more par 
 ticular information relative to his court. 
 
 8th. Dr. F. and Mr. D. being to dine with Mr. L. he 
 wrote to Dr. F. in the morning, desiring him to bring the 
 letter for Spain with him, that they might consider and 
 sign it ready to be sent on Monday the 10th. A rough 
 draught was brought, and left with Mr. L. to consider. 
 Mr. L. received a letter from Madrid, to inform him 
 that a plan had been settled for supplying the states 
 with goods, but to what amount, or when it should 
 begin, was yet undetermined. He communicated this 
 letter to the other commissioners, with his intention to 
 order ten thousand blankets to be shipped immediately, 
 which he would pay for out of the Spanish fund. 
 
 9th. Met the commissioners at Passy, when they con 
 sidered the letter for Spain, with the alterations pro 
 posed by Mr. Lee, and Dr. F. was to have it copied. 
 The answer to Rotterdam was also to be copied. Mr. 
 L. had drawn up an admonition to the captains of arm 
 ed vessels to be sent to the courts of France and Spain, 
 and by them to the sea-ports, in which they were enjoin 
 ed to be cautious of molesting neutral ships, without suf 
 ficient proof of their having the effects of the enemy on 
 board. Mr. Deane objected to sending this, because he 
 said Mr. Gerard had talked with him at Fontainbleau, 
 and contended, that according to the settled law of na 
 tions, a neutral ship had a jurisdiction like the realm of 
 her sovereign, which protected all property in it. Dr. F. 
 and Mr. L. were of opinion that this was not the law of 
 nations, but matter of convention; and which, if they 
 conceded it, would be giving up one great inducement to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 349 
 
 the courts of Bourbon to enter into that commercial alli 
 ance they were ordered to negotiate, and in which that 
 protection was to be allowed. 
 
 Mr. G. re-delivered Mr. L. a letter, which Mr. L. had 
 received from London, acquainting him that the Jesuit 
 who was hired by the British court to forge the letters 
 called Montcalm s, was disgusted, and might be bought 
 over. This he sent to Count Vergennes, whose answer 
 was, that the Jesuit was a worthless wretch. The same 
 letter contained farther observations on the proposed ne 
 gotiation, of which mention is made before, and stated 
 that the British cabinet was so irresolute, that nothing 
 could be expected. Mr. L. desired Mr. G. to write to 
 Vienna for intelligence concerning the manoeuvres of 
 Haldimand and Fawcett, that by comparing the intelli 
 gence through different channels, they might arrive at 
 more certainty. 
 
 12th. Being at Passy, Mr. L. found that the letter to 
 Rotterdam had been sealed without his signing it. Mr. 
 Deane s excuse was, that he was going to send it to 
 me, but Dr. F. said, as the letter to which it was an 
 answer was directed to them only, it was not necessary 
 for Mr. L. to sign it. The captains Thomson and Hin- 
 man were there, but had neither been directed to wait 
 upon Mr. L., nor were introduced to him. Mr. D. not 
 having informed Mr. L. what was determined at Fontain- 
 bleau, relative to suspending the orders against their 
 being allowed to ship ammunition, Mr. L. asked Mr. 
 Chaumont whether he was present with Mr. D. at Mons. 
 de Sartine s? Mr. Chaumont said Mr. D. did not see 
 Mr. Sartine at all ; that he, Mr. Chaumont, negotiated 
 the business, and that the answer was, when the ship 
 was under sail, the ammunition must be smuggled on 
 board. 
 
 Mr. L. sent to Mr. Dumas extracts from the notes of 
 congress, relative to the maintenance and humane treat 
 ment of the prisoners, with directions to publish them, 
 as he had done the report to congress of the cruelties 
 committed by the royalists, which Mr. L. had sent him 
 before. 
 
350 LIFE OF 
 
 13th. On going to Passy, Mr. L. found an appoint 
 ment had been made the day before with the captains 
 Thomson and Hinman, of which he thought they were 
 not apprised. The captains reported that they could be 
 ready in twelve days after their return, to put to sea; 
 that they had sold their prizes for 9500, except the 
 arms, artillery, and ammunition, which was 3000 less 
 than their value, but that they were free of all risk ; that 
 the continental part would be sufficient to pay all ex 
 penses of completing and refitting the frigates. They 
 said congress had appointed a naval board at Boston, for 
 New-England, to consist of a deputy from each New- 
 England state ; that the 74-gun ship now building would 
 be launched in the summer. The frigates could carry 
 no goods, but would serve as convoy. The eastern ports 
 they thought the safest. 
 
 16th. Capt. Thomson delivered Mr. Lee, according 
 to his desire, a list of such articles as would be most 
 useful in the marine department. Mr. L. proposed to 
 introduce the captains Thomson and Hinman to Capt. 
 Boux, that they might consider and give their opinions 
 of his plans. 
 
 17th. Mr. L. went to Passy, with a draught of an an 
 swer to a letter from Mr. Say re to Dr. Franklin, com 
 plaining of the hardship and injustice of his not having 
 been provided for, when he had remained at the court 
 of Berlin, arid done honour to the American cause, 
 which he should be obliged to abandon and return to 
 London, if we would not support him. The answer 
 was that Mr. Lee had advanced him 2000 livres before 
 he left Paris, had paid his expenses to and at Berlin, and 
 informed him when they parted, that no support was to 
 be expected from the commissioners, which he had re 
 peated since his return to Paris, as the sense of the 
 whole commission, and that his assuming a public char 
 acter was unwarrantable, which he was advised never to 
 do again. Dr. F. was to have it copied for signing. A 
 Capt. Wells, who had commanded an American privateer, 
 
 and broke out of prison, at Portsmouth, dined with 
 
 Mr. L., and told him that Mr. Deane and Mr. Chaumont 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 35 1 
 
 had proposed to employ him in a private concern. Mr. 
 L. told him that, as he had for some time been maintain 
 ed at the public expense, his services were due, first, to 
 the public ; that the frigates were in want of men, and 
 that though he could not get an adequate birth, vet his 
 serving as a volunteer would get him a passage to his 
 own country, and entitle him to ask for rank in the ser 
 vice. Mr. L. wrote to Dr. F. enclosing him a letter 
 from a person who had intimated a desire in the British 
 ministry to treat secretly with the commissioners of an 
 accommodation. The letter stated that the ministry 
 were informed from Paris, that Dr. F. and Mr. L. were 
 at variance, and therefore it would be in vain to treat ; 
 that their honour must be saved by the overture coming 
 from the commissioners, and they must be assured of 
 their power to treat, and that the intended terms were 
 such as they might accept with satisfaction. The an 
 swer Mr. L. wrote to Dr. F., as what he meant to re 
 turn, was, that the variance did not exist, that they had 
 neither instructions nor inclination to make overtures ; 
 that the honour of the ministry was their own affair, and 
 that they who were most in need of accommodating, must 
 make such propositions as would be satisfactory. 
 
 N. B. A letter from Mr. Williams, at Nantes, was 
 shown to Mr. L. some days after the receipt, as was the 
 custom, to inform the commissioners that the Lion was 
 stopped, by an order from the minister. 
 
 17th. Received a letter from Baron Schulenburg, ex 
 pressive of the king s surprise at our having no des 
 patches ; his desire to hear of our success, and an assur- 
 rance that the British would not procure any troops from 
 Russia, Denmark, or Germany, except recruits for the 
 regiments already in America. 
 
 Ittth. Wrote to Mr. Grand, desiring him to settle with 
 the Spanish ambassador, an hour when I might see him ; 
 to Mr. Deane, desiring that he would inform those mer 
 chants in Spain who had received prizes, in which the 
 public was concerned, to give an account of them to Mr. 
 L., as the representative of the public in Spain ; to 
 which Mr. D. answered, that the prizes sent into Co- 
 
352 LIFE OF 
 
 runna were of little value, that Cunningham s vessel was 
 half owned by the public, and that he should write to 
 Mons. Leogans, at Corunna, on the subject. A letter 
 was sent at the same time to the commissioners, desiring 
 they would appoint an hour when Mr. L. might meet 
 them to settle the letter, and to consider whether it 
 would not be proper to send to the different ports in 
 France and Spain, an admonition to American captains 
 not to stop or molest neutral ships. This letter received 
 no answer. 
 
 19th. Saw Mr. Grand, who told me that the letter 
 for Spain had been given him, that he had proposed 
 some alterations, which Mr. D. had undertaken to make, 
 and that it was promised to have been sent him that 
 morning to show to the ambassador, but he had not re 
 ceived it. He therefore begged I would hasten it. I 
 communicated to him the letter from London, touching 
 an accommodation and the answer I intended to write. 
 
 20th. In going to Passy, in order to hasten the letter 
 for Spain, I met Dr. F-, who told me it was already 
 sent, and that it was determined that the despatches 
 should go off immediately on receiving the king s 
 speech. In this determination Mr. L. had no part, but 
 in this, as in many other things, they seemed to like Dr. 
 F. s idea, that the majority formed the commissioners, 
 according to the letter, and that therefore it was not ne 
 cessary to ask my opinion. I had before proposed the 
 detaining Capt. Young, to carry the speech, and the an 
 swer was that it was unnecessary, as there would be 
 other vessels going about that time. Dr. F. appointed 
 next day at ten o clock, to meet at Passy on public 
 business. According to appointment, Mr. L. waited on 
 the Spanish ambassador, and informed him of his com 
 mission to the court of Spain. His excellency advised 
 him to take no step in consequence of it, until a more 
 favourable opportunity, for that business could be done 
 with much more secrecy here than in Spain. Mr. L. 
 then desired his opinion about preventing the ill impres 
 sion which the unwarrantable conduct of American pri 
 vateers might occasion in future, much of which might 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 353 
 
 be apprehended in the present young and unsettled state 
 of their governments. Whether it would be agreeable 
 that he should write to all the ports, to warn all Ame 
 rican captains who put in there, not to molest neutral 
 vessels. The ambassador said he had mentioned that to 
 Mr. Grand. That it was now the usage among Euro 
 pean nations, to let an enemy s goods, unless contraband, 
 pass free in neutral bottoms, and the same would be ex 
 pected from the United States. 
 
 21st. Went to Passy, according to Dr. F. s appoint 
 ment, who was from home, and did not return till be 
 tween eleven and twelve o clock. Mr. D. showed him 
 the letters relative to the cargo of the Amphitrite, as if 
 Mr. Lee had not seen them, and when Mr. L. proposed 
 to answer them, Mr. D. said he had already done that, 
 in the name of the commissioners, because the express 
 was in a hurry and could not wait ; he was unacquainted 
 with Mr. Lee s knowing this to be a pretence, as the 
 letters had remained a whole day at Passy, and Mr. L. 
 had read them before Mr. D. returned from his amuse 
 ments in Paris. Dr. F. showed Mr. L. a letter from an 
 officer at Bourdeaux, to Mons. de Sartine, containing a 
 complaint from the captain of an English vessel, that 
 the Portsmouth privateer, Capt. Hart, of Portsmouth, in 
 New-England, that had refitted at Bourdeaux, had made 
 prize of his vessel coming into the River Garonne, and 
 sent her away to America. Mr. L. proposed, that in 
 order to quiet the anger this had occasioned at court, they 
 should add to their letter to Spain, and present a similar 
 request to this court, to have the above privateer seized 
 if she came into any of their ports. Dr. F. objected to 
 it, as subjecting the captain to foreign jurisdiction, when 
 he ought to be tried for it in America. Agreed to the 
 addition of the Spanish letter, and directed it to be 
 copied for signing. Mr. Gerard had called upon Mr. L. 
 in the morning, with a letter from Count Vergennes, ap 
 proving of the Spanish letter, provided Count d Aranda 
 thought it proper, but he said that our prizes could not 
 be adjudged in their courts. Mr. G. mentioned, at the 
 same time, that he had some time since given Dr. F. the 
 
 VOL. i. 45 
 
354 LIFE OF 
 
 sketch of a plan for borrowing the two millions, of which 
 he had heard nothing since. He had completed the plan 
 and went to Passy, to communicate it ; but Dr. F. being 
 out he did not. Mr. Lee carried this evening the draught 
 of a letter he purposed sending to the ports in Spain, to 
 warn the American vessels from violating the rights of 
 neutral nations. 
 
 27th Nov. The commissioners met to consult on their 
 despatches to congress. Mr. D. began the discourse ; he 
 remarked upon the proceedings of this court, with a good 
 deal of ill-humour and discontent, said he thought it was 
 our duty to state the whole to congress, that things seem 
 to be going very bad in America, they would be less pro 
 vided for next campaign, and more pressed than ever ; 
 he therefore was of opinion we should lay before this 
 court such a statement as would produce a categorical 
 answer to the proposition of an alliance, or satisfy them 
 that without an immediate interposition, we must accom 
 modate with Great Britain. Dr. F. was of a different 
 opinion ; he could not consent to state that we must give 
 up the contest without their interposition, because the 
 effect of such a declaration upon them was uncertain ^ 
 it might be taken as a menace, it might make them 
 abandon us in despair or in anger ; besides he did not 
 think it true ; he was clearly of opinion that we could 
 maintain the contest, and successfully too, without any 
 European assistance ; he was satisfied, as he had said 
 formerly, that the less commerce or dependence we had 
 upon Europe, the better, for that we should do better 
 without any connexion with it. 
 
 Mr. Lee was against any such declaration, lest it might 
 deprive them of the assistance they now received instead 
 of increasing it. He thought this court had acted uni 
 formly and consistently with their declarations ; that the 
 violent things done were of necessity, and compelled by 
 the bad conduct of our people ; that we ought to instruct 
 those who were going to America to avoid speaking with 
 bitterness against this country, but rather to soften the re 
 sentment of others, arising from considering the injuries 
 and not the benefits we had received from France ; he 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 355 
 
 was of opinion that if the credit of their funds was main 
 tained, all would go well ; he therefore proposed informing 
 them that the commissioners had funded two millions of 
 livres, to pay the interest of what they borrowed, or bills 
 drawn upon emergent occasions. This with attention to 
 sending the cannon, clothes, &c. which were ordered, 
 would, it seemed to him, put them on much more firm and 
 respectable ground than ever, and he saw not the least 
 reason to despair of success. Mr. D. objected to reserv 
 ing any of the money we received, and to the giving them 
 any power for money here. He said the court had pro 
 mised to enable them to pay the interest of what they 
 borrowed, and that was enough ; for he knew if they 
 were allowed to draw, they would never rest, till they 
 had drawn for every farthing, and that as we were to 
 furnish them with what was necessary there would be no 
 occasion for it. Mr. Lee replied, that there was uncer 
 tainty in our supplies reaching them, and it might well 
 happen that prevalent as the spirit was of sending ad 
 ventures to America, they might make offers of these 
 very necessaries upon the spot, which it might not be in 
 their power to pay for in produce, while their ports were 
 blocked up, and which they might purchase by bills on 
 Europe. Dr. F. appeared to agree with Mr. D. and it 
 seemed settled, that they were to trust to the promise of 
 the minister, for paying the interest of their debt ; though 
 Mr. Lee observed that promise was vague and verbal, 
 the minister who made it might be changed, and as it 
 did not appear to be the act of the cabinet, it would ne 
 cessarily fall with him, and they will in that case have 
 drawn their constituents into the discreditable proceed 
 ing of drawing bills, which must be protested. He 
 added that it was probable this minister might consider 
 the sum now furnished, as a disengagement from his pro 
 mise, it being much more than the sum stated in their 
 estimate as necessary for the supplies. 
 
 The next day Mr. L. went to Passy, when Dr. F. 
 showed him the draught of a letter to the committee, but 
 some ladies being there, and Mr. D. not attending, he 
 told Mr. L. that he would show it to Mr. D., and if there 
 
356 LIFE OF 
 
 were any alterations determined upon, Mr. L. should be 
 informed of it. Mr. L. prepared his separate despatches 
 for congress, and wrote to the Prussian minister at Ber 
 lin, an account which came through London, of the op 
 erations of the campaign, which seemed authentic. Sent 
 bills upon Madrid to Mr. Gardoqui, to the amount of 
 70,000, to answer for the shipping ten thousand blank 
 ets immediately, which he was pressed to do without 
 delay. Wrote to Mr. Digges, in England, to try to fur 
 nish necessaries to Capt. Nicholson, Johnson, and other 
 prisoners to the amount of 50 sterling. 
 
 Dec; 1st. Mr. Moylan was sent to Nantes with the de 
 spatches to go by Capt. Young. After so much delay they 
 were required to be signed in such a hurry, that no time 
 was given Mr. Lee to read them. The commissioners 
 gave Mr. Moylan a letter, promising to give him what pub 
 lic business they had to do in the port of L Orient, provid 
 ed he could connect himself there with some merchant 
 able and willing to advance for the public as occasion 
 should require. Mr. L. had transmitted to Mr. Gardo 
 qui, at Madrid, an exhortation to the captains of Ameri 
 can armed vessels, which Count Vergennes had approved 
 of, against their violating, as was complained of, the laws 
 of nations, by taking neutral ships and property, and those 
 of the enemy within the protection of neutral coasts. The 
 same was afterwards agreed upon by all the commission 
 ers to be sent to the ports in France. Having received 
 information, a Scots spy was sent down to L Orient by 
 the English ambassador ; Mr. L. wrote to Commodore 
 Thomson to warn him of it. The commissioners re 
 ceived information that the captain of the Amphitrite had 
 been committed to prison by order of government, for 
 having carried military stores to America, and that M. 
 Beaumarchais had made a formal demand of the cargo as 
 his property. Capt. Thomson wrote an account of very 
 indecent behaviour to him, by the king s commissary at 
 L Orient. Mr. Williams transmitted to them Capt. Ad 
 ams affidavit of his having been taken within two leagues 
 of Bellisle by the , and carried in a prize, to Eng 
 land. Mr. Lee had written to the Delaps, at Bourdeaux, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 357 
 
 for similar affidavits, relative to captures made of Ame 
 rican vessels in sight of the river. Mr. William Lee re 
 ceived information from Mr. Svveighauser, that the agent 
 of the Farmers General demanded the duties on a quantity 
 of lead, shipped last year on the public account, and on 
 which it was promised that the duties should be remitted. 
 
 4th. Mr. Austin arrived with despatches from congress 
 at Yorktown, in Pennsylvania, whither they had remov 
 ed on the evacuation of Philadelphia, of which General 
 Howe took possession the 26th of Sept. The express 
 left Boston the 30th of Oct. and brought the account of 
 the surrender of Burgoyne and his army at Saratoga, 
 on the 17th, prisoners of war, after he had been beaten 
 out of his camp entrenchments. And of the battle of 
 Germantown on the 4th by General Washington, in 
 which he was by mistake, in a fog, obliged to retreat, af 
 ter having routed both wings of the enemy. The com 
 missioners sent immediately an express to Versailles, 
 and Mr. Lee wrote to the Spanish ambassador and the 
 Prussian secretary of state, an account of this important 
 news. 
 
 6th. Mons. Gerard, first secretary to Count Vergennes, 
 met the commissioners at Passy. He said he came from 
 the counts Maurepas and Vergennes, to congratulate the 
 commissioners upon the news, to assure them of the great 
 pleasure it gave at Versailles, and to desire on the part 
 of the king any farther particulars they might have. He 
 was informed that extracts were making from all the pa 
 pers, which should be sent the moment it was finished; and 
 Mr. L. promised to send extracts from his brother s let 
 ter, which contained some farther particulars. Mr. Ge 
 rard said they might depend on three millions of livres 
 also from Spain, but he believed it would be through the 
 Havannah and New-Orleans. He said as there now ap 
 peared no doubt of the ability and resolution of the states 
 to maintain their independency, he could assure them it 
 was wished they would reassume their former proposi 
 tion of an alliance, or any new one they might have, and 
 that it could not be done too soon ; that the court of 
 
358 LIFE OF 
 
 Spain must be consulted, that they might act in harmo 
 ny, and prepare for war in a few months. Mr. D. had 
 sent Sir G. Grand to Versailles, with Commodore Thom 
 son s complaint, without having shown it to, or consulted 
 with Mr. Lee, from whom he also concealed the answer, 
 which was a reprehension of the commissary, which he 
 transmitted to the commodore himself, without communi 
 cating with Mr. L.; apparently to have all the graciousness 
 of the business to himself. Dr. Franklin undertook to 
 draw up a memorial, as Mr. Gerard desired, and Mr. L. 
 was to attend next day to consult upon it ; but, though 
 so very short and simple, it was not finished till the 8th. 
 Mr. L. read to the commissioners a letter he had drawn 
 up to Lord North, complaining of the cruel treatment of 
 American prisoners, and desiring a person appointed by 
 them might be permitted to furnish the prisoners with 
 necessaries, and that a general cartel might be settled. 
 Some additions were made, and it was agreed to send an 
 express with it to London. 
 
 8th. Signed the memorial to Count Vergennes, desir 
 ing an immediate consideration of the treaty that had 
 been proposed, and sent it by young Mr. Franklin, with 
 extracts from various American papers, relative to the 
 operations against Burgoyne s army. Sir G. Grand re 
 marked to us, that in a letter received from Count Ver 
 gennes, he did not style us " vos armis" as usual, but 
 " nos armis." 
 
 9th. Meeting young Mr. Franklin at dinner, I asked 
 him the answer to our memorial ; none having been re 
 ported to me. He said he was received by the count 
 himself with uncommon politeness, who told him an an 
 swer should be sent in two days, and he would then 
 know how much he was disposed to serve the cause of 
 America. 
 
 10th. Sent a copy of the memorial and extracts to 
 Count d Aranda, with a letter expressing my hopes that 
 he would concur in expediting the conclusion of a treaty. 
 Desired Sir G. Grand to mention to Count Vergennes, 
 that a commissioner for Vienna and Prussia, one for Spain, 
 and one for the grand duke of Tuscany, were here, and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 359 
 
 would go to their respective destinations, when this court 
 thought it proper. He was also desired to mention that 
 a convoy for considerable supplies, we were about to send 
 out, would be of great advantage to us. Letters from 
 Nantes mentioned that strict orders had been sent down 
 thither from government, to prevent the subjects of 
 France from sending any goods whatsoever to the Unit 
 ed States. This order appears to have been dated a few 
 days before the arrival of the news of our success, with 
 which not only the court, but all Paris, and all France, 
 seemed transported with joy. 
 
 Received a note from Mons. Girard, that the court 
 would see the commissioners at Versailles on the 12th, 
 at 10 o clock in the morning. 
 
 llth. Sir G. Grand reported that Count Vergennes 
 thought it would not be improper for the commissioners 
 to go to their different destinations ; and desired him to 
 call on Count d Aranda, to consult him on the subject. 
 Count d Aranda s reply was, " I have two ways of think 
 ing, one as Count d Aranda ; the other as the ambassa 
 dor of my court. As the former I wish Mr. Lee, in 
 whom I have the highest confidence, at Madrid ; as the 
 latter I may give no opinion till 1 receive orders." I 
 do not add the many compliments he had the politeness 
 to make in my favour to Sir George. But it gave me 
 great pleasure to find that he was not offended with me 
 as the cause of his being reprehended by his court, as 
 the Duke de Grimaldi informed me he was, for not dis 
 suading me from coming to Spain the last time. Mr. L. 
 answered a letter he had received from the Prussian min 
 ister of state, informing him that a commissioner could 
 not yet be received in a public character at Berlin, and 
 that he did not conceive that any additional light could 
 be given to a plan of commerce at present. The an 
 swer was that Mr. W. Lee would not give unnecessary 
 trouble, by coming in a private character, but would wait 
 till his majesty thought his coming would be of use. 
 Mr. L. also enclosed a copy of the extracts relative to 
 the operations against Gen. Burgoyne, which had been 
 presented to the counts de Vergennes and d Aranda. 
 
360 LIFE OF 
 
 12th. My colleagues did not reach Versailles till half 
 after eleven o clock, when, upon sending notice by a 
 servant to Mr. Girard, his servant came with a hackney 
 coach, and carried us to a house about half a mile from 
 Versailles, where we found Count Vergennes and his 
 secretary. The minister made us some general compli 
 ments upon the present prosperous state of our affairs, 
 and conversed some time upon the situation of the 
 two armies. He said nothing struck him so much as 
 Gen. Washington s attacking and giving battle to Gen. 
 Howe s army. That to bring an army raised within a 
 year to this, promised every thing. He asked Dr. F. 
 what he thought of the war. He answered he thought 
 we should succeed, and the English soon be tired of it. 
 Mr. Lee said his excellency might judge what would be 
 the event of the war, from observing that the most signal 
 successes of the enemy were productive of their greatest 
 misfortunes. Howe s advantages on Long Island, New- 
 York, and New-Jersey raised a spirit that repelled him 
 with considerable loss. The taking of Ticonderoga, and 
 rapid progress of Burgoyne, had brought upon him a total 
 overthrow. What hopes therefore could there be of a 
 war, in which the most brilliant success allured them to 
 their ruin. The fact was that nothing but a sense of 
 pressing danger and necessity would draw forth the mili 
 tia, in which the real strength of America consisted, and 
 which when drawn out appeared to be irresistible. The 
 minister took our last memorial from his secretary, and 
 read it. He then desired we would give him the in 
 formation it promised, and any thing we had new to 
 offer. Dr. F. said that the entering into the treaty pro 
 posed was the object, and that if there were any objections 
 to it, we were ready to consider them. The count said, 
 that it was the resolution of his court to take no advan 
 tage of our situation, to desire no terms of which we 
 might afterwards repent, and endeavour to retract ; but ta 
 found whatever they did so much upon the basis of mu 
 tual interest, as to make it last as long as human institu 
 tions would endure. He said that entering into a treaty 
 with us would be declaring our independency, and ne- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 361 
 
 cessarily draw on a war. In this, therefore, Spain must 
 be consulted, without whose concurrence nothing could 
 be done. In the mean time he would state some objec 
 tionable parts in the proposed treaty. The twelfth arti 
 cle, and an additional demand of the monopoly of the 
 trade to the islands of France and Spain, in the West 
 Indies, could not be admitted, being an attempt to es 
 tablish a right inconsistent with their sovereignty, and 
 which could never be submitted to. Dr. F. said he be 
 lieved the articles were incautiously worded, and that 
 congress meant only those islands which might be con 
 quered by their united arms, and ceded by the states to 
 their allies. To this it was answered that neither could 
 be granted, nor would it be demanded of us should we 
 conquer Canada. Besides they had islands enough, and 
 no interest in conquering more. Mr. Lee observed that 
 it would be so far at least their interest, as it took them 
 from the English ; but it was agreed that those demands 
 should not obstruct the treaty by being persisted in. The 
 next objection was that Spain would not be satisfied with 
 the indeterminate boundary between their dominions and 
 the United States ; for that the state of Virginia being 
 supposed to run to the South Sea, might trench upon 
 California. It was answered that the line drawn by the 
 last treaty of peace with England, the Mississippi, would 
 be adopted, and would prevent all disputes. For that, 
 though its source was not yet known, yet it might be 
 agreed that a line drawn straight from its source when 
 found, should continue the boundary. This was admit 
 ted, as adjusting the matter properly. The article on to 
 bacco was next mentioned, as what could not be altered, 
 it being formed, and must therefore necessarily rest on 
 its present establishment. With regard to the fishery it 
 seemed that the concessions proposed were deemed suffi 
 cient, especially after having been informed that the 
 source of difference between the French and English 
 used to be about the drying-places, which could not 
 happen with us, because of the three fairs or fishing 
 seasons, two of them were dried upon our own coast, 
 and the other was inconsiderable in that particular, the 
 VOL. i. 46 
 
362 LIFE OF 
 
 fish being very little cured. It was, too, a first principle 
 with us, that fishing was free to all. The conference 
 ended with the count s observing that we must consider 
 our independence as yet in the womb, and must not en 
 deavour to hasten its birth imrnaturely. That he would 
 despatch a courier to Spain, and it would be three weeks 
 before his return. That the order for presenting clear 
 ances for the United States was recalled, and he would 
 speak with Mons. de Sartine about giving us a convoy 
 for our supplies. The demand of three ships of the line 
 was mentioned, to which he answered that this was not 
 the moment ; and that, indeed, France had more occa 
 sion to buy than to sell ships. Mr. Lee informed him of 
 his having sent a copy of the memorial, &;c. to Count 
 d Aranda. He said it was well, and he should see him 
 that day. 
 
 13th. Mr. L. informed Sir G. Grand that he was de 
 sired to call upon M. de Sartine about the convoy, on 
 Monday. 
 
 14th. Wrote to Dr. F. and Mr. D. to desire their 
 opinion relative to the ordering Mr. Gardoqui, at Bilboa, 
 to ship immediately to the amount of 500,000 livres of 
 naval stores, which he informed Mr. Lee were ready, 
 and draw for it on the general fund. No answer. Wrote 
 to Mons. Gardoqui to hasten the shipping of blankets. 
 Mr. Grand the banker told Mr. Lee, that his brother was 
 informed by the commissioners that the government had 
 ordered one of their frigates to carry their despatches. 
 Mr. L. had not been informed of this. 
 
 15th. Mr. L. having received no answer from the 
 commissioners, wrote to them to say that he would be 
 with them to consult upon that business at 12 o clock. 
 He had received an abusive answer from Mr. D. to a note 
 written at the same time with that on public business. 
 Dr. F. answered that he would be at home, and desired 
 the letter from Spain might be brought. Upon going to 
 Passy, he found the Dr. alone, who declined saying any 
 thing upon the business, till they consulted Mr. D., which 
 he said might be in the evening. They were all to dine 
 together at the count M. s ; but Mr. D. sent an excuse, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 363 
 
 and desired Dr. F. and Mr. C. would call on him after 
 dinner, in town, where he had again taken up his lodg 
 ings, reserving those of Passj too, without any notice to 
 Mr. L. Dr. F. having asked Mr. L. to go with him, 
 they found Mr. D., who informed them that Mr. Girard 
 had sent for him to give him information that the frigate 
 was ready at Bourdeaux. The convoy which Mr. Sartine 
 had agreed to give was one frigate, and this being deem 
 ed too weak, it was agreed to apply to him for more. 
 The application was proposed for three frigates, but Mr. 
 L. observed that if they should encounter a ship of the 
 line and a frigate upon the American coast, they would 
 be overmatched, and therefore it would be better to ask 
 for one of the line and two frigates, which would be 
 equal to any force there was a probability of their meet 
 ing. With great difficulty this was adopted, and a short 
 memorial was drawn up for Mr. Sartine, and given to 
 Mr. Chaumont to present to him. In talking of the ships 
 to be convoyed, Mr. D. mentioned four, and upon Mr. 
 L. s enquiring what had augmented the number from two, 
 which were all he had heard of, it appeared that Mr. 
 D. had of himself chartered part of two vessels, belong 
 ing to Mr. Montieu, and as he said at five pounds sterling 
 per ton, out. The Spanish business being discussed, the 
 other two commissioners were against giving any money, 
 because woollen goods were dearer in Spain than in Ger 
 many, or France, or England. This was not a question 
 about woollen goods, but naval stores and tent cloth, 
 ready there to be shipped off. This Mr. Lee showed 
 them from the invoice next day, but to no purpose ; no 
 thing could prevail to let the public money go any where, 
 but in a certain channel. Mr. D. said it would be better 
 to ship the naval stores from Sweden directly, upon 
 which Mr. L. reminded him that Mr. Hellenais had last 
 year offered to do that, with additional brass cannon, 
 from the king s arsenal, he being the king s agent here, 
 and stated the terms, which were unobjectionable, and 
 yet nothing had been done, though these necessary arti 
 cles might have been now in America, at the cheapest 
 possible price, had not his proposal been rejected, with- 
 
364 LIFE OF 
 
 out any assigned or assignable reason, but that Mr. L. 
 recommended it. Agreed to settle with Mr. Sabastier 
 for 7000 more soldiers uniforms on the 20th following. 
 
 18th. Mr. L. being at Passy, Dr. F. informed him that 
 Mons. Girard had been there the day before with a mes 
 sage from the king, and the counts Maurepas and Ver- 
 gennes informing them that it was decided in council to 
 sign the treaty and maintain the independence of the 
 United States, immediately upon the return of the courier 
 from Spain, which out of respect for that court they must 
 wait for. That if a war with England should be the 
 consequence of this, his majesty desired no stipulation 
 from the United States, but that if they made peace 
 without his concurrence, they would not give up their 
 independence. He repeated again that his majesty s 
 fixed principle was never to desire what they might re 
 pent of having assented to, but to form a connexion so 
 mutually beneficial, that it might be firm and lasting. 
 It was however his majesty s desire, that this might be 
 kept an inviolable secret ; they were ready to begin a 
 war, Spain was not, having an immense treasure now at 
 sea, her fleet returning in a weak condition, and the treaty 
 with Portugal not yet finished. 
 
 His majesty was thanked for his gracious intentions, 
 and assured that a conduct at once so generous and wise, 
 would secure the great object he had in view. Jt would 
 have been more decent if the other commissioners had 
 sent for Mr. L. to be present at this transaction. Mr. 
 Girard alleged the long amity that had subsisted between 
 France and the Swiss as a ground for hoping the same 
 might take place with the United States. Mr. Carmi- 
 chael informed Mr. Lee that he had obtained permission 
 from Count Vergennes to go in the frigate which was to 
 carry our despatches, and having obtained the concur 
 rence of the other commissioners, desired that of Mr. L., 
 which was given. 
 
 On the 20th Mr. L. received a note from Mr. D. s 
 brother, mentioning his design of going immediately to 
 America, and upon enquiry he found the system changed, 
 and that Mr. D. had been chosen to carry the despatch- 
 
ga 
 M 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 365 
 
 es, and Mr. C. was to go by Nantes. All this was done 
 without the knowledge or concurrence of Mr. L. The 
 day before it had been settled by all the commissioners, 
 that as Mr. L. was to be at Versailles on Sunday, he 
 should show Mons. Girard a letter from Capt. Young at 
 Nantes, informing them of a British squadron, cruising 
 off Bellisle, which prevented him from going out of port; 
 together with a letter from Mons.Beaumarchais, demand 
 ing the cargo of the Amphitrite in payment for the sup 
 plies that went in her, and which were understood to be 
 furnished by government as a subsidy. Saturday even 
 ing Sir G. Grand showed Dr. F. and Mr. L. a note from 
 Count Vergennes, informing him that the frigate promis 
 ed could not go, but that he hoped to supply another in 
 a short time. As it seemed uncertain whether the fri- 
 ate for the despatches or that for the convoy was meant, 
 r. L. proposed to ask an explanation from Mr. Girard 
 the next day. 
 
 21st. Mr. L. called at Passy, in his way to Versailles, 
 and Dr. F. only being there, he talked over what he was 
 to do, and among the rest the eclaircissement about the 
 frigate, upon which the Dr. said Mr. D. thought it was 
 the frigate for the convoy. 
 
 Mr. L. saw Mr. Girard, and upon communicating what 
 is mentioned above, Mr. G. expressed himself much sur 
 prised that there should be any doubt about the frigate s 
 going with the despatches, when he had sent the minis 
 ters despatches to Passy the day before, which he would 
 not have done if the vessel was countermanded. He 
 desired we would pay no attention to notes written to 
 Sir G. Grand, but to official information. With regard 
 to Mons. Beaumarchais, he said not knowing what agree 
 ment Mr. Deane had made with him, they could not judge 
 of the propriety of his demand, but that it would be bet 
 ter for Mons. B. to state his demand, and the ground 
 of it, to the commissioners, and upon their sending it to 
 Count Vergennes, he would determine whether they were 
 to pay it. Mr. L. said he never heard of any agreement 
 made with him. As to the English squadron, he said 
 he understood that orders were already given for a squad- 
 
366 LIFE OF 
 
 ron from Brest, to form such a line of cruising from Bell- 
 isle to the Land s End, as would keep the English at such 
 a distance, that the merchant vessels might pass and re- 
 pass in safety, from the ocean into the French ports ; it 
 being the rule, that the English ships could not cruise 
 between the French shore and the French flag. He af 
 firmed, that the note to Mr. Grand was not intended to 
 be shown to us. 
 
 The weather being too bad to get to Passy in a car 
 riage, Mr. L. wrote to the other commissioners what had 
 passed. He received in answer, from Dr. F., that the 
 despatches would go next day at 10 o clock; and the 
 general letter, with duplicates of the agreement for the 
 iron cannon, signed by the other two, were sent him to 
 sign, which he did, though there were some things in the 
 general letter very objectionable; but as Mr. D. seemed 
 very desirous of turning the dispute between him and 
 Mr. L. into one between Dr. F. and Mr. L., he was 
 determined to wink at small occasions of difference. 
 
 22d. Went to Passy. Young Mr. D. not yet gone ; 
 gave him a letter for Richard Henry Lee. He said his 
 directions were, not to let Mr. Delap know he was at 
 Bourdeaux. Mr. Deane being busy, Air. L. talked over 
 with Dr. F. what passed at Versailles, but no reason was 
 given for concealing from him, that the government de 
 spatches were received. He was at Passy both Satur 
 day and Sunday. The communication would not only 
 have been decent, but would have prevented him from 
 asking a ridiculous question of Mr. Girard. In the 
 evening Mr. Lee visited Mr. Commissioner Izard, who 
 asked him if he had heard any thing of a proposal to the 
 commissioners, within a few days, from England. Mr. L. 
 said no. He replied " then you are ill-treated, and you 
 ought to call Mr. D. to a severe account for his conduct; 
 for that Paul Wenlworth had a meeting with Mr. D., to 
 whom he made propositions, which Mr. D. gave to the 
 French ministry." Mr. L. said he had not heard one syl 
 lable of it; that he would enquire into it; but that being 
 a public wrong, he could not resent it personally. Dr. F. 
 had mentioned to Mr. L. both Sunday and this day, that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 36? 
 
 Dr. Bankcroft was expected from London, for he had 
 written on the 9th, that he should set out in a few days ; 
 that he, Dr. F., was therefore apprehensive that he was 
 seized. Mr. L. said this was the first time he had ever 
 heard of his being in London, and it was a little sur- 
 
 o 7 
 
 prising such a step should have been taken without his 
 knowledge, if Dr. Bankcroft was in any office of trust 
 under the commissioners, and if he was not, he could not 
 understand why he had access to their papers, and even 
 had the key, which Mr. L. had repeatedly asked for in 
 vain. 
 
 23d. Mr. L. went to Passy at 12 o clock. Dr. F. out, 
 and Mr. D. just come in. Nothing ready for considering 
 or signing. Mr. L. asked Mr. D. whether a Mr. Went- 
 worth was in town, and whether he had seen him? Mr. 
 D. said Mr. W. had desired to see him, that he knew 
 little of him, and that he expressed a desire for accom 
 modation, and to know upon what terms it could be ob 
 tained, for that he thought the ministry in England were 
 disposed to it. This was all he communicated upon the 
 subject. Mr. L. mentioned that Mr. Ross had written 
 to him for his concurrence in the sale of Cunningham s 
 vessel, which Mr. D. had ordered Mr. Hodge to make; 
 at which he was surprised, and on the propriety of which 
 he could form no opinion, having never seen any account, 
 nor been informed of any thing relative to that transac 
 tion at Dunkirk. Mr. D. said Mr. Hodge had given in 
 his account, which was not very methodical, but it might 
 be seen, when we would examine it. Mr. L. took that 
 occasion to mention that Mr. Austin was now here, had 
 desired to be employed, and would be a proper person to 
 make out their general account, which had been so long 
 delayed. Mr. D. s answer was, he intended to make it 
 out himself; and that for the future we must appoint 
 some one to execute the orders of the committee, for he 
 did not choose to take the trouble any more. Mr. L. 
 said he supposed it was meant to appoint a contractor 
 general; but that if they were to pay M. Beaumarchais, 
 they would have very little to lay out. To which Mr. 
 D. replied, there are three millions to come from Spain. 
 
368 LIFE OF 
 
 That, said Mr. L., is to be remitted to America. But 
 we can draw for it, said Mr. D. 
 
 Mr. Carmichael was at Mr. Dearie s. He came and 
 dined with Mr. Lee, and mentioned his being deprived 
 of going in the despatch frigate, which had been promis 
 ed him. Mr. Lee said he had never been consulted in 
 it, nor knew any reason for it ; that a commissioner s 
 brother was certainly entitled to the preference in car 
 rying the despatches, but he did not comprehend why 
 that should prevent another gentleman from going. Mr. 
 Franklin the younger, put into Mr. Lee s hands a letter 
 from Mr. Carmichael, dated Dec. 21st, informing him 
 that he had given in his account to Mr. D. of the money 
 disbursed on the public account. 
 
 24th. Mr. D. having mentioned that there were letters 
 which pressed for answers, it was agreed to meet next 
 day for that business. When Mr. Lee went accordingly 
 to Passy, he found Mons. de Beaumarchais and Dr. F., 
 Mr. D. not coming, nor sending any excuse. Mons. de B. 
 came to demand the cargo of the Amphitrite as his due, 
 for the freight which he had paid out and home. He 
 grounded his demand upon an agreement signed by Mr. 
 Deane, styling himself agent for congress, before we 
 were appointed commissioners ; and upon his repeated 
 assurances that remittances should be made to reimburse 
 him. The agreement he showed us. Dr. F. and Mr. 
 L. assured him that there was nothing they wished more, 
 than to do justice to him; that the cargo of the Amphi 
 trite had been consigned to them, and they had according 
 ly ordered it to be sold, before they knew of his claim, 
 for that Mr. D. had never informed them of any agree 
 ment he had made, and this was the first moment they 
 knew of the paper he now showed them ; upon which, 
 it being clear that his claim was good, they would imme 
 diately order the cargo into his hands, which they did ac 
 cordingly. M. Beaumarchais showed them Barrard s 
 letters, in whose hands the cargo was put, informing him 
 of his having drawn upon him for the remainder of the 
 freight, and that the commissioners had ordered him to 
 apply the proceeds of the cargo to reimburse himself for 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 369 
 
 money laid out on two continental frigates. The com 
 missioners declared that they had given no such order, 
 nor had any reason to expect there would be any charge 
 for the frigates, as the captain had told them the amount 
 of the prizes would be more than sufficient to pay for 
 their repairs. Mr. B. desired a day might be appointed 
 to prove his demands upon us, for the supplies sent in the 
 Amphitrite, Seine, &c. &c. He said they were bought 
 with his money; that he received repeated assurances 
 from Mr. D. of returns being made, but had received 
 none; and the only one, the cargo of the Amphitrite, had 
 been denied him. He had sent over his account there 
 fore to congress, and a person to solicit the payment of 
 it, being on the edge of bankruptcy for his zeal and ser 
 vices in our cause. The commissioners answered that 
 Mr. D. was under no appointment from congress till they 
 came ; that he never informed them of any agreement or 
 assurances made, not even on the receipt of his last let 
 ter, but suffered them to remain in total darkness about 
 the whole, which they would be glad to have cleared up. 
 That they had on the contrary repeatedly understood, 
 that they were not answerable for those supplies, and had 
 so informed congress. Tuesday was appointed for an 
 explanation of all this. Mr. D. not coming, no business 
 was done. 
 
 25th. Received a note from Mr. D. in the morning, 
 saying business had prevented him from attending the 
 day before, but that he would attend to-day. Mr. L. 
 answered, that he would attend at 12 o clock. When he 
 came there he found a letter from Mr. Delap, addressed 
 to Messrs. Franklin and Deane, informing them that he 
 would send the depositions they had wrote for; and that 
 an American captain had been imprisoned at the sugges 
 tion of some of Lord Stormont s agents, w r ho had se 
 duced some of his sailors, and tampered with others. 
 The commissioners sent the letter to M. Sartine, and 
 Mr. Chaumont was desired to know when the convoy 
 would be ready. Capt. Nicholson s instructions were 
 deferred for that answer. 
 
 Attending at Passy, Sir G. Grand showed us a memoire 
 
 VOL. i. 47 
 
370 LIFE OF 
 
 from Capt. Boux, intended for the minister, recommend 
 ing war. Mr. L. asked Sir G. whether Count Vergennes 
 did not tell him, that we were not to pay for the stores 
 sent by Mr. Beaumarchais ; he replied, yes, w r hen he was 
 here last, but now he said he would not meddle with any 
 thing done by that adventurer. Company there, and no 
 more business done. 
 
 26th. The commissioners wrote to Count Vergennes 
 for leave to appeal from the judgment of the court of ad 
 miralty, at Nantes, by which two West India prizes were 
 confiscated, and to be restored to the English. 
 
 27th. Mr. L. being sent for to Passy, in the evening 
 found Mr. D. alone, who told him he had received 
 an answer from Mr. Girard (to whom he had written a 
 private letter with that of the public) when he was in 
 bed in the morning, by which we were encouraged to 
 make the appeal. That not a moment was to be lost, 
 but we must send an express to Nantes ; and he propos 
 ed Mr. Carmichael. I observed that if the least suspi 
 cion of our design got out, the prizes would be carried 
 off before we could stop them. That Mr. C. going down 
 was very likely to excite suspicion. That therefore it 
 was better to send Mr. Chaumont s servant, who could 
 get there much sooner, and might without suspicion de 
 liver a letter to Mr. Montandouine, who, with Mr. Wil 
 liams, were all that ought or could conduct the business ; 
 more persons meddling, especially a stranger, was more 
 likely to mar than promote the business. Mr. D. replied 
 that it was not a business to be delayed upon punctilios, 
 and that Mr. C. would give weight to it. Mr. L. said 
 that what he proposed was to expedite, not delay; and 
 that he considered their letters would have as much 
 weight as Mr. C. Dr. F. and Mr. Chaumont coming in, 
 the decision was left to them. The Dr. acquiesced with 
 Mr. D., and Mr. Chaumont thought as Mr. C. was going 
 down at all events, that he would save us the expense of 
 a despatch. It was agreed therefore that he should go, 
 and immediately Mr. D. said to Dr. F., he must have 
 money, sir; to which the other assenting, 500 livres were 
 given Mr. Carmichael, and a short letter from us, with 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 371 
 
 another from Mr. Chaumont, to Mr. Montandouine. It 
 came out, that Mr. D. had previously settled the matter, 
 and the horses and carriage had been ordered to attend, 
 so that consulting me was as usual a mere farce. It was 
 indeed clear, that the whole was a plan of Mr. D. s, to 
 make up with Mr. Carmichael, at the public expense, for 
 the affront of turning him out of the despatch frigate, in 
 favour of his brother.* 
 
 Dr. F. being indisposed, all farther business was put 
 off till next morning, when Mr. D. said he had some 
 thing pressing to communicate from Mr. Girard. 
 
 2tfth. Received a note that Dr. F. could not attend, 
 and put off the meeting till next morning. Wrote to 
 Baron Schulenburg, and to London, about the prisoners, 
 and to press for an immediate communication of the plan 
 for next campaign. 
 
 29th. Count Lauregais called on Mr. L. and told him 
 that Mr. Beaumarchais had said he had a demand of five 
 millions from the commissioners, for the stores he had 
 sent out. Mr. L. asked the count whether he did not 
 recollect being at his chambers in the temple, when Mr. 
 Beaumarchais told him the government were to furnish 
 cannon, ammunition, and money, to America; he answer 
 ed that he remembered it perfectly well. Mr. L. desired 
 him to go with him to Passy, and inform the other com 
 missioners of it. He agreed to tell it to Dr. F. but not to 
 Mr. D. who, he said was too much linked with Mr. B. 
 They went to Passy accordingly, and he communicated 
 it to Dr. F. Read over some letters from London and 
 Nantes. Mr. Ross complained that his letter had not 
 been answered. The person they had sent to London 
 wrote them that all the great men in opposition, except 
 the Duke of Richmond, were against the acknowledg 
 ing our independency, and that a Mr. Vansandt had be 
 trayed his letters to the ministry for a bribe of 500; we 
 were just going to separate when Mr. L. asked Mr. D. 
 what he had to communicate from Mr. Girard. He said 
 it was that Mr. G. being directed to form a plan of a 
 
 * Mr. Williams wrote us in return, that the ship in question had sailed eight 
 days before. 
 
372 LIFE OF 
 
 treaty on the French part, he wanted to see our powers 
 and our instructions, and that the article of binding them 
 selves to assist in taking Canada, could not take place. 
 Mr. L. said they had already a copy of their commission 
 and of their general instructions, that secret instructions 
 were never shown, and ought not to be demanded, and 
 that he did not understand settling articles with the min 
 isters secretaries, in which what they agreed to was 
 binding, but not what he assented to, having no authority 
 to bind the court. Mr. D. said he was an important man, 
 and we must not stop the negotiation by punctilios. It 
 was replied, that it was no punctilio, but an essential 
 form, from which there appeared no necessity for their 
 receding, nor had they power to recede. Wrote to 
 Spain to accelerate supplies from Bilboa. Sir G. Grand 
 informed the commissioners that Count Vergennes had 
 directed him to tell us that orders were given for paying 
 us 750,000 the 1st of February, which should be re 
 peated quarterly, till the three millions were paid. Mr. 
 Chaumont said the convoy would be sent to Nantes, but 
 the time not yet fixed. 
 
 30th. The commissioners consulted at Passy upon 
 what Mr. Deane, who had taken upon himself to go sev 
 eral times to Versailles, and hold conferences with Mr. 
 Girard, should answer to the difficulties about the eighth 
 article of the treaty, which Mr. G. and Mr. D. took to 
 be a demand on France to guaranty Canada, Nova Sco 
 tia, Florida, and the adjacent islands, to the United 
 States. Mr. Lee observed that the article had two ob 
 jects ; one to prevent France from taking possession of 
 any of the places specified, the other to leave them at 
 liberty to confederate themselves with the United States. 
 This being neither the demand of guaranty nor of pos 
 session, on the part of the United States, he conceived 
 upon re-consideration it would appear a just, necessary, 
 and indispensable article. Dr. F. being of the same 
 opinion, it was settled that Mr. D. should so state it to 
 Mr. Girard. Dr. F. and Mr. L. being also of opinion 
 that their instructions ought not to be shown, Mr. D. was 
 advised to mention so much of them as he judged ne- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 373 
 
 cessary to remove Mr. Girard s difficulties, but not to put 
 the paper into his hand, nor even allow him to cast his 
 eve over it. Mr. Chaumont was to accompany Mr. D. 
 The commissioners received a letter from Mr. Williams, 
 at Nantes, desiring 200,000 more, the half million being 
 expended, but no account how. Mr. L. s situation in 
 this affair was extremely distressing. Endeavours he 
 knew had been used by Mr. D. and C. to make Dr. F. 
 his enemy, by insinuating that Mr. L. did not wish well 
 to Mr. Williams, in whom Dr. F. was wrapt up. If 
 therefore Mr. L. refused to agree to the giving him such 
 immense sums unaccounted for, it would corroborate 
 their suggestions, and operate to their wish upon Dr. 
 F. s mind, already prejudiced. Neither would it prevent 
 the money being given, the two others being competent, 
 and in the practice of disbursing the public money. Mr. 
 D. therefore, by his ready compliance, would make it a 
 means of fastening himself more firmly in the mind of Dr. 
 F., and of effecting, what was his great object, an irre 
 concilable breach between the Dr. and Mr. L., and yet 
 it was a most serious consideration, that a young man, 
 without a shilling of property, was thus in a few months 
 to be entrusted with upwards of a million of livres of the 
 public money, of which all the account rendered was, 
 that he had expended it. 
 
 31st. Neither went to nor heard from Passy. Wrote 
 letters to the governor and some of the council of Vir 
 ginia, and sent the resolution of congress for giving 
 British vessels and cargoes betrayed by their crew to 
 them, in return for a similar practice on the part of the 
 government of Great Britain, with directions to have it 
 communicated to all the British crews at Dunkirk. 
 
 1st January 1778. Being at Passy, I mentioned to 
 Dr. Franklin that Mr. Stephenson was going to America, 
 and wished to carry our despatches, and that I knew 
 him well, to be a trusty and respectable man. Dr. F. 
 said it was very well ; he might carry them, and they 
 should be glad of it. Mr. D. coming in Mr. L. repeated 
 what he said relative to Mr. S., and Mr. D. also con 
 sented. Nothing more passed on the subject. There 
 
374 LIFE OF 
 
 was some conversation about Mr. Beaumarchais. Mr. 
 D. seemed unacquainted with any agreement with him, 
 and Dr. F. expressed his surprise at a mode of proceed 
 ing, by which money was demanded of them for goods 
 which they never ordered, and a person sent to congress 
 to demand payment for the supplies, which they had been 
 repeatedly assured were given, and for which they had 
 returned their thanks, and apprised congress of that as 
 surance. 
 
 5th. Closed and delivered the despatches to Mr. Ste- 
 phenson, who informed him that in answer to a letter 
 from him to all the commissioners, Dr. F. and Mr. D. 
 had wrote him that they never said he should carry the 
 despatches, for that they had engaged Mr. Carmichael to 
 do it. To this he replied, that Mr. L. had told him so, 
 and he had understood the same from Mr. D. 
 
 6th. Went to Passy, where he found Dr. F., but Mr. 
 D. did not attend. The servant that accompanied Mr. 
 Simeon Deane, with the despatches to Bourdeaux, was 
 returned, but the Dr. said he had not seen him. The 
 Dr. told him Sir Phil. Gibbes had been there to sound 
 him about propositions of peace, to which he replied we 
 had none to make, the many which congress had made 
 were treated with contempt, and that the dependency of 
 the colonies was gone forever, like the clouds of last 
 year. Mr. L. said, in his opinion, propositions might be 
 made, and those very concise ; pay us for the damage you 
 have wantonly done us, and let us alone ; these he con 
 ceived were the only terms on which they could hope for 
 a cessation of hatred and hostility. In going to town 
 Mr. L. overtook Mr. D. s servant, who had been to Bour 
 deaux, who informed him that the frigate sailed with the 
 despatches on new year s day. 
 
 8th. Mr. Thornton whom they had sent with the let 
 ter about the prisoners, arrived. He had visited the pris 
 oners, found their situation very miserable, had ordered 
 an increase of their daily allowance, and understood that 
 both the ministry and the committee of the subscribers 
 had ordered them necessary clothing and covering. He 
 said Lord North told him he was informed that Dr. Bank- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 375 
 
 croft was in London, and had been sent by the commis 
 sioners on a stock-jobbing scheme. Mr. L. said Dr. B. 
 was so far from being sent by him on any such errand, 
 that he never knew he was gone, till Dr. F. told him he 
 had written upon a news-paper that he should return in 
 a few days. Dining at the same place with Dr. F., he 
 told Mr. L. that the courier to Spain was returned, and 
 Mr. Girard had written to Mr. D., who was gone out to 
 Versailles. In the evening Mr. L. received a summons 
 from Mr. D. to meet Mr. Girard, at Mr. D. s lodgings ; 
 when he got there Dr. F. was not arrived. Mr. Girard 
 told them that three 74-gun ships, with two frigates, 
 under the command of Mons. de la Morte Piquet, a very 
 sensible and spirited officer, was clearing the coast of the 
 English squadron and cruisers. Upon Dr. F. s arrival, 
 Mr. Girard informed us that he came from the king, and 
 the Counts Maurepas and Vergennes. But before he 
 delivered to us what he had in charge, he desired our 
 parole of honour, to observe the most profound secrecy. 
 We each of us promised it ; but Dr. F. added some in 
 sinuation that secrets were not kept on their part, of 
 which Mr. Girard took no notice, but went into a some 
 what tedious harangue, which closed with asking us 
 three questions. 1st. What would be necessary on the 
 part of this court to satisfy the commissioners of their 
 attachment to the cause of America, and prevent them 
 from listening to the propositions of Great Britain. 2nd. 
 What would be necessary to satisfy the congress and 
 people of the United States, and prevent them from ac 
 ceding to the propositions which Great Britain might 
 send to them. 3d. What assistance would it be neces 
 sary for France to give them. 
 
 The commissioners appearing to think it required some 
 consultation before they could give answers, Mr. Girard 
 proposed to leave them together^and return in an hour, 
 which he did. Dr. F. began to write, and the other two 
 to talk. Mr. L. said their instructions seemed to furnish 
 them with proper answers. They were sent to negotiate 
 a treaty with France, and the immediate conclusion of 
 that would answer the two first questions; as the grant- 
 
376 LIFE OF 
 
 ing them eight ships of the line, for which they were 
 instructed to solicit, would the last. Mr. D. objected to 
 the latter as dictating to them; to which Mr. L. replied, 
 it could not possibly be deemed dictation to answer a 
 question, which they to whom they were sent had asked, 
 in the manner in which they who sent them had directed. 
 Mr. Deane then said, that some people had been foolish 
 enough to censure their having ordered the sale of pri 
 zes out of the commercial agents hands, for which 
 censure there was not the least reason; and the com 
 mercial agents had protested the bills drawn upon them 
 for the repairs of the Raleigh and Alfred at L Orient. 
 On this Mr. L. observed, that the sale of prizes was the 
 only source of funds which the commercial agents could 
 have, no remittances being made; and the depriving them 
 of the means of paying, and then drawing upon them for 
 payment, especially for repairs, which we, not they, had 
 ordered, was unmercantile and unjust. Mr. D. was going 
 to reply, when Dr. F. said our present business was to 
 consider the answers, which he had written down, and 
 would read to us. This he did as follows. 
 
 Question 1. AVhat is necessary to be done, to give 
 such satisfaction to the American commissioners, as to 
 engage them not to listen to any propositions from Eng 
 land, for a new connexion with your country? 
 
 Answer. The commissioners have long since proposed 
 a treaty of amity and commerce, which is not yet conclud 
 ed. The immediate conclusion of that treaty will re 
 move the uncertainty they are under with regard to it, 
 and give them such a reliance on the friendship of France, 
 as to reject firmly all propositions made to them of peace 
 with England, which have not for their basis the entire 
 freedom and independence of America, both in matters 
 of government and commerce. 
 
 Question 2d. What i^ necessary to be done, immedi 
 ately, so to satisfy the congress and people of America 
 with the utility and certainty of the friendship of France 
 in securing their independence, that they will also reject 
 all propositions from England for peace, inconsistent with 
 their independence ? 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 377 
 
 Answer. The supplying them with money to pay the 
 interest of the bills issued and support their credit, will 
 give them effectual assurance of the friendship of this 
 court ; and the sending them the aid of eight ships of the 
 line, which they have desired, would enable them to pro 
 tect their coast and their commerce, and thereby prevent 
 the inclination or necessity of listening to terms of accom 
 modation with England. 
 
 To the first answer the commissioners agreed; and two 
 to the second, with the addition of the word necessity, 
 proposed by Mr. Lee. But Mr. D. began to object to 
 the second, without offering any thing material, when Mr. 
 Girard returned. The first answer was read to him, with 
 which he professed himself satisfied. As to the second, 
 Dr. F. told him we were talking upon it when he came 
 in. He said it was agreeable to him, if we chose it, to 
 defer our answer to another time. He then added, that 
 he was now at liberty to inform us that it was resolved 
 to conclude that treaty with us immediately, for which he 
 was authorized to give us his majesty s parole. That 
 farther, it was determined to enter into another treaty 
 offensive and defensive, to guaranty our independency, 
 upon condition of not making a separate peace, or relin 
 quishing our independency; that he had been ordered to 
 draw up these two treaties, which he expected to lay be 
 fore the council the next day, and of which he would 
 send us copies in a few days. He said the king was not 
 actuated by ambition, or a desire of acquiring new terri 
 tory, but solely by the desire of establishing the inde 
 pendency of America. That therefore they could not 
 agree to the proposition of assisting us in conquering 
 Canada for us, and the English islands for them. Nei 
 ther was it their idea of assisting us by land ; and they 
 supposed it would not be very agreeable to us to have 
 foreign troops in our country. Their aid therefore would 
 be by sea. Mr. L. asked him if he thought it proper 
 that Spain should be moved at all. He said that court 
 had not come to a resolution yet, but this would go on 
 alone, reserving to them a right of acceding to the trea 
 ties ; and they believed they could for some time do with- 
 VOL. i. 48 
 
378 LIFE OF 
 
 out them. That if their object could be secured without 
 a war, it was their wish ; but their resolution was to se 
 cure it at all events. Mr. Girard added, that he was hap 
 py now to congratulate us upon the affair being brought to 
 the point he always wished, and he hoped the connexion 
 would be as durable, as the terms were mutually bene 
 ficial. 
 
 18th. The commissioners met Mr. Girard by appoint 
 ment, at Mr. Deane s house. He read to them the plan 
 of an eventually offensive and defensive treaty of alli 
 ance, which he said it was necessary to make eventual, 
 as they would not seem to take for granted, that their 
 entering into a previous treaty of amity and commerce, 
 was any just ground for a war with England. But as this 
 consequence might flow from it, they thought themselves 
 justified in providing against it. He gave both this, and 
 that of a treaty of commerce, in French, exacting a pro 
 mise that we should return him the originals when we 
 had considered them ; and that they were ready to con 
 clude them as soon as we were prepared. Dr. F. took 
 them to consider that evening, and was to give them to 
 Mr. D. next day, who was to deliver them to Mr. L. 
 and then they were to meet and discuss them together. 
 
 20th. Employed in copying the treaties, not thinking 
 it proper to trust them with a secretary. 
 
 21st. The commissioners met at Passy, and began to 
 examine the treaties, article by article. Mr. L. proposed 
 that " sovereign" should be added to the United States, 
 that the acknowledgment of their sovereignty might not 
 be matter of future doubt and discussion, as was that of 
 the states of Holland, till the year 1048, and of the 
 Swiss cantons till their late treaty in 1777, with France. 
 His colleagues did not think with him, because they said 
 congress themselves had not inserted that in the style 
 and title by which they had determined to be called. 
 He then observed that there was no explicit disclaimer 
 on the part of France, to all the continent, and to the 
 islands appertaining to the fishery, which were part of 
 the British possessions, and which the states claimed in 
 the 9th article. It was also stipulated that if the states 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 379 
 
 conquered them (and not mentioning Cape Breton) they 
 should possess them ; but it was not said that France 
 should not attempt to conquer them. And there was 
 the more reason to suspect some design upon them, be 
 cause there was a formal renunciation of ever possessing 
 any part of the continent, but nothing said of the islands. 
 Mr. L. thought, therefore, that an article should be pre 
 pared, mutually and explicitly renouncing those territo 
 ries, which were pointed out as objects of conquest to 
 the respective parties. This they thought right. His 
 next observation was that the last article held out a 
 temptation to the English to keep the whole force of the 
 war upon America, and leave France unattacked, for it 
 was only upon the condition of France being attacked 
 that she guarantied the independence and possessions of 
 the United States. The English, therefore, upon seeing 
 the two treaties would naturally say, if we take them 
 one by one, or if, by bending our whole force against the 
 Americans, we can reduce them, the treaty is void. 
 France too on her side would rest secure, that, without 
 any risk she would enjoy, under the commercial treaty 
 previously concluded, the commercial advantages which 
 were all she professed to aim at, which America by her 
 own efforts could obtain for herself. Mr. L. thought, 
 therefore, that the commissioners ought to endeavour to 
 have that article entirely omitted. Dr. F. proposed an 
 additional article, which he thought would correct it, and 
 that was that France should pay the United States a 
 million sterling in subsidy, yearly, as long as the war 
 continued against them alone. Mr. L. said that this 
 might assist them, but it would not prevent the continu 
 ance of the war from being fatal to America, by the de 
 vastation of their country, the exhaustion and vitiation 
 of their young people. That without the aid of the eight 
 or ten ships of the line, which they were instructed to 
 demand, it would be impossible to protect their coasts 
 and their commerce, so as to procure the necessary sup 
 plies, for so heavy a war. Dr. F. said he thought it 
 would be for the benefit of America to have the whole 
 of the British commerce t@ prey upon. But Mr. D. was 
 
380 LIFE OF 
 
 of opinion that the American navy was diminishing, ra 
 ther than increasing, and that under the continuance of 
 the war solely against them, the necessary supplies for 
 constructing a navy could not be procured. To which 
 Mr. Lee added that it seemed an attempt disproportioned 
 to their infant strength, and more likely to overwhelm 
 than to uphold them. In the treaty of commerce Dr. F. 
 observed, that in the 4th article the exemption of the pay 
 ment of extraordinary imposts was confined to his most 
 Christian majesty s dominions in Europe, so that in the 
 East or West Indies the subjects of the United States 
 would be subject to discretionary impositions, and that 
 therefore the words " in Europe" should be left out. 
 This was agreed to. In the 5th article Mr. L. thought 
 there was no reciprocity. Americans were subject to 
 pay a duty of 100 sols per ton, if they went from one 
 French port to another, which was not and never was 
 likely to be the case, with French vessels going from 
 one port in the states to another. It was said r indeed, 
 the states might lay such a duty, but till they did it or 
 had it in contemplation, the French ought not to do it. 
 When the treaty of Utrecht was made there was a simi 
 lar duty on the French commerce in British ports, and 
 it was agreed they should be mutually removed. Upon 
 the same ground of reciprocity what did not exist in 
 the United States, should be removed in the dominions 
 of his most Christian majesty. On the 9th article Mr. 
 L. observed that the exercise of fishery was given ex 
 clusively to the French within their own precincts for 
 ever, but to the Americans not longer than they should 
 not admit any other nation ; so that the French were 
 permitted to communicate their rights to any other, with 
 out thereby admitting the Americans, but the same was 
 not permitted to the people of the United States, which 
 was evidently unequal ; it was proposed therefore to 
 amend it by substituting " aucune des parties contracten- 
 tes" for " les etats uni^ 
 
 22nd. Mr. L. was at Passy at ten o clock, agreeably 
 to appointment. Mr. D. arrived at 12 o clock. In the 
 mean time Dr. F. was translating the defensive treaty, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 381 
 
 and his grandson copying the other. It was determined 
 that we should return a translation of each with the 
 originals, and that we should give in our objections and 
 additions in English, and that upon concluding the trea 
 ties the French and the English should be put opposite 
 to each other. Dr. F. read the additional article relative 
 to a subsidy, to which Mr. L. desired that ships of war 
 might be added. Mr. L. showed the other commission 
 ers that the expression in the treaty with the Swiss 
 cantons was, " que le corps Helvetique conserve son etat 
 actuel de souverainete absolue, et de perfaite independ- 
 ance," which he wished might be the guaranty of the 
 present treaty, as being most clear and unequivocal. 
 Some doubts arising about what islands were included 
 in the Gulf of Mexico, they referred to the map, and 
 found that a line drawn from the point of Pensacola 
 southward included Cuba, Hispaniola, and Jamaica. It 
 was agreed that the articles relative to the fishery, and 
 the islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, must be render 
 ed more explicit, by specifying the respective possessions, 
 claims, and objects, on this subject, so as to prevent all 
 cause of future doubt and disagreement. (Some philo 
 sophical discourse arising, Dr. F. said it was his opinion 
 that the matter of light was what entered largely into 
 the nourishment of vegetables. This opinion I mention 
 here for its curiosity, not for its pertinency.) No answer 
 to Mr. W. Lee s letter was mentioned. Count Laure- 
 gais had informed Mr. L. that young Mr. Holker went 
 over to America with Mr. Deane s brother, and it was 
 supposed upon some public business. This Mr. L. men 
 tioned to Mr. Chaumont and Mr. D. together, who both 
 denied any knowledge or belief of it. In the evening 
 Mr. L. went to Versailles where he informed Mr. Gi- 
 rard of his having received advice from Bilboa that Cun 
 ningham was in a fair way to compromise the affair of 
 the prize. Mr. G. expressed much satisfaction at this, 
 because it had given very great offence at Madrid. Mr. 
 L. mentioned his doubts about the propriety of stipulat 
 ing in the treaty that France might attempt the conquest 
 of Jamaica, lest it should offend Spain, to whom it was 
 
382 LIFE OF 
 
 more properly an object ; or of the commissioners for 
 this court undertaking to conclude a treaty with Spain 
 when there was a plenipotentiary appointed by congress 
 for that purpose. Mr. G. said that whenever Spain should 
 accede to the treaty, that article or any other would be 
 arranged conformable to the harmony and mutual good 
 will which subsisted between the two courts, for which 
 purpose the express stipulation for their accession was 
 entered into. That as to the other it must be arranged 
 by the commissioners themselves, but that he thought 
 the plenipotentiary for Spain might either sign the en 
 gagement separately or conjointly, specifying his char 
 acter after his signature. He seemed desirous of our 
 
 . 
 appointing a day for finally settling it, as soon as possible. 
 
 23d. Went to Passy in the morning, but found Dr. F. 
 just going out, the copying not finished, the translation 
 not begun, and no business to be done. A young French 
 man coming in, Dr. F. sent him into the little room, where 
 his grandson was copying the treaty; and Mr. L. going 
 in soon after, found the treaty upon the table, and the 
 young Frenchman close to it. This is mentioned to show 
 how vain it was to enjoin secrecy w 7 here there was so 
 little discretion. A letter from Mr. Williams mentioned 
 that a convoy was ready, and leave for the exit of the Li 
 on, but that she must wait ten days for the spring tides. 
 He had been to Brest, and made a very good report of 
 the forwardness of that fleet. The commissioners dined 
 together, in company with the Duke d Ossion, ambassa 
 dor to the States General, who had just come from the 
 Hague, and gave a favourable account of the prepara 
 tions of the Dutch, and their aversion to hazard any 
 more of their money in the English funds. After dinner 
 the commissioners had some conversation, when Dr. F. 
 desired Mr. L. to draw up an article on the fishery; but 
 he was unwilling on being urged, to fix a day for the final 
 settlement of the treaty. He said it was to no purpose, 
 because they would forward it as fast as possible. 
 
 24th. Went to Passy in the evening, as the most like 
 ly time to find them disengaged, but Dr. F. was not at 
 home; his grandson said they had been comparing the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 383 
 
 French with our plan, but that the copying was not 
 finished, nor the translation begun. He observed, that 
 his grandfather s dining out every day prevented any bu 
 siness from being done, and that he was to be out again 
 next morning. A very unpromising state of things, when 
 boys made such observations on the conduct of their 
 grandfathers. Mr. L. had prepared an article, instead of 
 those of the < stipulated conquest and i renunciation, in 
 which France should unequivocally renounce all the con 
 tinent, and those islands which the United States meant 
 to make the parts of their confederated empire, that is, 
 the islands of Newfoundland, Cape Breton, St. John s, 
 Anticosti and the Bermudas. He left word with young 
 Mr. F. for the Dr., that he would be at Passy next morn 
 ing at 1 1 o clock. 
 
 25th. The consideration of the treaty renewed. The 
 great question was upon the 1 1th and 12th articles of the 
 commercial treaty. Mr. D. had told Mr. L. that he was 
 willing to propose the leaving them both out, but when 
 Dr. F. proposed the altering the 12th article to extend 
 the prohibition of laying duties on tobacco, to all the 
 commodities exported from the United States, and con 
 fine the destination to the islands furnishing molasses, he 
 agreed with him to let both articles stand. Mr. L. dif 
 fered. He said, 1st. These articles imposed a confine 
 ment of jurisdiction, contrary to the principles laid down 
 as the basis of the negotiation, that each party should 
 be unrestrained within itself. Id. They were going be 
 yond their powers, which directed them to stipulate for, 
 but not insist on the exemption of molasses, much less 
 to purchase it at an enormous price. 3d. There appear 
 ed no necessity for restraining the impost upon an article 
 which was never likely to have any duty laid upon it, this 
 being contrary to the system of their policy. Mr. D. 
 answered that it would be a very popular thing in New- 
 England, where there was a vast consumption of molas 
 ses, both in food and distillation; that it formed the great 
 staple of the commerce of America, and was extending 
 very much to the southward, particularly in South Caro 
 lina; that he was sure the import oL molasses alone 
 
384 LIFE OF 
 
 amounted to 100,000 hhds. and was equal in value to all 
 the tobacco made in America ; that the French seeing the 
 advantages we made by the distilling it, and with a view 
 to get a vent among us for their brandy, might lay a heavy 
 duty upon it, and by that means render the rum dearer 
 when distilled with us, than that of their islands, and the 
 brandy of old France. Dr. F. supported the same argu 
 ments, but thought the estimate of molasses was much 
 too great. He added, with an apparent candour, that 
 rather than there should be a dissention, and the treaty 
 impeded, he would be of Mr. L. s opinion- Mr. L., who 
 was aware that this was calculated to throw all the con 
 sequences upon himself, of obliging Dr. F. to act against 
 his judgment, made no reply ; but on Dr. F. s desiring a 
 resolution might be made, said it was unpleasant to 
 him to persist in his opinion, but yet he was so convinc 
 ed of the hazard of the measure proposed, that he could 
 not agree to it, and therefore proposed that the other 
 two commissioners should be consulted with ; that from 
 the manner in which they received it, we might judge 
 what would be the opinion of our country; that they 
 were gentlemen from the southern states, and extremely 
 well acquainted with commerce. This proposition was 
 refused, not without considerable appearance of offence 
 from it, particularly in Mr. D.,who said it would be very 
 extraordinary to call in any body to judge of a thing that 
 was left with us, and that he thought he might without 
 vanity say, he knew the trade of the southern colonies 
 as well as those, or any other gentlemen. Dr. F. then, 
 in a certain soft, smooth, accommodating manner, which 
 he can assume at pleasure, said, well, suppose we just 
 propose it, and then say that we are very willing to give 
 up both the articles. As this, from the manner in which 
 it was proposed, appeared to be a sort of compromise that 
 would prevent any open dissention, Mr. L. desisted from 
 his opposition. He did not think it became him to persist 
 in his opinion against the judgment of his colleagues, giv 
 en under an artful endeavour to throw all the consequen 
 ces of it upon him. 
 
 26th. The treaty resumed. It had been proposed by 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 385 
 
 Dr. F., in the 7th article of the defensive treaty, that the 
 word Jamaica should be left out, as the assembly of that 
 island had petitioned against the measures respecting us 
 at the beginning, and showed a friendly disposition to 
 wards us. Therefore, mentioning that island particular 
 ly, would appear ungrateful. This was agreed to, and 
 Mr. L. proposed to omit mentioning the word conquest 
 in the 5th and 6th articles. That the 5th should run 
 thus: "If the United States should think fit to attempt 
 the reduction of the British powers in North America, 
 in the islands (specifying them) near the gulf of St. Law 
 rence, and in the Bermudas, the countries so reduced 
 may be confederated with, or dependent upon the thir 
 teen United States." Then in the 6th article it was to 
 be any part of the continent, or of the islands in or near 
 the gulf of St. Lawrence, or the Bermudas, which were, 
 &c. &c. Agreed to in part. 
 
 In the 12th article Dr. F. proposed to insert the word 
 " possessions" after " reciprocal guaranty," in order to 
 make it appear that in all events they undertook to guar 
 anty our liberty and independence, and that the condi 
 tion went only to the possessions. This was agreed to. 
 The other commissioners were then slipping over the 
 secret article, in which they stipulated to negotiate and 
 sign a treaty with Spain ; but Mr. L. remarked to them 
 that as there was a deputy plenipotentiary appointed for 
 Spain, he must stipulate that, and not they who were 
 only for the court of France. This observation caused 
 some little distress, such as arises when people find a 
 thing has happened which they feared, and yet were in 
 hopes of avoiding. They sought however for relief in 
 our instructions, but it appearing from them that the 
 deputy for Spain and those of France were to consult 
 together in modelling the treaty with Spain, so as not to 
 interfere with that of France ; they were obliged to agree 
 that instead of " deputies" it should be " deputy." Dr. 
 F. then read a second secret article which he had pre 
 pared, for stipulating to us an annual subsidy while we 
 alone supported the war, which was agreed to, with the 
 amendment of " allies and friends" proposed by Mr. L. 
 
 VOL. i. 49 
 
386 LIFE OF 
 
 He then desired that there might be a demand for eight 
 or ten ships of the line, stating that if the whole force of 
 the war continued against them, it would be in vain that 
 they had money to purchase supplies, since the coast 
 would be so effectually blocked up, and most of their 
 towns on the coast in the enemy s hands, that it would 
 be almost impossible to get in those supplies. Dr. F. 
 promised to draw up an article for that purpose. Mr. L. 
 then asked whether it was determined to make the com 
 mercial treaty perpetual ; because it was his opinion 
 that it would be much safer to limit it, so that if in ex 
 perience any thing was found wrong, it might not be 
 without remedy. Mr. D. answered that it certainly was 
 intended to be perpetual, for it was so ordered in the 
 plan sent by congress, and if it was not so it would be 
 desirable to make it perpetual, that there might be no 
 power of changing. He added that all treaties of com 
 merce were perpetual ; in which Dr. F. agreed with him.. 
 To satisfy them that it was not so Mr. L. showed them 
 the treaty of commerce between Great Britain and Rus 
 sia, which was concluded in the year 1766 for 20 years, 
 and he read them the twenty-fifth article which says, 
 " And as it is customary to fix a certain term to the 
 duration of treaties of commerce, the above-mentioned 
 high contracting parties have agreed that this treaty shall 
 continue for twenty years, counting from the day of sign 
 ing ; and after the expiration of that term they may 
 agree upon the means to renew and prolong it." Mr. 
 L. added that as we were a young and forming people, 
 things were undergoing with us frequent changes, which 
 in old countries was not the case, and as the treaty was 
 drawn up in times of great hurry and confusion, he could 
 not help thinking that limiting its duration was wise and 
 necessary. His colleagues did not think so, and he 
 dropped the question. 
 
 27th. In the evening the commissioners met Mr. Gi- 
 rard. He explained his having desired them not to leave 
 their carriages at the door, by saying that the last time on 
 going out he observed a man who followed him round 
 the corner, and looked like a spy. He thought it was 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 387 
 
 likely that their chariots standing at the door attract 
 ed his curiosity, and led him to watch the house. The 
 treaty was then entered upon. The commercial treaty 
 first. In the second article it was agreed to omit 
 the words. " en general et cfiaque etat pour lui-meme," be 
 cause by the articles of confederation no state had a 
 right to treat separately. In article third the words, 
 " de quelque nature quails puissent etre, et quelque nom 
 quails puissent avoir," which were omitted in the next 
 and reciprocal stipulation, in behalf of the states, was 
 agreed to be inserted. It was proposed in the 4th arti 
 cle to omit the words, " en Europe," and extend the ex 
 emption from paying extraordinary duties to all the king 
 of France s dominions. But this, Mr. G. said, could 
 not be agreed to, as well on the part of Spain, as in 
 terfering too much with the system of their islands. 
 The words, " des Etats du Roi" were agreed to be in 
 serted in the place of " les dits Etats," which were equi 
 vocal. In article ninth " et les sujets du Roi" were 
 agreed to be added to " les E. U." to make the condi 
 tion reciprocal. The alternative was then proposed of 
 altering the words, " des Tabacs que les sujets de sa JUa- 
 jeste T. C. pourront tirer des pays et possessions actuelles, 
 ou futures d aucune des 13 E. U." in the twelfth arti 
 cle, into " the produce of the United States exported for 
 the islands furnishing molasses." Dr. F. added that if 
 this was not acceptable it was our wish to give up both 
 the articles. Mr. Girard seemed not to like the altera* 
 tion, but said it would never be their interest to lay any 
 duty upon their molasses, yet he could not himself de 
 termine upon the proposition, which he would mark for 
 the consideration of the ministers. Mr. D. took up the 
 discourse, and said the exemption of molasses was a 
 thing very much desired in America, and would be very 
 popular. Though Mr. L. thought this was somewhat 
 unfair, it having been settled that Dr. F. should make 
 the report of what was agreed to, yet to avoid any ap 
 pearance or occasion of dispute, he made no observation 
 on it, hoping from the manner in which Mr. Girard re 
 ceived the proposition, that the alternative of rejecting 
 
388 LIFE OF 
 
 both would be adopted at Versailles. An explanation 
 was next desired, relative to the stipulation at the end 
 of the thirteenth article, that it should not affect the 
 laws of France, "promulgees en France contre les emigra 
 tions, ou que pourront etre promulgees" which Mr. Girard 
 said means that the subjects of France emigrating with 
 out leave and settling in America, should not have the 
 benefit of the exemption from the " droit d^aubaine" In 
 the twenty-seventh article the insertion of the words, 
 " le worn, propriete et grandeur des vaisseaux et aussi" be 
 tween the words " exprimeront el le worn," was proposed 
 and admitted. The words, " suivant les reglemens gene- 
 raux presents" &c. in the twenty-eighth article, were 
 explained to mean, such regulations as should be settled 
 by a particular convention, which they had found to be 
 the best method, and accordingly practised with the 
 most favoured nations. This ended the discussion of the 
 commercial treaty. i 
 
 In the defensive treaty it was proposed that " Souve- 
 rainete" should be inserted after " leur liberte" in the sec 
 ond and eleventh articles. Mr. Girard thought this might 
 be productive of embarrassment to this court, as in any 
 quarrel that might happen among the states France 
 would be called upon by each side to maintain their sove 
 reignty. It was answered that this related to the sove 
 reignty of the union, and not of particular states, and 
 therefore could not produce such a consequence. He 
 promised to report it to the ministers. The alterations 
 before stated in the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles were 
 proposed and seemed to be accepted. In the twelfth 
 " dispossessions" was proposed to be added after "lagar- 
 antie reciproque" to remove all ambiguity, and prevent 
 its being supposed that the guaranty of their liberty, 
 sovereignty, and independence depended, as well as that 
 of their possessions, on the event of a war. Mr. Girard 
 objected. He said the whole of the treaty was event 
 ual. That they were not to suppose that the entering 
 into the former one was a legitimate cause of war, but 
 as it might occasion it they had reason to provide against 
 that event, upon which all the conditions of the treaty 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 389 
 
 must depend. It was intended, he said, to announce 
 immediately the commercial treaty to the court of Eng 
 land, and desire their concurrence. If they concurred, it 
 was well ; if not the commerce would be protected, and 
 any violence offered would be deemed an aggression on 
 the part of Great Britain, and produce a war. The rat 
 ification, in the fifteenth article, was prolonged to six 
 months. Dr. F. proceeded to the last and secret article, 
 in which he said it was desired those should be added to 
 it ; not doubting but that the persons employed by his 
 Catholic majesty to treat with //iem, will do the same 
 with regard to any alterations of the same kind that may 
 be thought necessary by the deputies of the said United 
 States. Mr. G. did not at all incline to admit this, and 
 said it was unnecessary, as " Pegalite" and " reciprocity 
 were stipulated to be the principles on which any alter 
 ation should be made. Here Mr. L. reminded Dr. F. 
 that it had been agreed to mention the mistake in a pre 
 vious part of that article, in which it was stipulated the 
 commissioners for this court should negotiate and sign 
 the treaty with Spain, which could not be, as there was a 
 special commissioner from congress for that court. Dr. 
 F. then stated it as a difficulty, and Mr. Deane said the 
 word deputies he thought might remain, since, though 
 there was one now, perhaps more might be appointed ; 
 to which Mr. L. replied that it was not a question about 
 deputy or deputies, but whether they were warranted 
 to assume the office and duty of another, and that they 
 must act upon what really was, and not on a supposition 
 of what might be. Mr. L. then showed his commis 
 sion for Spain, and Mr. Girard proposed to insert in the 
 separate and recent article, " et le Depute des E. U. charge 
 des pouvoirs de traite avec PEspagne, promettoit" which 
 was agreed to. Dr. F. proceeded to observe, that we 
 had on our part two secret articles to propose, but having 
 not yet quite settled them, we must take an opportunity 
 of sending them for consideration as soon as we had de 
 termined upon them. In the mean time he would just 
 mention that the principle they were founded upon was 
 
390 LIFE OF 
 
 this, the condition of this treaty s having effect was an 
 aggression on the part of England, which might induce 
 her to bend her whole force against the United States, 
 and avoid that which would procure them the assistance 
 of France. It was therefore thought necessary to pro 
 vide against that course of the business, by a secret stip 
 ulation that while the war continued against the United 
 States alone France should grant them an aid in money 
 and ships of war. Mr. Girard seemed to think this un 
 necessary. He said he believed the intention was to an 
 nounce immediately the treaty of commerce to the British 
 court, with an invitation to accede to it, and information 
 of his most Christian majesty s resolution to maintain to 
 his subjects the free enjoyment of it. That at. the same 
 time such preparations would be made and such an army 
 collected on the coast as would render it very imprudent 
 for England to detach much of her force to America. 
 The conference then broke up, and Mr. Girard retirecT% 
 after promising to have the points proposed, adjusted, 
 and the treaties copied with a blank opposite space for 
 the translation, which it was agreed should accompany 
 it as soon as possible. When he was gone the commis 
 sioners considered the two additional separate articles, 
 drawn up by Dr. Franklin, the one for money, the other 
 for ships, and it being their unanimous opinion that de 
 laying the treaties for the discussion of these new pro 
 positions in our critical situation, was likely to be attend 
 ed with more mischief than the postponing them for a 
 future negotiation ; it was agreed to drop them at pre 
 sent. A letter was accordingly written to Mr. G., in 
 forming him that we should make no farther proposals. 
 
 Mr. L., upon his colleagues refusing to ask the opinions 
 of the other commissioners on the llth and 12th articles 
 of the commercial treaty, had in private proposed the 
 question to them, whether they thought the stipulating 
 on our part, that no duties should be imposed on any 
 American produce exported to the French molasses isl 
 ands, on condition that none be imposed on the molasses 
 exported to the United States, was for the interest of 
 the United States ? They were so strongly of opinion 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 391 
 
 against it, that Mr. Izard would write his sentiments 
 upon it to Dr. F., and it was with great difficulty he could 
 prevent his brother from doing the same. 
 
 28th. Mr. L. went to Passy, where he found Dr. F. 
 with his grandson, busy in expediting the copy of the 
 translation, which it had been agreed should be sent that 
 evening to Mr. D. Mr. Izard s letter on the 12th arti 
 cle, which he had received, was the subject of conversa 
 tion. The Dr. said Mr. I. seemed to have heard all the 
 arguments against but none for it. That the letter had 
 made no alteration in his former opinion. He seemed 
 much out of humour; said it would appear an act of levi 
 ty to renew the discussion of a thing we had agreed to; 
 that he had offered at our former conference to be of my 
 opinion rather than disagree ; that some years before he 
 left America a discovery had been made that molasses 
 might be procured from Indian corn stalks, which struck 
 Mr. L. as a strong reason against the articles contended ipr. 
 Mr. L. answered that he thought there was a manner of 
 proposing their doubts about these articles, without any 
 risk of being accused of levity. It was true Dr. F. had 
 offered to give up his judgment to that of Mr. L.; but 
 when his opinion was asked, he had not done it, and Mr. 
 L. did not think himself warranted to compel him to re 
 sign his judgment, by threatening a dissention if he did 
 not; he therefore acquiesced in what he could no longer 
 oppose, after he had given his reasons to no purpose. 
 Young Mr. Franklin was then copying the treaties to 
 be sent with our definitive letter of the 27th, to Mr. Gi- 
 rard. 
 
 30th. Upon considering every thing for and against 
 the 12th article more maturely, Mr. L. viewed it in a 
 still more disadvantageous light. He therefore wrote to 
 the other commissioners, stating all the objections to it, 
 and proposing that it should be stipulated, that congress 
 should be left at liberty to ratify or not the 1 1th and 12th 
 articles, without affecting the ratification of the rest of 
 the treaty. In answer to this he received a card from 
 the commissioners next day, informing him that they did 
 not agree with him, but that they had written to Mr. 
 
392 LIFE OF 
 
 Girard to desire both articles might be omitted. This 
 they could not but have been satisfied was not admissi 
 ble in the then state of the business, though the propo 
 sition made by Mr. L. most certainly was. The effect 
 of it would have been, to show congress that the court 
 here was not so attached to the articles, that the not 
 ratifying them would give any uneasiness or create any 
 dispute, of which however it seemed the other commis 
 sioners were not desirous of informing them. 
 
 Feb. 2d. The commissioners received an account from 
 Mr. Ross, at Nantes, that Mr. T. Morris was at the point 
 of death, and if that happened his papers would be seiz 
 ed by the officers of the crown. Mr. Lee went with his 
 brother to Versailles, to get an order for the delivery of 
 the papers which concerned the public business, to the 
 other commercial agent. Mr. Girard said this would be 
 done with all possible expedition, if the commissioners 
 would present a small memorial for it to the minister. 
 They had some conversation about the llth and 12th ar 
 ticles. Mr. G. mentioned, that the ministers were of 
 opinion that it would be hazarding their credit with the 
 king, and the treaty itself, to make a proposition to him 
 for omitting them after a representation to him that they 
 were admitted and settled ; that he had written this to 
 the commissioners that day, and asked Mr. L. if he had 
 not seen the letter. Mr. L. answered, that he supposed 
 it had not been received before he came away. He then 
 asked Mr. G. whether congress might not ratify the rest 
 of the treaty, and reject those articles? He answered, 
 without any doubt they might do so, and that there was 
 no sort of desire in the court here, relative to the omis 
 sion or continuance of those articles. 
 
 3d. Mr. L. drew up a memoire, desiring an order for 
 the delivery of Mr. Morris s papers to Mr. W. Lee, the 
 other commercial agent, which the other commissioners 
 signed. On the 4th Mr. W. L. waited upon Mr. Gi 
 rard with the memoire, and he promised to expedite it 
 with all possible despatch. 
 
 4th. Mr. Deane, who had taken the correspondence 
 upon the subject to himself, received a letter from Mr. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 393 
 
 Girard, appointing the 5th for meeting to conclude the 
 treaties. When Mr. L. met the commissioners, a letter 
 was shown him from Mr. G., putting off the meeting till 
 next day, on account of a sudden indisposition. Mr. L. 
 mentioned to the other commissioners that the Morocco 
 ambassador was soon to leave Paris, and that it would be 
 a favourable opportunity to treat with him, by the me 
 diation of this court, especially as there was an interpre 
 ter with him, with whom he had conversed, and found 
 he understood English extremely well. His colleagues 
 seemed to approve of what he proposed, but postponed 
 taking any measure upon it. 
 
 6th. Mr. Girard met the commissioners in the evening. 
 They read over and compared the treaties. He could 
 not agree to the alteration we proposed in the 6th arti 
 cle of the treaty of alliance, as it was meant to leave the 
 islands in the gulf of St. Lawrence open to the conquest 
 of either or of both; in the last case on terms to be set 
 tled when the expedition was planned. The addition to 
 the secret and separate article was admitted. Some dif 
 ficulty arose about rendering Mr. Lee s title of Counsel 
 lor at Law into French ; at last it was agreed that Con- 
 seilier des droit, came nearest to the meaning of the Eng- 
 glish. These things being adjusted, Mr. Girard was 
 going to sign, when Mr. Lee, having waited till the last 
 moment for Dr. F. to propose it, observed that there was 
 a previous ceremony necessary, which was the reading 
 and exchanging; their powers. Upon this Mr. Girard de 
 livered to them his powers, which were for each treaty, 
 and the commissioners gave him their commission, which 
 was all the powers they had. Mr. Girard then sealed 
 and signed, and after him Dr. Franklin. They then 
 went to the fireside and were talking, while Mr. Deane 
 and Mr. Lee were sealing and signing. Mr. D. enquired 
 of Mr. L. with apparent anxiety, how he would sign to 
 distinguish his two characters. Upon which Mr. L. ask 
 ed Mr. Girard whether he thought it would be necessa 
 ry for him to sign twice as plenipotentiary for France and 
 for Spain, who said he thought not, but that the charac 
 ters might be added to the signature. Mr. D. then ask- 
 
 VOL. i. 50 
 
394 LIFE OF 
 
 ed Mr. L. how he would word that? to which Mr. L. 
 answered, Commissioner Plenipotentiary for France and 
 Spain; upon which Mr. D. observed, that there was no 
 occasion to make this addition to more than the secret 
 and separate article. The treaties were committed to 
 the care of Dr. Franklin. Mr. Girard, after some mu 
 tual compliments on having happily concluded so im 
 portant a business, took his leave. Before the treaties 
 were signed Mr. L. asked Mr. Girard whether he had 
 understood him right as having said that congress was at 
 liberty to reject the llth and 12th articles, without af 
 fecting the ratification of the rest? to which Mr. G. an 
 swered, with an appearance of ill-humour which made Mr. 
 L. believe there had been some private insinuations made 
 to him since, that he had had the honour of telling Mr. 
 L., that as the articles were mutual, and it was endea 
 voured to make them all so, and the basis of the treaty 
 was mutual interest, wherever that mutuality was thought 
 not to take place, there could be no objection to omitting 
 them. And he believed upon a representation of it from 
 congress, there would be no difficulty here relative to the 
 articles in question, which were assented to from an opi 
 nion of its being a very desirable thing in America. This 
 was certainly changing what he had said before ; and Mr. 
 L. did not ask him to repeat it from any doubt in his own 
 mind, but that his colleagues might hear it as well as 
 himself. And this change seemed so pat to the purposes 
 of Dr. F. and Mr. D., who wished to have the whole rati 
 fied by congress, that Mr. L. could not help suspecting 
 that Mr. Girard had been secretly prepared on the sub 
 ject. 
 
 13th. Mr. L. received a note from Dr. F. and Mr. D. 
 that they proposed to send away the despatches on the 
 16th. This was the first communication from them on 
 the subject. It implied that it was to be the only one, 
 and that neither the treaties were to be authenticated, 
 nor the letter considered, nor the person to whom they 
 were to be entrusted, made known to Mr. Lee. The 
 next day Mr. L. went to Passy at the usual hour of meet 
 ing, to see whether, being on the spot, any consultation 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 395 
 
 would be had, or communication made. He found Dr. F.; 
 to whom he communicated a conversation between Count 
 Maurepas, and Mr. Forth, an English spy and corrupter, 
 sent in the character of the king s confidential friend. 
 Dr. F. in return entertained him with some very agreea 
 ble philosophical conversation, and they parted without 
 one word on the despatches, &c. In the evening Mr. L. 
 wrote a letter to his colleagues, to know whether their 
 note really meant what it imported, that no consultation 
 was to be had upon the despatches. To this they re 
 plied next day, that they were and had been willing to 
 consult with Mr. L. on any thing relative to sending 
 away the despatches. Mr. L. then sent his secre 
 tary to know when they chose to meet, and when the 
 express would go. Dr. F. answered that they would 
 meet on the 16th at 10 o clock, and that he was surpris 
 ed at Mr. L. s asking the other question, as he had been 
 before informed the express would go on the 16th. Mr. 
 L. then wrote them a letter, stating their conduct, the 
 unsatisfactoriness of their notes, and that the sending 
 away the despatches without a consultation would be so 
 very extraordinary, that he must believe that they would 
 be the subject of the morrow s consideration. 
 
 16th. Went to Passy ; the commissioners being to 
 gether, Dr. F. read them a draught of a general letter to 
 the committee to which Mr. L. proposed four additions. 
 1st. To relate the answer Mr. Girard made to him at 
 the conference relative to the eleventh and twelfth arti 
 cles. 2nd. To desire some person might be appointed 
 to execute the commercial orders, these being inconsist 
 ent with their political character. 3d. To desire the 
 farther orders of congress, relative to borrowing money. 
 4th. To state that Mr. Beaumarchais demand of pay 
 ment for the stores sent, did not appear to the commis 
 sioners to be just. To the first it was answered, that 
 this would be to call the attention of congress to those 
 articles ; that it was uncertain whether the court here 
 would wish TO have them rejected ; and for these reasons 
 it was overruled. Mr. L. repeated Mr. Girard s words 
 at the conference, which were very clear as to the indif- 
 
396 LIFE OF 
 
 ference of this court about those articles, and Dr. F. 
 agreed that it was the practice of ratifying powers, to 
 omit such articles as they pleased, and ratify the rest. 
 On the second, it was said they were of the same opin 
 ion, and had therefore proposed to appoint Mr. Chaumont 
 contractor general. Mr. L. said he doubted they were not 
 authorized to make any such-appointment, which must 
 be left to congress. In support of the third, Mr. L. ob 
 served that the situation of affairs was totally changed 
 since the passing the order for borrowing money, whjch 
 was in the time of their greatest distress, Dec. 1770; 
 the enemy overrunning their country, their bills and 
 credit falling, no friends in Europe, no commerce to fur 
 nish them with what was necessary, and all sorts of sup 
 plies wanting ; but now their notes and credit were rising 
 fast, the enemy was kept in check, funds were supplied 
 us for answering all their demands for supplies, and the 
 payment of interest for what they had borrowed ; great 
 supplies had been sent and were sending, both by them 
 and individuals. Mr. L. stated that the estimate given 
 in to the ministry by the commissioners, of the sum ne 
 cessary to pay for the supplies already contracted for, 
 and those which must be purchased, amounted to four 
 millions of livres. That in this estimate every thing was 
 of course highly rated. But there must be deducted from 
 it a million for the eight ships of war, which it was cer 
 tainly impracticable to purchase and man, and 600,000 
 for the ships in Holland, as they were to be repaid what 
 ever they disbursed. This would leave the sum neces 
 sary at 2,400,000. In their last despatches they were 
 informed that the sum on which they were to pay inter 
 est, and which would be drawn for in a twelvemonth, 
 was five millions of dollars, 25,000,000 livres, which at six 
 per cent, would be 1,500,000 livres. To answer these 
 demands they had three millions at quarterly payments 
 from this court, with a general promise that the interest 
 of the loan in America would be supplied also by this 
 court. Three millions had also been promised them 
 from Spain. From these considerations Mr. L. said it 
 appeared to him that there was no necessity, nor even 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 397 
 
 any reason for borrowing money here. He besides 
 thought it a very unwise measure for a young state, since 
 money obtained so easily was generally expended lav 
 ishly, and involved them in continual difficulties. Mr. 
 Deane supported the necessity of borrowing. He said 
 the war could not be carried on without it, we must 
 have large quantities of naval stores to fit out a fleet, we 
 might as well borrow money here as in America. He 
 was answered that we were certainly much better pro 
 vided for carrying on the war now than we were last 
 year, and it was doubted whether the enemy would be 
 able to continue it at all. That it would be much better 
 for them to exchange their produce for the stores they 
 wanted, than to borrow money to purchase them. Ships 
 with adventurers were flocking fast to America, and 
 under the patronage of the late treaty there was no 
 doubt of America being soon supplied with whatever 
 she wanted in the due and ordinary course of commerce. 
 Mr. D. observed on this, that there was no produce in 
 America to make the exchange. Tobacco and rice were 
 the only articles of any consequence. This was an 
 assertion to which Mr. L. did not -think it worth while 
 to make any reply. Dr. Franklin then said that they 
 must have all the accounts and papers to form a proper 
 judgment, that the ministry were pressing for the de 
 spatches, which could not be delayed a day longer, and 
 therefore they must postpone this consideration till an 
 other time, when they could have all the papers. He 
 was of opinion we might rely on the promise of the court. 
 With regard to Mr. Beaumarchais, Mr. Deane said there 
 was some mixture of private merchandize with the pub 
 lic supplies, and therefore proposed that we should write 
 to have it left to us to settle his account, to which Dr. 
 F. agreed ; and Mr. Lee, though he suspected the mo 
 tive of it, perceived it would be in vain to oppose it. 
 
 21st. Mr. Lee had a conference with Count d Aranda, 
 the Spanish ambassador, concerning the three millions of 
 livres, which this court gave the commissioners to under 
 stand, first, were to be remitted through the Havannah, 
 which they communicated to congress, and then that it 
 
398 LIFE OF 
 
 was to be paid here, which had not been done. His ex 
 cellency replied that in consequence of orders from his 
 court, he had promised that sum, but how it was to be 
 remitted he knew not, nor had he received any farther 
 information on the subject. Mr. L. told him that they 
 were left in a very uncertain and awkward situation, and 
 begged he would write to his court, which he promised 
 to do. 
 
 22d. Mr. L. having often urged an application to the 
 court to assist them in forming a treaty with the em 
 peror of Morocco, while his ambassador was at Paris, 
 it was at last agreed, after much difficulty, that Mr. L. 
 should go next day to Versailles, and ask Mr. Girard s 
 advice upon it. Next day he went accordingly. Mr. 
 Girard said the Morocco ambassador was to quit Paris 
 that very evening, and therefore nothing could be done. 
 He then entered into conversation about the designs of 
 England and France. All her enmity was now excited 
 against France. Endeavours were to be used to make 
 America join England, and they boasted of having sent 
 over half a million of guineas, to secure the point in 
 America. That the strictest secrecy on what had pass 
 ed relative to the treaty should be observed till congress 
 had ratified it. He said it was a common cause now, and 
 France had endeavoured to govern her conduct towards 
 us on the most generous and equal rules ; without ex 
 acting any thing from our necessities. That Le Morte 
 Piquet had strict orders not to give way one inch to the 
 English, nor suffer any of his convoy to be touched ; and 
 if upon that ground the English chose to commence hos 
 tilities, France was determined. Dr. F. had apprized 
 Mr. L. that morning, of a correspondence he had the day 
 before with Mr. G. about advices the court had received 
 from London of a treaty that was entering into in Ame 
 rica with England ; but Mr. G. mentioned nothing of 
 what had passed. 
 
 March 3d. Mr. L. wrote to the other commissioners 
 to know when they would take what he proposed into 
 consideration. The moment for pressing it with most ef 
 fect was gone ; but Mr. L. still thought it their duty, and for 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 399 
 
 the public good, to endeavour to obtain an avowal of their 
 connexion with France. The king of Prussia had ex 
 pressly declared, that he waited for and would follow the 
 example of France. Many other powers were probably 
 in the same situation. An acknowledgment would open 
 and facilitate commerce, and would be both honourable 
 and useful to the United States. His colleagues fixed 
 upon next day, at 11 o clock; the same hour that was 
 appointed for Mr. W. L. to deliver to Dr. F. the trunk 
 containing the late Mr. Morris papers, sealed and uno 
 pened as he brought it. This was done according to the 
 proposal of Dr. F., who refused to examine and sepa 
 rate the public from the private papers, as he had pro 
 mised. 
 
 4th. The commissioners entered into a consideration 
 of what Mr. L. had proposed, relative to their desiring of 
 the court to be acknowledged. It was observed by Dr. 
 F., that making the treaty public would draw on the 
 acknowledgment as a necessary consequence ; and for 
 this purpose he proposed to desire a conference with Mr. 
 Girard, which was agreed to, and done immediately by 
 letter. 
 
 5th. Mr. Girard met us at Passy in the evening. He 
 complained to Mr. L. of having cited him to the Spanish 
 ambassador, as having told the commissioners that the 
 Spanish court had agreed to contribute three millions li- 
 vres, and remit them through Havannah. This he said 
 might occasion some misunderstanding between the two 
 courts; and that all he had said was, that they expected 
 it would be so, and that the Havannah was a convenient 
 place; but that the Spanish ambassador would give us 
 information of what his court resolved on. Mr. L. an 
 swered, that he had asserted nothing from himself. He 
 had only stated to Count d Aranda, that the commission 
 ers having understood from Mr. Girard that such a sum 
 was to be supplied through the Havannah. had given in 
 formation to congress. That since, they had been told 
 it was to be paid in quarterly payments here. Of this 
 he had also given information to congress. But nothing 
 had been received here. This was an embarrassment 
 
400 LIFE OF 
 
 from which he begged the Spanish ambassador to relieve 
 him. Mr. G. begged that Mr. L. would explain to the 
 Spanish ambassador, that it was not an official informa 
 tion on his part, but only what appeared to him probable 
 and convenient. As no such distinction was made, when 
 the intelligence was given on which the commissioners 
 thought themselves warranted to write to congress, Mr. 
 Lee could not undertake to make it now. During this 
 conversation, Mr. Deane, who had reported to the other 
 commissioners, as coming from Mr. Girard, that the 
 money was to be paid quarterly in Paris, from which 
 second information the embarrassment arose, and the ap 
 plication to the ambassador, would not confess that he 
 was the author of it to Mr. L., but endeavoured to throw 
 an imputation on him, by saying that the commissioners 
 had mentioned it but slightly in their letter. Yet the 
 words of the letter, drawn up by Dr. F. and signed by 
 Mr. Deane, were "we are told that Spain will furnish as 
 much, but that for their convenience it will be remitted 
 in specie through the Havannah." Dr. F. then stated to 
 Mr. Girard, that the commissioners considering all cir 
 cumstances, were of opinion that the immediate publica 
 tion of the treaty would be of great advantage, both in 
 preventing the acceptance of the propositions from Eng 
 land, and in attaching America decidedly to France. Both 
 Dr. F. and Mr. D. pressed the advantages it would give, in 
 preventing Holland from contributing to the English loan, 
 and promoting that of America; in preventing the bad 
 consequences of want of intelligence in America, if their 
 despatches should fail, or be delayed; and that the effect 
 of it might possibly be, that the English would find them 
 selves obliged to accede to the independency, from their 
 inability to sustain a war against the united powers of the 
 house of Bourbon and the states of America; and the 
 war would be ended at once. But they seemed to doubt 
 whether the immediate termination of the war was a 
 thing to be desired, or whether it would not be better to 
 continue it, till the enemy were driven entirely out of 
 America. Mr. Girard said that the publication of the 
 treaties was now under deliberation among his majesty s 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 401 
 
 servants ; that the great objection was, the uncertainty of 
 its being ratified by congress. For if they should pub 
 lish it in Europe, and it should be rejected in America, 
 it would subject France to infinite disgrace, and probably 
 occasion a mortal enmity between the two people. This 
 was therefore a consequence which they had great re 
 luctance in risking. He was clear the United States 
 would never be at peace, till the English were entirely 
 expelled from America. Mr. L. begged him to observe, 
 that as it was the wish of the English to prevent a con 
 nexion with France, so it was their policy for that pur 
 pose to affect ignorance of a treaty having been conclud 
 ed, because they knew the hard things which had been 
 done towards American vessels in France, would have a 
 strong effect on the minds of the people in America, un 
 less counteracted by some proofs as public, of the amity 
 and sincerity of France. For these reasons, as it was 
 the best policy of England to conceal the treaty, it would 
 seem the wisest measure of France to make it public. 
 The concealment most clearly left the field open to all 
 the practices of the English to excite prejudices against 
 France, and to seduce America by that means into an 
 accommodation or an alliance with them. Nothing was 
 calculated to counteract this but their private despatches, 
 which by a thousand accidents might be delayed or fail. 
 The risk of this seemed much greater than that of its be 
 ing rejected by congress after the publication of it here. 
 The king of Prussia had pledged himself to follow the 
 example of France immediately, and probably many oth 
 er powers were of the same resolution. The commis 
 sioners all agreed, that there was not the least reason to 
 apprehend congress would reject the treaty, unless the 
 want of intelligence should have laid them under other 
 engagements. Mr. Girard professed himself much satis 
 fied with this assurance,* and promised to report the rea 
 sons and desire of the commissioners, which he did not 
 
 * When Mr. Lee gave his opinion, that there could not be a doubt of the treaty s 
 being ratified by congress, it seemed to surprise Mr. Girard, and he said with em 
 phasis, "do you think so, sir?" His manner struck me with some surprise, but I 
 now suppose it arose from the very friendly suspicions my colleagues had been en 
 deavouring to infuse. 
 
 VOL. I. 51 
 
402 LIFE OF 
 
 doubt would have great weight with the council. When 
 he was gone, Dr. F. read a letter, which he had just re 
 ceived from Mr. Izard, desiring a copy of the treaty, if 
 any one had been proposed or signed, and a conference 
 upon what alterations would be proper for his depart 
 ment. Dr. F. said he thought it would be best to have 
 copies made out for both the commissioners, and that he 
 supposed Mr. Izard could wait a few days, till we knew 
 the issue of our application. Mr. D. said he did not 
 think it was proper to let Mr. I. into the secret which 
 was entrusted to them. Mr. L. answered, that copying 
 the signatures and sealing, was by no means necessary, 
 and without them they would appear as plans only, which 
 would answer the purpose without committing them. He 
 proposed that they should answer the letter immediately, 
 to satisfy Mr. I, of their attention, and that they would 
 comply with his desire as far as was in their power. To 
 this the other commissioners made no answer; and appre 
 hending by that the urging it would occasion some dis 
 pute, and perhaps prevent the essential thing from being 
 done, Mr. L. did not press it. Next day he sent word 
 by his brother to Mr. Izard, that he believed his letter 
 would be complied with. 
 
 8th. Mr. Lee met with Col. Mercer, of Virginia, at 
 Mr. Izard s, who declared he had heard Mr. Bosville, 
 who served with the guards in America, assert it as a 
 fact, that the Scotch soldiers took an oath under their 
 colours, never to spare or give quarter to an American, 
 and that they had in consequence of this hung up a 
 great many prisoners to trees in their own belts. A Mr. 
 Pringle, who was present, said his brother had seen a 
 letter from Sir William Erskine, in which he acknowl 
 edged that what he called the British soldiery had com 
 mitted what were charged upon them as cruelties, but 
 he considered them as the excesses of a laudable ardour, 
 which ought not to be restrained. 
 
 17th. The commissioners received a letter from Mr. 
 Girard informing them that they were to be presented 
 to the king on the 20th, and were invited to dine with 
 Count Vergennes. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 403 
 
 20th. The commissioners met at Count Vergennes , 
 where all the Americans assembled, and a dinner was 
 provided for them at the expense of the commissioners 
 at an hotel. Mr. Izard and Mr. W. Lee were introduc 
 ed to Count Vergennes, as commissioners of congress for 
 their respective courts, and were invited to dine with 
 him. After the commissioners had conversed a little in 
 private with the minister, in which Count Vergennes did 
 not appear desirous of giving any opinion to which court 
 it was the wish of France that Mr. commissioner W. 
 Lee should make his application in preference ; they 
 were led to the anti-chamber of the king, the Americans 
 all following them, and after a few minutes they with all 
 the crowd were admitted into the king s dressing room, 
 where he had a sort of levee, and where they with the 
 two other commissioners were presented by Count Ver 
 gennes to the king, who said " Je serai, bicn aide que le con- 
 gres soil assure de mon amitie," and then went out. He 
 had his hair undressed, hanging down on his shoulders, 
 no appearance of preparation to receive us, nor any cer 
 emony in doing it. The king appeared to speak with 
 manly sincerity. After this they were presented to 
 Count Maurepas, Mons. de Sartine, Ministre de la Ma 
 rine, le Prince de Montbarey, Ministre de guerre, Mons. 
 Bertin, and Mons. Amelot, two ministers for home af 
 fairs. The chancellor was not in town, and two of the 
 ministers not within. I mention this to show how little 
 there was of ceremony in the business, or of previous pre 
 paration. The commissioners, accompanied by Mr. Gi- 
 rard, walked through the streets to their different dwell 
 ings. Between two and three we dined at Count Ver- 
 gennes , where there was a grand company of nobility. 
 
 22d. The commissioners went again to Versailles to 
 be presented to the queen. It was with great difficulty 
 they could pass through an unordered crowd, all pressing 
 to get into the room where the queen was, it being levee 
 day. When they got in, they stood a moment in view 
 of the queen, and then crowded out again. They were 
 neither presented nor spoken to, and every thing seemed 
 in confusion. They went next to Mons. and Madame 
 
404 LIFE OF 
 
 the king s eldest brother, and his wife ; then to Madame 
 the king s maiden sister. The youngest brother, Count 
 d Artois, was at this time under a temporary banishment 
 from court, for having fought a duel with Duke Bour 
 bon, a prince of the blood. They then visited the chan 
 cellor, whose office is for life, and he is obliged always 
 to wear the robe of it. After this they dined with the 
 Americans in their suite, at Mons. Girard s. 
 
 (c) Continuation of Extracts from the Journal of Ar 
 thur Lee, kept by him while he was a commissioner 
 of the United States, at the court of France. 
 
 27th Nov. 1778. Mr Lee got to Versailles some time 
 before his colleagues, and conversing with Count Ver- 
 gennes upon the proceedings in Holland, the Count made 
 this observation, " The Hollanders must be much embar 
 rassed, for they have no treaty with us, securing to them 
 the privileges of commerce ; they are therefore of grace, 
 and we may alter them at our pleasure, so that if they 
 comply with the desire of the court of London, and alter 
 their treaty with England, we will immediately with 
 draw from them those privileges which they have neg 
 lected to secure by treaty." This shows how necessary 
 it is for commercial nations to have treaties of commerce 
 with those kingdoms with which it is their interest to 
 trade, and how unwise it is to leave their commerce thus 
 at the mercy of political events. 
 
 Dec. 4ih. In a conference of the commissioners on the 
 subject of a memorial to Count Vergennes, drawn up by 
 Dr. Franklin, to obtain funds to enable them to pay 
 the interest of the loan, Mr. Adams observed, " that he 
 thought we ought to state the interest France had in sup 
 porting us, how little the expense was in proportion to 
 that interest, and not make it a matter of mere grace." It 
 was his opinion, he said, " that this court did not treat 
 us with any confidence, nor give us any effectual assist 
 ance." Dr. Franklin took it up with some warmth, and 
 said " he did not see how they were defective ; they had 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 405 
 
 sent a fleet and given us money." Mr. Adams replied, 
 " that the monied assistance was pitiful, and the fleet had 
 done us 110 service." Dr. Franklin answered, "that was 
 not their fault, as they took the wisest method of making 
 it useful." Upon this Mr. Lee observed, " that he did 
 not know by whose advice the wise method was taken, 
 of sending a fleet from Toulon, to be six weeks before it 
 could get to sea, in order to surprise Lord Howe in 
 America. But it seemed very obvious that if the fleet 
 had been sent from Brest, it would have been in Ame 
 rica, in all probability, before the other w r as out of the 
 straits." The Dr. answered, " that the sending it from 
 Toulon concealed the design from the enemy ; otherwise 
 Byron s fleet would have been out immediately to stop 
 it." Mr. Lee replied, " that it was most notorious that 
 the court of England had a daily account from Toulon 
 of the preparation and destination of that fleet, and that 
 what really prevented them from ordering a force against 
 it was their not being then prepared ; that if any doubt 
 ever existed concerning its actual destination, it was 
 whether the islands or the continent were the object, and 
 that this doubt must have been the same from Brest as 
 from Toulon. The passage of the straits was known to 
 be generally from four to six weeks ; this gave them 
 time to fit out Byron s fleet, and to warn Lord Howe, 
 and it was most obvious that this could not but be the 
 consequence of advising the fleet to be sent from Tou 
 lon, which was not only frustrating the enterprise, but 
 leading our allies into a dangerous situation. Mr. Lee 
 then proposed to add to the memorial these words, "We 
 flatter ourselves that the great and manifest injuries, 
 which will follow to Great Britain, and the advantages 
 which must be derived to France, from the establish 
 ment of the independence of the United States, will 
 make it appear that the assisting of them, with these 
 essentially necessary means of effecting it, will be a 
 measure of the soundest wisdom and policy, on the part 
 of his most Christian majesty." 
 
 But the Dr. opposing it strongly, and desiring it might 
 be postponed till we saw the effect of begging it as a fa- 
 
406 LIFE OF 
 
 vour, it was not insisted on. Dr. Franklin desired to 
 know whether Spain had made any farther remittances, 
 as Mr. Lee objected to putting in the memorial, " that 
 she gave us no assistance." Mr. Lee answered, " that 
 there was reason to believe some had been made through 
 the Havannah, but no certainty ; and that a similar sum 
 to the former had been remitted to him." 
 
 Dec. 20th. Mr. Lee dined with Count Vergennes, who 
 desired Mr. L. to procure for him the pamphlet entitled 
 " Anticipation," which he said the king desired much to 
 read. 
 
 A lady of the court, upon the Duke de Chartres tell 
 ing her that the Count d Artois and he had marked the 
 ladies down as they came to pay their court, under the 
 titles " Belles douces et off reuses^ answered, 4 J\fon. le Due, 
 vos entendez mieux des signialements, que des signaiix" the 
 severity of which arose from the duke having been charg 
 ed with not obeying Count d Orvilliers signals in the 
 action off Ushant. 
 
 Jan. oth, 1779. We visited the Marquis d Ossun, who 
 was now a minister, and lately ambassador at Madrid, 
 and much in favour with the king of Spain. He told 
 Mr. Lee that he believed Spain had been prevented from 
 declaring by the hope of making peace, but that this win 
 ter would decide that court, and that he had no doubt, as 
 we wished; that the Count Florida Blanca and Mons. de 
 Galvis, Ministre pour les Indes, were able men, and the 
 former would act either with perfect candour or cunning, 
 as he was acted with. He promised Mr. Lee every in 
 struction in his power, for his government at the Spa 
 nish court. 
 
 22d. Advices from Holland and England were filled 
 with the eagerness of monied men to purchase in the 
 stocks for the rencontre in May, upon the supposition that 
 matters would be accommodated. Great discontent in 
 France at their losses, charging them to the alliance with 
 America. A person of rank told me at the Dutchess 
 d Anville s, where we dined, that he had reason to believe 
 that Mons. Girard would not stay long in America. He 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 407 
 
 said the Duke de Grimaldi had lost all his influence, 
 which made things go on so slow in Spain. 
 
 24th. A gentleman of rank called upon me, and told 
 me that Mons. Girard was no longer minister in America; 
 that Chevalier de Luzerne, formerly minister plenipoten 
 tiary at the court of Bavaria, was appointed to succeed 
 him. He represented him as a man of abilities, and of 
 good principles. He desired me to keep the information 
 secret, as it was not yet known at Passy. 
 
 26th. Had a long conversation with the minister from 
 Florence. He thought our connexion with France had 
 ruined our cause, and that we should be obliged to make 
 terms with England. I was of a different opinion. 
 
 He advised the representing the condition of the Unit 
 ed States as desperate, unless France would exert herself, 
 especially in furnishing money. He said England kept 
 Vienna in awe, by threatening to give the king of Prus 
 sia a subsidy, if the court of Vienna declared in our fa 
 vour. 
 
 31st. Dined at Count Sarsefeild s, with M. de la Lu 
 zerne, the minister nominated for congress; M. Marbois, 
 secretary of the embassy; Mons. de Heredia, secretary of 
 the Spanish embassy here ; Mons. Descaranno, secretary 
 to that at London, on his way to Rome ; Mr. Izard ; Com. 
 Gillon, and Capt. Joiner. 
 
 Told Mons. de la Luzerne that the sine qua non in 
 America was a large subsidy in money to support our 
 funds, without which the war could not be maintained; 
 that he could not do a better thing for himself and the 
 public, than be the bearer of such a subsidy. Discours 
 ing with Mons. Marbois, who had been much in Germany, 
 he told me that Great Britain was considered the natu 
 ral ally of Austria, and therefore the king of Prussia, it 
 might be depended on, whatever might be his temporary 
 engagements, would see with pleasure her power dimi 
 nished by the independency of America. 
 
 Feb. 3d. Mr. Edward Jenings told me that Count 
 Almedovar was exerting himself in London, to obtain an 
 acknowledgment of our independence. 
 
 April 4th. Count Sarsefeild called on me, and told me 
 
408 LIFE OF 
 
 he had desired Mons. Descaranno to suggest to his court, 
 the necessity of supporting us immediately with twenty 
 millions. He told me, as did Mr. Jenings soon after, 
 that it was said the court here was going to send a fleet 
 of twenty sail to America. I observed, that it was talk 
 ing of what they were to do so long beforehand, that 
 frustrated all their plans, and that they would never suc 
 ceed until they talked less and did more; that such a fleet 
 ought now to be in America. 
 
 12th. The minister from Florence informed me that 
 the treaty was not signed in Germany, but was sure. It 
 was his opinion, that I could not penetrate into the designs 
 of Spain better at Rome or Naples than here ; that how 
 ever, neither the French ambassador at Madrid, nor the 
 court here, were in the secret ; that a courier had just 
 passed to London from Madrid, and one had arrived 
 here, but what were their despatches was not known. 
 
 Soon after the Count Sarsefeild called on me to inform 
 me that he had it from good authority that Spain would 
 soon declare ; and advised me to draw up a short state 
 ment in refutation of Mr. Deane s charges against me, 
 that I might give it to Count d Ossun, which would be 
 of much weight with him. 
 
 16th. Visited Mons. Turgot, late minister, and famous 
 for his abilities in finance. He was determining the 
 freezing point of ice, to make a thermometer. He pre 
 ferred Reaumur s to Fahrenheit s scale, and wondered 
 that the English used the latter. 
 
 I told him that finances were what required most of 
 our attention now ; that we wanted a system of finance. 
 He did not know what a system of finance was ; that he 
 had told me his opinion was that taxes should be laid on 
 proprietors of land only, and that manufactures, con 
 sumption, and commerce ought to be free ; that this was 
 the only natural and wise way of imposing taxes. I re 
 plied that there was an apparent inequality in this me 
 thod, which rendered it odious, though in truth the con 
 sumer must repay it at last to the proprietor. He said 
 it was a mistake, that the consumer paid the tax, but 
 why, he did not explain. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 409 
 
 He was of opinion that all our constitutions of govern 
 ment were bad, because they were planned on that of 
 England, which was calculated to guard against tyranny, 
 of which we had nothing to fear; that the different mem 
 bers of the legislature were anti-democratic distinctions; 
 that democracy required simplicity, and one single corps, 
 in which government should reside. 
 
 Supped in the evening with Prince Pigneatelle and the 
 Baron, who defended the Dardanelles against the Rus 
 sian fleet. He said he could bring but one gun at a time 
 to bear upon the Russian ships, which were commanded 
 by Admiral Elphingston, that upon firing some red hot 
 balls they retired and would never make the attack 
 again, though the walls were so thin and ill-constructed 
 that nothing could have been more easy than to have 
 battered them down. He said that both the Turks and 
 Russians were contemptible beyond expression, that 
 eighteen sail of the Turkish fleet got into a little bay 
 to avoid eleven sail of Russian ships where they were 
 burnt by two fire ships, sent in by the advice of some 
 English volunteers on board the Russian fleet ; that the 
 Russian fleet in its turn cut their cables and made off 
 from the siege of Lemnos, upon the landing of three 
 thousand Turks, without a single piece of cannon. He 
 said that the vizier having ordered six thousand troops to 
 cross over in boats to relieve an island besieged by the 
 Russians; he stated that a Russian ship would sink them 
 all without any difficulty, to which the vizier replied, 
 " no matter, it would be so many rascals lost." 
 
 23d. Returned Mons. de la Luzerne s visit. Found 
 Mons. de Marbois, secretary to the embassy only at 
 home. He desired me to give them such advice as I 
 thought would be useful to them in America. I told 
 him that a loan or subsidy was the most necessary thing, 
 and therefore the most useful and acceptable they could 
 do for us ; that we could not carry on the war longer 
 upon credit, as our funds were much depreciated ; that 
 their prudent method, as well as most dignified, would 
 be, not to meddle at all with parties in America, but 
 assist congress with good advice ; and .not embarrass 
 
 VOL. i. 52 
 
410 LIFE or 
 
 them with memoirs founded upon the factious reports of 
 individuals, being a very unjust and offensive suspicion of 
 the good faith of congress. 
 
 He answered that from his knowledge of the finances 
 here he did not think any money could be obtained ; that 
 they understood we were disarming, and yet the most 
 vigorous efforts were required on our part to prevent the 
 English from falling on us and overwhelming us ; that 
 Mons. Luzerne, I might depend, would not concern him 
 self in parties, nor engage in trade and jobs, as Mons. G. 
 had done, with Mr. D. He told me that Mons. de 
 Luzerne was endeavouring to get Spain to furnish money, 
 for that France could not. 
 
 28th April. Visited Count d Aussun. We conversed 
 about Spain. He informed me that Spain had fifty ships 
 of the line well armed, and their finances were in such a 
 state that they could support a war for three years with 
 out borrowing. I observed that their fleet must be very 
 expensive ; he said not near as much so as in France and 
 England, for such regulations had been established as 
 prevented the king from being cheated. He observed 
 that there was no certainty that Spain would declare, 
 but that the campaign must soon begin, and we should 
 see. Conversing about Count d Estaing, I observed it 
 would have been much better had his fleet been sent from 
 Brest, as it would have gained six weeks, and the Eng 
 lish being unprepared, must all have fallen into our 
 hands. Mons. de Sartine was against sending the fleet 
 from Toulon, but he was overruled. I mentioned my 
 surprise that the provision fleets from Cork were suffered 
 to go without being intercepted, when it was so easy, 
 their convoy being always weak, and which must have 
 ruined the enemy in America if they had been captur 
 ed ; that I had repeatedly given the minister inform 
 ation of it, and yet nothing was done. Mons. d Aussun 
 said, that I should make a memoire of it, and suggest a 
 plan for intercepting them. I answered that every sea 
 man knew the latitude for cruising between Cork and 
 America. Count Sarsefeild was with us. 
 
 May 1st. Dined with Mons. Malesherbes, formerly mi- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 411 
 
 ister, and uncle to Mons. de la Luzerne. The latter en 
 quired about Mr. Adams, and said he would not go in 
 the Alliance, but with him. A letter had been despatch 
 ed to him for that purpose. He also intimated that the 
 Alliance was not going to America. 
 
 Mons. de Malesherbes is a man of extensive reading and 
 information. He assured us that there was such a jeal 
 ousy in the canton of Berne, that when a man became 
 very rich it was common to persecute him, on some pre 
 tence, and condemn him to pay such a fine as would suf 
 ficiently reduce his fortune ; that they had passed an act 
 against entailing lands, or rather bequeathing them to 
 the poorest of the name. They were jealous that such 
 a provision against want in a family would encourage 
 matrimony, and propagation in it, so as to render it too 
 numerous and powerful. 
 
 May 3d. Gen. Beckwith, from England, called upon 
 me. This was the. gentleman who served during the last 
 war in Germany with such reputation, and was so high in 
 favour with Prince Ferdinand, and at the end of the war 
 was recommended by him to the king of Prussia, who 
 gave him the rank of general, and made him governor 
 of Embden. He had been in treaty with me in 1776 to 
 serve in America, but he would not go unless I would ac 
 company him, and unless he were to have rank above 
 Gen. Lee. He told me the troops of Mirbeck, consist 
 ing of 5000, were engaged to go to America. He assur 
 ed me he knew that Prince Ferdinand offered to take the 
 command, but that Lord s ancient enmity prevent 
 ed him. He said he called to see our minister, Dr. Frank 
 lin, but he was not at home ; that he should go again 
 to-morrow; that he had a message for him from Mr. Stra- 
 han, the king s printer in London; and had directed Mr, 
 Hope, at Amsterdam, to direct his letters to Dr. Frank 
 lin.* 
 
 7th. Gen. Beckwith called on me again. He told me 
 that Gen. Gray s manner of surprising Gen. Wayne, was 
 by a manoeuvre practised in Germany, the making the 
 men uncharge, so that they could not fire to give any 
 
 * Dr. Franklin was at this time our minister plenipotentiary in France, 
 
412 LIFE OF 
 
 alarm, but attack with bayonets. He said Gen. Gray 
 told him this had been much practised since by the king s 
 troops. Gen. Gray spoke highly of Gen. Washington, 
 but thought he was nervous by constitution. He said 
 that the Americans were not disciplined, nor the British. 
 I asked Gen. Beckwith whether he thought there were 
 more than ten thousand effective men in Great Britain ; 
 he said, hardly so many, for there were only seventeen 
 battalions, including seven foot-guards. He said Gen. 
 Clinton had repeatedly desired to be recalled; that a 
 commission was gone out for Vaughan to be the second 
 in command; that though Clinton and he were good sol 
 diers, they were not capable of command. Lord Shel- 
 burne, he said, would come into the ministry if things 
 went ill, and would push the war in America, and would 
 employ Prince Ferdinand. He spoke highly of Lord S. s 
 abilities, as the only man in England that would make 
 peace. 
 
 He then desired to speak to me in private. He in 
 formed me he had opened himself to the French ambas 
 sador at the Hague, and informed him of his wish to en 
 ter the French service, and serve in America. He said 
 he had got a letter from him to Count Vergennes, which 
 he had delivered; that the count told him he must con 
 sult Prince Montbarey ; that he then informed Dr. Frank 
 lin of his desire to serve in America, who assured him 
 he would immediately acquaint congress. The general 
 asked me if I thought this was a genteel put off, or wheth 
 er the Dr. had indeed no power to appoint him. For 
 though in settled governments such powers were only 
 in the sovereign, yet in our situation he imagined that 
 such a power might be in Dr. Franklin. I told him I 
 had not seen Dr. F. s powers, but that whatever special 
 power he might have on that head, 1 was satisfied he 
 could not have a general one. He said he could not wait 
 six months in doubt. He asked if our generals receiv 
 ed their orders from Gen. Washington, or from con 
 gress. I told him I believed from the latter, through the 
 former. 
 
 JOth. Visited Mons. de Malesherbes, and talked with 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 413 
 
 him of their lettre de cachet. He said it was liable to 
 abuse, and was often abused, but that it was necessary 
 to supply the defects of the law, and for the great 
 against their inferiors; e.g. if my servant is impudent, or 
 offers to strike me, instead of prosecuting him at law, I 
 have him imprisoned by a lettre de cachet. He said when 
 he was minister he wanted to regulate their application, 
 but could not succeed. I asked whether the officer, when 
 he went to seize a man by virtue of a lettre de cachet, was 
 obliged, on demand, to show the lettre? He said no, and 
 that made them subject to so much abuse, especially in 
 the provinces." 
 
 (c) Supplies for the State of Virginia. 
 
 "VERSAILLES, June 5th, 1778. 
 
 You will see sir, by the enclosed letter from the Prince 
 de Montbarey, and by the statement annexed, that I 
 have used the utmost activity in executing the commis 
 sion you recommended to me. If the plan which this 
 minister proposes should be agreeable to you it would be 
 proper for you to converse with him, to settle the terms. 
 I will procure you an opportunity of doing it whenever 
 you please. 
 
 I shall always be extremely flattered when you fur 
 nish me particularly, opportunities of showing my readi 
 ness to serve the United States, and to you sir, the per 
 fect esteem, with which I have the honour, &c. &c.* 
 (Signed) DE VERGENNES. 
 
 To Mr. Lee." 
 
 VERSAILLES, 13th June 1778. 
 
 In consequence sir, of what you requested of the 
 Count de Vergennes and of me, I have given the neces 
 sary orders that the artillery you desire should be collect 
 ed at Nantes according to your wishes, and conformable 
 to the annexed statement, which I have the honour of 
 
 * The above and following letters are copied from translations by Mr. A. Lee 
 from the originals. 
 
414 LIFE OF 
 
 sending you. It will require a month at least to collect 
 the whole at Nantes. I shall transmit you hereafter an 
 account of the price of these articles ; and as to the pay 
 ment, the king authorizes me to rely on your punctuali 
 ty in paying when circumstances will admit. 
 
 I am happy sir, that this occasion furnishes me an op 
 portunity of assuring you of the pleasure I have in trans 
 acting business with you, and of proving to you the re 
 gard and high consideration, with which I have the hon 
 our to be sir, &c. &c. 
 
 (Signed) The Prince MONTBAREY." 
 
 " PARIS, May 7th, 1778. 
 To his excellency Governor Henry, of the state of 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 Sir, My brother being absent on a negotiation for con 
 gress, at the court of Vienna, when Mr. Lemaire arrived 
 here, I have endeavoured to accomplish the purpose for 
 which he was sent. Mr. Page will show you the answer 
 from the Farmers General, and the enclosed will inform 
 you that I have been more successful with the minister 
 here, in obtaining the artillery, &c. which is the most dif 
 ficult and material article. Your excellency will see how 
 I am pledged on the part of the state, and therefore will 
 I hope use all possible means of sending tobacco, so as 
 to enable me to perform my promise of replacing them 
 punctually and speedily. The attainment of future fa 
 vours will greatly depend on this, as well as the estab 
 lishing such a character as must always be of use to us. 
 I had, to make sure of your having this essential article 
 of artillery, agreed with a merchant of Cadiz, to send 
 you the same quantity directly from Sweden, on condi 
 tion that it should be paid in tobacco, at the current 
 price with you, on delivery, the prime cost, with commis 
 sion, freight, ensurance, and other necessary expenses. I 
 shall not countermand this order, because it will make 
 you surer of having what the state wants ; and should 
 both sets arrive the surplus will serve for your marine, 
 or be saleable. I have furnished Capt. Lemaire with 
 money out of my own pocket to pay his and the pilot s 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 415 
 
 expenses, and sent him to Strasburg Sollenge, to engage 
 the sabres, &c. for the light horse. The pilot is boarded 
 in the country, it being dangerous to leave him at a sea 
 port or in Paris. I am so persuaded of the superior excel 
 lence of the Prussian muskets that I shall do every thing 
 in my power to furnish you with ten thousand of them. 
 The king of Prussia was so gracious as to give orders 
 for my being supplied with as many as I should require 
 out of his own arsenals, at the price he paid, of which he 
 ordered an account to be sent me. But I am afraid the 
 present preparations for war in Germany will either pre 
 vent my having them, or augment the price. The ex 
 hausted state of Great Britain has rendered her unable 
 to carry menaces into execution against France, for 
 concluding a treaty with us. Before this reaches you a 
 French fleet under Count d Estaing, their best admiral, 
 will have arrived to your assistance. The enemy there 
 fore is likely to be blocked up in their turn, for the fleet 
 they had prepared under admiral Byron to reinforce Lord 
 Howe is stopped, and it is generally thought will not 
 sail. This arises from apprehensions for their safety at 
 home. If they do not support their naval superiority 
 with you, I think we shall soon have the pleasure of 
 seeing them driven entirely out of America. A continua 
 tion of that spirit and vigour with which your affairs have 
 hitherto been conducted must soon accomplish our utmost 
 wishes, and secure us in peace, liberty and safety. 
 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest regard and 
 respect your excellency s most obedient and most humble 
 servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, June 15th, 1778. 
 
 To his excellency Governor Henry, of Virginia. 
 
 Your excellency ^ letter to my brother, W. Lee, of 
 the 10th of April, with his commission under the great 
 seal arrived here safe yesterday. I have forwarded their 
 contents to him at Vienna. The enclosed letters will 
 show the endeavours I have used to promote and accomplish 
 the most difficult part of Capt. Lemaire s mission. Your 
 excellency will have the goodness to enable me as soon 
 
416 LIFE OF 
 
 as possible to discharge the engagement I am under on 
 the part of the state, to pay for the things furnished. 1 
 should wish the tobacco for that purpose to be consigned 
 to my brother, because I cannot so well depend upon an 
 other. By his direction I have put the other articles of 
 Capt. Lemaire s list into the hands of Messrs. Penet & 
 Co. who have agreed to transmit them as speedily as pos 
 sible, upon the terms settled by Mr. King. I hope what 
 I have done will be agreeable to you ; and that it will 
 speedily supply the wants of our country. As our ene 
 mies appear unable to reinforce their navy employed 
 against you, and Count d Estaing s fleet is stronger, it is 
 to be hoped your coast will soon be cleared, by their ships 
 being entirely driven away. They are equally unable to 
 avenge themselves on our ally here, and will probably 
 soon be forced to call home all their forces for their own 
 defence. The diminution of their commerce, the dis 
 tress of their people, the imbecility and wickedness of 
 their counsels, and the rapacity of their officers, an 
 nounce the inevitable downfall of their domination, and 
 the ruin of their affairs. 
 
 I have the honour of being, with every sentiment of 
 respect and esteem, your excellency s most obedient 
 and most humble servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, July 16th, 1778. 
 
 To his excellency Governor Henry, of Virginia. The 
 same to Governor Johnson, of Maryland. 
 
 Sir, His excellency the minister of marine to his 
 most Christian majesty having signified to the commis 
 sioners here that he was apprehensive the French settle 
 ments atMiguelon and St. Pierre would suffer much for 
 want of provisions, unless they were supplied by the 
 people of the United States, your excellency will oblige 
 our new allies by directing notice to be given to the in 
 habitants of your state that they will find a good market 
 at those places. 
 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest esteem your 
 excellency s most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 417 
 
 PARIS, July 29th, 1778. 
 
 His excellency Governor Henry, 
 
 Dear Sir, It was with the greatest pleasure I learnt 
 from Capt. Le Maire s mission that you had at length 
 awakened our state to the necessity of putting herself 
 into a respectable posture by being well provided with 
 warlike stores. I have done all in my power to promote 
 a purpose on which her future prosperity and even safety 
 so much depend. Though it is not possible to do things 
 in this country with the expedition one would wish, yet 
 I hope w r e shall procure in a short time the chief part of 
 the supplies demanded. I expect my brother William 
 here soon, who will put things into a better train than 
 my want of knowledge and other avocations will permit. 
 
 Not having been able to raise any money upon credit 
 for the state, which in this country and at this time is 
 extremely difficult, I have engaged to advance as far as 
 forty or fifty thousand livres, for those things which in 
 dispensably require it. I have endeavoured to make such 
 an agreement with Penet & Co. as will leave you at lib 
 erty to make payment for what they furnish in the man 
 ner most convenient for the state. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " CHAILLOT, June 3d, 1778. 
 
 His excellency Count de Vergennes. 
 
 I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency a 
 list of brass cannon, mortars, &c. of which the state of 
 Virginia is in the most pressing and immediate want for 
 its defence. If they can be furnished out of the royal 
 arsenals, to be replaced at the expense of that state, it 
 will be doing it a most essential service, and a favour for 
 which they will be forever grateful. 
 
 As the safest opportunities of sending them will occur 
 in about three weeks, your excellency will pardon me 
 for pressing for these articles to be sent by this convey 
 ance. 
 
 Nothing but the most urgent necessity would induce 
 me to give your excellency this extraordinary trouble, 
 
 VOL. i. 53 
 
418 LIFE OF 
 
 or to trespass so much upon that goodness, of which we 
 have already received such substantial proofs. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect and 
 esteem, your excellency s most obedient and most humble 
 servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "CHAILLOT, Aug. 4th, 1778. 
 
 Messrs. Penet & Co. 
 
 Gentlemen, The bearer of this is Capt. Le Maire,who 
 by our agreement is to inspect the articles you ship for the 
 state of Virginia. You will therefore be so good as to 
 give him all necessary facilities for examining and approv 
 ing the supplies you are to furnish. 
 
 I have the honour to be gentlemen, your most obedi 
 ent servant, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 Aug. 21, 1778. 
 
 " Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Robert Brooke, the gentle 
 men who will deliver you this, are of a respectable fami 
 ly in the state of Virginia. I shall be obliged to you for 
 any civilities you show them; and if they apply to you 
 for any money for their expenses, you may with safety 
 advance it to them. 
 
 I have the honour to be gentlemen, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 A Monsrs. Penet fy Decoster, 
 Negotiants a Nantes. 
 
 P. S. I expect some brass artillery will be delivered to 
 you to be shipped for the state of Virginia, which I beg 
 you will do on freight as cheap and as well as possible, 
 and if practicable ensure it." 
 
 " PARIS, Sept. 3d, 1778. 
 
 The Hon ble John Page, Virginia. 
 
 Dear Sir, I had the honour of writing to you on the 
 24th August, since which nothing new has happened in 
 Europe. You will see by the enclosed account what money 
 I have advanced for the state, which was absolutely ne 
 cessary to complete the furnishing of what was wanting; 
 besides this I have pledged myself to the government 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 419 
 
 here, that the brass artillery, &c. which I prevailed 
 upon them to furnish, should be punctually paid for. I 
 therefore beg the favour of you to take care that remit 
 tances should be speedily made for this purpose, that I 
 may not be left in a disagreeable situation, having exert 
 ed and pledged myself for the service of the state. There 
 is a society established here upon the plan of the Society 
 of Arts in London ; a correspondence between your so 
 ciety and them might be mutually beneficial, and if you 
 approve of it I will endeavour to establish it ; it is called 
 the Society of Emulation; and as I have also had the ho 
 nour of being chosen a corresponding member of it, I could 
 easily connect the two together. 
 
 The universal disorder of the times makes it very diffi 
 cult to transact business. It is therefore that I have not 
 received an answer relative to the great seal, nor the bills 
 of lading of the paper desired by the treasury, and which 
 I have reason to believe has been shipped from Holland 
 for St. Eustatia. 
 
 With great esteem I have the honour to be, &c, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " VERSAILLES, Dec. 31st, 1778. 
 
 I received sir the letter you did me the honour to write 
 me the 1 5th of this month, relative to the refusal of the 
 director of the arsenal at Nantes to deliver, without an 
 order from me, to the agent for Virginia, an essential part 
 of the coast carriage, which I directed to be added to 
 the rest of the artillery delivered at that place for that 
 state. I have ordered that director, agreeably to your 
 desire, to deliver the lock belonging to the carriage, with 
 its other appendages. You may communicate this to your 
 agent at Nantes. 
 
 I am, &c. &c. 
 
 Signed, The Prince MONTBAREY. 
 
 M. Arthur Lee." 
 
 " VERSAILLES, March 27, 1779 
 
 I have communicated sir, to the Prince de Montbarey, 
 the letter which yon did me the honour to write me the 
 
420 LIFE OF 
 
 22d of this month. This minister has just made me the 
 answer which I subjoin. You will perceive from that, 
 that the king wills that the warlike stores furnished to 
 the state of Virginia, should follow their first destina 
 tion. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Signed, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 M. Lee." 
 
 Translation of M. de Vergennes s letter to Mr. Lee. 
 
 " VERSAILLES, Feb. 16, 1779. 
 
 I have the honour of transmitting to you sir, a copy 
 of Prince Montbarey s letter, and the note that accompa 
 nied it. You will there see, that the state of Virginia 
 owes to the artillery chest 256,633 7s. IQd. for the 
 payment of the effects furnished. I doubt not that you 
 will take the speediest measures for the immediate pay 
 ment of this sum. 
 
 I have the honour, &:c. 
 
 Signed, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 M. Arthur Lee." 
 
 (Translation.) 
 
 " I annex an account of the sum of 256,633 7s. 10d., 
 which the state of Virginia owes to the artillery chest 
 for the supplies furnished them. I shall be obliged to 
 you to concert with the deputies of the United States 
 for the payment of that sum into the hands of M. Chas- 
 til, formerly treasurer general of the artillery, &c. to dis 
 charge the accounts of last year. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. MONTBAREY. 
 
 Count Vergennes." 
 
 (Translation.) 
 
 " VERSAILLES, March 20th, 1779, 
 
 I have communicated to the Prince Montbarey the let 
 ter in which you informed me of the impossibility of the 
 state of Virginia paying at present for the artillery which 
 his majesty has furnished them. I subjoin a copy of that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 421 
 
 minister s answer, by which you will see what he pro 
 poses to do. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Signed, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 M. Arthur Lee." 
 
 (Translation of Prince Montbarey s letter.) 
 
 " I have informed the king of the letter sir, which 
 you did me the honour to write me the 21st of last 
 month, of the impossibility, as represented by Mr. Lee, 
 that Virginia should pay the king the sum of 256,633 
 7s. lOd. for the artillery that was furnished from his ma 
 jesty s arsenal. It was not intended to urge this payment, 
 but as the passage of these effects was very doubtful in 
 the then circumstances, his majesty reserves to himself the 
 furnishing them when their passage can be more sure ; 
 you will therefore be so good as to apprise Mr. Lee that 
 I give orders for their being restored to the king s maga 
 zine at Nantes. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. MONTBAREY. 
 
 Count de Vergennes." 
 
 "PARIS, March 22d, 1779. 
 To his excellency Count Vergennes. 
 
 I had yesterday the honour of receiving your excellen 
 cy s letter of the 20th, enclosing one from the Prince Mont- 
 barey, to inform me of his intention to give orders for 
 the re-entry of the artillery and munitions of war, which 
 his majesty had the goodness to furnish to the pressing 
 wants of the state of Virginia ; and which have been 
 shipped at a great expense to the state, as well as to his 
 majesty. Events have happened since I had the honour 
 of writing to your excellency upon this subject, on the 
 16th of Feb., which compel me to beseech you to use 
 your utmost influence in preventing this resolution from 
 being carried into execution ; as [ apprehend nothing 
 can be in the actual state of things more detrimental 
 and even fatal to the state of Virginia, and consequently 
 to the common cause. I mentioned to your excellency 
 
422 LIFE OF 
 
 that immediately upon your assurance that these things 
 would be furnished by his majesty, I wrote to inform 
 the state of it ; and I have written so repeatedly since 
 that there is a moral certainty of the information having 
 reached them. This, we may reasonably suppose, will 
 have prevented them from providing from other quarters 
 these necessary articles of defence. We are now cer 
 tain of the enemy s having transferred the war to the 
 southern states, and my intelligence from England is 
 such that I can assure your excellency they mean to push 
 the war there, and to invade the state of Virginia as soon 
 as they can send out the reinforcements of troops, which 
 are now preparing with great diligence. In this situa 
 tion his majesty s goodness in having so readily furnished 
 the artillery and munitions required, will, if they should 
 be actually stopped, prove, in all probability, the destruc 
 tion of the stale, by leaving it defenceless to the enemy s 
 invasion. With regard to the risk this furniture runs in 
 going at present, which is stated as the reason for recall 
 ing it, I have the pleasure of informing your excellency 
 that I yesterday received a letter from Nantes, advising 
 me that the convoy was arrived, and only waited for a 
 fair wind to sail with all the American vessels at Pain- 
 beuf. The vessel, too, in which these munitions are 
 shipped, is well armed ; and the state will be obliged to 
 pay, as I am informed upon enquiry, in freight and ex 
 penses upwards of forty thousand livres for nothing, if 
 the articles are stopped. 
 
 These reasons will I hope convince your excellency 
 that my apprehensions of the injurious consequences of 
 recalling what was furnished, are well founded ; and will 
 weigh with you to obtain the stoppage or revocation of 
 the order for their detention. There has lately appeared 
 in the London papers an intercepted letter from a tory 
 gentleman in Virginia, and I have information that the 
 British ministry are in possession of several more of the 
 same kind, encouraging an attack upon that state. I 
 have no doubt that this will confirm and quicken the de 
 signs of the enemy, and therefore have additional reason 
 for conjuring your excellency to obtain permission for 
 the departure of the munitions in question. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 I must beg the favour of being apprised as soon as- 
 possible of his majesty s ultimate determination. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Signed, A. LEE." 
 
 " VERSAILLES, May 21st, 1779, 
 
 To Mr. Lee. 
 
 I have communicated sir, to Prince Montbarey the 
 letter you did me the honour to write me the 22nd of 
 this month. This minister has just made me an answer,, 
 of which I subjoin a copy. You will there see that the 
 king thinks proper that the supplies furnished to the 
 state of Virginia should follow their first destination. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Signed, DE VERGENNES." 
 
 Translation of the copy of a letter from the Prince Mont 
 barey, to the Count de Vergennes. 
 
 "VERSAILLES, May 26th, 1779. 
 
 I received sir, your letter of yesterday. Upon the re 
 presentation of Mr. Lee, I inform the director of artillery 
 at Nantes that his majesty consents to let the supplies 
 which were furnished to the state of Virginia, pursue their 
 first destination. You will be so good as to inform that 
 late deputy of this. 
 
 I have the honour, &,c. MONTBAREY." 
 
 (Translation.) 
 
 "PARIS, April 15th, 1779. 
 
 M. Arthur Lee. 
 
 I received sir, the two letters you did me the hon 
 our to write me the 16th and 30th of last month. You 
 therein remind me of the order I formerly gave to ex 
 empt from duties a quantity of sabres, shovels, spades, 
 and axes sent from Strasburg to Nantes, to go to Vir 
 ginia, and you claim the execution of it. You desire at 
 the same time a discharge of the security which the di 
 rectors of the farmers at Nantes, have insisted upon for 
 considerable duties which they will have paid on the ex- 
 
424 LIFE OF 
 
 portation of different cannon, mortars, bombs, ball, and 
 other like munitions of war, which the king has been 
 pleased to furnish to the state of Virginia. I subjoin 
 orders for the restitution of the sum paid on the arms 
 and other utensils sent from Strasburg to Nantes. As 
 to the other articles, I had the honour of informing you 
 on the 24th of last August, that the exemption was a fa 
 vour which could not be repeated. You have seen that 
 this was founded on principle, and that the king himself 
 submits to pay the duties destined for his service. I re 
 gret exceedingly that these reasons prevent me from an 
 nulling the security in question. 
 
 I have the honour &c. Signed, NECKER." 
 
 "PARIS, April 15th, 1779. 
 
 A. M. M. Necker, Controleur General des Finances. 
 
 Sir, I had the honour of receiving your letter of this 
 day s date, containing an order for repaying the duties 
 collected upon the sabres, fee. sent from Strasburg to 
 Nantes, and informing me that the engagement for pay 
 ing the duties demandable upon the export of the artil 
 lery and munitions of war, granted by his majesty for the 
 state of Virginia, cannot be given up. I beg sir, you 
 will believe, that it is with infinite regret I trouble you 
 again upon the subject. But it is an act of inevitable 
 necessity. I have not money to pay the duties engaged 
 for, nor in the present situation of things is it possible for 
 me to say when any funds will arrive to answer the de 
 mand. The difficulties of finding sailors for merchant 
 ships in Virginia are very great; and hitherto where these 
 have been overcome, the tobacco has unfortunately fallen 
 into the enemy s hands. It is far from being the dispo 
 sition of any of the United States, to distress their friends, 
 or press for favours. But in our actual situation, we must 
 either deliver ourselves up unarmed to be massacred by 
 our merciless enemies, or obtain the necessary means of 
 defence by indulgences, which the singular situation of 
 our affairs alone induces us to ask. The engagement en 
 tered into by my merchant was unknown to me, till the 
 articles were shipped, and the vessel ready to sail. He 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 425 
 
 did it in full confidence that I should obtain a remission 
 of the duties. Indeed there was no alternative but ob 
 taining this remission, or stopping the supplies and un 
 doing all that had been done. I did understand from the 
 letter I had the honour of receiving from you on the 24th 
 of August last, that the exemption then granted on the 
 sabres was not to be drawn into a claim of such exemp 
 tion in future. But that it should operate to preclude all 
 the other articles of the same supply, for the same pur 
 pose, and where exactly the same necessity for asking 
 an exemption existed, did not then strike me. Nor did 
 I then know that there were any duties demandable on 
 the export of brass cannon, &c., especially coming from 
 the royal arsenals. 
 
 Under these circumstances sir, I am obliged to beg you 
 will have the goodness to revise the resolution you have 
 done me the honour to send me. I am extremely sorry 
 to add this troublesome request to the thanks which are 
 due for what you have already granted; nor can any 
 thing be more mortifying than the necessity which com 
 pels it. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Signed, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 (Translation.) 
 
 " PARIS, April 26th, 1779. 
 
 I have received sir, the letter you did me the honour of 
 writing me the 15th of this month, relative to the artil 
 lery, bombs and balls which the king has been so good as 
 to furnish to the state of Virginia, and which have been 
 shipped at Nantes. After the explanation you have made, 
 I gave orders to the Farmers General to annul the secu 
 rity given by Mr. Schweighauser. But I beg you will 
 be so good as to observe, that a similar favour cannot be 
 granted consistent with the laws. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Signed, NECKER. 
 
 Mr. Arthur Lee." 
 
 VOL. j. 54 
 
426 LIFE OF 
 
 "PARIS, May 2d, 1779. 
 
 To the Hon ble B. Franklin, M. P. 
 
 By letters this day from Nantes, I am informed that 
 the Alliance frigate is manned, and ready to sail ; adverse 
 winds still detain the American fleet at Brest, with its 
 convoy. As that convoy is destined to the French isl 
 ands, it will of course leave those vessels which are in 
 tended for the United States before they reach the coast. 
 Yet there it is, that as well from the enemy s cruisers as 
 from the multitude of privateers lately fitted out, they 
 will run the greatest risk. Not only the public at large 
 is highly interested in the safe arrival of this fleet, but 
 the state of Virginia depends upon it for supplies essen 
 tially necessary for her defence and preservation. The 
 difficulty with which these have been obtained, and the 
 impossibility of replacing them if lost, make it of the 
 last importance to use every possible means for their pro 
 tection. 
 
 For these reasons I presume to submit to your consid 
 eration, whether the Alliance can render a more useful 
 and acceptable service to our country, than by immediate 
 ly joining that fleet at Brest, and convoying it quite to 
 our ports. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Signed, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PASSY, May 3d, 1779. 
 
 Hon ble A. Lee, Esq. 
 
 Sir, I did write to the gentlemen at Nantes concern 
 ed in fitting out the vessels for America, offering them 
 the Alliance as a convoy, and ordered her to Nantes ac 
 cordingly ; they did not choose to accept that offer, know 
 ing as I suppose her weakness, but sailed for Brest to go 
 with the French convoy without waiting her arrival, and 
 would probably have been gone long before she could 
 have been fitted for sea, if contrary winds had not pre 
 vented. 1 wish your information were true, that she is 
 manned, and fit for such service ; it must be from some 
 person who is unacquainted with the facts, perhaps Mr. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 427 
 
 Ford. I must suppose the merchants are satisfied with 
 the convoy they have put their ships under, as I do not 
 learn that they have applied for one more suitable. I 
 would readily have solicited such an application, if I had 
 understood it to be necessary, being equally desirous with 
 you of their arriving safe, and sensible of the importance 
 of it. But I have not received a line from any of them 
 to any such purpose; and Capt. Landais has assured me, 
 that my supposition of his having men enough to fight 
 his ship on occasion, in going home, though not enough to 
 man prizes on a cruise, was a great mistake in my inform 
 er; he then wanted 150 men, and I have not since heard 
 of her having recruited more than 40, with the exchang 
 ed Americans from England. Mr. Ford may probably 
 be accommodated in the same frigate that will take Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Signed, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. I am glad to hear from you, that the supplies 
 necessary for Virginia are shipped." 
 
 " MAY 6th, 1779. 
 
 The Hon ble B. Franklin, 
 
 Sir, I had not the honour of receiving your answer 
 till to-day, though it is dated the 3d. It came by the 
 penny-post. It was by Mr. Adams s information when 
 on board, that I understood the Alliance had then (April 
 29th) a good crew, and I cannot express my concern on 
 hearing from you that it is otherwise. The persons and 
 properties of so many of our countrymen, the valuable 
 merchandize, and the essential stores for the United States 
 and for that of Virginia, which are on board this fleet at 
 Brest, are of such infinite importance to our country, that 
 I cannot help trembling for their fate, since I have lately 
 learnt that M. la Morte Piquet will positively protect 
 them no farther than in his way to the West Indies, and 
 that our coast swarms with privateers fitted out from 
 New-York, Rhode Island, and Augustine. The supplies 
 for the state of Virginia were those obtained some time 
 ago from the crown, consisting of brass cannon, mortars, 
 
428 LIFE OF 
 
 bombs, and ball. The articles which my brother solicit 
 ed your assistance in procuring, are a second order, and 
 as necessary for the defence of the state as the first; 
 which first only I have fulfilled, except in those articles 
 which the house of Penet engaged for, but did not send. 
 The gentlemen going to and shipping goods for America, 
 I know lamented that their repeated requests through 
 the commissioners to the ministry for a convoy quite to 
 America, were unsuccessful ; they had waited several 
 weeks, and at a great expense, in expectation of it, when 
 the commissioners sent them a copy of M. de Sartine s 
 final answer to their reiterated applications, containing 
 these words " si ceux qui sont actucllement a JVants ay ant 
 destination, pour les Etats Unies, descendant promptement 
 la Riviere Us seront escortes jusqu au de la des caps and 
 plus loin encore, c est a dire, pendant tout le terns quails 
 voudront suivre la route de convoy des Batimens Frangois 
 destines pour les Isles de PAmerique." It was a great mor 
 tification to them that the Alliance was not manned, nor 
 any certainty when she would be so, which obliged them 
 to put themselves under the French West India convoy, 
 as the best and only one that then offered. 
 
 I presume then it was not their being satisfied with a 
 convoy half the way, that prevented their applying to 
 you, since your late appointment, to obtain for them a 
 more sufficient one, but their knowing that application 
 had already been made by you and the other commission 
 ers without success. It is also probable that their being 
 under sailing orders in Brest Road, deprived them of 
 knowing the state the Alliance was in at Nantes; but it 
 is most sure, that they would have been extremely hap 
 py to have seen her return to Brest as their convoy. 
 They had every reason to expect that this would be the 
 case if she got men at Nantes, because you had directed 
 them to be informed that you had given orders for her to 
 convoy them, which it was understood the want of men 
 only prevented. I cannot therefore doubt that the wish 
 es of all the American gentlemen, that the Alliance should 
 convoy them, coincide with mine, though circumstances 
 have prevented them from being expressed. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 429 
 
 It was from a persuasion of this, and from an anxiety 
 for their safety, as well as for that of the important sup 
 plies that go with them, that I ventured to submit to you 
 my opinion of the utility of ordering the Alliance imme 
 diately to Brest, which I still most earnestly wish may 
 if possible be done. Most of these gentlemen have al 
 ready experienced the miseries of being made prisoners, 
 to which there is too much reason to apprehend they will 
 return, if they are left upon our coast without convoy. 
 It is a long time too since congress has heard from their 
 servants in Europe. Mr. Izard and myself have written 
 to our constituents, in expectation of our despatches go 
 ing in safety by the Alliance, or under her convoy, upon 
 matters in which the public honour, interest, and safety, 
 are deeply concerned. I am sorry to have troubled you 
 with so long a letter, but out of the fullness of the heart 
 the tongue speaketh; and I am filled with the most anx 
 ious concern for the fate of the fleet, if it is to be left 
 unprotected in any part of the voyage. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Signed, ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " N. B. Mr. A. Lee having waited some time without 
 receiving an answer to the above letter, on the 1/ith of 
 May I waited on Dr. Franklin to know whether or not he 
 had received it. His answer was, that he had, but that 
 as the ships were then sailed, he did not think it neces 
 sary to make any answer. 
 
 Signed, LUDWELL LEE." 
 
 " Observation. The ships sailed from Isle Dey, near 
 Brest, the 10th of May; the post is four full days from 
 Brest to Paris; then the date of my letter was eight days 
 before the receipt of that intelligence, which it is pre 
 tended made an answer unnecessary. The fact is, that 
 the Alliance was ordered immediately to L Orient, to 
 join the private cruisers fitted out by Mr. Chaumont. 
 With regard to her not being manned, the Hon. Mr. Ad 
 ams, who wrote that she was, had been on board of her 
 for some weeks, had sailed in her from Brest to Nantes, 
 and spoke from what he saw; nor is it easy to conceive, 
 
430 LIFE OF 
 
 that if she was manned sufficiently to go upon a cruise, 
 she was unfit to go as a convoy, which requires fewer 
 men ; since in the latter case she was to fight only ; in 
 the former, to fight and man her prizes. A. L." 
 
 (d) Memoire to the French Court. 
 " When a conduct of premeditated perjury, shameless 
 perfidy, and unexampled cruelty, on the part of Great 
 Britain during the present war, had so much exasperated 
 the minds of the people of the United States that it was 
 apprehended they would proceed to retaliation, which if 
 once commenced in anger might be carried to extremities 
 the most horrible, the congress issued an address, exhort 
 ing forbearance, and a farther trial, by examples of lenity 
 and generosity, to recall their enemies to the practice of 
 humanity amid the calamities of war. In consequence of 
 this, neither the congress of the United States, nor any 
 of the states apart, have ever exercised, or authorised the 
 exercise of the right of retaliation. Their enemies how 
 ever continued their barbarities, till the issue of war, 
 turning against them, put one of their armies, and a mul 
 titude of other prisoners, into the power of the states. 
 From that time till lately, their conduct towards those 
 citizens of the United States whom they had made pri 
 soners, was less stained with atrocious insolence and in 
 humanity. But since they have found that all the efforts 
 and arts of their commissioners could neither intimidate 
 nor seduce the congress, nor the people of the United 
 States, they have become outrageous, and in that spirit 
 have published a proclamation which contains the follow 
 ing brutal menaces, and which they have already begun 
 to execute, by desolation and murders, wherever they 
 can approach. It is therefore manifestly the enemy s 
 policy, to disgust the people of America with their alli 
 ance with France, by convincing them, that instead of 
 shielding them from future miseries, it has accumulated 
 additional calamities upon their country. To stop the 
 progress of these cruelties, and disappoint their purpose, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 431 
 
 the commissioners submit to your excellency s considera 
 tion two measures, which in their opinion are most like 
 ly to answer these ends. 
 
 1st. That the court of France should announce to that 
 of Great Britain that unless this declaration of its com 
 missioners is formally renounced, and the cruel method 
 of carrying on the war effectually stopped, this court will 
 join with the United States, in the severest retaliation. 
 2nd. That a powerful fleet of thirty or forty sail should 
 be immediately sent to the coast of America, to support 
 this declaration, and secure a naval superiority over the 
 enemy in those seas. The commissioners suggest this 
 measure as appearing to them to be the most sure and 
 effectual means of distressing the enemy, and destroying 
 her commerce, humbling her pride, and reducing her to the 
 necessity of suing for peace. Upon this naval superiori 
 ty in those seas must depend the valuable commerce of 
 their islands and the islands themselves. The difficulties 
 of provisioning a fleet at such a distance, or of repairing 
 it, in case of any accident, augment with the number to 
 such a degree, that it seems impossible for the enemy to 
 support thirty or forty sail of the line in that quarter, 
 and therefore, though they are able to meet and even 
 out-number Count d Estaing s fleet, yet against the pro 
 posed augmentation it is conceived they could not con 
 tend. The commissioners hope the speedy assistance 
 and reparation received by Count d Estaing s fleet will 
 show the advantages which this country must enjoy in 
 carrying on the naval war on a coast friendly to her, and 
 hostile to her enemy. And these advantages they trust 
 will in future be much more sensible, because the ap 
 pearance of the fleet this time was sudden and unexpect 
 ed, and the last season in that particular part of the 
 country was the most unfavourable that has been known 
 for many years." 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
OF 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 PRUSSIAN PAPERS. 
 
 "PARIS, April 19th, 1777. 
 To his excellency Baron Schulenburg at Berlin. 
 
 Sir, We received the letter which you did us the 
 honour to write to us of the 15th ultimo, and should 
 earlier have replied particularly thereto, out from the 
 daily expectation we had, of receiving orders from the 
 congress of the United States on this important sub 
 ject. We have their commands to inform his Prussian 
 majesty s ambassador here that they propose to send a 
 minister to your respected court with all convenient 
 expedition, properly empowered to treat upon affairs 
 of importance ; and that we are in the mean time in 
 structed and authorised by the congress to solicit the 
 friendship of your court, to request that it would af 
 ford no aid to their enemies, but use its good offices 
 to prevent the landing of troops by other powers to 
 be transported to America, for their destruction ; and 
 to offer the free commerce of the United States to the 
 subjects of Prussia. We have taken the earliest op 
 portunity of obeying these commands. But consider- 
 
 VOL. II. 1 
 
6 LIFE OF 
 
 ing the great importance of establishing a free com 
 merce between the two countries as soon as possi 
 ble, and confident that every objection may be obvi 
 ated, and the wished for intercourse opened and es 
 tablished on the most certain and beneficial grounds, 
 to promote the interest of both countries ; we pro 
 pose that one of us shall wait on your excellency as 
 soon as conveniently may be done, to explain person 
 ally the situation of America, the nature, extent, and 
 importance of its commerce, and the methods by 
 which it may be carried on with Prussia to mutual 
 advantage. In the proposed interview we are con 
 fident the difficulties mentioned by your excellency 
 may be surmounted, and a very considerable part of 
 American commerce be turned to Prussia, by meas 
 ures neither dangerous nor expensive. 
 We have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 BENJ. FRANKLIN, 
 S. DEANE, 
 A. LEE." 
 
 Si r? I have been informed by the letter which 
 you did me the honour to write me the 8th of this 
 month, that in consequence of the 19th past, which 
 came to me on the part of Mr. Franklin, Deane, and 
 yourself, that you were upon the point of setting off 
 for this place, unless prevented by some unforeseen 
 accident. My answer of the llth will have shown 
 you sir, that I still fear the difficulties that oppose 
 themselves in the present circumstances of things to 
 establishing a commerce between the king and the 
 colonies of North America ; and that I look upon our 
 conversations upon this subject rather as prelimina 
 ries for the time to come, than as negotiations, which 
 may be immediately productive of advantageous con 
 sequences. 
 
 For this reason sir, I think you need not be uneasy 
 about the delays which retard your journey ; and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 7 
 
 that no reproach of neglecting the interests of your 
 constituents can fall upon you, when you are obliged 
 to put off a business the result of which will probably 
 be far distant, to treat of others of more importance 
 and more pressing. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 SCHULENBURG. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BERLIN, June 20th, 1777. 
 Count Schulenburg. 
 
 Sir, I had the honour of receiving your excellency s 
 letter of the 18th, this day. Upon trial I hope the 
 difficulties will not be found so great as your excel 
 lency seems to imagine. 
 
 When I had the honour of conversing with your 
 excellency I mentioned that the admission of our 
 cruisers into his majesty s ports, to supply themselves 
 with necessaries, carry in and sell their prizes in a 
 secret manner, would be attended with great advan 
 tages. It is the only method of establishing a com 
 merce at present from America hither, in the commo 
 dities and vessels of the states. For the privateers 
 take in a light cargo from America, which they bring 
 to the ports where they are permitted ; this they ex 
 change for necessary supplies and then make a cruise, 
 by the profits of which they are enabled to purchase 
 a cargo of such manufactures as are wanted in Ame 
 rica, with which they return. 
 
 If I had his majesty s permission to signify that 
 our cruisers would be received in his ports upon this 
 footing as they are in the south, I can have no doubt 
 but that this species of commerce would soon take 
 place ; and most assuredly the advantages of it to 
 those ports, and consequently to his majesty s king 
 dom, would be very considerable. Without such 
 permission our congress will be obliged to send the 
 prizes they make in the northern seas, either to the 
 
O LIFE OF 
 
 south or directly to America, and will have no means 
 of commerce or communication with his majesty s 
 dominions. 
 
 In about ten days I propose quitting Berlin on my 
 return, before which I hope to hear from your excel 
 lency upon this important subject. 
 
 I have the honour of being with the greatest re 
 spect your excellency s most humble and most obedi 
 ent servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "BERLIN, June 18th, 1777. 
 
 Sir, After having deliberately examined the pro 
 positions you had the goodness to address to me, con 
 cerning the establishment of a commerce between the 
 states of the king and the English colonies of North 
 America, I agree with you sir, that it is very likely 
 that even paying the highest ensurance, the scarcity 
 and dearness of our goods in America, together with 
 the abundance and low r price of your productions, 
 which might be advantageously sold in Europe, would 
 render this commerce very profitable to both parties. 
 It remains only to make a trial, but an almost insur 
 mountable difficulty presents itself, which is, that hav 
 ing never adventured as far as your country we want 
 ships, as well as captains, pilots, and sailors, who 
 could and would be sent into those seas, besides that 
 the vessels that we have are necessary for carrying 
 on the interior commerce of the king s different pro 
 vinces, and for that which we have with France, Spain, 
 and England ; our only resource is then to try if there 
 are any owners of vessels in Holland or Hamburg, 
 who for a convenient freight would undertake to 
 carry our merchandize, and in the second place to 
 find out an ensurance. We shall endeavour to get 
 ourselves well informed on these two points, and if 
 there is a possibility of succeeding in this way after 
 having obviated some other small difficulties, we may 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 9 
 
 benefit ourselves by the instructions which you have 
 had the goodness to point out to us. 
 
 I have the honour to be with most distinguished 
 esteem and respect, sir, &c. 
 
 BARON SCHULENBURG. 
 
 Mr. Arthur Lee" 
 
 "BERLIN, June 28th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sirs, I have not yet received a line from 
 you. It is not easy to divine the reason of so long a 
 silence. There is for sale here, and deliverable in 
 any port in France, fourteen thousand weight of brass 
 cannon, at six guineas the quintal, and six thousand 
 to be melted down, at five guineas and a half. They 
 are six, twelve, and twenty-four pounders. The ex 
 pense of freight and ensurance to Nantes or else 
 where will be added to this price. Two days ago, 
 while I was at dinner, my bureau was broke open 
 and some papers stolen out, which were in my porte- 
 feuille. The English envoy happened to be in the 
 hotel where I lodge when I discovered the robbery. 
 Upon being informed that I was gone to the gover 
 nor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his ser 
 vants, he went away in great confusion, and in half 
 an hour the porte-feuille with all the papers were laid 
 down at the door, and the person ran off undiscovered. 
 The examinations that have been taken, charge his 
 servant with having repeatedly told the servants of 
 the hotel that his master would give two thousand 
 ducats for my papers. The landlord who charged 
 his servant with it before him, deposes that he said 
 he would send the servant to answer for himself, but 
 that the servant never appeared. Prince Colberg, 
 who was also present, deposes that he immediately 
 quitted the room in the greatest confusion. The 
 whole is before the king. The return of the papers, 
 and those which he particularly wanted not having 
 been left in the bureau, disappointed him of his ob- 
 
10 LIFE OF 
 
 ject, while the whole odium rests upon him. He 
 will do better the next time, and his court will no 
 doubt encourage him. Public ministers have been 
 regarded as spies; Mr. Elliot will give them the ad 
 ditional title of robbers. 
 
 I shall leave this on Thursday next, and expect to 
 be at Strasburg in twelve days from thence, so that a 
 letter will meet me there by return of post. 
 
 I am, with the greatest esteem, dear sirs, yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To -Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane, Esqrs. 
 Commissioner S) Paris. 
 
 "JUNE 28th, 1777. 
 To the Commissioners at Paris. 
 
 Dear Sirs, It is now the 28th, and not a line 
 from you. I cannot divine the reason of so long a 
 silence. There is for sale here, deliverable at any 
 port in France, 414,000 weight of brass cannon, at 
 six guineas the quintal, and 60,000, to be melted 
 down again, at five guineas and a half. They are 6, 
 12, and 24s. The expense of freight and ensurance 
 to Nantes will be added to this price. The enclos 
 ed estimate of clothing you will compare with that 
 you have contracted for, and determine whether it be 
 worth while to order 10,000 suits from hence, which 
 can be furnished in a very short time. 
 
 I am dear sirs, &c. A. LEE. 
 
 N, B. The estimate was about 24 francs a suit." 
 
 " BERLIN, July 6th, 1777. 
 
 To the Commissioners at Paris. 
 
 Dear Sirs, I informed you in my last, of the 28th, 
 of my having been robbed of my papers, and having 
 retrieved them within a few hours. Whether they 
 were read I cannot ascertain, but I think they would 
 never have returned them had they known their con 
 tents. My journal book, which was among them, con- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 11 
 
 tained all our transactions in France and Spain. You 
 will therefore judge, whether it be proper to guard 
 those courts against any complaints from England. 
 As they have returned the evidence of what they will 
 allege, it may well be treated as a forgery, supposing 
 always they have read it, which I do not believe. I 
 have just learnt that the English envoy has despatch 
 ed his secretary to London; but whether to guard 
 against the storm he expects his indiscretion will ex 
 cite from hence, or to give the intelligence he obtain 
 ed, or both, I know not. I have thought it prudent 
 to wait here some days, to see whether the ill-humour 
 he has excited will furnish a favourable opportunity of 
 obtaining something. I shall leave this place next 
 week, unless some advice from you should stop me. 
 Hitherto I have not been favoured with a single line. 
 
 I see in the English papers that cruisers are sent 
 to the Baltic, which I am afraid are against Weeks. 
 Perhaps you will think it proper to change the name 
 of Boux s ship, to embarrass their complaint to the 
 states, should they make any. I enclose you the pri 
 ces of several articles we want, and which seem to 
 be cheaper here than in France. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great respect, your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, July 29th, 1777. 
 The Hon ble Chairman of the Secret Committee, 
 
 Sir, I had the honour of informing the committee 
 of my proceedings at Berlin, in a letter from thence 
 dated the llth of last month. On my first interview 
 with his excellency Baron Schulenburg, he informed 
 me that upon receiving information of my intending 
 to come to Berlin, he had written to signify the king s 
 resolution not to receive me as a public minister; but 
 that he should be glad to receive any information re 
 lative to the proposal of carrying on trade with us. 
 
12 LIFE OF 
 
 I urged the example of the civil wars both in England 
 and Holland, during which public ministers were re 
 ceived from them by neutral powers, without its be 
 ing deemed an infringement of their neutrality; with 
 many other similar instances of great authority. He 
 answered, that his majesty had pledged his honour to 
 the king of Great Britain not to interfere in this dis 
 pute, and he was determined not to commit himself. 
 He therefore wished I would confine myself entirely 
 to the subject of trade, as he could not hear any farther 
 propositions. 
 
 As I had not been expressly commissioned by con 
 gress to the court of Berlin, I thought it not pru 
 dent to insist on this point. I therefore gave him 
 what light I could, touching the proper articles of 
 commerce, the best ports in America, and the best 
 means of conducting the trade. - 1 trusted that I 
 should find an opening for going farther, upon better 
 acquaintance and opportunity. Accordingly I ven 
 tured in a little time to propose the opening their 
 ports to our cruisers, and to allow the sale of their 
 prizes. I was assured, in answer to this proposition, 
 that they would enquire upon what footing this was 
 done in France and Spain, and inform me whether 
 the same could be admitted in their ports. 
 
 While I was at dinner one day, some person contriv 
 ed to get into my chamber, which was locked, and to 
 break open my desk, from whence he took all my pa 
 pers. 1 soon discovered the robbery, and alarming 
 the police, the English envoy, who happened to be on 
 a visit in the hotel when the alarm was given, imme 
 diately went home, and in a few minutes the papers 
 were all returned, apparently unopened. The envoy 
 went to the king next day to excuse himself, but was 
 not admitted. It appeared upon examination, that 
 his servants had frequently offered a large sum to the 
 servants of the house, if they would steal my papers. 
 But as I never went out of my room upon the most 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 13 
 
 trifling occasion without locking them up, they were 
 obliged to have recourse to violence. The resentment 
 of every one at so outrageous an act, was soon lost in 
 the contempt of the envoy s folly in returning what 
 he had incurred so much odium in acquiring. The 
 minister of state told me they could do nothing more 
 than insist on his recall, which he imagined the envoy, 
 considering the unfavourable light in which this ac 
 tion had placed him, would ask himself. 
 
 I thought this a favourable opportunity of pressing 
 for aid from the king, in artillery, arms, and money ; of 
 which last I was well informed he had a considerable 
 sum in his treasury. But I could obtain nothing but 
 assurances of his desire to serve us,if it were in his pow 
 er. Upon my taking leave, the baron Schulenburg de 
 livered me a message from his majesty, desiring me to 
 assure my constituents, that nothing would give him 
 more pleasure than to hear of their success, and that 
 he wished whatever good news I received might be 
 communicated to him. 
 
 I did not omit to press his interposition, relative to 
 German and Prussian auxiliaries. In answer to this, 
 the minister assured me that we had no reason to ap 
 prehend any thing, either from the one or the other in 
 future. 
 
 What I have collected from various sources on the 
 subject is this. The German princes, who have hired 
 their troops, besides having rendered themselves ex 
 tremely odious, have suffered greatly and are still suf 
 fering by the emigration of their subjects, for fear of 
 being forced into this service, which is excessively un 
 popular and odious through all Germany. Under these 
 circumstances, those princes are neither much inclin 
 ed nor at all able to furnish new supplies. The re 
 cruits already sent were furnished by their utmost ex 
 ertions, and in all probability will be their last. 
 
 The situation of the empress of Russia is not more 
 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
14 LIFE OF 
 
 favourable. She is under a constant alarm for the in 
 ternal quiet of her kingdom, in which there are every 
 where the seeds of great and dangerous discontents. 
 A considerable force is required to preserve the acqui 
 sitions she has made in Poland. The peace with the 
 Porte is an armed truce, which threatens to break out 
 into action every moment. The first and most sacred 
 principle of the Mahometan religion is, the union of all 
 mussulmans. The dividing Crimea from them is for 
 this reason a mortal W 7 ound to their religious opinions, 
 and renders the late peace universally odious. Per 
 petual obstacles are therefore raised to the execution 
 of it, and the Turks are openly preparing to avenge 
 their late defeats. So circumstanced, it is certain the 
 empress is herself in great need of assistance, instead 
 of being in a condition to give it ; which, were she 
 able, it is conceived she would never stoop to do, as a 
 subsidiary of Great Britain, in such a contest, and in 
 such company as the little German princes. 
 
 What is a farther security against their future efforts, 
 is the deficiency of funds on the part of our enemies. 
 I found their credit in Germany had been at no time 
 lower than it is now. We have good intelligence 
 from Holland of its falling there apace. In England 
 men every day ruminate more deeply on the dark 
 and ruinous prospect before them, and most assuredly 
 their credit there is already stretched to its utmost. 
 All this may be well conceived, from the light in 
 which this contest was always viewed. In England 
 it was regarded as unwise; in every other part of Eu 
 rope, as unwise and unjust. Nothing but the most 
 brilliant and immediate success could have prevented 
 the consequences of these opinions. That has not 
 happened, and therefore they now begin to experience 
 the bitter effects of their folly and injustice. 
 
 Every day confirms me more and more in the opi 
 nion, that our enemies cannot continue the war anoth 
 er campaign with any effect ; and that the acknowl- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 15 
 
 edgment of your independency will be a serious sub 
 ject of deliberation among the powers of Europe the 
 ensuing winter. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great respect, your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Sept. 9th, 1777. 
 
 The Hon ble Chairman of the Secret Committee, 
 
 Sir, I have not heard from Berlin relative to 
 their determination about opening their ports to our 
 cruisers. 
 
 The abbe Raynal, who is just returned from a tour 
 in England, tells me that nothing disgusts the Eng 
 lish nation so much with the continuance of the war, 
 as the seeing their ports filled with French ships, to 
 carry on their commerce with other nations. Their 
 merchants are obliged to have recourse to this expe 
 dient to screen their merchandise. I say screen, be 
 cause they cannot expect that, according to the law 
 of nations, it will be a protection when discovered. 
 They have been driven to this necessity by the num 
 ber and success of your cruisers in and about the chan 
 nel, which has raised ensurance so high, that their 
 manufactures are in danger of being augmented 
 thereby in their price, too much for the European 
 markets. 
 
 I thought it would be useful to inform you of these 
 facts, to show the utility of continuing and encourag 
 ing cruisers in these seas, as they will perhaps be so 
 discouraged by the late measures in this country, 
 (which I trust will not be of long continuance) as to 
 confine their course to the American seas. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE," 
 
16 LIFE OF 
 
 " BERLIN, Nov. 6th, 1777. 
 
 Sir, The king was surprised to learn from the let 
 ter which you did me the honour to write me the 
 23d ult. that you had received no news from America, 
 while the public papers are filled with many different 
 accounts, principally upon the descent of Gen. Howe 
 on the Chesapeake, and the check which Gen. Bur- 
 goyne is said to have received from the American 
 general Arnold. As I am persuaded his majesty will 
 receive with pleasure a confirmation of the last arti 
 cle, in consequence of the interest he takes in the 
 events favourable to your cause, you will oblige me 
 much sir, by communicating to me authentic accounts 
 on this subject the moment you receive them; as it is 
 extremely difficult to distinguish the truth of relations 
 dictated for the most part by the spirit of party. 
 
 As to the re-inforcement of troops which Great 
 Britain may expect from the other powers of Europe 
 for the ensuing campaign, I can assure you sir, that 
 your nation has nothing to fear from Russia, nor from 
 Denmark, and that even Germany will furnish but a 
 few hundreds of men, which the Duke of Brunswick, 
 the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Margrave of An- 
 spach, cannot avoid sending, to fill up the corps which 
 by treaty they are obliged to keep up in America, un 
 der British pay. It is with sincere pleasure sir, that I 
 give you this agreeable information, having the honour 
 to be with distinguished consideration, &c. 
 
 BARON SCHULENBURG. 
 
 Mr. Arthur Lee, Paris." 
 
 "PARIS, Jan. 5th, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, My despatches by Capt. Young, and 
 since by Mr. Deane, jr., will have informed you of 
 whatever has happened worthy of your attention in 
 the departments of Spain and Prussia. The latter 
 is now resigned to the care of the commissioner ap 
 pointed to it, who will inform congress (as he is in- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 17 
 
 structed) of the assurances from Baron Schulenburg, 
 secretary of state to the king of Prussia, that his mas 
 ter will riot be the last to acknowledge your indepen 
 dency. This may show you the favourable disposi 
 tion of that monarch, who I believe waits only for 
 the example of this court, which I trust will not be 
 long delayed. I have received a complaint from St. 
 Sebastian of the sailors, who carried in a prize there 
 made by an* American privateer, having been impri 
 soned, and the prize seized. This passed previous to 
 the arrival of the news of Burgoyne s surrender, and 
 Gen. Washington s having given battle to the British 
 army. As this news has made a strong sensation in 
 our favour, I am in hopes the representations I have 
 made will not only relieve them, but prevent any vio 
 lence of this kind in future. It would seem that the 
 court of Spain will not enter into any negotiation till 
 we have concluded the business here. But I shall 
 hold myself ready to execute that duty, in obedience 
 to the commands of congress, the moment it is per 
 mitted. I expect every day to hear that the blankets 
 and stockings I ordered from Bilboa are shipped. The 
 enclosed letter will show the sincerity of those pro 
 fessions I had the honour of receiving from his Prus 
 sian majesty; and as he is in great esteem with the 
 empress of Russia, I think we may be satisfied that 
 he will use all his influence to prevent our enemies 
 from succeeding in their solicitations with her. 1 
 have no reason to alter my opinion of the malignant 
 obstinacy with which our enemies are determined to 
 pursue the war. The ill success has produced a dis 
 inclination in the public to persevere, which gives 
 them some alarm. I have secret but sure informa 
 tion, that in order to conquer this reluctance by the 
 hope of a speedy end to the war, they mean very 
 soon to lay before parliament a plan of accommoda 
 tion. Under the delusion of this hope, they expect 
 to pass easily over the enquiry into the state of the 
 
18 LIFE OF 
 
 nation, and to have its force continued another year 
 under their direction. Mr. Stephenson, who will 
 have the honour of delivering you this, was a mer 
 chant in Bristol, whom I have long known to be zeal 
 ously attached to the cause of his country. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 To the Corresponding Committee." 
 
 The British court are greatly alarmed about Can 
 ada, for the defence of which they are informed 8000 
 men at least are necessary. I hardly think if will be 
 possible for them to procure any thing like that num 
 ber. The refusal of a passage by the king of Prus 
 sia will embarrass and impede their German supplies 
 as stipulated, and I have good intelligence that it was 
 done with the approbation of the emperor, and that 
 he will use his influence to prevent future supplies. 
 
 Sir, In answer to the letter which you did me the 
 honour to write me of the 28th of December, of the 
 former year, I must begin by remarking to you sir, 
 that before that last I had received two letters from 
 
 you, viz. one of the 4th and another of the of 
 
 the same month ; but as you assure me that you had 
 wrote twice since the 4th of December, that expres 
 sion of some doubt whether or not the letter of the 
 4th is comprehended in the two you mention, makes 
 me think one of your letters has miscarried ; as to 
 myself sir, after my letter of the 4th of December, 
 the receipt of which you have acknowledged, I have 
 made you two answers, one of the 18th, and another 
 of the 23d, both of which I hope have come to hand. 
 I address this as you desire to Mr. Grand, banker, 
 Montmartyr-street, arid that we may guard against 
 our letters being any of them lost for the future, I 
 would propose to you sir to number yours, as I shall 
 do, beginning with this. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 19 
 
 The reflections you make upon the present situa 
 tion of affairs are most just ; and indeed Gen. Howe s 
 situation appears very embarrassing. We must see 
 how he will extricate himself, or if he will not at 
 least take and keep his posts with more prudence 
 than he did last year. As the events of this war be 
 come every day more interesting, I again pray you 
 sir to communicate to me regularly all the news you 
 may receive. The king seems much interested in it. 
 His majesty wishes that your efforts may be crowned 
 with success, and as I have told you in mine of the 
 13th of Dec. he will not hesitate to acknowledge your 
 independency as soon as France, which is more immedi 
 ately interested in the issue of this contest, shall set the 
 example. His majesty would make no difficulty in 
 receiving your ships into his ports if it were not that 
 he has no fleet to revenge the insults that may be of 
 fered to your ships. The port of Embden, however 
 safe and convenient it may otherwise be, not having 
 even a fort for its defence, his majesty would not 
 wish to put himself in so disagreeable a situation. 
 As to the guns and other arms of our manufacture, 
 you are at liberty sir, either to buy or order ; and the 
 splitt gerbers, bankers and undertakers of the manu 
 factory of arms, have instructions to deliver you as 
 many as you want. I subjoin a note of the prices, 
 which are the same that the king pays, and as to the 
 infantry muskets, they may be procured at a low 
 price, if solidity of workmanship is more desirable, 
 rather than that exactness which the king requires. 
 
 I have the honour to be with distinguished consid 
 eration sir, &c. 
 
 BARON SCHULENBURG." 
 
 Mr. Arthur Lee, Paris." 
 
20 LIFE OF 
 
 " 2nd February 1778. 
 To his excellency Baron Schulenburg. 
 
 I was honoured with jours of the 16th of January, 
 some few days since, and have delayed an answer in 
 hopes that despatches from America would have ena 
 bled me to give your excellency some acceptable in 
 telligence. But in this I am disappointed, so that 
 we have nothing but the relations of the enemy to 
 direct our judgment of the present situation of things 
 in and near Philadelphia. There is one thing how 
 ever that must strike your excellency in Gen. Howe s 
 narration, which is, that in attempting to make his 
 forward movement he is constantly attacked instead 
 of attacking ; and however well he might have de 
 fended himself, was obliged to measure back his 
 ground, and put his army into winter quarters. His 
 tranquillity or even safety there will depend much 
 upon the mildness of the winter and the equipment 
 of the army of the United States for a campaign in 
 that rigorous season. If the winter is severe and 
 Gen. Washington s army tolerably provided, it seems 
 to me that Gen. Howe s situation will be far from 
 that of security. 
 
 Congress have approved of the convention with 
 Gen. Burgoyne, the terms of which I am very much 
 mistaken if the British government do not violate. 
 The enemy is driven entirely back into Canada, after 
 blowing up the works of Ticonderoga, and New-York 
 is pressed on all sides. 
 
 The 4th and the 1 1 th were the letters I referred to, 
 and I have had the honour of receiving those your ex 
 cellency mentions. 
 
 I hope the period for executing his majesty s most 
 gracious purpose towards us is not remote ; as well 
 as that of the reduction of the British power within 
 the limits of due respect for other powers. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 21 
 
 I thank your excellency a thousand times for the 
 facilities you have procured us, in the supplying our 
 selves with arms. But I find things must be more 
 arranged before we can avail ourselves of your good 
 ness. 
 
 The enemy s preparations are more sounding than 
 substantial. They mark a radical weakness ; and will 
 certainly be impotent when we are fortified with alli 
 ances. 
 
 I have the honour to be with great respect, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Dec. 25th, 1778. 
 
 To his excellency Baron Schulenburg. 
 
 I had the honour of receiving your excellency s 
 favour of the 1st. I am extremely sorry for having 
 troubled you with a representation which seems to 
 have given offence instead of obtaining redress. 
 The character of a merchant nor that of all the mer 
 chants in Europe can weigh against the evidence of 
 one s senses. I do assure your excellency upon my 
 honour that the musket which is the specimen of 
 those sent for the best Prussian arms, and which have 
 cost me five livres a piece more than the best arms in 
 France, is one of the worst that I ever beheld. I 
 have seen most of the troops in Europe, and I never 
 saw such a musket in a soldier s hand. Ft has this 
 remarkable trait, that it is neither of the old nor of 
 the new model ; but seems to have been a barrel 
 spoilt in attempting to new model it, and this put 
 into a stock of such wood and of such fashion as can 
 not be imagined worse. There is no mark of its hav 
 ing been examined, upon it. In short a mistake be 
 tween the new and the old model is out of the ques 
 tion. 
 
 But your excellency will give me leave to observe 
 that if my demand was not explicit, it is a little sur- 
 
 VOL. n. 3 
 
22 LIFE OF 
 
 prizing that the house of in the correspond 
 ence that passed between them and myself before 
 the order was executed, did not ask an explanation 
 whether the old or the new model was meant. 
 They knew, though we did not, that there were 
 different kinds of arms of the Prussian make, and 
 therefore that a mistake might happen. As to my 
 self, I had seen the troops at Berlin, and the arsenal 
 furnished with arms of the new model. I had con 
 versed with sundry officers upon the preference due 
 to arms of the Prussian make, and never found any 
 one who by that term did not understand those of the 
 new model. Not knowing therefore that there was 
 any possibility of mistake I did not conceive I could 
 be more explicit. Upon the whole, instead of the best 
 arms in Europe which I promised, I have sent the 
 worst, if the rest are like the specimen sent me. It 
 is not from any doubt of the justice of his majesty s 
 courts that I shall not trouble them with this business. 
 In my situation it is obviously impossible to pursue 
 it in that way. I hope your excellency will pardon 
 me for having given you the pain of reading one let 
 ter on the subject, and I should not have added a 
 second, but that there was a sort of censure thrown 
 upon me, which I most assuredly did not deserve. I 
 should have thought myself censurable if I had con 
 cealed from your excellency a proceeding on the part 
 of those gentlemen which appeared so flagrant to me. 
 You thought I was alone to blame, in which I cannot 
 in any degree whatsoever concur. I have the hon 
 our of enclosing to your excellency a copy of a mani 
 festo, to which the avowedly savage intentions of 
 our enemies have compelled congress. The previous 
 resolution will show your excellency with what re 
 luctance congress has adopted retaliation. As long 
 as it was possible to impute the barbarities committed 
 to the unauthorized malignity of individuals, they ex 
 horted forbearance. But when a solemn avowal on 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 23 
 
 the part of his Britannic majesty s commissioners, of 
 their determination to exercise the extremes of war, 
 and to desolate for the sole purpose of destroying, had 
 deprived them of the apology they had too generously 
 made for the actions of their enemies ; their duty to 
 the people, to humanity, to nations, called from con 
 gress this resolution of retaliation. This conduct of 
 our enemies will, like all their other follies and perse 
 cutions knit more firmly our confederation. The in 
 human purpose of massacre and desolation upon a pre 
 text of our being mortgaged to France, which the very 
 treaty to which they allude expressly contradicts, has 
 armed every hand and heart against them : it has con 
 firmed the wavering, animated the timid, and exaspe 
 rated the brave. The laws of nations are the common 
 property of all civilized people. A deliberate deter 
 mination on the part of Great Britain to violate them 
 and recall the practices of barbarians, should render 
 that nation abhorred through all Europe. Our liber 
 ties, which were the object of the war, are secure ; we 
 are now fighting the battles of humanity and of na 
 tions against the avowed and bitter enemies of both. 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest respect 
 your excellency s obedient servant, 
 
 A. LEE." 
 
24 LIFE OF 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Letters from Mr. Arthur Lee to the Committee of Correspondence of Congress 
 on Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "NANTES, Feb. 14th, 1777. 
 
 Secret committee. 
 
 Gentlemen, The enclosed book is esteemed a 
 work of genius, and as such I have thought it proper 
 to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the 
 author in Paris, who is a man of very high character, 
 and so strongly our friend that I have no doubt that 
 if the want of his second volume, which is not yet 
 published, should render any explanation necessary, 
 he will give it with pleasure. 
 
 Since I had the honour of writing yesterday, Mr. 
 Thomas Morris has informed me of the agreement he 
 has just concluded with the Farmers General for all 
 the tobacco which shall arrive here on your account, 
 at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in con 
 templation of this that they refused to sign the treaty 
 with us, after they had pledged their word for it. 
 Our object was to interest government here through 
 them in our commerce so much as to secure their 
 utmost protection of it ; to ensure the export of our 
 produce, which we apprehended the scarcity of ship 
 ping and sailors would render impracticable in our 
 own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance 
 of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammuni 
 tion, rigging, &:c. which we might convey with more 
 certainty under their protection. To compass these 
 objects we were induced to offer them such tempting 
 terms. The price they have now agreed to give is 
 certainly a good one, but I fear it will not relieve us 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 25 
 
 from our difficulties, as there is no advance stipulat 
 ed, and the difficulty of exportation seems to increase 
 daily. 
 
 Our last intelligence from England informs us that 
 a bill is now passing for granting letters of marque 
 against you, or rather for repealing so much of their 
 former act as confined it to the navy. The press 
 there, still continues very violent, but not equally pro 
 ductive ; that, together with the great preparation of 
 France and Spain, seems to render the continuance 
 of peace for many months, impossible. From every 
 thing that I can learn, their armaments against you 
 will be very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer 
 them at all. But it is best to prepare for their plan 
 as if it would be executed in its fullest extent, for 
 it is impossible to have such reliance on the politics 
 of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon 
 the issue. I believe you have not yet been apprized 
 of what it may be material to you to know, which is 
 that the British government offered to deliver the 
 prisoners taken on Long Island to the East India 
 Company, to be sent to their settlements, if the com 
 pany would send for them to Gibraltar. This pro 
 position is upon record in the company s books, a 
 general court having been held expressly upon it. 
 Compared with other things it may possibly serve to 
 show their good faith ; and it is itself a sufficient evi 
 dence of their merciless and tyrannical disposition 
 towards us. 
 
 I am with great respect, 
 
 A. LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Oct. 6th, 1777. 
 
 To the chairman of the committee of foreign affairs. 
 Gentlemen, By the Benjamin, from Berlin on the 
 the 1 1th of June, and from this place on the 29th of 
 July, I had the honour of informing you at large of 
 
26 LIFE OF 
 
 my proceedings at Berlin. Not having received an 
 answer from that court, relative to the reception of 
 our cruisers and their prizes in Prussian ports, I have 
 written lately to press for one which I hope will be 
 favourable, as I left so friendly a disposition there, 
 that I was desired to communicate his majesty s 
 warmest wishes for our success. I mentioned too 
 the improbability of our enemies drawing assistance 
 from Russia, for the next campaign, and how much 
 their resources were exhausted in Germany. 
 
 By Capt. Young I received the commands of con 
 gress in their commission to me for the court of 
 Spain. As Dr. F. had announced his appointment, 
 with an assurance of his readiness to repair to Madrid 
 as soon as that court thought proper to receive him, I 
 conceived it unnecessary to apprize them of the new 
 appointment, till we are informed of their intention to 
 receive a commissioner. During my absence in Ger 
 many, a letter was received from Mr. Gardoqui, of 
 Bilboa, intimating an expectation of returns from you, 
 for what was transmitted to you through his house. 
 But upon an application to his court, / am again au 
 thorised to assure you that for the supplies already sent 
 no return was expected ; but that in future remittances 
 of American produce must be made for supplies 
 through the house of Gardoqui. It is impracticable 
 to bring them to such an explanation as to know with 
 certainty whether they mean this in earnest, or only 
 as a cover, should the transaction transpire. I am in 
 clined to think it the latter. However, I wrote to 
 Mr. Gardoqui, in consequence of it, as follows. " We 
 are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take 
 care that my constituents be informed that for all the 
 aids they receive hereafter from your quarter they are 
 to make returns in tobacco, pitch, tar, &c. to your 
 house. I beg to know by your next whether the 
 same arrangement is to take place for the future, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 27 
 
 with regard to the deposites at the Havannah and New- 
 Orleans, or whether nothing farther is to be transmit 
 ted through those channels, that if so, the trouble of 
 sending thither, and the disappointment may be pre 
 vented. As the winter s campaign is approaching 
 fast, in which blankets are of the greatest utility, I 
 wish you to send as many of them as possible." 
 
 Upon this subject of returns I think it my duty to 
 state to you some facts relative to the demands of 
 this kind from Hortalaez. The gentleman who uses 
 this name came to me, about a year and a half ago in 
 London, as an agent from this court, and wishing to 
 communicate something to congress. At our first 
 interview he informed me that the court of France 
 wished to send an aid to America of 200,000 ster 
 ling in specie, arms, and ammunition, and that all 
 they wanted was to know through which island it 
 was best to make the remittance, and that congress 
 should be apprized of it. We settled the Cape as the 
 place, and he urged me by no means to omit giving 
 the earliest intelligence of it, with information that it 
 would be remitted in the name of Hortaloez. At our 
 next meeting he desired me to request that a small 
 quantity of tobacco or some other production might 
 be sent to the Cape, to give it the air of a mercantile 
 transaction, repeating over and over again, that it was 
 for a cover only, and not for payment, as the remittance 
 was gratuitous. Of all this I informed Dr. F.* by 
 sundry opportunities. At the same time I stated to 
 Mons. Hortalaez that if his court would despatch eight 
 or ten ships of the line to our aid it would enable us 
 to destroy all the British fleet, and decide the ques 
 tion at one stroke. I repeated this to him in a letter 
 after his return to Paris, to which the answer was, 
 that there was not spirit enough in his court for such 
 an exertion, but that he was hastening the promised 
 
 * As chairman of the secret committee. 
 
28 LIFE OF 
 
 succours. Upon Mr. Dearie s arrival the business 
 went into his hands, and the aids were at length em 
 barked in the Amphitrite, Mercure, and Seine. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Nov. 30th, 1777. 
 
 To the chairman of the committee for foreign corres 
 pondence. 
 
 Sir, Since the enclosed, I received a letter from 
 the king of Prussia s minister, to inform me that his 
 majesty cannot at present open his ports to American 
 armed vessels, for the sale of prizes, as he finds it is 
 not permitted in France. I have informed the minis 
 ter of the late appointment by congress to his court, 
 and do not think it improbable but that the king will 
 in a little time be prevailed upon to wink at the 
 above measure being executed, though he will not 
 openly approve of it till an arrangement is made for 
 acknowledging our independency. This will proba 
 bly come under serious consideration before the win 
 ter ends, if Gen. Howe should not be successful. 
 
 The last letter I received from the Prussian min 
 ister contains the following paragraph : " Berlin, Nov. 
 " Quant aux renjorts de troupes que la grande Bre- 
 tagne pourroit recevoir des autres puissances de VEu- 
 rope, pour la campagne prochaine, je puts vous assurer, 
 JMons. que votre nation n a rien a craindre, ni de la 
 Russie, ni du Dannemarc ; et que meme Pjlllemagne ne 
 jfburnera que quelques certaines d hommes que le Due de 
 Brunswick, le Langrave de Hesse, et le Margrave d?Jlns- 
 pach, en conformite de leur traites ne saurient se dis 
 penser d envoyer annuellement pour la recrue des corps 
 de troupes que ses Princes tiennent en Amerique a la 
 solde de V Jlngleterre. C est avec satisfaction sincere, 
 JMons. que je vous donne cet avis consolant." 
 
 Our friends in Spain have been prevailed upon to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 29 
 
 renew the order for sending you supplies. But be 
 fore any thing was done, a suspension of it was occa 
 sioned by an American privateer making prize of a 
 French ship coming from England with Spanish pro 
 perty on board. Proper measures have been taken to 
 explain this proceeding so as to appease the com 
 plaints it excited, and I have reason to hope that we 
 shall soon see the former goodwill towards us restor 
 ed with farther proofs of its sincerity. 
 
 I have mentioned the little probability our enemies 
 have of obtaining troops for another campaign. Nor 
 will their difficulties be less in raising supplies. 
 Their credit falls so fast in Europe, that unless the 
 most brilliant and effectual success of this campaign 
 should retrieve it, by rendering the conquest of Ame 
 rica probable, they cannot sustain another. Stat 
 magni nominis umbra may almost already be said of 
 Great Britain, and the decisive weight, a weight de 
 rived from her connexion with America, in the bal- 
 lance of Europe which she has long held, will assur 
 edly fail with the failure of this year s expectations. 
 
 It is with pleasure I inform you that the conduct 
 of your generals, and the bravery of your troops and 
 seamen, have entirely effaced through Europe the un 
 favourable impressions made at first by the scandalous 
 reports of our enemies. At the same time there is 
 a great desire to have authentic accounts from us, 
 which unhappily we are not able to gratify, having 
 received no despatches since the retreat of the Bri 
 tish army from the Jerseys. I have imputed it to 
 the chances of the sea, and of war, and to the ardu 
 ous attention of congress to the arrangement and de 
 fence of a young government, pressed on all sides by 
 a powerful enemy. The king of Prussia is particu 
 larly anxious on this subject, as you will judge by the 
 following extract from his minister s letter. (Here 
 follows an extract in French, in which the Prussian 
 minister informs Mr. Lee of the desire of the king to 
 
 VOL. II. 4 
 
30 LIFE OF 
 
 receive the earliest authentic information concerning 
 the affairs of the United States, and of the events of 
 the war.) 
 
 I enclose you the king of Great Britain s speech, 
 with remarks on it by a friend who was present. My 
 private letters say, the ministry are exceedingly dispi 
 rited. The following is a picture of the public, drawn 
 by an able hand and in a high station. "This poor 
 country has fallen into a state of lethargy, from which 
 all efforts to rouse her seem ineffectual. The single 
 loss of Minorca drove the people of England almost 
 to madness ; now thirteen provinces dismembered 
 from the British empire scarcely excite a murmur, ex 
 cept among a very few, who dare to love their coun 
 try even at this disgraceful period."* The parlia 
 mentary campaign will soon open, but nothing is to 
 be expected. Corruption has spread like a low-born 
 mist, a Scottish mist, and pervades every thing. It is 
 certain that France and Spain are arming with un 
 common diligence, and to a great extent. The states 
 of Holland have ordered ten men of war as a con 
 voy for their West India trade, and will not permit 
 any interruption of it by our enemies. 
 
 Yet with these circumstances to oppose it, the im 
 practicability of obtaining an adequate number of 
 troops, the lowness of their credit, the probability of 
 an European war, the carrying on of their commerce 
 by ships of their rivals, to every common understand 
 ing the impossibility of success, and (I may add with 
 certainty) their own conviction of it, I am clear in 
 my opinion that they will attempt another campaign ; 
 every man and every shilling they can procure, will 
 be devoted to the desolation of our country. 
 
 The privateer which gave so much offence by tak 
 ing a French ship, La Fortune, with Spanish property 
 on board, is called the Civil Usage. Since that, the 
 Portsmouth privateer, from Portsmouth, Capt. Hart, 
 has taken an English merchantman in the mouth of 
 
 * Lord Chatham. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 31 
 
 the Garonne. Those captures have given great of 
 fence to the two courts; to remove which we have 
 promised to warn all American captains to desist from 
 such conduct, till the pleasure of congress is known. 
 The following is a copy of the letter I have sent to 
 the different ports of Spain for that purpose. 
 
 "To the captains and commanders of all ships of war, 
 armed vessels and privateers, from the United States 
 of North America. 
 
 PARIS, Dec. 8th, 1777. 
 
 Gentlemen, Complaints having been made of vio 
 lence done by American armed ships to neutral na 
 tions, in seizing ships belonging to their subjects and 
 under their colours; and in making captures of ene 
 my s vessels under the protection of their coast, con 
 trary to the usage and custom of nations. This is 
 therefore to request and warn you not to commit any 
 such violation of the laws of nations, but that (accord 
 ing to the powers given by your commission) you will 
 confine yourselves to the capture of the enemy s ves 
 sels, when not within the protection of neutral ports, 
 rivers, or coasts, and of all others that are carrying 
 soldiers, arms, gunpowder, ammunition, provisions, 
 and other contraband goods, to any of the British ar 
 mies, or ships employed against the United States; 
 you will respect the rights of neutrals, from which 
 you expect protection, and treat all neutral ships with 
 the utmost kindness and friendship, for the honour of 
 yourselves and of your country. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 There remains nothing for me to add at present, 
 but to assure you that I have neglected no opportu 
 nity of writing to you, and giving a full account of 
 my proceedings in Spain and Pruss a. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the most perfect re 
 spect, &LC. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
32 LIFE OF 
 
 " To the Chairman of the Committee for Foreign 
 Correspondence. 
 
 " PARIS, Dec. 8th, 1777. 
 
 Since rny last to you I have seen your despatches 
 of the 6th of Oct. The answer relative to the Ha- 
 vannah will be obtained as soon as possible; but I 
 think such a connexion will in a short time take place 
 between the two countries, as will put that matter 
 out of all doubt. I received yesterday a letter from 
 the Messrs. Gardoqui, at Bilboa, containing the fol 
 lowing passage. Our worthy friend, Elbridge Ger 
 ry, Esq., thinking that the goods shipped per Capt. 
 Hodges to his address were on his account, he wrote us, 
 that he would place the amount thereof to our credit ; 
 but as we have answered him, that this remittance as 
 well as the rest that followed through the same chan 
 nel were on account of congress, and of consequence 
 out of our power, as he will have seen by the sundry 
 letters wrote to him since, doubt not that he will of 
 consequence conform thereto; and we assure you, that 
 in future all possible means will be used to prevent 
 mistakes of this kind. 
 
 By a letter from Holland we are assured, that the 
 king of Prussia had announced to the states his hav 
 ing refused a passage through his territories to Ger 
 man troops hired by Great Britain. The West India 
 fleet from Amsterdam, &c. is to be convoyed by six 
 men of war. I cannot be more explicit, than to as 
 sure you, that the prospect of our enemies is as gloomy 
 here as with you, and that I am not mistaken in what 
 I formerly wrote you, that the confirming our inde 
 pendency would be matter of serious consideration 
 among the powers of Europe this winter. 
 
 I have remitted Mr. Gardoqui money for ten thou 
 sand blankets, which he promises to send with all pos 
 sible expedition. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 33 
 
 "PARIS, Dec. 19th, 1777. 
 To the Committee. 
 
 Our joint despatches will inform you of the for 
 wardness in which things are here towards the desir 
 ed conclusion. In three weeks we shall hear from 
 Spain, and all will I hope be settled. The late in 
 telligence from America has staggered and confound 
 ed our enemies, as much as it has elated and decided 
 our friends. Should they at length resolve to con 
 tinue in rage and despair what they commenced in 
 wickedness and folly, and venture upon a general war 
 by which they must be overwhelmed, their principal 
 efforts will be pointed against us, unless your being 
 in a respectable state of preparation should deter 
 them. In that case they will probably confine them 
 selves to a piratical coasting war, and preying upon 
 our commerce. I have directed all the naval stores 
 that are collected at Bilboa to be shipped forthwith, 
 the moment the court of Spain agrees to furnish the 
 money. To accelerate this material supply, I pro 
 posed to my colleagues to remit the money from our 
 funds here, but they did not think it advisable. 
 
 Should congress want any person to serve them in 
 a public character in Europe, I am authorised to say 
 that Edmund Jennings, Esq., now in London, will 
 obey their commands. His abilities, attachment, and 
 respectable character are well known. It has also 
 fallen very particularly within my knowledge, that 
 Mr. Thomas Digges, of Maryland, has exerted him 
 self with great assiduity and address in gaining in 
 telligence and doing other services in England. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Feb. 10th, 1778. 
 
 To the Committee of Foreign Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, The enclosed memorial and letter to 
 Count Florida Blanca will inform you particularly of 
 
34 LIFE OF 
 
 my proceedings in Spain, with the reasons of the cau 
 tious conduct of that court, which I did not think it 
 safe to communicate at the time. France is now pre 
 paring. The war with Portugal is happily conclud 
 ed, by her accession to the family compact, and there 
 remains only the hazard of the treasure at sea, which 
 is expected in April next. When that arrives, I have 
 no doubt of their acceding to the treaties signed here, 
 and joining in the war which it seems probable will 
 be declared before that time between France and 
 England. From the enclosed accounts you will also 
 see what has been sent from the house of Gardoqui 
 in pursuance of orders from the Spanish court, and 
 what by my order, which I am to pay for out of the 
 fund remitted me from Spain of 170,000 livres. This 
 fund would have been applied in time to have had the 
 blankets, &c. with you for the winter campaign, but 
 for the following reason. On my return from Ger 
 many, in August, I found from various expensive pur 
 chases not only all our funds from our friends here 
 had been exhausted, but we were also involved in a 
 considerable debt, and not half of our orders fulfilled, 
 nor any fund to answer your draught. It was there 
 fore thought prudent to retain that sum, until we 
 were sure of an additional supply from hence. The 
 moment this was secured, I sent orders for the ship 
 ping of blankets and stockings, which are certainly 
 cheap, and I hope will be of use. Upon this mer 
 cantile subject I must beg leave to observe, that I 
 have had nothing more to do with the proceedings of 
 that kind here, but signing my name to contracts 
 made by my colleagues, or rather by Mr. Deane. You 
 will, I presume, be able to judge, by the manner in 
 which near five millions of livres have been expend 
 ed, whether it is wise to unite the political and com 
 mercial characters I am given to understand, that 
 Spain will wish to have the possession of Pensacola 
 secured to them in the treaty. I shall hope to re- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 35 
 
 ceive the commands of congress upon that point as 
 soon as possible. Perhaps congress may think that 
 circumstances are materially changed, since the pass 
 ing the resolve on this subject the 3()th December 
 1776 ; and that the Mississippi is likely to be the 
 only permanent boundary between the two people. 
 My last letter from the king of Prussia s secretary of 
 state, dated the 16th of January, says, (Here follows 
 a long extract from the letter in French, the substance 
 of which is, that "His Prussian majesty wished that 
 success might attend the generous efforts of congress 
 (genereux efforts) in effecting their independence; that 
 he could not consider the question of acknowledging 
 the sovereignty of the United States until France 
 had given the example ; and that he yet felt a diffi 
 culty in admitting their armed vessels into his ports," 
 &c.) 
 
 It is from exceeding good intelligence I assure 
 you, that the finances and forces of our enemies are 
 greatly exhausted, and that their means of continuing 
 the war are in no manner equal to their threats and 
 their enmity. 
 
 I beg the favour of having my duty recommended 
 to congress; and have the honour to be, with the 
 greatest respect, gentlemen, your most obedient and 
 most humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 PASSY, Feb. 16th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, We have now the pleasure of sending 
 you the treaties of amity and alliance with France, 
 completed after long deliberation, and signed the 
 6th inst. This is an event which will give our states 
 such an appearance of stability, as must strengthen 
 our credit, encourage other powers in Europe to ally 
 themselves with us, weaken the hopes of our internal 
 as well as external enemies, fortify our friends, and 
 
36 LIFE OF 
 
 be in many other respects so advantageous to us, 
 that we congratulate you upon it most heartily. And 
 we flatter ourselves that the congress will approve of 
 the terms, and despatch the ratification as soon as 
 possible. It is understood, that Spain is shortly to 
 accede to the same treaties. We have in ours of Dec. 
 IKth mentioned the reasons of her delay, which still 
 subsists, but will probably not subsist much longer. 
 These treaties continue a secret here, and may do so 
 till the commencement of the war, which is daily ex 
 pected. Our little fleet formerly mentioned, which 
 has been long watched and detained in Nantes river 
 by the English cruising off Bellisle, is now on the 
 point of sailing under the convoy of a French squa 
 dron. As the English are pretty strong in the Bay, 
 it is probable that their attack and the French defence 
 of our ships, may be the prelude of a declaration on 
 both sines. 
 
 Having received part of the 3,000,000 livres, we 
 formerly mentioned to you, we have furnished Mr. 
 W. Lee and Mr. Izard with 2000 guineas each for the 
 expenses of your missions to Germany and Italy. 
 And as we have received intimations from Holland 
 that the appearance of one of us there might at this 
 juncture have good effects, we have resumed the pur 
 pose formerly communicated to you, and as soon as 
 our treaty with France is known and the winter over, 
 probably either Mr. Deane or Mr. Franklin will make 
 a journey thither. But as we apprehend it may be 
 known here by some means or other that we furnish 
 the expense of these embassies out of the aids receiv 
 ed from this court, which we think not reputable to 
 your congress, we must again press you to make us 
 the necessary remittances to replace what we have 
 borrowed from the funds destined for your supplies. 
 And particularly we pray most earnestly that you 
 would forward as soon as possible, the 5000 hhds. of 
 tobacco for the Farmers Genera), who will soon be in 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 37 
 
 want of it, and who long since obtained us a million 
 for your use. Our honour is concerned in the fulfil 
 ling of this contract. 
 
 The seizing and delivering up to the English (two) 
 prizes taken by Capt. Batson, on account of their 
 being illegally entered, under a false declaration, 
 made a good deal of noise among our people in the 
 ports, and gave unfavourable impressions of the friend 
 ship of the" court, which possibly may extend to Ame 
 rica ; we think it therefore necessary to inform you 
 that though the confiscation of these prizes on the 
 above account, is said to be agreeable to the laws 
 here, and that the king after a condemnation had the 
 power of disposing of the produce for what purpose, 
 political or otherwise, he might think proper ; and 
 accordingly he restored it, at that juncture, perhaps 
 usefully, to the English claimants, yet, as it is thought 
 a hard case with respect to the captors, a beginning 
 is made of indemnification, and we hope on the same 
 principles on which we are to receive soon a part, 
 50,000 francs, we shall be able in time to recover 
 the whole. 
 
 We have, to avoid disputes at this particular* time, 
 delivered up the cargo brought by the Amphitrite to 
 Mr. Beaumarchais. We hear he has sent over a person 
 to demand a great sum of you, on account of arms, 
 ammunition, &c. We think it will be best for you to 
 leave that demand to be settled by us here, as there 
 is a mixture in it of public and private concern, which 
 you cannot so well develope. 
 
 We send you herewith a great many newspapers ; 
 you will see Lord North s only answer to our appli 
 cation about the prisoners ; as, also, the success of a 
 subscription set on foot in England by our friends, for 
 their relief. They are at present pretty comfortably 
 provided for. 
 
 By our late advices from England, the ministers 
 begin to be alarmed for their country, and perhaps for 
 
 VOL, ii. 5 
 
38 LIFE OF 
 
 themselves. Some of their emissaries have been 
 here to sound us, and endeavour to get from some of 
 us propositions on which to found a treaty ; which we 
 evaded, giving as a reason, our not being empowered 
 to make any ; and apprehending withal that even 
 reasonable ones proposed by us might be used impro 
 perly by the ministry to exasperate, instead of con 
 ciliating ; the pride of the nation choosing still to con 
 sider us as subjects. Many of the speakers in par 
 liament of both sides seem to look upon a French war 
 at this juncture, when so much of their force is abroad, 
 and their public credit so shaken, as immediate ruin. 
 And we are assured by the last post, from good au 
 thority, that even Lord Mansfield, who in the begin 
 ning of this business was so valiant, spoke lately in 
 private to Lord Cambden, of the absolute necessity 
 of an immediate coalition of parties, to prevent the 
 great impending danger to the nation, from an alli 
 ance between the house of Bourbon and the Ame 
 ricans, which he said he had good information was on 
 the point of being concluded. 
 
 We have the honour of being with the highest 
 esteem gentlemen, your most obedient, humble ser 
 vants, 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 SILAS DEANE, 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Feb. 28th, 1778. 
 
 To the Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Cor 
 respondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, Our joint despatches of Dec. 28th, 
 1777, informed you that Spain had promised us three 
 millions of livres, to be remitted to you in specie 
 through the Havannah. This information we had 
 through the French court. We have since been in 
 formed through the same channel that it would be 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 39 
 
 paid to our banker here in quarterly payments. Of 
 this I apprised you in my letter of the of January, 
 1778. Finding however that no payment was made, 
 I applied lately to the Spanish ambassador here for an 
 explanation. From him I learnt that by order of his 
 court he had informed the court of France that such 
 a sum should be furnished for your use, but in what 
 manner he was not instructed, nor had he received 
 any farther communication on the subject. He pro 
 mised to transmit my application to his court without 
 delay. 
 
 The balancing conduct which these courts have 
 until very lately held towards us, has involved us in 
 evitably in continual contradictions and disappoint 
 ments. It is in this respect fortunate that so many 
 of our despatches have miscarried, otherwise you 
 would have been equally vexed, embarrassed, and 
 disappointed. The chief reason that induced Spain 
 to temporize, subsists still, except the war with Por 
 tugal, which is happily concluded by her accession to 
 the family compact. Our general despatches will 
 convey to you the bills, as they are now passing in 
 the parliament of Great Britain, for appointing com 
 missioners to negotiate with their deluded subjects, 
 and declaring in what manner they will be graciously 
 pleased to exercise in future their right of taxing us. 
 It would not be doing justice to their bills to at" 
 tempt any comment upon them. They assert for 
 themselves, and loudly too. But the ministers of 
 England give out that they have despatched half a 
 million of guineas, to pave the way to a favourable 
 reception of their propositions, and I know from the 
 best authority here that they have assured Count 
 Maurepas of their being sure of a majority in congress. 
 By such base arts do they endeavour to cover their 
 nakedness, and sustain their desperate cause. France 
 has done us substantial benefits, Great Britain, sub 
 stantial injuries. France offers to guaranty our sove- 
 
40 LIFE OF 
 
 reignty and universal freedom of commerce ; Great 
 Britain condescends to accept of our submission, and 
 to monopolize our commerce. France demands of us 
 to be independent, Great Britain, tributary. I do 
 not comprehend how there can be a mind so debased 
 or an understanding so perverted as to balance be 
 tween them. 
 
 The journeys T have made both north and south in 
 the public service have given me an opportunity of 
 knowing the general disposition of Europe upon our 
 question. There never was one in which the har 
 mony of opinion was so universal. From the prince 
 to the peasant there is but one voice, one wish ; the 
 liberty of America, and the humiliation of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 The apprehension of troubles, which the death of 
 the elector of Bavaria was likely to excite in Ger 
 many, seem to have subsided ; and of late the 
 movements of the king of Prussia threaten to excite 
 a general war. Great Britain, whose expiring hope 
 sustains itself on every straw, finds comfort in the ex 
 pectations that this will involve France, and divert 
 her from engaging in our war. But in my judgment 
 it is much more likely to operate against her in Prus 
 sia, than against us in France. 
 
 I beg the favour of having my duty laid before con 
 gress, and have the honour to be with the greatest re 
 spect, gentlemen, your most obedient and most hum 
 ble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "March 25th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, The conclusion of the treaties here 
 has ended the powers of our commission. Whatever 
 character it may please congress to give to their re 
 presentations in future must be specified by new pow 
 ers, and letters of credence to the sovereign, with 
 
ARTHUR, LEE. 41 
 
 whom they are to act. The first example of this 
 kind will be material, in determining the future rank 
 of the United States of America, among other sove 
 reign nations. Since the treaty of Munster, Venice 
 and the United Provinces have had their rank as 
 crowned sovereigns. I presume the United States of 
 America will not think a lower rank competent to their 
 dignity and to the importance they must command 
 in the balance of European power. For I am satis 
 fied that in a few years that balance must be in their 
 hand. Whatever orders congress are pleased to give 
 on this subject their ministers must support with firm 
 ness and inflexibility, at first, to prevent any disagree 
 able disputes for the future. 
 
 By the enclosed copies of letters I hope to give 
 you a distinct view of what passed in Spain and Prus 
 sia. I have never been able to learn, to what was 
 owing the sudden change in the favourable disposition 
 of the Spanish court during my absence in Germany. 
 Whether it arose from the proceedings at Dunkirk, 
 &c. which produced such rigour on the part of France, 
 they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron 
 Schulenburg s letter, that the conduct of France in 
 consequence of the Dunkirk business, prevented Prus 
 sia from adopting what I proposed. 
 
 I have written to Messrs. Gardoqui about their 
 charging five per cent, commission, which appears to 
 me exorbitant, because I remit them the money be 
 fore they lay it out. 
 
 With great respect I have the honour to be your 
 obedient humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, April 4th, 1778. 
 
 The Committee of Secret Correspondence. 
 
 Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain 
 I received an answer yesterday that endeavours would 
 
42 LIFE OF 
 
 be used to send you succours through the Havannah. 
 The present critical situation of that court renders it 
 averse to being more particular, or to receive appli 
 cations, but I think they will not long remain under 
 this embarrassment. Dr. Franklin and I are now 
 settling the articles as well as we can, from the pa 
 pers Mr. Dearie thought proper to leave in Dr. Frank 
 lin s hands. How orderly and adequate they are, you 
 will judge yourselves from the list I shall take care 
 to transmit to you. I am obliged to say that this 
 gentleman took to himself the entire management of 
 the business, in which I could obtain no share with 
 out a quarrel ; that my advice and assistance were al 
 ways rejected, and he never would settle accounts. 
 Whether he has conducted it well you will have the 
 means of determining by what you have received 
 compared with the sums expended, of which I shall 
 make it my duty to transmit you an account. 
 
 I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this 
 court relative to the conduct of the war in your quar 
 ter. You will probably see the commencement of 
 them before this reaches you. I enclose some addi 
 tional and as I conceive necessary articles, which I 
 shall endeavour to obtain, if congress approve of them. 
 I also send an accurate list of the actual and intended 
 force of Great Britain. 
 
 With my utmost duty and respect to congress, 1 
 have the honour to be gentlemen, your most respect 
 ful and obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, April 8th, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, Whether there were any public de 
 spatches for you by the opportunity that carries Mr. 
 Deane, the late commissioner, I do not know, because 
 my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I 
 trust you will think it proper to desire the reason of 
 such conduct ; the tendency of which is too plain and 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 43 
 
 too pernicious not to require censure, if it cannot, 
 as I conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger rea 
 sons of utility. 
 
 Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare 
 war in form against France. But the vessels and sail 
 ors of each nation are reciprocally seized in their 
 ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an 
 English privateer. Both are preparing with all pos 
 sible despatch, and both waiting for your decisive de 
 claration, with an anxiety proportioned to their con 
 viction of that declaration deciding the fate of the 
 war. 
 
 As far as I can venture to judge of courts and min 
 isters, those of this country seem cordially disposed 
 to co-operate with you in driving the British entirely 
 out of America. But from what I could observe dur 
 ing the conference on the treaty, they seem to have 
 some wishes relative to the islands of the fishery, 
 which are not altogether compatible with the system 
 laid down by congress. 
 
 The w ; ar between the emperor and the king of 
 Prussia seems inevitable. It will be a war of giants, 
 and must engage all Germany. Three hundred thou 
 sand men, the best disciplined and the best led that 
 ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on 
 each side. Russia is sufficiently occupied by her 
 own situation and the Porte. The north is therefore 
 no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole 
 house of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against 
 England. Holland therefore seems the principal ob 
 ject of negotiation now; because if the enemy should 
 be deprived of her amity, they must soon be reduced 
 to a carte blanche. 
 
 This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose 
 you a memorial which I wrote last year, and have 
 now sent to Holland, to promote the disposition we 
 are informed they entertain at present in our favour. 
 
44 LIFE OF 
 
 In the additional articles I sent for your considera 
 tion, there are some not very materially different, but 
 as they are expressed in a different manner, I thought 
 it might be of use to submit the choice to you. 
 
 The enclosed report of what I received from the 
 court of Spain, is in answer to an application in be 
 half of the people, who have involved themselves in 
 this unfortunate situation. 
 
 It is proper to inform you, that the department of 
 Spain, to which it has pleased congress to destine me, 
 is the most expensive of any, because the court spend 
 different parts of the year at four different places; at 
 which every public minister is obliged to reside, and 
 consequently to have a house, which augments very 
 much his expenses. As I wish to avoid all occasion 
 of blame, I mention this circumstance that I may not 
 appear to be extravagant, should my expenses increase 
 in going thither. 
 
 You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty 
 to congress; and believe me to be, with the greatest 
 respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, April 14th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, 1 have seen your examination of Capt. 
 Folgier, who has either not told the truth relative to 
 the contents of what he confesses to have opened, or 
 they were opened before he received them. He men 
 tions a letter from Mr. Hancock and Mr. R. H. Lee 
 being in the same packet, and in the common enve 
 lope, which was not so, as I have not the honour of 
 being Mr. Hancock s correspondent. The large pack 
 et, marked "Despatches," was sealed with my seal, 
 and contained a packet for the chairman of the secret 
 committee, one for Samuel Adams, Esq., one for F. L. 
 Lee, Esq., and several for R. H. Lee, Esq. They 
 were large, and contained a great many letters, pub- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 45 
 
 lie and private. This transaction obliges me to call 
 to mind and state to you a great many previous cir 
 cumstances. 
 
 The first of my despatches which fell into his hands 
 after his arrival here, he is charged by Mr. Carmichael 
 with having opened. It is true he accuses Mr. Car 
 michael of having done it, and all I am certain of, is, 
 that they were opened and detained. Mr. C. appeals 
 to Mr. Rogers, who he says was present, and who is 
 now a major in the army of the states. I have now 
 in my possession a letter, which I sealed myself, deliver 
 ed to Mr. Deane, and received from him with the seal 
 apparently untouched ; but upon examination, it was 
 clear it had been opened, and that with a dexterity 
 not easily described, but of which there remains very 
 convincing proofs. 
 
 These instances mark a strong desire in Mr. Deane 
 to become acquainted with what was under my seal, 
 and I shall proceed to show, that this curiosity was 
 likely to be much augmented, at the period that Fol- 
 ger s despatches were examined. 
 
 Upon my return from Germany I received informa 
 tion, that two persons, entirely in the confidence of 
 Mr. Deane, (Dr. Bankcroft and Mr. Carmichael) and 
 maintained by him with the public money, had been 
 speaking with great enmity against me, and circulat 
 ing reports, that both the other commissioners were 
 enemies to me, and that we were at open variance. 
 Such variance did not then exist, but they had laid 
 the foundation of it so effectually during my absence, 
 that it could not fail to happen, so as apparently to 
 justify their assertions. The report of this variance 
 had been industriously propagated, not only in France 
 but in England. The person who was present at 
 these conversations was clearly of opinion, from the 
 similarity of the manner, that some most atrocious 
 abuse of my brother and me, with no very modest 
 praises of my colleagues and of Mr. Carmichael, 
 VOL. n. 6 
 
40 LIFE OF 
 
 which were inserted in the English newspapers, came 
 from the same persons. A gentleman to whom I had 
 entrusted this information, with the design of concili 
 ating differences, apprised them of it. This gave 
 them great alarm ; and I found they were exerting 
 themselves to prevent me from getting any farther 
 information, and were under great apprehensions of 
 the consequences of what I had already received. 
 This was a little before the despatches in question 
 were written. Capt. Hynson was sent to Havre by 
 Mr. Deane; he corresponded with him, and received 
 his orders from him. Every thing relating to it was 
 kept a profound secret from me. The same manage 
 ment was used relative to Capt. Folger. The orders 
 the committee have seen, were given, and not signed 
 by me; I never before saw or heard of them, though I 
 w r as at that time in the same house w r ith my colleagues; 
 nor did they communicate to me the vessel, the place, 
 or the person who was to carry our despatches. This 
 concealment of things from me, has been much prac 
 tised since; as I suppose the information received 
 from those letters, made it appear more necessary. 
 
 That Mr. Deane and those connected with him 
 should think their own safety much concerned in ex 
 amining and detaining my despatches, written at such 
 a juncture, is exceedingly probable. That they would 
 not hesitate about the means, their former proceedings 
 prove. I had also previous to this a proof of Mr. Car- 
 michael s curiosity to examine my correspondence. 
 My letters from London were addressed under cover 
 to a tailor in Paris. I received one day by the pen 
 ny post, in a cover addressed by a strange hand, a 
 letter such as used to come through that channel, but 
 which was open. Upon enquiring of the tailor, he 
 told me that he had sent the packet to Mr. Carmi- 
 chael, and that Mr. Carmichael s man had left word 
 with his foreman to send all letters that came to him 
 including mine to his master. This I have under the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 47 
 
 foreman s hand. I do not believe that any one in 
 Paris but Mr. Carmichael knew of my letters coming 
 that way, and he knew it a little before by accident. 
 
 How far these circumstances justify my suspicion 
 I must submit to congress. It seems certain that 
 Capt. Hynson was bribed by England, and if he had 
 access given him to take my despatches he might 
 have served both his employers by also taking the 
 general despatches. 
 
 I have the honour to be with great respect your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, April 26th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 At my return from London, the 8th of January last 
 I thought it my duty to inform Dr. Franklin as well 
 as Mr. Deane of the injurious report propagated 
 against the commissioners, viz. That Mr. Hartley 
 told me that Lord North had informed him, c that he 
 knew of Dr. Bankcroft s being in London, and was in- 
 formed he had been sent there by the American com 
 missioners to stock-job. 
 
 The above is the declaration of Mr. Thornton, 
 whom the commissioners sent with their letter to 
 Lord North, touching the prisoners. He informed 
 me as above on his return, and told me at the same 
 time that he had given the same information to Dr. 
 F. Dr. Bankcroft lived in the house with Dr. F. and 
 Mr. D. at the public expense. He set out express 
 for London, immediately upon our receiving the news 
 of Gen. Burgoyne s surrender. His departure was 
 kept a secret from me for some time. He has been 
 trusted since by Dr. F. and Mr. D. with the secrets 
 of state communicated to the three commissioners 
 only, with such strict injunctions of secrecy that the 
 commissioners thought they were not at liberty to 
 communicate them to the commissioners for Vienna 
 
48 LIFE OF 
 
 and Tuscany, and Mr. Lee would not do it without 
 their concurrence. Dr. Bankcroft still remains in 
 the confidence of Dr. F., and conveys every thing to 
 the Messrs. Whartons in London, who seem to be 
 acting on both sides. The minister here has repeat 
 edly warned the commissioners that they had a trai 
 tor about them, and at the time that Folger s de 
 spatches were robbed, a most important memoire 
 from the commissioners to the courts of Versailles and 
 Madrid, was conveyed to the English court through 
 the hands of Governor Pownall. Upon speaking of 
 this to Count Vergennes as soon as I was informed of 
 it by Mr. Hartley, his excellency assured me that no 
 one had been trusted with it but Mr. Girard, and 
 therefore the treachery could not be from one of their 
 people. 
 
 These are facts which I think it my duty to re 
 present to congress, that they may take such order 
 in it as to their wisdom shall seem fit. 
 
 I have the honour to be with great respect gentle 
 men, your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, May 9th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, No declaration of war in Germany 
 or England. All things are preparing for it ; Count 
 d Estaing had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last 
 month, contrary winds having prevented his passing 
 the straits. About thirty sail of the line are assem 
 bled at Spithead, under Admiral Keppel, but are not 
 yet in a state for action. They are arraying their mi 
 litia, and the chief object of their attention now seems 
 to be their own defence. As far as I can judge, the 
 king and his ministers are not now sincere in their 
 propositions, (even such as they are) of peace and ac 
 commodation. 
 
 I have not yet obtained any light on Folger s affair. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 49 
 
 The enclosed copy of a letter from Count Vergennes 
 will show you the train in which I have put the en 
 quiry. But I have reason to apprehend that persons 
 are concerned who will have address enough to frus 
 trate it. The blank paper substituted for the letter 
 taken, should be preserved, and compared with the 
 paper of all the letters received by the same vessel ; 
 some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr. 
 Deane and Mr. Carmichael should be examined and 
 their accounts transmitted here to be compared with 
 those of others. 
 
 Spain and the German powers are yet undecided 
 with regard to us. I do not think our enemies will 
 succeed with Holland. We shall endeavour to estab 
 lish a fund for the purposes you desire. 
 
 I have the honour to be with great respect, your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 By the banker s accounts it appears that the follow 
 ing sums were paid from Dec. 1776, to March 1778, 
 to the private disposition of the commissioners. Dr. 
 F. 65,956 3s. 13d. S. Deane, 113,004 12s. 13d. 
 A. Lee, 68,846 2s. 16d. In my sum is included 
 the additional expense of my journeys to Spain and 
 Germany. A. L." 
 
 " PARIS, May 20th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, Upon receiving your letters by our 
 colleague Mr. J. Adams, I lost no moment to press 
 for supplies, such as you mention as most wanting 
 (blankets, shoes, and stockings) in my particular de 
 partment. In consequence I have the pleasure to in 
 form you, that orders are given and are now execut 
 ing for furnishing you as before, which will be done 
 from time to time as opportunities offer. I will di 
 rect medicines, and such naval stores as they can 
 
50 LIFE OF 
 
 collect, to be added. I shall send you the accounts 
 of their being shipped, from time to time, as they 
 are remitted to me, to prevent mistakes or imposi 
 tions. 
 
 For want of this accuracy, the public seems to me 
 a little too much at the mercy of Mr. John Ross and 
 Mr. Jonathan Williams. The former has had up 
 wards of 400,000 francs, and the other more than a 
 million of the public money. They tell us in gene 
 ral, that they have shipped goods on the public ac 
 count; but the particulars the former has refused to 
 give, and the latter has hitherto evaded it on various 
 pretences. By this means, should the vessels arrive 
 safe, they can claim what proportion they please as 
 shipped on their own account ; if they are lost, then 
 the whole may be charged to the public. 
 
 I have seen with infinite concern, the public money 
 expended without economy and without account. My 
 colleagues excluded me from knowing or advising 
 about the manner in which it was expended. They 
 have encouraged our agents to treat me with disre 
 spect, so that my interposition might be useless. A 
 thousand times have I desired that the public accounts 
 might from time to time be made up, to which I have 
 as constantly received evasive or affrontive answers. 
 So that now Mr, Adams and myself find, that after 
 the expenditure of more than five millions of livres, 
 we are involved in confusion and debt, the principal 
 articles furnished being unpaid for, and demands made 
 to the amount of many millions; that is, including the 
 cargoes of the Amphitrite, Seine, and Flammand, for 
 which a demand has been made, and which constitute 
 the principal part of the supplies which have been fur 
 nished. Having been thus excluded by my colleagues 
 from the management of the public business, I hope 
 I shall not be deemed responsible for the conduct of 
 it. Congress will see, that in acting without me, 
 they have pursued the letter, not the spirit of our 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 commission. When the enclosed contract with Mr. 
 Mortieu is compared with the contract I had put it 
 in their power to make, the reason will appear why 
 they concealed it from me, and acted without my con 
 currence. Mr. Williams, at the same time, had the 
 furnishing 16,000 suits, which I suppose will be upon 
 as advantageous terms. Upon enquiry, I find that 
 as good uniforms as can be worn may be contracted 
 for in France for 32 francs, arid in Germany for 37. 
 Those which were offered us from thence were of 
 coarser cloth. 
 
 With great respect, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " MAY 23d, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, In consequence of your despatches 
 by my colleague Mr. Adams, I lost no moment to 
 press the renewal of the order for supplying you with 
 such stores as you want, and as that country affords 
 from the court of Spain. 
 
 I have the satisfaction to inform you, that such 
 orders are given, and I am assured will be carried in 
 to execution as speedily as possible. 
 
 We mean to apply for the loan desired, to the money 
 ed men of Holland; and in my particular department 
 I shall endeavour to take the favourable opportunity of 
 the arrival of the Flota, to urge the same in Spain. 
 War is not begun in Germany or Great Britain, but it 
 seems to be inevitable. 
 
 I have sent orders to all the ports in France and 
 Spain, to communicate the account of the sailing of 
 a fleet of thirteen ships from England against Ame 
 rica, to all the captains who sail for the United States, 
 or the French islands. This I conceived would be 
 the most certain means of communicating the alarm, 
 and preventing surprise. The ministry here are also 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 to convey a letter from us by every opportunity, to 
 the same purpose. 
 
 With great respect, I am gentlemen, your obedient 
 servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, June 1st, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, The hurry in which the last despatch 
 es went away, prevented me from being so particular 
 about them as I wished. Nos. 7, 8, and 9, were 
 omitted, being newspapers, and too voluminous for 
 the conveyance. Mr. Mortieu s papers were sent to 
 show you the demands that are made upon us, and 
 the grounds of them. You will see that they are ac 
 counts which Mr. Deane ought to have settled. It is 
 this sort of neglect, and a studied confusion, that has 
 prevented Mr. Adams and myself, after a tedious ex 
 amination of the papers left with Dr. Franklin, from 
 getting any satisfaction as to the expenditure of the 
 public money. All we can find, is, that millions have 
 been expended, and almost every thing remains to be 
 paid for. Bargains have been made of the most ex 
 travagant kind with this Mr. Mortieu, and others. 
 For example, the uniforms that are agreed for at 37 
 francs, might have been had here for 32 francs each, 
 and equally good ; which being 5 francs in every suit 
 too much, comes to a large sum upon thousands. 
 
 Of the 100,000 advanced to Mr. Hodge there 
 appears no account. I have been told that Conyng- 
 ham s vessel cost but three thousand pounds sterling. 
 For what purpose the overplus was given to Mr. 
 Hodge, how the public came to pay for the refitting, 
 and at length the vessel, and her prize money made 
 over to Messrs. Ross and Hodge, without a farthing 
 being brought to public account, it rests with Mr. 
 Deane or Mr. Hodge to explain. I have enclosed 
 you all the receipts found among those papers, the 
 
ARTHUR LEE* 63 
 
 sending of which has been neglected. Of the tripli 
 cates and duplicates an original is sent and copies of 
 those which are single. You will see that my name 
 is not to the contracts. In fact, they were concealed 
 from me with the utmost care, as was every other 
 means of my knowing how the affairs were conduct 
 ed. And as both my colleagues concurred in this 
 concealment, and in refusing my repeated requests to 
 make up accounts and transmit them to congress, it 
 was not in my power to know with accuracy, much less 
 to prevent this system of profusion. I was told that 
 Mr. Williams, to whom I knew the public money was 
 largely entrusted, was to furnish his accounts month 
 ly, but they were never shown me, and it now ap 
 pears that for the expenditure of a million of livres he 
 has given no account as yet, nor can we learn how 
 far what he has shipped is on the public, how far on 
 private account. We are in the same situation with 
 regard to Mr. Ross. This indulgence to Mr. Wil 
 liams, and favouring Mr. Chaumont, a particular friend 
 of Dr. Franklin s is the only reason I can conceive 
 for the latter having countenanced and concurred in 
 all this system. You will see a specimen of the man 
 ner of it in the enclosed copy of a letter from Dr. 
 Franklin to his nephew, which the latter sent me as 
 an authority for his doing what the commercial agent 
 conceived to be encroaching on his province. I have 
 done my utmost to discharge my duty to the public, 
 in preventing the progress of this disorder and dissi 
 pation in the conduct of its affairs. If it should be 
 found that my colleagues have done the same, I shall 
 most cordially forgive them the offence and injury so 
 repeatedly offered me in the manner of it. I do not 
 wish to accuse them, but excuse myself; and should 
 have felt as much happiness in preventing, as I have 
 regret in complaining of this abuse. 
 
 The appearance of things between this country and 
 Great Britain, and the emperor and the king of Prus- 
 
 VOL. II. 7 
 
54 LIFE OF 
 
 sia, has been so long hostile without an open rupture, 
 that it is not easy to say when either war will begin. 
 The king of Prussia has found it so necessary to cul 
 tivate the aid of Hanover, Hesse, Brunswick, &c. 
 that he has declined receiving your deputy, or follow 
 ing the example of France, as he promised. It re 
 mains therefore to try the empress, who, independent 
 ly of the present crisis, was much less inclined to our 
 cause. It seems to be the settled system of northern 
 politics, that if a war should happen, the empress of 
 Russia will assist the king of Prussia as far as the 
 Porte will permit her. 
 
 In this country the appointment of Marshal de 
 Broglio, commander of the army on the sea-coast, 
 and the Duke de Chartres, son to the Duke d Orleans 
 and Prince of the blood, going on board of the fleet 
 at Brest, announce designs of some dignity and mag 
 nitude. 
 
 I am of opinion, with our colleague Mr. Adams, 
 that it would be better for the public that the appoint 
 ments of your public ministers were fixed, instead of 
 being left at large, and their expenses indefinite. 
 From experience I find the expense of living in that 
 character cannot well be less than 3000 sterling a 
 year, which I believe too is as little as is allowed to 
 any public minister above the rank of a consul. If 
 left at liberty I conceive most persons will exceed 
 this sum. Neither do I perceive any adequate advan 
 tage to be expected from having more than one per 
 son at each court. When things take a more settled 
 form there will be little need of that check, which is 
 the chief utility of it at present. 
 
 The mixing powers too, and vesting them in sev 
 eral persons at the same time, give ground for dis 
 putes, which are disgraceful, as well as detrimental 
 to the public. This has been much experienced in 
 the case of the commercial agents and the agent of 
 the commissioners, who have been clashing and con- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 55 
 
 testing, till the public business was almost entirely at 
 a stand. For the present however, we have settled 
 this matter by directing all commercial business to be 
 put into the hands of those appointed by the commer 
 cial agent till the pleasure of congress is known. 
 
 Two more ships have been lately sent to the New 
 foundland station, and two to the Mediterranean, 
 which, with the thirteen detached under Admiral By 
 ron, to reinforce Lord Howe, leave seventeen of the 
 line and eight frigates for Admiral Keppel, and these 
 very ill manned. I have exceeding good information 
 that their plan of operations for America is as follows. 
 
 Gen. Howe is to evacuate Philadelphia, sending 
 5000 of his troops and two ships of war to Quebec. 
 The rest of the troops with the fleet are to retire to 
 Halifax, where the latter being joined by Admiral 
 Byron, will it is presumed maintain a superiority in 
 those seas over the allied fleet. I wrote you before 
 that the lowest estimate given to the English minis 
 try for the defence of Canada, was 8000 men, and 
 that their actual force there was about 4000 ; the 
 5000 added will in their opinion be sufficient, with 
 their superiority at sea, for its protection. I cannot 
 learn that any but some German recruits are to be 
 sent out this year, and from the present situation of 
 things they are more likely to recall a great part of 
 their troops than to reinforce them. 
 
 Our friends in Spain have promised to remit me 
 150,000 livres more, which 1 shall continue to vest in 
 supplies that may be useful to you. 
 
 I hope, in consequence of what I formerly wrote, 
 to have the express orders of congress relative to the 
 line they would choose to fix between the territories 
 of the United States and those of the crown of Spain. 
 The privileges to be enjoyed by the subjects of the 
 United States, settling for the purposes of commerce, 
 and the regulation of port duties, remain yet to be 
 
56 LIFE OF 
 
 settled in both kingdoms. But I foresee, that if they 
 are left unregulated they will be the source of con 
 tinual complaints and disagreements. The Flota is 
 not yet in port, which retards the operations in Eu 
 rope. I could have wished, that the great object of 
 having a superior naval force in America had not been 
 left to the uncertain issue on which it was placed, by 
 other advice than mine. Had the Brest and Toulon 
 fleets, which were equally ready, been ordered to 
 sail at the same time, and that w r hich met with favour 
 able winds to go on, and the other to return, one of 
 them would probably have been upon your coast be 
 fore this time; that is, before the English fleet could 
 possibly have sailed to reinforce and save Lord Howe. 
 And, as having a superior force in America was the 
 great object, together with that of taking the Howes 
 by surprise, they should have made as sure of this 
 aim as possible. Had this plan been executed with 
 address, the war would have been ended. 
 
 Mr. Penet has proposed to me, the collecting and 
 carrying over of a number of workmen, to establish a 
 foundry of cannon and a manufactory of small arms. 
 It is to be at his expense, under the protection of con 
 gress. As this seems to me much more likely to an 
 swer your purposes than our sending them, I have 
 ventured to give him my opinion, that it will be ac 
 ceptable to congress. We have found such an univer 
 sal disposition here to deceive us in their recommend 
 ations, that it is ten to one if workmen chosen by us 
 in such circumstances were skilful. 
 
 The disposition in Holland seems to be favourable 
 to us; but I apprehend it is not warm enough to pro 
 duce any decided proof of it, till they see Great Bri 
 tain more enfeebled. Mons. Dumas has published a 
 memoire I sent him on the subject, which he thinks 
 will have some effect. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 With my humble duty to congress, I have the ho 
 nour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " CHAILLOT, June 9th, 1778. 
 
 Intelligence from England sent to Count Vergen- 
 nes and Count d Aranda, with my respects." 
 
 "PARIS, June 9th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, My last of the 1 st inst. informed you of 
 Admiral Byron with thirteen sail being ordered against 
 you; of which we sent notice by every way most 
 likely to answer, to warn the states of their danger. 
 We have now certain advice, that this fleet having put 
 into Plymouth is there stopped; their remaining fleet 
 being found too weak to protect them at home. I 
 enclose you an account of their force, and the dispo 
 sal of it; and nothing seems more certain, than that 
 the naval and land force now employed against you 
 will be diminished, not augmented. However, I have 
 now settled such means of intelligence, that you will 
 be apprised if any alteration should happen. All our 
 intelligence announces the utmost confusion in Great 
 Britain and Ireland; such as will infallibly find them 
 employment at home, independent of France and 
 Spain. Their councils are so fluctuating, in conse 
 quence of the variety of their distress, that advices 
 of them cannot be given with certainty ; that is, 
 without being frequently subject to appear premature. 
 The British ministry have agreed to an exchange of 
 prisoners with us, by which we shall immediately re 
 lease upwards of 200. 
 
 War is not commenced in Germany, but is talk 
 ed of as inevitable. The deputy of congress for Vi 
 enna is at his destination, to feel the disposition of 
 that court. But I understand that their attention is 
 
58 LIFE OF 
 
 so engaged with the approaching war, that other pro 
 positions proceed slowly. As the king of Prussia con 
 tends against the empress and the house of Austria, 
 in maintenance of the treaty of Westphalia, which is 
 the great bulwark of German rights, it is therefore 
 necessary that he should league himself with the 
 German princes, among whom the king of Great Bri 
 tain as elector of Hanover bears so much sway, that 
 he could not hazard the turning his influence against 
 him, by entering into an alliance with us. To culti 
 vate and encourage the favourable disposition towards 
 us in Holland, we have sent them the treaty conclud 
 ed here; and we shall follow it by proposals for a loan, 
 as soon as Dr. Franklin, to whom the digesting the 
 plan, and having the bills proposed printed, is left, has 
 prepared the business for execution. Mr. Williams 
 has at length given in his accounts; from which it 
 appears that upwards of forty thousand suits of the 
 soldiers clothes ordered, and twenty thousand fusees, 
 have been sent from Nantes and Bourdeaux; and the 
 present exhausted state of our finances will not per 
 mit us to fulfil them farther. The ships of war sent 
 hither are an enormous expense to us; hardly any of 
 them less than 100,000 francs; and things have hither 
 to been so managed, that their prizes produce us lit 
 tle or nothing. This seems to have arisen from the 
 variety of agents employed, the confusion of their 
 provinces, and the loose manner in which the public 
 accounts have been kept. To remedy this, we have 
 endeavoured to simplify the business of expenditure, 
 by directing the whole to be discharged by the two 
 deputy commercial agents appointed by my brother, 
 in the interval of his negotiating in Germany. By 
 this we expect to avoid the infinite impositions aris 
 ing from a connexion with a multiplicity of merchants, 
 many of whom, supposing us to know no better, will 
 endeavour to deceive us. They, as merchants, know 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 59 
 
 how to check the others, and are themselves ultimate 
 ly responsible to us. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. with respect your obedient 
 servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, June 1 5th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I find I was mistaken in saying in my 
 last of the 9th that twenty thousand fusees had been 
 shipped from Nantes and Bourdeaux. Upwards of ten 
 thousand remain unshipped at Nantes. Upon the 
 strength of the promised remittance from our friends 
 in Spain, and near 100,000 remaining in my hands, 
 I have desired the Gardoquis to continue shipping 
 blankets, and strong shoes from Bilboa, twenty thou 
 sand livres worth of drugs and salt to be shipped by 
 Mr. Cathalan, of Marseilles, a thousand suits of sol 
 diers clothes, from Bourdeaux, by Mr. Bonfield, and 
 six hundred fusees of the Prussian make from Berlin, 
 that you may judge on arming a corps with them 
 whether they are preferable to others. 
 
 The enclosed will show you the state of things in 
 Germany with regard to the war ; as it is written on 
 one side, the Austrian cause must not be exactly 
 measured by this standard. 
 
 My brother writes me from Vienna in a late letter, 
 that Col. Faucet is using the utmost endeavours to 
 raise German recruits. But from the present state 
 of things I do not imagine he can succeed ; and the 
 north, that is Russia and Denmark, are not likely to 
 give our enemies any assistance. As far as I can 
 judge, their efforts against us, except a sort of pirat 
 ical war, are exhausted. The same ministry con 
 tinues. The house of Bourbon is certainly united 
 against them. They have the same imbecility of 
 council. Their enemies increase in proportion to the 
 diminution of their means. The decay of that coun- 
 
60 LIFE OF 
 
 merce, the distress of their people, the rapacity of 
 their public officers, and the load of their debt and 
 taxes, promise soon to bring upon them the most de 
 plorable distress, and prevent them from being any 
 longer a formidable enemy. 
 
 The Flota has not yet arrived. The enclosed 
 copies of Capt. Jones letter, and one from the major 
 ity of his crew, make me apprehend that the Ranger 
 will share the fate of the Revenge. We have done 
 all in our power to bring him and his affairs into 
 order, but hitherto in vain. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "June 17th, 1778. 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I find among the papers left by Mr. 
 Deane the following accounts, a note of which may 
 be useful. 
 
 Shipped on board the Mere Bobie, June 1st, 
 1777, 20 bales of woollens. On board the 
 Benjamin, the 10th October, 220 pieces sail 
 cloth, first quality, (francs) 11,550 
 
 82 pieces sail cloth, second quality, 4,100 
 
 1 cable, 20 inches, 1 do. 18 do. 1 do. 16 do. 8,845 
 
 I shipped on board the Christine, from Am 
 sterdam for Nantes, 26th January 1778, 
 4000 gun locks, 8,000 
 
 The little regularity with which the business ap 
 pears to have been done, makes me think this mem 
 orandum will not be useless. 
 
 There are also two accounts of sales of goods sent 
 to Nantes, on public account, by the Poison Volant, 
 Capt. le Farque. One is anonymous, and dated 
 April 10th, 1777, for peltry, the net proceeds, 
 (livres,) 79,530 9. The other for tobacco, 86 hhds. 
 also anonymous, net proceeds, (livres) 42,577 134. 
 As I cannot find that these proceeds were paid on 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 61 
 
 the public account to our banker, it remains with Mr. 
 Deane to explain what became of them. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. with great respect, &c* 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, July 1st, 1778. 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I enclose you some extracts, by which 
 you will see that war is not yet declared, though on 
 all hands it appears to be fast approaching. 
 
 The Spanish flota is not yet arrived, nor their fleet 
 from South America. Since my last, a French fri 
 gate of 26 guns was attacked by one of England of 
 28, off Brest, and after an obstinate engagement, the 
 latter made off and soon after sunk. This has given 
 great spirits to the French marine and nation; and is 
 more especially fortunate, as the English were the 
 aggressors. Admiral Keppel is before Brest, with 23 
 sail of the line, where I believe he will not remain 
 long unattacked. Permission is given to French sub 
 jects to fit out privateers, and orders are sent to all 
 the ports to permit our prizes to be sold. From Lon 
 don the ministry have offered us an exchange of pri 
 soners, which we are taking the necessary measures 
 to embrace. 
 
 By some unaccountable neglect, the person to whom 
 Dr. Franklin committed the printing of the bills re 
 solved on for the loan, has not furnished them; so that 
 nothing farther is yet done in that business. But I 
 hope you will soon have news of its farther pro 
 gress, and that some event will happen to furnish 
 you with a very favourable moment for its execution. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 VOL. II. 8 
 
62 LIFE OF 
 
 "PARIS, July 6th, 1778. 
 
 To the Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I enclose to you the best account I 
 have been able to procure, of the constitution of the 
 militia of Switzerland ; and have the honour to be, 
 with the greatest respect, your most obedient ser 
 vant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " JULY 16th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I had the honour of receiving your 
 favour of the 14th of May, mentioning the receipt of 
 mine of Oct. 6th, Nov. 27th, and Dec. 8th. By Mr. 
 Deane you should have received mine of Feb. 28th, 
 with duplicates of many others. With yours of the 
 14th was the duplicate of one dated August 8th, 1777, 
 the original of which I never received. There were 
 also enclosed two resolutions of congress. May 27th 
 and 9th. I shall attend most punctually to the com 
 mands of congress, and what your letters contain. 
 Your letter of the 14th of May tells us, that you have 
 enclosed instructions and authorities for giving up on 
 your part the whole of the llth article, &c., but no 
 such papers can be found. Capt. Nyles, of the Spy, 
 from Portsmouth, who brought the despatches, gives 
 this account. That the despatches No. A. from con 
 gress, were delivered to him. That on his way to 
 Paris he met with Dr. Franklin at Versailles, who 
 (in company with a Mons. de Chaumont) opened the 
 public despatches, and then they were delivered to us. 
 Dr. F. says he saw nothing of the instructions and 
 authorities mentioned. It was probably therefore an 
 omission in making up the packets, which you will 
 learn by examining the secretary. So many tricks 
 have been played with our despatches, and we are sur 
 rounded at Passy by such sort of people, that I won- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 63 
 
 der more at our getting any thing, than at losing 
 something. 
 
 I transmitted immediately the account of the ratifi 
 cation to Spain, and hope soon to have something to 
 say from that quarter. 
 
 Since my despatches by Mons. Girard, I wrote 
 you on April 4th, 14th, May 9th, 20th, 23d, June 1st, 
 15th, 1 7th, July 1st and 6th, which I hope you will 
 receive. 
 
 I enclose you a duplicate of the account of the 
 Swiss militia, as you desired. We are signing the 
 notes for a loan in Holland, which will now 1 hope 
 soon be tried. Mons. Beaumarchais is not, nor has 
 he been for sometime, in Paris. We do not know of 
 any other person who represents the house of Horta- 
 lez & Co. 
 
 In a letter of June 27th from the port, where I 
 used to ship blankets, &c., I have an account of 6000 
 blankets, 10,000 pair strong shoes, a large parcel of 
 stockings, with rigging, duck, and tent cloth, which 
 will soon be ready for shipping. This is gratis as for 
 merly, and whatever else has been sent I have paid 
 for; so that those merchants have no demand upon you, 
 nor are you under any necessity of sending effects to them 9 
 unless you should think it a proper market for some 
 things, as it certainly is for fish. 
 
 As I have refused to agree to passing Mr. Williams 
 accounts, or paying him the balance, which in my opi 
 nion he demands unjustly, I think it my duty to send 
 you my reasons for doing so. 
 
 I have given my consent to transferring Capt. Jones 
 to the minister of war here as he desired; though that 
 request seemed to me to be obtained by a conduct in 
 Capt. Jones, and an intrigue on the part of a Mons. 
 Chaumont and Mr. Williams, which did not deserve 
 encouragement, and as an example, cannot but be of 
 great detriment to the service. But we had received 
 such complaints against Capt. Jones from all his crew; 
 
64 LIFE OF 
 
 his putting his lieutenant, Simpson, under arrest, ap 
 parently without any reason, and then contriving to 
 get him thrown into a common jail ; his quitting his 
 ship without leave, and coming to Paris to intrigue 
 about getting into the French service, and continuing 
 here in spite of our orders to the contrary, was such 
 conduct as left no alternative in my mind, but that of 
 suspending him, or getting rid of him in the manner 
 he himself had contrived. 
 
 I proposed to my colleagues an application to the 
 minister relative to the llth and 12th articles of the 
 commercial treaty, agreeably to your letter; but Dr. 
 Franklin being of opinion that this could not be done 
 with propriety, as the instructions, &c. were not come, 
 it was postponed. 
 
 The French and English fleets are both out in 
 search of each other. The imperial and Prussian 
 armies are in the field, the latter having invaded Bo 
 hemia; so that every moment is big with the expecta 
 tion of some great event. Those of this campaign 
 will not in all probability be very .decisive. The win 
 ter will be the great season of negotiation for arrang 
 ing all Europe on each side ; and on the success of 
 the cabinet the continuance of the war will depend. 
 
 With great respect, your humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, July 20th, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, On the 17th we interchanged ratifi 
 cations at Versailles. The treaty of commerce pass 
 ed the great seal, because it becomes part of the law 
 and regulations of trade, and therefore must be pub 
 lic. That of alliance, on the contrary, being secret, 
 has the privy seal only annexed. 
 
 At the same time the minister, upon reading your 
 letter relative to the llth and 12th articles, agreed 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 65 
 
 without hesitation to the rescinding of them as soon 
 as the resolve of congress should arrive, and in the 
 mean time directed the register of the treaty to be 
 suspended, that they might not appear upon record. 
 I may congratulate you on the happy conclusion of 
 this business. 
 
 Among the objections I stated to the paying Mr. 
 *****#**J S d eman cl s upon the public money, one was, 
 that he had put fifty thousand livres of the money 
 actually remitted to him to be vested in supplies, into 
 his own pocket. This he says he has re-paid by bill 
 on Mr. Chaumont, payable in four months, which he 
 remitted not to the commissioners, but to Dr. Frank 
 lin, and which neither was nor is deposited with the 
 public banker. Thus, in this pressing time, this sum 
 of the public money is given to Mr. *** ***** for four 
 months; at the end of which time Mons. Chaumont 
 may pay us by another bill upon Mr. ********. It 
 is this kind of conduct with regard to the public 
 money entrusted to us, which has given me much un 
 easiness; since it is easy to see what evils will follow, 
 if from favouritism or relationship such proceedings 
 are permitted. Mr. ******** has received upwards 
 of 100,000 livres as a balance due from the public to 
 him, when he appears to owe more than that to the 
 public; and this without giving in, though desired to 
 do it, a single voucher for any of his accounts. The 
 same indulgence was observed to him before. The 
 public money was put into his hands, for which he 
 gave in lumping accounts, without a single voucher ; 
 and the whole was kept a profound secret from me, 
 till the departure of Mr. Deane gave me access to 
 the public papers, which had been withheld from me 
 till then. In endeavouring to prevent these undue 
 proceedings, I have discharged what I deemed my 
 duty to the public ; a duty however which necessari 
 ly excites personal enmities and disrespect. Of the 
 means that have been used to encourage the latter, 
 
66 LIFE OF 
 
 and give this Mr. **=****** an opinion that he might 
 act as he pleased, the enclosed letter No. 1 will be a 
 proof. After that, the subsequent part of his conduct, 
 which has prevented the remaining goods to be ship 
 ped, is not surprising. So long ago as the 25th of 
 May the commissioners wrote to him to deliver the 
 goods on hand to Mr. Schweighauser, to be shipped 
 for America. How he complied with this, after hav 
 ing charged us with the full commission as if he had 
 shipped them himself, the following extract of a let 
 ter from Mr. Schweighauser will show. "I have now 
 to inform you that Capt. Whipple, at his return to his 
 ship, having wrote to me that he wanted the goods 
 you had pointed out to be sent by him, in order to stow 
 his hold properly, I made yesterday application to 
 Mr. Williams s clerk for the continental stores in his 
 possession; when he told me he had no objection to 
 deliver them, provided I would give him an order 
 upon you, gentlemen, for their amount." 
 
 The flota is arrived, and the fleet is daily expect 
 ed. When that is safe, I have no doubt of the Spa 
 nish court taking a decided part. But they are se 
 cret and slow. Their ambassador that is gone lately 
 to London, will in the mean time make propositions, 
 which, if accepted, will secure the great objects of 
 our wishes. The distresses of England have almost 
 brought her to her senses ; but perhaps not enough to 
 make her submit to hard terms to avoid harder. In 
 time they must. 
 
 The king of Prussia with Prince Ferdinand of 
 Brunswick at the head of one army, and Prince Hen 
 ry of Prussia with another, have gained such advanta 
 geous positions in Bohemia over the imperial army, 
 that it is imagined the latter cannot be extricated, at 
 least without very considerable loss. 
 
 The proposition of an augmentation of their army 
 in the United provinces, which is the favourite meas 
 ure for the Stadt-Holder and the English party, has 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 67 
 
 been lately negatived. There is not the least reason 
 to apprehend that Holland will take part with our 
 enemies ; nor will they be easily persuaded, though 
 seemingly well-disposed, to join with us. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. I enclose a summary of Messrs. Gardoqui s 
 account, and that of some fusils, such as the king 
 of Prussia s army use ; which are sent for approba 
 tion. I should be glad if mention were made of the 
 quality and condition of all the goods received, that 
 I may judge whether the merchants employed here 
 acted properly. A. L." 
 
 "July 28th, 1778. 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I have taken the advantage of the 
 arrival of the Flota, to press the loan of two millions, 
 and will transmit the answer as soon as I receive it. 
 The order for sending supplies is renewed upon the 
 old footing, and I trust you will receive woollens, 
 drugs, and some naval stores, through that channel. 
 We are signing the notes for the loan in Holland, 
 which is a work of time, particularly to myself, as I 
 annex a secret mark to each signature, to detect any 
 forgeries, which will no doubt be attempted by indi 
 viduals, and perhaps by the government with which 
 we are at war. 
 
 (I have not signed the general letter, because the 
 message was received, and the answer made, while I 
 was signing the notes, without sending for me, so 
 that I cannot bear witness to a declaration which I 
 did not hear, and which, had I been present I should 
 have desired in writing and signed, knowing from the 
 experience we have had, that this sort of conver 
 sations with under secretaries are not to be relied on. 
 These and other reasons, which I will not trou- 
 
68 LIFE OF 
 
 ble you with, would have made me dissent from the 
 proceedings on that message, and have made me 
 withhold my signature from the letter.) 
 
 No answer has been received from the British court 
 to the return we sent of the seamen in our possession. 
 If the intelligence of their resolution to offer a recog 
 nition of our independence be true, it is a proof of 
 their being conscious of their incapacity to carry on 
 the W 7 ar against the United States and France, allied. 
 They have been somewhat slow in finding this out, 
 and I am persuaded that before another year is at an 
 end they will discover the necessity of adding to this 
 offer the cession of all their possessions on the con 
 tinent of America. The war in Germany will occupy 
 all the north of Europe ; Holland will remain neuter ; 
 Spain and Portugal will join our alliance ; and if there 
 is any certainty in human things the result must be a 
 carte blanche from our imperious and inhuman enemy. 
 They have conducted themselves with such unexam 
 pled baseness and folly, that their situation will lose 
 the dignity that used to accompany greatness in dis 
 tress, and they W 7 ill fall dishonoured and unlamented. 
 
 The French and English fleets are yet out, but 
 have not engaged ; which, as they are nearly equal, 
 and every thing depends upon the event, they will 
 probably avoid, by the former keeping out, and the 
 latter in, the English channel. 
 
 I enclose a list of the packets and letters sent by 
 Mr. Simeon Deane, a summary of Gardoqui s ac 
 counts, a triplicate of the Swiss militia, an account of 
 the Hawke s prize, a duplicate of rny letter to you of 
 the 2()th, and the latest intelligence from Germany. 
 
 You will have the goodness to present my duty to 
 congress, and believe me to be, with the greatest 
 esteem and respect gentlemen, your most obedient 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 69 
 
 "July 29th, 1778. 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I enclose you a duplicate of the news 
 of an engagement between the fleets of France and 
 England. The particulars received since make the 
 loss on board the French fleet very inconsiderable, and 
 paint the behaviour of the English to have been in 
 expert and dastardly. Their repulse in the first en 
 gagement will probably lead to their defeat in the 
 next, for which purpose the fleet of our allies will go 
 out in a few days. 
 
 The empress and emperor seem at length sensible 
 of the impropriety of their conduct, and in conse 
 quence a truce for six weeks is agreed on to give 
 time for negotiation, and prevent the effusion of blood. 
 The quadruplicate of the ratification reached us on 
 the 3d in safety, as all the rest have done. The an 
 swer of congress to the commissioners was immedi 
 ately sent to the minister, and will, I am persuaded, 
 give great satisfaction. 
 
 It has been forgot, I believe, to mention both in our 
 joint and particular letters, that we have attended to 
 the plan proposed by the committee, of sending the 
 frigates to cruise in the East Indies, and upon con 
 sidering all things, it seemed to us impracticable at 
 present. Better order must be established in our 
 marine, and the ship s companies better sorted before 
 it will be safe to attempt enterprises at such distance, 
 and which require a certain extent of ideas in the 
 captain, and entire obedience in the crew. 
 
 The authority of congress for omitting the llth 
 and 12th articles of the commercial treaty, which was 
 omitted in the other despatches, came safe in the last, 
 and will be presented immediately to the minister, 
 who has already agreed to have them expunged. 
 
 I enclose you our letter and Mr. Hodge s answer, 
 concerning the money expended at Dunkirk, together 
 
 VOL. II. 9 
 
70 LIFE OF 
 
 with a particular account of what he has received 
 from the public banker. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " To the Committee of Correspondence. J.Williams 
 accounts sent. Letter A. 
 
 AUGUST 7th, 1778. 
 
 Gentlemen, The enclosed paper, Letter A, was 
 communicated secretly by Dr. Bankcroft to Dr. Frank 
 lin and Mr. Adams, the latter of whom delivered it 
 to me. Though, according to the charge of it, I was 
 the person immediately injured by the conduct of him 
 they accuse, yet it was me particularly that they took 
 care not to apprise of what he was doing. 
 
 What I know of the matter is this, Mr. Thornton, 
 the object of their accusation, or as I find him called 
 in the papers left by Mr. Deane, Major Thornton, was 
 chosen by my colleagues to carry our first letter to 
 Lord North, concerning the treatment of prisoners in 
 England. This was the first knowledge I had of him. 
 Having observed that he executed his commission 
 with activity and address, and he being recommend 
 ed to me by Dr. Franklin, I took him as a secretary, 
 with the intention of making use of his acquaint 
 ance in the naval and military lines in England. With 
 this view I soon after sent him to London, from 
 whence he transmitted and brought me useful intelli 
 gence, which I communicated from time to time to 
 the ministry. Being about to send him again, I un 
 derstood that Dr. Bankcroft had whispered about, that 
 he was engaged in stock-jobbing. Upon touching 
 this matter to Mr. Thornton, he told me that he knew 
 Dr. Bankcroft and the Whartons were engaged in 
 stock-jobbing, for the latter had communicated to him 
 all their transactions and mutual correspondence ; that 
 one of them had repeatedly solicited him, when in 
 London, to become an adventurer with them, which 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 71 
 
 he had constantly refused; and that upon his return 
 to Paris he was pestered with letters requesting his 
 correspondence, which he would never answer. As a 
 proof of this, he put into my hands the letter marked 
 D. ; this, with the previous knowledge I had of his 
 accusers being themselves stock-jobbers, satisfied me 
 that the charge was malicious. I therefore continued 
 him in his employment, and despatched him to Lon 
 don, with directions to go to Portsmouth and Ply 
 mouth, and collect the most accurate statement he 
 could, of the force and condition of the enemy s fleet. 
 This he executed with such secrecy, that this Mr. 
 Wharton wrote to him in Paris while he was at Ply 
 mouth, of which letter Dr. Pringle of South Caroli 
 na was the bearer. It was directed to be delivered 
 to Dr. Bankcroft, in Mr. Thornton s absence. When 
 I understood this transaction, I apprehended that they 
 had seduced him into their association; I therefore 
 wrote him very strongly on the subject, and desired 
 him to return immediately to Paris. His answer was, 
 that he was then sick, but would come as soon as 
 recovered. Since this I have not heard of him, but 
 have had information from a very respectable merchant 
 in London, that Mr. Wharton has communicated to 
 him doubts of Mr. Thornton s fidelity to me, assuring 
 him that he had given me full information of it, and 
 all the particulars of his conduct ; not a word of which 
 was true. It appears too by his own letter and Capt. 
 Livingston s testimony, that there is as little truth in 
 his declaration of Mr. Thornton s being a stranger to 
 him. Though he says he lent him money on my ac 
 count, yet he never informed me of his having done 
 so. I have not, nor ever had, the least acquaintance 
 with Mr. Wharton, but have been frequently informed 
 of his holding conversations not very friendly to me. 
 Upon the whole, it appears to me that their plan was 
 to seduce my secretary to the very infidelity of which 
 they accuse him. I cannot help thinking that state- 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 ments, which it is said Mr. Thornton communicated to 
 Mr. Wharton, were framed for the purpose of this accu 
 sation, from hints sent from hence; because there is a 
 confusion, blundering, and a mixture of true and false 
 in them, which might well arise from intelligence 
 picked up, and could not have happened if my secre 
 tary had taken copies of any of my papers for the 
 purpose of betraying them. It is certain, that the 
 persons who have made this accusation were trusted 
 with our state secrets after we were credibly inform 
 ed of their being engaged in stock-jobbing, and at a 
 time when that confidence was absolutely refused to 
 the other two commissioners of congress, Mr. Izard 
 and Mr. Wrn. Lee. 
 
 You will see by our banker s account, that about 
 the time of this stock-jobbing upon the most sacred 
 
 state secret that ever was committed to us, Mr. 
 
 remitted to Mr. 19,520 livres. These are the 
 
 observations which I think it my duty to communi 
 cate to you, upon those most unworthy transactions; 
 being fully satisfied that while such men are admitted 
 into public confidence here, neither the business of 
 the state, nor the honour of individuals, can be secure 
 from their attempts. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " August 21st, 1778. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence. 
 
 Gentlemen, I had the honour of writing to you 
 on the 7th inst. enclosing Mr. Williams s accounts, 
 those of Mr. Hodge, and Dr. Bankcroft s accusation 
 against my secretary, with some observations upon it 
 by Lieut. Livingston. 
 
 I send you our banker s accounts from the be 
 ginning, with the explanation left by Mr. Deane. 
 Nothing of moment has happened since I wrote you 
 last. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 73 
 
 We are pretty well informed that the British cab 
 inet has resolved to acknowledge your independency. 
 It does not seem to me that they can possibly avoid 
 doing so in a year s time, on any conditions that may 
 be prescribed to them. Such certainly is their ex 
 hausted state in every respect, that an attempt to 
 carry on a war against the United States and 
 France combined, and supported as the latter are 
 sure of being, by Spain, is such an act of folly as can 
 not but end speedily in their utter confusion. 
 
 Be so good as to inform Mr. Robert Morris that in 
 consequence of his letter to my brother William, he 
 has written to Dr. Franklin and myself, requesting us 
 to deliver to Mr. Ross all the papers among those of 
 the late Mr. T. Morris, which do not concern the pub 
 lic agency. This shall be complied with on my part, 
 whenever Mr. Ross desires it ; the trunk locked and 
 sealed having been left with Dr. Franklin and the 
 keys with me. 
 
 I wrote you on the 2ftth ult. of my having pressed 
 for the loan directed by congress. I have received 
 an assurance through the ambassador, that an answer 
 will be given to my memorial as soon as possible. 
 
 I enclose you a memorial for the consideration of 
 congress, as we do not think ourselves authorized to 
 act upon it without express orders. Could one be 
 sure that justice would be done to the public, it 
 might be of advantage to adopt this scheme, for con 
 gress must not trust to the success of a loan, which, 
 for the following reasons, I apprehend will be found 
 impracticable. 
 
 The war in Germany going on, that between us and 
 Great Britain, and the preparations for it by France 
 and Spain, has raised and multiplied the demand for 
 money so as to give the holders of it their choice and 
 their price. The empress queen has engrossed every 
 shilling in the Netherlands. England has drawn 
 large sums from the Hollanders, who cannot easily 
 
74 LIFE OF 
 
 quit their former market. France is negotiating a 
 loan of one hundred million livres, which will ex 
 haust Geneva and Switzerland. The money holders 
 regard the lending their money at such a distance, as 
 Jacob did the sending Benjamin into Egypt, and it is 
 time only that will make them endure the thought of 
 such a separation. 
 
 These are the difficulties which the circumstance of 
 things oppose to our scheme of a loan, and render the 
 aid of some other operation necessary for sinking the 
 superabundant paper. 
 
 The minister s answer relative to Mr. Holker was, 
 that he had no authority from this court, but on this 
 our joint letter I expect will be more full. I have 
 determined to write to you once a month or oftener, 
 as opportunity offers, and as we do not write so fre 
 quently I am tempted to mention things which should 
 properly come from all the commissioners, as they re 
 late to the joint commission. 
 
 From the necessity of the case we have ventured 
 to administer the oath of allegiance to those who de 
 sire passports of us, but I hope congress will authorize 
 their commissioners to do so where it is necessary. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 Letters of Ralph Izard, Commissioner of the United States to the Grand 
 Duke of Tuscany, to Arthur Lee, and Letters of Edmund Jennings and Mr. 
 Brigden, written to him from England during the war. 
 
 " NAPLES, 15th January 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, The last post which favoured me with 
 your letter brought several newspapers, containing in 
 teresting affairs from America. I have a letter from 
 Philadelphia, assuring me that the congress conduct 
 ed themselves with great unanimity and good temper. 
 Part of their proceedings I have seen, and their letter 
 to the people of England, which I think must make 
 a favourable impression. I hope the conduct of ad 
 ministration respecting the American agents, is taken 
 notice of in their address to the king, or in some other 
 part, which I have not yet seen. The papers men 
 tion nothing of Lord Chatham, except that his daugh 
 ter is married to Lord Mahon. I hope you have 
 taken that opportunity of visiting the latter, and re 
 newing your Paris acquaintance with him. The 
 cause may receive some benefit by your cultivating a 
 connexion with him ; and from what we saw of him 
 I should judge that he would not wish to decline it. 
 Surely the applications which have been made by ad 
 ministration to the French and Dutch, \vill not pre 
 vent their sending goods. If the merchants of France 
 and Holland know their interest, which it is general 
 ly thought^ they do, they will take care during this 
 unnatural contest, to put their trade into such a chan 
 nel that it will be difficult to remove it even after 
 things in other respects may be set right. I am very 
 sorry to find that there were no delegates from 
 Georgia. Ihe governor, who must have been the 
 means of preventing their being sent, ought to be 
 
70 LIFE OF 
 
 taken proper notice of. I dedicate him to your atten 
 tion. He has a most haughty and aspiring spirit, and 
 I think is in every respect the worst governor that 
 ever was sent to America. He is the greatest enemy 
 in the world to America, except one. This is the 
 more extraordinary as he went over to that country 
 when very young and in very needy circumstances ; 
 and is now possessed of a very considerable estate, 
 entirely acquired there. He is endeavouring to get 
 the agency of the province for his son, who is one of 
 the stupidest young men I ever was acquainted with ; 
 and thence arises his ill behaviour to Dr. Franklin. 
 Our enemies have been continually assuring the king 
 that as soon as America found that England was de 
 termined, she would fall prostrate. The fatal error is 
 discovered just before it is irrecoverable. I pray God 
 that advantage may be taken of the discovery, and 
 that the horrors of a civil war may be diverted. Pray 
 give my compliments to your brother, and thank him 
 for the trouble he has taken about our letters ; beg 
 the favour of him to send them to me himself. He 
 sent one to Mr. Sayre, which was enclosed to me in 
 a letter of sixteen days later date than the post mark 
 on the American letter, which probably was kept 
 during that time in his desk. My compliments to 
 Sayre, and give him a hint of this. Tell him that I 
 disclaim all faith in proverbs if he is not a great wit. 
 I am, dear sir, affectionately, your friend and hum 
 ble servant, 
 
 RA. IZARD. 
 
 P. S. Pray remind Sayre of my note of hand, 
 which Alleyne has. As I do not recollect the date 
 of it, I should be obliged to you if you would learn of 
 Alleyne when it is due, and let Sayre know, that he 
 may be provided for it in time. I wrote above two 
 months ago to Cruger, and have heard nothing from 
 him ; perhaps he may have forgot to pay the postage. 
 If you see him tell him of it." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 77 
 
 " PARIS, 28th Feb. 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am clearly of opinion that the public 
 acknowledgment of the commissioners ought to be 
 pressed before the departure of the express, as I be 
 lieve the ministry were never so well disposed to at 
 tend to such a proposition. Nothing that can be sent 
 by the frigate will be of so much importance for con 
 gress to know, as the answer and conduct of the court 
 upon that question. 
 
 I am dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 " PARIS, 16th April 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, The establishment of convoys for the 
 protection of the merchant ships going to America, 
 and returning from thence, appears to me an object of 
 the greatest importance. The distress which is felt 
 in every part of America, from the scarcity of Euro 
 pean goods, would be greatly alleviated if such a mea 
 sure were adopted. One or two ships of the line and 
 three frigates to attend the merchant vessels all the 
 
 C5 
 
 way to America, three or four times a year, would, 
 I believe, effectually answer the purpose. You will 
 be so good as to consider of this matter, and if it ap 
 pears to you and the other gentlemen joined with you, 
 in the commission at this court, of sufficient import 
 ance for an application to be made to the ministry on 
 the subject, I think it would be complied with. In 
 the mean time I must request your immediate atten 
 tion to the enclosed letter, which I have received from 
 Mr. Blake, a gentleman of South Carolina ; and beg 
 the favour of you to communicate it this morning to 
 Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, as the vessel on board 
 of which he has taken his passage, will be ready to 
 sail in a few days. The request seems to me so rea 
 sonable, that I am persuaded it would be granted upon 
 an application to Mons. de Sartine ; especially as it is 
 
 VOL. II. 10 
 
78 LIFE OF 
 
 of as much consequence to France as to America, that 
 a proper intercourse should be secured between the 
 two countries. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great regard dear 
 sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 RA. IZARD. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " ST. AMAND, 26th July 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, Mrs. Izard has just informed me that 
 the Proces has been decided against me. I have just 
 time by this post to request the favour of you to go 
 immediately to Versailles, and speak to Count Mau- 
 repas on the subject. This unjust decision surprises 
 me the more, as Count Maurepas seemed perfectly 
 convinced of the propriety of restoring my things to 
 me. You will be so good as to let him know that I 
 am ill at this place, which is the reason of my not ap 
 plying to him myself. 
 
 I am dear sir, your friend, R. I. 
 
 The Gazette of the 10th, which I have seen in the 
 Courier de PEurope, makes me very uneasy. Pre- 
 vost s progress is most unaccountable to me." 
 
 " ST. AMAND, Aug. 8, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am favoured with your two letters of 
 1st and 4th inst. The account you give of the pro 
 ceedings respecting Mr. Ford is very alarming. His 
 character has always appeared to me the very reverse 
 of what his enemies have drawn it. His conduct in 
 America has I hope been consistent with his profes 
 sions here ; if so, this attack may prove advantageous 
 not only to himself, but to his country. If he can re 
 fute the charges that have been brought against him, 
 the object of his accusers will plainly appear. It 
 will give me infinite pleasure, if the news of Pre- 
 vost s defeat should be confirmed. Should it prove 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 79 
 
 true, there must have been some mistake in the date. 
 It could not have happened on the 14th of May, or the 
 persons who were at Savannah must have known of it 
 on the 21st of the same month, and on the 2d and 5th 
 of June. If the date of the action has been mistak 
 en, all may yet be well. I am sure that part of the 
 gazette account which mentions the inhabitants of 
 Charles Town offering to capitulate on condition of 
 their being allowed to remain neuter, is false ; other 
 parts may likewise be so too. You will be so good 
 as to give me the earliest notice of every thing inte 
 resting which arrives from that quarter. The report 
 of the committee of 15th of April, is most shocking. 
 We are yet to learn, whether it has been agreed to. 
 The fact is, those members who are friends to their 
 country, should enter a solemn protest against it, with 
 their reasons, and send them to the legislatures of 
 every state. I was surprised on Monday last, to see 
 your brother here. He told me you had informed him 
 of my being here, and as he was in this part of the 
 world looking out for a proper place to leave his fami 
 ly when he went to America, he came a little out of 
 his way to see me. He did not stay with me above 
 two or three hours. My breast, which was very trou 
 blesome to me a few days ago, is now much better; 
 should it grow worse again, I shall follow your ad 
 vice. 
 
 I am dear sir, with great regard, your friend, &c. 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 "ST. AMAND, Sept. 1st, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, If it be true, that the combined fleet were 
 in chase of Hardy on the 23d, some decisive stroke has 
 probably been struck before this time. The capture of 
 the eleven ships you speak of, would I think certainly 
 give us peace in the winter. This I most fervently wish 
 for on every account; but particularly so, on account 
 
80 LIFE or 
 
 of the situation of our affairs on both sides of the At 
 lantic. The Braxtonian s news, which Mr. Pringle 
 sent you, may possibly be true. The letters with 
 which Capt. Green was charged, might have given us 
 an account of those proceedings ; you cannot forget 
 what Bordfield wrote you that Green said about Pas- 
 sy. The Courier de PEurope, about two or three 
 weeks ago, gave an account of the capture of a .ves 
 sel of 10 guns, called the Count d Estaing, by an 
 English privateer, bringing despatches from the con 
 gress to their commissioners in Europe. If the com 
 missioners who were charged with the examination 
 of Mr. ***** s affairs, attempted to transmit two co 
 pies of his acquittal before your despatches and your 
 brother s were received, it was as much as their mo 
 desty ought to have allowed them to do. I am now 
 obliged to depend entirely upon the Courier de PEu- 
 rope for English news. My correspondent in Lon 
 don was desired to address my papers to me directly 
 at this place. They came once in that manner, and 
 I received them of the JOth August before they could 
 have got to Paris. I have received none since; and 
 whether I am obliged to the rulers of France or Eng 
 land for being deprived of so considerable a gratifica 
 tion, I know not. You seem desirous of knowing 
 whether either of the three gentlemen you mention 
 hired post horses at V., and for what place, on 4th 
 August. As you wish me to enquire, I will do it; but 
 think it is a matter that had better if possible be dropt 
 entirely. I am glad to hear, that Bonfield has been 
 able to forward the Commodore s business. The war 
 however I expect will be over before the frigates are 
 launched. I thank you for your enquiries about my 
 health. My wife has informed you that the reme 
 dies of this place have been of service to me. We 
 have had four or five hot days lately, which have done 
 more good to the invalids here, than three times the 
 number at any other time this year. It is not in my 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 81 
 
 power to say when I shall return; but I am heartily 
 desirous of getting rid of the unpleasant discipline 
 of this place, and to be with my family and friends 
 again. 
 
 I am, with great regard dear sir, yours sincerely, 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 "ST. AMAND, Sept. 12th, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have seen the Gazette de France, with 
 the account of M. d Estaing s proceedings. The af 
 fair between him and Byron seems like that of 27th 
 July 1778, to have been a drawn battle, and both parties 
 will claim the victory. The taking of Grenada will be a 
 severer stroke upon the Scotch than any they have sus 
 tained during the war. They are proprietors of the 
 greatest part of the island. Do not write any more to 
 me here after the receipt of this letter, as I expect the 
 pleasure of seeing you in Paris during the course of 
 this week; give my compliments to your next door 
 neighbour, and let him know this. Be so good as to 
 send your servant as soon as this gets to your hands, 
 to the Rue de la Jussienna au Bureau des Gazettes 
 etrangeres, and order the man not to send my Courier 
 de 1 Europe here any longer, but to the Hotel de Tou 
 louse as heretofore. Adieu, 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 " AMSTERDAM, 23d Dec. 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, I lament exceedingly the unlucky busi 
 ness which M. d Estaing has been engaged in at Sa 
 vannah, and fear that the English may take advan 
 tage of it, and reinforce Gen. Prevost so strongly that 
 he may be again troublesome to the southward. If 
 the enemy can establish themselves in a strong post 
 or two, either in Georgia or Carolina, they will be 
 able to carry on the war in the West Indies to great 
 
82 LIFE OF 
 
 advantage. If the French do not immediately send a 
 strong naval force across the Atlantic they will, I fear, 
 lose some of their islands. I thank you for the mo 
 ney you lent me ; and as I have obtained a credit 
 here, which enables me to repay you, I desire that 
 you will draw for the amount of what I owe you on 
 Messrs. Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, merchants 
 in this city, at thirty days sight, and deliver my note 
 of hand to my wife. She writes me that you intend 
 going to America as soon as you receive your recall 
 officially, which I think you are much in the right of. 
 You will probably be on the continent before me, as 
 my passage to St. Eustatia is longer than yours, 
 and it is likely I may meet with some delay at that 
 island. You will, I hope, write to me as soon as you 
 arrive, and direct to me in Charles Town, where I 
 shall probably be in April. As soon after that as I 
 can with convenience, I intend setting out for Phila 
 delphia, to visit some friends in that city, and hope to 
 have the pleasure of meeting you there. 
 
 I am with great regard dear sir, your friend, &c. 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 " AMSTERDAM, 3d January 1780. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have received your letters of the 24th 
 and 26th Dec., in the latter of which is the resolution 
 respecting you, which I think is expressed in a very 
 unfair and ungentlemanlike manner. The last part of 
 the sentence ought to have stood first, and I wonder 
 that your friends, who delivered your letter of resigna 
 tion did not insist upon the resolution being in that 
 form. I have sent it to the paper you desire ; but 
 from the former conduct of the editor I do not think 
 it will be printed. You had better send it to Digges, 
 and to the Courier de PEurope, if you are desirous of 
 having it appear, which I think is of very little im 
 portance. I am glad to hear of Mr. Adams s arrival, 
 and hope soon to know the place of his mission ; I 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 83 
 
 can hardly think your information respecting it is well 
 founded. The conduct of congress gives me no rea 
 son to expect that reformation is so near at hand. 
 You will, I suppose, think of returning here as soon 
 as possible. If the Confederacy arrives safe it will 
 be a good opportunity for you ; surely Dr. Franklin s 
 unwarrantable conduct respecting the alliance will 
 have made congress put it out of his power to ap 
 propriate the Confederacy also to the private use of 
 his friends. Jones sailed about a week ago with a 
 fair wind, and I hope has safely arrived at Brest before 
 this. The Serapis and Countess of Scarborough sail 
 ed three or four days ago. The wind has not been so 
 favourable to them ; they will be fortunate if they can 
 get again into the Texel, without meeting with the en 
 emy. I am much surprised at what you write me about 
 Beaumarchais s pamphlet, and I should be very glad 
 to see it ; perhaps it may be found among the book 
 sellers of this place. 
 
 It appears very extraordinary that I have received 
 no letters by Mr. Adams. If he had had any for 
 me, he would I am sure have sent them at the 
 same time with your letter from the committee. I 
 am inclined to think that his commission is for Hol 
 land ; it is I think probable that he has brought pow 
 ers to treat in conjunction with France. If so, I pray 
 to God that his negotiation may prove successful. 
 M. d Estaing s unfortunate affair must have done us 
 infinite injury. By alarming Clinton, he has made 
 him .add the strength of Rhode Island to that of New- 
 York ; and being now much stronger than is neces 
 sary for the defence of that post, it is probable he will 
 send considerable reinforcements to Gen. Provost. If 
 Charles Town should be taken, the enemy will be able 
 to make it impregnable, and will carry on the war 
 against the French Islands in the West Indies to very 
 great advantage. The French ministry should en 
 deavour to prevent that by sending immediately a 
 
84 LIFE OF 
 
 fleet to Carolina, which can lie very well in Port 
 Royal harbour. Commodore Gillou and Capt. Joynes 
 are here, and would both go willingly as volunteers 
 on board of such a fleet. I am dear sir, affectionate 
 ly yours. 
 
 RA. IZARD." 
 
 LETTERS OF EDWARD BRIDGEN. 
 
 My dear sir, I cannot omit by this conveyance to 
 relate a circumstance to you as a caution. 
 
 A friend of yours (whom to my knowledge I never 
 saw) while I was at Bath, in April, called and en 
 quired for me ; the servant told him where I was gone. 
 He left a card with his name. Mr. J. T******* No. 
 6, Broad-street, Carnaby market. Underneath, with 
 a pencil, for an intimate friend of Mr. B., at Paris. 
 At my return it was delivered me, but not knowing 
 the gentleman I declined visiting him, especially as I 
 had heard some things suspicious of him. 
 
 I have lately learnt that he went to a Mr. Wa n 
 in Craven-street, and asked the loan of 50, as his 
 friend, Mr. B. was at Bath; the gentleman spared 
 him 20. I hear he has been out of town ever since. 
 I imagine he has been the bearer of some of your let 
 ters to me, by which means he knew my address. I 
 hear a new ambassador from Spain is coming here. 
 It is a mystery to me ; can you unravel it? I wish I 
 could get a likeness of Washington, either on paper or 
 metal. If you can procure me one, or of the Pater Pa 
 trice pray do. I have a medal of the latter, but not a 
 likeness. My friend at Versailles will forward it if 
 you have not an opportunity. Adieu, my dear sir. 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 EDWARD BRIDGEN." 
 
 1777. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 85 
 
 " LISLE, 4th July 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have often troubled you with pamph 
 lets, under the signature E. B. of London, address 
 ed as this packet is, which I hope you have received, 
 or if not yourself Dr. Franklin or Mr. Deane. I send 
 you two more. Part of the observations are very 
 striking and the style singular, but much good matter. 
 I sent from Antwerp a sermon by the Archbishop of 
 York, as a common performance of a son, or rather a 
 father of the church, which, or any other pamphlets 
 which I have sent, may be useful to our friends of 
 the other side the water. I could not possibly make 
 Paris in my tour, or I would certainly have paid my 
 respects to my friends, to whom I send my best 
 wishes, and for their success in the great causes of 
 virtue and liberty. I am setting out for England to 
 morrow. 
 
 Believe me to be my dear sir, your affectionate 
 friend, 
 
 EDWARD BRIDGEN." 
 
 " LONDON, 5th Aug. 1777. 
 
 Many thanks my dear sir, for your last short note ; 
 all your letters were immediately forwarded, but in 
 future be so good .when you have a packet to send, 
 to address them to my friend Genet, then he franks 
 to Calais, otherwise the post-master there always 
 charges Mr. Gamier with the postage ; however, sin 
 gle letters, which require despatch, be pleased to con 
 tinue sending to Cafifriri as usual ; tell your brother I 
 took care of his letter. 
 
 As to news, we have none certain ; there is a 
 
 that Lord Chatham is to come in, and the 
 
 present managers to continue, and he is to enforce 
 the obedience of the colonies. Poor old man ! I am 
 most sincerely grieved to think the destruction of 
 mankind is to be continued. Poor old England ! 
 
 VOL. n. 1 1 
 
80 LIFE OF 
 
 Poor Lord Shelburne ! he yesterday received an ex 
 press from Dr. Priestley of the death of his youngest 
 and favourite son, a most promising youth, of fourteen 
 years, after only two hours illness. I feel for a father 
 almost distracted, and I feel for the public weal, 
 whose loss will be great at this critical moment, by 
 his absence. 
 
 SAIT CHARLES S MARTYRDON, 78. 
 
 This accompanies a noble packet of Debalco from 
 our friend J ." 
 
 " LONDON, August 29th, 1777. 
 
 Absence from London, in Suffolk, is the reason of 
 my not acknowledging the receipt of your favour 
 earlier ; it was conveyed to me in the country, after 
 its arrival on the 14th here. I sent and ordered the 
 paper to be regularly taken in ; three of them were 
 sent last Tuesday, by the post, to Versailles, and I hope 
 you have received them safe. This goes by the same 
 conveyance. When I write to you it goes by the 
 ambassador s courier, which will also be attended 
 with the Monday and Wednesday s packet, but as it 
 is published however, not delivered until late, I shall 
 for the future put you to the charge of postage on a 
 Friday, to save my servant the trouble of going to 
 Whitehall in an evening. This I ^send long before 
 the packet is published, so that you will by this plan 
 have the Tuesday s paper by the post earlier than the 
 two preceding ones. If you do not approve of this 
 mode tell me freely, and your future direction shall 
 be followed. 
 
 The letters you enclosed were delivered as all oth 
 ers you shall entrust to my care, but you may seal your 
 letters to me, if you please ; and pray my dear sir, send 
 me some good news, at least a true state of things, 
 for that we do not get here. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 87 
 
 The A r yesterday told me he thought there 
 
 must have been treachery in the deserting Ticonde- 
 roga. I had much rather it was owing to that than 
 cowardice, and I have no doubt but by Christmas 
 Washington will balance the account with Howe, but 
 pray do not omit sending me the best information you 
 are able. It is necessary I think to keep up the 
 Am r s spirits, and he does me the honour to con 
 verse very freely on the subject ; he is very clever, 
 and has great credit at home. The Swedish minister, 
 Baron Walken, I frequently meet at Whitehall. He 
 is a spy for our government here, as well as for his 
 own master ; he is a shrewd fellow. 
 
 The pamphlets I sent you are at your service, but 
 that of the good Dr. Price was a present from himself 
 to you. 
 
 Mrs. B. is pure gold without one grain of alloy ; 
 she desires her best respects, and joins me in regards 
 to the venerable doctor, who I am glad to hear is so 
 well. God preserve him and you. If the old man is 
 returned tell him I am much his, and that Mrs. Lee 
 was well this morning, from whom 1 have sent a large 
 packet of papers by this conveyance. 
 
 Now my dear sir, in great haste, I bid you adieu. 
 
 E. B. 
 
 Dr. Price is at Norwich or in its neighbourhood still. 
 
 I know not, my dear sir, whether I may yet ad 
 dress you as your excellency ; therefore I beg your 
 permission to use a word of more import, viz. my 
 friend. As such give me leave to introduce to your 
 acquaintance Monsieur Gamier, the secretary to the 
 French embassy at this court. A gentleman, who 
 from a long and great intimacy, I can say is a man of 
 the strictest honour. 
 
 He wishes to be known to you and the other dele 
 gates. I have taken the same liberty with his excel 
 lency (for I suppose he must now assume that title) 
 
88 LIFE OF 
 
 Mr. Franklin, but as I have not the honour to be 
 known to Mr. Deane, I cannot take that liberty. 
 
 Every civility and attention you pay Mr. Gamier I 
 shall esteem as done to myself. He can give you a 
 full account of my Patty, who says every thing that 
 is respectful. 
 
 Till now I never wished the age of man lengthen 
 ed ; but the extension of the life of your Pater Patriae 
 seems necessary, I was going to say, should be equal 
 to that of Nestor. He does not know how much I 
 revere him, nor can you guess how much I am yours. 
 
 Pray where are your brother and Mr. Sayre now? 
 
 EDWARD BRIDGEN." 
 
 "March 18th, 1778. 
 
 You will find my dear sir, by the attendant news 
 paper, that I have received your favour of the llth, 
 as well as the former one. 
 
 Notwithstanding what you said in your two former 
 letters, directing me not to send any more newspapers, 
 I thought things were not in such a situation but 
 through the hands of my friend at Versailles you would 
 get them, until the other day I had a letter from him, 
 desiring me to send no more, unless it was paragraphs, 
 &c.; that cannot be done by debates, so now obey 
 your orders under the cover to Mr. Gerard ; but I fear 
 this will be the last, as the ambassador is going, and 
 Mr. Gamier conveys this to the other side, by whom 
 I have taken the liberty to write to you and your Pa 
 ter Patriae as my intimate friends, who can answer all 
 questions about me and mine. I expect we shall be 
 weak enough to declare war against France ; there 
 fore be pleased, until the ambassador or Mr. Gamier 
 returns to this country, if you don t write in the blind 
 style, for the present to address your letters to me un 
 der A. Monsieur, J\lons. J. B. Hermans au Bureau de 
 la Paste a drivers^ addressed to Bridgen & Waller a 
 Londres, with a small B under the seal. Now my 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 89 
 
 dear friend, may I beg the favour of you to cut my 
 name off the letter I send you by Mr. Gamier, also 
 to beg the same favour of the good Dr., or else to 
 commit them both to the flames? this favour I ask, as 
 we are all mortal. Adieu, 
 Ever yours, 
 
 EDWARD BRIDGEN." 
 
 April 29th, 1778. 
 
 Though I have nothing to inform you worthy no 
 tice, yet J would not let the ambassador s servants go, 
 without a line to you, my dear sir. You said in one 
 of your last letters, that you returned Dr. Price your 
 thanks for the books he was so good to send you. I 
 do not think they are due to him on that score, for 
 they were intended for the Pater Patrice, and you will 
 excuse me if I only call you the Amiens Patrice; so 
 be so good to send them to that worthy. The cover 
 was marked Dr. F. 
 
 The commissioners sailed the 21st; and they say 
 Gov. Johnstone carries with him a suspension of the 
 Canada act, by what authority I am at a loss to know. 
 Government or its rumourers assert that the main-stay 
 of the mainmast of the Trident was near cut through, 
 and the captain found it out time enough to repair it 
 before she sailed. I suppose it was done by the ghost 
 of John the painter. 1 send for you Mr. Israel Mau- 
 duit s immaculate performance, and Mr. Cartwright s 
 letter to Lord Abingdon, both of which perhaps you 
 have seen; if not, they will amuse you, and therefore 
 I beg your acceptance of them. 
 
 I have not been so happy as to receive a line from 
 you since Mr. Gamier went away ; pray have you seen 
 that gentleman? 
 
 No news here, but bankruptcies in plenty. 
 
 The king returned yesterday morning at 2 o clock, 
 from his tour to Chatham, where the shipwrights in 
 
90 LIFE OP 
 
 full chorus sang, God save great George our King? &c. 
 Now my dear sir, would you imagine this was a proper 
 article to be inserted in the London Gazette, to be 
 sent to all the courts in Europe ? but last night it actu 
 ally appeared in that immaculate paper. 
 
 The present toast among the friends of liberty 
 here is, Permanency to all independent states. 
 
 Do write as soon as you can, and give me some 
 hints. 
 
 Yours most truly, 
 
 EDWARD BRIDGEN. 
 
 N. B. Mauduit s pamphlet not to be forgot" 
 
 LETTERS OF EDMUND JENNINGS. 
 
 " September 27th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your friend received a letter from you 
 some time ago, wherein an offer was made to him of 
 a most flattering nature ; his answer showing his dis 
 position on the subject, has it is supposed been re 
 ceived. For my part, I have not received a line from 
 any of my acquaintance from your side of the water 
 for a great while, although I have been promised 
 many. 
 
 By G. G., whom I did not see, I hear that there 
 is great misunderstandings; I had heard of them be 
 fore. Let me entreat you to do every thing in your 
 power to restore the ancient necessary harmony. 
 Your trade will suffer without a mutual confidence ; 
 your disposition and capacity to promote the general 
 interest I can answer for. Talk freely to G. G. You 
 will find him ; manly, and a hearty well wisher. Do 
 for God s sake return to one another. Your general 
 interests certainly require it. I am miserable on the 
 subject ; let me hear a pleasing account of your affairs. 
 You shall hear from me by another opportunity, and 
 soon. Did you receive some pamphlets some time 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 91 
 
 ago? Parliament meets the middle of November. 
 It is supposed that some news has arrived within a 
 day or two ; the courtiers are depressed, and stocks 
 are heavy. We expect to hear the rebels are totally 
 ruined. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most sincerely, 
 
 GEORGE HARRISON. 
 
 Pray deliver the enclosed." 
 
 " Dear Sir, You were written to about a week ago, 
 
 and a copy enclosed of a letter to C ; forgive my 
 
 earnestness on this subject, and if possible forget what 
 is past. As it is dangerous to meddle with politics, I 
 send you the London Gazette ; it contains the autho 
 rised lies of the day, and something more. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most faithfully, 
 
 JOHN BOURGENVILLE." 
 
 " Dear Sir, There has nothing material happened 
 since you were last addressed. We are making every 
 preparation in our power for self-defence, for the mis 
 eries which have been brought on others seem to be 
 falling on ourselves. The minister is gone to the 
 mouth of the Thames, to see the ship Victory, for he 
 has had nothing to please him of late, but the name 
 of it. I do not know whether you have a collection 
 of treaties, published by Aimer ; if you have not, the 
 bearer hereof will present them to you. If you think 
 they may be of use to any of your friends, I will send 
 other sets over. Pray let me know the best method 
 of conveying a box of books on your side. There will 
 be much scribbling among the commissioners to con 
 vince the Americans that it will be their interest and 
 honour to become dependent again on the most cor 
 rupt people on the face of the earth, and although 
 they themselves cannot, and the neighbouring nations 
 will not support their rights so well as the immacu- 
 
92 LIFE OF 
 
 late , Gov. Johnson has taken with him as 
 
 secretary the famous Ferguson, to carry on their lit 
 erary war, when the other has proved unsuccessful ; 
 but if these doughty pen champions do succeed, they 
 must succeed against Common Sense. 
 
 Your friend does not, I believe, quite understand 
 your direction, (when necessary) by the way of Os- 
 tend. 3 
 
 Dear sir I am yours, 
 
 DONALD MCGREGOR. 
 
 April 26th, 1778. 
 
 The bearer is desirous of being under your protec 
 tion." 
 
 " Dear Sir, Many letters have been written to 
 you about an unhappy misunderstanding, but as it is 
 feared that the subject is disagreeable, no more shall 
 be said of it. It is however desired to be known 
 whether you received in a letter to you a copy of one 
 to the other party, the original, it is found, did not 
 come to hand. There have been sent you, by a pri 
 vate hand, various news-papers, which will inform 
 you of the public transactions, which T think are of 
 that nature as to give you a more perfect contempt 
 
 and abhorrence of . You will see that there 
 
 is not a single one here to be depended on ; the ven 
 eration I once had for the great man who once pre 
 served this people from shame and ruin is much alter 
 ed. He seems to have altered the great principles 
 which demanded our praise and admiration. He has 
 my gratitude however for what he has done ; my fu 
 ture confidence is gone. He joins in the cry of su 
 premacy, and has given the public papers a great ad 
 vantage over him and justice. His idea of supremacy 
 is indeed so qualified, that it extends to little but to 
 trade, but as the right of supremacy according to the 
 present sophisticated policy goes to every thing, he 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 93 
 
 that allows it in one thing allows it in all, and being so 
 allowed, what signifies his proposed amendment of the 
 address of estMishing fundamental laws for the secu 
 rity and content of the Americans. In this case there 
 can be no fundamental laws ; fundamental laws can 
 not exist but in agreements between people of ac 
 knowledged independency of each other. As to the 
 irrevocable laws, which is likewise proposed to give 
 satisfaction, the absurdity of the idea is too great for 
 delusion, but is sufficient to mark an approaching do 
 tage in him who has suggested it. Trust not any one 
 here ; they are all playing, you well know, their own 
 game ; this idea of supremacy is thrown out merely 
 to get themselves in place ; a greater offence to 
 honour and injury to virtue cannot be done than by 
 these means, and yet it is pretended that this is the 
 only way to serve both. The possession of the reins 
 of government will give them, it is said, power and 
 opportunity to trim the unsound and foundered beasts 
 as may be thought proper ; but in truth nothing more 
 is meant than to turn them to their private purposes. 
 The language of a certain discourse, which has been 
 sent you, has every ingredient of pride and meanness, 
 of insolence and deception ; and will be followed by 
 actions partaking of all the qualities of them. A 
 great increase of forces will be made, and yet, at the 
 same time, I am sure terms will be offered in an un 
 derhanded manner, and something will be done open 
 ly ; but nothing will be done in a manly way, and 
 therefore nothing can be trusted to. It is not improba 
 ble that the great men alluded to above may be taken 
 into place for two purposes ; to bully the French and 
 dupe the Americans ; the scheme is however too flim 
 sy and too late for the end. Your friend is talked of, 
 with a view to co-operate with him, and therefore be 
 cautious. We have no news here but what comes 
 from Boston papers, which have passed through the 
 place of your residence, and therefore not unknown 
 
 VOL. II. 12 
 
94 LIFE OF 
 
 to you ; a ship arrived yesterday from Quebec, but as 
 nothing has transpired, it is probable that there is not 
 any that is called good news. We are still callous as 
 ever, and justify the most atrocious actions by the 
 word parliament, and the goodness of God and nature. 
 Haldimand is sent to the Swiss Cantons to hire troops ; 
 ten ships of the line sailed ten days ago to the coast of 
 France ; we shall, I think hear of their actions soon. 
 They may be important and decisive. The ship sup 
 posed to have arrived from Quebec came from Augus 
 tine ; communicate this to Mr. Waters. 
 I am yours most faithfully, 
 
 JOHN TOWNSEND." 
 
 "Dec. 5th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, The last mail gave you an account 
 of Gen. Howe s brilliant successes, which one would 
 have thought must have animated every subject truly 
 loyal, but there was something about them, on their 
 very face, that cast a damp on every one ; but, be 
 sides this, the most woful news imaginable was shown 
 to us in the secret, sufficient to make us tremble, not 
 for the public but ourselves. In short, Burgoyne is 
 defeated, and his whole corps made prisoners. Some 
 say to be sent in general to England on their parole 
 not to bear arms against America during the war ; 
 others that this only extends to officers, and that 
 the men are to be prisoners of war in confinement ; 
 70,000 is taken and all their stores. The principal 
 action was on the 7th of October, and the capitula 
 tion on the 16th ; it was reported that Frazer and 
 Arnold fell in a preceding engagement ; Frazer is 
 killed, but it is not sure that Arnold is. The news 
 comes from Carlton, who had it from deserters and 
 Indians. There are letters from Howe s army and 
 Gen. Keene 10 the same import. 
 
 In an attack on one of the forts on the , the 
 
 Hessians lost 6 or 700 men, of which the Gazette 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 95 
 
 gives no account ; 300 more Hessians are said to be 
 lost in the blowing up of the Augusta 64 ship, set on 
 fire by the rafts. Mud Island fort was not taken when 
 Howe sent his despatches. Washington has returned 
 to German Town, and Howe is fortifying himself as 
 much as possible in Philadelphia. Washington gave 
 him a feu de joie, on the news of Burgoyne^s defeat ; it 
 is said too that Gen. Vaughan with a party of 2000 
 men going up the North river are taken prisoners. 
 
 What dreadful news ! I know how it will affect 
 you. I beg you will take care that enemies of gov 
 ernment do not make it worse than it is ; you cannot 
 be too watchful of the rebels. It is well known 
 how busy they are ; news of this sort coming at this 
 time where you are, may have the greatest conse 
 quence. There were about forty rebels confined at 
 Portsmouth, who attempted to make their escape ; 
 four of them have been shot dead, and nineteen have 
 escaped. We are likely to be warmly pushed in par 
 liament ; all the parties of the ministry are united on 
 
 this miscarriage have attacked us warmly. 
 
 Our friend Lord G. G. in particular, seems to be aim 
 ed at most violently, but you know his friendship ; it 
 has been tried in a signal manner. You were written 
 to by the last mail, and a number of news-papers sent 
 by a private hand ; let me know whether you have 
 received them, and several letters which have been 
 lately written. I will trouble you no more about an 
 unhappy misunderstanding. If I should have to write 
 to your friend. Should he not hear from mere- 
 member me to him and his best friend. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most faithfully, 
 
 J. TOWNSEND." 
 
 " Dec. 2, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Gen. Howe s Aid de Camp arrived 
 yesterday with accounts from the army and navy, 
 since going up the Chesapeak, to the 21st of Oc- 
 
96 LIFE OF 
 
 tober. The Gazette containing the account is of 
 three sheets, stuffed as usual with various circum 
 stances of this and that, of no importance, but which 
 amuses us the friends of government greatly. I 
 would have sent you one, but 1 am told they will not 
 come out for the public until 12 o clock ; the affair 
 of the 1 1th you have seen a better account of in the 
 Boston paper; the action itself does not seem to have 
 been very favourable to us of government, but there 
 is great parade of difficulty and courage in every part 
 of it. Wilmington was afterwards taken possession 
 of, being abandoned ; on the 25th or 26th, Philadel 
 phia was occupied by Cornwallis, and on the 4th of 
 Oct. Washington attacked Howe and made an impres 
 sion at first, but at length retreated, and is now about 
 twenty miles from Howe, in the road to Lancaster. 
 Gen. Vaughan landed at Elizabethtown, another 
 place in Jersey, and seized a quantity of cattle in 
 September. Gen. Dunop, and a corps of Hessian 
 Chasseurs are taken prisoners ; the general is wound 
 ed. Clinton and Wallace went up the North river 
 to make a diversion in favour of Burgoyne ; have 
 broke the Boom, taken Fort Montgomery and Clinton 
 and burnt Esopus. Admiral Howe s fleet have left 
 the Chesapeak and gone to the Delaware, where 
 they have destroyed some of the forts which guarded 
 the chevaux defrize, and opened a passage at a place 
 or two. I do not recollect whether this business is 
 effectual. The Augusta, of 62 guns, and the Merlin 
 sloop are lost ; two continental frigates were taken 
 there. There is a detail of English officers and men 
 killed and wounded, but it was impossible to get at the 
 numbers in the hurry I was in whilst reading. There 
 is no account of the numbers of the Americans lost in 
 the whole ; perhaps neither could be well depended on. 
 Gen Agnes, Col. Mungo Campbell, and Major Sill 
 are killed on the king s side ; Gen. Smallwood on the 
 side of the rebels. Howe desires to have 5000 regi- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 97 
 
 mentals to be sent for the Americans, but there is 
 no account of men coming in. It was said in Lord 
 G. G. s office that Baltimore was burnt, but no men 
 tion is made of it in the Gazette, nor one word of 
 Burgoyne. I know not how this affair will affect you, 
 but our friends about St. James are much down at the 
 mouth. The stocks rose yesterday morning, but fell 
 again. I beg to know whether you have received a 
 letter lately ; many have been sent not acknowledg 
 ed. Remember me to your particular friend and his 
 dear relation. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most faithfully, 
 
 JOHN TOWNSEND. 
 
 P. S. Gen. Howe has lost an extraordinary number 
 of officers, which shows perhaps, the men were not 
 very forward. There is something in this business 
 very unfavourable to us here, which time must dis 
 
 cover." 
 
 " October 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your obliging letter, expressing your es 
 teem for and good opinion of me, has been duly ac 
 knowledged. Your kind offer of putting me in a pro 
 per way of being serviceable to the general interests, 
 was accepted, with that sense of friendship in which 
 it was made. I have heard of several appointments 
 since, all of which will, I hope, conduce to the promo 
 tion of the common cause. It is a noble one, and 
 worthy of the utmost exertions. 
 
 You will I trust forgive the liberty I took in ear 
 nestly recommending to your esteem my friend Mr. 
 Carmichael. I do so again with more warmth, since 
 I have heard of some misunderstanding between you. 
 I know you both, and am confident that both wish 
 equally well to their country. You were old collegi 
 ans together. I was the means of the renewal of 
 your former intimacy, and the services of both are 
 necessary for the common good. Do my dear sir, 
 
98 LIFE OF 
 
 take him cordially by the hand; keep him in Europe 
 if you can, and I am sure you will have a friendship 
 for him. 
 
 We are waiting in expectation of news from Ame 
 rica ; we are sure here it must be good, and therefore 
 are not contented with the old adage of, no news be 
 ing good news ; we are here at war not only with 
 America, but even with philosophy. The great mind 
 ed personage at the head of the pack has found out a 
 plot, and having always foreseen the independency of 
 the colonies, now sees the deep laid schemes of Dr. 
 Franklin to bring down on him and his family the light 
 nings of Heaven, as he will certainly do the thunders of 
 Europe. There is something in this procedure that 
 shows the qualities of the heart more than any thing 
 else. It is an event that will mark the character of 
 the times to future generations. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most faithfully, 
 
 JOHN HARRIS. 
 
 P. S. I must beg the favour of you to deliver the 
 enclosed with care." 
 
 " Dec. 22d, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your friend is much obliged to you for 
 the note given him of the late important transaction. 
 It had been heard of before, but the confirmation re 
 newed the general transport; for all here were trans 
 ported one way or other. We shall carry on the war 
 as vigorously as ever, for we talk as high. However, 
 terms of an apparently amicable nature are to be offer 
 ed, whilst the country is to be more inflamed if possible 
 than ever. No one here except those in the secret of 
 affairs, know what they are, and probably will not ; 
 but you at a distance will I think have them commu 
 nicated to you, for it is thought your sense of them 
 must be taken, before they are proposed to the sense 
 of the nation in parliament assembled. The loyal 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 99 
 
 town of Manchester having offered to raise a regi 
 ment in our support, the rebellious village of London 
 intend to follow the example so nobly set. The 
 militia is to be embodied in part for garrison duty. 
 We are greatly embarrassed, but still depend on a 
 great chapter in the book of ministers, the chapter of 
 accidents. Give me leave to recommend Mr. Ste- 
 phenson to your notice ; his conduct at Bristol has 
 made him obnoxious to the worst men there, who 
 have injured him. I have recommended him to your 
 brotheHfor his mercantile knowledge, which he will 
 apply for the public service either here or abroad. 
 May God bless us. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most faithfully, 
 
 C. TOWN SEND. 
 
 P. S. A subscription is to be opened here for the 
 relief of the rebels in prison ; it will be countenanced 
 by respectable people. We have heard of an appli 
 cation to the minister on their behalf by . 
 
 Wilkes intends to move the declaration of American 
 independency." 
 
 Sept. 1st, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of the 20th of July was 
 received with the greatest pleasure last week. I had 
 heard of you frequently before hearing from you, 
 and to be favoured in such a manner, affords a double 
 satisfaction. I am rejoiced to find that your affairs 
 are in such a prosperous way. Your antagonists are 
 tired of their law-suit; the expense is great, and the 
 uncertainty of being put to it, has made the whole 
 family uneasy; it will learn them I hope the virtue of 
 contentment with a little ; they are however very up 
 pish, as is their nature, on their gaining their late in 
 terlocutory, and are in great expectation of the ensu 
 ing term. I think they are inclined to a compromise. 
 Can it be brought about? I mentioned to your friend 
 your opinion of him. He thanks you for it, and is rea- 
 
100 LIFE OF 
 
 dy to do any service to his family that is in his power. 
 He has lately been to settle some affairs near Ports 
 mouth, but could not do so much as he could wish ; 
 there are about 120, they complain of great hardships, 
 and are full of resentment. You will I hope soon 
 hear of some of them. 
 
 The gentleman who will deliver you this will in 
 form you of some particulars relative to himself and 
 twenty others of his friends, worthy of attention. 
 
 We talk here of more bloody work this summer ; 
 Lord Howe has declared he will bleed the ret&ls. He 
 wrote some time ago, that he should go up the Ches- 
 apeak. It is now said he was seen off Block Island. 
 Perhaps he has divided his force for different pur 
 poses. Our amiable monarch is the happiest man 
 alive. He triumphs in Burgoyne s success at Ticori- 
 deroga. However, so many were not killed as were 
 expected. 
 
 The distress in the city increases visibly every day, 
 the want of money is evident to all, every body sees 
 public and private ruin staring them in the face. No 
 thing can comfort us but the destruction of the Ame 
 ricans. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours, 
 
 ROBERT WILLIAMS." 
 
 " Dear Sir, Your letters to Mr. George Harrison 
 are received. He thanks you for them, and will an 
 swer them by the first opportunity. 
 
 Give me leave to thank you in the warmest man 
 ner for the confidence you repose in me, in entering 
 so fully into the present misunderstanding,* which has 
 given me much uneasiness. It has troubled me so 
 much and still continues to do so, that I cannot help 
 repeating my most earnest exhortations that it may be 
 fully and cordially adjusted to your mutual satisfac- 
 
 * This relates to the misunderstanding between Dr, Franklin and Mr. Lee. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 101 
 
 tion, interest, and honour. The knowledge that I 
 have of both convinces me that if this unhappy affair 
 was once forgotten between you, the abilities and dis 
 position of both are such as to be of the greatest ad 
 vantage to the general cause, and to your mutual in 
 terests. Let me beg you to try to obliterate all past 
 transactions. I will assure you that you will find Mr. 
 C. inclined to receive or make advances to reconcile 
 ment. He writes me that when he desired an expla 
 nation, it was an advance to reunion. His present 
 disposition may be judged of by the following extract 
 from his last letter. 4 1 am under great obligations 
 to you for the interest you take in all that concerns 
 me, and you may depend upon it there is nothing con 
 sistent with my honour that I will not do to comply 
 with your request. Point out a method of the re 
 storation of harmony and blame me if I do not be 
 the first to advance towards it. Can any thing, my 
 friend, show a more friendly disposition ; let me en 
 treat you to close with it, and give and receive from 
 each other those instances of firm union and cordiality 
 that strengthens business and increases the pleasures 
 of life. 
 
 Yours faithfully and sincerely, 
 
 G. HARRISON. 
 
 This post conveys a letter to this purport. 
 
 Your favour of the 4th instant is received, which 
 afforded a mixture of pain and pleasure, but the plea 
 sure was predominant, as I find a disposition in one 
 of the parties to reconcilement, which I think is a 
 presage to me that the other will soon have the same. 
 I am sure he will if I have any influence with him. 
 I shall write particularly to him on that subject by 
 this post. If I was with you I would labour hard to 
 bring you together, that you, who are both so well 
 qualified to act in the present great business, might 
 
 VOL. II. 13 
 
102 LIFE OF 
 
 heartily and cordially connect yourselves fast to each 
 other. I think you might easily support and assist 
 each other better than any two that I know. At this 
 distance 1 cannot, 1 arn afraid, break the ice, and that 
 alone is, I hope, wanted between you. I wish one of 
 you would in a manly way attempt it. I think I see 
 in you a concern that matters have gone so far ; ac 
 knowledge that concern in that open manner, to which 
 your heart is naturally inclined, and I trust it will 
 have the desired effect. I thank you heartily for your 
 confidence in me ; I have reason to thank the other 
 party for showing an equal degree of trust. I am 
 honoured by both, and would willingly secure the 
 honour of both, and I think the honour of both may 
 be secured, and I am sure this mutual happiness may 
 by a cordial reconcilement. I will trust to your pre 
 sent disposition, and rest in the certainty of hearing 
 soon that all differences are amicably adjusted and 
 forgotten." 
 
 " My Dear Nephew, As you will soon set up in 
 business for yourself, it is necessary I should give you 
 one piece of advice. Be careful of trusting to any one 
 too much ; there was ever much deceit in the world, but 
 deceit was never so abundant as at the present time. 
 There are secrets in all trades, which must be kept 
 ever from your foreman and people about you, partic 
 ularly those which may be entrusted to you by any 
 of your correspondents, whose names ought not to be 
 ever mentioned by you, as it may give occasion to the 
 inquisitive to be very troublesome. There is I am 
 told great probability of obtaining for you a valuable 
 correspondent in Holland, who will give you the 
 earliest account of the publications there, should he 
 choose to enter into particulars with you. Examine 
 your patrimony, and let me know whether you can 
 advance in the course of the year 1000 or 1200; 
 his knowledge, extensive acquaintance and adroitness 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 103 
 
 are such as may make that sum turn to good account. 
 Let your friend Townsend hear from you on this sub 
 ject as soon as possible. Let your friend MacGre- 
 gor know your form and mode of drawing your bills, 
 and the new method of keeping your shop books, that 
 he may pay attention to them. When you enter into 
 business let nothing take you from it. Expect not to 
 grow rich all at once. That wish may lead you from 
 your true interest and honour. There are many now 
 who are suspected to have left their honest callings 
 and plunged into all the mysteries and ingenuity of 
 stock-jobbing. This unhappy American affair has 
 made more stock-jobbers than patriots or good trades 
 men. What have we to do with the Toulon squadron ; 
 yet some here who pretend to have received advices 
 from the other side of the water, insist that the Tou 
 lon squadron has not passed the gut of Gibraltar, and 
 are making their speculations in the alleys according 
 ly ; the chief person who it is said propagates this 
 story is one Wai pole. Be it so; why should tradesmen 
 be taking advantage of such events. I would not 
 trust such tradesmen ; should this be a trick of the 
 rebels, for I am told the report comes from their quar 
 ter, the design is obviously to check the vigorous ex 
 ertion of our force, and this must affect the character 
 of a friend of his country. A great Virginia house of 
 the name of Moll n is said to have stopped last Sat 
 urday ; it is supposed that instead of carrying on his 
 mercantile business, he had commenced politician, and 
 ruined thereby the fairest prospects. This ought to 
 be a warning to all such. 
 
 You will be glad nevertheless to hear the common 
 reports of the day. This may be done innocently, 
 provided they do not engross our thoughts. Burg 
 is here, and is to have a board of enquiry into his con 
 duct. He was at the house yesterday, but no notice 
 taken of him. We have taken after a smart en 
 gagement, a French ship or two on our coasts. This 
 
104 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 it is supposed will bring on an immediate war. The 
 rebel Jones alarmed our friends about Whitehaven ; 
 the action was spirited, for it was well planned ; in 
 the execution however it failed of all its objects; as 
 we find from a copy of the instructions which were 
 given by B. Franklin; \ve have had them here about 
 a fortnight, they are much admired for their judgment. 
 It is probable we shall get more of the rebel perform 
 ances, as it is certain we get at their secrets daily. 
 The quarter that brought this information can get us 
 every thing we want. It is said that we have sunk 
 the Alfred and beat off the Raleigh in an engagement 
 off the West Indies ; there are reports too of other 
 rebel privateers being taken and sunk, but they are 
 
 not much credited. I have seen your friend T n. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours affectionately, 
 
 DONALD MAC DONALD. 
 
 P. S. In your last you omitted signing your name, 
 and did not tell me who I was to deliver the letter to, 
 which was entrusted to my care ; take care of such." 
 
 " May 12th, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, Lord Chatham died yesterday morning 
 at 8 o clock. Col. B. moved the commons that he 
 should be buried at the public expense. Rigby object 
 ed, and thought that a monument erected to his hoaour 
 would be better. Dunning was of opinion that both 
 ought to be done, and moved an amendment accord 
 ingly, which was unanimously agreed to. Mr. Pult- 
 ney moved, that the houses should be directed to at 
 tend the funeral, but withdrew his motion on the sug 
 gestion it would be better that every thing should ap 
 pear voluntary. 
 
 I have reason to think your friend Townsend has 
 not been inattentive to a certain matter suggested to 
 him. He has had it long in his thoughts, but the diffi 
 culty of breaking such affairs is great ; it has howev- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 105 
 
 er been broke to one in the line you wish. But he is 
 such a knave, that Townsend says he cannot trust 
 him, until he gets out of his power. There is an 
 other person in a branch of business of great import 
 ance, who may be sounded, if he will be concerned ; 
 I know no one that can serve the partnership better. 
 Let Townsend in the meanwhile be instructed in the 
 mode you refer to of carrying on this transaction, and 
 drawing the bills in such a manner, as not to be coun 
 terfeited or discovered. 
 
 It is difficult to discover the names of those who 
 have been concerned in the policies and insurances, 
 because nobody appears in them but the Brothers. 
 You have your suspicions I believe as I have mine, 
 that many have been dabbling there, in a most unwor 
 thy and shameful manner; real good traders are al 
 ways above such transactions that may bring a man s 
 integrity in question. 
 
 The Rider and his companion are returned ; I fan 
 cy much out of humour. I have not seen the princi 
 pal, but if I may judge from the language of the fore 
 man, their self-importance is much lowered. How 
 ever short sighted in the nature of trade, they seem 
 to insinuate that those with whom they have had 
 transactions are more so, and that they can do their 
 business better than they themselves can do; and yet 
 I am told the principal intends speaking to the fore 
 man of the rival house to admit of an independent 
 trade, and as the only means of carrying any trade 
 on, or even supporting life. 
 
 The king is just returned from Portsmouth, well 
 pleased with his expedition ; the nation however in 
 general is much dissatisfied. The squadron that ought 
 to be pursuing the Toulon ships are still in harbour, 
 with the wind W. and S.W. 
 
 We report here, that the Canada expedition is laid 
 aside; that Howe is returned to Staten Island; and 
 that Gen. Clinton s wound having broke out afresh, 
 
106 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 he is in so bad a way as to make Howe s staying ne 
 cessary. The Ranger privateer has alarmed our coasts 
 in Scotland, and near Whitehaven; and another ves 
 sel having landed on the Isle of Anglesea makes us 
 think, if we do not kill them they will kill us. 
 
 As we find it necessary to use Ireland in a very dif 
 ferent manner than formerly, three or four bills have 
 been brought in to give it some relief; but the true 
 born Englishman and downright Scotchman oppose 
 the measure strenuously ; all mankind being born, as 
 they think, for their use and emolument. It is said, 
 only one of the bills will pass, relative to the West 
 India islands; in consequence both people will be dis 
 satisfied, the one that any thing has been done, and 
 the other that more has not been done. 
 
 I am dear sir, your faithful humble servant, 
 
 MALCOLM DERIMPLE. 
 
 If you can employ .0000 for me in the American 
 trade, I shall be obliged to you." 
 
 "Dear Sir, I beg leave to recommend to you my 
 nephew, who proposes to make the best of his way 
 to visit his native land; for that purpose inform him 
 whether he is likely to have soon any good opportuni 
 ty. He will not stay above a day or two at Paris, 
 but go directly to Nantes, and wait thereabouts until 
 his embarkation. The gentleman who accompanies 
 him is an inhabitant of Nantes, who has been here 
 some time to learn the language. He is ambitious of 
 being known to you. 
 
 I have reason to think your particular friend pro 
 poses to see you in the course of next month; how 
 ever, if he can be of more service here, inform him. 
 
 We are under the greatest anxiety about the event 
 of the meeting of the two fleets. By last accounts 
 they were in sight. The French being to the wind 
 ward, and therefore having the choice of battle. Our 
 stocks rose on the certainty of conquest. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 107 
 
 I have seen a letter from commissioner Eden, which, 
 though written in the familiar style and character, 
 showed evident marks of political despondency. He 
 is in rapture with the little of the country which he 
 has seen, which he thinks is too noble a one to be lost, 
 either by mischance or misconduct. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most sincerely, 
 
 JOHN PRINGLE." 
 
 " BRUSSELS, Feb. 22d,1780. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Immediately on the receipt of 
 yours I wrote to my intelligent correspondent. He 
 answered me yesterday, that the expedition from Ire 
 land is supposed to be for the West Indies, but that 
 Washington s ships are not yet ready. He tells me 
 too, that Russia is to be bribed by a great part of the 
 money gained from the East India company, to enter 
 into a treaty defensive and offensive; that advances 
 are made therein, and that indeed it is nearly conclud 
 ed; but that she will first endeavour to bring about a 
 peace. You perhaps know more of these matters than 
 I do. 
 
 As you have not given me Mr. Adams s address, I 
 trouble you to present him the enclosed. Give me 
 timely notice of your departure. I received yester 
 day a court calendar from our good friend for you. I 
 will send it by the first opportunity. How do you find 
 things? 
 
 I am dear sir, yours most sincerely, 
 
 DONALD MAC DONALD." 
 
 " October 3d, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have received your two favours by the 
 posts of yesterday and to-day. I have forwarded the 
 latter to our friend. In asking whether I think the 
 pamphlet will or can do any good, you put a very se 
 rious and nice question. I am not so desperate of our 
 present calamitous situation as to conceive, that it is 
 
108 LIFE OF 
 
 impossible for the efforts of honest, sensible, and well 
 intentioned men, (and such I trust we still have among 
 us) to do good. But I am persuaded that nothing of 
 this kind can have any effect, unless not only the 
 whole system of acting in the country, but the whole 
 tenor of our feelings as men and citizens, be thorough 
 ly and fundamentally changed. The pamphlet goes 
 a great way towards stating the necessity of this 
 change, and points out with great force and good sense 
 the only line to be pursued, viz: an immediate, open, 
 unconditional acknowledgment of the independence of 
 America. Whether the commissioners at Paris have 
 authority to agree in the first instance with Great Bri 
 tain on the terms mentioned, and to guaranty the im 
 portant articles which are proposed to be insisted, &c., 
 is much to be doubted. I think they have not, and 
 that there are some of them to which America will 
 never subscribe; she will never give up to Great Bri 
 tain the exclusive commerce to the eastward of the 
 Cape of Good Hope, or to the westward of Cape 
 Horn, much less will she cut off herself by express 
 treaty from any share in the Newfoundland fishery, 
 W 7 hich lying as it were at her own door, she will con 
 sider as designed for her by nature. The most that 
 Great Britain can expect on the former article, is a 
 tacit acquiescence on the part of America; and as to 
 the latter, she is more likely to demand a formal re 
 nunciation of the fisheries from Great Britain, than 
 make it herself to Great Britain. As to the African 
 trade, it has been checked by many of the colonies 
 voluntarily, long before the commencement of the 
 present disputes; and the course of agriculture in ma 
 ny of them where negroes were heretofore most in 
 request, joined to the temper of the people in gene 
 ral, has decided against the encouragement of that 
 branch of commerce. The light in which the West 
 India trade will be considered by the Americans, can 
 not be more strongly painted than in the pamphlet. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 109 
 
 However on the whole, whether the powers of the 
 commissioners are equal to the momentous points sug 
 gested in the pamphlet or not, or whether the points 
 themselves are admissible on the part of America or 
 not, this happy consequence must flow from the tri 
 al proposed to be made by the acknowledgment of 
 American independence, that the claims of Great 
 Britain thus ceasing, the apprehensions of America 
 from that quarter must likewise be at an end. A 
 treaty may be opened, whether here or in America it 
 matters not, by equal parties ; and equality with par* 
 ties is essential to every treaty that professes to have 
 permanency and the good of both parties for its object. 
 I hope however, notwithstanding these trivial objec 
 tions, I have said enough to show that I highly ap 
 prove of the main drift of the pamphlet, and that I 
 shall be anxious to see it published, with many thanks 
 for the kind communication. 
 
 W. B." 
 
 " Whether thy days be many or few may they be 
 happy and successful. This is the wish of thy sin 
 cere friend instead of what the world call the compli 
 ments of the season. Thou knowest I am a plain 
 man, and I would fain be an honest one ; but dangers 
 are sown so thick around me, that it will indeed be a 
 great blessing if I escape. 
 
 I refer thee to the news-papers for the particular 
 trial of honest Keppel. I think thy friend Hood has 
 kept bad company ; since thou left us his character is 
 a little tarnished, and 1 will not answer for that 
 
 man s. 
 
 Next month we expect news from the West Indies. 
 If thou hearest any that is good for this country I pray 
 thee to favour us with it. 
 
 Our Martha salutes thee kindly, with, my dear 
 friend, thine affectionately, 
 
 G. JOHNSTONE." 
 VOL. II. 14 
 
110 LIFE OF 
 
 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 Letters of Arthur Lee to bis American Correspondents, written daring his resi 
 dence in France. 
 
 Dec. 25th, 1776. 
 To Richard Henry Lee, Esq. 
 
 IT was with infinite pleasure I received my dear 
 brother s letter by the hands of Dr. Franklin, whom 
 I joined at this place on the 22d Dec. the day after 
 his arrival. We have had an audience, been received, 
 and presented our propositions. As yet we have re 
 ceived no answer, nor can we divine what it will be. 
 They are very timid and secret, but we have hopes. 
 In the mean time we are endeavouring to procure 
 artillery, arms, ammunition, and clothing to fit you 
 for another campaign, which, if it be as undecisive as 
 this, will nearly exhaust the enemy s strength. Two 
 things, however, I would wish to impress upon your 
 minds ; to look forward and prepare for the worst 
 event, and to search for every resource within your 
 selves, so as to have as little external dependence as 
 possible. The events of the year 1777 are of such 
 infinite importance, that no industry and no expense 
 can be too great to turn them to our advantage. If 
 they are decidedly in our favour, our liberties and pro 
 perties will be assured forever. 
 
 I have sent for your sons hither. I mean to keep 
 Ludwell with me, and if his genius suits to train him 
 to arms, chiefly in the engineering line. Tom I will 
 send to you with our despatches, when they are of 
 importance. He is now of an age to be useful to you 
 in Virginia, from whence your absence must great 
 ly damage your affairs. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LE. Ill 
 
 " PARIS, Sept. 9th, 1777, 
 
 Samuel Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, It is three months since we received a 
 line from congress or from any of our friends. You 
 will hear but too soon and too much of the violent 
 things done in this country against us and in favour 
 of our enemies. This is owing to the privateering 
 schemes carried on at Dunkirk, without the advice of 
 Dr. Franklin or myself, and contrary to repeated re 
 quests of this court. We are labouring to pacify and 
 restore things to their former state of confidence and 
 amity. 
 
 My absence in Spain and Germany upon public 
 business has prevented me from getting such an in 
 sight into the cabinet here, as to judge with certainty 
 what line they are determined to pursue. We have 
 undoubtedly enemies there, and the late ill conduct 
 at Dunkirk has given them great advantage. Still 
 however they are arming, and it is so much their in 
 terest to be allied with us, that the sacrifices they 
 have lately made to England, and to which they have 
 been in a great measure compelled by our arming ves 
 sels in their ports to cruise upon the English in vio 
 lation of their treaties, may be imputed to necessity 
 not to inclination. 
 
 I am dear sir, yours very truly, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE," 
 
 PARIS, Oct. 4th, 1777. 
 
 Samuel Adams, Esq., Member of Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of the 4th of July was like 
 all those I have been used to receive from you, ex 
 ceedingly comforting to me. It is with great plea 
 sure I find that what the appearance of things in 
 January last made me apprehend, has not happened. 
 Our present situation, (notwithstanding I think both 
 Howe and Burgoyne will be successful for some time 
 
112 LIFE OF 
 
 after their attacks commence) seems to me more fa 
 vourable than ever; and without some signal mis 
 fortune befalling our friends, from the honest endea 
 vours of our amicable friends the Quakers, the inde 
 pendence of America will soon have its foundation 
 established on a rock. It will be more to our honour 
 that this be done by our own efforts without allies, 
 which in my judgment we shall not procure till we 
 have less occasion for them ; and perhaps the liber 
 ties established through labour and endurance will be 
 more prized and more durable than if acquired by for 
 eign interposition. Certain however it is, that the 
 appearances here are so equivocal that no one can 
 tell how long that peace, on the continuance of which 
 our enemies build all their hopes, will last. Let us 
 however suppose, what is most probable, that the po 
 litics of Europe will continue to wear that dubious 
 aspect, which promises peace to-day and menaces 
 war to-morrow, and then survey the present situation 
 of this contest. The difficulties our enemies are under 
 in forming a probable plan for the supplies of the en 
 suing year, both in men and money, are to all human 
 appearance insuperable. There is not, therefore, any 
 reason to apprehend that their armies will ever again 
 be so numerous or so well appointed as those which 
 now assail us. Should their success be neither de 
 cisive nor signal, their future efforts can only be those 
 of disappointed vengeance, in acts of injury and irri 
 tation, such as marked their parting steps in the un 
 happy Jerseys. By these means they will endeavour 
 to harass us into an accommodation, and extricate 
 themselves as well as they can out of the jnauvaise 
 position into which their folly and injustice have com 
 mitted them. 
 
 The measures of this court which look like war, are 
 a treaty lately made with the Swiss Cantons, by which 
 they are to be supplied with 6,000 more Swiss troops 
 if wanted, and the sending 8,000 men with 12,000 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 113 
 
 artillery to their West India islands. Every power 
 in Europe has also forbade their sailors entering into 
 any foreign service whatever, so much do they expect 
 a general war. Great part of (he English commerce 
 is already carried on in French and Dutch bottoms, 
 which circumstance alone will prevent them from 
 continuing the war, because it is a mortal blow to 
 their marine. From these circumstances we may con 
 clude that the present effort is the last that can carry 
 with it any hope of conquest, and that the war can 
 hardly continue in any shape two years longer. There 
 are of our countrymen who think a longer continu 
 ance would be of service in rousing us to exertion and 
 discovering resources which in peace would never be 
 opened. But for my part I think the spirit of adven 
 ture and energy, which characterizes our countrymen, 
 wants no such stimulus, and therefore we should be 
 happy in finishing a war with honour, which inevita 
 bly brings with it a variety of evils, among which a 
 standing army is not least to be apprehended. 
 
 I have within this year been at the several courts 
 of Spain, Vienna, and Berlin, and I find this of France 
 is the great wheel that moves them all. Here there 
 fore the most activity is requisite ; and if it should ev 
 er be a question in congress about my destination, I 
 shall be much obliged to you for remembering, that I 
 should prefer being at the court of France. 
 
 Upon the whole then my dear friend, I trust we 
 may congratulate ourselves upon the liberties of our 
 country having triumphed over the greatest malice of 
 our enemies; whom perhaps, we ought to thank for 
 having taught us to know ourselves, and to assume 
 that rank among the independent nations of the earth, 
 to which we are entitled. 
 
 I remember Mr. Marchant with great respect, and 
 am happy to hear his abilities are called forth in 
 to the most conspicuous service of his country. Be 
 so good as to present to him my best regards. It 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 gives me the greatest pleasure to find an old acquaint 
 ance maintaining in this day of trial, the virtuous 
 principles he professed on the first agitation of this 
 question. 
 
 In hopes that you will omit no opportunity of let 
 ting me hear from you, and with the warmest wishes 
 for your prosperity and happiness, I am my dear friend, 
 most sincerely yours, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. I have written you several letters since that 
 you mention as having received." 
 
 " PARIS, Oct. 4th, 1777. 
 
 R. H. Lee, Member of Congress for Virginia. 
 
 Dear Brother, Your letter of the 31st of May, 
 which I received since that of the 29th of July by 
 Mr. King, gives me much pain. I have within this 
 twelvemonth tried the three monarchs courts, where 
 we have the most interest to effect what your letter 
 wishes, without succeeding. What grieves me is, that 
 you should think it so essential to our security. Most 
 certain it is, that we should form such a connexion at 
 this time upon very unequal terms; and therefore 
 (if its being postponed does not hazard the great stake 
 till we are apparently less in need of it) we should 
 form it upon ground better weighed, and more advan 
 tageous. Were it not for what you say, I should think 
 an open declaration much less necessary for our secu 
 rity now, than at the beginning. Most assuredly our 
 invaders are in every respect much weaker, and we 
 are apparently much stronger. Yet while I make this 
 a virtue of necessity, and comfort myself with think 
 ing, that what we so ardently desire and yet cannot 
 obtain, may not be absolutely necessary, I do most 
 cordially wish the war were at an end. I consider it 
 a state of danger, dissipation, and corruption of man 
 ners. As yet I believe the citizen is not quite lost in 
 
ARTHUR LEE. H 
 
 the soldier; but this will happen if the war continue. 
 Next to entire slavery, a standing army is the greatest 
 evil that can exist in a young state; and the continu 
 ance of a civil war, with its probable events, may 
 kindle the fatal ambition of some Cromwell, that 
 would otherwise have slept guiltless of his country s 
 ruin. 
 
 The commission for Spain was I presume sent me 
 in a supposition that I was at that court; for of five 
 letters which I wrote between the ikh of March and 
 9th of April, detailing my proceedings there, and the 
 necessity of my return, not one appears to have been 
 received. That service I undertook, because Dr. F. 
 would not go through such bad roads in so rigorous a 
 season, and Mr. D. excused himself by a proposition 
 of going to Holland, which he never performed. It 
 is of all places the most disagreeable to my disposi 
 tion; and so very inferior in point of political import 
 ance, that I should certainly be of much less utility 
 there than here. There too I should be at a great dis 
 tance from our brother, from intelligence with you, 
 and from all political conversation; for a degree of in 
 dolence reigns there, that is almost inconceivable. My 
 idea therefore of adapting characters and places is 
 this: Dr. F. to Vienna, as the first, most respecta 
 ble, and quiet; Mr. Deane to Holland; and the Al 
 derman to Berlin, as the commercial department ; 
 Mr. Izard where he is; Mr. Jenings at Madrid, his 
 reserve and circumspection being excellently adapted 
 to that court. I mean Edmund Jenings, whom you 
 know, whose real abilities to serve may be relied on. 
 France remains the centre of political activity, and 
 here therefore I should choose to be employed. All 
 these arrangements might be made, reserving to the 
 three now here their powers, till the opportunity offer 
 ed for their going to their different destinations; that 
 such an occasion might not be lost, by being obliged 
 to send over for appointments. 
 
116 LIFE OF 
 
 This court has lately concluded a treaty with the 
 Swiss Cantons, by which they are to furnish 6000 
 more Swiss troops to France, should there be a war ; 
 and 8,000 French troops, with 1,200 artillery men, 
 are upon the eve of their departure for their West In 
 dia islands. All the powers of Europe have forbade 
 their seamen entering into foreign service. These 
 movements look like an expectation of a general war. 
 
 When we first obtained 2,000,000 of livres from 
 our friends here, it was determined we should appro 
 priate them to the payment of your bills drawn upon 
 us in support of your funds, should it be neces 
 sary. And of this appropriation we informed the 
 committee. But I find that during my absence in 
 Germany, Mr. has involved us in engage 
 ments far beyond the whole of this fund ; so that 
 should you have drawn upon us we shall be oblig 
 ed to apply to the same friends to enable us to an 
 swer your draughts. In truth it is not fit that in our 
 situation we should meddle with merchandize, which 
 at such a court as this degrades the character of de 
 puties from a great and rising people. Were the 
 commercial agent such a man as he ought to be, this 
 business would properly fall within his department. 
 The last despatches to us, of the JOth or 12th of Au 
 gust, were thrown overboard, as were ours to you on 
 the capture of the Lexington soon after she sailed, 
 and after an engagement of five hours, in which she 
 suffered extremely. VJ3e so good as to remember me 
 to Loudon, and warn him against recommendations 
 of a Mr. Carmichael, through Mr. Lloyd, as I have 
 found him to be very unworthy his or your patronage_-J 
 We have received late and most positive assurances 
 from our friends in France and Spain, that what we 
 have hitherto received is given without expectation of any 
 return. I thank you for the Crisis, which is well 
 written. ) 
 
 I enclose you a copy of a late measure of the court 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 117 
 
 here, which with others seems unfavourable to us. 
 The reasons they give for them are the proceedings 
 with respect to the arming Conyngham in their ports, 
 and sending him to cruise directly in the channel, con 
 trary to their treaty, and to their repeated requests 
 and our promises. That fact is so, and it was done 
 
 by Mr. without consulting or informing us. 
 
 He has therefore thought it necessary to write an 
 apology for it to Mr. Morris, which I understand is to 
 be shown about privately, and he seems desirous of 
 persuading us and others to be in ill humour with the 
 court for taking violent measures, to which they have 
 been compelled by his unwarrantable conduct. All I 
 can say is that it will be doing them great injustice 
 to form an opinion of their disposition from steps 
 which they assure us were taken from necessity, and 
 to which we are conscious those proceedings forced 
 them. The paper I enclose you was made public by 
 authority, in all the commercial cities of France. But 
 you see it acknowledges us as a nation, arid openly 
 avows the protection and reception of our commerce, 
 which Great Britain claims as her own, and which 
 Lord Howe, in his letter to Dr. Franklin, alleges to 
 be the reason of carrying on war against us. As to 
 292 a xxxviii, they continue to be 3456 xxii as usual. 
 Discretion only is required in managing the business, 
 so as not to subject them too much to the complaints 
 of the 1456 xxii. The promises of good will and as 
 sistance as heretofore are as strong as ever. Upon 
 the whole we have reason to expect much, though not 
 all that is neither 336 a xxxiv. nor 4166 xix. 
 
 Added Nov. 25th, 1777. 
 
 I sent you a book by Capt. Wickes, by which we 
 may communicate our thoughts without danger from 
 mischievous curiosity. Lest that should miscarry you 
 have another by this opportunity. Three of the five 
 
 VOL. II. 15 
 
118 LIFE OF 
 
 commissioners who are here, are of opinion that it is 
 of the last importance to the public credit and wel 
 fare, that the commercial agency should be taken out 
 of the hands and the channel they are in at present. 
 We think this would be happily effected by the ap 
 pointment of Mr. John Lloyd, of South Carolina, now 
 resident at Nantes, of whose ability and integrity we 
 have a high opinion. Mr. Izard will write. 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Oct. 7th, 1777. 
 
 F. L. Lee, Member of Congress for the State of Vir 
 ginia. 
 
 Dear Loudon, Copies of your letters to Mr. Lloyd, 
 of Maryland, have reached this place to others, but 
 none from you to the alderman or to me. This is a 
 little unkind, especially as we have written frequently 
 to you. By those letters you seem to be in good 
 spirits, which rejoices me. For I see nothing but the 
 want of them, and of funds, which can materially in 
 jure the great cause. The regulation and credit of 
 your paper seems to me to require most of your at 
 tention, since your funds lean upon it, and if they fail 
 the injury may be irreparable. In truth, till the pub 
 lic is assured you have specie in your treasury your 
 paper will never have due credit. But if the money 
 holders were once satisfied you had there one million 
 of hard dollars, they would not hesitate to lend twenty 
 upon it. This is precisely the case with the bank of 
 England, whose paper certainly exceeds twenty times 
 its specie ; and it is with this paper principally that 
 the war is supported against us. But the question 
 is, where are we to get these hard dollars ? Send ef 
 fects to the islands, collect the dollars, and despatch 
 your swiftest sailing frigate to bring them safe. 
 Surely this is not impracticable. And most certain 
 ly, without some plan wisely laid and vigorously ex- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 119 
 
 ecuted, you will be in great danger of finding your mea 
 sures for the public defence and security impeded, if not 
 obstructed entirely. It seems to me that we may rely 
 upon the continuance of countenance and support from 
 certain powers in Europe, but that there will be a 
 war soon is not I confess my opinion. Things how 
 ever are in so critical a situation that it is with great 
 diffidence I give my opinion upon the subject. The 
 circumstances of our enemies are so embarrassed, and 
 their resources so exhausted, that without aids from 
 Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, of which there is at 
 present no likelihood, they cannot support another 
 campaign. I have mentioned to you a cabal formed 
 
 here under the auspices of Mr. which has given 
 
 me much disquiet, and that he has been very busy to 
 defame me in my absence. I sent you a copy of 
 a news-paper production of this cast. Among other 
 things they have circulated a report both here and in 
 England, which will probably reach America, of dis 
 sensions subsisting among the commissioners. I have 
 taken great care to prevent any such from arising, and 
 none certainly have yet existed, notwithstanding all 
 their diligence in provoking them. Among these, 
 gentlemen, I could wish to guard you particularly 
 against Mr. Carmichael, of whose art and enmity I 
 have had sufficient proofs to make me distrust him for 
 the future. 
 
 I am, &c., affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Nov., 1777. 
 
 Samuel Adams, Esq., with a copy of my last. 
 
 Dear Sir, Nothing material since the above. The 
 two last despatches for us were thrown into the sea, 
 so that we are left in the most anxious uncertainty 
 concerning your situation. Our enemies are either in 
 the same state, or their news is not such as they wish 
 to be known ; since they suffer not only their own peo- 
 
120 LIFE OF 
 
 pie but all Europe, to insult them with enquiries, what 
 is become of Howe and Burgoyne, without conde 
 scending to answer a word. At present therefore, 
 both their performances in this, and their preparations 
 for the next campaign, if they have any, are a pro 
 found secret. Yet the meeting of parliament, which 
 is to be the 20th, approaches fast, when something 
 must be said on these momentous points. I men 
 tioned in a former letter, that your state was indebt 
 ed to me for moneys advanced during the time the 
 agency devolved upon me, especially to the captain 
 who was sent express after the affair of Lexington ; 
 and that I should prefer being paid by such a grant 
 of land in your state, as would give me the means and 
 right of citizenship among a people whom I have had 
 so much reason to respect, through the whole of this 
 illustrious business. It would be a great satisfaction 
 to know, that when my poor endeavours were no long 
 er necessary to the public service abroad, I might 
 return as a fellow-citizen among those with whom I 
 have so long been united in the common cause. Would 
 to God we could number Warren among them, and 
 that it had been permitted him to see the beauties of 
 that fabric, which he laboured with so much zeal and 
 ability to rear. "His saltern accumulem^ donis, et fun- 
 gar inani muncre." 
 
 The actual state of Europe, amid events of such 
 magnitude and a situation so critical, is tranquil to a 
 degree that is inexplicable. Whether it be a stillness 
 before the storm, or a settled tranquillity, is hard to 
 determine. I am inclined to think it the latter. For 
 in truth it seems, that America is an object too vast 
 for their embrace. That balance of power, which 
 has so long been the hobby-horse of Europe, and in 
 which the power of Great Britain, founded upon Ame 
 rica had so great a weight, must be changed, and a 
 new scale adopted. This makes all the cabinets so 
 averse to enter into a consideration that must send 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 121 
 
 them again to school, and derange all the beautiful 
 balances they have formed. Add to this, that the 
 two old and potent princes of the north have resolved 
 upon having peace in their day; contenting themselves 
 with ministering such assistance to Russia, as will 
 give them a claim to share in the partition of the 
 Turkish dominions, as they have in those of Poland. 
 
 An officer of the English guards, who is return 
 ed from America, declares that the Highlanders are 
 all sworn under their colours never to give quarter 
 to an American; and that he has seen them hang up 
 a great many prisoners in their belts. I know the of 
 ficer; he is a man of veracity and a tory by birth, so 
 that he is not likely to forge or exaggerate facts 
 against his friends. Surely an enquiry ought to be 
 made into this, and a most exemplary punishment 
 inflicted on those detestable people, if it be true. 
 
 Sincerely your friend, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Nov. 5th, 1777. 
 
 To the Hon ble John Page, of Rosehill, Member of 
 the Council of State for the State of Virginia. 
 
 Dear Sir, The arrival of Mr. King here gave me 
 an opportunity of enquiring after your health, and 
 great pleasure in hearing of your welfare. 
 
 The object of Mr. King s mission is of much more 
 difficult accomplishment than you imagined; both from 
 the situation of things, and from its not being custom 
 ary, nor indeed generally speaking, in the power *of 
 French merchants to make such large advances. A 
 very small capital indeed serves to set them up; and 
 their object in trade is more a temporary and exorbi 
 tant profit, than the establishment of a permanent in 
 terest and commerce upon moderate profits, with in 
 dustry and fair dealing. 
 
 Through all Europe our cause is rising, and that of 
 
122 LIFE OF 
 
 our enemies sinking in proportion. But yet the po 
 sition seems not so decided, as to make individuals, 
 especially such as I have described, hazard much of 
 their money, as the powers of Europe are at war. 
 
 It seems probable that this business will end by 
 stationing cruisers upon our coast to distress our com 
 merce. In such a situation Virginia I am afraid will 
 suffer much, unless her marine were augmented, and 
 some coasters built, to sail swiftly, carry heavy metal, 
 and draw little water. The natural advantages of 
 our immediate country for commerce, are such as 
 must, if properly improved, furnish the means of 
 maintaining a very respectable marine. To this 
 chiefly, she must owe her future prosperity and 
 grandeur. 
 
 I shall always be happy to hear of your welfare, 
 and that of Mrs. Page and your family. Be so good 
 as to remember me with respect to Mr. Nicholas, Mr. 
 T. Nelson, and Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great regard, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Nov. 6th, 1777. 
 
 To his Excellency Patrick Henry, Chief Magistrate 
 of the State of Virginia. 
 
 Sir, It gave me great pleasure to hear of your 
 health from Mr. King. The great need our immedi 
 ate country is in of essential supplies, gave me great 
 uneasiness; and the more so, as I could find no one 
 here disposed to make the advance required. Mr. 
 King exerted himself with great assiduity to the same 
 end, and seems by his attention to business, entirely 
 worthy of the confidence you reposed in him. I hope 
 he will be able to effect something at Nantes; where 
 so much profit is made by our commerce, that it would 
 be very ungrateful not to assist us, upon such sure and 
 reasonable terms. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 123 
 
 The supplies I sent early in the spring from Spain, 
 were at first ordered to Virginia ; but upon receiving 
 advice from the committee of congress that the east 
 ern ports were the safest, I was obliged to counter 
 mand those orders ; in consequence of which they 
 were sent to New-England, to which all our remit 
 tances have been directed. If our state should want 
 a loan of money, I think Spain is the most likely to 
 supply it ; and as I am commissioned to that court by 
 congress, whatever commands you may have for me 
 on that or any other subject, I shall obey with plea 
 sure. But being at the same time continued in the 
 commission here, it is not probable I shall quit Paris 
 for some months. Business however can be negotiat 
 ed here as well as at Madrid, though with somewhat 
 more expense of time. Our enemies are much ex 
 hausted and embarrassed by the war, insomuch that 
 as yet they seem to have formed no plan, nor are they 
 making any efforts to provide for the support of an 
 other campaign. Germany will afford them but fee 
 ble assistance; and I was assured, when I was lately 
 at the northern courts, that there was no probability 
 of their being assisted from Russia. But as the ha 
 tred and vengeance which now govern the conduct of 
 this war will animate the contrivers of it to very despe 
 rate efforts, it will be wise to prepare for the worst, 
 and not measure our exertions entirely by the appa 
 rent inability of the enemy. It is probable that their 
 last efforts will be, to intercept our commerce by 
 blocking up our ports and rivers. This, with the lia- 
 bleness of our country to be so distressed, suggests 
 the necessity of attending to and encouraging our 
 marine. A few vessels built expressly for cruisers, of 
 such a mould as to draw as little water as possible, of 
 such a length as to sail the swiftest, and carrying 
 though few guns yet those of the heaviest metal, 
 would save our coasts from such insults. Their su 
 perior weight of metal would subdue vessels of less 
 
124 LIFE OF 
 
 force, and they would harass and outsail those of 
 greater force. We lately built one on this plan in 
 Holland, but the impossibility of manning her obliged 
 us to sell her. Our cause gains ground daily in the 
 opinion of Europe, but it is yet uncertain when any 
 of its powers will declare openly in our favour. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. with great respect, 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " Nov. 25, 1777. 
 S. Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, Public affairs wear every day a more 
 unfavourable aspect for our enemies. The discomfit 
 ure of Burgoyne is an irreparable blow. France and 
 Spain are arming seriously and formidably. Holland 
 has ordered a strong convoy for their West India trade. 
 I am well informed that the number of troops they 
 can draw from Germany will be very small, and from 
 Russia none. The raising their supplies will be diffi 
 cult, perhaps impracticable, for certainly the public is 
 not contented nor confident. The king s speech is 
 impertinent and insignificant. He is assuredly destin 
 ed to destruction. 
 
 Let me whisper to you that I have reason to sus 
 pect there is jobbing both with you and with us. The 
 public concerns and the public money are perhaps sa 
 crificed to private purposes. Congress should inter 
 fere. Let them appoint a commercial agent, distinct 
 from the former and his connexions; let them order 
 an account with vouchers how the money received 
 here for the public has been expended, and signify 
 their pleasure that the commissioners do not concern 
 themselves with trade directly or indirectly, and they 
 will soon find their affairs resume respectability and 
 credit, which have been for some time lost here. Mr. 
 J. Lloyd, of South Carolina, now residing at Nantes, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 125 
 
 seems to me a proper person for commercial agent, 
 and I think his appointment will most essentially 
 serve the public. Be so good as to consult with Mr. 
 Laurens and my brothers upon this subject, which I 
 assure you is of the last importance to the public. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " January 5th, 1778. 
 Samuel Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, No material change has taken place 
 since my last letters, which should be delivered to you 
 by Capt. Nicholson, and Mr. Deane, jr. Every thing 
 seems disposed towards the great event we wish, the 
 acknowledgment of our independency. I am not 
 fond of prophesying, but I think it will not be long be 
 fore something signal will happen. 
 
 I have before mentioned to you a Mr. Carmichael. 
 Every day gives me fresh reason for suspecting him. 
 The gentleman who bears this will give you an ac 
 count of him; and the enclosed account will show 
 you in what manner the public money has been put 
 
 into his pocket by Mr. , under the pretence of 
 
 errands, in which the only object was, to tell ignorant 
 
 people that he and Mr. were the only persons 
 
 possessed of public trust and power. It is impossible 
 to describe to you to what a degree this kind of in 
 trigue has disgraced, confounded and injured our af 
 fairs here. The observation of this at head quarters, 
 has encouraged and produced through the whole a 
 spirit of neglect, abuse, plunder, and intrigue, in the 
 public business, which it has been impossible for me 
 to prevent or correct. After three months solicitation 
 to have an account of the expenditure of the public 
 money, the enclosed, such as you see, is the only one 
 I can procure. Thousands I am sure have been mis 
 applied in such manner as this, and in still worse chan- 
 
 VOL. ii. 16 
 
126 LIFE OF 
 
 nels. Perhaps you may think this is not the time for 
 severe enquiry; and I believe that confidence makes 
 these people do many things upon which they would 
 not otherwise venture. What I wish at least is, that 
 it may be remembered, I have done my endeavour to 
 prevent what I am sure will hereafter be the subject 
 of enquiry and reprehension. 
 
 The enemy make a great parade of what they will 
 attempt next campaign. In the mean time it is cer 
 tain they are under great apprehensions for Quebec, 
 for the defence of which they think 8000 men ne 
 cessary. 
 
 Adieu. Affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "JANUARY 5th, 1778. 
 
 To R. H. Lee. 
 
 My Dear Brother, Though nothing is yet con 
 cluded, yet every thing seems hastening to the decla 
 ration we wish. Portugal we are given to understand 
 is amicably disposed. I am in doubt whether a trea 
 ty of commerce (and perhaps this court will go no far 
 ther at present) concluded with us will induce Great 
 Britain to declare war; though every thing may be 
 expected from their folly, and from that infatuation 
 which commences in deceiving others, and ends in de 
 ceiving themselves. They talk much of mighty pre 
 parations, which they will soon persuade themselves 
 are real, and which consist in regiments to be raised 
 in the trading and manufacturing towns. Gen. Halde- 
 mand has assured the British ministry, that 8000 men 
 are necessary for the defence of Canada should it be 
 attacked, of which they are much afraid. Let me re 
 commend Mr. Stephenson as highly worthy of your 
 protection. He will give you a particular account of 
 things here. If in the arrangement of things I could 
 be continued here, and Mr. D. removed to some oth- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 127 
 
 er place, it would be pleasing to me, and disconcert 
 effectually their wicked measures. 
 Adieu. Your affectionate brother, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Jan. 9th, 1778. 
 
 R. H. Lee. 
 
 Dear Brother, I hoped by this time to have in 
 formed you that something decisive was concluded. 
 We remain however in the same state of incertitude. 
 There is nothing so necessary in politics and negoti 
 ation as patience. The recent death of the Elector 
 of Bavaria, to whom the Palatine is heir, threatens 
 to involve this kingdom in a German war. The rea 
 son is this. The Elector Palatine is heir to Bavaria, 
 and the Duke de deux ponts to both. The latter is 
 the strict ally of France, who is also the guaranty of 
 the treaty of Westphalia ; and should she obtain him 
 these successions, he would form a third power, and 
 give them the decision in the German scale. But the 
 emperor chooses to have Bavaria, and the king of Prus 
 sia the Palatinate, which will bring these two great 
 powers to the frontiers of France. In this situation 
 of things it is feared that France will be engaged in 
 a land war, which will make a diversion in favour of 
 our enemies. 
 
 Things are going on worse and worse every day 
 among ourselves, and my situation is more painful. I 
 see in every department, neglect, dissipation and pri 
 vate schemes. Being in trust here I am responsible for 
 what I cannot prevent, and these very men will proba 
 bly be the instruments of having me one day called 
 to an account for their misdeeds. There is but one 
 way of redressing this and remedying the public evil; 
 that is the plan I before sent you, of appointing the 
 Dr. honoris causa, to Vienna, Mr. Deane to Holland, 
 Mr. Jennings to Madrid, and leaving me here. In that 
 
128 LIFE OF 
 
 case I should have it in my power to call those to an 
 account, through whose hands I know the public mo 
 ney has passed, and which will either never be ac 
 counted for or misaccounted for, by connivance be 
 tween those who are to share in the public plunder. 
 If this scheme can be executed it will disconcert all 
 the plans at one stroke, without an appearance of in 
 tention, and save both the public and me. But should 
 this be impracticable, let me know whether it is not 
 proper that I should write to the committee that in 
 my judgment the public business is turned here to 
 private emolument, that my advice and endeavours 
 have not the least influence, and therefore I desire 
 not to be deemed responsible for what I have not the 
 power in directing or preventing. In this or any 
 other better manner, I wish to be quit of a business, 
 in which those who are abusing me are employing 
 the public money to make friends for themselves and 
 enemies for me. You may easily conceive who will 
 succeed in such a contest. 
 Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, May 27th, 1778. 
 
 Hon. John Page, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received with very great pleasure 
 your most obliging letter by Mons. Le Maire, of the 
 12th of March. It was the more pleasing to me as 
 it proved that the wish of renewing our former ac 
 quaintance was mutual. Some of the several letters 
 I have written to you will I trust get safe so as to 
 satisfy you that my sentiments of your zeal and ex 
 ertion for the public welfare are not inferior to those 
 with which you have honoured me. 
 
 The declaration of our independency by the court of 
 France, awakened that of England to her danger and 
 her weakness. Irritated therefore as she was, she did 
 not dare to declare war. But she is exerting every 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 129 
 
 nerve to put herself in a posture of defence. At pre 
 sent the stroke stands suspended, though their ambas 
 sadors respectively retiring, the seizure of all their 
 ships and seamen belonging to each other, which hap 
 pened to be in their ports, and each sending a fleet to 
 your coast, are proofs that actual hostilities are in 
 evitable. When they commence, America will hold 
 the balance, and make which scale she pleases pre 
 ponderate. France therefore showed her superior 
 wisdom in seizing the moment of Burgoyne s defeat 
 to secure our assistance by a treaty. While Eng 
 land was deliberating she lost the only opportunity 
 she could have of retrieving the consequences of her 
 former folly and injustice. But this seems to be the 
 fated period of her decline, and her glorious sun is 
 set. 
 
 You will judge from my last letter that I should 
 enter warmly into the purpose of Mons. Le Maire s 
 mission, which is calculated to put our country into 
 that respectable state of preparation in which I so 
 ardently wish to see it. My brother being absent on 
 his negotiations in Germany, I have endeavoured to 
 carry the business as far as it can be done here, into 
 execution. If I can borrow from the Farmers Gen 
 eral a million of livres as I am endeavouring to do, on 
 the terms Governor Henry mentions, we shall be en 
 abled to purchase the things, where we can have them 
 best and cheapest. If I cannot effect this loan, an 
 agreement must be made with some capital merchant 
 for him to furnish the whole, and receive his payment 
 in tobacco in the country, at the current price. In the 
 mean time I have judged proper to send Mons. Le 
 Maire to Strasbourg, on the confines of Germany, 
 where and at Solingen, which is near, many of the 
 articles are to be had, far the best and cheapest. 
 Perhaps too we may send them directly from thence 
 by the way of Holland. There too he will be nearer 
 to take the directions of my brother. 
 
130 LIFE OF 
 
 Be so good as to inform his excellency Gov. Henry 
 of what I have done. The great seal I have also en 
 quired about. But they asked here from 100 to 150 
 louis d ors for making it in steel. I have written to Lon 
 don to know what would be the price, as this seems 
 exorbitant. As soon as I am satisfied it is not so, I shall 
 put it in hand. The paper Mr. Webb desired is or 
 dered, and I enclose a specimen for him. I am sorry 
 however to see that there are no naval stores ordered, 
 which I conceive must be very necessary. Should I 
 therefore succeed in the loan, and should there beany 
 surplus, I will vest it in them, and ship them with the 
 rest. 
 
 I must beg the favour of you to express my high 
 sense of the honour your society has done me, and of 
 assuring them that my poor endeavours shall not be 
 wanting to promote the laudable purpose of its insti 
 tution.* 
 
 I shall be extremely happy in receiving the extracts 
 you mention, and when you publish any thing, if you 
 will be so obliging as to send me some copies, 1 will 
 present them to the different societies in Europe, 
 which will produce a reciprocal communication of 
 discoveries, and more effectually answer the purpose, 
 and extend the reputation of the society. 
 
 Since I last wrote to you, I have discovered that a 
 company, which has at its head, and which obtained 
 some time since from the crown of Great Britain, an 
 immense grant on the Ohio, within the dominion of 
 Virginia, are intriguing to interest members of con 
 gress in it so as to get a confirmation of their grant 
 by congress, which would be invading the right of our 
 state. The grant was called Vandalia. Many Eng 
 lishmen are members of the company, and the Ame 
 ricans are Dr. Franklin, Mr. Joseph Wharton, in 
 London, and a Dr. Bankcroft. These are the persons 
 
 * A Society to Promote Useful Knowledge, of which Mr. Lee had been 
 elected a member. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 131 
 
 by whose intrigues it is expected the business may 
 be effected. You are acquainted with Mr. Lewis, of 
 Gloucester. Be so good as to inform him that I have 
 enquired about his brother s unhappy fate at St. 
 Omar. The magistrates assured me that it was not 
 through any apparent distress in his circumstances, 
 and that his remains were treated with all possible 
 decency. It may be some consolation to that most 
 respectable family to be assured of this, as there have 
 been reports to the contrary. 
 
 Since I began my letter I have received the en 
 closed answer to my proposition for borrowing money 
 of the Farmers General, for the purchase of the 
 stores, by which you will see the little success of it. 
 I shall however leave no endeavours unexerted to ef 
 fect the sending of the supplies in the speediest man 
 ner, and of the best kind. 
 
 It is supposed that orders are sent to the Howes 
 to retire to Halifax, from whence they are to infest 
 your coast and annoy your trade, so as to compel you 
 to seek peace upon their terms. I cannot judge of 
 the practicability of fortifying Cape Henry so as to 
 prevent the entrance of large ships. But surely, if it 
 be practicable, no expense should be spared, it would 
 so effectually protect our commerce and our country. 
 
 I beg you will make my respects to the Governor, 
 to Mr. Nicholas, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Wythe, and other 
 gentlemen who may do me the honour of remember 
 ing me. 
 
 With the greatest esteem I have the honour to 
 be dear sir, your sincere friend and most obedient 
 servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Jan. 24th, 1778. 
 
 R. H. Lee. 
 
 My Dear Brother, Our ultimate object here is in 
 great forwardness, and I hope we shall soon give you 
 
132 LIFE OF 
 
 an account of its conclusion. A war seems every day 
 more certain, and I can assure you that this country 
 is exceedingly well prepared for it. The affair of 
 Bavaria is amicably settled, so that no disturbance 
 will arise from it. Capt. Conyngham in the Re 
 venge, who made so much disturbance at Dunkirk, is 
 involving us with the Spanish court, by having cap 
 tured a French ship carrying English goods to Spain. 
 That king, who is subject to great intemperance of 
 passion, is enraged at such disrespect shown to the 
 commerce of his subjects, and whether he is right in 
 his resentment or not, it is likely to do us very ma 
 terial injury, especially in the supplies he promised 
 us. 
 
 Adieu. Affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, Feb. 9th, 1778. 
 
 F. L. Lee, Member of Congress. 
 
 Dear Loudon, I congratulate you with all my 
 heart on the treaties, which congress will receive by 
 the frigate that brings this. According to the present 
 appearance of things, the event which is to bring the 
 second treaty into operation, will take place before 
 this reaches you. By the lists I have, the united 
 fleets of France and Spain will amount in less than 
 two months to 100 sail of the line. While the an 
 cient rivals of England are thus strengthening and 
 connecting themselves, the people who direct that 
 government are devising ways and means to deceive 
 the public and pick the pocket of the subject, and 
 the opposition are agitating the very important ques 
 tion, whether you can be prevailed upon to resign 
 your independency to any ministers but themselves. 
 You may guess which of the two nations is best con 
 ducted and most likely to prosper. 
 
 You will see by the enclosed letter that the com 
 missioners did not agree about the 12th article of the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 133 
 
 commercial treaty. Mr. Girard, in a private conversa 
 tion with me arid afterwards in our public conference 
 declared that the court was by no means desirous of 
 having the llth and 12th articles in the treaty, and 
 would upon representation from congress that they 
 were not agreeable, very readily agree to make them 
 void. There will, therefore, be no difficulty in the 
 negotiation to render them both of no effect, should 
 congress think that the llth article is purchased 
 too high by the 12th. I proposed before we as 
 sented to it to consult the two other commissioners, 
 Mr. Izard and our brother upon them ; but my col 
 leagues would not consent. 
 
 Adieu. ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " Feb. 15th, 1778. 
 
 R. H. Lee, Member of Congress. 
 
 Dear Brother, The enclosed letter will show you 
 that the commissioners did not agree about the 12th 
 article. I proposed to call in the other commission 
 ers of congress, that their opinions might assist us. 
 But my colleagues would not agree to it. Mr. Girard 
 had informed rne, and repeated at our general confe 
 rence, that the king had agreed to the llth and 12th 
 articles contrary to his principles, upon a supposition 
 that such was the wish of congress, and that there 
 fore upon a representation from congress he had no 
 doubt they would be readily given up. This how 
 ever will require another treaty to cancel those arti 
 cles, after they are ratified in common with the rest. 
 I send you the copies of letters relative to some de 
 spatches of mine, which Messrs. Deane and Carmi- 
 chael have detained from me and from the public, I 
 am satisfied with a bad view. You will however see 
 by Mr. Lloyd s letter, that there appears to be a quar 
 rel between these two men, which if not feigned, as 
 I am apt to suspect, may serve to detect the mal- 
 
 VOL. II. 17 
 
134 LIFE OF 
 
 practices of which the first is suspected. My ab 
 sence, and the care with which things have been 
 concealed from me, have disqualified me to judge of 
 the truth of the suspicions, which are general, of Mr. 
 
 having had douceurs from the public contrac- 
 
 ters and others, in order to conciliate his patronage ; 
 and that he is in a sort of partnership with Holker, 
 Sabatier, Montheiu and others, in which the public 
 money and influence are made subservient to private 
 profit. I shall hope to get at the accounts by degrees, 
 which will show what foundation there is for this sus 
 picion. In the mean time I am told that a Mr. L 
 
 of Charleston, S. C. and a Capt. John Welch, who 
 sails from Cadiz, in the polacre called the Union, 
 can throw some light upon the subject. The disputes 
 
 Mr. - has industriously contrived with me will 
 
 render my being his accuser apparently an act of pri 
 vate enmity, not of public justice. And probably this 
 was his object in quarrelling with me, being under 
 great apprehensions from me, as well from my char 
 acter as from the opportunities my situation would 
 give me of doing it with effect. Dr. F. has al 
 ways countenanced his proceedings, I believe entire 
 ly from a consideration of the business and advan 
 tages which he artfully throws into the hands of Mr. 
 
 . In this situation it is not in my power to 
 
 prevent every thing from being conducted according 
 to the views and pleasure of Mr. . When 
 ever he is removed from the command of money the 
 truth will come out fast enough, and the persons who, 
 under his auspices, have been defrauding the public 
 may be brought to account. Upon the whole these 
 are dangerous men, and capable of any wickedness 
 to avenge themselves on those who are suspected of 
 counteracting their purposes. They are therefore to 
 be acted against with great circumspection, and the 
 proof for their detection and punishment secured be 
 fore any open attempt is made. The calling for an 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 135 
 
 account of the money we have expended, the taking 
 of the expenditure out of our hands for the future, or 
 the removal of him who has misapplied it, would lead 
 to discoveries and proofs before time has enabled him 
 to prevent them. I cannot help thinking there is 
 
 some league between and Beaumarchais in 
 
 his demand on congress. War seems every day more 
 inevitable. France and Spain are well prepared for 
 it. But the latter is compelled to temporize till their 
 millions now on the way from South America, are ) 
 arrived. 
 
 Tom is still with Mr. Schweighauser, and appears 
 to be improving. Ludwell has left his school, lives 
 with me, and I shall soon make him begin reading the 
 law. I wish you could send us the laws of Virginia, 
 as those should be the object of his particular studies 
 after he has got the general principles of jurispru 
 dence. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "Feb. 17th, 1778. 
 S. Adams, Esq., Member of Congress. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Let me embrace you my dear friend, 
 on the accomplishment of the end of all our labours, by 
 the treaties which will accompany this, in which the lib 
 erty, sovereignty, and independence of the United States 
 are secured. I thought it absolutely necessary that we 
 should urge the insertion of sovereignty, that there 
 might not hereafter be any question on that head, as 
 there long was in the case of the United Provinces 
 and the Swiss Cantons. You may be assured, that 
 war is resolved on here; and from the situation of 
 things, it cannot be long avoided. 
 
 In England the opposition against the American 
 war grows stronger every day. The minority for re 
 calling the troops the other day was 166. But the 
 best of kings and the wisest ministers are determined 
 
136 LIFE OF 
 
 to push things to every extremity rather than recede. 
 By most certain accounts I know that their prepara 
 tions have more of ostentation than reality in them, 
 and that they cannot possibly muster such a force for 
 the ensuing campaign, as they had for the last. It is 
 most certain, that the power of Great Britain is pass 
 ed away, and that she has lost her pre-eminence among 
 the nations of the earth. The ministry and the op 
 position are however agitating a very important ques 
 tion, which is, into which of their hands you would 
 resign your independency? The minority contend 
 you will never do it, until they are brought into 
 place; and the ministry are of opinion that you will 
 do it as readily to them as to their opponents ; in 
 which I conceive they are not very far from the 
 truth. 
 
 You will see by the enclosed that there was much 
 difference of opinion between my colleagues and me, 
 upon the 12th article of the commercial treaty. This 
 court proposed that no duty should be laid on tobacco 
 exported to the dominions of his most Christian ma 
 jesty; which Dr. F. changed to all the produce of 
 America exported to the islands furnishing molasses. 
 As they were strong in favour of this article, I yield 
 ed up my opinion to theirs, at the conference in which 
 they refused to take the opinions of the other com 
 missioners of congress, Messrs. Izard and Lee, as I 
 proposed. Upon stating the 12th article to them af 
 terwards, I found their opinions as strong against it, 
 which made me apprehensive it would produce some 
 difference of opinion in congress. This, joined with 
 the other reasons I have stated, determined me to 
 propose the saving clause; instead of which my col 
 leagues preferred the total rejection of the two arti 
 cles; to which the French ministry would not con 
 sent, as the treaty they alleged having already receiv- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 137 
 
 ed the king s approbation, they could not propose to 
 him the alteration. 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 PARIS, Feb. 28th, 1778. 
 To Samuel Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Friend, I enclose you Dr. Price s essays, 
 which he wishes to have reprinted in America. 
 
 Lord North s speech will show you how much they 
 are reduced, and the bills brought in, his insolence, 
 folly, and infatuation. That of the public, is not 
 less; for they really regard this compound of impu 
 dence and absurdity, as something calculated to re 
 lieve their distresses, and prevent the evils they appre 
 hend. 
 
 The king of Prussia threatens to excite a war in 
 Germany; which, if he does, will not I think make 
 any material diversion in favour of our enemies. I 
 believe the principal object of his court at present is 
 to secure Holland, which it seems probable he will 
 effect. When that is done, a single year in conjunc 
 tion with the house of Bourbon, must enable us to 
 drive the enemy entirely out of America. Looking 
 forward to the future peace of America, it appears to 
 me a necessary piece of policy to confederate Cana 
 da, that it may be a check upon New-England, which 
 may otherwise combine in time to subjugate the rest 
 of America. There is some such language held al 
 ready by some of that country. It was with this 
 view that I substituted in the 5th article of the defen 
 sive treaty, confederated with, instead of subject to, 
 and the reduction of the English poivcr, for the conquest, 
 fcc. Because if Canada be annexed as a conquest, it 
 will add strength to New-England ; if as a confede 
 rated state, it will always be a check. 
 
 If Mr. Lloyd is appointed agent. Dr. F. sent to 
 
138 LIFE OF 
 
 Vienna, Mr. D. to Holland, and I am left here, we 
 shall act in concert ; and not only have a full enquiry 
 made into the expenditure of the public money, but 
 establish that order, decency, and regularity, which 
 are lately banished from the public business at pre 
 sent, so as to involve us in continual confusion and 
 expense. 
 
 If congress condescends to treat with the English 
 commissioners without a full acknowledgment of the 
 sovereignty and independence of the United States, 
 I shall be infinitely disappointed. 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " March 1st, 1778. 
 To Samuel Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Friend, I was in hopes to-day s post would 
 have brought us news from England, and the acts for 
 negotiating with you. If we may judge of them from 
 the bills, they will be an everlasting proof of the fee 
 bleness and folly of our enemies. I trust their com 
 missioners will return as they came, unless they have 
 the power, and do acknowledge clearly and fully the 
 sovereignty and independence of America as an indis 
 pensable preliminary. 
 
 You will see by the enclosed that I wished to take 
 the advantage of the first impression made by the 
 miscarriage of our despatches, to press for our being 
 openly acknowledged here. I thought we should suc 
 ceed, because in conversation a few days before with 
 Mr. Girard, I found this court was under strong im 
 pressions that you would decide in favour of England ; 
 and they know that in a war between the two na 
 tions, America must decide the victory. I do believe 
 therefore, that if we had pressed it as of weight in 
 this decision, we should have obtained it. I wish it 
 were done, because 1 am sure the other powers of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 139 
 
 Europe wait only for the example of France to admit 
 us to those commercial rights which an acknowledg 
 ment would secure. 
 
 Mr. Girard assured me, the English gave out that 
 they had sent half a million of guineas to soften ob 
 durate hearts in America. This too gave them some 
 apprehension, for they know the force of guineas in 
 Europe. 
 
 Be so good as to remember me to Mr. Mar- 
 chant. 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 "PARIS, March 19th, 1778. 
 
 The Hon ble Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 
 at Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir, I congratulate our country on your fill 
 ing so distinguished and important an office in her ser 
 vice. Her prosperity will always depend upon the 
 wisdom of her choice. 
 
 Before this can reach you, the treaties concluded 
 here must have arrived. I am sensible they would 
 admit of very useful additions. But we were bound 
 by the plan given us for the one, and by the critical 
 situation of affairs admitting of no delay, in the oth 
 er. These things beiner considered, I hope what de 
 fects are found will bu excused. 
 
 It is altogether uncertain when it will be conveni 
 ent for Spain to accede to the alliance; and I am ap 
 prehensive that the war which is likely to break out 
 in Germany will prevent the king of Prussia from de 
 claring so soon and so decidedly as he promised. The 
 court of Spain will I apprehend, make some difficul 
 ties about settling the dividing line between their pos 
 sessions and those of the United States. They wish 
 to have the cession of Pensacola. I have written for 
 and hope to have the instructions of congress on this 
 
140 LIFE OF 
 
 head. If any thing should strike you on this sub 
 ject, the communication of it will infinitely oblige me. 
 The high opinion I have of your abilities and zeal for 
 the public good, will always render your advice a fa 
 vour to me; and the acquaintance I have had the ho 
 nour of having with you, makes me hope I may ask 
 it without offence. I beg to be remembered to your 
 son; and have the honour to be, with the greatest 
 esteem and respect, dear sir, your most obedient ser 
 vant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. To-morrow we are to be presented to the 
 king of France, and the English ambassador quits this 
 court without taking leave. War must immediately 
 be the consequence ; as these movements have been 
 determined on, from the treaty of amity and com 
 merce which we have concluded with this court hav 
 ing been announced in form to that of London. The 
 consequence of this, in relieving our country from the 
 chief weight of the war, cannot but follow; and there 
 fore I congratulate you upon it most sincerely. In 
 my judgment, a year or two must reduce Great Bri 
 tain to any terms the allies may think proper to de 
 mand. 
 
 A. L." 
 
 PARIS, April 4th, 1778. 
 
 Hon ble Henry Laurens, President of Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have the honour of enclosing you an 
 accurate list of vhe present and possible force of our 
 enemies, with the manner in which it is disposed of. 
 You will probably see the commencement of the plan 
 arranged here for carrying on the war in your quarter, 
 which I may not hazard committing to this letter, as 
 it goes by a private vessel. A Mons. Francois, a very 
 able man, sometime since minister to England, was 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 141 
 
 intended to be sent to you ; but being taken ill, the 
 present person was put in his place. I trust he will 
 conduct his negotiation agreeably to what appears 
 to me to be the disposition of the court and ministers 
 here, fairness and generosity. 
 
 I have settled the means of receiving from time to 
 time Mrs. Laurens s letters for your son; and intelli 
 gence from different persons, that may be useful to the 
 public. 
 
 In great haste, and with the greatest respect, I 
 have the honour to be dear sir, your most obedient 
 
 servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 "June 3d, 1778. 
 
 To the Hon ble James Lovell. 
 
 Dear Sir, I send you the enclosed as a curiosity, 
 which will furnish you matter of reflection. The 
 original was intercepted by our enemies, and the per 
 son who furnishes me with intelligence procured the 
 copy from whence this was taken. 
 
 You could not have sent a colleague more agreea 
 ble to me than the present. With much good sense 
 and good nature, a disposition to do business, and pur 
 sue the public good alone, he is so direct a contrast to 
 the other, that nothing can be more pleasing to me 
 than the change. 
 
 The continuation of war is augmenting our cares 
 and apprehensions for the public. The treaty we 
 have concluded seems to have operated more upon 
 our enemies than on our friends. In consequence of 
 this, their force at sea upon our coasts will be much 
 greater than that of the French, notwithstanding the 
 previous time they have had for preparation. The 
 timid, tardy politics of these countries, especially in 
 
 VOL. II. 18 
 
142 LIFE OF 
 
 execution, are as little calculated for the exigency of 
 the moment, as for the enterprise of their allies. But 
 with a moral certainty of a happy issue out of this 
 business, we must not repine at its being protracted, 
 or attended with much more expense of blood, trea 
 sure, and suffering, than is necessary. 
 
 You see the facts attending my enquiry into the 
 robbery of the despatches, which should have been 
 carried by Folger. Comparing and connecting all 
 things together, it is my private judgment that this 
 Mr. Chaumont was employed by the 243 a xvii. to 
 take the public despatches; and that he availed him 
 self of the opportunity to take my letters for Mr. 
 Deane and Dr. Bankcroft, with whom he was in 
 close connexion. These were, 1 think, the first de 
 spatches written by us after the violent affair of Dun 
 kirk, which may well account for the desire of the 
 to possess them; and the gentlemen mention 
 ed had just before discovered that I had been appris 
 ed of their abuse of, and combination against me, dur 
 ing my absence in Germany ; which was a sufficient 
 motive with them to fear the contents of my letters, 
 and wish to stop them. Knowing the impossibility 
 in this country of pursuing the enquiry to effect with 
 out the assistance of government, I was obliged to 
 apply for it, whatever doubt I might have of their en 
 tering heartily into the business. 
 
 June 9th. You will see by my letter to the com 
 mittee the present state of things in Europe, and I 
 enclose you a foreign gazette, containing what we 
 have of the treaty with Portugal. 
 With great esteem, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. The former part of this letter was written 
 on a supposition that Admiral Byron s fleet was on 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 143 
 
 its voyage to America, instead of being counter 
 manded." 
 
 " July 28th, 1778. 
 James Lovell, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, I had the pleasure of receiving your 
 favour dated in May by Capt. Nyles. You must have 
 more of the milk of human nature than ever yet fell 
 to the portion of ir.an to have lost all resentment of 
 the personal injuries you have received from our inso 
 lent and inhuman foe. But the debt of retribution is 
 pressing hard upon them, and I am mistaken if it do 
 not weigh them down to ruin and humiliation. 
 
 Our letter to the committee, will inform you of 
 public affairs, and those to Mr. Adams, of whatever 
 is worth your attention in private. I am afraid the 
 ribband and the little seekers of such a distinction, 
 will give some trouble ; and a gold snuff-box, with a 
 grand monarch s picture set with diamonds, may 
 probably excite some murmurs against the prohibi 
 tion of such flattering testimonies of merit in the ar 
 ticles of confederation. 
 
 It will be necessary to have a letter of credence 
 from congress to the court, to which they shall des 
 tine me. 
 
 I enclose you some foreign gazettes, and have the 
 honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 August 22d, 1778. 
 
 R. H. Lee, Esq. 
 
 Dear Brother, This will be delivered to you by 
 Mr. J. Lloyd, the gentleman whom I have so strong- 
 
144 LIFE OF 
 
 ly recommended to you for commercial agent ; from 
 whose abilities and integrity we might expect that 
 the system which has hitherto prevailed so much at 
 the expense and disgrace of the public, would be cor 
 rected ; and the credit of her commerce restored. 
 My brother and myself have conceived that as the 
 public allowance to the commercial agent is very lib 
 eral, and the situation necessarily must recommend 
 considerable business, the person appointed might 
 with the most fair and conscientious discharge of his 
 duty to the public, make his own fortune. It was from 
 a persuasion that Mr. Lloyd was of the same senti 
 ments and would act accordingly, that we joined in 
 recommending him to that office. 
 
 But I now repeat the opinion I took the liberty of 
 giving then, that to enable him to act with effect for 
 the public service, his office should be entirely inde 
 pendent of us the commissioners, and all commercial 
 business whatsoever of congress be directed by him. 
 When he is in want of our political assistance, in ap 
 plying to the ministers &:c., upon his request we 
 should be bound to give it, or congress would remind 
 us of our duty. It is by keeping the two departments 
 commercial and political, distinct and independent, as 
 far as from the nature of things the former can be of 
 the latter, that we can alone expect to see men of 
 character undertake and conduct the public business 
 as we would wish ; that is, for the public good. Hi 
 therto the interposition of the commissioners, under 
 the pretext of these mixed powers, has been only to 
 serve private ends ; in which the credit and the in 
 terest of the public, as well as the time and character 
 of individuals, have been sacrificed without measure 
 and without mercy. It will require that temper, abil 
 ity, and integrity, which I am assured and believe 
 Mr. Lloyd possesses, to restore the public credit, and 
 settle the accounts, which I plainly perceive have 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 145 
 
 been purposely confused. I therefore recommend 
 him to your patronage, by what I know to be the 
 strongest of all motives with you, your regard for the 
 public good. 
 
 Mr. Lloyd has resided some time at Nantes. He 
 has been an observer of many proceedings, which it 
 may import the public much for you to know, and 
 which I have no doubt he will communicate. 1 have 
 known his zeal for and attachment to the public cause 
 for many years ; and therefore introduce him to your 
 acquaintance as one in whom you may have entire 
 confidence. 
 
 I am affectionately yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " The Hon. James Lovell. 
 
 Dear Sir, The impudent attempt of will 
 
 show you what sort of a man he is. I am satisfied 
 his friend Chaumont is of the same stamp. That he 
 has kept my colleagues in custody, and has been a 
 spy upon us is too probable. I enclose you an at 
 tempt of his against Mr. Schweighauser, which by 
 his evasions, and the utter falsehood of it, seems to 
 be a most malicious forgery. He and Dr. Bankcroft 
 are exceedingly intimate, and seem to harmonize in 
 this laudable mode of employing themselves. I owe 
 the knowledge of these things entirely to Mr. Adams, 
 for they were meant to operate as a multitude of their 
 similar contrivances have done, unknown to me. 
 They are practising upon him, and communicate their 
 calumnies to him, in hopes they will have their effect. 
 This system has been pursued ever since we have 
 been here, and to the disgrace of all and the disquiet 
 of every man whose situation they envy or whose op 
 position they fear. It is no very pleasant situation to 
 
146 LIFE OF 
 
 have a number of these people perpetually endeav 
 ouring to create disturbances and difficulties, and ca 
 lumniating me in secret. This was Mr. s plan, 
 
 and he has left Dr. Bankcroft as his deputy. But I 
 am misinformed if you do not know both their charac 
 ters sufficiently not to be surprised at it. 
 
 I do assure you the arrangement of your money 
 affairs requires every attention you can bestow upon 
 it ; and you must not trust too much to assistance 
 from European loans. Unless your agents are com 
 pelled to do their duty and transmit produce to Eu 
 rope, I see no probability of establishing a fund here 
 sufficient to sink any considerable part of the paper 
 emitted. Therefore I think this is an object highly 
 worthy of your attention. The mention of accom 
 modation in I he letter from Spain, deserves also your 
 consideration. I shall endeavour to sound their 
 meaning farther. 
 
 With great esteem I have the honour to be dear 
 sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, September 12th, 1778. 
 
 Samuel Adams, Esq., Member of Congress. 
 
 Dear Friend, I enclose you an extract from a 
 memoire presented to us by the French officer who 
 was taken with Gen. Lee, from which it appears that 
 
 Mr. was early acquainted with the dishonest 
 
 character of Mr. Montheiu, with whom he afterwards 
 chose to make contracts at a very extravagant rate, 
 and which, as to the soldier s uniforms, he appears by 
 Mr. Williams s report, to have fulfilled with the same 
 good faith, which he intended to have used in the 
 fusils. These facts may justly lead to a supposition 
 of an undue motive, in trusting the public again with 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 147 
 
 a man who had before endeavoured to impose upon 
 us in so momentous a matter as arms. Discoveries 
 of this sort are making every day. The Union, from 
 
 , and the Two Friends from Nantes, in which 
 
 he and Mr. Williams were partners, were I am satis 
 fied fitted out with the public money, and had they 
 not been captured, an examination of the captains 
 would probably have given farther light upon the sub 
 ject. Repeated attempts have been made by the old 
 gentleman to apply the money we are borrowing to 
 the shipping of goods, through Sir G. Grand s house 
 in Amsterdam. If once a cover can be established 
 much may be done in it. But most fortunately I 
 have the positive resolve of congress to plead against 
 it, and your namesake joining me, the scheme will 
 be disappointed. The taste of public plunder, seems 
 only to have quickened their appetites and extended 
 their views. 
 
 Nothing of any decision has yet happened either 
 between the combatants in Germany or upon the 
 ocean. The ensuing winter will exert every faculty 
 of negotiation to strengthen and arm for the next 
 campaign, and I am much mistaken if England do 
 not find herself so overmatched as to relinquish the 
 contest. 
 
 I formerly desired you to support my destination 
 to this department ; but as I believe it is an object of 
 desire to others, I do not wish to be a competitor with 
 any one, and shall be content \vherever I can best 
 serve the great cause, in peace with all men. 
 Adieu. Your friend, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
148 LIFE OF 
 
 " PARIS, Sept. 12th, 1778. 
 
 R. H. Lee. 
 
 Dear Brother, I wrote you by several opportuni 
 ties. No public political event has happened since. 
 Prince Henry by almost an incredible march deceived 
 Gen. Laudon, entered Bohemia without opposition, 
 and forced some Austrian posts, taking some maga 
 zines and a number of prisoners. The king of P. 
 finding the emperor impregnable, has decamped, and 
 we wait the event of his movements. 
 
 The two fleets have been some time in sight, of 
 pretty equal force, but no action that we can learn. 
 This winter will give a form and complexion to the 
 new system of Europe, since the United States have 
 entered the list. Most assuredly they must soon hold 
 the 57 a, xix., if honest men will unite to control and 
 punish the practice of 283, a, iii., g the 297, a, xxxv., 
 before it grows inveterate, and the profits of it and 
 the member of the 283, a, v s enables them to set 
 all enquiry at defiance and bring our 107, 6, xxx., to 
 imbecility and contempt. 
 
 What I have 425, 6, xxxiii. about 265, a xxx., 254, 
 a, v. 92, a iii., I know will give you pain, but it is 
 necessary to know 240, a, xii., and nothing proves 
 them like power. I am more and more satisfied that 
 the 260, 6, 1, 134, a vi. is concerned in the 283, a 
 iv., and that in time we shall collect the proofs. 
 
 My love to London and the shippers. The boys 
 are very well. The alderman will write you. Re 
 member me to the president, Mr. Plater, Mr. Carrol, 
 Mr. Marchant, Mr. Lewis, and Mr. Duar. I wrote 
 to the president, and he has not answered me. 
 
 Adieu. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
ARTHUR LfcE. 149 
 
 Sept. 20th, 1778. 
 
 His Excellency Henry Laurens, Esq., President of 
 Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received yours of the 30th ult. but 
 not those to which it refers. I am very much oblig 
 ed to you for the trouble you have taken. The in 
 dustry of those persons seems equal to their malice 
 and wickedness. Whatever facts you can get rela 
 tive to their proceedings I beg you will note. W n 
 has exculpated himself, but what does W say of 
 it. I imagine he will be able to furnish some facts 
 relative to manoeuvres. His nephew Jonathan was 
 in a sugar-baking house in London. I wish when 
 you have opportunity you would inform yourself in 
 what capacity he was, and what the proprietors think 
 of his quitting them, and this if possible from them 
 selves, as he has put about that they wanted him to 
 be a partner, and claims much merit with the public 
 on that account. He is one of the D e Junto, who 
 are fertile in their own praises to authorize their 
 plundering the public. 
 
 As to the plan you propose for yourself, your friends 
 here think it impracticable, for reasons they cannot 
 commit to paper. They think too that your staying 
 away makes you lose opportunities of serving your 
 self and the public ; and therefore wish that you 
 would not continue it any longer than is indispensably 
 necessary. 
 
 I think the following inscription on the shield will 
 not be amiss. 
 
 The ships colours should be white, blue, and red 
 stripes alternately, to thirteen, and in the upper angle 
 next the staff, a blue field with thirteen white stars. 
 I shall try to augment the subscriptions. What you 
 desire about the books is done. 
 
 VOL. II. 19 
 
160 LIFE OF 
 
 I can only add, that I shall be glad to see you 
 whenever your affairs permit you to come ; and will 
 with pleasure do any thing in my power to serve 
 you. 
 
 I am yours, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. I wish I could have the report about the self 
 ishness of my brother, and what happened from it 
 where you mention ; which is not only an untruth, 
 but directly the reverse of truth. Direction. Out 
 side, A Mons. Craig, at the Carolina Coffee House, 
 Birchen Lane, London. Inside, to James Craig, Esq., 
 Bath." 
 
 PARIS, Nov. llth, 1778. 
 To Samuel Adams, Esq. 
 
 Dear Friend, I believe you must prepare for an 
 other campaign. It is more than probable that the 
 negotiations of this winter will embattle all the pow 
 ers of Europe. 
 
 It is impossible to say, to what extent this may 
 strengthen the hands of our enemies for the ensuing 
 campaign. But as far as any thing appears at pre 
 sent, they must every day grow weaker and weaker. 
 
 We must not judge that because they persevere 
 they have the means of supporting their plan. Folly 
 and malignity have certainly more influence in their 
 counsels than fortitude and wisdom. It seems proba 
 ble that Russia and Prussia, perhaps Denmark and 
 Sweden, will be leagued in the general war. Wheth 
 er Holland will be roused from her neutrality is uncer 
 tain. But either this will happen, or she will pre- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 151 
 
 serve a neutrality, which will serve us as effectually 
 as her alliance. 
 
 You will see by the enclosed that her spirit runs 
 high, and in a right direction. 
 
 I observe it is asserted in a piece signed W. H. 
 Drayton, upon the information of Mr. Deane, that 
 Mr. Simeon Deane was charged on his first voyage 
 with a declaration of the court of France, which Mr. 
 Girard had sent the 16th Dec. to the commissioners 
 here ; which declaration pledged this court for the 
 completion of the treaties, agreeably to our letter by 
 the same person. . There is something very mysteri 
 ous to me in that business. It is the first time I ev 
 er heard of such a declaration. If it was ever com 
 mitted to the commissioners, congress have surely a 
 right to know what became of it. I am grieved to 
 think that the intrigues which I now find were nour 
 ished here by an old man, whose life has been a series 
 of them, are likely to engage so much of your time 
 and attention, which should be employed upon sub 
 jects of the last importance. I was unhappily the ob 
 ject of those intrigues, and therefore compelled to en 
 gage in a contest which I shall regret as long as I ex 
 ist; a contest in which I foresaw sure and permanent 
 mischiefs, without any possible good to those who did 
 not look for advantage to themselves in confusion and 
 dissensions. Congress would in my judgment act wise 
 ly in letting it be early seen, that those who are pur 
 suing places or advancement by such means, are sure 
 of failing. Whether the example will be followed 
 depends upon the visible success of such arts in the 
 beginning. A little success in the first adventurers 
 will encourage a multitude of others. 
 
 We have two great objects to effect here this win 
 ter, the procuring you funds, and a superiority of na 
 val force. My utmost endeavours to effect them shall 
 not be wanting, whatever is my destination. Adieu, 
 
152 LIFE OF 
 
 That this contest must end in the establishment of 
 our liberties is sure ; we have only to wish that it may 
 be soon. 
 
 I am, with the truest esteem, your sincere friend 
 and very humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Dec. 4th, 1778. 
 
 The Hon ble James Lovell, Member of Congress. 
 
 Dear Sir, Whitlocke, in the journal of his embas 
 sy, says : By this constant and perfect intelligence 
 from Thurloe, Whitlocke had great advantage in his 
 negotiation, being thereby enabled to give a perfect 
 account of affairs, not only of his own country, but 
 of most other places, to the great satisfaction of the 
 queen and her court, and grandees, with whom Whit 
 locke had frequent converse, and from his private and 
 public letters, was able to satisfy their curious enqui 
 ries after news; so that it became to pass that no 
 news (especially from England) was authentic, until 
 it was ratified by the English ambassador; which 
 raised the credit both of him and his intelligence. 
 
 I am sorry to assure you that our situation is ex 
 actly the reverse. We never go to court but the first 
 question is, Messieurs, (in French, have you any Ame 
 rican news? Editor.) 
 
 In all companies it is the same ; and trifling as it 
 may appear, yet it is a fact, that as the reverse raised 
 Whitlocke s credit, so this sinks ours. Vessels are 
 continually arriving from all parts of the United States ; 
 they bring constant intelligence from Mr. Morris, Mr. 
 Deane, and Mr. Holker, to Mr. Ross, M. De Chau- 
 mont, and Dr. Bankcroft, but for the commissioners 
 seldom a line ; and what comes is invariably of such 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 153 
 
 old dates, as to be useless. I should conceive that 
 if the commercial agent at each port were instructed 
 to send us the latest papers and news by every op 
 portunity, that it would answer our purpose, without 
 giving our friends in congress the trouble of writing, 
 but upon the most important matters. As the enemy 
 have promised much from their new mode as they 
 term it of carrying on the war, by burning and deso 
 lating, they will misrepresent most egregiously every 
 transaction. It will be therefore very material for us 
 to have the most early and authentic accounts of their 
 savage manoeuvres that can be sent. For such is and 
 ever will be the folly and credulity of the public, that 
 they will believe any absurd story imaginable, unless 
 it be contradicted. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 P. S. Dec. 7th. -I have added a letter of most 
 earnest entreaty to congress, relative to obtaining a 
 certain person s assistance in regulating their finances. 
 He will be a most valuable acquisition." 
 
 " PARIS, January 9th, 1779. 
 
 The Hon. John Page, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, Every thing in Europe looks so favour 
 able for our cause, that I cannot but hope the next 
 campaign, if conducted with vigour, will drive the 
 enemy entirely from the continent of America, and 
 establish the United States in sovereignty and safety. 
 They cannot augment nor I believe even recruit their 
 army for the next campaign, and the defence of their 
 own possessions will require more men than they can 
 possibly raise. 
 
154 LIFE OF 
 
 I have tried both in London and here to have the 
 seal you wrote for executed. In London they were 
 afraid to attempt it, and here they demanded near 
 one hundred louis d ors and three months time. I 
 expect greatly to reduce the first part of the demand, 
 but when it will be finished it is impossible for me to 
 say, and indeed as you can do without it for the present, 
 I think it would not be prudent to send it at a time 
 when there is so great a risk of its being lost. 
 
 I enclose you an account of the paper for the treas 
 ury notes, which you will have the kindness to show 
 to the treasurer. 
 
 The ready money I am in advance for the state 
 exceeds 60,000. Besides being pledged to the gov 
 ernment here for the artillery, &c. and to the owners 
 of the ships for the freight, without which they could 
 not have been shipped. Nothing has yet arrived from 
 the state to answer those demands, which makes me 
 very apprehensive of being distressed for payment. 
 I must beg that what is intended for this purpose may 
 be consigned to John Daniel Schweighauser at Nan 
 tes, and not to Pennet s house, from which I shall 
 never get a farthing. From my own experience of 
 their bad faith, I would recommend to you to stipu 
 late a heavy penalty on the non-performance of any 
 agreement for supplies you may think proper to make 
 with Rennet & Co. 
 
 I have the honour to be with the greatest esteem 
 dear sir, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, Jan. 9th, 1779. 
 
 Hon. James Lovell, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am desired as an act of charity to en 
 deavour to have the debt, which appears to be due by 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 155 
 
 the enclosed power of attorney, recovered. I know 
 no one to whom I can recommend such an act with 
 more prospect of success than to yourself. I there 
 fore beg the favour of you to take such steps to re 
 cover this money as you may judge proper. A Baron 
 Hobzendorf is returned hither in great disgust. He 
 has given in a memorial to the commissioners, de 
 manding upwards of 20,000 for his expenses. In 
 that memorial he states, as Dr. Franklin informs me, 
 (for I have not seen it) a conversation with you, in 
 which he represents you as speaking very much 
 against the French nation. As it is probable that 
 this memorial is intended to be shown to the minister, 
 I suppose he has his design in introducing this con 
 versation. I have had frequent experience of these 
 sort of people, who apply to us, mistaking conversa 
 tions in the most scandalous manner. I have no 
 doubt but that this is of the same kind. They go 
 over with professions of the purest zeal for our cause, 
 and the most disinterested attachment to that of li 
 berty. But if that cause does not furnish them im 
 mediately with the enormous profit and preferment 
 which were the real objects of their going over, ihey 
 immediately become calumniators of our country and 
 of us. 
 
 I shall use my endeavours to prevent the minister 
 from being imposed upon by this adventurer. For 
 those who have conducted themselves as he has done, 
 do not deserve a more respectable appellation, what 
 ever titles they may assume to themselves. 
 
 We wait in great anxiety for the final determina 
 tion of congress upon foreign affairs. Being so en 
 tirely in the dark of what is really done, that certain 
 persons with you and here are continually circulating 
 such reports as they find most proper to keep up their 
 credit and deceive the public. 
 
156 LIFE OF 
 
 You have in my public letter all the news ; and 
 therefore I have only to add an assurance of the re 
 spect and esteem with which I have the honour to be 
 dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 N. B. The creditor is M. Billet, Maitre de Pen 
 sion, the debtor M. Crosneir de la Berthodiere, sup 
 posed to be in the service of the United States." 
 
 Feb. 3d, 1779. 
 The Hon. Samuel Adams. 
 
 Dear Friend, The minister has informed us that 
 a private company in America has authorised M. De 
 Chaumont here to contract with him for furnishing 
 the navy of France with masting. When it was hint 
 ed to me from another court that such a contract 
 would be desirable there, I immediately informed con 
 gress of it. For it appeared to me that masting was 
 and is the property of the public ; and that the fur 
 nishing of them to the different powers of Europe 
 would be one considerable means of paying off the 
 public debt ; and establishing a future fund for the 
 support of government. But if the contract with 
 France should be permitted to individuals, others will 
 conceive that they have the same right to contract 
 with other powers, and the national object will be 
 totally lost. 
 
 I must leave it to your discretion whether the in 
 terposition of congress will be proper. Many things 
 may be known to you upon the spot to determine 
 your judgment, and which cannot have reached me. 
 
 The empress of Russia has declared her intention 
 of interposing effectually in support of the king of 
 Prussia, if her mediation does not produce peace. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 157 
 
 The empress-queen s answer is conceived in such 
 moderate and even submissive terms, that it is 
 judged a pacification will soon take place in Ger 
 many. 
 
 The court of France being extremely desirous of 
 this, most certainly judge it to be for their interest in 
 their present war with Great Britain. This is not 
 my opinion; but though I think that an actual state 
 of war in Germany is the most sure prevention of 
 troops being obtained from thence or from Russia to 
 assist Great Britain, yet peace accompanied with the 
 jealousies that now exist, will in all probability also 
 prevent it. 
 
 I have been long ill, and am yet confined to my bed, 
 though somewhat better. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 A FEW REMAINING LETTERS OF MR. ARTHUR LEE TO 
 FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS. 
 
 "July 6th, 1778. 
 
 To his Excellency the Marquis de Rosignan, Envoy 
 from the Court of Turin, at Berlin. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have been disappointed in my expec 
 tation that a particular friend of mine would have de 
 livered you a letter from me, in answer to the one I 
 had the honour of receiving from you. The ambas 
 sador of your court here informed me lately of your 
 intention of returning to your own country, and quit 
 ting the corps diplomatique. If that will contribute 
 to the re-establishment of your health, I shall greatly 
 
 VOL. n. 20 
 
158 LIFE OF 
 
 rejoice at it. It will be some compensation to the di 
 plomatic body, for losing one of its most valuable 
 members. 
 
 I am heartily tired too of the employment, and ex 
 pect that the rotation which our states will observe in 
 the disposal of employments, will soon dismiss me 
 from the most tiresome situation I was ever in. No 
 thing but the exhausted state of England at present 
 gives me reason to hope that the war will not be gene 
 ral and lasting, notwithstanding the moderation and re 
 luctance of the house of Bourbon. Beyond the Alps, 
 you will probably enjoy perfect tranquillity from those 
 alarms which will disturb us. You will repose your 
 self in the enjoyment of that which is so truly envi 
 able Otium cum dignitate. 
 
 In that situation I hope you will not forget, that 
 the constitution of our government having for their 
 direct and ultimate object the security of the rights 
 arid the promotion of the happiness of all their citi 
 zens alike, it is the duty of every lover of mankind 
 to contribute his aid in bringing them to perfection. 
 As the privilege of citizenship is open to all men who 
 will make a profession of faith so general, that no 
 sensible man can have an objection to it, the general 
 interest is concerned in promoting our purposes. I 
 may therefore entertain the hope, that in some of your 
 leisure hours you will favour me with your observa 
 tions on our forms of government, most of which you 
 will see collected in the Affairs Etrangers. It seems 
 to me that I have understood you were in habits of 
 friendship with the Marquis Beccaria. If so, you will 
 have an opportunity on your return to Italy of adding 
 his sentiments to your observations. The general ob 
 ject and operation of our governments are, the secu 
 rity of life, personal liberty, and property, by laws 
 made by legislatures annually constituted by the peo 
 ple at large, and applied by juries chosen by lot. But 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 159 
 
 the detail of operations to carry these views into ex 
 ecution, is what creates the difficulty, and often frus 
 trates the best purposes. The subjects and the mode 
 of taxation are matters of infinite difficulty and im 
 portance. The good policy of imposing any duties 
 whatsoever on commerce seems very questionable. 
 The utility of any external commerce whatsoever in 
 our situation, is problematical with some persons of 
 very clear ideas upon the subject. Is it of more ad 
 vantage to promote internal commerce, by cutting ca 
 nals, and joining rivers? How far do the opulence 
 and sway, which a considerable external commerce 
 produces, compensate for the luxury and depravation 
 of manners, which are as inevitably its offspring? 
 
 As it is infinitely more desirable to prevent than 
 to punish crimes, what would be the most effectual 
 regulations for that purpose ? Are charitable founda 
 tions, hospitals, &c. as beneficial by the relief they 
 give to real distress, as they are injurious in creating 
 distress, by encouraging the worst of all evils, idle 
 ness? How can one best reconcile a speedy admin 
 istration of justice, with a clear discovery of the facts 
 on which it ought to be founded? Are appeals ne 
 cessary ? For if the first jurisdiction is competent, 
 why should it not be final? if it is not, why should it 
 judge at all? 
 
 I will not tire you with more questions. These 
 will serve to show how highly I estimate your love 
 of humanity. I beg my respects to the Marquesa. 
 
 Wishing you every blessing in this life, I have the 
 honour to be, with the sincerest friendship, your ex 
 cellency s humble servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
160 LIFE OF 
 
 "BOSTON, Sept. 19th, 1780. 
 
 His Excellency Baron de Breteiul. 
 
 Sir, I promised to write to your excellency when 
 I reached rny own country ; I now sit down to have 
 that . honour, with a mixture of pain and pleasure. 
 With pain, that I am obliged to tell you that our situ~ 
 ation is one of very serious distress ; and pleasure, in 
 the prospect that your excellency s wisdom and influ 
 ence in the cabinet of Versailles, will be exerted to 
 relieve us. 
 
 Both the honour and interest of France are clearly 
 and deeply concerned in the establishment of the 
 independency of these United States. But I am 
 greatly afraid that unless she employs more ade 
 quate means we shall all fail of this important pur 
 pose. 
 
 The government of these states has hitherto con 
 ducted this war through infinite obstacles, with paper 
 money, that is, upon their credit. This money has 
 been depreciating by rapid degrees till it is almost 
 annihilated. In the mean time the circumstances of 
 the war have rendered it impossible for them to draw 
 silver or gold into their treasury by taxes. The ac 
 tual situation of our government, therefore, now is 
 that they have a war to carry on and their country 
 to defend in various parts, without money and with 
 out credit. You may easily conceive in what manner 
 and how long such a war can be supported. The 
 distress of the army we have can only be equalled 
 by the difficulty of recruiting or augmenting it. The 
 militia are indeed numerous and spirited. But they 
 are only an occasional army, while that of the enemy 
 is permanent ; and even when the militia is called 
 out, for want of supplies it cannot be supported. It 
 is therefore of absolute and indispensable necessity 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 161 
 
 that France should furnish the government of these 
 states with a sum of hard money, sufficient to restore 
 their credit ; or else 1 see very little probability of its 
 being possible to resist the necessity of accommoda 
 tion, upon the best terms that can be obtained. I 
 am convinced that nothing but the last necessity will 
 bring us to this accommodation ; but I am fully satis 
 fied that without the immediate aid of thirty or forty 
 millions of livres in specie, that irresistible necessity 
 will exist, at the opening of the next campaign. 
 
 That your excellency may form your own judgment 
 of this, I will state the present and probable advan 
 tages of the enemy. 
 
 They are about 1500 strong in New-York ; so 
 that the utmost which our army can do, is by the 
 aid of strong positions to stand upon the defensive. 
 Their fleet much superior to that of his majesty, 
 keeps it blocked up at Rhode-Island, and the second 
 division with the supplies absolutely necessary for the 
 American troops, which were to act with those of 
 France, not having been expedited, has compelled the 
 first division to remain entrenched at Rhode-Island, 
 filled with vexation and disappointment. Your excel 
 lency knows how little is to be hoped from troops when 
 the ardour and expectation of glory which animate 
 them are extinguished, and how much injury this dis 
 appointment must bring upon the American service 
 in the minds of the French army and marine. To 
 our service it has not been less injurious. Six months 
 were stated as adequate to the operations of the cam 
 paign, and levies were made for that time in great 
 haste, at an immense expense in bounties, which are 
 necessarily attended with the imposition of heavy 
 taxes. The time is almost expired, and nothing done 
 in consequence of the second division, and the sup 
 plies having been withheld. We have thus incurred 
 a very heavy actual expense, set the example for 
 
162 LIFE OP 
 
 greater in future levies, and disappointed the expec 
 tation and dejected the spirits of our people. Those 
 of the enemy are naturally raised in proportion. 
 
 Such are the respective situations in the north. In 
 the south, the prospect is still more gloomy. The 
 enemy is entirely in possession of Georgia and South 
 Carolina. Our army, under Gen. Gates, which was 
 sent to oppose them, has been lately defeated after an 
 obstinate and bloody battle, in which our best troops 
 and officers fell. It is therefore probable that before 
 the close of the campaign they will be in possession 
 also of North Carolina. This success gives them the 
 infinite advantage of an extent of country, from which 
 they can draw their supplies for the next campaign. 
 They will be able to commence their spring opera 
 tions with the invasion of Virginia in the south, and 
 that of Rhode-Island in the north, while the middle 
 states are kept in check by movements and inroads 
 from New-York. To oppose and frustrate these at 
 tempts armies are necessary; to levy and support 
 them money is indispensable, and there is not in our 
 situation any human means of obtaining it but from 
 France and Spain. If they will not furnish it, this 
 country must be left a prey to the enemy and every 
 species of distress, and France will sacrifice all the 
 hopes of the struggle. It must be observed, too, 
 that nothing but the hard money will do, the power 
 of drawing on Europe from the small demand and 
 depreciation of bills being found inadequate. But if 
 the sum I have mentioned is furnished, and the second 
 division and supplies forwarded, so as to prepare us 
 for an early and active campaign, the enemy may yet 
 be repelled, and this country prevented from being 
 added to the force of Great Britain, already felt to 
 be too formidable. Without this I repeat that no 
 other alternative will be left to this unhappy country 
 but accommodation or destruction. 
 
ARTHUR LEK. 
 
 163 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. with the greatest 
 respect, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " PARIS, April 12th, 1777. 
 
 To the Rev. Dr. Price, 
 
 Dear Sir, I beg you will accept my thanks for the 
 favour of your pamphlet, than which I never in my 
 life read any thing with more satisfaction. But alas! 
 the decree has gone forth, and we are one no more. 
 Providence, by inspiring the same hardness of heart 
 that delivered the children of Israel from their oppres 
 sors, has delivered us. 
 
 A series of the most undistinguishing and inhuman 
 barbarities by the German and British soldiery, to 
 gether with Gen. Howe s order to put all persons to 
 death who should be found in arms and not under an 
 officer, have planted in the minds of all men an utter 
 detestation of the British government. 
 
 Congress have appointed a committee to enquire 
 into the cruelties that have been committed; that if 
 there be any distinction in the perpetrators, the punish 
 ment may fall where it is most deserved. The 17th 
 regiment, which had behaved with remarkable cruel 
 ty, fought with such desperate valour at Princeton, 
 that it was almost entirely cut to pieces. And such 
 was their brutal ferocity, that even during the action, 
 which had its various turns, if an American fell into 
 their hands they murdered him with the most savage 
 inhumanity. Such was the fate of Gen. Mercer, a 
 very brave and worthy officer, from the state to which 
 I have the honour to belong. 
 
 These sir, are the lamentable fruits of Scotch prin 
 ciples and politics. But the calamity which they 
 meant for us, has fallen heavy upon them and their to- 
 
164 LIFE OF 
 
 ry adherents. Elevated with the first appearance of 
 success, and unmindful of the lenity which had spared 
 and protected them, they openly and iii all parts be 
 gan to agitate the ruin of the people. This at once 
 produced a distinction, and the necessity of expelling 
 them ; which is effected by proclamation, and with 
 every degree of lenity that the nature of the thing 
 will admit. In Virginia they are allowed to sell 
 their effects and depart in peace. But where the 
 war presses, and the enemy is invading, the necessity 
 of the situation would not admit of more indulgence 
 than time to remove their families. 
 
 The governments of the particular states are well 
 established, and that of the congress deeply rooted. 
 
 Amid these wonderful events it is a source of infi 
 nite satisfaction to me that I have the honour of being 
 numbered with you and others, as having earnestly 
 and sincerely laboured to avert this calamity from 
 England, and to persuade those in whose power it 
 was, to send forth the spirit of peace over the trou 
 bled waters, and re-unite us upon terms of equal li 
 berty. 
 
 If any one can save a nation so pressed within, and 
 threatened without, it is our friend Lord Shelburne. 
 At least he is the only man of his rank whom I have 
 the honour of knowing, whose virtues and abilities 
 are equal to the arduous task of retrieving a people 
 overwhelmed with so many evils as England now is. 
 Indeed in my opinion, it would require a people of 
 more virtue than the world ever yet produced, or than 
 human nature will admit of, to be united with Scot 
 land and not be ruined. I mean as to their private 
 morals and public principles. The conduct of the 
 Scotch in America proves the inveteracy of their na 
 tional character. They had fled from the tyranny 
 and exactions of their chiefs. In America they found 
 refuge and relief. Yet at the call of those very chiefs, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 165 
 
 they took up arms to destroy their benefactors, or re 
 duce them, and return themselves under that domina 
 tion, of which they had had such bitter experience. 
 A striking proof how impossible it is to wean them 
 from the principles of perfidy, slavery, and ingratitude, 
 which are native to them, and mark them as a peo 
 ple hostis humani generis.* 
 
 To form a nation upon the principles of equal justice 
 and permanent liberty, is perhaps little less difficult, 
 than to retrieve one from its degeneracy. That task 
 is ours. So many various spirits are put in motion dur 
 ing a civil war, so many opportunities afforded the dar 
 ing and the vicious, the sweets of power and pre-emi 
 nence are necessarily tasted by so many, that it must 
 be fortunate indeed if some of them do not attempt 
 to extend and augment the enjoyment of them, be 
 yond the limits prescribed by a system of equal liber 
 ty. But it may be hoped that these attempts will be 
 frustrated by the checks of so many republics, and 
 the vigilance of those who are aware of such conse 
 quences. Rome perished because she was never ani 
 mated by the principles of liberty, but governed by 
 the spirit of faction ; and because being collected in 
 to one body, the corruption of that left her with 
 out a check, and brought immediate ruin upon the 
 public. 
 
 May your lights and labours sir, reform the corrup 
 tion of our times, and re-inspire the people of England 
 with the spirit of liberty. May the example of her 
 children teach her, how invincible that spirit is, where 
 it really operates. The unworthy- conduct of the 
 Scotch government, to which she has submitted, has 
 not so utterly extinguished the love I bore her, as to 
 prevent my wishing her most sincerely the full enjoy- 
 
 * The cause of Mr. Lee s antipathy to the Scotch, has been explained, 
 VOL. II. 21 
 
166 LIFE OF 
 
 ment of that liberty, which she has at least counte 
 nanced the Scots to wrest from us. 
 
 I must beg the favour of you to make my best re 
 spects to Lord Shelburne, Col. Barre ,Dr. Priestley, 
 and all those who yet do me the honour of holding 
 me in remembrance, and who remain unterrified and 
 unseduced from the cause of truth and liberty. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the greatest regard 
 and respect, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
 " VIRGINIA, March 3d, 1786. 
 
 To the Marquis of Lansdown. 
 
 I had the honour of receiving a few days since 
 your lordship s favour of the 26th of January. 
 
 Mr. Anstie will command every advice and assist 
 ance I can give him, not only from the desire I shall 
 always have of promoting your lordship s wishes, but 
 from a persuasion of the propriety of the purpose of 
 his mission. He has opened his office in this city, 
 and informs me that he receives all the assistance he 
 can wish from the governing powers of this state. I 
 am persuaded he will meet with the same disposition 
 in all the states. 
 
 You have obliged me infinitely my lord by the 
 particular and pleasing detail you give me of yourself 
 and family, because I feel the warmest interest in 
 whatever concerns your happiness. My brothers after 
 whom your lordship has the goodness to enquire, have 
 retired from public business to their estates, which 
 their constant attention to affairs during the most pe 
 rilous times of the public, has materially impaired. 
 As to myself, when I had served three years in con 
 gress, I undertook to negotiate with the Indian na 
 tions, because I deemed it of much consequence to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 167 
 
 these states. I had much curiosity to know those 
 people and to view the western country. Since that 
 I have been and am now one of the commissioners of 
 the united treasury, the duty of which is of singular 
 difficulty at present, from the pressure of demands 
 and the infant arrangement of our finance. Patience 
 however and perseverance will I hope overcome all 
 the difficulties we have to encounter. 
 
 I was never more clearly of opinion in any thing 
 than in what your lordship says relative to the exe 
 cution of the late treaty between Great Britain and 
 the United States. It does most highly concern the 
 honour and interest of both countries to execute it 
 faithfully. But from circumstances now irrevocable, 
 it cannot be fulfilled in all its parts, and this gives 
 ground to turbulent spirits on each side for refusing to 
 execute what is practicable. The first violation of 
 the treaty was on the part of the commander in chief 
 in New- York, allowing the negroes to be carried ofT, 
 after the provisional articles were agreed to ; and re 
 fusing in sundry instances to suffer the American 
 owners, who came to New-York for the purpose to 
 take those that belonged to them. The register, he 
 informed congress of his having ordered to be kept of 
 those who were carried away, was a proof of the vio 
 lation of the article, and of that only ; because there 
 is so little probability that the account given by the 
 negroes of themselves was true, that it cannot enable 
 the masters to ascertain their property. Your lord 
 ship may well believe this a not undesired reason for 
 those of our citizens who were indebted to British 
 subjects, to exclaim against the payment of British 
 debts. In some states they did it effectually, par 
 ticularly in Virginia, where the great loss of negro 
 property proportionably strengthened the objection. 
 This was followed by a refusal to deliver up the posts; 
 and by relieving the garrisons, which announced a set- 
 
168 LIFE OF 
 
 tied determination to keep them. This act within 
 the territory solemnly ceded to the United States, 
 and the encouragement it has given to the Indians to 
 murder our frontier inhabitants, have occasioned great 
 and general alarm and discontent, with regard to the 
 intentions of the British administration. 
 
 From a variety of information, which I received in 
 the western country, it appeared clear to me that the 
 interest of individuals in the fur trade was the real 
 reason of the information from America, which occa 
 sioned the detention of those posts, and that while 
 Mr. Haldiman influences, such representations would 
 be made to the king s ministers as would mislead 
 them as to the real consequences of that detention. 
 If it be their intention fundamentally to violate the 
 treaty, and to keep the means in their own hands of 
 hostile operations against the United States, the mea 
 sure may correspond with the object ; but if not, it 
 is, may I be permitted to say, an unadvised measure, 
 because it implies such intentions. That it encour 
 ages the Indian nations to expect that they will be 
 urged on by both nations to blood and plunder, the 
 darling objects of their life, is certain ; and in so 
 doing it militates against the interest and honour of 
 both governments ; for the more these wolves are fed 
 with human blood or the hope of it, and supplied with 
 what they want in plunder and presents, the less they 
 will hunt, and the scarcer and dearer furs will be. 
 Insomuch that I think it certain that a convention 
 solemnly entered into and announced by Great Bri 
 tain and the United States never to employ or coun 
 tenance Indians in making war or depredating on 
 each other would not only do honour to their humani 
 ty but really promote their interests by the abundance 
 and cheapness of furs, in consequence of the savages 
 having no other employment or support but hunting. 
 These reasons are alone cogent enough against the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 169 
 
 abominable practice of instigating and assisting these 
 savages to shed human blood, and the notorious inu- 
 tility of these savages as auxiliaries in war The 
 great expense and disorder that accompanies them ; 
 the ungovernable depredation and cruelty of their 
 warfare, and their certain desertion in time of danger, 
 render the employment of them by civilized nations 
 both ruinous and reproachful. 
 
 There are very few things I do assure you. my lord, 
 that would give me so much pleasure as spending 
 some time in your society, wherein I have been here 
 tofore so happy. But the state of our finances in this 
 country, both public and private, will not permit me 
 to travel. The prospects I once had in England are 
 now no more, yet I will not give up all hope of one 
 day paying my respects to your lordship, and shall al 
 ways cherish your regard for me as a singular honour 
 and happiness. My nephew, Thomas Lee, will have 
 the honour of presenting this letter to your lordship, 
 He comes to finish his law studies at the temple. 
 Your lordship s patronage of him will be a singular 
 happiness to him and favour to me. I hope you will 
 find him intelligent and capable of giving your lord 
 ship a satisfactory account of this country. 
 
 With the most perfect esteem and respect, I have 
 the honour to be your lordship s most obedient servant, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE." 
 
170 LIFE OF 
 
 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 Letters to Arthur Lee, from his Political, Literary, and Scientific Correspondents 
 
 in America. 
 
 LETTERS FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
 " HEAD QUARTERS, PASSAICT FALLS, Nov. 20th, 1780. 
 
 Sir, I am much obliged to you for the suggestion 
 you do me the favour to make in your letter of the 
 llth, as I shall at all times be for any others which 
 may occur to you, conducive to the public service. 
 
 I am so entirely convinced of the absolute necessi 
 ty of a large and immediate foreign aid of money 
 to the continuance of the war, that 1 should be hap 
 py to do any thing I could with propriety to promote 
 it. I impart to you in confidence, that I have in the 
 most explicit manner given my sentiments on this 
 head to the minister of France here; and if my opi 
 nion can have any influence with the court of Ver 
 sailles, I imagine it will be known through this chan 
 nel. A more direct communication might appear an 
 intrusion, and an interference in matters out of my 
 province. 
 
 I am happy to hear congress have this important 
 object under consideration. I persuade myself they 
 will urge it with all the emphasis in their power, and 
 in the form most likely to succeed. If there should 
 be any thing by which I could contribute to the sue- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 171 
 
 cess of the application, I should certainly think it 
 my duty to give all the aid in my power. 
 
 I have the honour to be, very sincerely, and with 
 real respect and esteem, sir, your most humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON." 
 
 "HEAD QUARTERS, NEW-WINDSOR, June 7th, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have had the honour to receive the 
 letter which you did me the favour to write on the 
 1 9th ultimo, and thank you for the extract taken from 
 the letter of Mr. Lee of Feb. 20th. The information 
 contained in it is important, and went to some mat 
 ters which were new to me. I suspect with you that 
 Mr. Lee is rather too sanguine in his expectations of 
 a general peace, within the year, but he accompanies 
 it with a recommendation to vigorous exertions, the 
 most likely means to obtain it, but which I fear will 
 not have its due weight in the minds of the people, 
 especially if the idea of peace once takes hold of 
 them. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON." 
 
 " NEWBURGH, April loth, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have received your favour of the 2nd 
 instant, and thank you for the several articles of Eu 
 ropean intelligence contained in it. Permit me to so 
 licit a continuation of such advices as you may think 
 interesting respecting the military or political manoeu 
 vres of foreign powers. Such communications will 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 not only be a private gratification, but may produce 
 public good ; as a perfect knowledge of these matters 
 will enable me to decide with more certainty and pre 
 cision on doubtful operations which may be had in 
 contemplation, than I possibly can do without. 
 
 With great esteem and regard I am dear sir, your 
 most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON." 
 
 "NEWBURGH, March 29th, 1783. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have been honoured with your favour 
 of the 13th, and thank you for the information. Your 
 correspondent at Paris had good ground for his opin 
 ion, and we have abundant reason to be pleased with 
 the event which he predicted the near approach of. 
 I heartily congratulate you on the conclusion of the 
 war ; and hope the wisdom of the states will point 
 to that line of policy which will make them a great, 
 a happy people. To accomplish this, local politics 
 and unreasonable jealousies should yield to such a 
 constitution as will embrace the whole, and make our 
 union respectable, lasting. Without it I think we 
 have spent our time, spilt our blood, and wasted our 
 treasure to very little purpose. 
 
 The picaroons in the Chesapeak and the waters of 
 it, have now met their quietus ; but previously to the 
 news of peace a representation of their conduct had 
 gone into New-York, and orders I believe were sent 
 for the recall of them. 
 
 Mrs. Washington unites with me in compliments 
 to you, and I have the honour to be dear sir, your 
 most obedient servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 173 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, May 20th, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have been honoured with your favour 
 of the 13th, since my arrival at this place. 
 
 My rheumatic complaint having very much abated 
 (after I had the pleasure of seeing you at Mount Ver- 
 non) I have yielded to what appeared to be the wish 
 es of many of my friends, and am now here as a de 
 legate to the convention. Not more than four states 
 were represented yesterday. If any have come in 
 since, it is unknown to me. These delays greatly im 
 pede public measures, and serve to sour the temper of 
 the punctual members, who do not like to idle away 
 their time. Mrs. Washington intended to have given 
 you the trouble of the enclosed, had it been prepared 
 in time. As the case is, I take the liberty of com 
 mitting it to your care. 
 
 I have the honour to be sir, your most obedient 
 servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 LETTERS OF SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 BOSTON, July 31st, 1771. 
 
 Sir, Since I received your favour of the 28th of 
 March, I have observed by the London papers that 
 the lord-mayor and alderman are liberated. From 
 the wisdom and firmness which formerly distinguish 
 ed that opulent and independent city, we expected 
 that when they had so fair an occasion for exerting 
 themselves, the power which has too long oppressed 
 and insulted the nation and the colonies, would have 
 been made to bend. But we have seen complimenta- 
 
 VOL. ii. 22 
 
174 LIFE OF 
 
 ry letters and addresses to the imprisoned gentlemen, 
 and their answers; while by a stretch of arbitrary 
 power they have been kept in confinement, till by a 
 prorogation instead of a dissolution, they have been 
 discharged of course. Is this my friend a matter of 
 such triumph ? Does it not show that Britons are un 
 feeling to their condition? Or has brutal force at 
 length become so formidable, that after having in 
 vain petitioned those whose duty it is to redress their 
 grievances, they are afraid to imitate the virtue of 
 their ancestors in similar cases, and redress their griev 
 ances themselves? 
 
 Mr. Hume, if I mistake not, somewhere says, that 
 if James the Second had had the benefit of the riot- 
 act, and such a standing army as has been granted 
 since his time, it would have been impracticable for 
 the nation to have wrought its own delivery, and es 
 tablish the constitution of 88. If the people have 
 put it in the power of a wicked and corrupt ministry 
 to make themselves absolute lords and tyrants over 
 them by means of a standing army, we may at pre 
 sent pity them under the misfortune ; but future his 
 torians will record the story with astonishment and 
 indignation, and posterity, who will share in the fatal 
 effects of their folly arid treachery, will accuse them. 
 Has there not for a long time past been reason to ap 
 prehend the designs of a restless faction to oppress 
 the nation; and the more easily to affect their purpo 
 ses, to render the king s government obnoxious, and 
 if possible put an end to a family which has hereto 
 fore supported the rights of the nation, its happiness 
 and grandeur? 
 
 In this colony we are every day experiencing the 
 miserable effects of arbitrary power. The people are 
 paying the unrighteous tribute, (I wish I could say 
 they were groaning under it, for that would seem as 
 if they felt they are submitting to it,) in hopes that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 175 
 
 the nation will at length revert to justice. But be 
 fore that time comes, it is to be feared they will be so 
 accustomed to bondage, as to forget they were ever 
 free. Swarms of locusts and caterpillars are main 
 tained by this tribute in luxury and splendour, and a 
 standing army, (not in the city thank God, since the 
 5th March 1770, but within call upon occasion). 
 While our independent governor is found to crouch to 
 his superiors, and to look down upon and sneer at those 
 below him, he is from time to time receiving instruc 
 tions how to govern this people, to govern! rather to 
 harass and insult his country in distress. * * * * 
 (MS. here obliterated) * * * * where his adulating 
 priestlings are reminding him he w r as born and educat 
 ed, forgetting perhaps if they ever knew, that the ty 
 rants of Rome were the natives of Rome. Among 
 other edicts which have been lately sent to this 
 governor, there is one which prohibits his assenting to 
 any tax-bill, unless the commissioners and other offi 
 cers, whose salaries are not paid out of moneys grant 
 ed by this government, are exempted from a tax on 
 the profits of their commissions. Nothing that I can 
 say will heighten the resentment of a man of sense 
 and virtue against such a mandate ; and yet our 
 governor would have us think it is a mark of his pa 
 ternal goodness. Another instruction forbids the 
 governor to give his assent to grants to any agent, 
 unless he is appointed by a law of the province, or a 
 resolve of the assembly, to which his excellency con 
 sents. And a third requires him to refuse his assent 
 to a future election of such councillors as shall presume 
 to meet together as a council, without being summon 
 ed by him into his presence. These instructions, so 
 humiliating to the council, the secretary by the govern 
 or s order has entered on their journals. 
 
 It has been observed that the nearer any man ap 
 proaches to an absolute independence, the more he 
 
176 LIFE OF 
 
 will be flattered ; and flattery is always great in pro 
 portion as the motives of flatterers are bad. These 
 observations are so disgraceful to human nature that 
 I wish I could say they were not founded in experi 
 ence. Perhaps there never was a man in this pro 
 vince more flattered, or who bore it better, I mean 
 who was better pleased with it, than Governor Hutch- 
 inson. You have seen Miss in her teens, surround 
 ed with dying lovers, praising her gay ribbons, the 
 dimples in her cheeks or the tip of her ear ! In 
 imitation of the mother country, whom we are too 
 apt to imitate in fopperies, addresses have been pro 
 cured and presented to his excellency, chiefly from 
 dependants and expectants. Indeed some of the cler 
 gy have run into the stream of civility, which is the 
 more astonishing, when it is considered that they al 
 together depend upon the ability and good disposition 
 of their parishes for their support. But it is certain 
 that not a fifth part, some say not an eighth part of the 
 clergy, were present. It cannot, therefore, be said to 
 be the language of the body of the clergy, and all 
 ages have seen that some of that order have ever 
 been ready to sacrifice the rights as well as the hon 
 oured religion of their country, to the smiles of the 
 great. It is a sore mortification that the independent 
 house of representatives, and the town of Boston 
 have refused to make their compliments to a man, 
 whose administration since the departure of the Net- 
 tleham Baronet, they can by no means approve of. 
 From hence you will judge whether these addresses 
 speak the sentiments of the people in general, or are 
 any more than the foul breath of sycophants and 
 hirelings. 
 
 The province of North Carolina, by accounts from 
 thence, appears to have been involved in a civil war. 
 It is the general opinion here that the people in the 
 back parts of that province have been greatly oppress- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 177 
 
 ed, and that the governor, instead of hearkening to 
 their complaints and redressing their grievances, has 
 raised an army and spilt their blood. This it must 
 be confessed, is treating the people under his govern 
 ment much in the same manner as his superiors have 
 treated the nation and the colonies. But their exam 
 ple may prove dangerous to be followed by a planta 
 tion governor. At this distance from Carolina we 
 have not yet received a perfect account from thence. 
 I hope your friends in the adjacent colony of Virginia 
 have wrote you particularly of this important matter. 
 Tryon has arrived at New- York, where he is appoint 
 ed governor. He has already been addressed with 
 all the expressions of court sincerity, and perhaps he 
 may hereafter receive the reward of a baronet for his 
 fidelity and courage. ; When vice prevails and im 
 pious men bear sway, the post of honour is the pri 
 vate station. 
 
 I am with great esteem sir, your humble servant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. London." 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 27th, 1771. 
 
 Sir, I am greatly indebted to you for your several 
 letters of the 10th and 14th of June. To let you 
 know I am far from being inattentive to the favours you 
 have done me, I enclose a letter which I intended for 
 you some time past, but was prevented forwarding it 
 by an accident. I was afterwards confined to my 
 house by sickness ; since which, by an excursion into 
 the country, I have fully recovered my health. 
 
 I take particular notice of the reasons you assign for 
 a whole session of parliament being spent, without 
 one offensive measure against America. You account 
 for our being flattered, that all the designs against 
 
178 LIFE OF 
 
 the charter of the colony are laid aside, in a manner 
 perfectly corresponding with the sentiments I had pre 
 conceived of it. The opinion you have formed of the 
 ruling men on both sides the Atlantic, is exactly mine; 
 and as I have the most unfavourable idea of the heads 
 or the hearts of the present administration. I cannot 
 hope for much good from the services of any man who 
 can submit to be dependent on them. 
 
 1 was pleased with the petition and remonstrance 
 of the city of London. But are not the ministry lost 
 to all sensibility ? Do they not, like the Egyptian ty 
 rant, harden their hearts against the just complaints 
 of the people. May God grant the nation that pru 
 dence, strength, and fortitude, by which they may be 
 animated to maintain their own liberties at all events ! 
 By your last letter you resolve wisely, if ever the 
 spirit of impeaching should rise in Britain. But how 
 is it possible such a spirit should rise. In all former 
 struggles the house of commons has naturally taken 
 side with the people against oppressing ministers and 
 favourites. Whether this is the case at present or 
 not is no secret to the world. We have indeed heard 
 little of the business of impeaching since the revolu 
 tion ; its corrupt ministerial influence has been grad 
 ually and too insensibly increasing since that era, and 
 is now become so powerful as to render it impractica 
 ble to have one capital object of the people s just ven 
 geance impeached. The proposals you were so kind 
 as to send me, I cannot but heartily consent to ; I 
 communicated them to two or three intimate and ju 
 dicious friends, who equally approved of them. But 
 they cannot be carried into execution until the pre 
 sent parliament is at an end ; and if it is not to be 
 dissolved till the end of its septennial duration is it 
 not to be feared that before its expiration there will 
 be an end of liberty ? If I mistake not, there is an 
 act of parliament whereby the placemen and pension- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 179 
 
 ers in the house of commons (who were not such at 
 the time of their election) shall be vacated, and the 
 electors have a right to choose others if they see 
 proper. Perhaps there never was a time when the 
 advantages of this law were more apparent. Would 
 it not then be doing the most important service to 
 the cause of liberty, if the gentlemen of the bill of 
 rights, who I pray God may never be united in the 
 councils, would exert their utmost influence to prevail 
 upon the constituents of such rotten members to claim 
 that privilege and make good use of it. If there is 
 any virtue among the people I should think this might 
 easily be done. If it be impracticable I fear another 
 general election of members would only serve to con 
 vince all of what we are all apprehensive of, that 
 there is a total depreciation of morals and manners in 
 the nation, or in fewer words, that it is already irre 
 coverably ruined. 
 
 If it should ever become a practicable thing to im 
 peach a corrupt administration, I hope that minister 
 who advised to the introduction of an arbitrary gov 
 ernment into America, will not be overlooked. Such 
 a victim I imagine will make a figure equal to Lord 
 StrafTord in the reign of Charles, or many others in 
 future times. The conduct of judges, touching juries, 
 appears to be alarming on both sides the water, and 
 is a subject of strict enquiry. But are they not en 
 deavouring to establish the civil law, which Black- 
 stone says is only permitted in England, to the preju 
 dice of the common law.* And will not this in its 
 consequence prove fatal to your happy constitution? 
 I observe one of your proposals is, that a law may be 
 made subjecting each candidate to an oath against 
 having used bribery and corruption to obtain his elec 
 tion. Would there not be a danger that a law by 
 which a candidate may purge himself by his oath, 
 
 * I suppose within restrictions, as in ancient times. 
 
180 LIFE OF 
 
 would exclude some other more certain evidence of 
 the truth than his own declaration even upon oath, 
 after having perhaps already prostituted his conscience 
 for his seat ? I am of opinion that he who can be so 
 sordid as to gain an election by bribery, or any other 
 illegal means, must be lost to all such feelings as those 
 of honour or conscience, or the obligation of an oath. 
 With regard to the grievances of the Americans, it 
 must be owned, that the violation of the essential 
 right of taxing themselves, is a capital one. This 
 right is founded in nature. It is unalienable, and 
 therefore it belongs to us exclusively, without a shar 
 er, much less a rival. The least infringement of it 
 is sacrilege. But there are other methods taken by 
 Lord Hillsborough, and punctually put into execution 
 by Mr. Hutchinson, which in my opinion would give 
 a mortal stab to our essential rights, if the parliament 
 had never by their declaratory act claimed authority 
 to tax us; and to appropriate the money for the es 
 tablishment of standing armies, and the support of 
 pensioners and placemen, civil and ecclesiastic, which 
 are as terrible as an army of soldiers. And if the 
 commons of this province cannot impeach, we have 
 nothing under God to rely upon but the interposition 
 of our friends in Britain, or the Ultima Ratio. In 
 short, our civil constitution is essentially altered. We 
 are in a state of perfect despotism. Instead of hav 
 ing a governor, exercising authority within the rules 
 and circumspection of the charter, which is the civil 
 compact between the king and the people, and depend 
 ent on them for his support, we have a man with the 
 name of a governor only. He is indeed commissioned 
 by the king, but under the control of the minister, 
 to whom he yields unlimited obedience ; while he is 
 subsisted with the money of the people, by virtue of 
 an assumed authority of the British parliament, to 
 oblige them to pay him such a stipend as the king 
 
ARTHUR LEE* 
 
 181 
 
 shall order. Can you tell me who is governor of this 
 province? Surely not Mr. Hutchinson; for I cannot 
 conceive that he exercises the power of judging, vest 
 ed in him by the constitution, in one act of govern 
 ment which appears to him to be important. The 
 government is shifted into the hands of the earl of 
 Hillsborough, whose sole counsellor is the Nettleham 
 baronet. Upon such a governor, aided by the advice 
 of such a counsellor, depends the time and the place 
 of sitting of the legislative assembly, or whether it 
 shall sit at all ! If they are allowed to meet, they are 
 to be dictated to by this duumvirate, through the in 
 strumentality of a third, and may be thrown out of 
 existence for failing in one point to conform to their 
 sovereign pleasure ! A legislature to be sure, wor 
 thy to be boasted of by a free people. If our nomi 
 nal governor, by all the arts of persuasion, can prevail 
 upon us to be easy under such a mode of government, 
 he will do a singular piece of service to his lordship; 
 as it will save him the trouble of getting our charter 
 vacated by a formal decision of parliament, or through 
 a tedious process of law. 
 
 The grievances of Britain as well as ours, as you 
 observe, spring from the same root of bitterness, and 
 are of the same pernicious growth. The union of 
 Britain and America is therefore by all means to be 
 cultivated. If in every colony societies should be 
 formed out of the most respectable inhabitants simi 
 lar to that of the bill of rights, who should once in the 
 year meet by their deputies, and correspond with such 
 a society in London, would it not effectually promote 
 such an union? And if it was conducted with a pro 
 per spirit, would it not afford sufficient reason for the 
 enemies of our common liberty, however exalted, to 
 tremble? This is a sudden thought, and drops undi 
 gested from my pen. It would be an arduous task 
 
 VOL. n. 23 
 
182 LIFE OF 
 
 for any man to undertake to awaken a sufficient num 
 ber in the colonies to so grand an undertaking. No 
 thing however is to be despaired of. 
 
 Enclosed you have a copy of the protests of divers 
 patriotic clergymen in Virginia, against an episcopate 
 in America. It is part of the system which is to 
 secure a ministerial influence in America, which in 
 all reason is full strong enough, without the aid of the 
 clergy. The junction of the canon and the feudal 
 laws, you know has been fatal to the liberties of man 
 kind. The design of the first settlers of New-Eng 
 land, in particular, was to form a plan of government 
 upon the true principles of liberty. It is no wonder 
 then that we should be alarmed at the design of es 
 tablishing such a power. It is a singular pleasure to 
 us that the colony of Virginia, though episcopalian, 
 should appear against it, as you will see by the vote 
 of thanks of the house of Burgesses to the protesting 
 gentlemen. The house declared the protests to be 
 " a wise and well timed opposition." I wish they 
 would be published in London. I had the pleasure 
 of knowing Mr. Hewit, who was in this town about 
 two years ago in company with Mr. Eyre, of North 
 Hampton county, in Virginia, who is a member of the 
 house of Burgesses. I did not then know that he was 
 a clergyman. 
 
 I fear I have tired your patience, and conclude with 
 assuring you that I am in strict truth sir, your friend 
 and humble servant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 p. S. The bearer of this is William Story, for 
 merly of this town, but now of Ipswich. He was a 
 deputy register in the court of vice admiralty before 
 and at the time of the stamp-act, and would then 
 have given up the place as he declared, but his friends 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 183 
 
 advised him against it. He suffered the resentment 
 of the people on the 26th of August 1765, together 
 with Gov. Hutchinson, for which he was recompensed 
 by the general assembly, as he declared, in part only. 
 He tells me that his design in going home is to settle 
 an affair of his own in the court of admiralty, in 
 which the commissioners of the customs, as he says, 
 declare it is not in their power to do him justice ; one 
 would think it never was in their power or their in 
 clination to do justice to any man. Mr. Story has 
 professed himself to be a warm friend of liberty 
 for many years past. I tell him I make no doubt 
 but you will befriend him as far as shall be in your 
 power, in obtaining justice ; in which you will oblige 
 your humble servant, 
 
 S. ADAMS." 
 
 "BOSTON, Oct 2d, 1771. 
 
 Sir, I have already written to you by this convey* 
 ance, and there mentioned to you Mr. Story, a gen 
 tleman to whose care I committed that letter. I have 
 since heard that he has a letter to Lord Hillsborough 
 from Gov. Hutchinson, which may possibly recom 
 mend him for some place by way of compensation for 
 his joint sufferings with the governor. I do not think 
 it possible for any man to receive his lordship s favour, 
 without purchasing it by having done or promising to 
 do some kind of jobs. If Mr. Story should form con 
 nexions with administration upon any principles incon 
 sistent with those of a friend to liberty, he will then 
 appear to be a different character from that which I 
 recommended to your friendship. I mention this for 
 your caution, and in confidence ; and am with great 
 regard sir, your humble servant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS, 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
184 LIFE OF 
 
 " BOSTON, Oct. 31st, 1771. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I enclose a printed copy of the re 
 solve of the council of this province, whereby Junius 
 Americanus is censured for asserting that the late se 
 cretary Oliver stood recorded in the council books as 
 a perjured traitor.* You may easily suppose that the 
 friends of America, for whom this writer has been and 
 is an able advocate, resent this conduct of the council; 
 whose ingratitude, to say nothing of the injustice of 
 this proceeding, is the more extraordinary, as Junius 
 Americanus has taken so much pains to vindicate that 
 very body against the malignant aspersions of Ber 
 nard and others. There were however of twenty- 
 six councillors eight only present, when they were 
 prevailed upon by an artful man to pass this resolve. 
 You will see by the enclosed some remarks upon their 
 former proceedings, or rather a recital of parts of 
 them, by which I think it appears that the assertion 
 could not be groundless or malicious; nor can it be 
 false, if their own publications are true. I can con 
 ceive that the design of the first mover of this resolve 
 was to injure the credit of all the writings of Junius 
 Americanus, which I believe he has very sensibly felt, 
 and also to make it appear to the world, that the coun 
 cil, as they had before insinuated of the house, had 
 departed from and disavowed the sentiments of for 
 mer assemblies ; and that this change has been effect 
 ed by Mr. Hutchinson. 
 
 With regard to the council, it is hardly possible for 
 any one at a distance to ascertain their political sen 
 timents as a body, from what he sees published in 
 general as their determinations. For it has been the 
 practice of the governor to summon a general council 
 at times when the assembly is sitting, and of course 
 
 * Mr, Lee was the author of Junius Americanus. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 185 
 
 when the whole number of councillors is present ; 
 but in their capacity of advisers to the governor, they 
 are adjourned from week to week during the session 
 of the assembly, and till it is over, when the coun 
 try gentlemen, members of council, return home. 
 Thus the general council being kept alive by adjourn 
 ment, the principal and most important part of the 
 business of their executive department is done by 
 seven or eight who live in or near the town; and if the 
 governor can manage the majority of so small a num 
 ber, matters will then be conducted always according 
 to his mind. I believe I may safely affirm, that by 
 far the greatest number of civil officers have been ap 
 pointed at these adjournments ; so it is much the same 
 as if they were appointed by our ostensible governor, 
 or rather by his master the minister for the time be 
 ing. You will not then be surprised if I tell you, that 
 among the five judges of our superior courts of jus 
 tice, there are the following near connexions with the 
 first and second in station in the province : Mr. Lynde 
 is chief justice ; his daughter is married to a son of Mr. 
 Oliver, lieutenant-governor. Mr. Oliver, another of 
 the judges, is his brother ; his son married Gov. Hutch- 
 inson s daughter. Judge Hutchinson, latelv appoint 
 ed, who is also judge of the probate of wills for the 
 first county, an important department, is the govern 
 or s brother. Besides which, the young Mr. Oliver 
 is a justice of the common pleas for the county of 
 Essex. Mr. Collin, a brother-in-law of the governor, 
 is deputy secretary of the province, and register in 
 the probate office under Mr. Hutchinson. A cousin- 
 german of the governor was sent for out of another 
 province, to fill up the place of clerk to the common 
 pleas in this county; and the eldest son of the governor 
 will soon be appointed a justice of the same county, 
 in the room of his uncle advanced to the superior 
 bench. I should have first mentioned, that the govern- 
 
186 LIFE OF 
 
 or and the lieutenant-governor are brothers by mar 
 riage. 
 
 The house of representatives, notwithstanding the 
 advantages which a new governor always has in his 
 hands, I have reason to think will be so firm as at 
 least not to give up any essential right. The body 
 of the people are uneasy at the large strides that 
 are made and making towards an absolute tyranny. 
 Many are alarmed, but are of different sentiments 
 with regard to the next step to be taken. Some in 
 deed think that every step has already been taken but 
 one. The ultimo ratio would require prudence, una 
 nimity, fortitude. The conspirators against our liber 
 ties are employing all their influence to divide the 
 people ; partly by intimidating them, for which pur 
 pose there is a fleet with an admiral, lying within 
 gun-shot of the town, and the capital fort within three 
 miles of it, is garrisoned by the king s troops ; and 
 partly by arts and intrigue ; flattering those who are 
 pleased with flattery ; forming connexions with them, 
 introducing levity, luxury, and indolence, and assur 
 ing them that if they are quiet the ministry will alter 
 their measures. This is the general appearance of 
 things here, while the people are anxiously waiting 
 for some happy event from your side the water. For 
 my own part I confess I have no great expectation 
 from thence , I have long been of opinion that Ame 
 rica herself, under God, must finally work out her 
 own salvation. 
 
 I have been told by a friend that a manuscript en 
 titled a 6 Hue and Cry, upon the subject of the trials 
 of Preston and the soldiers, has been sent from hence 
 for your perusal. Had I seen and thought it answera 
 ble to what I have heard of it, I should have endea 
 voured to have had it published here. I wish if you 
 think it worth while, it might be published in Lon 
 don, subject entirely to your correction and amend- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 187 
 
 ment. But after all, what will the best and most 
 animating publications signify, if the many are willing 
 to submit and be enlaved by the few ? 
 
 I wrote you about a fortnight past by Capt. Hood, 
 and have nothing more to add at present but that I 
 am sincerely your friend and humble servant, 
 
 S. A." 
 
 " BOSTON, 13th Nov. 1771. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Several vessels have lately arrived 
 from London, but I have not had the pleasure of a 
 line from you by either of them. Since the resolve 
 of council, by which Junius Americanus was so se 
 verely censured, there has been a proclamation issu 
 ed by the governor with their advice for a general 
 thanksgiving, which has been the practice of the 
 country at this time of the year from its first settle 
 ment. This pious proclamation has given the great 
 est offence to the people in general, as it appears evi 
 dently to be calculated to serve the purposes of the 
 British administration, rather than that of religion. 
 
 We were the last year called upon to thank the Al 
 mighty for the blessings of the administration of gov 
 ernment in this province, which many looked upon as 
 an impious farce ; now we are demurely exhorted to 
 render our humble and hearty thanks to the same 
 omniscient Being, for the continuance of our civil and 
 religious privileges, and the enlargement of our trade ! 
 This, I imagine, was contrived to try the feelings of 
 the people ; and if the governor could dupe the clergy 
 as he had the council, and they, the people, so that 
 the proclamation should be read as usual in our 
 churches, he would have nothing to do but acquaint 
 Lord Hillsborough, that the people in general acqui 
 esced in the measures of government, since they had 
 appeared to admit with himself, that notwith- 
 
188 LIFE OF 
 
 standing the faction and turbulence of a party, their 
 liberties were continued and their trade enlarged. I 
 am at a loss to say whether this measure is more in 
 solent to the people or affrontive to the majesty of 
 Heaven ; neither of whom however a modern politi 
 cian regards, if at all, so much as the smiles of his 
 noble patron. But the people saw through it in gen 
 eral, arid openly declared that they would not hear 
 the proclamation read ; the consequence of which 
 was, that it was read in only two of all the churches 
 in this town, consisting of twelve, besides three Epis 
 copal churches ; there indeed it has not been cus 
 tomary ever to read them ; of those two clergymen 
 who read it, one of them being a stranger in the pro 
 vince, and having been settled but about six weeks, 
 performed a servile task about a week before the 
 usual time, when the people were not aware of it ; 
 they were however much disgusted at it. The other 
 is a known flatterer of the governor, and is the very 
 person who formed the fulsome address, of which I 
 wrote you some time ago ; he was deserted by a great 
 number of his auditory in the midst of his reading. 
 
 Thus every art is practised, and every tool employ 
 ed to make it appear as if this people were easy in 
 their claims, and that this great revolution is brought 
 about by the inimitable address of Mr. Hutchinson. 
 
 There is one part of the proclamation which I think 
 deserves notice on your side of the water ; and that 
 relates to the accommodation with the Spaniards, in 
 the affair of Falkland Island. This must have been 
 referred to under the terms of the preservation of the 
 peace of Europe. 
 
 From what I wrote you last I fancy you cannot 
 wonder if the governor carries any thing he pleases 
 in his Divan here. His last conduct has exposed him 
 more than any thing. JVe lude cum sacris, is a com 
 mon proverb. Should he once lose the reputation, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 189 
 
 which his friends have with the utmost industry been 
 building up for him among the clergy for these thirty 
 years past, as a consummate saint, he must fall like 
 Sampson when his locks were shorn. The people 
 are determined to keep their day of festivity, but not 
 for all the purposes of the infamous proclamation. 
 
 I beg you would omit no opportunity of writing to 
 me, and be assured that I am in a style too much out 
 of fashion, your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, January 14th, 1772. 
 
 Sir, Your latest letter to me is of the 10th June, 
 since which I have several times written to you and 
 have been impatiently waiting for your farther favours. 
 I suppose by this time the parliament is sitting for the 
 despatch of business, and we shall soon discover whe 
 ther administration have had it in their hearts, as we 
 have been flattered, to recede from their oppressive 
 measures, and repeal the obnoxious revenue acts. 
 Is it not a strange mode of expression of late years 
 made use of, that administration intends that this law 
 shall be enacted, or that repealed ? It is language 
 adapted to the infamy of the present times, by a na 
 tion which boasts of the freedom and independency 
 of her parliaments. I believe almost any of the Ame 
 rican assemblies would highly resent such an imperi 
 ous tone, even in the honourable board of commission 
 ers of the customs, who I dare say think themselves 
 equal in dignity, at least in proportion to the different 
 countries, to his majesty s ministers of state. A Bos- 
 tonian, I assure you, would blush with indignation to 
 hear it said that his majesty s commissioners of the 
 customs (though perhaps they are of his excellency s 
 privy council) had held a consultation at Butcher s 
 
 VOL. n. 24 
 
190 LIFE OF 
 
 Hall, upon the affairs of the province, and that they 
 had come to a conclusion that the house of repre 
 sentatives should rescind their late protest against 
 any doctrines which tend to give royal instructions 
 to the governor, the force of laws. This protest it 
 is said, his majesty s wise ministers were so huge 
 ly affronted at, as to alter their determination upon 
 a question, in which the fate of the British nation 
 was involved, namely, whether our general assembly 
 should sit at Cambridge or in Boston. I confess this 
 was a question of such astonishing importance to the 
 millions of Britons and their descendants, and decid 
 ed no doubt with such refined discrimination of judg 
 ment, that is not so much to be wondered at, if all 
 national wisdom is to be ascribed to such a bed of 
 counsellors, who seem to have possessed themselves 
 of all national power. But as the circumstances of 
 things may alter, and his majesty may be obliged 
 through necessity to have recourse to men of common 
 understanding, when these are gone to receive their 
 just rewards in another life, would it not be most 
 proper that the parliament should be at least the os- 
 tensive legislature, for there is danger in precedents, 
 and in time to come the supreme power of the nation 
 may be the dupes of a ministry, who may have no 
 more understanding than themselves. It has been 
 said that the king s ministers have for years past re 
 ceived momentary hints respecting the fabrication of 
 American revenue laws and other regulations, from 
 some very wise heads on this side of the water, and 
 particularly of this place ; and perhaps Great Britain 
 may be more indebted to some Bostonians or residents 
 in Boston than she may imagine, however reproach 
 fully she may have spoken of them. Bernard pub 
 licly declared that he did not obtrude his advice on his 
 majesty s ministers unasked ; and therefore we may 
 naturally conclude that my lord of Hillsborough, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 191 
 
 (sublime as his understanding is) the minister in the 
 department, stood in need of and asked his advice, 
 when the baronet journalized the necessary measures 
 of administration for the colonies, which he retailed 
 in weekly and sometimes daily letters to his lordship. 
 On his departure he recommended Mr. Hutchinson, 
 though a Bostonian, born and educated as one upon 
 whom his lordship might depend as much as upon 
 himself; and in this one thing I believe Bernard wrote 
 the truth, for if they have not equal merit for their 
 faithful services to administration, Mr. Hutchinson, I 
 verily believe, has the greatest share. It is whisper 
 ed here that the honourable board of commissioners 
 have represented to administration that the present re 
 venue is not sufficient to answer all demands, which 
 are daily increasing, and therefore it will be necessa 
 ry for their lordships to establish an additional fund. 
 This is an important hint, which may relieve their 
 lordships, unless a new manoeuvre should succeed, of 
 which we have an account in the Boston Gazette en 
 closed. By a vessel just arrived from London, the 
 friends of government, as they call themselves, pre 
 tend that they have certain assurances from adminis 
 tration, that in three months we shall not be troubled 
 with commissioners or standing armies. This, if we 
 could depend upon court promises, would afford an 
 agreeable prospect. But the root of all our grie 
 vances is the parliament s taxing us, which they can 
 not do, but upon principles repugnant to and subver 
 sive of our constitution. If their lordships, the minis 
 try, would be pleased to repeal the revenue acts, they 
 would strike a blow at the root. 
 
 The grand design of our adversaries is to lull us 
 into security, and make us easy while the acts remain 
 in force, which would prove fatal to us. 
 
192 LIFE or 
 
 I have written in great haste, and am sincerely 
 your friend and humble servant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq., London." 
 
 " BOSTON, June 14th, 1772. 
 
 Dear Sir, I now enclose letters written by 
 
 Thomas Hutchinson and Oliver and others of 
 
 less importance, the originals of which have been 
 laid before the house of representatives. The house 
 have already resolved, by a majority of 101 out of 106 
 members, that the design and tendency of them is to 
 subvert the constitution and introduce arbitrary power 
 into the province. They are now in the hands of a 
 committee to consider them farther, and report what 
 is still proper to be done. 
 
 I think there is now a full discovery of a combina 
 tion of persons who have been the principal movers, 
 in all the disturbance, misery, and bloodshed, which 
 has befallen this unhappy country. The friends of 
 our great men are much chagrined. 
 
 I am much engaged at present, and will write you 
 more fully by the next opportunity. In the mean 
 time believe me to be with great esteem your un 
 feigned friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 Wednesday, June 16th, 1772. The enclosed re 
 solves are to be considered by the house this after 
 noon. 
 
 S. A." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 193 
 
 " BOSTON, Nov. 3, 1772. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Since my last we have advice that 
 Lord Hillsborough is removed from the American de 
 partment ; and although he makes his exit with the 
 smiles and honours of the court, he has the curses of 
 the disinterested and better part of the colonists ; not 
 that it is thought his lordship is by any means to be 
 reckoned the most inveterate and active of all the 
 conspirators against our rights. There are others on 
 this side the Atlantic, who have been more assidu 
 ous in plotting the ruin of our liberties, than ever. 
 He and they are the more infamous, because the 
 country they would enslave is that very country in 
 which (to use the words of their adulators and ex 
 pectants) they were ; born and educated. 
 
 The character of Lord Dartmouth in point of moral 
 virtue has been unexceptionable in America, for aught 
 I have heard. I wish it could be ascertained of all 
 his majesty s ministers and servants that they deserv 
 ed such a character. It is the opinion I have of them 
 that makes me tremble for his lordship, lest in the 
 circle he should make shipwreck of his virtue. I am 
 well informed that he has written a very polite letter 
 to Hutchinson, in which he expresses a satisfaction 
 in his conduct, and tells him he has always been of 
 opinion that the king has a right to pay his governors 
 and other officers. But surely he should have made 
 himself thoroughly acquainted with the several poli 
 tical institutions and charters of the colonies, as well 
 as the nature of free governments in general, before 
 he explicitly and officially declared such an opinion. 
 I wish the consideration that he has to correspond 
 with the most artful, plausible, and insinuating men, 
 and some of them the most malicious enemies of the 
 common rights of mankind, might induce his lordship 
 
194 LIFE OF 
 
 to be upon his guard against too suddenly giving full 
 credit to their representations, which perhaps was 
 the capital mistake of his successors in office. Our 
 conspirators were alarmed at his appointment ; and I 
 believe are determined if they can, to impose upon his 
 credulity, if he has any such weakness about him. 
 
 We are now alarmed with the advice that the 
 judges of our superior court of law, have salaries 
 appointed by the crown independent of the people, 
 which has occasioned a meeting of this metropolis, 
 the proceedings of which you have in the enclosed 
 papers. At the first meeting on the Wednesday, and 
 at the last adjournment on the Monday following, 
 there was a respectable appearance of the inhabitants, 
 though not so full as has sometimes been on occasions 
 of much less importance, owing partly to its being the 
 season of the year when the town is filled with our 
 country folks, and every one is laying in provision for 
 the approach of a long winter ; partly to the industry 
 of the enemies, to prevent a full meeting, which they 
 had before discovered, to prevent any meeting at all 
 (for they dread nothing more ;) and partly from the 
 opinion of some, that there was no method left to 
 be taken but the last, which is also the opinion of 
 many in the country. However as I said before 
 there was a respectable meeting ; and I think the 
 town has taken a necessary step, (by appointing a 
 committee of twenty-one persons, to correspond with 
 each town in the province), to ascertain the true sense 
 of the country with regard to our grievances, which 
 being known it will be the easier to determine upon, 
 and prosecute to effect, the methods which ought to 
 be taken for a redress of them. The tories give out 
 this in whisper, that they expect what they call a 
 breeze before long, which they say they gather from 
 the slow but regular approaches that are made. They 
 begin perhaps to be apprehensive that the body of a 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 195 
 
 long-insulted people will bear the insult and oppres 
 sion no longer than until they feel in themselves 
 strength to shake off the yoke. These persons will 
 form what judgment they please. If this is the 
 determination of the people it is justifiable as far 
 
 as the declaration of Mr. H himself has weight ; 
 
 for I am told by a gentleman whom 1 can credit, that 
 in conversation he has said, there was nothing in mo 
 rality that forbad resistance. 
 
 In your last you expressed your hopes of the re 
 moval of Hillsborough. I could not join with you; 
 for if I am to have a master, let me have a severe 
 one, that I may constantly have the mortifying sense 
 of it. I shall then be constantly disposed to take the 
 first fair opportunity of ridding myself of his tyranny. 
 There is danger of the people being flattered with 
 such partial relief as Lord Dartmouth may be able (if 
 disposed) to obtain for them, and building upon vain 
 hopes till their chains are rivetted. Are they not 
 still heaping guidance upon guidance? And while 
 these grievances remain, to what purpose would it be 
 if his lordship should get a few boyish instructions to 
 the governor relaxed? Would this be a reason for a 
 final submission to a tribute raised in support of the 
 despotic power? The tribute is the indignity which 
 I hope in God will never be patiently borne by a peo 
 ple, who of all the people on the earth, deserve most 
 to be free. 
 
 I am astonished that Dr. Franklin has written no 
 letter to the speaker. 
 
 I will write you by the next ship. In the mean 
 time be assured (hat I am your friend and humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
196 LIFE OF 
 
 " BOSTON, Nov. 31st, 1772. 
 
 My Dear Sir, My last letter to you was of the 3d 
 inst. I now enclose the proceedings of this town at 
 a meeting appointed to receive the report of the com 
 mittee, which is attested by the town-clerk, and pub 
 lished by order of the town. 
 
 Our enemies are taking all imaginable pains to dis 
 parage the proceedings, and prevent their having any 
 effect in the country. They are particularly endea 
 vouring to have it believed, that the vote was carried 
 at a very thin meeting; and in the Court Gazette of 
 last week have had the assurance to say, that there 
 were not more than twenty persons present, and that 
 not ten voted for it ; whereas it was much such a 
 meeting, or rather fuller than the last. The town of 
 Roxbury, adjacent to this, have met, and against the 
 efforts of the whole cabal have raised a committee of 
 nine persons to take our proceedings into considera 
 tion, and report at an adjournment; having before vot 
 ed the independency of the judges, a most dangerous 
 innovation? Plymouth, another large town, forty 
 miles distant, has also met, but we have not yet 
 heard what has been done there ; from the spi 
 rit of the petitions to their selectmen for a meeting, 
 among the enclosed papers, I hope to send you an 
 agreeable account. Other towns are in motion of 
 their own accord, for our pamphlet is not yet sent in 
 to the country towns, Roxbury excepted. The con 
 spirators are very sensible that if our design succeeds, 
 there will be an apparent union of sentiments among 
 the people of this province, which may spread through 
 the continent. You cannot then wonder that their 
 utmost skill is employed to oppose it. 
 
 I intended to have sent my last by Capt. Scott, 
 but having failed in that design, I herewith enclose it. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 197 
 
 I am disappointed if I do not receive a letter from 
 you by every vessel that arrives here. Be assured 
 that I am with great esteem sir, your humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 9th, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I must by no means omit to request 
 you to present my most respectful compliments to the 
 Society of the Bill of Rights, and return them my 
 hearty thanks for the great honour they have done me in 
 admitting me one of their members. The gentlemen 
 may be assured that this unexpected mark of their 
 respect adds to the obligation which I have ever held 
 myself under, to employ the small share of ability 
 which God has given me in vindicating the rights of 
 my country and of mankind. 
 
 I can now assure you that the efforts of this town 
 at their meeting in November last, have had effects 
 which are extremely mortifying to our falling tyrants. 
 Every art and every instrument was made use of to 
 prevent the meetings of the towns in the country, but 
 to no purpose. It is no wonder that a measure calcu 
 lated to promote a correspondence and a free commu 
 nication among the people, should awaken their ap 
 prehensions; for they well know it must detect their 
 falsehood in asserting, that the people of this country 
 were satisfied with the measures of the British parlia 
 ment, and the administration of government. Our 
 governor has in my opinion merited greatly of the 
 ministry, by his constant endeavours, though in vain, 
 to sooth and quiet the people, and persuade them to 
 think there were no grievances "to be seen, felt, or 
 understood;" and when the house of representatives 
 
 VOL, n, 25 
 
198 LIFE OF 
 
 in the last May session by almost an unanimous vote 
 remonstrated against his independency, he, without 
 the least foundation in truth, and for no other reason 
 that I can conceive but to give countenance to his 
 patron Hillsborough, or to establish himself in his 
 government, which he received with so great reluct- 
 ance, did not scruple in his speech at the close of that 
 session, to insinuate that the house were under the 
 influence of a few factious members.* No speech of 
 Bernard ever gave greater disgust to the people, nor 
 with more reason. 
 
 There has been another session of the general as 
 sembly, which began unexpectedly the sixth of Janu 
 ary last. It is my opinion that it would have been 
 postponed as usual of late till near the close of our 
 political year, had it not been for the Boston town- 
 meeting. I mean to prevent the designed effects of 
 it, by giving an occasion to the small jobbers in the 
 country to say, "that however expedient it might 
 have been for them to have had their meetings before, 
 it now becomes unnecessary and improper, since their 
 representatives are soon to meet in general assem 
 bly." This had an influence on some of the towns ; 
 and his excellency I suppose judged it more probable 
 that he should be able to manage the members of the 
 house, and prevail upon them to "join with him in bear 
 ing testimony against the unwarrantable proceedings 
 of Boston," if they came together without having the 
 explicit sentiments of their constituents. 
 
 At the meeting of the assembly he thought proper 
 to open a controversy with the two houses, for 
 which I think Hillsborough would not thank him ; for 
 he has thereby defeated the favourite design of the 
 ministry, which was to lull the people into security, 
 and for the effecting of which design he had before 
 thought himself, or endeavoured to make administra 
 tion believe he was entitled to so great a share of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 199 
 
 merit. The whole controversy is here enclosed. It 
 has been published in most of the newspapers on the 
 continent, and engages much of the attention of the 
 other colonies. This, together with the proceedings 
 of a contemptible town- meeting, has awakened the 
 jealousy of all, and has particularly raised the spirit 
 of the most ancient and patriotic colony of Virginia. 
 Their manly resolves have been transmitted to the 
 speaker of the house of representatives in a printed 
 sheet of their journals, and our committee of corre 
 spondence have circulated them into every town and 
 district through the province. 
 
 I wish I could hear something more of Lord D. 
 to qualify him for his high office, than merely that he 
 is a good man. Goodness I confess is an essential 
 though too rare a qualification of a minister of state. 
 Possibly I may not yet have been informed of the 
 whole of his lordship s character. Without a great 
 ness of mind adequate to the importance of his sta 
 tion, I fear he may find himself embarrassed with his 
 present connexions. It can easily be perceived what 
 principle induced Lord North to recommend to that 
 department a nobleman characterized in America for 
 piety ; but what would prevail on his lordship to 
 join with such connexions, unless he had a conscious 
 ness that his own abilities were sufficient to defeat 
 the plans of a corrupt administration, I am not able 
 to conceive. It might be well for his lordship to be 
 assured that there is now a fairer prospect than ever 
 of a union among the colonies, which his predecessor 
 felt, and had reason to feel, though he affected to des 
 pise it. Should the correspondence from Virginia 
 produce a congress, and then an assembly of states, 
 it would require the head of a very able minister to 
 speak with so respectable a body. This perhaps is a 
 mere fiction in the mind of a political enthusiast ; mi 
 nisters of state are not to be disturbed with dreams. 
 
200 LIFE OF 
 
 1 must now acknowledge your agreeable letter of 
 the 24th of Dec. I cannot wonder that you almost 
 despair of the British nation. Can that people be 
 saved from ruin, who carry their liberties to market 
 and sell them to the highest bidder ? But America 
 shall * rise full-plumed and glorious from the mother 
 ashes. Our house of representatives have sent a 
 letter to Lord Dartmouth. This must without ques 
 tion be a wise measure, though I must own I was not 
 in it; I feared it would lead the people to a false de- 
 pendance ; I mean upon a minister of state, when it 
 ought to placed, with God s assistance, upon them 
 selves. You cannot better prepare him for the repre 
 sentations of the house than as you propose, by giv 
 ing him a proper idea of Mr. Hutchinson. I arn 
 much obliged to you for your intention to hold up to 
 the public the generosity of my esteemed friend Mr. 
 Otis. I wish I could assure you that he is perfectly 
 recovered. 
 
 April 12th. This day I have the pleasure of receiv 
 ing yours of the 25th of January. Your putting me 
 in mind of the honour done me by the Society of the 
 Bill of Rights is very kind. I ought sooner to have 
 acknowledged it. My omitting it was owing to being 
 in a great hurry when I last wrote to you. I am sen 
 sible I am not one of the most regular correspondents ; 
 perhaps not so much so as I should be. I duly re 
 ceived, though I think not by Mr. Story, the letter 
 which enclosed the answer to the resolution of the 
 governor and council against Junius Americanus, 
 which I immediately published in the Boston Ga 
 zette. It was read with great satisfaction by men 
 of sense and virtue. I am heartily glad to find that 
 the proceedings of this town are so pleasing to you. 
 I have heard that Lord Dartmouth received one of 
 our pamphlets with coldness, and expressed his con 
 cern that the town had come into such measures. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 201 
 
 His lordship probably will be very much surprised to 
 find a very great number of the towns in this pro 
 vince, (and the number daily increases,) concurring 
 fully in sentiments with this metropolis ; expressing 
 loyalty to the king and affection to the mother coun 
 try, but at the same time a firm resolution to maintain 
 their constitutional rights and liberties. I send you 
 the proceedings of one town, which if you think pro 
 per, you may publish, as a specimen of the whole, for 
 the inspection of an administration either misinformed 
 and credulous to the greatest degree of human weak 
 ness, or obstinate in wilful error. They have lately 
 employed eight regiments of British troops to bring 
 an handful of unfortunate Caribs to a treaty dishon 
 ourable to the nation. How many regiments will be 
 thought necessary to penetrate the heart of a populous 
 country, and subdue a sensible, enlightened, and brave 
 people to the ignominious terms of slavery ? Or will 
 his lordship s superior wisdom direct to more salutary 
 measures, and by establishing freedom in every part 
 of the king s extensive dominions, restore that mutual 
 harmony and affection which alone are wanting, to 
 build up the greatest empire the world has ever yet 
 seen ? 
 
 Mr. Wilkes was certainly misinformed when he was 
 told that Mr. H. had deserted the cause of liberty. 
 Great pains had been taken to have it thought to 
 be so ; and by a scurvy trick of lying, the adversaries 
 effected a coolness between that gentleman and some 
 others, who were zealous in that cause ; but it was 
 of short continuance, for their falsehood was soon 
 detected. Lord Hillsborough, as I suppose, was 
 soon informed of the imaginary conquest, for I have 
 it upon such grounds as I rely upon, that he wrote 
 to the governor that he had it in command from the 
 highest authority to enjoin him to promote Mr. H. 
 upon every occasion. Accordingly, though he had 
 
202 LIFE OF 
 
 before been frowned upon, and often negatived both 
 by Bernard and Hutchinson, the latter, who can smile 
 sweetly even upon the man he hates, when lie is in 
 structed or it is his duty to do so, fawned and flatter 
 ed one of the heads of the faction, and at length ap 
 proved of him, when he was again chosen by an 
 unanimous vote a councillor the last May. To pal 
 liate this inconsistent conduct, it was previously given 
 out that Mr. H. had deserted the faction, and became 
 as they term each other, a friend to government. But 
 he had spirit enough to refuse a seat at the board, 
 and continue a member of the house, where he has in 
 every instance joined with the friends of the consti 
 tution in opposition to the measures of a corrupt ad 
 ministration ; and in particular no one has discoursed 
 with more firmness against the independency of the 
 governor and the judges than he. 
 
 I have mentioned to Mr. Gushing the hint in your 
 last, concerning his not answering your letters. I 
 believe he will write you soon. The gratitude of the 
 friends to liberty towards Mr. Otis for his eminent 
 services in times past, induces them to take all occa 
 sions to show him respect. I am much obliged to 
 you for the friendship you have discovered for him, 
 in holding up to the view of the public his generosity 
 to Robinson. 
 
 Your brother in Virginia has lately honoured me 
 with a letter, and I intend to cultivate a correspond 
 ence with him, which I am sure must be greatly to 
 my advantage. 
 
 As you have confided in me to recommend one or 
 more gentlemen of this place as candidates for the 
 Society of the Bill of Rights, I can with the greatest 
 integrity nominate my two worthy and intimate 
 friends, John Adams and Joseph Warren, Esqrs. the 
 one eminent in the profession of law, and the other 
 equally so in that of physic, both of them men of an 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 203 
 
 unblemished moral character, and zealous advocates 
 for the common rights of mankind. 
 
 I am with great regard dear sir, your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "BOSTON, April 22nd, 1773. 
 
 My Esteemed Friend, I have written you a long 
 epistle by this conveyance, and yet as the vessel is 
 detained by a contrary wind, I cannot help indulg 
 ing the mood I am in to chat a little more with you. 
 When I mentioned Mr. Hancock in my last, I forgot 
 to tell you that he is colonel of a company, called 
 the governor s company of cadets. Perhaps in this 
 view only he was held up to Mr. Wilkes, when he 
 was informed that he had deserted the cause. But it 
 should be known it is not in the power of the gov 
 ernor to give a commission for that company to whom 
 he pleases, as their officers are chosen by themselves. 
 Mr. Hancock was elected by an unanimous vote ; and 
 a reluctance at the idea of giving offence to an hun 
 dred gentlemen, might very well account for the gov 
 ernor giving the commission to Mr. H., without tak 
 ing into consideration that most powerful of all other 
 motives, an instruction, especially at a time when he 
 vainly hoped he should gain him over. I have been 
 the more particular, because I know our adversaries 
 avail themselves much by propagating reports that 
 persons who have signalized themselves as patriots 
 have at length forsaken their country. Mr. Otis yes 
 terday was engaged in a cause in the admiralty on 
 the side of Davvson, commander of one of the king s 
 cutters. At this some of the minions of power tri 
 umph, and say they have got over to their side the 
 greatest champion in our cause. I have not yet dis- 
 
204 LTFE OF 
 
 covered in the faces of their masters, an air of exulta 
 tion at this event; and indeed how can they boast of 
 the acquisition of one, whom they themselves have 
 been the most ready to expose as distracted. 
 
 I send you a complete printed copy of our contro 
 versy with the governor, at the end of which you will 
 observe some errors noted which escaped the press. 
 
 This letter goes under care of Mr. Cushing s to 
 Dr. Franklin. The franks you favoured me with I 
 shall make use of as necessity shall require. 
 
 I am yours affectionately, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, May 6th, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, My last letter to you I sent by 
 Capt. Symmes, who sailed a few days ago. This 
 town met yesterday, and made choice of their repre 
 sentatives for the year ensuing. Enclosed is a copy 
 of the town s instructions. It is a very common prac 
 tice for this town to instruct their representatives ; 
 which among other good purposes serves to commu 
 nicate their sentiments and spirit to the other towns, 
 and may be looked upon as fresh appeals to the world. 
 I perceive by the late London newspapers that the 
 governor s first speech had arrived there, and had been 
 very sensibly remarked upon by Junius Americanus. 
 This warm and judicious advocate for the province 
 I apprehend was mistaken in saying, that the supreme 
 authority of the British parliament to legislate for 
 ces has been always acknowledged here; when he 
 reads the answer of the house to the speech, he will 
 find the contrary clearly shown, even from Gov. Hutch- 
 inson s history. What will be the consequence of this 
 controversy, time must discover; it must be placed to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 205 
 
 the credit of the governor, that he has quickened a 
 spirit of enquiry into the nature and end of govern 
 ment, and the connexion of the colonies with Great 
 Britain, which has for some time past been prevailing 
 among the people. Magna est veritas et prevalebit; 
 I believe it will be hardly in the power even of that 
 powerful nation, to hold so inquisitive and increasing 
 a people long in a state of slavery. 
 
 Pray write to me as often as you can find lei 
 sure, and be assured I am sincerely your friend and 
 servant, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTOW, May 17, 1773. 
 
 Dear Sir, My last was by Capt. Calif, enclosing 
 a copy of the instructions of this town to their repre 
 sentatives. Our general assembly will meet next 
 week; what kind of a budget the governor will then 
 open is uncertain. It is whispered he intends to 
 bring about the coalition of parties; but how he will 
 attempt it, I am at a loss to conceive. Surely he 
 cannot think that the body of this people will be qui 
 eted, till there is an end put to all oppressions they 
 are under; and he dares not propose a coalition on 
 such terms, because it would disgust those who are 
 the instruments of and sharers in the oppression. Be 
 sides, I am inclined to think he never w i be able to 
 recover so much of the people s confidence, as to 
 make his administration easy. A few of his letters 
 we have seen, but are restrained at present from pub 
 lishing. Could they be made generally known, his 
 friends must desert him. It is a pity when the most 
 important intelligence is communicated with such re 
 strictions, as that it serves rather to gratify the curi- 
 
 VOL. ir. 26 
 
206 LIFE OF 
 
 osity of a few, than to promote the public good. I 
 wish we could see the letters he has written since 
 his advancement to the government. His friends 
 give out that they "are replete with tenderness to the 
 province." If so, / speak with assurance, they are the 
 reverse of those which he wrote before. 
 
 I send you for your amusement the copy of a vote 
 passed by this town at an adjournment of their meet 
 ing a few days ago, and remain in sincerity your 
 friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 P. S. You cannot write to me too often." 
 
 " BOSTON, June 21st, 1773. 
 
 Dear Sir, I wrote in very great haste a few days 
 ago, and then enclosed a printed copy of letters sign 
 ed Thomas Hutchinson, Andrew Oliver, &c., with 
 certain resolutions formed by a committee, and brought 
 into the house of representatives. Those resolutions 
 have been since considered by the house, and with 
 very little variation adopted ; as you will see by the 
 enclosed. Upon the last resolve there was a division 
 of 85 to 28; since which, five of the minority alter 
 ed their minds; two other members came into the 
 house, and desired to be counted; so that finally there 
 were 93 in favour and 22 against it. Many if not 
 most of the latter voted for all the other resolves. A 
 petition and remonstrance against Hutchinson and 
 Oliver will be brought in I suppose this week. I 
 think enough appears by these letters to show, that 
 the plan for the ruin of American liberty was laid by 
 a few men, bom and educated amongst us, and 
 governed by avarice and a lust of power. Could they 
 be removed from his majesty s service and confidence 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 207 
 
 here, effectual measures might then be taken to re 
 store P lac i dam sub Libertate QuietamS Perhaps how 
 ever you may think it necessary that some on your 
 side of the water should be impeached, and brought 
 to condign punishment. In this I shall not differ with 
 you. 
 
 I send you our last election sermon, delivered by 
 Mr. Turner. The bishop of St. Asaph s I have read 
 with singular pleasure. 
 
 I remain sincerely your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS." 
 
 " BOSTON, June 28th, 1773. 
 
 Dear Sir, My last was by Capt. Collson, by the 
 way of Bristol, enclosed in a frank cover. I then in 
 formed you of the passing a number of resolves in 
 the house of representatives upon certain letters that 
 had been under their consideration. Since which the 
 house have by a division, 121 to 82, voted a petition 
 and remonstrance, praying that Gov. Hutchinson, and 
 Lieut.-Gov. Oliver, may be removed from their posts. 
 A copy of which is sent to Dr. Franklin by this ves 
 sel, who is directed to apply to Arthur Lee, Esq. and 
 any other gentlemen, as council. Upon my motion, 
 the Dr. was directed to make application to you sole 
 ly; but the next day it was questioned in the house 
 whether you were yet initiated into the profession of 
 law, and the addition was made upon the doubt, which I 
 was sorry I had it not in my power to remove. How 
 ever, you must be applied to; every friend of liberty, 
 or which is the same thing, nine-tenths of the house, 
 having the greatest confidence in your integrity and 
 abilities. 
 
 You have herewith enclosed a copy of the proceed 
 ings of the council upon the same subject. The peo- 
 
208 LIFE OF 
 
 pie are highly incensed against the two impeached 
 gentlemen. They have entirely lost the esteem of 
 the public ; even some of their few friends are asham 
 ed to countenance them. 
 
 The governor, as he has been one of the most 
 obliged, has proved himself to be a most ungrateful 
 man. He appears to me to be totally disconcerted. 
 I wish I could say, humbled. 
 
 The house are now considering the independency 
 of the judges; a matter which every day grows still 
 more furious, and employs much of the attention of 
 the people without doors, as well as of the members 
 of the house. I wish that Lord Dartmouth and the 
 rest of the great officers of the crown, could be pre 
 vailed upon duly to consider, that British Americans 
 cannot long endure a state of tyranny. 
 
 I expect the general assembly will be up in a few 
 days. I will then write you more particularly. In 
 the mean time I remain your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, Nov. 9th, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I have but just time to enclose you 
 a newspaper, by which you will see that Lord Sh ne 
 was not mistaken when he said that things began to 
 wear a very serious aspect in this part of the world. 
 I wish that Lord Dartmouth would believe, that the 
 people here begin to think that they have borne op 
 pression long enough, and that if he has a plan of re 
 conciliation he would produce it without delay; but 
 his lordship must know, that it must be such as will 
 satisfy Americans. One cannot foresee events ; but 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 209 
 
 from all the observation I am able to make, my next 
 letter will not be upon a trifling subject. 
 
 I arn with great respect, your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, Dec. 31, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I am now to inform you of as re 
 markable an event as has yet happened since the , 
 commencement of our struggle for American liberty. 
 The meeting of the town of Boston, an account of 
 which I enclosed in my last, was succeeded by the 
 arrival of the ship Falmouth, Captain Hall, with 114 
 chests of the East India Company s tea, on the 2ftth 
 of November last. The next day the people met in 
 Faneuil hall, without observing the rules prescribed 
 by law for calling them together ; and although that 
 hall is capable of holding 1200 or 1300 men, they 
 were soon obliged for the want of room to adjourn to 
 the Old South meeting-house ; where were assembled 
 upon this important occasion 5000, some say 6000 
 men, consisting of the respectable inhabitants of this 
 and the adjacent towns. The business of the meet 
 ing was conducted with decency, unanimity, and 
 spirit. Their resolutions you will observe in an en 
 closed printed paper. It naturally fell upon the cor 
 respondence for the town of Boston to see that these 
 resolutions were carried into effect. This committee, 
 finding that the owner of the ship after she was un 
 loaded of all her cargo except the tea, was by no 
 means disposed to take the necessary steps for her 
 sailing back to London, thought it best to call in the 
 committees of Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline, 
 Roxbury, and Dorchester, all which towns are in the 
 neighbourhood of this, for their advice and assistance. 
 
210 LIFE OF 
 
 After a free conference and due consideration, they 
 dispersed. The next day, being the 1 4th, inst. the 
 people met again at the Old South church, and hav 
 ing ascertained the owner, they compelled him to 
 apply to the custom house for a clearance for his 
 ship to London with the tea on board, and appointed 
 ten gentlemen to see it performed ; after which they 
 adjourned till Thursday the 16th. The people then 
 met, and Mr. Rolch informed them that he had ac 
 cording to their injunction applied to the collector of 
 the customs for a clearance, and received in answer 
 from the collector that he could not consistently with 
 his duty grant him a clearance, until the ship should 
 be discharged of the dutiable article on board. It 
 must be here observed that Mr. Rolch had before made 
 a tender of the tea to the consignees, being told by 
 them that it was not practicable for them at that time 
 to receive the tea, by reason of a constant guard kept 
 upon it by armed men ; but that when it might be 
 practicable, they would receive it. He demanded the 
 captain s bill of lading and the freight, both which 
 they refused him, against which he entered a regular 
 protest. The people then required Mr. Rolch to pro 
 test the refusal of the collector to grant him a clear 
 ance under these circumstances, and thereupon to 
 wait upon the governor for a permit to pass the cas 
 tle in her voyage to London, and then adjourned till 
 the afternoon. They then met, and after waiting till 
 sun-setting, Mr. Rolch returned, and acquainted them 
 that the governor had refused to grant him a passport, 
 thinking it inconsistent with the laws and his duty to 
 the king, to do it until the ship should be qualified, 
 notwithstanding Mr. Rolch had acquainted him with 
 the circumstances above mentioned. You will observe 
 by the printed proceedings, that the people were re 
 solved that the tea should not be landed, but sent 
 back to London in the same bottom ; and the pro- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 211 
 
 perty should be safe guarded while in port, which 
 they punctually performed. It cannot therefore be 
 fairly said that the destruction of the property was 
 in their contemplation. It is proved that the con 
 signees, together with the collector of the customs, 
 and the governor of the province, prevented the safe 
 return of the East India Company s property (the 
 danger of the sea only excepted) to London. The 
 people finding all their endeavours for this purpose 
 thus totally frustrated, dissolved the meeting, which 
 had consisted by common estimation of at least 
 seven thousand men, many of whom had come 
 from towns at the distance of twenty miles. In less 
 than four hours every chest of tea on board three 
 ships which had by this time arrived, three hundred 
 and forty-two chests, or rather the contents of them, 
 was thrown into the sea, without the least injury to 
 the vessels or any other property. The only remain 
 ing vessel which was expected with this detested 
 article, is by the act of righteous heaven cast on 
 shore on the back of Cape Cod, which has often been 
 the sad fate of many a more valuable cargo. For a 
 more particular detail of facts, I refer you to our 
 worthy friend, Dr. Hugh Williamson, who kindly 
 takes the charge of this letter. We have had great 
 pleasure in his company for a few weeks past ; and 
 he favoured the meeting with his presence. 
 
 You cannot imagine the height of joy that sparkles 
 in the eyes and animates the countenances as well as 
 the hearts of all we meet on this occasion ; excepting 
 the disappointed, disconcerted Hutehinson and his 
 tools. I repeat what I wrote you in my last ; if lord 
 Dartmouth has prepared his plan let him produce it 
 speedily ; but his lordship must know that it must be 
 such a plan as will not barely amuse, much less farther 
 irritate but conciliate the affection of the inhabitants. 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 I had forgot to tell you that before the arrival of 
 either of these ships, the tea commissioners had pre 
 ferred a petition to the governor and council, praying 
 to resign themselves and the property in their care, 
 to his excellency and the board as guardians and pro 
 tectors of the people, and that measures may be di 
 rected for the landing and securing the tea, fcc. I 
 have enclosed you the result of the council on that 
 petition. He (the governor) is now, I am told, con 
 sulting his lawyers and books to make out that the 
 resolves of the meeting are treasonable. I duly re 
 ceived your favours of the 23d June, of the 21st July 
 and 13th October, and shall make the best use I can 
 of the important contents. 
 
 Believe me to be affectionately your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 P. S. Your letter of the 28th August is but this 
 moment come to hand. I hope to have leisure to 
 write you by the next vessel. Our friend Dr. War 
 ren has written to you by this ; you will find him an 
 agreeable and useful correspondent. 
 
 S. A. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "BOSTON, Dec. 25th, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I wrote you a few days past by 
 Capt. Scott, and then promised to write farther by 
 the next opportunity ; but not having heard of the 
 sailing of this vessel till this moment, I have only 
 time to recommend a letter written and directed to 
 you by John Scollay, Esq. a worthy gentleman and 
 one of the selectmen of this town. He desires me 
 to apologise for his addressing a letter to one who is 
 a perfect stranger to him, and to assure you that he 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 213 
 
 is persuaded there is no gentleman in London who 
 has the liberties of America more warmly at heart, 
 or is more able to vindicate them than yourself. You 
 see the dependence we have upon you. 
 
 Excuse this short epistle, and be assured that as I 
 am a friend to every one possessed of public virtue, 
 with affection I must be constantly yours, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, May 31st, 1774. 
 
 Sir, Mr. Adams informs me that you kindly re 
 ceived the letter I wrote you in Dec. last; this in 
 formation prompts me to address you again ; letter- 
 writing and on politics is not my province, but such 
 are the times that that man s heart must be callous 
 indeed that does not feel for his country, and that 
 does not give it out in every way ; in short we have 
 all, from the cobbler up to the senator, become poli 
 ticians. On the morrow that act, cruel act of our 
 parent state, (or rather hard-hearted step-mother) 
 called the Boston Port Bill is to take place, a bill 
 fraught with vengeance against this town. However 
 lord North will find out himself and that very soon 
 that he over shot his mark. That which he intended 
 should operate against Boston only, will effect every 
 town in this province. The sea-port towns will feel 
 the operation of the act, in a degree as much as Bos 
 ton, Boston being the grand engine that gives motion 
 to all the wheels of commerce. This being stopped, 
 it will sensibly affect the whole trade of the province. 
 All the sea-port towns depend on this, to take off by 
 far the greatest part of their imports ; they cannot 
 send a vessel to sea again after her return from a 
 voyage, till they send her cargo to Boston to be sold ; 
 
 VOL. ii. 27 
 
214 LIFE OF 
 
 in short all the running cash in the province centres 
 in this town. To this market all the trading towns 
 repair with their goods to make money of them. 
 Newburyport, Marblehead, and Salem, will most sen 
 sibly feel the shock, and if the blockade continues long 
 they must haul up their vessels, for no place but Boston 
 can take off their cargoes. It is a most melancholy 
 consideration, that this town, which was and is now 
 the most flourishing in trade and commerce, must be 
 devoted to destruction, and in a few days be brought 
 to the forlorn condition of a deserted village. Thou 
 sands that depend on their daily labour for support, 
 must be reduced to the greatest degree of distress and 
 want ; however they will suffer in a good cause, and 
 that righteous Being, who takes care of the ravens 
 which cry unto him, will provide for them and theirs. 
 (The MS. is illegible from time.) For that purpose 
 we have it in contemplation, if the blockade con 
 tinues any length of time, to employ the poor in 
 building a horse-bridge over Charles River, a river 
 about as wide as the Thames. By this bridge 
 Charlestown, a large and opulent town, will be join 
 ed to Boston ; this bridge will greatly facilitate the 
 intercourse between Boston, Marblehead, and Salem, 
 and other trading towns. When the news first ar 
 rived of lord North s proposing this bill in parliament, 
 it was looked on as a mere hum. People could not 
 think that a British house of commons would be so 
 infatuated as to pass such a bill, to punish a whole 
 town for a trespass that was committed in it by no 
 body knows who, and to carry it into execution with 
 out giving the town an opportunity to answer to the 
 charge, is an unheard of proceeding. Although it 
 was designed that this town should be ruined, yet I 
 doubt not but that it will finally end in great good, 
 not only to this town, but to all the colonies. I be 
 lieve by this management his lordship s fabric, which 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 215 
 
 cost him so much labour and afforded him so much 
 delight, will be demolished, and instead of despotism 
 and tyranny over the colonies, a foundation will be 
 laid for lasting peace and harmony between Great 
 Britain and these colonies. This may be looked on 
 as visionary, but I think the crisis is near when this 
 must take place, which is the warmest wish of every 
 free-hearted North American. We have too great a 
 regard for our parent state (although cruelly treated 
 by some of her illegitimate sons) to withdraw our 
 connexion ; of her we have no idea of an independ 
 ency, and the colonies are too precious a jewel for 
 the crown to part with ; therefore I think that the 
 wisdom of the English nation and that of the colonies 
 united, might fall on some plan of conciliating their 
 differences, and fix on some principles for each party 
 to resort to, as the great charter of agreement be 
 tween the king and his colonies. Such an event 
 would make the colonies happy, and the British na 
 tion great and prosperous. As you will no doubt 
 have the particulars of these matters handed to you 
 by some of your friends, it will be needless for me 
 to enlarge. 
 
 I hope you will excuse my troubling you with this 
 epistle ; and believe me to be, with great regard sir, 
 your most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN SCOLLAY. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 4th, 1774. 
 
 My Dear Sir, My last letter to you I delivered to 
 the care of Dr. Williamson, who sailed with Capt. 
 
 in December last. The general assembly has 
 
 since been sitting, and the important subject of the 
 judges of the superior court being made dependent on 
 
216 LIFE OF 
 
 the crown for their salaries, was again taken up by the 
 house of representatives with spirit and firmness. The 
 house had in a former session passed divers resolu 
 tions expressing their sense of the dangerous tenden 
 cy of this innovation, and declaring that unless the 
 justices should renounce the salaries from the crown, 
 and submit to a constitutional dependence upon the 
 assembly for their support, they would proceed to im 
 peach them before the governor and council. One of 
 them, Mr. Trow bridge, very early in the session, in 
 a letter to the speaker, expressed his former compli 
 ance with that resolve, which letter was communicat 
 ed to the house and voted satisfactory. The other 
 four had taken no notice of the resolve. The house 
 therefore having waited from the 2(ith of January, 
 which was the first day of the session, till the 1st of 
 February, then came to a resolution, that unless they 
 should conform to their order on or before the fourth 
 of the same month, farther proceedings would be had 
 on such neglect. The effect of this resolve was, that 
 three of them, viz: Hutchinson, (a brother to him 
 who is called governor), , ? made simi 
 lar declarations to that of Trowbridge, which were 
 also voted satisfactory. Mr. Justice Oliver, who is 
 brother of the lieutenant-governor, and is connected 
 with the governor by the marriage of their children, 
 came to a different determination ; which occasioned 
 a controversy between the governor and the two 
 houses, inserted at large in the enclosed papers. 
 Therein you will see that the governor has treated 
 the petitions, complaints, and remonstrances of the 
 representative body, with haughty contempt. The 
 people view it with deep resentment as an effect of 
 his independency; whereby he is aliened from them, 
 and become a fitter instrument in the hands of the 
 ministry to carry into effect their destructive plans. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 217 
 
 They are irritated to the highest degree, and despair 
 of any constitutional remedy against the oppressions 
 of a corrupt officer, while the governor, be fie who he 
 may, is thus dependent on ministers of state. They 
 have ever since the trial of Preston and his soldiers 
 been murmuring at the conduct of the superior court, 
 and the partiality which many say is so clearly dis 
 covered in causes between revenue officers and the go 
 vernment, abettors, and other subjects. Indeed, the 
 house of representatives two or three years ago pass 
 ed a resolution that such conduct in several in 
 stances had been observed, as appears in their printed 
 journals. To give you some idea of what the tem 
 per of that court has been, a lawyer* of great emi 
 nence in the province, and a member of the house of 
 representatives, was thrown over the bar a few days 
 ago, because he explained in a public newspaper the 
 sentiments he had advanced in the house when he 
 had been misrepresented ; and a young lawyer of 
 great genius in this town, who had passed the regular 
 course of study, (which is more than can be said of 
 the chief-justice) has been and still is refused by the 
 governor, only because he mentioned the name of 
 Hutchinson with freedom, and that not in court, but 
 in a Boston town-meeting some years before. And 
 to show you from whence this influence springs, I 
 must inform you that not long ago the governor, the 
 lieutenant-governor, and three of the judges, which 
 make a majority of the bench, were nearly related ; 
 and even now the governor has a brother there, and 
 is brother-in-law to the chief-justice. Such combina 
 tions are justly formidable, and the people view them 
 with a jealous eye. They clearly see through a sys 
 tem formed for their destruction. That the parlia 
 ment of Britain is to make laws, binding them in all 
 
 * Joseph Ilciwley, Esq., of North Hampton. 
 
 
218 LIFE OF 
 
 cases whatsoever; that the colonies are to be taxed 
 by that parliament without their own consent; and 
 the crown enabled to appropriate money for the sup 
 port of the executive and arbitrary powers; that this 
 leaves their own assembly a body of very little signi 
 ficance; while the officers of government and judges, 
 are to be totally independent of the legislature, and 
 altogether under the control of the king s ministers 
 and counsellors; and there an union will be effected, 
 as dangerous as it will be powerful ; the whole pow 
 er of government will be lifted from the hands into 
 which the constitution has placed it, into the hands 
 of the king s ministers and their dependents here. 
 This is in a great measure the case already; and the 
 consequences will be, angry debates in our senate, and 
 perpetual tumults and confusions abroad; until these 
 maxims are entirely altered, or else, which God for 
 bid, the spirits of the people are depressed, and they 
 become inured to disgrace and servitude. This has 
 long been the prospect in the mirrds of speculative 
 men. The body of the people are now in council. 
 Their opposition grows into a system. They are 
 united and resolute. And if the British administra 
 tion and government do not return to the principles of 
 moderation and equity, the evil which they profess 
 to aim at preventing by their rigorous measures, will 
 the sooner be brought to pass, viz: the entire separa- 
 ration and independence of the, colonies. 
 
 Mr. Gushing obliged me with a sight of your let 
 ter to him of the 22d Dec. last. I think I am not 
 so clearly of opinion as you seem to be, that the de 
 claratory act is a mere nullity, and that therefore 
 4 if we can obtain a repeal of the revenue acts from 
 1764, without their pernicious appendages, it w r ill be 
 enough. Should they retract the exercise of their 
 assumed power, you ask when will they be able to re 
 new it? I know not when, but I fear they will soon 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 219 
 
 do it, unless, as your worthy brother in Virginia in a 
 letter I yesterday received from him expresses him 
 self, we make one uniform, steady effort to secure 
 an explicit bill of rights for British America. Let 
 the executive power and right on each side be there 
 in stipulated, that Britain may no longer have a pow 
 er or right to make laws to bind us, in all cases what 
 soever. While the claim is kept up, she may exercise 
 the power as often as she pleases; and the colonies 
 have experienced her disposition to do it too plainly, 
 since she in anger made the claim. Even imaginary 
 power beyond right begets insolence. The people 
 here I am apt to think will be satisfied on no other 
 terms but those of redress; and they will hardly think 
 they are upon equitable terms with the mother coun 
 try, while by a solemn act she continues to claim a 
 right to enslave them, whenever she shall think fit to 
 exercise it. I wish for a permanent union with the 
 mother country, but only on the principles of liberty 
 and truth. No advantage that can accrue to America 
 from such an union can compensate for the loss of li 
 berty. The time may come sooner than they are 
 aware of it, when the being of the British nation, I 
 mean the being of its importance, however strange it 
 may now appear to some, will depend on her union 
 with America. It requires but a small portion of the 
 gift of discernment for any one to foresee, that pro 
 vidence will erect a mighty empire in America; and 
 our posterity will have it recorded in history, that 
 their fathers migrated from an island in a distant 
 part of the world, the inhabitants of which had long 
 been revered for wisdom and valour. They grew 
 rich and powerful; these emigrants increased in num 
 bers and strength. But they were at last absorbed in 
 luxury and dissipation; and to support themselves in 
 their vanity and extravagance they coveted and seized 
 the honest earnings of those industrious emigrants. 
 
220 LIFE OF 
 
 This laid a foundation of distrust, animosity and ha 
 tred, till the emigrants, feeling their own vigour and in 
 dependence, dissolved every former band of connex 
 ion between them, and the islanders sunk into obscu 
 rity and contempt. 
 
 May I whisper in your ear that you paid a compli 
 ment to the speaker when you told him you always 
 spoke under the correction of his better judgment. 
 I admire what you say to him, and I hope it will have 
 a good impression on his mind ; that we shall be re 
 spected in England exactly in proportion to the firmness 
 
 and strength of our opposition. 
 
 T ^ i r - j 
 
 1 am sincerely your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 As Capt. Wood is now about to sail, there is not 
 time to have copies of the papers; I will send them 
 by the next opportunity. In the mean time I refer 
 you to Dr. Franklin, to whom they are sent by this 
 l. 
 
 S. A. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, April , 1774. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Capt. Wood being still detained, I 
 have the opportunity of acknowledging your favour of 
 the 22d Dec. last, which is just now come to my hand. 
 As Mr. Gushing received your letter of the same date 
 near three weeks ago, I am at a loss to conjecture the 
 reason of my not receiving it at the same time. 
 
 I do not depend much Tipon Lord Dartmouth s in 
 clination to relieve America, upon terms which we 
 shall think honourable ; upon his ability to do it, 1 
 have no dependence at all. He might have said 
 with safety, when called upon by Lord Shelburne, 
 that he had prepared a plan to pursue at the hazard 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 of his office; for I have reason to believe it was 
 grounded upon the hopes that we could be prevailed 
 upon, at least impliedly, to renounce our claims. This 
 would have been an acceptable service to the minis 
 try, and would have secured to him his office. No 
 great advantage can be made against us from the let 
 ter which you mention to Lord Dartmouth from the 
 two houses of our assembly; for upon a review of it 
 I think the most that is said in it is, that if we are 
 brought back to the state we were in at the close of 
 the last war, we shall be as easy as we then were. I 
 do not like any thing that looks like accommodating 
 our language to the humour of a minister; and am 
 fully of your opinion that the harmony and concur 
 rence of the colonies, is of a thousand times more 
 importance in our dispute, than the friendship or pa 
 tronage of any great man in England. 
 
 At the request of our friend, Mr. Hancock, I beg 
 your acceptance of an oration delivered by him on 
 the fifth of March last. I intend to write to you 
 again very soon; in the mean time I remain your as 
 sured friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 BOSTON, May 18th, 1774. 
 
 My Dear Sir, The edict of the British parliament, 
 commonly called the Boston Port Act, came safely to 
 my hand. For flagrant injustice and barbarity, one 
 might search in vain among the archives of Constan 
 tinople to find a match for it. But what else could 
 have been expected from a parliament, too long under 
 the dictates and control of an administration, which 
 seems to be totally lost to all sense and feeling of mo 
 rality, and governed by passion, cruelty, and revenge. 
 For us to reason against such an act, would be idle- 
 
 VOL. ii. 28 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 ness. Our business is to find means to evade its ma 
 lignant design. The inhabitants view it, not with as 
 tonishment, but indignation. They discover the ut 
 most contempt of the framers of it; while they are 
 yet disposed to consider the body of the nation (though 
 represented by such a parliament) in the character 
 they have sustained heretofore, humane and generous. 
 They resent the behaviour of the merchants in Lon 
 don, those I mean who receive their bread from them, 
 in infamously deserting their cause at the time of ex 
 tremity. They can easily believe that the industrious 
 manufacturers, whose time is wholly spent in their 
 various employments, are misled and imposed upon by 
 such miscreants as have ungratefully devoted them 
 selves to an abandoned ministry, not regarding the ruin 
 of those who have been their best benefactors. But 
 the inhabitants of this town must and will look to 
 their own safety, which they see does not consist in 
 a servile compliance with the ignominious terms of 
 this barbarous edict. Though the means of preserv 
 ing their liberties should distress and even ruin the 
 British manufacturers, they are resolved (but with re 
 luctance) to try the experiment. To this they are 
 impelled by motives of self-preservation. They feel 
 humanely to those who must suffer, but being inno 
 cent are not the objects of their revenge. They have 
 already called upon their sister colonies, (as you will 
 see by the enclosed note) who not only feel for them 
 as fellow-citizens, but look upon them as suffering 
 the stroke of ministerial vengeance in the common 
 cause of America; that cause which the colonies have 
 pledged themselves to each other not to give up. In 
 the mean time I trust in God this devoted town will 
 sustain the shock with dignity; and supported by their 
 brethren, will gloriously defeat the designs of their 
 common enemies. Calmness, courage, and unanimi 
 ty prevail. While they are resolved not tamely to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 223 
 
 submit, they will by refraining from any acts of vio 
 lence, avoid the snare that they discover to be laid 
 for them, by posting regiments so near them. I 
 heartily thank you for your spirited exertions. Use 
 means for the preservation of your health. Our 
 warmest gratitude is due to lords Camden and Shel- 
 burne. Our dependence is upon the wisdom of the 
 few of the British nobility. We suspect studied in 
 sult, in the appointment of the person who is com- 
 mander-in-chief of the troops in America to be our 
 governor ; and I think there appears to be in it more 
 than a design to insult upon any specious pretence. 
 We will endeavour by circumspection and sound pru 
 dence, to frustrate the diabolical designs of our ene 
 mies. 
 
 I have written in haste, and am affectionately your 
 friend, 
 
 S. A." 
 
 " CAMBRIDGE, Feb. 14th, 1775. 
 
 My Dear Sir, A few days ago I received your 
 letter of the 7th December, and was greatly pleased 
 to find that you had returned from Rome at so critical 
 a time. The sudden dissolution of the late parlia 
 ment was a measure which I expected would take 
 place. I must needs allow that the ministry have 
 acted a politic part ; for if they had suffered the elec 
 tion to be put off till the spring, it might have cost 
 some of them their heads. The new parliament can 
 with a very ill grace impeach them for their past con 
 duct, after having so explicitly avowed it. The thun 
 der of the late speech and the servile answers, I view 
 as designed to serve the purposes of saving some men 
 from the block. I cannot conclude that lord North 
 is upon the retreat, though there seems to be some 
 
224 LIFE OF 
 
 appearance of it. A deception of this kind would 
 prove fatal to us. Our safety depends upon our being 
 in readiness for the extreme event. Of this the peo 
 ple here are thoroughly sensible, and from the pre 
 parations they are making I trust in God they will 
 defend their liberties with dignity. If the ministry 
 have not abandoned themselves to folly and madness 
 the firm union of the colonies must be an important 
 objection. The claims of the colonies are consistent 
 (the MS. is illegible here) and necessary to their own 
 existence as free subjects, and they will never re 
 cede from them. The tools of power here are in 
 cessantly endeavouring to divide them, but in vain. 
 I wish the king s ministers would duly consider what 
 appears to me a very momentous truth, that one re 
 gular attempt to subdue those in any other colony, 
 whatever may be the first issue of the attempt, will 
 open a quarrel, which will never be closed till what 
 some of them affect to apprehend, and we sincerely 
 deprecate, shall take effect. Is it not then high time 
 that they should hearken not to the clamours of pas 
 sionate and interested men, but to the cool voice of 
 impartial reason ? No sensible minister will think that 
 millions of free subjects, strengthened by such an 
 union, will submit to be slaves ; no honest minister 
 would wish to see humanity thus disgraced. 
 
 My attendance on the provincial congress now sit 
 ting here will not admit of my enlarging at present. 
 
 1 will write you again by the next opportunity, and 
 till I have reason to suspect our adversaries have got 
 some of my letters in their possession. I yet venture 
 to subscribe, yours affectionately, 
 
 S. ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 225 
 
 " BALTIMORE IN MARYLAND, Jan. 2d, 1777. 
 
 My Dear Sir, It has been altogether from a re 
 gard to your safety that I have restrained myself from 
 continuing on my part that correspondence which you 
 was obliging enough to indulge for several years. I 
 know very well that your avowal of and warm attach 
 ment to the cause of justice and truth, have rendered 
 you exceedingly obnoxious to the malice of the Bri 
 tish king and his ministers ; and that a letter written 
 by a zealous asserter of that cause addressed to you 
 while you was in their power, would have brought 
 upon you the resentment of that most cruel and vin 
 dictive court. But I cannot omit this opportunity of 
 writing to you after so long a silence, to assure you 
 that I am most heartily engaged according to my small 
 ability, in supporting the rights of America and of man 
 kind. 
 
 In my last letter to you near two years ago, I ven 
 tured to give you my opinion that if the British 
 troops then in Boston, should attempt to march out 
 in an hostile manner, it would most surely effect a 
 total and perpetual separation of the two countries. 
 This they did in a very short time ; and the great 
 event has since taken place, sooner indeed than I ex 
 pected it would, though not so soon, in my opinion, 
 as in justice il might, and in sound policy, it ought. 
 But there is a timidity in our nature which prevents 
 our taking a decisive part in the critical time, and 
 very few have fortitude enough to tell a tyrant they 
 are determined to be free. Our delay has been dan 
 gerous to us, yet it has been attended with great ad 
 vantage. It has afforded to the world a proof, that 
 oppressed and insulted as we were, we are very wil 
 ling to give Britain an opportunity of seeing herself, 
 and of correcting her own errors. We are now strug- 
 
226 LIFE OF 
 
 gling in the sharp conflict ; confiding that righteous 
 heaven will not look with an indifferent eye upon 
 a cause so manifestly just, and so interesting to 
 mankind. 
 
 You are now called to act in a still more enlarged 
 sphere. Go on, my friend, to exert yourself in the 
 cause of liberty and virtue. You have already the 
 applause of virtuous men, and may be assured of the 
 smiles of heaven. 
 
 Your brother, Mr. R. H. Lee, will give you a par 
 ticular account of our affairs in America ; nothing 
 therefore remains for me to add, but that I am your 
 very affectionate friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, Aug. 1st, 1777. 
 
 It was not till the last week that I received your 
 favour from Nantes of the 6th of March. Our friend 
 Mr. Lovett sent it to me from Philadelphia. I resent 
 the treatment you have met with in America with all 
 the feelings of friendship. Among your enemies you 
 may depend upon it there are some of the worst kind 
 of men. I cannot help entertaining a violent suspi 
 cion that they are the enemies of their country. I am 
 sure they cannot at present do a more vital injury to 
 the great cause of America than by raising the popu 
 lar jealousy and clamour against its earliest, most able, 
 and persevering friends. This they are endeavouring 
 to do not only with regard to you but others ; and 
 they are masters of so much sophistry as to deceive 
 some who, as I think, are not so wary and suspicious 
 of them as they ought to be. Mr. in the opin 
 ion of some of his own party, was injudicious in his 
 publication of the 5th Dec. last. They are at least 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 227 
 
 constrained to say it, whether they think so or notr 
 It is the opinion of the best men, I know, that he has- 
 done more mischief than it will ever be in his power 
 to atone for. I never had but one opinion of this 
 man since the year 1774, when I first knew him, and 
 that is, that he is commercial and interested. I be 
 lieve he has for a twelvemonth past, thought it his 
 interest to throw us into divisions and parties, and 
 that he has been as influential in effecting it as any 
 man in America. Interested men, men who are 
 united in politics and commercial combinations are 
 and must be his advocates. Perhaps the persons whose 
 names you mention in the last part of your letter, may be 
 his secret but powerful supporters ; I do not pretend to 
 affirm it. These men most certainly, should preserve 
 their minds free from prejudice in disputes of this 
 kind. They should stand totally unconnected with 
 any party, as they would avoid doing injury to the 
 joint cause of France and America, and lessening that 
 strong attachment and mutual confidence between the 
 two nations, which every true friend and subject of 
 both wishes may long subsist. 
 
 Your letter to the editor of the Leyden Gazette, 
 
 written upon your seeing Mr. s first publication, 
 
 fell into my hands about a fortnight ago. I published 
 it with a few loose observations in one of our news 
 papers. I have since had the pleasure of being in 
 formed, that you have sent to congress a reply to 
 Deane s accusations, which has given great satisfac 
 tion to impartial men. I foresaw soon after his arri 
 val, that your lot would be to suffer persecution for a 
 while. This is frequently the portion of good men, 
 but they are never substantially injured by it. Our 
 friend and your late colleague,* in his letter to me, 
 has mentioned you in the most honourable as well as 
 
 * John Adams. 
 
228 LIFE OF 
 
 the most friendly terms. I should have written to 
 him by this opportunity, but I am led by yours to be 
 lieve that my letter would not reach him. But if he 
 should be in France when you receive this letter, pray 
 mention my friendly regards to him, and let him know 
 that his lady and family are in health. 
 
 The young gentleman who carries this letter is 
 Mr. William Knox, brother to the general, and has the 
 character of an honest friend to the liberties of his 
 country ; your kind notice of him as such, will oblige 
 me. 
 
 I have many things to say to you; but the short 
 notice I have had of the sailing of this packet, leaves 
 me no time to add more than to assure you that 1 am, 
 with perfect sentiments of friendship, yours, &c. 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 26th, 1777. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Your several letters, with their en 
 closures, came to my hand. And although I have not 
 hitherto acknowledged to you the receipt of them, I 
 assure you I have been and am still improving the in 
 telligence you have given me to the best of my pow 
 er, for the advantage of this country. From our for 
 mer correspondence you have known my sentiments. 
 I have not altered them in a single point, either with 
 regard to the great cause we are engaged in, or to 
 you, who have been an early, vigilant, and active sup 
 porter of it. While you honour me with your confi 
 dential letters, I feel and will freely express to you 
 my obligation. To have answered them severally, 
 would have led me to subjects of great delicacy; and 
 the miscarriage of my letters might have proved de 
 trimental to our important affairs. It was needless 
 for me to run the risk for the sake of writing ; for I 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 229 
 
 presume you have been made fully acquainted with 
 the state of our public affairs by the committee. And 
 as I have constantly communicated to your brother 
 R. H. the contents of your letters to me, it was suffi 
 cient on that score for him only to write, for he thinks 
 as 1 do. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette, who does me the ho 
 nour to take this letter, is this moment going; which 
 leaves me time only to add, that I am and will be 
 your friend, because I know you love our country 
 and mankind. 
 
 I beg you to write to me by every opportunity. 
 Adieu, my dear sir, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782. 
 
 My Dear Sir, In the late session of our general 
 court, and in the hurry of important business, a peti 
 tion was presented signed William Burgess, praying 
 to be naturalized. This gentleman very lately arriv 
 ed from England, by way of Holland. The senate 
 declined sustaining his petition, and gave him leave 
 to withdraw it. A few clays after, an authenticated 
 resolution of congress came to hand, recommending 
 it to the states not to admit any British subject what 
 ever. Yet this man has had interest enough to pre 
 vail on the assembly to permit him to go to congress, 
 to have it decided there whether he comes within the 
 meaning of their resolution, because his arrival here 
 was prior to the reception of the resolution by this 
 government. If it should be thought there was in 
 this instance a want of attention, it must be imputed 
 to the* circumstance I first mentioned. The general 
 court had before directed his departure from the state ; 
 
 VOL. ii. 29 
 
230 LIFE OP 
 
 requesting the governor however, to allow him conve 
 nient time to prepare for his voyage, which appeared 
 to me a sufficient indulgence. Some of our good 
 citizens are disgusted at the favour shown to Mr. B. 
 They say that being a partner with Messrs. Cham 
 pion and Dickinson, the latter of whom is reported to 
 have been always inimical to America by his residence 
 here, he will probably be instrumental in the importa 
 tion of as many English goods as he will be able to 
 vend; or in other words, that the new house in Bos 
 ton will be nearly if not quite as convenient in the 
 time of war, as the old house in London was in time 
 of peace. Whether there will be any danger, con 
 gress will judge. Jealousy is a necessary political 
 virtue, especially in times like these. Such a plan 
 would gratify those among us who are still hankering 
 after the onions of Egypt, and would sacrifice our 
 great cause to the desire of gain. What need is there 
 of our admitting (to use the language of congress) 
 any British subject whatever? Congress surely had 
 some good reason when they so earnestly cautioned us 
 against it. Our citizens are in more danger of being 
 seduced by art, than subjugated by arms. I give you 
 this notice that you may have an opportunity of con 
 versing on the subject in your patriotic circles (if you 
 think it worth while) in season. Mr. B. will set off 
 next week in company with one of our new delegates, 
 who I am satisfied will favour his cause. My friend 
 ly regards to Dr. Shippen, and my old friends in con 
 gress, if any such are there. Adieu. 
 
 Believe me to be very affectionately your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. Doct. Lee." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 231 
 
 " BOSTON, Nov. 21st, 1782. 
 
 My Dear Sir, The bearer, General Whipple, just 
 called on me in his way from Portsmouth to Philadel 
 phia. He was formerly a member of congress. Give 
 me leave to introduce him to you as ours and our 
 country s friend. 
 
 I am very affectionately yours, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Arthur Lee^ Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, Dec. 2d, 1782. 
 
 My Dear Sir, A friend of mine to whom I give 
 entire credit, who lived many years in Canada, and 
 was well acquainted with the bearer of this letter, re 
 quests me to introduce him to you. After a long 
 confinement in prison in Quebec, where he was used 
 with great severity, he found means to make his es 
 cape, and came to this town. He is a Frenchman by 
 birth, and was a very respectable merchant in Cana 
 da. When the attempt was made to gain that coun 
 try in 1775, he privately aided our forces; the suspi 
 cion of which rendered him obnoxious to the British 
 government, and was the real cause of his suffering. 
 He will inform you of the state and circumstances of 
 British affairs there, and will tell you it is an easy 
 thing to unite that province with these states. Possi 
 bly he may be influenced in some degree by a just re 
 sentment of the ill-treatment he has received; but 
 other intelligent persons acquainted with the people 
 of Canada, have zealously affirmed the same to me. 
 If it be so, it is hoped that a favourable opportunity 
 to effect it will be embraced, if any such should of- 
 
232 LIFE OF 
 
 fer. I need not hint to you the importance of that 
 object. Adieu, 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq," 
 
 "BOSTON, Feb. 10th, 1783. 
 
 My Dear Sir, It is a long time since I had the 
 pleasure of a letter from you. I hope you have not 
 struck my name from the list of your correspondents. 
 Mr. Stephen Higginson, who will deliver you this let 
 ter, is appointed a delegate of this state. He is a 
 sensible and very worthy man, and I think entertains 
 sentiments like yours. I am persuaded you will find 
 him a valuable member, if his great modesty and 
 diffidence of himself will allow him to step for 
 ward as far as his good understanding would lead 
 him. 
 
 I feel myself constrained to mention to you the 
 present situation of Capt. Landais, though not at his 
 request, or the smallest intimation from him. He re 
 sides in this town, and sometimes calls to see me. 
 As he appears to be an injured man, I wish that jus 
 tice may be done to him ; and I am the more solicitous 
 about it, as I was, with your worthy brother Mr. R. H. 
 instrumental in his first appointment in the American 
 navy. Congress granted him 12,000 livres as a com 
 pensation for services he had performed, and ordered 
 that he should be paid by Dr. F. in France; but for 
 some reason which is or ought to be known, he has 
 never received that sum. Much the greater part of 
 his wages as commander of the Alliance remains un 
 paid. A large sum due to him for prize-money is 
 stopped in the hands of some person or persons in 
 France ; which indeed is too common a complaint 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 23$ 
 
 among those continental officers and seamen who 
 have carried prizes into ports in Europe. He made a 
 journey to Philadelphia to obtain a settlement of his 
 accounts, and was offered by Mr. M. three months 
 pay, and a certificate for the balance, which he would 
 not accept, because he really wanted the whole of his 
 wages to supply him with the necessaries of life. I 
 am sure that your own feelings of justice and huma 
 nity will plead an excuse for my troubling you with 
 this detail. Perhaps his court-martial, by whose de 
 cree he was broken, were too severe. If his conduct 
 in his last passage from France was blameable, was 
 not his mind to the greatest degree irritated by the 
 treatment he met w r ith there? and shoulrl not reason 
 able allowances have been made? He thinks it was 
 an unrighteous decree. He may judge partially; I 
 know nothing of the matter. If it was, is not the 
 wound given to his honour sufficiently severe? But 
 even if it was just, should not a discarded officer be 
 immediately paid ? Should not congress demand 
 the reason why the prize-money has not been paid to 
 those to whom it has been long due? Complaints of 
 this kind have to my knowledge spread from Phila 
 delphia to Boston. I am concerned for the honour of 
 congress. These complaints may appear of little con 
 sequence; but I am afraid if they continue unattend 
 ed to, they will cast a dark shade over the public 
 character. The state of Landais affairs will appear 
 in his own memorial to congress, which was re 
 jected, and perhaps may be on the files. You will 
 oblige me if you will interest yourself (if leisure will 
 admit of it) as far as you may think just, in his fa 
 vour. 
 
 I have been applied to by some of the inhabitants 
 of the island of Nantucket, and have promised them 
 to write to my friend respecting the whale fishery. 
 These people have been usually employed in that 
 
234 LIFE OF 
 
 branch of business chiefly. They have greatly reduced 
 the number of their vessels, since the commencement 
 of the war, by which means they say they are reduced 
 to great distress and wish for some indulgence from 
 congress. Whether this can be consistently granted, 
 and in what manner, you will judge. The delegates 
 of this state, I believe, can inform you more particu 
 larly of this matter. You are sensible of the absolute 
 dependence of this state upon the fishery for its trade, 
 and how great an advantage will accrue from it to 
 the United States, if they intend ever to have a navy. 
 I hope our peacemakers are instructed by all means 
 to secure a common ri^ht in it. 
 
 O 
 
 My respects to the Hon. Mr. Izard, if at Phila 
 delphia, and other friends. Adieu, and believe me 
 very affectionately yours, 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 22nd, 1773. 
 
 Sir, It is sometime since I had the pleasure of 
 any of your favours; I embrace this opportunity to 
 transmit you a number of pamphlets containing the 
 governor s speeches, and answers of both houses to 
 the same, upon the supreme authority of parliament. 
 The two houses were forced into this dispute, and 
 could not avoid it, without tacitly giving in to senti 
 ments and opinions that they held to be erroneous 
 and false. If this is a question that the ministry 
 would have preferred not to agitate at this time, 
 they must clear the house of any blame. However if 
 any high measures should be taken with respect to 
 this province, in consequence of it, it ought well to 
 be considered that it is a question that nearly and 
 equally affects all the colonies, and what is done by 
 way of punishment to any particular colony, will be 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 considered as if done to all, and consequently will, it 
 is probable be resented by all ; and will as firmly unite 
 us in measures to obtain redress, as any one thing I 
 can well conceive of. The house of burgesses of the 
 government of Virginia, as you will find by the en 
 closed paper, have upon this occasion passed a num 
 ber of resolves, appointing a standing committee of 
 correspondence and enquiry, to correspond and commu 
 nicate with their sister colonies in America, respect 
 ing the acts and resolutions of the British parliament ; 
 and have directed their speaker to transmit them 
 to the speakers of the different assemblies through 
 the continent, and request them to appoint similar 
 committees. There is no doubt that most of the colo 
 nies if not all. will come into the like resolutions; and 
 some imagine if the colonies are not soon relieved, a 
 congress will grow out of this measure. The ques 
 tion that the governor has lately started and been so 
 open and explicit upon, has arrested the attention of 
 the whole continent ; we are continually receiving 
 letters from some principal gentlemen in the other 
 governments, highly approbating the answers of both 
 houses, so that we have the happiness to find that we 
 are not alone in our sentiments upon this important 
 subject. 
 
 I remain with respect your most humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
 P. S. 1 write in confidence, and should not choose 
 to have my name mentioned with respect to what I 
 have now written. 
 Yours, 
 
 T. GUSHING." 
 
236 LIFE OF 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 20th, 1773. 
 
 Sir, The latter end of June last I wrote you that 
 the house of representatives had directed Dr. Frank 
 lin to employ you as council in support of their peti 
 tion to the king for the removal of the governor and 
 lieutenant governor, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING." 
 
 " PROVINCE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, June 25th, 1773. 
 
 Sir, I have received the commands of the house 
 of representatives of this province to inform you that 
 they have lately had divers letters signed Thomas 
 Hutchinson, And. Oliver, &c. laid before them, and 
 that they have voted as their sense, that the tendency 
 and design of said letters appear to have been to over 
 throw the constitution of this government and to in 
 troduce arbitrary power into this province. They 
 have also agreed upon and passed an address to his 
 majesty, praying that his excellency Thomas Hutch 
 inson, governor, and the Hon. Andrew Oliver, lieu 
 tenant governor of this province, may be removed 
 from the posts they hold within this government, 
 which they have directed Dr. Franklin to lay before 
 his majesty ; and have also directed him to employ 
 you as counsel upon this occasion, and as the persons 
 afore-mentioned have by this their conduct rendered 
 themselves very obnoxious to the people and have 
 entirely lost their confidence, they doubt not you will 
 employ your interest and influence to support the 
 petition above-mentioned, and do all in your power 
 that it may have the desired effects. 
 
 I am with great respect your humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING, Speaker. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 237 
 
 P. S. Enclosed you have a news-paper, contain 
 ing the house s resolves on your letter above referred 
 to." 
 
 "BOSTON, Sept, 20th, 1773. 
 
 Sir, The latter end of June last I wrote you that 
 the house of representatives had directed Franklin 
 to employ you as their counsel in support of their pe 
 tition to the king, for the removal of the governor and 
 lieutenant governor, since which I have received your 
 favour of the 10th June. I observe the governor by 
 reviving the late dispute, has lost credit on your side 
 of the water, as well as on ours. The ministry, I 
 understand, are greatly chagrined at his officiousness, 
 their intention having been to let all controversy sub 
 side, and by degrees to suffer things to return to their 
 old channels. This dispute, though it may in some 1 
 measure retard the redress of our grievances, has 
 upon the whole been of advantage to America. We 
 have gained ground by it. However, I entirely agree 
 with you in sentiment, that it is not worth our while 
 to press this matter too far at this time. You possi- 
 hly observe that the government at home are daily 
 growing weaker, while we in America are continual 
 ly growing stronger. Our natural increase in wealth 
 and population will in a course of years effectually 
 settle this dispute in our favour ; whereas, if we per 
 sist in strenuously denying the right of parliament 
 to legislate for us in any case whatever, and insist 
 upon their yielding up this right, they may think us 
 very extravagant in our demands, and hence there 
 will be great danger of bringing on a rupture fatal to 
 both countries ; whereas, if these high points about 
 the supreme authority of parliament, were to fall 
 asleep, and administration would desist from the ex 
 ercise of this right, and the present system of Ame- 
 
 VOL. n. 30 
 
238 LIFE pF 
 
 rican laws and regulations adopted on the idea of rais 
 ing a revenue in America, were abolished, I should 
 think Great Britain would regain the affection of the 
 people of America, retrieve her commerce, and recall 
 that confidence in her wisdom and justice, which is 
 so necessary for the mutual interests of both coun 
 tries. I cannot agree with in the sentiment 
 
 that Lord Dartmouth is the kind of man that will 
 never do any good. I have lately been favoured with 
 a letter from his lordship. His sentiments are truly 
 noble and generous. They well comport with his 
 high station, and fully justify that confidence which 
 his majesty s subjects in America repose in his wis 
 dom and justice. He seems disposed and desirous of 
 having union and harmony between both countries 
 restored upon a fair, candid, and equitable footing. 
 At the same time I am fully of opinion that it is to 
 ourselves we ought to trust, and not to the persons 
 who may be in power on your side the water, and I 
 hope we shall always act with prudence and firmness. 
 Notwithstanding it may have been represented to 
 his majesty that the doctrines contained in the house s 
 answer to the governor s speech, were to be imputed 
 to a few men of artifice who mislead it, administra 
 tion ought to know the men who made and passed 
 those answers, are not men of artifice, but as Lord 
 Coke says of the ancient commons, they were grave 
 and sad men, and men of property ; that they and the 
 present house were and are willing that these points 
 should fall asleep ; but when the governor put them 
 in such a situation that either they must speak out or 
 by their silence concede and give up their rights, they 
 judged and will always judge it their duty, respect 
 fully and modestly, yet plainly to assert them. This 
 province will not be judged by pensioned judges, and 
 look upon it an intolerable grievance and infraction 
 of our charter to have an independent governor. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 239 
 
 Please enquire how this matter stands with respect 
 to our judges. Some time ago it seems the king in 
 council passed an order for their being allowed certain 
 salaries, but it was uncertain then and is now whether 
 ever the warrants lor their payment were issued. I 
 believe this matter was suspended upon Lord Dart 
 mouth s appointment. 
 
 Please enquire and let me know by the first oppor 
 tunity how this matter is situated ; whether warrants 
 are likely to issue for their payment. 
 
 In great haste I conclude, with respect your most 
 humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING." 
 
 " BOSTON, Oct. 28th, 1773. 
 
 Sir, Since my last I have not been favoured with 
 any of yours. Dr. Franklin writes me he thinks of 
 leaving England very soon; and informs me that 
 some time before his departure he shall put the pro 
 vince papers in your hands, where I doubt not they 
 will be advantageously placed for the province. He 
 speaks very handsomely of Dr. Lee, from whence I 
 conclude there is a good understanding between you 
 and the Dr., which gives me great pleasure. 
 
 He has discovered himself to be an able, disin 
 terested defender of the rights of the Americans ; 
 and I believe has been sincerely attached to the in 
 terests and prosperity of the province. 
 
 I now transmit you a journal of the house of 
 representatives of the last sessions, as also a ser 
 mon preached before the general assembly by a Mr. 
 Turner the last May, of which I crave your ac 
 ceptance. 
 
 The parliament it seems at their last session did 
 nothing for the relief of America. I hope the ad- 
 
240 LIFE OF 
 
 ministration will advise to it the next session. A 
 war it is apprehended is near at hand. Our aids will 
 then be wanted, consequently our friendship will be 
 wanted, and our claims attended to. It is against 
 this event, as you very justly observe, we should be 
 prepared ; that the opportunity of vindicating our 
 rights may not pass away unimproved. But I am not 
 without my fears that when this crisis arrives, the co 
 lonies, considering how differently they are constitut 
 ed, will widely differ about their rights. It would be 
 well, if whenever requisitions are made for men and 
 money, they could all agree upon one and the same an 
 swer, and on insisting upon the same rights. Some 
 have thought that if the several assemblies through 
 the continent should firmly agree with each other not 
 to grant any aids to the crown in a general war, until 
 the whole system of American laws and regulations 
 adopted upon the idea of raising a revenue in Ame 
 rica, is abolished, it would fully answer the purpose 
 of the colonies, and would be doing as much as it 
 could rationally be expected they would unite in, and 
 would be demanding as much as could rationally be 
 expected Great Britain would at present grant. They 
 further agree that if the administration could once be 
 brought to renounce and desist from the present sys 
 tem, which has occasioned so much trouble to both 
 countries, they would never attempt its resumption. 
 Others have thought that the colonies ought to go 
 further, and not to grant any aids until the declara 
 tory act, passed immediately after the stamp act, was 
 repealed, and Great Britain agree that she has not a 
 right to make laws to bind America in any case what 
 ever. But these terms it is thought by many would 
 not be insisted upon by all the colonies, if by any ; and 
 if they should, it is pretty certain they W 7 ould never 
 be complied with by Great Britain, but would rather 
 be considered as a plain indication that the colonies 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 241 
 
 were not disposed to come to any settlement with 
 Great Britain, but chose to be entirely independent 
 of her, and that there would be great danger of a fa 
 tal rupture, and of prematurely bringing on a contest, 
 to which, if the Americans were not found equal, that 
 authority thus disputed, would by the event be more 
 strongly established ; and if they should prove supe 
 rior, yet by the division, the general strength of the 
 British nation would be greatly diminished ; whereas 
 the daily increasing strength in wealth and numbers, 
 and the growing importance of America to Great 
 Britain would in a little time secure us all we want, 
 in peace and safety to both countries. 
 
 I should be glad of your free and candid sentiments 
 on these subjects. You are on the spot, and can get 
 acquainted with the prejudices, opinions, and senti 
 ments of those, who it is probable will be the princi 
 pal hands in settling the dispute between Great Bri 
 tain and the colonies; and therefore must be best able 
 to judge what terms it will be best and most expedient 
 for the Americans to propose, and insist upon ; what 
 it is most likely they will obtain; and what it is most 
 probable Great Britain will concede. A connexion 
 between Great Britain and the colonies is what every 
 good man must ardently wish may be obtained and 
 preserved; but then it ought to be upon just and equi 
 table terms. 
 
 I conclude, with great respect, your obedient ser 
 vant, 
 
 THOMAS GUSHING." 
 
242 LIFE OF 
 
 LETTERS OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 " BREST, March 24th, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have this moment the honour of yours 
 of the loth. I am perfectly of your opinion, that we 
 have yet a hard battle to fight. The struggle will yet 
 be long and painful ; and the difficulty of it will arise 
 from nothing more than the weak disposition in our 
 countrymen, as well as our allies, to think it will be 
 short. Long before this war began I expected a se 
 vere trial; but I never foresaw so much embarrass 
 ment from selfishness, vanity, and corruption, as I find. 
 If these proceed much longer in their career, it will 
 not be worth the while of men of virtue to make 
 themselves miserable by continuing in the service. If 
 they leave it, the American system of flattery and cor 
 ruption will still prevail over the British. But there 
 will be an end of our virtuous visions of a kingdom of 
 the just. 
 
 I wrote Mr. Israel from Nantes. My regards to 
 him and your brother. I am no hand at a cypher, 
 but will endeavour to unriddle if you write in it. 
 
 With much esteem, your humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. A. Lee." 
 
 " PARIS, May 25th, 1780. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your kind favour of April 12th is yet 
 unanswered. With nothing at all to do, I am as busy 
 as ever I was in my life. Whether any good will re 
 sult from it, time must discover. I have undertaken 
 to inform congress a little more particularly than they 
 are wont to be informed, of some things that have 
 passed in Europe which may ultimately affect them ; 
 but I find it is in vain to put my eyes out by writing, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 243 
 
 for when letters are written we can t get them across 
 the water. I have however sworn, and I will per 
 form, if it is possible to get letters to them by the way 
 of Spain, or Holland, or any other way ; let the ex 
 pense be what it will, they shall go. 
 
 I have a very good opinion of Count Sarsefeild, 
 and have the honour to see him sometimes, though not 
 so often as I wish. Too many unsuitable characters 
 it is very certain have been permitted to meddle in 
 our affairs ; but when or how it will be remedied, 
 God only knows. In a country where every thing 
 goes and is done by protection, and where the motives 
 of government are the direct opposites of ours, I 
 see no prospect of having it otherwise, let who will 
 be in or out. 
 
 As to jobs, I never had and never will have any 
 thing to do in any, let the consequence to me and my 
 family be what it will. The trusts with which you 
 and I have been honoured by our country, are too sa 
 cred to be tarnished by the little selfish intrigues, in 
 which the little insects about a court are eternally 
 buzzing. If I had neither a sense of duty, nor the 
 pride of virtue, nor any other pride, if I had no high 
 er principle or quality than vanity, it would mortify 
 this, in an extreme degree, to sully and debase so 
 pure a cause by any such practices. 
 
 On the characters you mention I shall never con 
 descend to bestow my confidence, nor my resentment, 
 nor contempt. They have ever been treated by me, 
 and ever will be, with justice and civility, but they 
 will never be my friends. 
 
 I have received a letter by the way of for 
 
 you, which I do myself the honour to enclose. 
 
 I was in hopes you would have been at congress 
 before now. Your situation must be disagreeable, 
 but I know by experience it can be borne. Pray how 
 do you relish Clinton s letter? I think the policy of 
 
244 LIFE OF 
 
 France and Spain is pointed out by it in sun-beams. 
 I hope they will profit by it. They seemed to be con 
 vinced of it before the letter arrived. They have 
 now the testimony of our enemy to the truth and 
 justice of what you and I had the honour to repre 
 sent to them, in conjunction with our colleague, last 
 January was twelve months. 
 
 I am, with much esteem, &c., yours, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. A. Lee." 
 
 " THE HAGUE, Aug. 29, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have a great mind to envy your situa 
 tion, or to wish myself with you in congress, where 
 I should have less anxiety, and more health, if not an 
 opportunity to do more good. 
 
 The mynheers have overcome most of their terrors, 
 and are now well fixed in the good system. They 
 will hearken to no separate proposals, and therefore 
 will make an important diversion in our favour, al 
 though they should not succeed in their endeavours 
 to excite the court to more strenuous exertions. 
 
 We have succeeded to obtain a small loan. There 
 is nearly a million and a half of guilders obtained, to 
 be paid upon the receipt of the ratification of the con 
 tract. 
 
 The deputies of the provinces have generally re 
 ceived their instructions concerning the treaty of com 
 merce, and I am daily in conference upon the subject. 
 It is slow work, but in time it will be finished to mu 
 tual satisfaction, as I believe. 
 
 Fitzherbert s powers are to treat with France, the 
 States General, and the ministers of all other princi- 
 pum et statuum quorum inter esse poterit. 
 
 Mr. Brantzon s powers are to treat in concert with 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 245 
 
 France, and all the other powers at war with Eng 
 land, but to agree to no peace or truce but in concur 
 rence with them. 
 
 I don t like very well the idea of our conferences 
 before a British minister had powers to treat with the 
 ministers of the United States in so many words; and 
 think that if we had refused to treat till that time, 
 Shelburne would have been forced to come into Fox s 
 plan. Possibly however they may agree upon pre 
 liminaries, but I have not very sanguine hopes of it. 
 
 I should be very glad to hear from you as often as 
 your important engagements will permit. Meantime 
 I have the honour to be, with great esteem, your most 
 obedient, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Lee" 
 
 "THE HAGUE, Oct. 10th, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, I had the honour of yours of August 
 7th yesterday. The letters enclosed are sent to their 
 destinations. 
 
 I have long since taken such measures as depended 
 on me, and shall continue to do all that decency will 
 permit, to induce the states to send ministers to con 
 gress. I am convinced it will not be done before the 
 next spring. To give you a complete detail of the 
 reasons of this, would be a tedious labour, without 
 use. It is sufficient to say, that every thing is done 
 against the inclination cf the court, and they cannot 
 agree upon the man to send. All the patriots fix upon 
 Vander Capellan de Poll, or Van Berchel, who is the 
 fittest; but both are obnoxious to the court, who are 
 disposed to delay and retard every thing which tends 
 to cement the two republics. 
 
 It is not an easy thing to ascertain with precision 
 
 VOL. n. 31 
 
246 LIFE OF 
 
 the true boundary between independence and uncom- 
 plaisance; but in this I feel in myself, and I see in 
 every body else, quite as much disposition to be un- 
 complaisant, as is reconcilable with independence ; it 
 is however of more importance to be one, than the 
 other. It gives me infinite pleasure to learn, that Mr. 
 Jay is of this sentiment. Mr. Dana s sentiments may 
 be learnt from an extract of a letter from him to me 
 of the 16th Sept. He says: In my letter of the 
 30th August I told you I was no longer at liberty to 
 pursue a course like that you pointed out to me in 
 yours of the 7th of the said month; that my late in 
 structions were clear and decided, and that I was glad 
 of it ; for had the matter been left to my discretion, I 
 should have taken a course not wholly unlike that you 
 mention to me. I had prepared every thing for the 
 decisive step, and should have taken it against the 
 opinion of, you know whom; because my sentiments 
 fully coincide with yours, so far as they respect the 
 dignity of the United States; which I have all along 
 thought would suffer nothing from an open and firm 
 policy, and that their views and interests would be 
 promoted and established much earlier by means of it. 
 I venture to assert, that had you hearkened to the ad 
 vice that was given you when I was in Holland, not 
 one of the United Provinces would at this time have 
 acknowledged our independence; nay more, the mi 
 nor party would have been the prevailing one, and in 
 all probability affairs would have worn a different 
 countenance in Europe, and we should have seen, 
 through the aid of mediation, &,c., a separate peace 
 concluded between Great Britain and Holland. I am 
 sensible, as I told you before, of the difference of our 
 situations; yet this difference does not in my opinion 
 necessarily require a system absolutely the reverse- 
 The same engines indeed icannot be set at work 
 here. 5 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 247 
 
 The instruction that you say subjects us to the 
 French ministry, has never been communicated to rne. 
 I cannot believe that any such has been given. I sus 
 pect you put too strong a construction on it. Con 
 gress would have a very modest unconsciousness of 
 their own abilities, to subject themselves or their mi 
 nisters to any body. There is not in my opinion a 
 body of men in Europe more enlightened than con 
 gress, nor a minister in Europe superior to three of 
 theirs, viz: Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and Mr. Dana; 
 at least 1 have not yet had the honour of finding him 
 out, if there is such a minister. The abilities of 
 ministers which produce events, do not consist in 
 dress, horses, balls, nor cards. 
 
 I was never in my life clearer in any opinion than 
 I am in this, that it would serve our cause for Mr. 
 Dana to communicate his mission to the minister of 
 the empress of Russia, and to the ministers of the 
 several courts of neutral powers at Petersburg. I 
 think he would not be refused. The matter would 
 be taken into consideration, and might be long de 
 layed. But if he were refused, it would be upon the 
 principle of neutrality ; and even this refusal would 
 be infinitely less hurtful to our reputation, than to 
 have a minister in Europe with a commission in his 
 pocket, and prohibited to make use of it. It is now 
 known that he has such a commission, as much as if 
 he communicated it, which he might do in confidence. 
 It is not consistent in congress, as I humblyfappre- 
 hend, to send ministers to Europe, and then tie their 
 hands, subjecting them to the French ministry. I 
 say it freely, chaining them hand and foot. These 
 chains I will never wear ; they would be so galling 
 to me, that I could never bear them. I will never 
 however be wanting in civility or complaisance to 
 those ministers knowingly. 
 
 I shall ever esteem it an honour and a happiness, to 
 
248 LIFE OF 
 
 receive the news and the politics of the times from 
 you. Give me leave to assure you, that I have the 
 honour of being your friend and humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 "PARIS, April 12lh, 1783. 
 
 Dear Sir, We have had a very dull pause since 
 the peace ; no news from America, and a stagnation 
 in England, which has left us in a painful state of 
 uncertainty. Now indeed the ministry are arranged 
 for a little while, and Mr. Hartley is expected over to 
 finish the negotiation. You know him, he is talka 
 tive and disputatious, and not always intelligible ; so 
 that I expect we shall be longer about the business 
 than is necessary. 
 
 I am not able to conceive how a ministry composed 
 of parts so heterogeneous, can go on with business. 
 It cannot be expected to be solid and durable. Mr. 
 Fox professes to mean to finish soon and liberally, but 
 I know not what opposition and contradiction he may 
 meet in the cabinet. I confess I don t like the change 
 at all. Shelburne and his set would have gone 
 through well. Mr. Laurens, who is in London, 
 seems pleased with the change ; at least he was with 
 the prospect a few days before it took place ; and he 
 seems to think the tories are not so much regarded as 
 we feared. Shelburne did the best thing of his whole 
 life when he made peace, and the vote against him 
 does no honour to his opponents. The peace is really 
 much better for England than she had a right to ex 
 pect ; and the continuance of the war would have 
 been ruin. This the present set are sensible of; but 
 truth is a small sacrifice to faction. The vote of dis 
 satisfaction with the peace is a disagreeable event, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 249 
 
 and one knows not what effect it may have. I don t 
 believe it could ever have been carried, if a treaty of 
 commerce had been signed on the 30th Nov. Why 
 the commission for making such a treaty was revoked 
 without issuing another, you must ask Mr. Marbois. 
 I know not. I think however you cannot too soon 
 send a minister to London, to arrange finally a system 
 of commerce, and to watch over all your interests in 
 that country. French politics are now incessantly at 
 work in England, and we may depend upon it, they 
 labour less for our good than their own. If our in 
 terests were the same with theirs, we might better 
 trust them ; yet not entirely, for they do not under 
 stand their own interests so well as we do ours. Con 
 gress will never adopt a right system of foreign affairs, 
 until they consider their interests as distinct, and keep 
 them separate from those of all other nations. One 
 essential part of the business and duty of their minis 
 ters is, to watch French politicians as well as English, 
 to co-operate with them where they coincide with 
 our system, and to counteract them where they inter 
 fere with it. Albeit this has ever been my opinion; 
 it was so when I was in congress in 1775, 1776, and 
 1777, and every day s experience in Europe, in every 
 country, in every department, has afforded something 
 in confirmation of it. I have acted in conformity 
 to it at every risk; and considering the furious wrath 
 it has occasioned, and the violent efforts to demolish 
 me, with wonderful success. But the success would 
 have been much more complete, if congress had ad 
 hered to the system as steadily as I did. 
 
 With great esteem and respect sir, your most obe 
 dient and most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN AD^MS. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
250 LIFE OF 
 
 " THE HAGUE, April 6th, 1784. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of the J4th January was 
 brought me yesterday. I have been obliged to come 
 here in order to raise money for the payment of bills 
 to a large amount, which Mr. Morris drew at a ven 
 ture, and have at length succeeded, but it is so lately 
 that I have not yet joined my colleagues in Paris, and 
 I am undetermined whether I shall go there before 
 the commission you mention arrives, to treat with 
 such nations as desire it, which are indeed all mari 
 time nations ; at present we have no power to treat. 
 I wish a secretary of foreign affairs appointed, and 
 that you may be the man. There is no man in Ame 
 rica, so well acquainted with our foreign affairs, and 
 surely they require a man of some experience. Mr. 
 Jay merits every thing you meditate for him, and his 
 country merits to have him placed where his abilities 
 and fortitude may be a barrier to her whenever she is 
 in danger. 
 
 The new order of chivalry has given me many a 
 melancholy hour. It is a deep design to overturn the 
 whole edifice of our republican liberty, but as I know 
 the officers do not mean this, and were not aware of 
 it, I hope they will lay it voluntarily aside ; if they 
 do not, knights will make barons, earls, viscounts, 
 marquises, and dukes ; and these, princes and kings 
 in a very short time. I have heretofore expressed 
 your regards to Mr. Jay, and will do it again as you 
 desire ; they have been and will be very acceptable 
 to him. A friend of mine in Massachusetts, in a let 
 ter some months ago, gave me a confused hint that 
 Franklin had written to somebody, at me, or towards 
 me, or against me, or about me ; but I could make 
 nothing of it, and did not know until I received your 
 letter that he had written against me to congress. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 251 
 
 What he can have said, after allowing me to be sen 
 sible and honest, as you say he does, I am curious to 
 know. Mr. Dana s arrival in Boston is to me a most 
 joyful event. He has been cruelly treated. No man 
 has a clearer insight into the secret springs of our 
 foreign affairs ; no man is more honestly attached to 
 his country ; few men more judicious arid able. But 
 in all our foreign affairs honos pro crimine et ob virtutes 
 certissimum vitium. The times for the future will be 
 better ; but no man employed abroad will ever enjoy 
 that sweet security which you have in perfection in 
 America. Let me say one word in fav 7 our of Sir 
 James Idy, to whom as a physician I am under obli 
 gations for his kind, faithful, and able assistance in a 
 violent fever, which the putrid streets of Paris, added 
 to a long journey in very hot weather, and too close 
 an application to writing, brought upon me last fall. 
 I have every reason to think that he has been a faith 
 ful American throughout, and not the smallest reason 
 to suspect him. I say this because I am informed he 
 has been suspected by the *** of the state *** of 
 New-York. You will oblige me by writing as often 
 as you can , I have suffered much for want of intelli 
 gence from congress. It is a long time since we re 
 ceived any of the journals. The arts, which have 
 been practised to embroil American ministers, secre 
 taries, &c. have been more black, more wicked, and 
 more deep *** since you left Europe, than I ever 
 knew them while you were here. The vilest *** 
 have been employed to write anonymous letters con 
 taining the wickedest lies. Spies have been set ; the 
 most private conversations betrayed and misrepre 
 sented, in short we have all been in an inquisition. 
 All have not had sufficient caution and sagacity to 
 avoid the snares. It was never a pleasant service. 
 
252 LIFE OF 
 
 But all these attempts have failed of their final 
 object." 
 
 JOHN ADAMS." 
 
 " AUTEUIL, near Paris, Jan. 31, 1785. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have received your favour of the 12th 
 of August from New- York, and by the Marquis de la 
 Fayette, who visited me last night, I have the plea 
 sure to learn that you have finished your negotiations 
 with the Indians, to the satisfaction and advantage of 
 the public. I learn too with great pleasure that your 
 brother has accepted a seat in congress and in the 
 chair ; permit me to congratulate you upon both 
 events. I am apprehensive that the Indian trade will 
 suffer, the posts upon the frontiers be withheld from 
 us, and every interest we have in dispute with the 
 English will suffer from the unalterable resolution of 
 congress not to send a minister to London. The 
 British court will never treat with us here, and every 
 American who expects it deceives himself. I am not 
 well enough acquainted with the history of the late 
 financier to know whether 1 agree with you in opin 
 ion of him or not. Has he settled or produced his 
 accounts of the commercial committee or not ? Has 
 he produced his accounts of his administration of 
 financier ? I cannot guess the reason why he should 
 be so attached to the French and Franklinian interest 
 as you think he is. He certainly has received little 
 or no aid from either. The bills he drew upon Mr. 
 Grand would have gone back protested, if I had not 
 procured the money to pay them. More than six 
 hundred thousand pounds sterling have I furnished 
 him, in the most profitable manner possible, not in 
 soldiers clothes, or arms, but in dollars from the Ha- 
 vannah, and in cash received at Philadelphia for bills 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 253 
 
 of exchange sold at a handsome profit, and another 
 hundred thousand pounds is ready for him, if he has 
 not already drawn for it, as it is probable he has. In 
 short his whole operations for two years past have 
 been supported by me, and nothing at all has been 
 done towards it by French or Franklin. I am happy 
 to learn that Mr. Jay will probably accept the foreign 
 affairs, which he understands well and can conduct 
 wisely. My new partner is an old friend and coad 
 jutor, whose character I studied nine or ten years 
 ago, and which I do not perceive to be altered ; the 
 same industry, integrity, and talents remain without 
 diminution. 1 am very happy in him. But whether 
 we. shall be able to accomplish any thing here I 
 know not, any thing I mean which may make it 
 worth while to keep us together. But if congress 
 order us to separate, there will be the same good un 
 derstanding and correspondence between us. 
 
 I shall be happy to hear from you as you have 
 leisure. Your friend and humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " GROSVENOR SQUARE, WESTMINSTER, Sept. 6, 1785. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received yesterday your favour of the 
 27th of July, and wish it were in my power to relieve 
 your anxiety by giving you any comfortable hopes 
 from this country. The national sense and public 
 voice is decidedly against us in the whale trade and 
 ship trade, and there are as yet but feeble parties for 
 us in the West India trade and colony trade. I may 
 say to you that if Ireland had not escaped from the 
 snare we should have had a very dull prospect. I see 
 no resource for us but in a navigation act. and this 
 will not relieve us soon. Our merchants have en- 
 
 VOL. ii. 32 
 
254 LIFE OF 
 
 slaved themselves to this country by the debts they 
 have contracted. They are afraid to explore new 
 channels of commerce, lest they should offend the 
 British merchants, and be sued. But there is no 
 choice left us. Our country must not be ruined in 
 tenderness to those who have run imprudently too far 
 into debt. As far as I can penetrate the hearts of the 
 ministers, they are very far from being as they should 
 be relative to us. Those of them who have acquired 
 immense popularity, reputation, and influence by for 
 mer professions of attachment to the American cause, 
 as Cambden and Richmond, are much changed ; in 
 short we have no party with us here. Yet indeed 
 there is no party at present that dares declare very ex 
 plicitly against us. All sides are as silent and myste 
 rious as you can conceive them to be, and when I shall 
 get any answer I cannot guess ; but I can confident 
 ly guess that when it does come it will not be what it 
 must finally be, in order to relieve us, and bring the 
 two countries together in good humour. Ireland I 
 think stands between us and evil. Her indocility 
 may have changed the plans of the cabinet in many 
 particulars. In short I do not believe there is any 
 fixed plan, or will be any until the next budget shall 
 be opened. The debt stands between Ireland and 
 harm. This country is in a more critical situation 
 than ours ; yet it may take two years to decide its 
 fate. Many persons express anxious fears of distrac 
 tions and anarchy ; others think they cannot stand 
 under the burthen of the debt, but must lower the 
 interest. The policy of our country is not perfect 
 neither. The most fatal and egregious fault of all is 
 leaving their debt in Holland and France unfunded. 
 This error is so easily rectified that it is astonishing 
 it is not done. This single step may protect us from 
 a war, and confute forever the numberless calumnies 
 which circulate now, and will never cease until that 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 255 
 
 is done. I have hitherto paid the interest in Holland 
 out of the principal ; but this will be by and by im 
 practicable, and then such a clamour and obloquy 
 will succeed as will make us all ashamed of our 
 selves. How will it be possible to vindicate the 
 faith or the honour of our country ? 
 
 You gave me great pleasure by your approbation of 
 my son s conduct, and I am under great obligations to 
 your brother for the notice he took of him. Count 
 Sarsefeild, who has just now left me, is rejoiced at 
 your appointment to the treasury, and desires me to 
 present his regards to you. He leads the life of a 
 peripatetic philosopher here, has done so since May, 
 and will stay till October. He rambles with Lord 
 Shelburne and Lord Harcourt, and is the happiest 
 man I know. I have seen him two summers in Hol 
 land. Observation and reflection are all his business, 
 and his dinner and his friend, all his pleasure. If a 
 man was born for himself alone, I should take him 
 for a model. 
 
 I am dear sir with great esteem your friend and 
 servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee," 
 
 " THE HAGUE, Sept. 4th, 1785. 
 
 Sir, A few days before leaving Paris I had the 
 honour to receive your letter. Since that I have 
 passed through London on my way to this place. 
 The cause of my coming has been communicated to 
 you some time ago, and I have nothing to say on that 
 subject. Learning that a vessel is about to sail from 
 Amsterdam for New-York in a few days, I profit of 
 that occasion to send you a little of the reigning poli 
 tics of this quarter of the globe. Three objects at 
 
256 LIFE OP 
 
 present occupy the minds of all here. I say all, be 
 cause every one is deeply interested, and takes an 
 active part in one or the other of the three. The 
 first is the affair of the Scheld, which is now negoti 
 ating, and in very fair train at Paris. 1 have here 
 the most unquestionable information sir, that the 
 matter will be accommodated in a very few days, 
 and that an ultimate treaty with France will imme 
 diately follow ; perhaps the last hand is this last mo 
 ment putting to it. The conditions of this accom 
 modation with the emperor cannot be known ; yet 
 there is no douht I believe that the Scheld will not 
 be opened in its greatest latitude, and in the manner 
 the emperor wished it. It was to be wished for 
 America, (I think) that he had succeeded. We 
 should have been able then to have quoted this ex 
 ample when we come to claim as we shall do, the 
 free use of the Mississippi. The best claim however 
 in these cases is that of force ; and this we shall 
 probably have on our side. 
 
 The second object consists in the internal commo 
 tions of these provinces, occasioned by the two par 
 ties, of patriots and ********. The design of the 
 former is to clip what they think the unconstitutional 
 exuberances of the princes power, of the latter to op 
 pose them in every instance. The former are com 
 posed of the middle rank of citizens, the latter of the 
 higher and lower classes. The patriots are at pre 
 sent the unquestionably predominant party, consisting 
 however of a great variety of powers and characters 
 opposed in principle and interest; their operations are 
 slow, yet they form at present a powerful column that 
 must be irresistible, if it can be kept firm and un 
 broken. They have lately succeeded in abolishing 
 the high council of war, and commissioners who are 
 to enquire into the illegal growth of prerogative seem 
 to promise a finishing stroke to overgrown power. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 257 
 
 Yet history has furnished us with so many instances 
 of the difficulty of wresting power from hands which 
 have once possessed it, that we might be inclined to 
 doubt the success of the patriotic party, as they are 
 termed, if every day did not give some proof of their 
 decided determination to persevere. At the head of 
 them is Mr. Van Berkel, the brother of the minister 
 in America ; he is aided by the pensionary of Dort, 
 a gentleman of shining talents, and though young, of 
 the most promising expectations. The most pene 
 trating of the party consider themselves as indebted 
 to the American war for opening their eyes and rous 
 ing them from a lethargy into which they had fallen. 
 A spirit of opposition has pervaded this middle rank 
 of citizens ; volunteer corps are formed and disciplin 
 ing. You observe their children even going through 
 the exercise in playing about the streets, and every 
 thing among them makes us recollect the year 1775 
 in America. This party views America with a vene 
 rating partiality, and so much attached are they to our 
 opposition that thejr seem fond of imitating us where- 
 ever they can, and of drawing parallels between the 
 similar circumstances in the two countries. Not long 
 ago an officer of one of the patriotic corps lost the 
 spirit of opposition, and went over to the opposite in 
 terest ; he was immediately branded with the oppro~ 
 brious name of the American Arnold. 
 
 The Hague itself is not free from the violence of 
 this party rage. The flame seems fanned here with 
 additional force by foreign aid. It being the seat of 
 all the foreign ministers, and they are forming a body 
 which bears a considerable proportion to the town it 
 self, their influence seems to be felt on the modes of 
 thinking here. Thus they appear ranged in oppo 
 site columns, and unite with this or that party as 
 the interest of their court dictates. In this point of 
 view the delightful seat of the prince and their high 
 
258 LIFE OF 
 
 mightinesses here, which seems formed for pleasure 
 and agreeable society, is turned into a kind of poli 
 tical field of battle, where the foreign troops are 
 headed on one side by the French, and on the other 
 by the English ambassador. Yet very much for the 
 honour of these two gentlemen, notwithstanding they 
 are thus necessarily opposed and forced to be active 
 against each other, they preserve the warmest per 
 sonal friendship. This was cultivated during their 
 residence at Petersburgh, and seerns to have lost 
 nothing of its sincerity by being translated to the 
 Hague. It is really a pleasing sight, as it does hon 
 our to these politicians to see the Marquis de Verce 
 and Sir James Harris assembling at each other s 
 houses, in the appearance of the greatest intimacy, 
 on the evening of the same mornings that they have 
 been exerting all their talents and putting every en 
 gine of intrigue in motion to destroy the plans of 
 each other. 
 
 It will be of great importance to America that the 
 minister she is about to have here should know how 
 to *** a perfect neutrality between these violent par 
 ties foreign and domestic ; and from the character 
 alone of the gentleman lately appointed we have 
 every reason to hope it will be done. 
 
 I think it requires little foresight to see that if Ame 
 rica is represented with prudence and circumspection 
 for a few years in the different courts of Europe, she 
 will necessarily have thrown into her hands such a 
 balancing power as will enable her to secure very 
 great advantage for herself in a variety of commercial 
 objects ; and these alone seem to be worthy of her 
 attention. 
 
 I have said so much to you already, that I fear to 
 add more on the third head of which I spoke above, 
 
 than to say it is what is called the signed on 
 
 the 23d of last month by the king of Prussia, the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 259 
 
 elector of Saxony, and the elector of Brunswick and 
 Lunenburg. This has been explained to their high 
 mightinesses a few days ago by a declaration of the 
 king of Prussia. 
 
 1 have the honour to be with great esteem your 
 most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BRAINTREE, July 18, 1788. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for your kind 
 congratulations on my arrival, and Mrs. Adams re 
 turns you her compliments and thanks. 
 
 The accession of Virginia to the new constitution 
 is a great event. You and I should not materially 
 differ, I fancy, if we were to compare notes of a per 
 fect commonwealth. But I consider the present pro 
 ject, as a commencement of a national government, to 
 be a valuable acquisition. What would Aristotle and 
 Plato have said if any one had talked to them of a 
 federative republic of thirteen states, inhabiting a 
 country of five hundred leagues in extent ? 
 
 The new government must act with caution and 
 make itself felt by its beneficence, or we shall have 
 a new convention for amendments. It is a severe 
 mortification to me to find so many of my old friends 
 in opposition. But this should not surprise me, as I 
 have always differed very materially from them in 
 opinion, on the best plan of government. 
 
 I am dear sir with great esteem your most obedient 
 servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
260 LIFE OF 
 
 " PASSY, Oct. 10, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have sometimes complained that hav 
 ing no place suited for the public papers, nor any per 
 son to keep them in order, was a great inconvenience 
 and interruption to the public business ; I had wished 
 to have the papers in my chamber, as they are in dis 
 order, and several going to them at pleasure, taking 
 out some and removing others, was as making me in 
 a sort responsible for the order which I could not pre 
 serve, and for papers themselves, which I could not 
 secure. Besides that it occasioned continual appli 
 cations to me alone, and necessitated me TO spend a 
 great part of my time writing orders, notes, copies 
 of letters, passports, and twenty other things, which 
 ought at all times to be written by our clerks; at 
 least as long as it is thought necessary to put the 
 public to the expense of keeping so many. I have 
 not asked Dr. Franklin s opinion concerning your pro 
 posal of a room in your house for the papers, and an 
 hour to meet there, because I know it would be in 
 vain ; for I think it must appear to him more unequal 
 still. It cannot be expected that two should go to 
 one, when it is as easy again for one to go to two ; 
 not to mention Dr. Franklin s age, his rank in the 
 country or his character in the world ; nor that nine 
 tenths of the public letters are constantly brought to 
 this house, and will ever be carried where Dr. Frank 
 lin is. I will venture to make a proposition in my 
 turn, in which I am very sincere ; it is that you 
 would join families with us. There is room enough 
 in this house to accommodate us all. You shall take 
 the apartments which belong to me at present, and I 
 will content myself with the library room and the 
 next to it. Appoint a room for business, any that 
 you please, mine or another, a person to keep the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 261 
 
 papers, and certain hours to do business. This ar 
 rangement will save a large sum of money to the 
 public, and as it would give us a thousand opportuni 
 ties of conversing together, which now we have not, 
 and by having but one place for our countrymen and 
 others to go to, W 7 ho have occasion to visit us, would 
 greatly facilitate the public business. It would re 
 move the reproach we lie under, of which I confess 
 myself very much ashamed, of not being able to agree 
 together, and would make the commission more re 
 spectable, if not in itself, yet in the estimation of the 
 English, the French, and the American nations ; and 
 I am sure if we judge by the letters we receive, it 
 wants to be made more respectable, at least in the 
 eyes of many persons of this country. If it is any 
 objection to this, that we live here at no rent, I will 
 agree with you in fixing the rent or leave the house. 
 As I suppose the proposal I made of appointing Mr. 
 W. F. Franklin to take care of the papers, occasioned 
 your letter of the 6th instant, I cannot conclude this 
 answer to it, without repeating that proposal. This 
 appointment can be but temporary, as a secretary will 
 probably arrive from congress ere long. But in the 
 mean time Mr. Franklin, who keeps papers in good 
 order, and writes very well, may be of more service 
 to us than he is at present. We will then have a 
 right to call upon him to do business, and we shall 
 know what situation he is in, and what reward he is 
 to have. I agree perfectly with you that an hour 
 should be fixed for business, and 1 beg leave to pro 
 pose nine o clock in the morning ; to which hour, and 
 from thence to any other hour in the day you please, 
 I will endeavour to be punctual. If you have any 
 objection to this hour, you will be so good as to name 
 another. 
 
 I am dear sir, with an earnest desire and settled 
 determination to cultivate an harmony, nay more a 
 
 VOL. u. 33 
 
262 LIFE OF 
 
 friendship, with both my colleagues, as far as I can 
 consistently with the public service, and with great 
 respect and esteem, your friend and colleague, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 LETTERS FROM GENERAL WARREN. 
 
 " BOSTON, Dec. 21st, 1773. 
 
 Sir, My respected friend, Mr. Adams, informs me 
 of the honour he has done me by mentioning my name 
 to you in his letters. I can by no means lose so fair 
 an opportunity of opening a corrsepondence with one 
 to whom America is under such great obligations. Be 
 assured sir, we are not insensible to your merits. The 
 clear manner in which you have treated the dispute 
 between Great Britain and this country, has we doubt 
 not enlightened many in the parent state, as well as 
 in this country. But nothing seems able to penetrate 
 the Egyptian darkness, which is so palpable in the 
 court atmosphere. We have long waited for some 
 thing wise and good in the public counsels of the na 
 tion; at least we hoped that chance would lead to 
 some measures, which if not so designed, might event 
 ually have produced some agreeable effects. But 
 hitherto the unpropitious star which rules unhappy 
 Britain, has disappointed our wishes ; every step 
 taken by the administration has increased the distance 
 between her and the colonies ; and I fear that unless 
 a speedy alteration is made in the system of Ameri 
 can policy, a few years will render us as indifferent 
 to the interest of the mother-country, as to that of 
 any other state in Europe. However, as it is my 
 firm opinion that a connexion upon constitutional 
 principles may be kept up between the two countries, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 263 
 
 at least for centuries to come, advantageous andlho- 
 nourable to both, I always respect the man who en 
 deavours to heal the wound, by pointing out proper 
 remedies, and to prevent the repetition of the stroke, 
 by fixing a stigma on the instrument by which it was 
 inflicted. This country is inhabited by a people loy 
 al to their king, and faithful to themselves; none will 
 more cheerfully venture their lives and fortunes for 
 the honour and defence of the prince who reigns in 
 their hearts, and none will with more resolution op 
 pose the tyrant who dares to invade their rights. 
 From this short but true character of this people, it 
 is easy to see in what manner a wise king or a saga 
 cious minister would treat them. But ! 
 
 Mr. Adams will give you a full account of the tea 
 shipped by the East India company for this place. It 
 is now in the power of that company to make the use 
 of Dutch tea as unpopular in this country as they can 
 desire. They may easily, by a proper application to 
 an all powerful ministry, lay the colonies under such 
 obligations, as would be greatly to the company s ad 
 vantage. But it is certain that the whole navy of 
 Britain will not prevent the introduction of Dutch 
 tea, nor will her armies prevail with us to use the 
 English tea, while the act imposing a duty on that ar 
 ticle remains unrepealed. I congratulate you on the 
 honour conferred on your brother by the city of 
 London ; in distinguishing merit, they honour them 
 selves. 
 
 This will be presented to you by Dr. Williamson, 
 who has laboured abundantly in the glorious cause 
 in which we are engaged. I hope soon to be con 
 vinced that the freedom I have taken in writing to 
 you is not disagreeable, 
 
 I am sir, with great esteem, your most obedient 
 humble servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN." 
 
264 LIFE OF 
 
 " BOSTON, Feb. 20th, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, My friend, Mr. Adams, favoured me 
 with the sight of your last letter. I am sincerely glad 
 of your return to England, as I think your assistance 
 was never more wanted there than at present. It is 
 truly astonishing that the administration should have a 
 doubt of the resolution of the Americans to make the 
 last appeal, rather than submit to wear the yoke pre 
 pared for their necks. We have waited with a de 
 gree of patience which is seldom to be met with; but 
 1 will venture to assert that there has not been any 
 great allay of cowardice, though both friends and 
 enemies seem to suspect us of want of courage. I 
 trust the event which I confess I think is near at hand, 
 will confound our enemies, and rejoice those who wish 
 well to us. It is time for Britain to take some seri 
 ous steps towards a reconciliation with her colonies. 
 The people here are weary of watching the measures 
 of those who are endeavouring to enslave them ; they 
 say they have been spending their time for ten years 
 in counteracting the plans of their adversaries, and 
 many of them begin to think that the difference be 
 tween them will never be amicably settled ; but that 
 they shall always be subject to affronts from the ca 
 price of every British minister. They even some 
 times speak of an open rupture with Great Britain, 
 as a state preferable to the present uncertain condi 
 tion of affairs. And although it is true that the peo 
 ple have yet a very warm affection for the British na 
 tion, yet it sensibly decays. They are loyal subjects 
 to the king ; but they conceive that they do not swerve 
 from their allegiance by opposing any measures taken 
 by any man or set of men to deprive them of their 
 liberties. They conceive that they are the king s 
 enemies who would destroy the constitution ; for 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 265 
 
 the jdng is annihilated when the constitution is de 
 stroyed. 
 
 It is not yet too late to accommodate the dispute 
 amicably. But I am of opinion that if once Gen. 
 Gage should lead his troops into the country with a de 
 sign to enforce the late acts of parliament, Great Bri 
 tain may take her leave, at least of the New-England 
 colonies ; and if I mistake not, of all America. If 
 there is any wisdom in the nation, God grant it may 
 be speedily called forth. Every day, every hour, 
 widens the breach. A Richmond, a Chatham, a Shel- 
 burne, a Cambden, with their noble associates, may 
 yet repair it; and it is a work which none but the 
 greatest of men can conduct. May you be success 
 ful and happy in your labours for the public safety. 
 
 I am sir, with great respect, your very humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 3d, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of the 2 1st of December 
 came opportunely to hand, as it enabled me to give 
 the provincial congress, now sitting at Concord, a just 
 view of the measures pursued by the tools of the ad 
 ministration ; and effectually to guard them against 
 that state of security, into which many have endea 
 voured to lull them. If we ever obtain a redress of 
 grievances from Great Britain, it must be by the in 
 fluence of those illustrious personages, whose virtue 
 now keeps them out of power. The king never will 
 bring them into power, until the ignorance and phren- 
 zy of the present administration make the throne on 
 which he sits shake under him. If America is an 
 humble instrument of the salvation of Britain, it will 
 give us the sincerest joy; but if Britain must lose her 
 
266, LIFE OF 
 
 liberty, she must lose it alone. America must and will 
 be free. The contest may be severe, the end will be 
 glorious. We would not boast, but we think, united 
 and prepared as we are, we have no reason to doubt 
 of success, if we should be compelled to the last 
 appeal ; but we mean not to make that appeal until 
 we can be justified in doing it in the sight of God and 
 man. Happy shall we be if the mother-country will 
 allow us the free enjoyment of our rights, and in 
 dulge us in the pleasing employment of aggrandizing 
 her. 
 
 The members for the continental congress are al 
 most all chosen by the several colonies. Indeed, if 
 any colony should neglect to choose members, it 
 would be ruinous to it; as all intercourse would im 
 mediately cease between that colony and the whole 
 continent. 
 
 The first brigade of the army marched about four 
 miles out of town three days ago, under the command 
 of a brigadier general, (Earl Percy) but as they 
 marched without baggage or artillery, they did not 
 occasion so great an alarm as they otherwise would. 
 Nevertheless great numbers, completely armed, col 
 lected in the neighbouring towns ; and it is the opin 
 ion of many, that had they marched eight or ten 
 miles, and attempted to destroy any magazines, or 
 abuse the people, not a man of them would have re 
 turned to Boston. The congress immediately took 
 proper measures for restraining any unnecessary effu 
 sion of blood ; and also passed proper resolves respect 
 ing the army, if they should attempt to come out of 
 town with baggage and artillery. 
 
 I beg leave to recommend to your notice Mr. Dana, 
 the bearer hereof, (a gentleman of the law) a man of 
 sense and probity, a true friend to his country, of a, 
 respectable family and fortune. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 267 
 
 May heaven bless you, and reward your labours 
 with success. I am sir, with great respect, your most 
 obedient, humble servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq. London." 
 
 "CAMBRIDGE, April 27th, 1775. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Our friend Quincy just lived to 
 come on shore, to die in his own country ; he expir 
 ed yesterday morning. His virtues rendered him 
 dear, and his abilities useful, to his country. The 
 wicked measures of the administration have at length 
 brought matters to a crisis. I think it probable that 
 this rage of the people, excited by the most clear 
 view of the cursed designs of the administration, and 
 the barbarous effusion of the blood of their country 
 men, will lead them to attack Gen. Gage, and burn 
 the ships in the harbour. Lord Chatham and our 
 friends must make up the breach immediately or 
 never. If any thing terrible takes place it will not 
 now do to talk of calling the colonies to account for 
 it, but it must be attributed to the true cause, the un 
 heard of provocations given to this people. 
 
 They never will talk of accommodation until the 
 present ministry are entirely removed. You may de 
 pend the colonies will sooner suffer depopulation than 
 come into any measures with them. 
 
 The next news from England must be conciliatory, 
 or the connexion between us ends, however fatal the 
 consequences may be. Prudence may yet alleviate 
 the misfortunes, and calm the convulsions into which 
 the empire is thrown, by the madness of the present 
 administration. May Almighty God direct you. If 
 any thing is proposed which may be for the honour 
 and safety of Great Britain and these colonies, my 
 
268 LIFE OF 
 
 utmost efforts shall not be wanting to effect a recon 
 ciliation. 
 
 I am in the utmost haste, surrounded by fifteen or 
 twenty thousand men. Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq. London. 
 
 P. S. The narrative sent to Dr. Franklin contains 
 a true state of facts ; but it was difficult to make the 
 people willing that any notice should be taken of the 
 matter, by way of narrative, unless the army and navy 
 were taken or driven away. 
 
 J. W." 
 
 " CAMBRIDGE, May 16, 1775. 
 
 My Dear Sir, Every thing here continues the same, 
 as at the period of my writing a short time ago. Our 
 military operations go on in a very spirited manner. 
 Gen. Gage had a reinforcement of about 600 marines 
 the day before yesterday ; but this gives very little 
 concern here. It is not expected that he will sally 
 out of Boston at present, and if he does, he will but 
 gratify thousands who impatiently wait to avenge the 
 blood of their murdered countrymen. The attempt 
 he has made to throw the odium of the first com 
 mencement of hostilities on the people here, has op 
 erated very much to his disadvantage, as so many 
 credible people were eye witnesses of the whole af 
 fair, whose testimonies are justly supposed of infinite 
 ly greater weight than any thing he has brought or 
 can bring in support of his assertion. My private 
 opinion is that he is really deceived in this matter, 
 and is led (by his officers and some other of the most 
 abandoned villains on earth, who are natives of this 
 country, and who are now shut up with him in Bos- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 269 
 
 ton) to believe that our people actually began the fir 
 ing ; but my opinion is only for myself; most people 
 are satisfied not only that he knows that the regulars 
 began the fire, but also that he gave his orders to the 
 commanding officer to do it. Thus by attempting to 
 clear the troops from what every one is sure they 
 were guilty of, he has brought on strong suspicions 
 that he himself is guilty of having preconcerted the 
 mischief done by them. Indeed his very unmanly 
 conduct, relative to the people of Boston, in detain 
 ing many of them, and contriving new excuses for 
 delaying their removal after they had given up their 
 fire-arms, upon a promise of being suffered to leave 
 town and carry with them their effects, has much les 
 sened his character and confirmed formed suspicions. 
 
 The continental congress is now sitting. I sup 
 pose before I hear from you again, a new form of 
 government will be established in this colony. Great 
 Britain must now make the best she can of America. 
 The folly of her minister has brought her into this 
 situation. If she has strength sufficient even to de 
 populate the colonies, she has not strength sufficient 
 to subjugate them. However, we can yet without 
 injuring ourselves offer much to her. The great na 
 tional advantages derived from the colonies may, I 
 hope, yet be reaped by her from us. The plan for 
 enslaving us, if it had succeeded, would only have 
 put it in the power of the administration to provide for 
 a number of their unworthy dependants, whilst the 
 nation would have been deprived of the most essen 
 tial benefits which might have arisen from us by com 
 merce; and the taxes raised in America would instead 
 of easing the mother country of her burdens, only have 
 been employed to bring her into bondage. 
 
 I cannot precisely tell you what will become of 
 Gen. Gage ; I imagine he will at least be kept closely 
 shut up in Boston ; perhaps you will very soon hear 
 
 VOL. ii. 34 
 
270 LIFE OF 
 
 something further relative to these things. One 
 thing I can assure you has very great weight with 
 us ; we fear if we push this matter as far as we think 
 we are able, to the destruction of the troops and ships 
 of war, we shall expose Great Britain to those inva 
 sions from foreign powers, which we suppose it will 
 be difficult for her to repel. 
 
 In fact you must have a change in men and mea 
 sures or be ruined. The truly noble Richmond, 
 Rockingham, Chatham, Shelburne, with other lords, 
 and the virtuous and sensible minority in the house 
 of commons, must take the lead. The confidence 
 we have in them will go a great way ; but I must 
 tell you that those terms which would readily have 
 been accepted before our countrymen were murdered, 
 and we in consequence compelled to take arms, will 
 not now do. 
 
 Every thing in my power to serve the united in 
 terest of Great Britain, shall be done ; and I pray 
 that you, your brother, and Mr. Sayer, (to whom I 
 beg you would make my most respectful compli 
 ments) would write fully, freely, and speedily to me, 
 and let me know what our great and good friends in 
 the house of commons think expedient and practica 
 ble to be done. 
 
 God forbid that the nation should be so infatuated 
 as to do any thing further to irritate the colonies ; if 
 they should, the colonies will sooner throw them 
 selves into the arms of any other power on earth, 
 than ever consent to an accommodation with Great 
 Britain. That patience which I frequently told you 
 would be at last exhausted, is no longer to be ex 
 pected from us. Danger and war are become plea 
 sing ; and injured virtue is now armed to avenge her 
 self. 
 
 I am my dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN. 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq., London. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 271 
 
 P. S. Please to let Mr. Sayer and Sheriff Lee 
 know that I shall write to them by the first opportu 
 nity. This will be handed you by our good friend Mr. 
 Barrell, who will give you a more particular account 
 of our public affairs." 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 17th, 1776. 
 
 Sir, The situation of the enclosed, directed to my 
 care by our good friend Mr. Lovell, makes it necessa 
 ry that I should explain to you by what means it has 
 been opened. 
 
 Your letter, with several others enclosed to me by 
 Mr. Lovell, was intrusted to the care of a young 
 gentleman of character who was bound to this place; 
 but neglecting to take a pass, he was stopped in the 
 Jerseys by a justice of the peace, who opened most 
 of the letters before he would suffer him to pass, and 
 yours among the rest. I am extremely sorry for this 
 accident. It would have given me great pleasure to 
 have forwarded them to you in the state they left 
 Philadelphia; however, I conceive no bad consequence 
 will arise from this circumstance. I have not the plea 
 sure of being personally known to you, but I have the 
 satisfaction of ranking myself with those who respect 
 your character, and the merit of your services to this 
 country ; and who, while they detest the ingratitude 
 of others who have injured both, wish to embrace 
 every opportunity to do you service, and to testify 
 their esteem. 
 
 I am sir, with great respect and sincerity, your 
 friend and most humble servant, 
 
 J. WARREN.* 
 Arthur Lee, Esq., at Paris." 
 
 * James Warren, of Plymouth. 
 
272 LIFE OF 
 
 " PLYMOUTH, Dec. 18th, 1780. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I should before this have acknow 
 ledged the receipt of your favour of the 30th of Octo 
 ber, had I not flattered myself with an expectation 
 that I should very soon have been able to have ascer 
 tained (in the manner you desired) the several facts 
 you mention. I immediately applied to Mr. Blodget 
 for that purpose ; he assured me that the business 
 should be soon done. But it was, notwithstanding 
 my repeated applications, delayed till I left the town ; 
 from which I have been detained much longer than I 
 expected, but I design to return in about ten days, 
 and shall then make it one of the first matters of my 
 attention. Mr. Blodget will inform you, and per 
 haps some of the court-martial, who are not among 
 your best friends, may inform some of their connex 
 ions at Philadelphia, of the discovery made in the 
 course of Blodget s evidence, of your having goods 
 on board the Alliance to the amount of 500 guineas. 
 This they will endeavour to magnify into a crime 
 of some consequence, but with very little effect here, 
 and I hope with as little at Philadelphia. 
 
 I am exceedingly glad that you find congress in so 
 good a disposition. I hope matters of every kind will 
 be settled to your mind ; and among the rest, sooner 
 or later, the several affairs you mention. 
 
 You will have heard before this, into what hands the 
 administration of our new government is lodged. The 
 chief-magistrate possesses a popularity and influence 
 never exceeded if known in any other country. The 
 tide has flowed very suddenly, and may ebb with 
 equal rapidity. Violent things do not often last long. 
 At present all ranks of people in the capital are in 
 toxicated with the glare of profession, which they do 
 not distinguish from that generosity and hospitality, 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 273 
 
 with which the interest of a state may be connected. 
 Balls, public and private entertainments, and feasts, 
 more suitable to the effeminacy and ridiculous man 
 ners of Asiatic slavery, than to the hardy and sober 
 manners of a New-England republic, have marked 
 this era ; and ushered in the execution of a govern 
 ment, designed to establish and secure public liberty 
 and happiness. But I hope this infection will not ex 
 tend far into the country. 
 
 Public virtue, and an attention to the security of pub 
 lic liberty, are seldom found in cities ; they must be 
 looked for in the sober and manly retreats of husband 
 men and shepherds, where frivolous manners, com 
 merce, and high stages of civilization, have not de 
 bauched the principles and reason of mankind. 
 
 Mrs. Warren desires her compliments to Dr. Lee, 
 and thinks herself honoured by his esteem and friend 
 ship. You will please to remember me to Mr. Adams 
 and Mr. Lovell, and give my compliments to Col. Lee, 
 if present. 
 
 I have the honour to be sir, with great esteem, your 
 friend and obedient humble servant, 
 
 J. WARREN. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq., Philadelphia." 
 
 " BOSTON, Jan. 10th, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir, I did myself the pleasure to write you 
 from Plymouth about three weeks ago ; when I in 
 formed you that I had not then been able to ascer 
 tain, as you desired, the several facts into which you 
 requested me to enquire, and that I expected to do it 
 so soon as I returned. 
 
 Upon my arrival here I applied to Mr. Blodget, and 
 am informed that he, supposing you would wish to 
 have them soon, had transmitted the necessary pa- 
 
274 LIFE OF 
 
 pers to you before I returned. I hope you have re 
 ceived them, and that they will fully answer your 
 wishes. 
 
 We have no news here but what comes from the 
 southward. The general court are getting in order, 
 arranging their finances, and doing every thing in 
 their power to complete their battalions, and to sup 
 ply the army. 
 
 I hear they are publishing in New-York the letters 
 they purloined from our posts, among which is said 
 to be one from you to Dr. Cooper. I hope the publi 
 cation of their contents will prove no injury to you. ! 
 
 I am sir, with great respect, your most obedient 
 humble servant, 
 
 J. WARREN. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " BOSTON, April 29th, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir, It is now a long time since I had the 
 pleasure of a line from you. I did hope before this 
 time I might address you as the secretary of foreign 
 affairs. When I heard the measure for appointing 
 one was adopted, I had no difficulty in my own mind 
 in fixing on the proper person. I hoped that the de 
 cision of congress would be agreeable to my own 
 wishes. Is any thing done about that matter, or on 
 the report of a committee for recalling Dr. Franklin? 
 You can t conceive how little we know here of the 
 affairs in Europe, or even of transactions at Phila 
 delphia. Such depredations have been made on the 
 mails, that our friends seem to be very cautious of 
 writing; but as no instances have lately taken place, 
 I hope they will resume their usual freedom of com 
 munication. I think they may do it with safety. We 
 have no news here. Our internal affairs are in the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 275 
 
 same way as when you left us. An established popu 
 larity has decided our elections, in the same manner 
 as the last year. It is difficult to say how long this 
 may last. Streams of all kinds will have their run 
 for a time, but they often form their own bars, and 
 stop their own sluices; perhaps this may be the case 
 here. I have not yet been able to procure a survey 
 and plan of your grant of lands, but am not inatten 
 tive to it. You will please to make my compliments 
 to Gen. Ward and Mr. Lovell. I suppose our friend 
 Adams is on the road. The purser of the Alliance 
 certainly deceived you; he never had any such license 
 from the navy board here, but that is no fault of yours ; 
 besides, who could suppose that a public minister 
 might not bring a small quantity of goods in a public 
 ship, without any reflections or demands on him? 
 Certainly the navy board would have conceived it 
 their duty to have given orders for it. Mrs. Warren 
 desires her compliments to Dr. Lee. I hope in his 
 next tour to Boston to have the pleasure of seeing 
 him at my house, without the trouble of riding forty- 
 two miles in the rain. 
 
 My compliments to Col. Lee. Is he now a mem 
 ber of congress ? I am sir, with great respect, your 
 sincere friend and humble servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "BOSTON, July 4th, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir, Two days ago I had the pleasure of 
 receiving yours of the 15th ultimo. I began to sus 
 pect that all my letters to you had miscarried ; had 
 you received those of a more recent date you would 
 have been informed that every attention had been 
 paid by me to get the land laid out. Some acci- 
 
276 LIFE OF 
 
 dents prevented it last fall ; after which it could not 
 be done until late in the spring, or the beginning of 
 summer. I believe the gentlemen are now on the 
 business. The next session I hope will finish the 
 whole. Blodget undoubtedly did wrong. The to- 
 ries will never miss an opportunity to injure you; but 
 they can avail themselves of so little advantage from 
 the discovery that all their movements will only ex 
 pose their own malice without hurting you. I think 
 the whole matter too trifling to give you any un 
 easiness. 
 
 Your observations on the political state of our af 
 fairs I believe are just, and therefore painful to a 
 man who never had any thing in view but the in 
 terest and happiness of his country. I own that it 
 would have cooled my ardour if I could have fore 
 seen that the conduct of our affairs would have fallen 
 into such hands, or that such an influence would have 
 prevailed at so early a period. But what is to be 
 done ? Must not the same virtuous exertions be made 
 to counteract them that were at first made to set the 
 wheels agoing ? If this country is finally saved, I 
 shall be more convinced than ever that a few are en 
 titled to the honour, which perhaps neither gratitude 
 nor justice will ever ensure to them. I hope my 
 friends in Virginia will escape the calamities they are 
 threatened with. You will please make my com 
 pliments to them and all the staunch friends to the 
 cause of America. 
 
 Continue to write to me, and be assured that 1 am 
 your friend and most humble servant, 
 
 Jos. WARREN. 
 
 Dr. Lee" 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 277 
 
 " MILTON, July 1st, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have postponed acknowledging the 
 receipt of your letter of the 8th of April, in full ex 
 pectation that I should be able to receive the interest 
 on your money enclosed, and to have sent it to you 
 at the same time ; but such is the situation of our 
 treasury that I have yet no more than the assurances 
 of the treasurer that it shall be paid as soon as possi 
 ble. I hope it will not be a great while before I 
 shall receive it. I think there were a few dollars 
 more in your bundle than the list expressed. The 
 grant made you by our assembly has not been locat 
 ed. You have been unlucky. We once had an ex 
 cellent committee for that purpose, having upon 
 that committee the man of all others, I wished for ; 
 he set out to perform the business, but was seized 
 unhappily with a disorder that has rendered him for 
 ever incapable of that and other public business. My 
 friends in the assembly have obtained another com 
 mittee. I shall do what I can to have the business 
 completed soon. 
 
 Mr. Deane s election has operated as such an event 
 would in an old state in the highest stages of corrup 
 tion. Those who have countenanced and profited 
 by his wickedness, instead of incurring punishment 
 or odium, are distinguished by an accumulation of 
 confidence and honours. What are we next to ex 
 pect ? Every appearance indicates that the follies 
 and vices of America will equal her rapid progress in 
 population and empire. If the genuine patriots of 
 1774 could have foreseen the events of 1781 and 
 1782, the prospect would have damped their ardour. 
 They certainly would have lamented that one man 
 more had not been created, capable of relieving Mr. 
 
 VOL. ii. 35 
 
278 LIFE OF 
 
 from the burthen of holding two great offices, 
 
 connected neither in nature or policy. 
 
 For my own part, I fear the loss of the fishery. I 
 fear the effects of foreign influence and domestic in 
 trigue. I fear the effects of the total extinction of 
 patriotism, and the introduction of selfish and sordid 
 views. I think I see the foundation of an aristocracy 
 laid, that will bring upon us the same curses and ca 
 lamities it has brought on every other country where 
 it has prevailed. I wish I may be mistaken. 
 
 Mrs. Warren desires her compliments to you. It 
 would add greatly to the pleasure of our present situ 
 ation if- we could see you at Milton. As it is we 
 have the satisfaction of enjoying the good wishes of 
 a man of virtue and honour. 
 
 I am with the greatest esteem dear sir, your friend 
 and humble servant, 
 
 J. WARREN. 
 
 Hon. Dr. Lee." 
 
 " MILTON, March 14th, 1783. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I received yours of the 19th of 
 Feb. a few days ago, and upon my first going to 
 town procured an attested copy of the resolve you 
 desired, which is herewith enclosed. If you ever re 
 quested it before it must have been in a missing let 
 ter, as I do not recollect your ever expressing a wish 
 to have it before now. The committee for laying out 
 the lands have not yet done the business. The de 
 lays that have taken place are to be sure very ex 
 traordinary ; I do not wonder if they appear suspicious 
 to you ; they did so to me, at a certain period ; but 
 I am inclined to think they are more owing to a 
 spirit of indolence or procrastination than to any other 
 cause. Yesterday the matter was called up in the 
 assembly, and another gentleman added to the com- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 279 
 
 mittee. Whether this will expedite the business time 
 will discover. I shall watch and push it as fast as I 
 can. 
 
 I wish for peace, but I suspect no great progress is 
 yet made in that business ; what the obstacles are, 
 and indeed every thing relating to the matter seems 
 to be strangely concealed, even from those who ought 
 to be informed minutely. A packet for congress ar 
 rived here a week ago, and I am informed was not 
 sent off by the governor until yesterday. Whether 
 his great sagacity suggested to him that it contained 
 nothing important, or whether he was prevented by 
 want of public money, which I hear is the reason 
 given, I cannot say. I hope it will arrive safely, and 
 give you some intelligence agreeable to your own 
 wishes ; but I rather suspect that your expectations 
 from that quarter are not very flattering. 
 
 You will probably receive Mr. Adams resignation 
 before this reaches you, and be at no loss to account 
 for the cause of it. You know the instructions of 
 congress to the commissioners for making peace, and 
 from them and this resignation can judge what may 
 be the apprehensions of New-England. If we lose 
 our fishery, or have the territory to which we have a 
 decisive right curtailed, we shall not set very easy 
 under it. We shall at least execrate as wretched 
 that policy which gave them up, even if it originated 
 at Versailles or Philadelphia. And as we have not 
 virtue enough to live without commerce, while we 
 see the southern states extending theirs upon staples 
 which they are not deprived of, we may possibly 
 have recourse to measures I never wish to see taken. 
 
 I wrote you by Gen. Lincoln, which I hope you 
 have received before now. 
 
 I am, with my regards to all friends, your most obe 
 dient humble servant, 
 
 J. WARREN. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
280 LIFE OF 
 
 A LETTER FROM GENERAL WHIPPLE. 
 
 " PORTSMOUTH, Sept. 15th, 1783. 
 
 Dear Sir, When your highly esteemed favour of 
 the 23d of July arrived here, I was on a long journey, 
 which deprived me of the pleasure of receiving it un 
 til very lately. 
 
 Not meeting you in Philadelphia last winter was a 
 very great disappointment to me, as I ardently wish 
 ed for an interview with a gentleman, for whom I 
 have long entertained the highest esteem. 
 
 No true friend to the union, who has had an oppor 
 tunity of seeing the baneful influence of Philadelphia, 
 can regret the removal of congress from that city; but 
 I wish some other cause had effected it. Is there not 
 reason to apprehend, that when that passion which 
 seems to have been the immediate cause of the re 
 moval subsides, the same influence which held con 
 gress so long there, will draw it back? I must con 
 fess I have my fears that this will be the case, and 
 deprecate the consequences. 
 
 Your observation that the people of America do not 
 read the journals of congress, is very just. They are 
 rarely to be met with at this distance, which I think 
 is to be regretted, as I have no doubt much good 
 would arise from a more general knowledge of the 
 doings of congress. 
 
 I must request the favour of you sir, to forward the 
 enclosed letter to your excellent brother; and have 
 the honour to be, with very great esteem and respect, 
 sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 WM. WHIPPLE." 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 281 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE HON. MR. DANA. 
 
 AMSTERDAM, May 17th, 1781. 
 
 Dear Sir, At the same time I received my de 
 spatches for a certain court, I had the honour of your 
 very ohliging favour of the 28th of December last, in 
 tended to introduce me to the acquaintance of the 
 Baron de Breteuil, ambassador of France at Vienna, 
 supposing that city to lay in my route ; but as I do 
 not take my departure from Paris, but from this place, 
 I shall not have it in my power to reap any benefit 
 from it. I am nevertheless exceedingly obliged to 
 you for your friendly and polite attention to me. I 
 am happy that it was made my duty to come here, 
 and to consult before my departure him who negoti 
 ates the peace. Between us there is a real friend 
 ship, and a most perfect confidence, from which I de 
 rive much satisfaction; and I think it cannot but be 
 attended with a happy influence upon our respective ne 
 gotiations. They are certainly intimately connected, 
 and ought therefore to be conducted upon a thorough 
 good understanding of each other s systems. I mean 
 our present negotiations. As to the former business 
 of peace, which is still at a distance, I know not into 
 whose hands that may fall, but I hope the principal 
 may not be changed. I know there are attempts mak 
 ing on this side of the Atlantic, to shift it into the 
 hands of another. You are too well acquainted with 
 men and things here, to be in much doubt about place 
 or persons. I thank you for your wishes for the suc 
 cess of my particular business. I am sensible my 
 mission is not without its difficulties; and when I 
 contemplate these, and the real importance of the mis 
 sion, I feel that I have undertaken a task too great 
 for my abilities. However, I must attempt the exe- 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 cution of it, or it must be left wholly unattempted for 
 a length of time, when perhaps much greater abilities 
 might fail of success, through a change of circumstan 
 ces. I have some reason to think that court favoura 
 bly disposed towards us at present ; though upon this 
 point I shall be better able to form a judgment, when 
 I am upon the ground. It is my present sentiment, 
 that the maritime powers want nothing but good in 
 formation, to convince them that it is for their sub 
 stantial interest to form the most intimate connexions 
 with our country, and that speedily. If they have rid 
 themselves of their fearful apprehensions, and will 
 dare to communicate freely with our ministers, our 
 business may be brought to a happy issue in good sea 
 son; but if a shyness and timidity still have place 
 among them, the wished for event will be prolonged, 
 to the vexation of those whose lot it is to be immedi 
 ately connected with them. 
 
 I have given an invitation to Mr. Edmund Jenings 
 to accompany me in my mission ; he has accepted it, 
 and is now with me. I have acquainted congress of 
 it ; and wish you to inform such members of congress 
 as are ignorant of his character, what that is, and of 
 the propriety of the measure; as you must clearly see 
 the necessity of having some confidential person about 
 me in case of accidents. 
 
 I congratulate you upon the general success of Col. 
 Laurens s negotiation at the court of Versailles. I 
 should be exceedingly happy to find all our negotiations 
 succeed as well. Yet the gentleman has been calum 
 niated in one of the English papers in a gross man 
 ner. His real character has been denied in the face 
 of Europe, and he has been held up in a very inferior 
 one. They have been told that he is deficient in ex 
 perience and abilities ; and that therefore congress 
 supplied this deficiency, by putting him under the pa 
 tronage of Mr. Payne. From this scandal he has not 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 283 
 
 wanted a vindication. He will need none in our 
 country. 
 
 I am much gratified by the naval exertions of our 
 allies in America. Mons. le M. Pignet has happily 
 succeeded in his plan of intercepting the Dutch ships 
 sent from St. Eustatia for England, under convoy of 
 two ships of the line and two frigates. He has 
 captured twenty-one sail of merchantmen. The rest, 
 with the ships of war, have escaped. This will be a 
 mortifying blow to that piratical nation, as well as to 
 the chiefs of their plundering gang. I rejoice like 
 wise in the action between Gen. Green, and Lord 
 Cornwallis ; though we lost the field, yet we shall 
 reap an essential benefit from the action. The ene 
 my did not pursue Gen. Green to his halting ground, 
 only at the distance of three miles from the field; the 
 reason is plain, they gained the field at too dear a 
 rate. Another such victory will ruin the British 
 there. We have only to fight them in order to con 
 quer them. 
 
 My dear sir, may I hope in my separate and very 
 distant station, for the honour and benefit of your cor 
 respondence. You must know the worth, because 
 you have experienced the want of early and good in 
 formation from our country. Its interests I need not 
 tell you are deeply affected in this. I wish it was in 
 my power to lay any inducement before you to grati 
 fy me in my request ; I mean of a valuable return in 
 the same line. But the persuasion that you will be 
 rendering very essential service to our country, will 
 alone be an irresistible inducement to you. 
 
 I am dear sir, with sentiments of the highest re 
 spect and esteem, your friend and most obedient hum 
 ble servant, 
 
 F. DANA. 
 
 P. S. I beg you to present my best regards to 
 
284 LIFE OF 
 
 your brothers R. H. Lee, and F. L. Lee, with whom 
 I had, when in congress, the honour of an acquaint 
 ance. You may address your letters to the care of 
 Messrs. Sigourney & Co., Amsterdam. You may fre 
 quently write to this country by way of Boston. 
 France or Spain is too distant. 
 Arthur Lee, Esq," 
 
 " October 25th, 1782. 
 
 Dear Sir, The last post brought me your favour 
 of the 6th of July last, in which you acknowledge the 
 receipt of my letter of the 17th of June 1781, which 
 it seems had been more than a year on its way to you, 
 having been about the world in the South Carolina 
 frigate. I am much gratified by your readiness to 
 enter into a friendly correspondence with me. I 
 have been in much want of a particular private cor 
 respondent in your quarter. There are many things 
 to be learnt through such a channel only, which it is of 
 importance for me to know. I have been long enough 
 in your residence to feel the full force of your observ 
 ations respecting it. Your account of the unchange 
 able nature of a real tory is such as I have not yet 
 found an exception to ; but those radical enemies of 
 our cause, of public liberty and of the rights of hu 
 manity, too often find advocates among those whom 
 we should perhaps injure, if we should suspect them 
 to be wanting in the soundness and purity of their 
 own principles ; and, under the notion of manifesting 
 a liberal and forgiving spirit of conciliation, those ar 
 tificial penitents are sometimes introduced into office 
 to the exclusion of others, whose integrity in the true 
 political faith, and whose misfortunes, not unfrequent- 
 ly occasioned by that very integrity, should recom 
 mend them to the first notice of their country. But 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 285 
 
 in great revolutions like ours we must expect to find 
 some wrong men and wrong things. 
 
 Touching one character you have mentioned, the 
 same general opinion will prevail ; and as to another 
 I know nothing personally about him, but if he is the 
 man you describe, some folks should be on their 
 guard. It may be advisable, when you have occa 
 sion to speak of such persons, to describe them by 
 certain allusions which I shall understand ; because 
 if your letters should be intercepted, a thing not im 
 probable here, they might create some difficulties. 
 As to Mr. A., whose political conduct has been cen 
 sured by some, had he not pursued his own plans 
 with that independence and boldness of spirit which 
 strongly mark his character, and which, regulated by 
 his good sense, never degenerates into rashness, in 
 my opinion, the affairs of Europe would have worn a 
 very different face at this day. I shall not perhaps 
 be thought to attribute too much to him, by those 
 who have attended to the progress of affairs in Hol 
 land, when I explain myself by saying that in all pro 
 bability had he not taken the decided measures that 
 he did, without suffering himself to be dissuaded or 
 deterred from them by certain apprehensions of ex 
 posing the honour and dignity of the United States, 
 not only not one of the united provinces would at this 
 time have acknowledged our independence, but, by 
 the aid of mediation and some other influences we 
 should have seen a separate peace concluded between 
 Britain and Holland ; and perhaps Holland in the 
 other scale, where her weight would have been more 
 sensibly seen and felt than it is at present. I need 
 not explain myself further to you. Not having re 
 ceived a list of the elections for congress, and you 
 being perfectly silent on the subject, I am at a loss 
 to know whether or not you are a member of it. If 
 I was certain you were, I should write you with much 
 
 VOL. ii. 36 
 
286 LIFE OF 
 
 freedom upon the subject contained in the first para 
 graph of your letter. It would otherwise, you are 
 sensible, be improper for me to do it. That the in 
 dependent spirit you speak of should not please some, 
 or that it should startle others, does not at all surprise 
 me. But pray if you are not a member, how happens 
 it that you should know any thing about it ? Answer 
 me this question if you please. If you are a member 
 you will know what treatment he who manifested 
 such spirit, when he thought the interests of his coun 
 try required it, has received on that account. If the 
 4 hackneyed path 3 must be invariably pursued in all 
 places and under all circumstances, a certain station 
 is very safe, as all responsibility must cease together 
 with the liberty of action. But at the same time it 
 is not very pleasing nor honourable. I think there is 
 not the least danger of the change you seem to ap 
 prehend, in the political system of a certain court. 
 Their principal views, which the next year will open 
 fully, are towards another quarter of the world ; and 
 in such a case their political interests, if I do not mis 
 take them, will dictate another system of measures, 
 and point out the necessity of preserving appearances 
 of friendly disposition (for there is in fact nothing 
 more,) towards a power which might render their 
 plans abortive, or at least the execution of them very 
 difficult. Neither have I any fears of the accomplish 
 ment of the aim you speak of (if it exist.) For in my 
 opinion America alone, if she does not sacrifice the 
 necessary foundation for it, (you will understand me) 
 may, shortly after this war, be in a condition to pre 
 vent any such plan. I already in prospect behold 
 our country putting a check upon all such ambitious 
 designs. The balance is in her hand, if she is wise 
 for herself in time. I confide the sentiments of this 
 letter to your prudence and friendship ; you will be 
 cautious to whom you may disclose them. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 287 
 
 I have the honour to be, dear sir, with much es 
 teem and respect, your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 F. DANA. 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 "CAMBRIDGE, Feb. 3d, 1784. 
 
 Dear Sir, Yesterday I was honoured with your 
 most obliging favour of the 3d of January, and I beg 
 your acceptance of my most sincere thanks for the 
 fresh instance of your friendship. You may depend 
 upon my seconding your views, and those of my other 
 friends, by coming on to congress as soon as possible. 
 The interests of our country may require this of me. 
 I think it absolutely necessary, if congress have it in 
 contemplation, to send another minister to the court 
 of St. Petersburg. It seems impossible for them to 
 give him instructions adapted to the state of affairs 
 there, without receiving more particular information 
 than they have yet had. Perhaps the honour of our 
 country also requires that a measure of that sort should 
 not be precipitated. These sentiments I confide to 
 your discretion ; and will not at this time enter more 
 particularly upon that subject. 
 
 I am much pleased to learn that it was your opinion 
 that no one in congress is, in any manner, dissatisfied 
 with my conduct. This is much more than I had 
 reason to expect, considering the means that have 
 been practised to injure me most essentially in that 
 assembly. I hope to have the happiness of finding 
 you in congress on my arrival there. I thank you for 
 your congratulations upon my safe arrival. 
 
 I am, sir, your most obliged friend, &c. 
 
 F. DANA. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
288 LIFE OF 
 
 LETTERS FROM MR. WILLIAM GORDON. 
 
 s 
 
 "JAMAICA PLAIN, Oct. 2d, 1782. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I venture to write by the post, as 
 mail-robbing, I suppose, will be at an end for the pre 
 sent ; besides I shall not hazard any important secrets 
 by the conveyance. When I had the pleasure of talk 
 ing personally with you, I was induced by what you 
 said to entertain a favourable opinion of Mr. John 
 Temple, in which I have been confirmed by finding 
 that Dr. Price confided in him. It pains me there 
 fore to observe with what eagerness some individuals 
 are endeavouring to hunt him down as a British spy ; 
 the foremost of whom that appear in view is Mr. J*** 
 S****, brother to a Hampshire delegate of that name. 
 The assault is carried on upon the ground of a letter 
 from the president of congress to the governor, dated 
 the first of last March. That letter is I conceive no 
 credit to congress. I suspect there has been under 
 hand management, what we should call in B**** foul 
 play ; and I wish, if you believe Temple innocent, 
 that you would assist in searching it out. There is 
 an allusion in the president s letter, of one s having 
 been received from Mr. John Adams concerning him ; 
 but instead of telling W 7 hat Mr. Adams writes concern 
 ing him, we are put off with the tale of what he doth 
 not say (I use the term we, the letter having been 
 made public.) Can you not send me a copy of what 
 Adams did write ? I am also desirous of knowing how 
 it came about that congress was roused out of their 
 slumber, after having dozed so long, from the know 
 ledge of Temple s arrival in October, to attend to a 
 matter of so great magnitude, as the president respects 
 it, towards the last of February. Who was it that 
 first cried out in that honourable body (who, while 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 289 
 
 they employ Franklin in France and Adams in Hol 
 land to obtain intelligence, build their suspicions 
 upon rumours and publications in England) a spy ! a 
 spy ! a traitor ! Could I learn by your means who 
 first set forward the business in congress, and whe 
 ther he did it of his own proper motion, or was push 
 ed on by a concealed principal, I might possibly trace 
 out the important movements. Let me have your as 
 sistance, and information whether I am at liberty to 
 mention your having communicated the intelligence 
 when I shall have received it. We have been mak 
 ing a loud noise about liberty, let us not act then in 
 defiance of it. If what should be the first body in 
 America raise an outcry against any person upon 
 mere suspicions without evidence, and then set this 
 or the other state to which he may belong to hunt 
 him down, where are we? Who is safe from the con 
 cealed attacks and artful contrivances of the dark 
 assassin ? 
 
 By a private hand, I think Mr. Clarkson of Phila 
 delphia, I answered your letter that I received some 
 time before. In being speedy, you will add to the 
 obligations laid upon your very humble servant and 
 sincere friend, 
 
 WILLIAM GORDON. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 " JAMAICA PLAIN, April 2d, 1783. 
 
 Dear Sir, Hearty congratulations on an honour 
 able peace, in a most critical season of American 
 affairs, must first be mentioned ; and then I may add, 
 that to two letters I have received no answers ; to 
 morrow I may not be able to say so, when I shall 
 have been at the post-office. To the last I can ex 
 pect no answer till the next week, it having been sent 
 
290 LIFE OF 
 
 only a fortnight ; one side of the sheet contained a 
 curious extract from the London Courant of January 
 the 10th, being a letter of commendation to President 
 Laurens, in favour of Silas Deane, when the latter 
 returned to Philadelphia, and a certificate signed the 
 middle of last December by Dr. Franklin, in behalf 
 of the said Deane s honesty in his mercantile transac 
 tions for congress, to remove impressions that might 
 be made upon the public by some charges printed 
 against him; the other side, a plan of an impost that 
 should not interfere with the rights and sovereignties 
 of individual states, and form the ground work for en 
 slaving the continent. 
 
 What may have been sent you from France I know 
 not, but you may depend upon the following informa 
 tion. 
 
 The British would not allow the boundaries of 
 Nova Scotia to terminate at St. Croix, but demanded 
 Kennebeck at first, and afterwards insisted upon Pe- 
 nobscot as their ultimatum, until Mr. Adams produced 
 the records of the Massachusetts, and the authorities of 
 Shirley, Pownal, Bernard, and Hutchinson, as well as 
 the original grant of Nova Scotia by James the First 
 to William Alexander, and invited the British minis 
 ter to state a written claim of Kennebec or Penobscot 
 as the boundary of Nova Scotia, that it might be an 
 swered in writing, which brought him to reason. The 
 fishery cost more trouble; and satisfaction could not 
 be obtained on that point, until Mr. Laurens and Mr. 
 Adams told the British negotiators, what their col 
 leagues assented to, by their silence at least, that 
 they never would put their hands to any articles, with 
 out an express acknowledgment of right to the fish 
 ery, and tolerable satisfaction upon all other points re 
 specting it. They were obliged to do a great deal 
 for British creditors, and even for the refugees ; but 
 they hoped this would be of no lasting detriment to 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 29! 
 
 our country. They had indeed a great deal of dan 
 ger and trouble from the quarter whence I suspected 
 it, but by a judicious manoeuvre got fairly to the wind 
 ward. 
 
 Mr. Jay has done himself great honour, by his wise 
 conduct throughout the whole business. Mr. Laurens 
 was present only the two last days, the 29th and 30th 
 of November, and his behaviour w r as consistent with 
 himself. Dr. Franklin, from the time of Mr. Ad 
 ams s arrival, went on with them in perfect unison. 
 
 Virginia I trust will watch the motions of Pennsyl 
 vania, and prevent our becoming provinces to that pow 
 er. Methinks congress should be removed. Would 
 not New-York be as eligible a situation for a while ? 
 It is central; it is healthy in summer; it is an open 
 port both summer and winter; it is easy to get at by 
 yachts from the most distant state. There are too 
 many of that state indeed that are for lording it over 
 their brothers ; but when Pennsylvania finds that the 
 seat of continental government is removed, it will 
 probably become a staunch advocate for the universal 
 liberty of America, and be a counterpoise to the York 
 patrones. Having happily finished the game with 
 Great Britain, never let us suffer ourselves to be bilk 
 ed out of the stakes by any single state whatsoever, 
 lest we become the laughing-stock instead of the ad 
 miration of the world. 
 
 The confederation must be adhered to, or else the 
 union will be of no long continuance. The spirits of 
 the bay men will rise, now they are in no danger from 
 a foreign enemy, and they will soon be as zealous for 
 their state rights and privileges, as any others, the 
 Rhode Islanders not excepted. I wish disagreeable 
 difficulties may not be produced by the military. 
 Something handsome ought to be done for the offi 
 cers ; but it must be left to the states to ^adjust the 
 consideration with their own corps. The wise and 
 
292 LIFE OF 
 
 honest among you will have full employment. It may 
 be our happiness that we have no treasury, or it might 
 prove an engine in the hands of individuals to destroy 
 our liberties. I was pleased to hear that Col. B. was 
 opposed to any place s being a vortex. 
 
 I have written under disadvantages, not being so 
 well as usual, but was desirous of writing, and I trust 
 to your candour to excuse faults. Had Mr. Adams 
 arrived three weeks ago, (not that he is arrived) I 
 could have told you who would be governor; but who 
 will be chosen next Monday, is somewhat uncertain. 
 When leisure admits, let me have an answer, with all 
 that secret history which may be communicated with 
 propriety, accompanied with directions whether to 
 conceal it or to spread it in conversation ; and you 
 will oblige your very humble servant and sincere friend, 
 
 WILLIAM GORDON." 
 
 A LETTER FROM MR. LOVELL. 
 
 " YORK-TOWN, May 3d, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of Nov. 24th was yester 
 day delivered to me ; and I feel myself greatly oblig 
 ed by the affectionate and honorary terms in which 
 you speak of my sufferings, my regained liberty, and 
 my engagements in the service of my country. 
 
 In the month of October 1775, I used the freedom 
 of writing to you from Boston prison, by a Mr. Wil 
 liam Powell, who had also in charge some papers to 
 enable you to stigmatize the mean cruelties of Gage, 
 who was then exulting in his command ; but the pa 
 pers which I afterwards sent you from Halifax jail, 
 by an amiable lady, afforded proofs of scientific bar 
 barity in Howe, which tended to obliterate the memo 
 ry of what I had endured under his predecessor. I 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 293 
 
 had the imagination at that time of pursuing those 
 men personally to Europe ; but when I heard my 
 countrymen had wisely declared independence, I felt 
 myself instantly repaid for all my losses and bodily 
 injuries. 
 
 I will not endeavour to constrain you to believe, 
 that I am governed at this day by feelings and mo 
 tives of the most laudable patriotism. I am not anx 
 ious to disavow a degree of the spirit of retaliation, 
 which our enemies seem to have been industrious to 
 excite in us. It would be false affectation of univer 
 sal benevolence to say, I lament the present disgrace 
 of Britain. Whether she mends upon it or not, I 
 must rejoice at it, though upon different principles. 
 
 As your worthy brother will be particular to you in 
 addition to public letters, I will only add my congratu 
 lations upon the present alliance with France, and 
 close by assuring you of my most sincere wishes for 
 your personal felicity ; being sir, your obliged humble 
 servant, 
 
 JAMES LOVELL* 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE HON. J. DICKINSON TO A. LEEr 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, April 20, 1769. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am greatly obliged to you for your 
 favour of the 31st of December, and am extremely 
 glad to receive such a proof of your remembering me 
 with esteem at so great a distance. 
 
 Notwithstanding all the unfavourable circumstances 
 operating against these colonies, yet I hope that a few 
 months will demonstrate the truth of your observa 
 tion, that nothing will more effectually frustrate the 
 VOL. ii. 37 
 
294 LIFE OF 
 
 pernicious purposes of the ministers against them 
 than an inviolable union. 
 
 This union seems to be now formed, as I believe 
 every colony has now joined in the common cause. 
 Some indeed, but let it be spoken in whispers, very 
 slowly, very awkwardly. However, at length spirit, 
 patriotism, shame, and fear, all speak the same lan 
 guage. 
 
 Can you believe it, my dear sir, that there are 
 Americans, who discouraged to the utmost of their 
 power the first struggles against the present oppres 
 sion of their country, yet afterwards being forced 
 from their subterfuges, pretend to act the part of 
 Catos ? 
 
 A just resentment against these men makes me al 
 most pardon the crimes of ministers, as being of an 
 inferior degree, and in some measure produced by the 
 folly or wickedness of my countrymen. I think with 
 you that the appointment of such agents, as many of 
 the colonies choose, plainly has this tendency. Men, 
 who are either totally unconnected with the colonies, 
 or whose connexions are rendered trifling in their 
 own view, by dependencies on ministerial power. 
 
 I must confess that the choice of such trustees of 
 their rights and interests, appears to me one of the 
 most extraordinary things in the conduct of my coun 
 trymen. Yet I am not surprised at it ; for nothing 
 is more true than that a people fond of liberty and 
 striving for it, will in the midst of their efforts do 
 things inconsistent with common sense, and glaringly 
 injurious to the cause they are asserting. So much 
 am I persuaded of this, that I am positive I could 
 mention a colony that would be pleased to have 
 their agent become more dependent than he is upon 
 administration. 
 
 I have often thought, and still think, that so great 
 was the veneration of these colonies for Great Bri- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 295 
 
 tain, such affection was impressed on our bosoms to 
 wards the people of that kingdom from our infancy, 
 and so unsuspecting were we of any oppressive de 
 signs on her part, that, if the least policy had been 
 used in executing the schemes of those men who 
 were anxious of innovating, they might have fixed 
 indissoluble shackles upon us, before we were warn 
 ed of their intentions. But, by the blessing of Pro 
 vidence, so impudently stupid has their overweening 
 conceit made them, that they would not be satisfied 
 without insulting us by showing us the chains and 
 rattling them before they attempted to put them on. 
 
 I do not believe that an arbitrary spirit engaged in 
 such great projects, ever committed so many rash, 
 ridiculous actions. 
 
 What temper, what prudence can we expect in ad 
 ministration, when we find the house of lords desir 
 ing his majesty that offences committed in America 
 may be tried - within the realm, under the statute of 
 Henry the Bth s time, which was evidently intended 
 for the trial of offences where the king had no courts 
 open, and where the king could not be supposed to 
 have any subjects settled. 
 
 What American could vindicate his innocence 
 when torn from his home, from all those acquainted 
 with his character, unable to compel the attendance 
 of his witnesses on the other side of the Atlantic, 
 and the weight of government thrown into the pro 
 secution ? 
 
 May you be blest with the health to assert on the 
 spot, against the weak and the wicked, the cause of 
 your country and of that liberty which I know you 
 so dearly love, and are so capable of defending. 
 
 That every happiness may attend you is the earnest 
 wish of, dear sir, your most affectionate friend and 
 humble servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON," 
 
296 LIFE OF 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, June 26, 1769. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for your fa 
 vour of the 26th of February, and hope the maxim 
 you lay down will be universally adopted on this 
 continent, that from the justice of Great Britain no 
 thing is to be expected ; from her fears and interests 
 every thing. 
 
 I think this sentiment is generally taking place; 
 and having informed ourselves what are the best 
 measures for promoting our welfare, I hope we shall 
 have virtue enough to persist in them. Much reli 
 ance I doubt not is placed in our vanity and careless 
 ness ; that our enemies flatter themselves that these 
 will engage some of us to break through the general 
 resolutions that have been taken against importing 
 British manufactures ; that when a few have depart 
 ed from this resolution others will follow their ex 
 ample ; and thus individuals and colonies, impatient 
 to be on a footing with one another, will dissolve 
 their noble and formidable association. 
 
 This kind of reasoning is specious enough; but our 
 enemies should at the same time consider that an op 
 pressed state may be so violently irritated by the in 
 justice done to them, that it becomes dangerous for 
 those members of it who have not virtue enough to 
 espouse the true interests of their country through 
 principle, to discover the want of this virtue. They 
 are bound by their fears, by their distresses, to co-op 
 erate with the society in the means used for obtain 
 ing relief. Our enemies should also consider that by 
 a concurrence of events it happens that the very mea 
 sure pursued by the people of this continent to bring 
 Great Britain to reason, is extremely suited to the 
 present circumstances of the colonies, even if the im 
 mediate cause of disgust was taken away. These 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 297 
 
 circumstances and this cause together operate so 
 powerfully among us, that I, who confess that I have 
 no idea of our happiness, unless we are dependent on 
 Great Britain, am afflicted at the prospect that some 
 times presents itself to my mind. For very much I 
 fear that such a spirit of manufactory and economy 
 will irremoveably settle among us, as may affect the 
 vitals of that country. Never, surely, was the wel 
 fare of a country played with by such despicable po 
 liticians. They are teasing, they are forcing us to 
 injure the state we love and revere. If we may con 
 sider the connexion between Great Britain and this 
 continent as a marriage, in which the parties are al 
 ways happiest when they never dispute about their 
 rights, then these flattering statesmen may justly be 
 called political adulterers, who utterly poison the 
 peace of families. I always hear from you with 
 pleasure, but I shall read with inexpressible satisfac 
 tion those lines which shall inform me that public af 
 fairs are put into the hands of men possessed of some 
 virtue and good sense. 
 
 I congratulate you on the noble conduct of Vir 
 ginia. The particulars you will see in the papers. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with great sincerity, your very affec 
 tionate and very humble servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON. 
 
 I return you many thanks for procuring me the ho 
 nour of your brother s correspondence. I cannot tejl 
 you how much I esteem it." 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 25th, 1769. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for your fa 
 vour of the 2d of June, and the 26th of August, which 
 
298 LIFE OF 
 
 j should have answered sooner, but that they were a 
 j Q ng time coming to my hands. 
 
 I sincerely thank you for the vigilant zeal with 
 which you attend to the interests of our injured coun 
 try ; and I begin to hope that you will find your gene 
 rous efforts rewarded by a successful issue of our anx 
 ious and painful struggles for liberty. Surely nothing 
 can more advance this cause than the well concert 
 ed plan you mention, of joining our force to that of 
 the public spirited men who are now asserting the rights 
 of Englishmen, against those degenerated Englishmen 
 who would destroy them. 
 
 I am extremely pleased with your enumeration of 
 our grievances; but am afraid so just a recapitulation 
 of them, and so strong a remonstrance as is made in 
 some of the addresses, may effect but a partial relief. 
 
 There is a littleness and an obstinacy in late mea 
 sures, that seem to threaten great and dangerous con 
 sequences. I apprehend that the magnanimity and wis 
 dom, to do perfect justice, and to conduct affairs with 
 true policy, will be wanting. Twists and turns to 
 answer the private ends of ministers, we may expect; 
 but an adherence to the grand principles of govern 
 ment, tending to the mutual happiness of sovereign 
 and subject, we cannot expect. 
 
 Therefore, as we cannot in the slightest manner 
 confide in our rulers, we must take care of ourselves; 
 and it is with sincere satisfaction I can assure you, 
 that a resolution to pursue such measures as most pro 
 bably will effectually vindicate our rights, seems to 
 be firmly formed. 
 
 The merchants of this city, who waited a long time 
 before they took any step, are now exerting them 
 selves to prevent the importation of British goods. 
 The people of Rhode Island did not enter into the 
 agreement till lately; and perhaps would not have 
 done it yet, if our merchants, and those of Boston 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 299 
 
 and New- York, had not begun to concert measures 
 that would have proved very disagreeable to the Rhode 
 Islanders. 
 
 Some of these agreements mention the late reve 
 nue acts; and a doubt has arisen among some well 
 disposed persons, whether the importation of goods 
 should be prohibited until the repeal of the paper and 
 glass act only, or of that act and the 4th of Geo. 3d. 
 ch. 18th, the preamble of which shows it to be a re 
 venue act. 
 
 I wish sir, you would be so good as to have this 
 point w r ell explained to administration and parliament. 
 Certainly the two acts mentioned should be repealed. 
 So should any other of the same nature ; and I am 
 told there is such a one in the sixth year of the pre 
 sent reign, though I have not seen it. If the paper 
 and glass act alone is repealed, heart-burnings and 
 economical measures will still prevail; and by esta 
 blishing discontent and inventive industry among us, 
 Great Britain will lose solid and lasting blessings, in 
 pursuit of empty and fleeting advantages. M;iy di 
 vine goodness inspire her with a right understanding, 
 both for her sake and our own. 
 
 That you, dear sir, may enjoy every happiness, is 
 the sincere wish of your very affectionate and very 
 obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON." 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, March 31st, 1770. 
 
 Dear Sir. Some engagements that particularly 
 called upon me, have prevented me from writing to 
 you so frequently as my esteem for you inclined me 
 to do; but the intermission has afforded me one plea 
 sure, in finding your regard for me is so sincere, as 
 to pardon the seeming neglect. 
 
300 LIFE or 
 
 Your account of Lord Shelburne s and Col. Barre s 
 sentiments, give great satisfaction here. Your high 
 character of his lordship exactly agrees with the opi 
 nion I entertain of him. It is difficult at this dis 
 tance to judge rightly of characters; hut from a view 
 of his conduct, I am persuaded he adds such integrity 
 to his other great qualities, that I heartily wish him 
 possessed of power that would enable him to exer 
 cise his virtue and knowledge in the most extensive 
 manner. 
 
 Our countrymen continue firm. They know that 
 not only their own inestimable interests, but etfata 
 nepotumj depends on their resolution. Would to 
 Heaven that ministers also would but consider, that 
 their conduct may decide the fortunes of their coun 
 try to the latest posterity. 
 
 Accidents and expedients may serve the short space 
 of one or two administrations. The exports to Ger 
 many, Russia, and Turkey, may keep the people qui 
 et for a while ; but when these demands cease, and 
 the nation looks among her despised, insulted colonies 
 for a market, she may find their resentment, industry, 
 and frugality, have raised impenetrable obstructions 
 to her former most profitable commerce. JVihilvi 
 nihil secessione opus cst. No force, no emigration, is 
 necessary for our protection. Divine providence has 
 put it into our power, properly to resent the indigni 
 ties offered us, the injustice done us, in a manner suita 
 ble to our loyalty for our prince, our affection for our 
 parental country. Homespun clothes are all the 
 armour, spades and ploughshares the weapons we 
 shall use in this holy war. So gentle and so effectual 
 are the means we shall employ. Yet, to speak free 
 ly, my heart bleeds at the prospect of our success. 
 How mournful a reflection is it, that a just regard for 
 ourselves must wound Great Britain, the mother of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 301 
 
 brave, generous, humane spirit, the chief bulwark of 
 liberty on this globe, and the blessed seat of unspot^ 
 ted religion. 
 
 To this fatal extremity however are we driven with 
 all the united fury of folly and wickedness. Every 
 wrong measure against us sets us more and more 
 right in our defence. We are more and more ex 
 cited, combined, encouraged, and determined. 
 
 While rash ministers are guided by the false re 
 presentations of villainous crown officers on this con 
 tinent, and are bouncing about dignity and authority, 
 they are undermining with the most industrious and 
 reckless stupidity the strongest foundations of their 
 sovereign s and their country s felicity. 
 
 You will hear too soon of the Bostonian massacre. 
 Perhaps it may be thought at home that the other 
 colonies will little regard what immediately relates to 
 that province. But you may depend on it, sir, that 
 they will think and act as they ought to do. It is 
 true we have in every colony men of some note, who 
 would sacrifice the best rights of their countrymen to 
 their own views ; but these are drops in the ocean. 
 They have been adorned indeed by the crown offi 
 cers with the title of < the better sort of people. But 
 in matters of importance they are not worth mention 
 ing. The body is sound and strong, and will indubi 
 tably triumph in the end over its internal and exter 
 nal enemies. 
 
 Please to present my compliments with the utmost 
 respect to Mrs. Macauley. I have taken the proper 
 steps to permit the importation of her valuable his 
 tory. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the most sincere esteem, your 
 affectionate friend and humble servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON." 
 
 VOL. it. 33 
 
302 LIFE OF 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 31, 1770. 
 
 Dear Sir, I very gratefully acknowledge the re 
 ceipt of your valuable letters, which I should have 
 answered more regularly, had I not been particularly 
 engaged for some months past. 
 
 After what has taken place, I scarcely know how 
 to write of my unfortunate countrymen. Your ob 
 servations are extremely just. We must owe our po 
 litical salvation to the body of the people. I believe 
 a great deal might be done at present by addressing 
 them to engage in associations for controlling the 
 merchants. But I do not think it would be proper 
 for me to undertake that office noiv, not for fear of 
 i offending ministers or great men in asserting the 
 rights of the injured. 5 No martyred saint ever beheld 
 his butchers with more despairing pity, than I do the 
 whole apparatus of tyranny. But to move great bo 
 dies strongly and permanently there must be the ap 
 pearance of deliberation in one s conduct. 
 
 I am truly moderate. I wish only for placidam 
 sub libertate quietcm ; and I am for attaining the bles 
 sing by the most gentle means. 
 
 My countrymen have been provoked, but not quite 
 enough. Thanks to the excellent spirit of adminis 
 tration, I doubt not but proper measures will be pur 
 sued for provoking them still more. Some future op 
 pression will render them more attentive to what is 
 offered to them ; and the calm friend of freedom, 
 who faithfully watches and calls out on a new dan 
 ger, will be more regarded than if he endeavours to 
 repeat the alarm on an attack that is thought to have 
 been in some measure repelled. I do not despair. 
 Our mercenaries have been defeated. Our native 
 troops are firm. Afflicted I am and ever shall be that 
 so considerable a class of men as the mercantile should 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 303 
 
 have failed. But there is a spirit and a strength in 
 the land-holders of this continent sufficient to check 
 the insolence of any infamously corrupt minister ; and 
 so the most daring of them, perhaps sooner than he 
 expects, may find. 
 
 Your recommendation of Mr. Sayre has, as it ought 
 to have, the greatest weight with me. But the affairs 
 of Massachusetts are so much out of my way, that it 
 is not in my power to serve him. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the utmost sincerity, your very 
 affectionate friend, and most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON." 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 21, 1771. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for your 
 favour ; and I cannot but acknowledge that your sen 
 timents on our public affairs afford me the greatest 
 satisfaction. I heartily wish some of our colonies 
 would put it into your power more effectually to 
 serve us. I sincerely congratulate you on the ap 
 pointment of the Massachusetts assembly ; though, 
 for more than one reason, I should have been much 
 more pleased if it had been made in another manner. 
 
 I had the same hopes you entertained, sir, that 
 the probability of a rupture with Spain might be fa 
 vourable to the rights of the American provinces. 
 Having been put into our house of assembly by this 
 city last year, contrary to my inclination, I took the 
 opportunity of moving for an address to the king for 
 the repeal of the duty on tea, in order that we might 
 harmonize with Virginia, and encourage the other co 
 lonies to take the same step. I was desirous of some 
 thing spirited on the occasion, but ministerial influ 
 ence has reached even to our stadt-house. After 
 
304 LIFE OF 
 
 much pruning, the address was modelled to the form 
 it now bears, which I presume you will see in our 
 papers. 
 
 The more I observe of what passes among us, or 
 hear of what passes in Britain, the more I am induced 
 to think we must wait for a cure till the waters are 
 disturbed. 
 
 We may be provoked some other way, than by re 
 newing the attempt to tax us; or if no fresh cause of 
 discontent be afforded, a better opportunity may offer 
 for obtaining redress. One thing I am convinced of, 
 that we ought never to intermit our applications for 
 relief. We should convince our oppressors that the 
 injury manet alta mente reposition. 
 
 There is a strong spirit of liberty subsisting among 
 us yet, notwithstanding the selfish views of some con 
 siderable men, and the quietness of the colonies in 
 general. We must trust to that spirit for favourable 
 circumstances, and a prudent use of them for success in 
 our designs. As to our British friends, we ought to 
 expect every thing from them but assistance. I con 
 fide in providence that we shall not want it. 
 
 I hope sir, though you should fix your residence in 
 Great Britain, that your affection and politics will al 
 ways be American; and that your attachment to your 
 native country will induce you, as I am persuaded it 
 will, to communicate by means of your extensive ac 
 quaintance, such intelligence as you will judge to be 
 generally beneficial. 
 
 I am, with the greatest sincerity, dear sir, your 
 very affectionate friend, and most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON," 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 305 
 
 "August 20th, 1774. 
 
 Dear Sir, A general congress meets in Philadel 
 phia the beginning of next month. These colonies 
 have appointed deputies: Massachusetts Bay, New- 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-York, 
 New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the government on Dela 
 ware, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina. North 
 Carolina it is said is to appoint on this day. Georgia 
 will also appoint, as we are assured. 
 
 The insanity of parliament has operated like in 
 spiration in America. They are mad to be sure, but 
 in their phrenzy they have discovered invaluable 
 truths. 
 
 The colonists now know what is designed against 
 them. All classes of people are surprisingly united 
 in sentiment. The first step in all probability will be 
 a general non-importation from Great Britain. The 
 next, if grievances are not redressed, a general non- 
 exportation to that kingdom. If severities increase, 
 events will inevitably take place, which a man so con 
 nected with this continent as you are, must view with 
 inexpressible pain of mind. 
 
 The people in general through the country look for 
 ward to extremes with resolution. Of these the brave 
 Germans, many of whom have seen service, are in 
 every sense truly respectable. Is it possible that the 
 people of our mother country, so beloved and rever 
 ed by us, can seriously think of sheathing their swords 
 in bosoms so affectionate to them? Of engaging in a 
 war that must instantly produce such deficiencies in 
 her revenues, expose her to her natural enemies, and, 
 if she conquers, must in its consequences drag her 
 down to destruction ; and, if she fails of success, 
 as, if the colonists have common sense she certainly 
 must, will involve her in immediate ruin? 
 
306 LIFE OF 
 
 Surely sir, you may render your native country emi 
 nent services, by publishing your sentiments on the 
 present mournful prospect of affairs. That you may 
 undertake the employment, is the hearty wish of, dear 
 sir, your affectionate friend, and most obedient ser 
 vant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON. 
 
 I have just heard that Georgia has appointed depu 
 ties to attend the congress." 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 27th, 1774. 
 
 Dear Sir, Yesterday the congress broke up. You 
 will immediately know their proceedings from pub 
 lications. 
 
 The colonists have now taken such grounds, that 
 Great Britain must relax, or inevitably involve herself 
 in a civil war, likely in all human probability to over 
 whelm her with a weight of calamities, in comparison 
 of which, the contentions between the houses of York 
 and Lancaster, or the distractions of the last century, 
 were gentle misfortunes. 
 
 A determined and unanimous resolution animates 
 this continent, firmly and faithfully to support the 
 common cause, to the utmost extremity, in this great 
 struggle for the blessing of liberty, a blessing that can 
 alone render life w r orth holding. 
 
 I grieve for the fate of a brave and generous na 
 tion, plunged by a few profligate men into such scenes 
 of unmerited and inglorious distress. Let her rouse 
 her noble spirit, be true to herself, and she cannot 
 fail of being true to us. Let her not so far adopt the 
 schemes of base yet visionary men and knaves, that 
 she may think her dignity concerned to maintain the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 307 
 
 projects of those whom her justice commands her to 
 punish. 
 
 Give up the Butes, Mansfields, Norths, Bernards, 
 and Hutchinsons, whose falsehoods and misrepre 
 sentations have inflamed the people ; call not their 
 cause the cause of Great Britain, throw all errors and 
 occasions of dissatisfaction on their guilty heads. A 
 new ministry of such a character, that England and 
 America both can trust, may do great things; espe 
 cially if a considerable change be made at the next 
 general election. Why should nations meet with hos 
 tile eyes, because villains and ideots have acted like 
 villains and ideots ? 
 
 I wish for peace ardently ; but must say, delightful 
 as it is, it will come more grateful by being unexpect 
 ed. The first act of violence on the part of admin 
 istration in America, or the attempt to reinforce 
 General Gage this winter or next year, will put the 
 whole continent in arms from Nova Scotia to Geor 
 gia. 
 
 May God of his infinite mercy grant a happy event 
 to these afflicting agitations. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON. 
 
 It is suspected here that a design is regularly pro 
 secuted by the ministry, to make his majesty de 
 throne himself, by the calamities and convulsions his 
 reign is likely to bring on his whole people. Please 
 to inform me what is thought on this point in Eng 
 land." 
 
 " April 29th, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, The immedicabile vulnus* is at length 
 struck. The rescript to our petition is written in 
 blood. The impious war of tyranny against inno- 
 
308 LIFE OF 
 
 cence, has commenced in the neighbourhood of Bos 
 ton. 
 
 We have not yet received any authentic accounts, 
 but I will briefly mention the most material parts of 
 the relations that have reached us. 
 
 Gen. Gage having lately received despatches from 
 England, gave orders on Saturday the Ifrth of this 
 month, that the grenadiers and light-infantry should 
 be excused from duty until further orders. Some of 
 the inhabitants of the town being alarmed by this 
 circumstance, observed between 10 and 1 1 o clock on 
 Tuesday night following, those bodies to be moving 
 with great silence towards that water which is usu 
 ally crossed in going to Cambridge. Notice of this 
 movement was immediately conveyed into the coun 
 try. The troops mentioned embarked in boats, and 
 landed at Cambridge about four or five miles from 
 Boston. From thence they marched on Wednesday 
 the 19th in the morning, to Lexington, about twelve 
 miles from Boston. At this place they found some 
 provincials exercising. The commander of the party 
 ordered them to disperse. They did not. One of 
 them said he was on his own ground; that they injur 
 ed no person, and could not hurt any one, for they 
 had no ammunition with them. The word was given, 
 and the brave Britons, emulating no doubt the glori 
 ous achievements of their ancestors, gallantly gave 
 fire upon those who were exercising, killed some, and 
 put the rest to flight. This victory was gained by the 
 grenadiers and light-infantry, without the assistance 
 of any other corps, though their numbers it is said 
 did not exceed a thousand, and the provincials amount 
 ed to at least, as it is reported, twenty-five or thirty 
 men! 
 
 From Lexington the victors pursued their march 
 to Concord, about twenty miles from Boston, where 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 309 
 
 they destroyed a small magazine, and set fire to the 
 court house. By this time two or three hundred of 
 the inhabitants were collected, and an engagement 
 began. The troops soon retreated, and lost two 
 pieces of cannon which they had seized. 
 
 General Gage receiving intelligence of this engage 
 ment, or of the murder at Lexington, between eight 
 and nine o clock on Wednesday morning sent out a 
 brigade under the command of Lord Percy, consist 
 ing of the marines, the Welsh fusiliers, the 4th, 3tfth, 
 and 47th regiments, with two field-pieces. The gre 
 nadiers and light infantry, still retreating, met his lord 
 ship advancing to their relief; but the place of meet 
 ing is uncertain, supposed to be about five or six miles 
 from Boston. The numbers of the country people 
 being also now increased, a very warm contest ensu 
 ed. The provincials fought as desperate men. The 
 regulars bore the attack awhile, still retreating, but 
 at length broke, and retired in the utmost contusion 
 to a hill called Bunker s hill, not far from Charles- 
 town, which place is situated opposite Boston, on 
 the other side of Charles River. About a mile from 
 the hill, one vessel of war, if not more, was stationed 
 to cover the retreat into Charlestown down to the 
 water side, in order to pass over to Boston. In the 
 retreat of this one mile, it is said the regulars lost 
 twelve officers and 200 privates. The provincials, 
 afraid of the shipping s firing on Charlestown, and 
 of hurting the town s people, stopped the pursuit. 
 
 On the whole, the accounts say, the regulars had 
 about 500 men killed, and many are wounded and 
 prisoners. The advices by several expresses are po 
 sitive that Lord Percy is killed, which gives great 
 and general grief here, and also General Haldimand, 
 the two first in command ; that a wagon loaded with 
 powder and ball, another with provisions, and the field 
 pieces attending the reinforcement are taken. It is 
 
 VOL. ii. 39 
 
310 LIFE OF 
 
 added that a party of 300 sent out to Marshfield, are 
 cut off and taken to a man. Several letters from 
 Boston mention that the officers returned there, sev 
 eral of whom are wounded, declare they never were 
 in hotter service. The whole of the fight lasted about 
 seven hours. Part of it was seen from the hill in 
 Boston. 
 
 I cannot say I am convinced of the truth of all the 
 particulars above-mentioned, though some of them are 
 supported by many probabilities. But these facts I 
 believe you may depend on, That this most un 
 natural and inexpressibly cruel war began with the 
 butchery of the unarmed Americans at Lexington ; 
 that the provincials, incredible as it may be at St. 
 James or St. Stephens, fought bravely ; that the re 
 gulars have been defeated with considerable slaughter, 
 though they behaved resolutely ; that a tory dare not 
 open his mouth against the cause of America, even 
 at New-York ; that the continent is preparing most 
 assiduously for a vigorous resistance ; and that free 
 dom or an honourable death are the only objects on 
 which their souls are at present employed. 
 
 What human policy can divine the prudence of pre 
 cipitating us into these shocking scenes ? Why have 
 we rashly been declared rebels ? Why have direc 
 tions been sent to disarm us ? Why orders to com 
 mence hostilities? Why was not Gen. Gage at least 
 restrained from hostilities until the sense of another 
 congress could be collected ? It was the determined 
 resolution of some, already appointed delegates for it, 
 to have strained every nerve at that meeting to at 
 tempt bringing the unhappy dispute to terms of ac 
 commodation, safe for the colonies, and honourable 
 and advantageous for onr mother country, in whose 
 prosperity and glory our hearts take as large a share 
 as any minister s of state, and from as just and as 
 generous motives, to say no more of them. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 311 
 
 But what topics of reconciliation are now left for 
 men who think as I do, to address our countrymen ? 
 To recommend reverence for the monarch, or affec 
 tion for the mother country ? Will the distinctions 
 between the prince and his ministers, between the 
 people and their representatives, wipe out the stain of 
 blood ? Or have we the slightest reason to hope that 
 those ministers and representatives will not be support 
 ed throughout the tragedy, as they have been through 
 the first act ? No. While we revere and love our 
 mother country, her sword is opening our veins. The 
 same delusions will still prevail, till France and Spain, 
 if not other powers, long jealous of Britain s force and 
 fame, will fall upon her, embarrassed with an exhaust 
 ing civil war, and crush or at least depress her ; then 
 turn their arms on these provinces, which must sub 
 mit to wear their chains or wade through seas of 
 blood to a dear-bought and at best a frequently con 
 vulsed and precarious independence. 
 
 All the ministerial intelligence concerning us is 
 false. We are a united, resolved people ; are, or 
 quickly shall be, well armed and disciplined ; our 
 smith s and powder-mills are at work day and night ; 
 our supplies from foreign parts continually arriving. 
 Good officers, that is, well-experienced ones, we shall 
 soon have, and the navy of Great Britain cannot stop 
 our whole trade. Our towns are but brick and stone, 
 and mortar and wood. They, perhaps, may be de 
 stroyed. They are only the hairs of our heads. If 
 sheared ever so close, they will grow again. We com 
 pare them not with our rights and liberties. We wor 
 ship as our fathers worshipped, not idols which our 
 hands have made. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your sincerely affectionate friend, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON." 
 
312 LIFE OF 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, July 7, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, The enclosed will convince you how 
 affairs stand in America. 
 
 I am, sir, your affectionate friend, 
 
 J. D. 
 
 The bearer, Dr. Hutchinson, a worthy young gen 
 tleman of this place, can give you a detail of the sev 
 eral engagements at Boston, &c. 
 
 As several copies of the petition are gone by this 
 ship with errors in them, it may be proper to have the 
 enclosed put to the press. 
 
 " NAIUHILL, July , 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, Before this comes to hand you will have 
 received, I presume, the petition to the king. You 
 will perhaps at first be surprised that we make no 
 claim, and mention no right. But I hope, on con 
 sidering all circumstances, you will be of opinion that 
 this humility, in an address to the throne, is at pre 
 sent proper. 
 
 Our rights have been already stated, our claims 
 made ; war is actually begun, and we are carrying it 
 on vigorously. This conduct, and our other publica 
 tions will show that our spirits are not lowered. If 
 administration be desirous of stopping the effusion of 
 British blood, the opportunity is now offered to them 
 by an unexceptionable petition, praying for an accom 
 modation. If they reject this application with con 
 tempt, the more humble it is the more such treatment 
 will confirm the minds of our countrymen to endure 
 all the misfortunes that may attend the contest. 
 
 I do not know what is thought in London of the 
 several engagements near Boston ; but this you may 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 313 
 
 be assured of, that every one of them has been favour 
 able to us, and particularly that of Bunker s hill, on 
 the 17th of last month, when a mere carnage was 
 made of the royalists, though they gained our re 
 trenchments. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your very affectionate humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 J. D." 
 
 "KENT, March 30, 1780. 
 
 Sir, On the 20th of this month I received your 
 letter of the 19th of September last, forwarded by 
 Mr. Lovell, in which you mention a former let 
 ter, written soon after your arrival in Paris, and un 
 answered by me. I do not recollect the receipt of 
 that first letter ; but if it came to my hands I beg 
 you will permit the public and private distresses of 
 that time to be the excuses for my inattention. 
 
 As to the subject of your last, I count it a sad mis 
 fortune that an apprehension of duty to my country 
 in discharging a trust reposed in me, should compel 
 me to act in such a manner as to give pain to a man 
 I sincerely esteem, and to draw complaints from one 
 I affectionately wish to oblige, and, to the utmost of 
 my power, to honour. 
 
 Do not imagine, sir, that the arts of your < ene 
 mies have erased from my mind those favourable 
 sentiments I have ever entertained of you, since I 
 have had the pleasure of your acquaintance. Your 
 friends can witness that throughout the debates in 
 congress relating to you, I always bore open and 
 faithful testimony to the ability, zeal, courage, inte 
 grity, and diligence manifested by you in the support 
 of our cause ; and that, in confirmation of what I said, 
 I mentioned your correspondence with me in very 
 
314 LIFE OF 
 
 dangerous circumstances, on points of the last im 
 portance. 
 
 They also can certify, that I more than once in 
 congress expressed an earnest concern that the ques 
 tion to be voted on was so worded, that, if determin 
 ed on one side, it would seem to injure you, and actu 
 ally proposed an alteration of the question. 
 
 Your brother, Col. R. H. Lee, will do me the jus 
 tice to acknowledge that I laid my difficulties before 
 him prior to the decision, and desired that your 
 friends might all unite in procuring you some other 
 appointment than that to Spam ; that, in conse 
 quence of former intelligence you had from Holland, 
 which he mentioned to me, I proposed to him an 
 employment there at present ; and that I represented 
 to him the impossibility, in my opinion, of supporting 
 in congress the commission to Spain. 
 
 In mentioning these things I cannot forbear saying 
 that it appeared plain to me that if some of those 
 who truly loved you had not mingled too refined a 
 policy with their affection, the vote would not have 
 looked so severe as it does. When they perceived 
 that some gentlemen, who thought that employing you 
 in Spain was un advisable, were at the same time 
 averse to any resolution that might, though only by- 
 implication, reflect on your honour, they seemed to 
 expect some advantage, even from the harshness of 
 the question. 
 
 But while I thus interested myself in what con 
 cerned my friend, the conduct you object to was in 
 fluenced by two reasons, that, leaving the qualities of 
 your head and heart unimpeached, would have led 
 me to the same conclusion if you had been my bro 
 ther. These were, a coolness in the court of Ver 
 sailles towards you, and the difference with Dr. 
 Franklin. When it was considered that the connex 
 ion between the branches of the house of Bourbon 
 
ARTHUR LEE. Si 5 
 
 is so intimate, and that harmony between ministers 
 who are to negotiate with them, especially on the 
 same subject, and those most momentous ones, is so 
 necessary, all private regards gave way to the superior 
 force of public obligations. To wound, and mourn, 
 falls to the lot of more than Brutus. 
 
 1 am with the greatest esteem, sir, your most obe 
 dient servant, 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON." 
 
 LETTER OF EDWARD RUTLEDGE, ESQ. OF S. CAROLINA* 
 
 " March 27th, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, I was occupied by a very important 
 cause when Jenkin last sailed ; and he left us previ 
 ous to my closing a letter, which I had been writing 
 to you in answer to your obliging favour. I have re 
 ceived the papers to which you allude, and will write 
 you fully on the subject as soon as I am at leisure to 
 take any step in the business. At present almost 
 every moment of my time is devoted to the public. 
 
 We have agreed to send deputies to the continental 
 convention. My brother, who is truly federal, is 
 among the number of gentlemen, none of whom I am 
 convinced will yield to him in zeal for continental 
 measures. We have passed a law to stop the importa 
 tion of negroes, and have done sundry other good 
 things. But it will take time to restore order; and 
 this government in particular has been so much relax 
 ed, that a constant attention to public business, and a 
 perpetual eye to the returning virtue of our country 
 men, are required from those who hold a place in the 
 confidence of our citizens. And although we have 
 been forced into some measures that are not to be 
 
316 LIFE OF 
 
 justified, and hardly excused, yet I do not despond. 
 We are in fact better than we were. 
 
 It is said that the eastern states willnot send dele 
 gates to the convention. If this be their determina 
 tion, they must change it. What, although they have 
 experienced domestic convulsions from their state con 
 ventions, can they not foresee that a restoration of 
 their trade will afford an outlet for their restless spi 
 rits, and remove, with the poverty of their situation, 
 an inclination to disturb the government ? They of all 
 others are more immediately interested in vesting 
 powers in the united council. Animate them, my 
 good sir, to a sense of their duty, and of their interest. 
 Adieu. I write this surrounded by politicians, who 
 call me off from a more pleasing business than that 
 in which they are about to engage me. William 
 Rutledge (who is not in the house) desired me when 
 I wrote to present you with his best respects. 
 
 I am, my dear sir, as ever, yours peculiarly, 
 
 EDWARD RUTLEDGE." 
 
 ANSWER TO THE PRECEDING LETTER. 
 
 " NEW-YORK, June 7th, 1787. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I received yours of the 27th inst. 
 You mention receiving the papers relative to the de 
 mand of my brother William against Mr. Brailsford. 
 I have been informed that the debts due him in South 
 Carolina are very considerable ; and therefore I hope 
 you will be able to recover what he owes my brother 
 on the judgment I transmitted you. 
 
 The representation of the United States in conven 
 tion, is much more complete than was expected. 
 Hitherto nothing has transpired touching their delib 
 erations. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 317 
 
 We are not most assuredly ripe for such a consti 
 tution (I mean a king, lords, and commons,) as would 
 at once support the national honour, dignity, and in 
 terest. Till people are properly impressed with this, 
 and there is a body of sufficient property and dignity 
 to form the second estate, such a system cannot be 
 adopted, without a convulsion too hazardous for those 
 who love their country to incur. We must therefore 
 I suppose, go on with a patched confederation, till 
 time shall have matured us for something more con 
 sonant to the imperial greatness of this part of the 
 globe. (It scarcely need be suggested to the reader 
 that the above paragraph is ironical. Author.} 
 
 I am very desirous of engaging Mr. West to exert 
 his faculties in immortalizing the conduct of the la 
 dies in Charleston on canvas, with their husbands and 
 friends, when they were sent to St. Augustine. It 
 appears to me that a conduct so noble, so virtuous, 
 and so patriotic, as never to have been exceeded, sel 
 dom equalled, should be perpetuated by a pencil the 
 most powerful that the present age has produced. 
 Such is the pencil of Mr. West. You will oblige me 
 sir, if you will give me such a description of that 
 event, together with any anecdotes touching it, as 
 you may think will aid the painter in expressing it 
 well. Should Mr. West enter into the plan, such of 
 the ladies and gentlemen as were present at that 
 scene, and have good pictures of themselves, would 
 perhaps take the trouble of sending them to Mr. West, 
 in order that from the resemblance of persons the 
 piece may be more interesting, at least for some gene 
 rations. Your nephew sailed in the French packet 
 on Sunday last, in good health and spirits. Please 
 to make my best respects acceptable to Mrs. Rut- 
 ledge. 
 
 Adieu, 
 
 ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 Edward Rutledge, Esq." 
 
 VOL. n. 40 
 
318 LIFE OF 
 
 LETTER FROM D. DULANY, JR. ESQ. 
 
 " ANNAPOLIS, 1774. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received your favour, which I made it 
 my business to communicate to my acquaintances, who 
 all agreed in your proposal. It would give me the 
 highest satisfaction to continue a correspondence with 
 you. Our town was assembled a few days ago, to 
 consider letters sent from Boston and Philadelphia. 
 The subject of the Boston letter was, to request the 
 colonies to join in a non-importation and exportation 
 scheme, as the readiest method to compel the parlia 
 ment to restore them to their just rights. The Phila- 
 delphians were very cool indeed upon the application. 
 There is a stroke of insulting pity in their answer, 
 which I am sure will raise your indignation to the 
 highest pitch. 
 
 We came here to the following resolves. 
 
 * 1st. That it is the opinion of the meeting that the 
 town of Boston is now suffering in the common cause 
 of American liberty. 
 
 2d. That the best method to redress the evils they 
 now labour under would be, to put a total stop to 
 imports and exports to and from Great Britain. 
 
 3d. That the association be upon oath for that 
 purpose. 
 
 4th. That it is the opinion of this meeting that no 
 lawyer should bring an action for any merchant in 
 Great Britain against an inhabitant till this act be 
 repealed. 
 
 frth. That no trade be carried on with any colony 
 that does not come into similar resolutions. 
 
 These are not to be obligatory till they are agreed 
 to by a majority of the colonies and the several coun- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 319 
 
 ties of this province. Every thing passed unanimous 
 ly except the 4th resolution, which I confess I oppos 
 ed, with about thirty more. It seems to me to carry 
 with it so much injustice and partiality, that I am 
 afraid it will give a handle to our enemies to hurt the 
 general cause. I would have agreed to it if it had 
 extended to merchants in this country as well as for 
 eign merchants. 
 
 Every just, indeed every efficient measure should be 
 taken against the British parliament in their designs 
 to tax America ; for I am convinced that if once the 
 principle of taxing were established, property here 
 would not be worth holding. But at the same time 
 let us never give them an opportunity by our resolves 
 to accuse us of injustice. I hope you will agree 
 with me in this. 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to hear that our friend 
 Alleyne succeeded so well in the four and a half per 
 cent cause. I have expected to hear from him on 
 business for some time past, his management of which 
 I requested, but I have not had the pleasure. Pre 
 sent my compliments to him and inform him that I 
 should be glad of a line from him. Remember me to 
 your brother. 
 
 I am with great esteem, dear sir, your most hum 
 ble servant, 
 
 D. DULANY, Jr. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 LETTER FROM GEORGE MASON, ESQ.. OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, May 21st, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, I take the opportunity by Col. Car- 
 rington of returning the papers you left in my hands, 
 when I had the pleasure of your company at Gunston 
 Hall. 
 
320 LIFE OF 
 
 I arrived in this city on Thursday ovening last, but 
 round so lew of the deputies here from the several 
 slates that I am unable to form any certain opinion 
 on the subject of our mission. The most prevalent 
 idea I think at present is a total change of tlie federal 
 system, and instituting a great national eouneil or 
 parliament upon the principles of equal, proportionate 
 representation) Consisting <>f two branches of the le 
 gislature invested with full legislative powers upon 
 tin; objects of the union; and make tin; state legis 
 latures subordinate? to the national by giving to the 
 latter a negative upon all such laws as they shall 
 judge contrary to the principles and interests of the 
 union; to establish also a national executive, and a 
 judiciary system with rogni/anee of all such matters 
 as depend upon the laws of nations, and such other 
 objects as the local courts of justice may be inade 
 quate to. 
 
 I shall do myself the honour of corresponding with 
 you from time to time, and shall be much obliged to 
 you for \oiir sentiments upon the important subjects 
 that will be agitated in this convention, upon which 
 the; prosperity and safety of our country will so mate 
 rially depend. 
 
 1 have received your favour by Major Jackson ; no 
 thing that 1 have beard has yet been mentioned on 
 this subject among the deputies now here ; though I 
 understand there are several candidates, which I am 
 surprised at, as the office will be of so short dura 
 tion, and merely honorary, or possibly introductory 
 to something more substantial. 
 
 1 am, with great esteem and regard, dear sir, your 
 most obedient servant, 
 
 d . MASON.* 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, A 
 
 * The Author rogratu the loss of thu n-siduw of the vnluuhln lib-i^ of < . 
 Mason. 
 
AUTIIUK LEE. 
 
 l.KTTKR FliniU .11 l;r. M \i: u \l.l,. 
 
 RICHMOND, March 5th, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your favour of (he KMli o! .lanuan is 
 now before me. I havo not sent the letter yon en 
 closed me in search of Mr. 1 inlay, because 1 am told 
 by my brother, who is much better acquainted \\nli 
 him than I am, that ho either now is, or will very 
 soon be in New- York. 
 
 I have in my possession the notes you enquire for 
 I very much fear that the conduct of some unthink 
 ing men in the western country will embroil us with 
 Spain, unless there be some more; vigorous inierposi 
 tion of government than we seem disposed to make. 
 A memorial signed by some of the most respectable 
 persons of Kentucky has lately been presented to the 
 governor on this subject, in which the conduct of 
 Gen. Clark, I am told is a good deal criminated. 
 Whether the; cession for a time of the navigation of 
 the Mississippi would conduce to the interest of the 
 western country or not, must depend on facts of 
 which I have but litlle information, and then-lorn 
 have never formed a decided opinion on the suhj< < i ; 
 l)ii i the people of this as well as of the Kentucky 
 country, who seem to form no adequate; ideas of ihe 
 magnitude of danger while at a distance, have pro 
 nounced upon it Without hesitation. Mr. Jlenry, 
 whose opinions have their usual inilucncc, ha , )>< < n 
 heard to say that he would rather pan with the ton 
 federation than relinquish the navigation of the Mis 
 sissippi ; but, as we have been fnrtilcr in muting I 
 dare say we shall be * suavitcr in re. 
 
 I congratulate you on the prospects of re-establish* 
 ing order and good government in Massachusetts. I 
 
LIFE OF 
 
 think their government will now stand more firmly 
 than before the insurrection, provided some examples 
 are made, in order to impress on the minds of the 
 people a conviction that punishment will surely fol 
 low an attempt to subvert the laws and government 
 of the commonwealth. Our attention is now turned 
 entirely towards the next elections. The debtors as 
 usual are endeavouring to come into the assembly, 
 and as usual I fear they will succeed. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the highest esteem, your obe 
 dient servant, 
 
 J. MARSHALL. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 LETTER FROM MR. JOHN PAGE, OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 " WILLIAMSBURG, March 12th, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, My former acquaintance with you, and 
 a knowledge of your great abilities, constantly exerted 
 in support of your country s cause and the liberties 
 of mankind, have long excited in me a desire of being 
 admitted into the number of your correspondents; 
 but the fear of interrupting your attention to the im 
 portant affairs you are engaged in, has hitherto pre 
 vented me from attempting to enjoy that happiness. 
 However, I am so selfish that I can no longer refrain 
 from asking you to permit me to engage a part of 
 your attention. For this interruption I will endea 
 vour to make some amends, by writing to you the 
 best accounts I can collect of the state of affairs in 
 America in general, and in Virginia in particular, as 
 often at least as the multiplicity of my public busi 
 ness will admit of. You will have heard long before 
 this reaches you, that Howe is in quiet possession of 
 Philadelphia; and that Burgoyne, with his army, is 
 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 323 
 
 detained at Cambridge, till the convention of Saratoga 
 shall be ratified by the king his master. 
 
 By the unhappy error congress and the different 
 states fall into, of raising their troops upon short en 
 listments, and from the wretched accommodations the 
 clothiers and commissaries afford them when raised, 
 we have not been able to keep our troops long enough 
 together, to introduce among them proper discipline; 
 nor indeed have we been able to collect one third of 
 the men voted by congress. Whereas, had it been 
 determined at first that they should be enlisted for 
 the war, and had the clothiers and commissaries done 
 their duty, and been properly assisted by the legisla 
 ture and executive of each state, I have no doubt we 
 should have had our quotas of men complete; and by 
 this time they would have been as well disciplined as 
 the British troops. Indeed, by this time we should 
 have had no occasion for troops ; for had we been able 
 to produce one half of our quota in the field when 
 Gen. Howe landed at the head of Elk, it is certain 
 his whole army must have been cut off, if we may 
 judge from what was done at Brandy wine with one 
 eighth part of that number; for I have been well as 
 sured that we had not an eighth part of the troops 
 voted by congress that day in the field. We are now 
 reduced to the necessity of draughting the militia, to fill 
 the vacancies occasioned by the expiration of enlist 
 ments, &c. &:c.; but, although this seems to be an 
 expeditious and certain method of raising troops, it 
 is by no means so good as that by voluntary enlist 
 ment. Numbers are dissatisfied, and others desert. 
 However, I hope we shall have men enough in the 
 field to bring Howe to a capitulation, or a convention 
 at least, if he does not receive considerable reinforce 
 ments in the spring. And from the considerable im 
 portations made this winter on public account, and by 
 private adventures, added to some late regulations of 
 
324 LIFE OF 
 
 congress, and the different states, we may expect 
 to see our troops well clothed and armed, and in 
 a more comfortable situation than they have ever 
 been. 
 
 The enemy have left Virginia almost in a state of 
 peace, ever since Dunmore was driven away, till this 
 winter, when they began to be troublesome on the 
 bay. and at the mouths of some of our rivers. Their 
 frigates seem to be very shy of our galleys and batte 
 ries, and before the summer is out I hope they will be 
 more so. 
 
 I take this opportunity sir, of informing you that 
 you were elected a corresponding member of our So 
 ciety for promoting Useful Knowledge, at one of our 
 last meetings ; which have been for some time past 
 discontinued, the critical situation of our country en 
 grossing the attention of all its members. However, 
 we have made some progress in our business; having 
 received some valuable astronomical observations, me 
 teorological journals, and other papers, models of ma 
 chines, fcc. and ore; collected for completing the natu 
 ral history of Virginia. Not only the arts and sci 
 ences, but manufactures and agriculture, are objects 
 of our attention. By the next opportunity I will 
 send you some extracts from some of our papers. 
 The society will esteem themselves happy to receive 
 any thing you may think proper to communicate. I 
 have engrossed so much of your time, and intruded 
 so much on you, that I must beg your pardon; and 
 conclude, after desiring you to present my compli 
 ments and best wishes to your brother, his lady, and 
 family. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your affectionate humble servant, 
 
 JOHN PAGE. 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee" 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 325 
 
 " WILLIAMSBURO, Aug. 16th, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your letter of the 14th of March, with 
 a triplicate of another, dated November the 5th, the 
 receipt of which I acknowledged in my last, is just 
 come to hand. I cannot refrain from congratu 
 lating you on the success of your negotiations, and 
 on having had the glory of being thus capitally instru 
 mental in securing the liberty and happiness of your 
 country. Surely, never was an alliance better timed, 
 or more honourable ; and never did an ally act with 
 more decision, activity, and vigilance, than ours has. 
 For the treaty of alliance was scarcely concluded, be 
 fore he took the most decisive measures; and such 
 was his vigilance, activity, and vigour, that he discov 
 ered the moment we should stand in need of assist 
 ance, and sent it with such expedition, that we receiv 
 ed it before we heard of its being intended for us; and it 
 swept the enemy s privateers off our coast, and drove 
 into the harbour of New- York their whole fleet, block 
 ing it up with their whole army ; and it is supposed 
 that before this, Rhode Island is swept of its nest of 
 pirates, and restored to its rightful owners. 
 
 Gen. Washington, with a more powerful army than 
 he has before had, was, when we heard from him last, 
 at the White Plains, preparing to advance upon Gen. 
 Clinton, who was strongly posted near King s Bridge; 
 but I suppose he will not attack him, unless a Bri 
 tish fleet should arrive, and oblige the Count d Es- 
 taing to quit his station ; for he is playing a surer 
 game, without any risk or trouble. Unless provisions 
 arrive shortly, the British army must capitulate ; and 
 there is no prospect of getting any in to them, as the 
 admiral has taken a great number of vessels bound to 
 New- York, and among them it is said are thirteen 
 ships from Cork, and has blocked up the remainder 
 
 VOL, II. 41 
 
326 LIFE OF 
 
 of the provision fleet in New- York, which will proba 
 bly fall into our hands. 
 
 Morgan s corps at the battle of Monmouth, were 
 found to be much superior to the British grenadiers 
 and light-infantry. This is the third time he has 
 shown that superiority; twice before (against Bur- 
 goyne) he fairly beat them. I suppose long before 
 this can reach you, you will have received authentic 
 accounts of the retreat of the enemy, and their defeat 
 on their route through the Jerseys. 
 
 Your observations on the situation of our country, 
 and the necessity of strengthening our naval force, 
 are very just. If my opinion had been adopted, Vir 
 ginia would ere now have been very respectable on 
 the water ; but according to the plan which has been 
 received, she is truly despicable. However, I per 
 ceive our countrymen s ideas are every day more and 
 more enlarged, and I hope we shall do better here 
 after. 
 
 By an article in the confederation, no state is to 
 have a fleet of its own, but there is to be one for the 
 defence of the whole, under the direction of congress; 
 which I confess I think a wise regulation, to prevent 
 any one state from becoming too powerful by water 
 for the others. I think it must prevent jealousies. 
 Without some such regulation, New-England would 
 soon be able to give us law on the sea; and Virginia 
 might cut off the trade of Maryland and North Caro 
 lina, whenever she pleased. However, each state may 
 build galleys, floating batteries, &c. for the protection 
 of its harbours and bays ; so that I think no inconve 
 nience can happen from this restraint ; on the contra 
 ry, a great expense will be saved. But as it is possi 
 ble this article of the confederation may not be so 
 faithfully observed by some states, I think it would 
 be wise to take every step which leads towards rais 
 ing up seamen, and laying the foundation of a power- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 827 
 
 ful navy. The hints you gave on this head are wise, 
 and have been thought of; so that I hope they will be 
 adopted. 
 
 As to the back lands you mention, there is no doubt 
 that some of our sister states would wish to have a 
 share in them ; but this matter is settled and secured 
 to us, as you w r ill see, by the confederation. The 
 New-Englanders made no objection to this article, 
 and they really appear to me to be the most virtuous 
 people on the continent. 
 
 Several large French ships of great force have 
 been trading with us, the merchants or supercargoes 
 of which have imposed upon us most shamefully the 
 vilest goods at the most exorbitant prices. They 
 take great liberties, and complain even here, that 
 they have met with hard treatment. These people 
 seem to think that, because we are under great obli 
 gations to their court, we should pay court to them. 
 
 An unlucky affair happened here lately ; one of 
 our soldiers, in an affray with some French sailors of 
 the Fiere Roderique, shot a French man through the 
 arm, and has rendered him a cripple for life. This 
 created great uneasiness and discontent among all the 
 Frenchmen in this state. Government thought pro 
 per to give the poor fellow six hhds. of tobacco, as 
 some recompense for the loss of his arm, and several 
 gentlemen gave him money, so that the affair was 
 hushed among the Frenchmen ; but I suspect they 
 will make heavy complaints of it, when they have 
 returned home. It; certainly was one of those acci 
 dents which may happen any where. It must be 
 confessed that it looked very bad here, where our of 
 ficers do not speak French, and have not of course 
 taken so much notice of the French officers as they 
 expected. 
 
 Capt. Montou of the Fiere Rodorique, has promis- 
 
328 LIFE OF 
 
 ed to carry the tobacco freight-free, for the unfortu 
 nate sailor. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your most affectionate and obedi 
 ent, humble servant, 
 
 JOHN PAGE. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee. 
 
 P. S. The ship Fiere Rodorique has been oblig 
 ed to land fourteen most excellent eighteen-pounders, 
 to make room for tobacco. Her officers have been so 
 unreasonable as to ask 620 hhds. of tobacco for them ; 
 but we refused to buy them, being provoked at such 
 a demand, when it was not in their power to carry 
 them. We look upon them as the king s property, 
 and would willingly purchase them, or replace the like 
 sort and number in any of his ports or arsenals. 
 
 J. P." 
 
 LETTER FROM JAMES MADISON. 
 
 " PHILADELPHIA, May 28, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, I received your favour of the 16th inst. 
 between nine and ten o clock last night, the post hav 
 ing been delayed by sickness. I shall pursue your 
 commands with respect to the bill enclosed in it. 
 
 The arrival of the Alliance frigate at Rhode-Island, 
 and the subsequent arrival of a French cutter at Sa 
 lem, have furnished congress and the minister of 
 France with pretty late intelligence from Europe. 
 The latter has not yet communicated the contents of 
 his despatches. Those from our ministers at Versailles 
 and at the Hague inform us that British emissaries 
 had been practising every address to each of them to 
 feel the pulse of their constituents, and debauch them 
 from their engagements with France. At the same 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 329 
 
 time very tempting concessions were held out to the 
 latter for a similar purpose. Proper answers were 
 given to each of these insidious applications. These 
 circumstances afford a seasonable admonition to the 
 credulous, of the wickedness of Mr. Cailton s mission. 
 We have heard nothing from this gentleman since the 
 refusal of a passport for his secretary to visit congress. 
 
 Mr. Adams seems to be making considerable pro 
 gress in Holland towards an acknowledgment of his 
 public character. He says the prince had declared 
 his inability to resist the torrent in favour of a con 
 nexion with the United States. 
 
 We have received no letters from Mr. Dana very 
 lately. If I do not forget, some have been received 
 since you left us, which contained little more than a 
 proof that he had not become sensible of the error 
 which his preceding letter displayed. Despatches 
 from Mr. Jay, transmitted by Col. Livingston, have 
 been lost to us by the capture of this gentleman by a 
 privateer from New T -York. They were not however 
 gained by the enemy. Col. Livingston is now here, 
 but restrained by his parole from suggesting the con 
 tents of his despatches, or giving any other intelli 
 gence from that quarter. 
 
 I have written more fully in cypher to Mr. Ran 
 dolph, on foreign subjects and some others, than time 
 or prudence will permit me to repeat here. For what 
 is omitted, I must therefore beg leave to refer you to 
 him. 
 
 The reasons which recommend an interference of 
 the assembly in the case of the Flags, do not I confess 
 occur to me. If the goods included in the capitula 
 tion of York, were sold, and are to be paid for, it 
 would seem that a mode of payment, which affords 
 to Virginia a vent for her staple, and prevents the ex 
 portation of her specie, cannot be complained of by 
 her. 
 
330 LIFE OF 
 
 The enclosed gazette contains the several obscure 
 and contradictory advices, of the action in the West 
 Indies, which have of late agitated our hopes and 
 fears. The acknowledged inferiority of the fleet of 
 our ally, gives some credulity to the articles which 
 are in favour of the enemy. Should the event how 
 ever have been ever so disastrous, it can only affect 
 the duration of the war. The issue of it is fixed by 
 causes which are superior to every particular event. 
 Every triumph of the enemy on the ocean is rather a 
 new argument to all Europe in favour of our independ 
 ence ; and I am somewhat of Mr. Adams opinion, 
 that if America were to betray a disposition to relapse 
 under the dominion of Great Britain, all the maritime 
 powers would interpose to prevent it. The tyranny 
 which they have experienced would render any alter 
 nation preferable to a re-establishment of the superi 
 ority of power which gave birth to it. 
 
 Notwithstanding the importance of the present 
 crisis, the number of states in congress does not ex 
 ceed eight, sometimes seven only, and most of these 
 represented by only two members. The president is 
 directed to write to the unrepresented states on the 
 subject, and urge them to supply the deficiency. I 
 wish much for a re-inforcement to the delegation of 
 Virginia, and have pushed Mr. Randolph to undertake 
 that service immediately. I calculate on your return 
 so soon as your other undertakings will permit. In 
 the present moment it is of consequence that every 
 delegation should be tolerably full, as well as every 
 state represented. 
 
 With great respect and regard, I am, dear sir, yours, 
 fee; 
 
 J. MADISON, Jr. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
ARTHUR tEE. 331 
 
 4> 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, May, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir, The letter enclosed herewith came to 
 my hands from the eastern port. I forward it, not 
 knowing how far its contents may interest you. 
 
 The parliamentary intelligence published in the 
 gazette of this morning, shows that some revolution 
 in the councils of the legislative branch has taken 
 place, which will probably have some effect on those 
 of the executive. 
 
 But as the delusive idea of a federal, if not a poli 
 tical connexion with this country, founded on the 
 ruins of its connexion with France, still pervade their 
 policy, no conclusion whatever can be drawn from it, 
 that will justify the smallest relaxation in our public 
 measures. The efficacy of conciliatory overtures 
 seems to be as foolishly and obstinately persisted in 
 by one party, as that of military coercion has been by 
 the other ; and if the former should be indulged in 
 their favourite experiment, it is more probable that 
 their disappointment and vexation will make them 
 converts to the views of the latter, than that both 
 parties will lay aside their prejudices, and embrace 
 the terms we hold out to them. 
 
 A letter from Mr. Jay and two from Mr. Carmi- 
 chael were received yesterday. They all speak the 
 same language with that received from the former, a 
 little before you left us. The success of the Spanish 
 arms at Minorca will, we are told, be followed by re 
 doubled efforts against Gibraltar. 
 
 We have several times repeated our wish for an or 
 der on the western cessions, and have in every instance 
 experienced a repetition of the same indecent ob 
 structions and evasions of which you were a witness, 
 and which nothing will explain but the cause to 
 which we have from the beginning imputed them. 
 
332 LIFE OF 
 
 It will neither be consistent with the respect we owe 
 to our own public character, nor with the dignity 
 of those we serve, to persist longer in fruitless ap 
 plications to congress for an answer. We shall there 
 fore wind up the business as well as we can in a few 
 days, and transmit a statement of it for the general 
 assembly, who will certainly be fully justified in tak 
 ing any course with respect to their western claims, 
 which the interest of the state shall prescribe. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your sincere friend arid humble ser 
 vant, 
 
 J. MADISON, Jr. 
 
 The Hon. A. Lee, Esq." 
 
 LETTER FROM COL. BLAND. 
 
 "RICHMOND, Nov. 20th, 1786*. 
 
 Dear Arthur, As you surmised, your agreeable 
 favour of the 16th of October met me just at the 
 opening of our political campaign. The perusal of it 
 afforded me much pleasure, although it wanted the 
 addition which you had so kindly intended, of bring 
 ing me acquainted with the bearer, the son of the new 
 Bath guide, whose acquaintance (if he inherits the 
 spirit, genius, and imagination of his father) must 
 bring no small addition to the pleasure of any one not 
 destitute of ideas. I made strict enquiry after him, 
 but as I could hear nothing of him, suppose he pur 
 sued his route immediately to Charlestown, as did 
 Gen. Duplessis, whom you formerly recommended to 
 me. Should either of these gentlemen return this 
 way, (and give me the opportunity) it will afford me 
 singular pleasure to fulfil your wish of showing them 
 every civility in my power, as your friends ; as it is, I 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 333 
 
 must be content in their having proved the vehicles of 
 two letters from you, and in accompanying them with 
 my best wishes. 
 
 Mrs. Bland was with me in Richmond when I was 
 favoured with your letter, and returns you her thanks 
 for your splendid compliments. She saw a few plays, 
 and returned to her domestic scenes. Your flattering 
 compliment to my tawny sister I communicated to 
 her spouse, and before this time I suppose she has got 
 it, dressed up in the most agreeable manner by his 
 poetical imagination. Thus you see I have not been 
 a mere passive recipient of your great behests. 
 
 Now for politics ; if I can extract from the chaos 
 of our business any thing worthy of your notice, it is 
 more than I expect. However, currente calamo, I will 
 go on. First, then, on Mr. Henry s signifying his de 
 sire to resign the reins of government, Mr. Attorney 
 G., your brother, and your humble servant, were no 
 minated for the first magistracy. The heat was hol 
 low, the attorney distanced the field. Thus are you 
 deprived of seeing your friend in Sancho s situation, 
 ****** anc | ^ our brother translated from the head of 
 an empire to the head of one of its members. I had 
 forgot to tell you that I was previously to this no 
 minated to preside over our august assembly, nolens 
 volens, and on a ballot was found to be second best. 
 The honour of this discomfiture was no small thing, 
 when it was considered that the majority was but 
 small for Mr. Prentis, and that it was my first exhi 
 bition in our assembly ; but, as if fortune was dispos 
 ed to make sport of me, and gilt me with all her pow 
 ers of giltation, my friends again nominated me to 
 serve in congress. Here I experienced how fickle 
 was the maid who has raised up and put down so 
 many empires, kingdoms, states, princes, ministers, 
 and heroes. She left me in the lurch ; and behold 
 your humble servant and old friend is at this moment 
 
 VOL. n. 42 
 
334 LIFE OF 
 
 writing to you in the plain garb of a simple assembly 
 man, without one of those titles which but a few days 
 since, glittered around his head. 
 
 # *:&**# * # 
 
 I moved early in the session, as a groundwork to 
 bring about some reformation in the system of finances, 
 that the state of the debts and revenue should be laid 
 before the house, which was followed by a motion of 
 
 that a committee should be appointed to enquire 
 
 minutely into the state of public debts, taxes, &c., 
 and devise some system of finance by which the peo 
 ple might be relieved, and the public faith secured, 
 and placed on a firm basis. This committee have 
 been sitting above a month, and have made some steps 
 to come at the grand object, but nothing is yet ma 
 tured. I am in hopes it will produce something use 
 ful, if it only evince some control over the public af 
 fairs, and show the people that we mean to be honest. 
 I fear we shall find an Augean stable. The assembly 
 has repealed by a very large majority the pernicious 
 and detestable doctrine of paper money, and unani 
 mously. By a petition, which was said to be framed 
 by the Lord of Green Spring, for reducing the military 
 certificates by a scale, an attempt has been made by 
 the house, similar to what FalstafT requests his friend 
 Hal to do, rob me the Exchequer, which has hither 
 to failed. Thus do I begin to hope that public faith 
 will be held somewhat more sacred ; when a motion 
 for paying the delegates out of any money in the 
 treasury, whether appropriated or not, will not go 
 down. 
 
 I cannot agree with you on the policy of Spain or 
 the eastern states, to relinquish to Spain the naviga 
 tion of the Mississippi, even for a moment. It is a 
 right which we have confirmed to us by treaty. It is 
 a right which nature has given us. It is a right which 
 nature will claim. It is a right which it is impossible 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 335 
 
 in Spain to attempt to deprive us of, and in the at 
 tempt she has shown that she considered it a right. 
 Why else should she endeavour to barter another pri 
 vilege for it ? Will not Spain, suppose we should ac 
 cede to her proposal, bend her whole force to fortify 
 herself against a recovery of it ? She has already 
 troops, fleet, and treasure ; what have we to oppose 
 to such powerful engines? She has a united mon 
 archy ; we a divided republic, slow in its operations, 
 jarring in its interests, but powerful when oppress 
 ed. Have you not mistaken the effect of the ex 
 clusion^ I rather think that could it be carried into 
 execution it would stifle the germ of agriculture and 
 improvement. To what end improve a soil whose 
 products would remain on the hands of the husband 
 man, a useless lumber. To what end promote popu 
 lation, where the labours of the people would end in 
 sorrow and poverty. But has not experience proved 
 in all ages that manufacturers could not be supported 
 without commerce ? And that where land abounds 
 and a rich soil invites, manufactures cannot flourish ? 
 Have they flourished even in the oldest states, where 
 this has been the case ? At this day is a pin or a 
 needle made in the United States ? And, except in 
 the largest towns, are even the most necessary im 
 plements of husbandry manufactured to advantage. 
 That Kentucky will send colonies to the Muscle 
 Shoals, I verily believe ; and that they in their turn 
 will people the Natchez, is not less probable. Nor 
 will it be in the power of man to prevent it, much 
 less Spain, unless the species cease to propagate, 
 or the emigrants should become savages, neither of 
 which is likely to happen. But after all where is 
 the mighty boon of being with Spain on the footing 
 of the most favoured nation? What favour does Spain 
 grant to any nation in commerce, that is an object to 
 any but a manufacturing one ? Are we so ? I think 
 
336 LIFE OF 
 
 not. The sale of fish would indeed be an object witn 
 the eastern states, and I think I can clearly see that 
 that, together with their apprehensions of being weak 
 ened by emigration, would lead them into the mea 
 sure with Spain, which would be to us an evil of the 
 first magnitude. New-York too might reap advan 
 tages by the produce of the western country going to 
 the lakes by some of the branches of the Ohio, and 
 thence being transported, after a small land carriage, 
 down the Hudson. Pennsylvania might hope for a 
 share of this commerce by the Susquehannah, and 
 bounded as she is, she might expect with the eastern 
 states, to stop the emigration. Perhaps she might 
 be tempted a little, by the casual sale of her flour, to 
 some of the Spanish islands. On the whole, I con 
 ceive the policy to be erroneous in us to consent to 
 the exclusion. These are my rough sentiments, and 
 such as they are, they are my own, having never been 
 warped or biassed by consultation on the subject, with 
 those immediately or remotely interested in the event. 
 
 Be assured that Spain will be cautious of entering 
 into a war with us on that account. The other 
 branch of the house of Bourbon will be more cautious 
 of supporting her in such a war, and England would 
 be ready to retaliate, by favouring a dismemberment 
 of the Spanish territories in America from her pow 
 erful rival, exclusive of the tempting commerce such 
 a dismemberment might offer to that commercial and 
 ambitious nation. Holland could not withstand the 
 temptations of so rich a traffic. 
 
 I believe, my friend, you are by this time tired of 
 my politics, and as it is past eleven, I will bid you 
 adieu ; and believe me that, though we may differ in 
 political opinions, there is no one entertains a more 
 cordial and sincere regard for you than your old friend, 
 
 THEOD. BLAND." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 33T 
 
 N. B. First thoughts on so extensive a subject as- 
 the Mississippi navigation, and its consequences, must 
 unavoidably be but conjecture. What an infinite field 
 has the revolution opened for speculative opinions on 
 the political systems of nations and commerce, per 
 haps wars. I forgot to mention above, that Great 
 Britain had also reserved in the treaty the right to 
 the navigation of the Mississippi. So that all your 
 supposed disadvantage, arising from commerce, will 
 follow from that cause. And Spain and Britain will 
 divide between them, a commerce from which we 
 shall preclude ourselves. Adieu." 
 
 " RICHMOND, June 13th, 1788. 
 
 Dear Arthur, I was yesterday favoured with yours, 
 and assure you I am in doubt whether the pleasure or 
 the pain on the subject of your congratulation, affects 
 me at this time most heavily. On the one hand I see 
 my country on the point of embarking and launching 
 into a troubled ocean, without chart or compass to 
 direct her ; one half of her crew hoisting sail for the 
 land of energy, and the other looking with a longing as 
 pect on the shore of liberty. I have but one ray of hope, 
 and that arises from an observation that they are yet in 
 perfectly good humour with each other. I have as yet 
 sat as a speechless spectator, nor shall I be induced to 
 alter that character, but as a mediator, and with a view 
 of concentrating the two parties, now (after twelve 
 days session) almost equally divided ; each side boast 
 ing by turns of a majority of from three to eight, on 
 the general question, of adopting or rejecting ; al 
 though I really at this time think there is a decided 
 majority for anterior amendments, that is, who do 
 not think it prudent to mount a high-blooded, fiery 
 
338 LIFE OF 
 
 steed, without a bridle. The amendments which 
 will be proposed will contain simple propositions, 
 guarding the rights of the states from the encroach 
 ments of ****** and state factions in the general 
 government, and almost literally corresponding with 
 those suggested by Massachusetts, Carolina, and the 
 main points of the committee of Maryland. The 
 strongest efforts are made here to inculcate the abso 
 lute necessity of posterior amendments, or uncondi 
 tional submission, for fear of losing, as it is called, the 
 government ; and strong dispositions are shown to pre 
 cipitate the convention into that measure ; but hitherto 
 the fear of miscarrying altogether, has restrained the 
 gentlemen on the side of the new constitution. I 
 have no doubt of their bringing forward the proposi 
 tion, whenever they may think themselves strong 
 enough. On the other hand, we have declared pretty 
 openly our advances to them, which have had consid 
 erable weight with the wavering, and have drawn 
 many doubtful minds to our side of the question. We 
 object not against any powers which shall not be hurt 
 ful. That the government shall want no aids for its 
 own support or execution, provided that such re 
 straints shall be imposed upon it, as shall support and 
 ensure the state privileges, and the liberty of the in 
 dividual against oppression. 
 
 We have yet proceeded no farther in the discussion 
 than the article of direct taxation, on which point 
 they have collected all their force ; and I think they 
 have left hitherto the advantage considerably on our 
 side. The general, and I may say, diffuse discussion, 
 may go on probably another week, perhaps not so 
 long, and then it is proposed to argue it paragraph by 
 paragraph. The issue will depend greatly on ma 
 nagement on both sides, and mere fortuitous events, 
 as in all cases where forces are nearly equal. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 339 
 
 There has been a duel here between * **** and 
 ? on the eve of an election. ***** is dangerous 
 ly wounded. Neither of them is in the convention. 
 I mention this, to show you that the heats have not 
 yet entered that body, although the thunders roll, and 
 the lightnings flash every day, both in the natural and 
 political atmosphere. Our chief-magistrate has at 
 length taken his party, and appears to be reprobated 
 by the honest of both sides ; but this is too precious 
 a morsel to b*e left out. Although lukewarm, he has 
 openly declared for anterior amendment; or in other 
 words, unconditional submission. 
 
 I am quite sick, and therefore obliged to conclude 
 sooner than I had intended. 
 
 Your friend, &c. &c. 
 
 T. BLAND." 
 
 FROM MR. JEFFERSON. 
 
 "PARIS, March llth, 1789 
 
 Dear Sir, I had wished to acknowledge the re 
 ceipt of your favours of Jan. 19, and Feb. 3, by a 
 private conveyance ; but none such having occurred, 
 nor being likely to occur, 1 must write you such a let 
 ter as may go through the inspection of both post- 
 offices. 
 
 The affairs of this country are still going on well ; 
 there are loud contestations indeed in one or two of 
 the provinces, and in Brittany these have come to 
 blows, and some three or four people have been killed. 
 Still the opposition to the revolution {.which is work 
 ing, has been miraculously small; and he who would 
 predict its failure from the little obstacles which have 
 happened, would be about as good a prophet as he 
 
340 LIFE OF 
 
 who from the loss of two or three little skirmishes on 
 our part, would have foretold our final failure in the 
 American revolution. All the world here is occupied 
 in electioneering, in choosing, or being chosen ; and 
 as far as Paris may be considered as affording a speci 
 men of the public mind, we may say it is almost 
 thoroughly ripe for a just decision of the great ques 
 tion, of voting by orders or by persons. The diffi 
 culties which now appear threatening, to my mind, 
 are those which will result from the sfze of the as 
 sembly. Twelve hundred persons of any rank and 
 of any nation assembled together, would with diffi 
 culty be restrained from tumult and confusion ; but 
 when they are to compose an assembly for which no 
 rules of debate or proceeding have been yet formed, 
 in whom no habits of order have yet been established, 
 and to consist moreover of Frenchmen, among whom 
 there are always more speakers than listeners, I con 
 fess to you I apprehend some danger. However, I 
 still hope that the good sense of the body, and the 
 coolness and collectedness of some of their leaders, 
 will keep them in the right way, and that this great 
 assembly will end happily. 
 
 The war in the north will I think continue, and 
 perhaps spread as far as Prussia. The present and 
 probable situation of the executive in England, will 
 I presume prevent their engaging, otherwise than by 
 giving money. If so, this country will certainly not 
 engage herself the present year ; and after this year, 
 if her States General pass over well, she will be in a 
 condition to do what she pleases. I have lately re 
 ceived a letter from Admiral Paul Jones, dated at Pe 
 tersburg the last of January; he was just arrived there, 
 at the call of the empress, and uninformed where he 
 was to act the ensuing campaign. We have no news 
 from America later than the 10th of January, when 
 things were going on well. I find that the friends of 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 341 
 
 the new constitution are generally disposed to make 
 such changes as may be requisite to guard liberty. 
 This will probably reconcile the bulk of the opposi 
 tion. Nothing could be more agreeable to me, than 
 your company on our voyage to Virginia ; and I am 
 sorry I am unable to form such an idea of the epoch 
 of it, as might enable you to decide whether it suited 
 you. Governeur Morris, who is now here, informs me 
 that there was no congress when he came away ; but 
 none was expected until the new government. My 
 letters, asking leave of absence, were not then arriv 
 ed, and consequently I cannot have that leave but 
 from the new government ; nor even expect that they 
 will take it up among their first subjects. This ren 
 ders the time of my receiving permission uncertain; 
 and should it be so late that I cannot go, do my busi 
 ness there, and return in the fall, I shall prefer post 
 poning my departure hence until the fall, so that I 
 may return in the spring; being quite decided against 
 a winter passage. You see therefore, my dear sir, the 
 impossibility of my fixing the epoch of my departure. 
 Pray continue to me during your stay, your interest 
 ing political information ; and accept assurances of 
 the esteem and respect, with which I am, dear sir, 
 your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 To Mr. Shippen."* 
 
 * This interesting letter was written to a Mr. Shippen, who was a favourite 
 nephew of Mr. Lee. Finding it among Mr. Lee s MSS. the author has in 
 serted it. 
 
 VOL. ii. 43 , 
 
342 LIFE OF 
 
 APPENDIX IX. 
 
 Letters to Arthur Lee, from many of his Correspondents in Europe and Great 
 Britain. (Many of his MSS. of this kind have been lost.) 
 
 LETTERS FROM SIR WILLIAM JONES. 
 
 " TEMPLE, June 29th, 1778. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I would have answered your kind 
 letter long before this, if I had not been expecting 
 
 from term to term, that the case of John * 
 
 would be argued in Westminster Hall; and I wished 
 to send you a report of the arguments at the bar, and 
 on the bench. The case is I apprehend now dropped, 
 as I have heard nothing of it since the last consulta 
 tion. I thank you for your hints on the subject, and 
 am happy that our opinions so exactly coincide. How 
 deeply I was afflicted with poor Alleyne s death, you 
 who know my regard for him will easily imagine. 
 Paradise is much dejected at the loss of his estate; 
 at least at the suspension of his rents. I wish he was 
 in Virginia ; but you know how incapable he is, with 
 all his good qualities, of stirring for himself in active 
 life. 
 
 * The word illegible. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 343 
 
 I go on here to my satisfaction ; I mean in my pro 
 fession. *********** i am 
 in a chancery cause, in which some points of French 
 law will arise, and one or two of the witnesses re 
 side in France. The property in dispute is conside 
 rable. It is possible that this business will bring me 
 to Paris in September or October. Shall you be 
 there at that time? If you are, let me hope to have 
 access to you. I have much to tell you about some 
 old acquaintance. I should like to be in a little pri 
 vate lodging, where I may spend a w r eek or fortnight, 
 unknown to all, except a few friends. 
 
 No news but what is very public, and which you 
 must know by this time. 
 
 I am, my dear sir, with great truth, your faithful 
 friend, 
 
 WILLIAM JONES. 
 
 A Monsieur, Monsieur Arthur Lee, A Paris." 
 
 " CIIRISNA NAGAR, BENGAL, Sept. 28th, 1788. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I am just escaped from Calcutta 
 to my cottage, about a hundred miles from it, where 
 I can repose but a few days, after a degree of judicial 
 labour, of which an English bar can afford no exam 
 ple. We have been sitting seven hours a day, some 
 times whole nights, for three months together; and 
 that without any assistance from juries, except in cri 
 minal cases. The length of our sittings has left us 
 hardly any vacation ; and I have so large an arrear of 
 letters for the ships of the season, that I must divide 
 my mornings between all my friends, and write con 
 cisely to each, with a promise of longer letters the 
 next season. 
 
344 LIFE OF 
 
 The interesting picture you give of your country, 
 has both light and shade in it; but though some rocks 
 and thickets appear to obstruct the foreground, I see 
 the distant prospect brighten, and have a sanguine 
 hope that I shall live to admire your constitution, in 
 all the blaze of true liberty and universal justice. 
 If young Englishmen had any English spirit, they 
 would finish their education by visiting the United 
 States, instead of fluttering about Italy ; and strive to 
 learn rather political wisdom from republicans, than 
 to pick up a few superficial notions of the fine arts, 
 from the poor thralls of bigotry and superstition. If 
 I live, I seriously intend to make the tour of your 
 states, before I retire to my Sabine farm ; and my 
 wife, who is much better than when I wrote last, 
 often speaks of the scheme with delight. 
 
 I have read the original of Halheld s book, which 
 is not properly a code, but a short compendium or di 
 gest, compiled about ten or twelve years ago by eleven 
 Brahmans, of whom only five are now living. The 
 version was made by Halheld from the Persian, and 
 that by a Musselman writer from the Bengal dialect, 
 in which one of the Brahmans (the same who has 
 corrected my Sanscrit copy) explained it to him. A 
 translation in the third degree from the original, must 
 be, as you will easily imagine, very erroneous. The 
 texts quoted in the original are ascribed to the Gods ; 
 that is, they are of indefinite antiquity ; but I cannot 
 believe any of them to be more than three thousand 
 years old. I am superintending a new work of the 
 same kind, but more extensive, on the plan of Justi 
 nian s Digest, which some of the most learned of the 
 native lawyers are compiling ; they are stimulated to 
 diligence by handsome monthly salaries. I shall not, 
 if my health continues firm, think of leaving Asia, 
 until I see the completion of a work, which will be 
 the standard of justice among ten millions of men; 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 345 
 
 and will, I trust, secure their inheritable property to 
 their descendants. 
 
 The last phrase brings to my mind the effects of 
 poor Mr. Steptoe ; concerning which my agent at Cal 
 cutta, and the registrar of the court, will make dili 
 gent enquiries; and the result of their enquiries I will 
 take care to communicate in a postscript. 
 
 Give my kind remembrance to your brother, and 
 Mr. Izard, when you happen to see them. I fear you 
 are still disunited from Franklin; a disunion W 7 hich I 
 ever lamented, and must lament. I shall be impa 
 tient to know the resolutions of the general conven 
 tion ; they will be dictated I am sure by humanity and 
 virtue, but experience only can make your constitu 
 tion perfect. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your affectionate and faithful ser 
 vant, 
 
 W. JONES. 
 To the Hon. Arthur Lee , North America." 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE EARL OF BUCHAN. 
 
 " WALCOT, near BATH, Oct. 31st, 17(59. 
 
 My Dear Sir, I should be very happy to be en 
 trusted with the welfare of Virginia, and am sure I 
 should pass my time most agreeably among you ; but 
 I am afraid I love you too well to have that charge 
 committed to me at present, after what has past ; not 
 that I think any plan is to be adopted of a disagreea 
 ble tendency, but that my avowed sentiments with 
 regard to my countrymen on the other side of the 
 Atlantic, might be thought too favourable to certain 
 demands which might be made. There remains an 
 other obstacle, which is, that my father, I am sorry 
 
346 LIFE OF 
 
 to say, is in a very precarious state of health, and it 
 would seem odd for an earl, according to the ideas 
 of this country, to be deputy to Sir Jeffrey Amherst. 
 
 I told you I had my eye on Turin, but I had much 
 rather be with you, I assure you ; and if any opening 
 should happen, by the death or resignation of Fau- 
 quier, I do not know but that I may make an essay to 
 your satisfaction. 
 
 In the mean time I feel very happy in having one 
 there so very partial to me as you are ; and who will 
 never mention my name without saying, that I am a 
 friend to liberty, and to the friendless. 
 
 I am ever, dear sir, with great esteem, your most 
 obliged and obedient servant, 
 
 CARDROSS.* 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq., Virginia. 
 
 P. S. Governor Dinwiddie asks after you with 
 regard. He is not w r ell at present. 
 
 Pray remember the museum at Edinburg, which I 
 espouse at present, and send me some of your coun 
 try productions." 
 
 " EDINBURG, Jan. 5th, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, Mrs. Macauley was so obliging as to 
 hand me accounts of your health some time ago, in 
 answer to enquiries I had made about my old and 
 very much respected acquaintance. 
 
 Your steady adherence to the good old cause, to 
 which you was devoted in the youthful season of life 
 when I saw you last at London, gives me great satis 
 faction. Its true friends are but a little flock, and a 
 
 * He was afterwards Earl Buchan. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 347 
 
 shepherd is much wanted ; corruption has pervaded 
 the minutest ramifications of the political system, 
 and the wisest and best of men are afraid to take the 
 lead. 
 
 I have for a long time had views of becoming a 
 vassal of my kinsman Fairfax, on the banks of the 
 Potomack. I should be much obliged to you for in 
 formation relating to his unsettled tracts, and the 
 circumstances to be attended to in such specula 
 tions. 
 
 I have made many enquiries, but I would wish to 
 have your opinion on this head ; and in case I come to 
 any formed resolutions, to be my entrepot of corre 
 spondence with my friends in that country, and my 
 kinsman in particular. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your obliged humble servant, 
 
 BUCHAN. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq.) London" 
 
 LETTERS OF DR. RICHARD PRICE. 
 
 " NEWINGTON, June 15th, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, Accept my best thanks for the kind and 
 obliging letter with which you have favoured me. It 
 gave me indeed great pleasure, and I am particularly 
 happy in the approbation you express of my late pub 
 lication. I have drawn upon myself a torrent of op 
 position and abuse ; but the satisfaction I feel in the 
 consciousness of having endeavoured to promote the 
 cause of liberty and justice, makes me abundant 
 amends. Having done the little in my power, I have 
 taken my leave of politics; and am now in the situa 
 tion of a silent spectator, waiting with inexpressible 
 
348 LIFE OF 
 
 anxiety, the issue of one of the most important strug 
 gles that ever took place among mankind. 
 
 Your letter has been communicated to the persons 
 you mention at the conclusion of it. They are all 
 well, but are now out of town. I know you have a 
 great share of their particular regard. We are much 
 in the dark here ; and I am continually longing for 
 some method of coming at truth, amidst the number 
 less stories which are circulated here, and the muti 
 lated accounts given out by the ministry. I should be 
 much more large and explicit in answering your let 
 ter, were I not obliged to be very cautious. You will 
 I doubt not consider this, and make allowances for 
 me. 
 
 Under a grateful sense of your remembrance of me, 
 and with sentiments of warm and affectionate respect, 
 I am, dear sir, your very obliging, humble servant, 
 
 RICHARD PRICE. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. Paris." 
 
 " NEWINGTON GREEN, Feb. 4th, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am truly ashamed when I think that 
 your last letter has been so long unnoticed by me. 
 The true reason has been slowness of disposition and 
 bad spirits, united to a multiplicity of engagements, 
 and particularly an extensive correspondence, to 
 which it is not in my power to be properly attentive. 
 But I will make no further apologies. There are few 
 to whom I desire more to show my respect than to 
 you. I think with gratitude of the acquaintance with 
 which you honoured me in this country ; and I wish 
 you all possible happiness, and particularly that which 
 must arise from the satisfaction of seeing those Unit 
 ed States, of which you are so important a member, 
 prosperous and happy. They are, I find, struggling 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 349 
 
 with some difficulties, and they have points of great 
 consequence to settle. May heaven, for the sake of 
 mankind, give them wisdom to manage properly the 
 vast trust committed to them. Your ability and in 
 tegrity will contribute much to this end. 
 
 I am grieved when I think of the policy of this 
 country towards the United States. Our present mi 
 nister, when first brought forward by our friend, the 
 Marquis of Lansdown,.- concurred with him in begin 
 ning a plan, which, had it been carried into execution, 
 would probably have produced a family friendship and 
 union between this country and yours, from which we 
 might have derived greater advantages than from your 
 dependence. But as far as your interests are con 
 cerned, I believe things may be best as they are. 
 You are now forced to check your rage for foreign 
 trade, and to see that your greatest happiness consists 
 in avoiding luxury, in simple manners, and in that 
 best kind of opulence and independence, which arise 
 from the plenty produced by agriculture, from find 
 ing your resources within yourselves, and in a well- 
 guarded internal liberty. 
 
 In Europe, establishments and abuses which have 
 acquired sacredness from time, obstruct all attempts 
 to bring about reformations and improvements, and 
 render them impracticable without producing tumults 
 and convulsions. You are upon open and free ground. 
 The advantages of your situation are such as have 
 scarcely ever before been known among mankind, and 
 I rejoice to find that in several instances they have 
 been improved. I have, in particular, been delighted 
 with the act passed last year, by the Virginia legisla 
 ture, for establishing religious freedom. It has been 
 circulated here and in Ireland, with an introduction 
 which I wrote to it, and I fancy not without some ef 
 fect. I have enclosed one of the papers. 
 
 VOL, n. 44 
 
350 LIFE OF 
 
 Mr. Adams has just published here a Defence of the 
 American Constitution. I am not sorry that I have 
 given occasion to this publication by inserting in my 
 pamphlet on the American revolution the letter of 
 Mons. Turgot to me. I wish I had added a note to 
 express my disapprobation of the sentiment, in the 
 passage to which Mr. Adams has with so much reason 
 objected. His book will probably be much read in 
 America as well as here. There is much information 
 in it on the subject of government, and he has fully 
 convinced me of the point it was his chief intention 
 to prove. 
 
 The Marquis of Lansdown is well ; but I see no 
 probability of his return to power. I told him I was 
 writing to you, and his reply was that he also would 
 write to you by Dr. White. Col. Barre, you know, 
 is almost blind. A ball, which never could be ex 
 tracted, was shot into one of his eyes in the war be 
 fore the last, and he has now almost lost the sight of 
 the other eye, but he bears his calamity with much 
 resignation. 
 
 The dissenters are going to apply with vigour to 
 parliament, for the repeal of the corporation and test 
 acts, and the more liberal part of us are now esta 
 blishing at Hackney, at a great expense, a new col 
 lege for education, which I hope will be productive of 
 great good. 
 
 Excuse, dear sir, some haste, and accept my best 
 wishes. I have been lately thrown into a state of 
 inexpressible grief, by the death of my wife, and my 
 spirits have been sadly shocked. 
 
 Hoping for your candour with respect to what I 
 have now scribbled, I am, with great regard, your 
 obedient and humble servant, 
 
 RICHARD PRICE." 
 
 [NOTE.] The following anecdote is authentic. Many persons, who opposed 
 the policy of the administration of John Adamis, charged him with being in 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 351 
 
 " HACKNEY, March 24, 1788. 
 
 Dear Sir, I know not how sufficiently to thank 
 you for the agreeable and obliging letter which I re 
 ceived from you some time ago. I communicated it, 
 in conformity to your desire, to the Marquis of Lans- 
 down, and Col. Barre. The latter is now almost to 
 tally blind, but at the same time resigned and cheer 
 ful. The former is well and exceedingly happy in 
 the satisfaction he receives from seeing his son, (the 
 Earl of Wycombe) so promising and well disposed as 
 he is. Both have lately been warmly engaged in op 
 posing a bill for enlarging the powers of a board of 
 control, appointed by the king for governing India, 
 which is reckoned almost as dangerous to our con 
 stitution as that bill, in 1783, which, because it lodg 
 ed this power not in the king, but in an aristocracy, 
 that created a kind of fourth estate in the kingdom, 
 was the means of throwing Mr. Fox and the coalition 
 out of power. But in the present instance, opposi 
 tion has been unsuccessful, and I am afraid it will al- 
 
 principle a monarchist. Some charged him with being an aristocrat. They 
 founded their different charges upon principles, which, they said, were con 
 tained in the book here spoken of ; a book which Dr. Price declares had con 
 vinced him of the point Mr. Adams had written this book to demonstrate, viz. 
 the superiority, in theory and operation, of republican governments over 
 monarchical governments. Mr. Arthur Lee, while these charges, unfounded 
 as they were, were circulated, was invited to dine with Patrick Henry and 
 other distinguished contemporaries. During the conversation the subject of Mr. 
 Adams s book was introduced by Mr. Henry s addressing Mr. Lee thus, "I 
 hear that our old friend, John Adams, has abandoned his republican principles, 
 and has advocated monarchical principles in his book." Mr. Lee answered, 
 " You hear what is not true ; have you, my dear sir, read his book ?" Mr. 
 Henry replied, " No, I am too old now to read books ; I must read men." 
 A gentleman then observed, " that he had not read the book, but he had beea 
 told that the young law students, at the college of William and Mary, had 
 read it, and were indignant at the aristocratical and monarchical principles of 
 it." Mr. Henry exclaimed, " honest boys, honest boys ;" upon which Mr. 
 Lee turning towards him and fixing upon him his radiant eye, observed, with 
 a manner which all felt, " Yes, Sir, they are but boys." The charges of mo 
 narchy, &c. were not again repeated during the conversation. 
 
352 LIFE OF 
 
 ways be so, when it contradicts the views of the 
 crown, in consequence of the miserable inadequate- 
 ness of our representation. I hope you will do better 
 in America. I must own to you that the new federal 
 constitution in its principal articles meets my ideas, 
 and that I wish it may be adopted. 
 
 This letter is to be conveyed to you by Col. Smith, 
 and it is with regret I part with him and Mr. Adams. 
 I admire their abilities and character, and cannot help 
 deploring that wretched policy of this country which 
 occasions their recall. How wonderful it is, that our 
 ministers, after spending a hundred millions of mo 
 ney, and shedding torrents of blood in keeping Ame 
 rica, should now think it best to throw it from them! 
 One of the reasons for their conduct has been that 
 congress being a mere shadow, there is no power in 
 the United States with which an alliance can be 
 formed, that can be of any validity or use ; and as a 
 proof of this they have urged the inability of congress 
 to preserve even the treaty of peace from being vio 
 lated. This is an objection, which I hope will now 
 be soon removed. But I must not enter into this 
 subject. Being pressed by more engagements than a 
 person so slow and so easily encumbered as myself, 
 can properly attend to, I hope you will excuse haste 
 and brevity. 
 
 My chief view in writing is to beg the continuance 
 of your favourable remembrance of me, and to show 
 you I am under a grateful sense of your civilities, and 
 with all the best wishes, I am your very obedient 
 servant, 
 
 RICHARD PRICE." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 353 
 
 LETTERS OP LORD SHELBURNE. 
 "Bow-WooD PARK, Wednesday morning, 1769. 
 
 Dear Mr. Lee, I took the liberty of communicat 
 ing your letter to Mr. Dunning, who says he proposes 
 staying at Bath only for a moment, but that he will 
 endeavour to see you and give you his opinion on the 
 subject. 
 
 Whenever you have a mind to leave the crowded 
 society of Bath for the retirement of Bow-Wood, you 
 will find our society much reduced, and very happy 
 in the addition of your company. 
 
 I am, with great regard, very sincerely yours, 
 
 SHELBURNE. 
 
 Arthur Lee, Esq. Bath." 
 
 BOW-WOOD PARK, July 31st, 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir, I am to thank you for your obliging 
 letters, the last received this morning. I never im 
 agined that public affairs would have affected me as 
 much as they have done since the affair at Lexington. 
 A man of common attention cannot avoid feeling 
 every passion agitated and distracted. I am very 
 clear, from Gen. Gage s letter, that the troops have 
 suffered a signal defeat, and that the arms of England 
 have lost a lustre, which I see no probability of their 
 regaining during the present contest. There is be 
 sides a cloud which hangs upon the general s account, 
 and betrays a most alarming situation of things, while 
 the conduct of the provincials, through all the mist, 
 under the command, it would seem, of nobody, mani- 
 
354 LIFE OF 
 
 fested a decisive superiority in every point of military 
 judgment. 
 
 In my life I was never more pleased with a state 
 paper than I have been this morning with the assem 
 bly of Virginia s discussion of Lord North s proposi 
 tion. It is masterly. 
 
 By the papers as well as the run of private ac 
 counts, I see very plainly that whoever governs us is 
 determined to proceed ; and that as long as the stock 
 holders keep from ruin, the nation is to run every risk 
 to keep the rewards of Sir R. Walpole and Mr. Fox 
 upon Mr. Jenkinson. How long this torpor will con 
 tinue it is impossible to say, nor do I consider with 
 any pleasure upon whom the storm will or ought to 
 burst ; but what I fear is, that the evil is irrecovera 
 ble. Union itself will be too late. 
 
 I set out for Ireland on Thursday, arid private busi 
 ness obliges me to return early in October. As to 
 public business, I despond. Personal jealousy and 
 disunion infect and destroy the weight of both indivi 
 duals, and bodies of men. The only uncorrupt body of 
 men remaining in the city of London, I see daily los 
 ing its weight, for want of proper direction and joint 
 effort. 
 
 I am, with great truth and regard, dear sir, your 
 most obedient servant, 
 
 SHELBURNE. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, London." 
 
 "LONDON, Feb. 1st, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir, I have been under great impatience for 
 an opportunity of acknowledging the honour of your 
 letter of the 3d of January. I was desirous of con 
 veying to you my own best wishes, and those of many 
 of your friends, for jour welfare and happiness. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 355 
 
 I was anxious to acknowledge and do justice to 
 those years of uninterrupted friendship with which you 
 have honoured me, and to the unabating spirit of per- 
 severence which you have always shown in support of 
 law and liberty, in times the most disgusting and dis 
 piriting. 
 
 I am heartily sorry that I can make you no better 
 return than such an empty testimony. 
 
 The college are particularly obliged by your letter. 
 For half a dozen years to come, if you return to this 
 country, you will find their course much the same ; 
 their principles I hope, of far longer duration. 
 
 I request you to make my kindest and most re 
 spectful compliments to Dr. Franklin. I beg to be 
 regardfully remembered to Mr. Deane. 
 
 I am, with unalterable regard, dear sir, your faith 
 ful friend and obedient servant, 
 
 SHELBURNE. 
 
 To the Hon. Arthur Lee." 
 
 "LONDON, Jan. 26th, 1786. 
 
 Dear Sir, Mr. Wirtley,* a gentleman of very re 
 spectable family connexions and character, is sent by 
 the board appointed to investigate the claims of the 
 loyalists to America. I am interested in regard to 
 this board, as it was instituted while I was at the 
 treasury ; and I must always feel very deeply so, in 
 whatever regards the articles of the treaty, which it 
 so much concerns the honour and future intercourse 
 of both countries to have duly and faithfully execut 
 ed. I have written by him both to Mr. Jay and Dr. 
 Franklin, who must feel equally interested with my 
 self, regarding the treaty on account of the part they 
 
 * The name in the original scarcely legible probably it is Hartley. 
 
856 LIFE OF 
 
 had in concluding it ; and who can best remember all 
 that passed on the subject of the loyalists. I take 
 the liberty of recommending him to you as an old 
 friend. From your love of justice, which I shall al 
 ways remember, as well as your personal friendship, 
 which I remember with equal satisfaction, I hope you 
 will be kind enough to assist and advise him, in regard 
 to the information he may want. 
 
 I am very glad of this opportunity of enquiring af 
 ter your health. I make frequent enquiries about you 
 and your brothers. I have been in expectation of 
 your paying a visit to this country, where I shall al 
 ways be exceedingly glad to see you, and show you 
 every mark of regard in my power. I flatter myself 
 that you will be glad to hear that my family go on 
 well, with the exception of the loss of my second wife, 
 a severe blow, a sense of which will accompany me to 
 the grave. Lord Wycombe however gives me great 
 comfort, and is likely to do his family and country 
 credit in every respect; and I have a little son, who 
 promises to be a quick, smart boy, and to be capable 
 of application. As to myself I cannot complain, 
 though I am older in health than in years. 
 
 I beg to add once more, that it would give me great 
 pleasure to see you in this country again; and that 
 you will find my house the same in all respects as you 
 have always known it. 
 
 I am, with great esteem and regard, dear sir, your 
 affectionate and humble servant, 
 
 LANSDOWN.* 
 
 Hon. Arthur Lee, United States of America." 
 
 * Lord Shelburne had succeeded his father as Marquis of Lansdown. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 357 
 
 "LONDON, Feb. 4th, 1787. 
 
 Dear Sir, Your nephew will tell you that it has 
 not been my fault, that I have not seen more of him. 
 He may depend on my attention and services. He 
 will of course inform you of events here as they pass. 
 But you know the causes of them far better than he 
 can tell you, for the data continue exactly the same 
 as you remember them. The character of the reign 
 has suffered not the least variation; and though Lord 
 Rockingham is no more, his party persevere exactly 
 in the principles you remember, fighting up, as they 
 called it, against the king and people, unconvinced by 
 above twenty years experience, of the impossibility 
 of arriving at their end by such means; and still more 
 so, of the unworthiness of that end, which you know 
 too well, to make it necessary for me to dwell on the 
 description. As to myself, I stand more single than 
 ever ; and the utmost to which I aspire is, by so much 
 dint of character as the respective parties may leave 
 me, or rather as consistency of conduct may procure 
 me in spite of parties, and great moderation of con 
 duct, to avert great calamities ; or at least to blunt 
 the edge of them, as far as I am able. I have no great 
 virtue to boast of in adopting this line, for you are 
 fully sensible that the reign is not disposed to dele 
 gate a regular course of power to any one, and I never 
 had a passion for emolument. 
 
 While parties continue so much the same, the pub 
 lic no doubt, subject as it is to perpetual insensible 
 motion, has suffered a considerable change; the amount 
 and nature of which cannot be easily calculated. On 
 the one hand, commerce, luxury, the perpetual changes 
 of administration, the want of power in any, the uni- 
 
 VOL. ii. 45 
 
358 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 versal relaxation of every part of the executive gov 
 ernment, the general neglect of education, the bad 
 examples of private life among public men of very 
 high descriptions, have all done infinite mischief. On 
 the other, the ill success of the war, the emancipation 
 of Ireland, the necessity the court has found itself in 
 of appealing to the people on a late occasion, the ob 
 ligations they find themselves under of attending far 
 ther to the people to escape the claims of a faction, 
 the bad examples I have mentioned, and the changes 
 which carry their good as well as bad consequences with 
 them, have made men feel and reason more than they 
 used to do. And I think upon the whole the public 
 may be said to have gained considerable ; and if we 
 have the good fortune, for it must be fortune, to avoid 
 downright destructive measures, we shall have no rea 
 son to repent all that has passed. 
 
 To say that there is no Anti-American principle re 
 maining amongst us, would be to deceive; and I have 
 no doubt it will produce some acts of feverishness, and 
 some things which had better be let alone ; but I am 
 convinced the principles of the peace will in the end, 
 and that in the course of a very few years, make their 
 way, and will I trust prove the foundation of a lasting 
 and firm union with America, which will do honour 
 to mankind. I need not say that by this I do not 
 mean a legislative union; in truth, not so much an 
 alliance, as a similarity of principle which may em 
 brace all nations, and contribute to the happiness of 
 all. I cannot express the happiness which reflecting 
 on the peace gives me, and upon all the ills which have 
 been prevented by the line being drawn in America ; 
 more especially when I consider that the papers which 
 I then held in my possession, and which I still keep 
 by me, prove beyond the possibility of contradiction, 
 that there was nothing the French had more at heart 
 than to effect an alliance which would have made 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 359 
 
 the peace more immediately popular, but would have 
 sown the seeds of eternal variance, and made Ameri 
 ca more open to their active, intriguing spirit, than 
 even Holland itself. I shall look upon my opposition 
 to it as the most honourable circumstance of my life. 
 It gives me very great satisfaction to hear within these 
 few days, from authority which I am inclined to cre 
 dit, that the present administration have been very 
 fair in the instructions which they have given, par 
 ticularly upon the chapter of Indians ; as I could not 
 help feeling great uneasiness on the subject, as soon 
 as I heard of any disturbance on the back of the Unit 
 ed States. 
 
 If the French treaty is confirmed by parliament, 
 the new principles must make a rapid progress, and 
 the old ideas of monopoly in every quarter fall to the 
 ground. If it is not, I still think the progress of 
 them will be only retarded, and that in a few years 
 the public must get possessed of them. It is a great 
 misfortune to us that the same party, which you must 
 so well remember, are in a habit of indiscriminate op 
 position, without regard to any principle, old or new, 
 except the stale maxim of their party. 
 
 There is no news from the continent, where, by all 
 I can collect, the emperor must carry all his points, 
 sooner or later ; if his over activity does not defeat 
 him I think nothing else can. 
 
 There are several letters from Paris just arrived, 
 which speak of Madame s disgrace as certain. 
 
 I shall always be very glad to hear from you, and 
 shall pay great regard to your sentiments on all oc 
 casions. 
 
 Lord Wycombe is returned from abroad every thing 
 we could wish him except a deafness, the remains of 
 a scarlet fever, which we still hope he will overcome. 
 Public speaking is a matter of such uncertainty that 
 it is impossible to guess about him in that respect, 
 
360 LIFE OF 
 
 but in every other he is likely to act a very high and 
 very honest piiblic part. 
 
 I am with great truth and regard, dear sir, your af 
 fectionate humble servant, 
 
 LANSDOWN. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 BOW-WOOD PARK, July 6th, 1791. 
 
 My Dear Friend, You will be surprised but not 
 sorry I am sure to see your old acquaintance. I need 
 not recommend him to your care, particularly as to his 
 health, which is the point, indeed the only point I am 
 anxious about, as every thing else will go well of 
 course. 
 
 When shall we see you ? If you do not come soon 
 we shall be all gone. You will find an apartment in 
 town and country ready to receive you as long as I 
 live. 
 
 I am your sincere and faithful humble servant, 
 
 LANSDOWN. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, Esq." 
 
 LETTERS OF LAFAYETTE TO ARTHUR LEE. 
 
 " HAVRE, August 28th, 1779. 
 
 Had I not, my dear sir, waited for intelligence 
 every day, a grateful return to your polite letter, 
 would not have been so long delayed. But I was in 
 hopes of making it more agreeable by the important 
 news it should contain ; and I do not give up in this 
 manner the right of sending you before long, an inter 
 esting gazette. 
 
 There is not a minute, in the present circumstances, 
 but which may acquaint us of such an event as will 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 361 
 
 be ranked among the greatest ones in the history of 
 nations. By the last accounts from Mons. Romillies 
 he was within sight of the British fleet, and deter 
 mined to attack it, as soon as winds would permit 
 him to come up with them. You know of the Ardent 
 ship of the line being taken by our frigates. You 
 have also been told eleven sail were gone into St. 
 George s channel, and that Sir Charles s fleet was 
 consisting of thirty-one ships of the line. On our 
 part we are entirely ready, provisions and stores of 
 every kind are on board, and we wait for nothing but 
 intelligence from the admiral, and a proper convoy, to 
 carry us on the coast of Great Britain. 
 
 I have the pleasure to inform you, my dear sir, that 
 the noble present congress were pleased to add to so 
 many favours and previous marks of their regard to 
 wards me, which was sent me by Dr. Franklin, and 
 delivered by his grandson, that sword, I am proud to 
 carry into the heart of England ; and I will ever con 
 sider it as a new bond, which increases the right of 
 boasting of being considered one of the most zealous 
 servants of the United States. 
 
 The little burning expedition in Virginia is pretty 
 well accounted for by our present misfortunes ; and I 
 heartily give you joy for the Carolinian intelligences, 
 which I think are no more to be questioned. 
 
 Farewell, my dear sir. I hope you do not doubt 
 but that it will always give me great pleasure to hear 
 from you, and with the most sincere regard and 
 truest affection I am yours, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee, at Paris. 
 
 P. S. They say that the lieutenant of the Ardent 
 was so angry at seeing an English ship of the line 
 surrendering to two frigates, that out of despair he 
 has drowned himself. 
 
 L." 
 
362 LIFE OF 
 
 " FORT SCHUYLER, Sept. 30th, 1784. 
 
 Gentlemen, I have the honour to inform you that 
 I arrived yesterday at this place, and although we 
 had breakfasted at Mr. Shoemaker s, we arrived by 
 land at the fort, a pretty long time before sun-set. Dr. 
 Courtland s anxiety to see you well accommodated 
 has made him advise you not to come here before 
 the troops have made some arrangements ; but I 
 assure you, and in this the Dr. now agrees with 
 me, that you will do as well here as any where else 
 on the road ; and as your baggage is partly arrived, 
 and is getting in every hour, it appears that nothing 
 can now detain you. 
 
 It seems to be Dr. Courtland s opinion that my 
 little influence can in a good degree promote your 
 purposes. The same observation having been made to 
 me by Gen. Wolcot, I do not think myself at liberty 
 to leave this part of the country before I have told the 
 Indians what you may wish me to mention. But as 
 the Dr. does not think it sufficient for me to speak to 
 such Indians as are within call, I beg leave to repre 
 sent that the twentieth having been appointed for me 
 to be here, I have consequently made sundry arrange 
 ments. Gen. Washington s journey has been cramp 
 ed on my account, and several other friends who are 
 waiting for me at certain periods, will be disappointed 
 by my delay. 
 
 I would say therefore, gentlemen, if by adopting 
 Dr. Courtland s opinion, you could now send for those 
 Indians and for others who are waiting for you at 
 Oneida castle, it is probable you might then tell me, 
 or send me (if you do not come) what you wish me 
 to tell them on Saturday. And on Tuesday next, if 
 there be no public reason for my attendance, I will 
 beg your permission to set out for New-England. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 363 
 
 I strongly advise you not to ride in the night along 
 the road from the German flats to this place, as there 
 are some bad places, which in the dark might be dan 
 gerous. 
 
 With every sentiment of respect I am waiting your 
 orders, and have the honour to be, gentlemen, your 
 most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 To the Commissioners to treat with the Indians" 
 
 LETTERS OF THE MARQUIS OF RO SIGN AN. 
 
 "BERLIN, Oct, 7th, 1777. 
 
 Sir, Your favour of the 23d of July has given 
 me much pleasure. I am much obliged to you for 
 Mr. Franklin s reflections, of which as yet I took only 
 a cursory view. As I suppose you visit him, I beg 
 you would present my compliments to him if he still 
 remembers me. 
 
 Since we parted I have been very unfortunate. I 
 
 have neither taken the water nor the baths at 
 
 in Bohemia. I had to throw myself on a bed, being 
 taken with a phlegmonous erysipelas ; on account of 
 which I had to undergo an operation which has de 
 tained me until now. As I came to this place only 
 in the beginning of this month, I hoped it would be 
 all over when I arrived, but my legs are still in a bad 
 way, and I do not yet go out. I will not pretend to 
 give you news from America. You know that it is 
 not from this place that you could get fresh news. I 
 have judged at first sight that the taking of Ticon- 
 deroga was not a decisive advantage ; far from it ; the 
 news-papers begin to speak of a check received by a 
 
364 LIFE OF 
 
 detachment of Gen. Burgoyne s near Fort Edward, 
 and in some articles mention the evacuation of that 
 fort by the Americans. The king is to dine here to 
 day, at his sister s, the Pr. Amelia ; he is entirely 
 recovered of the indisposition that made him put 
 off his late review, which was very painful. If the 
 invention of the telescope is good it will take. I will 
 wait until it has made a little more noise, before I 
 seek any information on the subject. As to the elec- 
 trophons, I have had dreadful bad luck with them. I 
 had made two, which at first gave a few weak sparks; 
 but on the third day I could do nothing at all with 
 them, although it is of German invention, as you say 
 (or rather the Italian invention of Sir Alexander Vol- 
 ta d Come, in 1775, which has had more success in 
 Germany than elsewhere.) I have already had occa 
 sion to convince myself that the repeated experiments 
 and prodigies of the same, have been extolled with 
 some degree of quackery and without discretion. I 
 will be much obliged to you to send me an exact de 
 scription of the manner of constructing them, espe 
 cially of the quality of the pitch which must be used, 
 and put the Latin name, or rather of the compound 
 which is said to be better than the pitch, if it is true 
 they have found such. I must conclude, being in great 
 hurry. Mr. and Mrs. Delagrange, to whom I have 
 presented your compliments, send theirs. They are 
 grateful for your kind remembrance, as also Mrs. Ro- 
 signan, who requested me to thank you. 
 
 I have seen last evening Mr. Sayre. I believed 
 him far off; he will remain here about a fortnight. 
 
 Receiving the assurances of the sentiments, &c,, I 
 have the honour, &LC. 
 
 Signed, SIGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 365 
 
 "BERLIN, Dec. 2d, 1777. 
 
 Sir, I was sure you would sympathize with my 
 sufferings. I am truly grateful to you. It is very 
 certain that the distribution of good and evil in this 
 lower world forms a very thorny question. I have 
 kept my room for a month since my return. My wife 
 has also been ill enough to cause me much uneasiness 
 
 O 
 
 and sorrow. We are now tolerably well, but the sea 
 son is unfavourable to the progress of our health. 
 
 They have here as elsewhere, spread the false news 
 of which you speak. I never gave them any credit, 
 as the source from which they proceeded, to me ap 
 peared suspicious. ; The funds have risen, said they 
 to me ; it is a good thermometer, I replied ; but it 
 must last. Three days after other letters informed 
 us that they had fallen again. I have seen in a news 
 paper that all this romance was attributed to one For- 
 dyce Bang. I know none of that name but the one 
 who in my time failed so notoriously at London. I 
 am astonished at his returning there. He has, no 
 doubt, found his account in this little skip of the 
 funds, since it was his own working. 
 
 I have a bulletin from Paris, in which they tell me 
 that Mr. Franklin has received news ; it is dated the 
 same as your letter, therefore I take it to be one of 
 those false rumours that abound. I have seen Mr. 
 Sayre several times since my return. I have not 
 been to his house, as I do not go out. I do not know 
 where he took lodging ; it was no more at Cossiers. 
 He had dined I think once or twice at my house. 
 The last time I saw him he appeared disposed to 
 start ; three or four days after I sent to his house, and 
 he was gone. 
 
 VOL. ii. 46 
 
366 LIFE OF 
 
 I have quite lost Mr. Elliot s favour. I believe it 
 is to you that I am indebted for this. If, however, 
 after the poor adventure of the papers, I can call a 
 loss that which is quite an advantage, I will always 
 remember what you then told me. I could not then 
 believe that it was he, and that it was possible that 
 he not only ordered, but lent his aid in that manoeu 
 vre. I thank you for what you have taken the trou 
 ble to mention concerning the electrophons. I will 
 have one constructed, and if it does not succeed, I will 
 avail myself of your obliging offer. Will you spend 
 the winter in Paris ? When you have nothing better 
 to do, give me news of yourself, because I feel an in 
 terest there ; and I ask for those which now engross 
 Europe, because I like to have them from the philoso 
 pher, in whom the spirit of party is a consequence of 
 his reasoning not of enthusiasm. If one has the jaun 
 dice I consult him no more on colours, I know be 
 forehand that he sees every thing yellow. Unfortu 
 nately moral jaundice is far more universal among our 
 species than physical jaundice. 
 
 I remain, &c. &c. 
 
 SlGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
 "CASAL, Feb. 28th, 1779. 
 
 Sir, I am sorry to answer your favour of the 24th 
 December only on the last of February. I have just 
 received it, having written to Paris for it on the ad 
 vice I received from the post office, that there was a 
 letter addressed to me that was not forwarded be 
 cause not freed. As by yours it seems that one of 
 mine miscarried, I write this double. I send one to 
 our ambassador, and the copy to the post office. You 
 will oblige me by letting me know which of the two 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 367 
 
 may reach you first. I will thank you to give me the 
 news concerning your affairs (such as can be commu 
 nicated); those that we receive here are so absurd, that 
 it is impossible to reckon on them, and I am so con 
 vinced of your candour and philosophy, that I feel 
 certain that party spirit can have no influence on what 
 you will say to me on the subject. 
 
 My health is improving. I have been so much in 
 disposed all winter, that although the season was un 
 commonly fine, I could not enjoy it. My family af 
 fairs will occupy me for a few months longer. 
 
 With most sincere attachment, &c. 
 
 SlGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
 ST. MAURICE, July 15th, 1779. 
 
 Sir, For a long time I have wished to hear from you, 
 and of your country; but I have been so ill for better 
 than nine months, that I consider myself happy to be 
 now able to take up my pen. I will not enter into the 
 tedious detail of my afflictions. I wish, more than 
 hope, that the gout, which has affected my whole 
 frame, may be the last of them. Here I am among 
 the Grisons, where I drink the waters which formerly 
 have been so beneficial to me. I find that they do 
 me good. In a few days I will be at my home, where 
 I promise myself the pleasure of hearing from you. I 
 have seen with regret in your last, that you find at 
 home more false brothers than you had anticipated, 
 who take advantage of these very critical times to fish 
 in troubled waters. It seems that all these contrari 
 eties ought to be reserved for the last moments of a 
 republic. True they carry within themselves these 
 seeds at their very birth, but it is not the time when 
 they should show themselves. If however the re- 
 
368 LIFE OF 
 
 public is yet weak in these first moments, there is 
 more individual energy. It is the time when patriot 
 ism unfolds and displays all its strength. One may 
 therefore hope, and even feel confident, that that 
 which might be contagious at the decline of a repub 
 lic, will meet with resistance where there are still 
 generous minds. They will have courage to surmount 
 all difficulties, and will learn how to prevent contra 
 rieties, which prove salutary in such circumstances. 
 Time will decide upon my conjectures. 
 
 Wishing you sir, a portion of health very different 
 from mine, and which you may enjoy a longer time 
 than I could, I remain, &c. &c. 
 
 SlGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
 " CASAL, Oct. 3d, 1779. 
 
 Sir, I received eight days ago yours dated 10th 
 of August, and three days ago that of the 30th of 
 April- The first has been kept back at Paris for 
 want of being freed. I was advised of this by the 
 post-master, and on my answer received it. The 
 same thing had happened to your letter of 26th June; 
 and if I am not mistaken I had mentioned it to you, 
 that they might hereafter be freed at Paris, to avoid 
 this inconvenience. 
 
 I am just now at my country seat. Mr. , the 
 
 charge des affaires for France, has sent me this last 
 letter ; by which you introduce to me Mr. d Adan- 
 son, with whom I desired much to be acquainted per 
 sonally. I do not know whether he has delivered the 
 letter himself, or sent it to the charge des affaires. I 
 am going to write to Turin, to enquire if he intends 
 to travel through Italy. My country seat is on the 
 Way. I will send to invite him (should he be at Tu- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 369 
 
 rin) to journey a couple of hours from the main road. 
 His reputation, and jour recommendation, will make 
 him a very welcome guest at my house. 
 
 In answer to yours of the 10th of August, I beg 
 you to be convinced of the feeling sense I have of all 
 your kindness, and the interest you express in my 
 welfare. Since my letter written at St. Maurice, I 
 have been unfortunate. I thought I was almost re 
 stored to health, when all at once I was seized again 
 by that same gout in all my frame. At my return 
 through these mountains, having to cross the lake, 
 they went with difficulty on a bad horse, and had to 
 carry me out of the boat at Come. I had with me 
 some James powders, that did wonders , and on the 
 fourth day, although I felt badly enough, I could be 
 placed in my gig to go home. Notwithstanding all 
 this I cannot complain of the waters, as I am almost 
 restored, and have partly recovered my strength, 
 which had quite failed me when I went. 
 
 Your dear friend, that honest, worthy man, and 
 above all, great politician and skilful negotiator, Elli 
 ot, has left Berlin. It is said he will not return ; 
 at least his colleagues so flatter themselves. The 
 court does not care much, and is suspected to object 
 to him. 
 
 I will not pretend to give you the news, which you 
 get first handed, and which I expect from you in sub 
 stance. The position of Great Britain is very preca 
 rious, although the formidable combined army has not 
 struck the great blows which were expected. 
 
 I do not know if Mr. Dorvilliers deserves blame ; 
 but that excessive sensibility at the loss of his son, 
 which is so much extolled in the newspapers, would 
 do him more credit in a doleful drama, than at the 
 head of an army, where the public interest calls 
 for an admiral, and knows not what to do with a 
 papa. 
 
370 LIFE OP 
 
 If Mr. Franklin still remembers me, present my 
 compliments to him. I recollect him well, and also 
 the regret I experienced when in London, at not being 
 sufficiently acquainted with the English language to 
 converse with him, and visit him oftener. 
 
 With the most perfect regard, I have the honour, 
 &c. 
 
 SlGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
 "TURIN, Nov. 14th, 1779. 
 
 Sir, Yours came to hand in due time. I would 
 have answered it eight days sooner had my health 
 allowed. I know nothing of the fleets but by public 
 report; until now, they but poorly answer the expec 
 tation which those reports would fain have raised. 
 The season besides is far advancing ; and notwith 
 standing all the examples alleged to prove the con 
 trary, I doubt much if they will be in time to do 
 any thing. I was surprised to hear that they are 
 looking for lodgings at Paris for the Count d Estaing ; 
 if it is true, I do not see the reason. M. M. must 
 be now at Paris, at least it is so believed; and he is 
 expected here shortly, according to his appointment ; 
 no one ever knew that he was to pass through Spain. 
 
 As to poor , I believe as you say that it would 
 
 be difficult for him to obtain the confidence of either 
 party. He cuts such a poor figure, that he does not 
 deserve even to be spoken of. 
 
 You tell me astonishing things ! I was struck with 
 amazement at reading them. Whatever may be my 
 faith in your words, I cannot entirely give up the 
 high opinion I had conceived of the judgment, pene 
 tration, and candour, which 1 always thought were 
 qualities essentially inherent in the individual in ques- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 371 
 
 tion, to whom I had desired you to present my com 
 pliments. I suspect some misunderstanding in all 
 this. It is often the case. The wicked do more 
 business than those that are honest, because they do 
 not hesitate about the means ; and does it not happen 
 that the most honest man, on account of that unfor 
 tunate propensity to evil of which the most upright is 
 not exempt, and which he has to resist, suffers him 
 self to be seduced or rather surprised by an unprinci 
 pled knave, even inferior in talents? You cannot 
 conceive how this afflicts me for you, and on account 
 of the consequences that it may have. I hope I may 
 not be mistaken in my conjectures, and that a day 
 will come when this mystery will be unravelled. 
 
 I pity you to have fallen in such bad hands, as you 
 say, at your arrival in the country where you are ; but 
 we must have nothing to do with men, not to run such 
 risks, and have very little knowledge of them to be 
 astonished. True the just man cannot get accustom 
 ed to this ; he feels so differently from that species, 
 unfortunately so common, that he can scarcely be 
 lieve what he sees, and what has already happened 
 to him one hundred times in the course of his life. 
 
 I will get the fourth volume of P , and I will 
 
 with pleasure look over the details you mention, and 
 am much obliged to you. I wish my health may al 
 low me to peruse it. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 SlGARD DE ROSIGNAN." 
 
372 LIFE OF 
 
 LETTERS OF THE COUNT MOUSTEIR. 
 
 " COBLENTZ, April 23d, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, The confidence I have, rather in your 
 indulgence than in my skill, encourages me to try the 
 chance of a letter wholly in English. I have been 
 very sorry to learn that your health has been impair 
 ed. I hope you will by this time be entirely recov 
 ered. I wish that after the due attention being given 
 to your health, you should be employed for the com 
 mon good, and as soon as possible, as minister pleni 
 potentiary, at a neighbouring court. The appoint 
 ment of Dr. Franklin at ours shows evidently to the 
 world the connexion formed between your country 
 and mine. But to give it all its value and strength, 
 it would require somewhat more than can be effected 
 by plenipotentiaries, whose arguments and reasonings 
 are always submitted to the events of war. You men 
 tion in your last letter that 61 is called ; I would fain 
 know whether at his own desire or not. I cannot 
 form any judgment about his designed successor, 
 knowing nothing of him but his face. I think it 
 could not have been the work, if 60 could have filled 
 that place. Whoever it be, I wish him full success, 
 being entirely concerned for the welfare of both 
 states, and a true friend to North America. 
 
 I wish some more important event than the con 
 quest of Senegal, could happen in our favour. I am 
 quite of your mind, as to the dispositions people 
 should carry in contrary events. If such happen by 
 one s own fault, they should serve as an advice to 
 take other measures. If chance alone and ill luck 
 bring them on, then fortitude and perseverance should 
 be used, and I would always say, t Tu ne cede malis y 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 373 
 
 scd contra audcntior itoS The efforts made against 
 ill fortune have something noble, which makes them 
 worthy of admiration, and sometimes they are crown 
 ed with success. I hope the depression of spirits 
 which you mention will have been only of the spirits 
 of vulgar men, whose nature it is to be too easily 
 elevated or dejected. 
 
 The present year must bring forth events which 
 will of course have a great influence on your revolu 
 tion. Please God to consolidate so noble a work. 
 Count d Estaing s honour is more concerned than 
 ever, to perform some striking action, though I do 
 not look on the loss of St. Lucia as of great import 
 ance. I wish Pondicherry could be as easily recov 
 ered. I am sorry that England keeps a wing in the 
 east, having so deservedly lost one in the west. 
 Were the Indians men, as the North Americans are, 
 they would use the same means to keep the Euro 
 peans within their own limits, out of which they 
 should go as traders, not as conquerors. 
 
 I am far from having an intention ever to publish a 
 history of the American revolution, but looking on 
 that event as pregnant with matters of observation, 
 and being desirous of enlarging as much as I can 
 my knowledge concerning mankind, I think I cannot 
 take a more proper aim in my present study than to 
 examine all the measures which the several states of 
 America have taken and still take for their welfare. 
 I see that they come nearer to what can .be wished to 
 form a good government, than any other state ever 
 before attained ; but I am sorry to think that per 
 fection is not to be arrived at in human institutions. 
 Those are the happiest who come the nearest to it. 
 The other states are justly alarmed at the con 
 stitution of Pennsylvania, if the foundation of tyran 
 ny is laid in it ; for I think there are two ways to 
 destroy North-American liberty ; first, if one state 
 VOL. ii. 47 
 
374 LIFE OF 
 
 becomes boldly ambitious, and should be successful, 
 which may happen, as in ancient times Lacedaemonia 
 and Athens ruled successively over the other states 
 of confederate Greece; secondly, if some ambitious 
 men succeed in the project of subverting and subdu 
 ing their own state, they may afterward subdue the 
 others. Did not Cromwell, after having subverted 
 and subdued England, subdue Scotland, Ireland, and 
 your Virginia.* Notwithstanding all that, I think 
 that your people can be, with your governments, the 
 happiest people in the world ; and this is the chief 
 reason why I wish complete and speedy success to 
 all your efforts to expel your enemies. 
 
 For my part, I wish all men in the world could be 
 happy. They could be so in every government, even 
 in the most despotic ones, if the rulers did unite vir 
 tue and knowledge, which are seldom to be found. I 
 first study to make myself happy by all the means 
 which I have, or rather to maintain myself so, for I 
 think I am the happiest man in the world, and I 
 thank God for it. Then I prepare myself to be able 
 to contribute to others happiness, if Providence would 
 put me in a position where I could have some influ 
 ence on their fate. 
 
 The undertaking of Madame Mousteir has the 
 greatest success for her and her son. I will endea 
 vour on my side to show myself to him, as good a 
 father as she is a good mother, by making iny chief 
 object his education, in order to make him an hon 
 est man and useful to society. The nurse thanks you 
 for your attention to her, and sends her compliments 
 to you. 
 
 * He is mistaken as to Virginia. She never yielded to, or acknowledged 
 Cromwell s authority ; but declared herself independent, and remained so 
 until the restoration of Charles the Second, when she voluntarily acknowledged 
 him. Hence Virginia obtained the appellation of the " Old Dominion." See 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 375 
 
 Believe me, dear sir, with sincere esteem and affec 
 tion, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 LE C TK DE MOUSTEIR. 
 The Hon. Arthur Lee, at Paris," 
 
 " COBLENTZ, July 29th, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, Being encouraged by your last letter, I 
 will continue to write in English as long as you will 
 not be tired of my correspondence. The long desired 
 event of the joining of the Spaniards with us being 
 now realised, I hope that you will soon fill the post 
 to which you have so long been destined. Though I 
 must regret to be by that event placed at a greater 
 distance from you, I rejoice at the same time to see 
 one employed, whom I think so able of acting well in 
 every respect. I had already heard of the trouble 
 Mr. Deane s return to America had occasioned ; but I 
 assure you, that had I not had previous notions of his 
 character, and of that of his partner, the opinion I 
 have of yours would have been sufficient to fix my 
 judgment. I make no doubt but that at the end, the 
 good cause will entirely prevail, notwithstanding the 
 measures of your enemies. 28 has perhaps thought 
 it expedient not to pronounce about the question, as 
 long as 61 will stay in America; which will perhaps 
 not be long, since I have heard his successor has de 
 parted. 1 don t wonder there are some ill-intentioned 
 persons, who under the pretence of a private cause 
 endeavour to attack the public welfare, because there 
 are always in republics obnoxious men, who are ready 
 to shake and even destroy it, led on by the wish to 
 plunder it. But I have great hopes that your repub 
 lic is now well established, though 1 cannot be con 
 vinced it will ever be entirely quiet. The senti- 
 
376 LIFE OF 
 
 ments you express towards your enemies, are worthy 
 of a generous man, and a good patriot. 
 
 When I first wrote to you that I wished all men to 
 be happy, I at the same time wished they should de 
 serve it. I know very well that this wish is one of 
 those which are not to be fulfilled. 
 
 I am certainly not in the secret about the measures 
 our court takes towards your country, but I would ven 
 ture to be a pledge that it never espoused the cause of 
 Mr. D. It would be as much against its principles, as 
 against its dignity. 
 
 I hope you will soon let me hear some agreeable 
 news, as well relating to yourself, as the common 
 cause. 
 
 Madame Mousteir presents her compliments to you. 
 She is constantly employed in the office of a good mam 
 ma, who takes that care of her child that nature re 
 quires. I live happy in her society, and am very well 
 satisfied to remain in my corner ; where if I am not 
 very busy, I am at least very quiet. 
 
 I have the honour to be sir, with the greatest es 
 teem, your very obedient humble servant, 
 
 LE C TE - DE MOUSTEIR. 
 
 To the Hon. Arthur Lee, Paris." 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 377 
 
 APPENDIX XI. 
 
 Extracts from the Journal of Arthur Lee, kept by him on his journey to treat 
 with the North Western Indians, and during the progress of treating with 
 their different tribes.* 
 
 CARLISLE is in the county of Cumberland, and 
 has been settled about thirty-two years. It has about 
 one hundred and fifty good stone houses. There is 
 here a very complete set of buildings for arsenals; 
 raised at continental expense, but not used, and 
 therefore going to ruin. Gen. Armstrong, Gen. Ir- 
 win, and Gen. Butler, reside here, and several other 
 gentlemen, forming a good society; but they have 
 neither coffee-house, post, nor newspapers. I saw 
 here a proof how much marriage is governed by desti 
 ny. A very handsome and genteel young lady, who 
 had a good fortune, was joined to a man twice her 
 own age, with neither family nor fortune, personal 
 nor mental accomplishments, to engage a lady s love. 
 The county of Cumberland is peopled almost en 
 tirely with Scotch and Irish, who have become rich 
 
 * The commencement of this journal has been lost. Mr. Lee set out from 
 Philadelphia, and the extract begins with his arrival in Carlisle, Pennsylvania ; 
 now a flourishing town, in which is situated Dickinson College. 
 
378 
 
 LIFE OF 
 
 by farming ; the land producing excellent wheat, 
 which is their staple commodity. 
 
 Nov. 24th. We left Carlisle, and slept at Shippens- 
 burg ; a handsome little town, about four miles from 
 the Conedogwinit, on the north, and the Yellow 
 Breeches Creek, which issues from a small but very 
 deep lake, on the south, and runs into the Susque- 
 hannah. From thence the road led us the next day 
 across the North Mountain, into what is called the 
 Horse Valley, made by that and the next mountain, 
 which we crossed into the Path Valley, through which 
 runs the Conagocheague, which empties into the Po- 
 tomack. We crossed next the Tuscarora Mountain, 
 on the top of which the line runs, which divides the 
 counties of Cumberland and Bedford; which latter 
 we entered on descending the mountain, and lodged 
 at Fort Lyttleton. These mountains are so steep, 
 that it is necessary to walk up and down them. Fort 
 Lyttleton was built by the British in a former war, 
 as a protection to the frontier settlements ; but the In 
 dians murdered both soldiers and inhabitants. At 
 that time it was not uncommon with these savages, 
 
 O 
 
 to murder, scalp, and cut out the hearts of the people 
 they found defenceless. A very heavy fall of snow 
 during the night of the 25th, detained us at Fort Lyt 
 tleton until the 27th. 
 
 27th. We crossed the mountain called Sideling 
 Hill, and the Juniata, to Bedford. Nine miles before 
 coming to this place we crossed Bloody Run, so call 
 ed from the murder of several white people there by 
 the Indians. Bedford is the capital of the county, 
 and is a thriving little town on the Juniata, with good 
 meadow grounds around it. There are yet traces of 
 the redoubts thrown up here by the British, after 
 Braddock s defeat. Gen. Forbes, who commanded 
 next, having made this the rendezvous of the army in 
 1756. 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 379 
 
 28th. Leaving Bedford, we again crossed the Juni- 
 ata, and traversed the Alleghany mountain to Stony 
 Creek. On the road we saw the marks of a most 
 tremendous whirlwind which happened last year, and 
 had in its course torn up by the roots or twisted off 
 every tree, however large. Numbers of the largest 
 were laid down by each other, as if strewn by the 
 whirlwind with as much ease as so many straws scat 
 tered by a light wind. The ascent of this mountain 
 is very steep, but it is rendered easy by trailing it 
 properly. On the top is a level of many miles, and 
 through it runs the principal branch of the Juniata. 
 It is loaded with chestnut and oak, very large. The 
 snow was about one foot deep on the mountain; and 
 yet the weather so mild, that I travelled without a 
 great coat. The road, on the top of this mountain, 
 and in descending it, and thence to Stony Creek, is 
 miry and stony, and leads through a number of dismal 
 swamps, that put one in mind of Milton s 
 
 4 Fogs, bogs, fens, dens, and shades of death. 
 
 From this and the preceding eminence you view 
 the vast Apalachian Mountains, covered with snow. 
 The ocean in a storm, with its billows and their 
 white tops rising behind and above each other, resem 
 ble the various ridges of snow-capt hills which com 
 pose this immense chain. 
 
 On the 29th we traversed a part of the Alleghany, 
 called Laurel Hill, from an abundance of what is call 
 ed in Virginia ivy, growing upon it. On this moun 
 tain St. Jocelin was attacked and killed by the In 
 dians ; but his convoy was saved. On this mountain 
 Capt. Bullet was attacked and put to flight by a party 
 of Indians within two miles of Ligonier ; and at an 
 other time the savages attacked the hospital, that was 
 going from the fort, and massacred the sick. At night 
 
380 LIFE OF 
 
 we reached Fort Ligonier, built in 1756, by Gen. 
 Forbes, as a station, in his progress against Fort du 
 Quesne, now Fort Pitt. It was frequently attacked 
 by the French and Indians, and many of its troops 
 killed. A very good and capacious stockaded fort 
 was raised there during the late war, as a defence 
 against Indian incursions. But they massacred the 
 inhabitants as far as Bedford, having passed the fort, 
 through the woods and over the mountains. 
 
 On the 30th we crossed the Loyalhannon, the Chest 
 nut Hill, or Mountain, to Hannah s town. This 
 place and the neighbourhood felt the weight of the 
 late war. The Indians under the command of refu 
 gees and white men, to the number of three hundred, 
 beset the town, burnt all the houses not under the 
 protection of the stockaded fort, and carried away 
 about twenty prisoners. From this place to Fort 
 Pitt the inhabitants were almost all driven off by the 
 Indians. From this neighbourhood a considerable 
 body under the command of Col. Lockyer went 
 down the Ohio, to join Gen. Clarke, in his intended 
 expedition against Detroit ; but mistaking an Indian 
 encampment on the Ohio for that of Clarke, they 
 landed inadvertently, and were cut off almost to a 
 man. 
 
 The 1st December brought us across Turtle Creek, 
 through its rich bottoms, and the Bull-pen Swamp, to 
 Mr. Elliot s ; when ourselves, our servants, several 
 wagoners, his wife, and eight children, and a young 
 daughter, all undressed and went to bed on the floor 
 together, in a miserable log-house. Next day, we 
 proceeded six miles to Fort Pilt, where we found 
 Gen. Clark. About a mile from the fort you fall 
 in with the Alleghany River, which comes from the 
 north-east, and joining the Monongahela from the 
 south-west, forms the Ohio. On the very spot made 
 
ARTHUR LEE, 381 
 
 by this junction was Fort du Quesne, and on the 
 bank of the Monongahela close to it is Fort Pitt. 
 
 Dec. 3d. The commissioners met, and received 
 from Mr. Lowry answers from their messages, with 
 strings of wampum, from the Delawares, Shawnees, 
 Wyandotts, and Twightwees, declaring their readi 
 ness to meet at Cayahoga. At the same time two 
 traders had arrived from thence directly, and brought 
 a message from several chiefs assembled there, dated 
 Nov. 26th, informing the commissioners that they had 
 attended at Cayahoga from the 2()th, had brought 
 with them their wives and children, and had nothing 
 to eat. These traders said there might be near six 
 hundred at or near Cayahoga. One of our messen 
 gers had been despatched thither with beef and flour, 
 immediately on the receipt of my letter from Sunbury. 
 
 (The proceedings of the commissioners at Fort Pitt, 
 from the 3d to the 10th are omitted.) 
 
 On the 10th Dec. we attempted a jaunt up the 
 Alleghany River in a boat ; but when we had rowed 
 about six miles against its current, which is exceed 
 ingly strong, a violent snow-storm sent us back. 
 Some of us landed on the north side, and hunted 
 along the River, but found no game. The land upon 
 the river is exceedingly rich, but narrow, the high 
 lands being within two or three hundred yards of 
 the banks. And indeed this strip of rich bottom, 
 producing black walnut, locust, and sugar maple in 
 abundance, seems to have been made by the gradual 
 encroachment of the river on the southern bank, and 
 consequent recess from its northern bed. About five 
 miles up you come to what is called Kiosolos Bottom, 
 from having been formerly the residence of an Indian 
 chief of that name. He has removed to the Seneca 
 country near the Niagara. This Kiosolos was a very 
 provident Indian, not only in fixing his seat in this 
 most fertile valley, but in having two wives, (I meaa 
 
 VOL. ii. 48 
 
382 LIFE OF 
 
 as a savage) one well stricken in years, who paid 
 great attention to his food and his clothes ; the other 
 a handsome young squaw, who served the special pur 
 pose for which Abraham took Hagar, and Isaac Re 
 becca ; so orthodox divines with great gravity instruct 
 us, and inculcate upon the minds of all whom they 
 join together in holy wedlock. Kiosolos Bottom is a 
 rich and beautiful spot. We saw wild hops there, 
 growing in the utmost luxuriance, and of a fine fla 
 vour. 
 
 llth. We received an Indian express from Mr. 
 Lowry, dated at Cayahoga, and informing us that 
 the Indians had come as far as Cuscuskis within thir 
 ty miles of Mackintosh, but that they were unwilling 
 to corne further, because of their wives and children. 
 On the 12th I was seized with a smart fever, which 
 confined me to my bed for two days, but it was sub 
 dued by copious bleeding and fasting. If exercise, 
 temperance, and change could have ensured me health, 
 I might have expected it. But I experienced the 
 truth of Dr. Young s observation, that 
 
 * Disease invades the chastest temperance, 
 And punishment the guiltless, and alarm 
 Through thickest shades, pursues the fond of peace. 
 
 The following epistle from our chief messenger, a 
 member of the assembly of Pennsylvania, is too sin 
 gular in its orthography not to receive a place in my 
 Journal. 
 
 " Honaubl Comminishers of Indines affers at Mack- 
 entoy s or Fort Pitt. 
 
 Genteel, Wensday, at 2 a clot this minit met ex- 
 prest from Mr. John Booggs, who writes me that the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 383 
 
 Inclines hays agreed to com and meet the commin- 
 ishers at Cuscorgas (meaning Cuscuskis) in order to 
 treat, but will not agree to go to Mackintosoh for the 
 resins within his letter mouchant. I have sent you 
 Mr. Boggs is letter, and have ordered six loud of 
 flower fored, and shall perseed till I meet the Inclines 
 and will assist Taweys, Pawoys, Towopmieys, (mean 
 ing the Ottawas, Chipewas, and Potawattamies) as 
 well as can ; nothing in my power shall be wanting 
 to fullfill wishes of the Cominishnors." 
 All from your humbel sarvant." 
 
 17th. We embarked on the Monongahela, and soon 
 entered the Ohio, on our way to Fort Mclntosh. The 
 Ohio is a continuation of the Monongahela and the 
 Alleghany. They enter it at right angles. This ap 
 pears plainly when you have passed the mouth of the 
 Alleghany. Upon looking back you see at some dis 
 tance, directly up the Monongahela, but the point of 
 the two banks only that form the mouth of the Alle 
 ghany is visible, none of its water. Yet it has often 
 been said that the Ohio was a continuation of the Al 
 leghany. 
 
 Four miles down the river brings you to Montour s 
 Island; which is six miles long, and about half a mile 
 broad on an average, and contains about two thousand 
 acres of very good land, the greater part of it never 
 overflowed. The assembly of Pennsylvania gave 
 Gen. Irvvin a right of pre-emption to this island. 
 They were moved to do it by an old and influential 
 presbyterian member, who with great gravity assured 
 them he knew the island, and that it contained about 
 one hundred and fifty acres. The property of it is 
 contested between Gen. Irvvin, Col. Neville, and Col. 
 Sim of Alexandria. The next place is Loggstown, 
 which was formerly a settlement on both sides of the 
 
384 LIFE OF 
 
 Ohio, and the place where the treaty of Lancaster 
 was confirmed by the western Indians. From Loggs- 
 town to the mouth of Beaver Creek, is miles, and 
 from thence to Fort Mclntosh, one mile. This fort 
 is built of well-hewn logs, with four bastions; its fig 
 ure an irregular square, the face to the river being 
 longer than the side to the land. It is about equal 
 to a square of fifty yards, is well built, and strong 
 against musketry ; but the opposite side of the river 
 commands it entirely, and a single piece of artillery 
 from thence would reduce it. This fort was built by 
 us during the war, and is not therefore noted in Hutch- 
 ins map. The place was formerly a large Indian set 
 tlement, and French trading place. There are peach 
 trees still remaining. It is a beautiful plain, extend 
 ing about two miles along the river, and one to the 
 hills; surrounded on the east by Beaver Creek, and 
 on the west by a small run, which meanders through 
 a most excellent piece of meadow ground, full of 
 shellbark-hickory, black-walnut, and oak. About 
 one mile and a half up the Beaver Creek, there en 
 ters a small, but perennial stream, very fit for a mill- 
 seat ; so that the possession of the land from there to 
 the \vestern stream, would include a fine meadow, a 
 mill-seat, a beautiful plain for small grain, and rich, 
 well-timbered uplands. It falls just within the west 
 ern boundary of Pennsylvania; and is reserved by the 
 state out of the sale of the land, as a precious morsel 
 Jor some favourite of the legislature. The Ohio here 
 is about four hundred yards wide. The Monongahe- 
 la at Fort Pitt is about two hundred and eighty wide. 
 The Alleghany, about two hundred. The former fre 
 quently overflows, and falls much sooner than the lat 
 ter, owing to its rapidity and extent. The banks of 
 the Monongahela on the west, or opposite side to 
 Pittsburg, are steep close to the water, and about two 
 hundred yards high. About a third of the way from 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 385 
 
 the top is a vein of coal, above one of the rocks. 
 The coal is burnt in the town, and considered very 
 good. The property of this and of the town is in the 
 Penns. They have lotted out the face of the hill at 
 thirty pounds a lot, to dig coal as far in as the per 
 pendicular falling from the summit of the bank. Fort 
 Pitt is regularly built, cost the crown 600, and is 
 commanded by cannon from the opposite bank of the 
 Monongahela, and from a hill above the town called 
 Grant s Hill, from the catastrophe which befel Gen. 
 Grant at that place. He was advancing with some 
 Highland regiments and Virginia light-infantry before 
 the army under Gen. Forbes, took his station upon 
 this hill, and had the folly to order his drums to beat 
 and his bagpipes to play, in expectation of frightening 
 the French and Indian garrison of the then Fort Du 
 Quesne, to surrender. But the commandant sending 
 a part of the Indians in his rear, sallied out upon him, 
 killed all the Highlanders, and made him prisoner. 
 The Virginia troops, under Col. Lewis, being more 
 upon their guard, mostly escaped. 
 
 Pittsburg is inhabited almost entirely by Scots and 
 Irish, who live in paltry log-houses, and are as dirty 
 as in the north of Ireland, or even Scotland. There 
 is a great deal of small trade carried on ; the goods 
 being brought at the vast expense of forty-five shil 
 lings per cwt., from Philadelphia and Baltimore. 
 They take in the shops, money, wheat, flour, and 
 skins. There are in the town four attorneys, two 
 doctors, and not a priest of any persuasion, nor church, 
 nor chapel ; so that they are likely to be damned, 
 without the benefit of clergy. The rivers encroach 
 fast on the town; and to such a degree, that, as a 
 gentleman told me, the Alleghany had within thirty 
 years of his memory, carried away one hundred yards. 
 The place, / believe, will never be very considerable. 
 Batteaux pass daily, with whole families, stock, and 
 
386 LIFE OF 
 
 furniture, for Kentucky. Those from Virginia take 
 boat at Wheeling, which is situated on the Ohio, about 
 ninety miles below Pittsburg, and thereby avoid all 
 the shoal water. 
 
 Mackintosh is thirty-one miles down the river. 
 About nine miles before you reach it, is a small isl 
 and and a rift, on which loaded batteaux often get 
 aground, especially if they attempt the southern 
 shore ; but the opposite side has generally water 
 enough. 
 
 On the 19th Mr. Lowry came in, with John Mon- 
 tour and another Indian, who gave us reason to ex 
 pect the Indians in a few days. Reflecting on what 
 would be the best method to secure the country we 
 obtain from the Indians from being surveyed by the 
 swarms of irregular settlers, it seemed to me that this 
 purpose would be answered, by inserting in the treaty 
 an article in these words: If any person shall at 
 tempt to survey or settle on any of the said lands, 
 until the commissioners shall have informed the In 
 dians that permission is given by congress to such sur 
 veyors, or settlements, such person shall be out of the 
 protection of the United States, and the Indians may 
 drive them away. This prohibition being made pub 
 lic in a proclamation by the commissioners, would de 
 ter persons from attempting settlements, till congress 
 shall have formed such regulations, as will at the same 
 time secure a reasonable profit to the public, and set 
 tle the country systematically and peacefully. For 
 these purposes I shall propose this article to my col 
 leagues. 
 
 Snow began this evening, and continued all the 
 next day and night, with freezing. The river was 
 floating ice. 
 
 22d. We despatched a person to Cuscuskis with 
 some rum, lead, and twenty-five pounds of powder, 
 for the Indians. I had my doubts about the propriety 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 387 
 
 of sending them so much powder; for there are about 
 twenty-five hundred charges for a rifle in that quanti 
 ty. On this subject of gunpowder I must observe 
 that, as there was a great quantity in the public stores 
 at Fort Pitt, the commissioners to save the expense of 
 carriage, ordered what they required for the treaty to 
 be furnished out of this store. But when their store 
 keeper came to examine it, he reported that it was 
 all spoiled. Upon enquiry we found, that though there 
 was a lieutenant and twenty-five men kept there as a 
 garrison, on full pay and expenses, yet no care was 
 taken of them. The commanding officer alleged, that 
 it was the business of the garrison to guard the stores 
 only, and not to keep them from spoiling ; as if there 
 was any advantage in guarding stores that were good 
 for nothing. The expense to the public of this gar 
 rison is as follows; which is not only thrown away, 
 but the commandant, though he will not take care of 
 the stores, thinks he has a right to use them for him 
 self and garrison as he pleases. 
 
 Estimate. 
 25 non-commissioned and privates, at 50s. ) ^p^ in 
 
 per month, ) 
 Lieutenant-commandant, 10 
 
 Subsistence, 3 
 
 Rations for the whole, 67 JO 
 
 Sergeants and corporals extra pay, U 
 
 151 
 
 Multiplied by 12 months, per annum, 1812 
 
 Clothing and arms, at 6 per man, 150 
 
 The annual expense of this garrison, 1962 
 
 That at West Point consists of fifty men, com 
 manded by a major; and the annual expense may be 
 
388 LIFE OF 
 
 at least two thousand pounds. These have been kept 
 up for two years with equal inutility ; and have been 
 a loss, independent of the stores they have consumed, 
 of 5924. Much the same report of the condition 
 of the stores at West Point, was made to us by those 
 that we ordered to furnish them from thence for the 
 western treaty. The persons to whom public stores 
 are committed, give no security for the safe keeping 
 and return of them, and do not hold themselves re 
 sponsible for the same ; but consume at pleasure, and 
 let the rest perish. This would not be the case if 
 they were obliged to give security for the safe return 
 of what they took in charge. The same fate, for the 
 same reason, attends the public stores in Philadelphia, 
 under the care of Mr. S., and under the immediate 
 eye of Mr. M. Gen. Butler, Mr. Montgomery, and 
 Capt. Butler, our storekeepers, assured me, that 
 bales of cloth, blanketing, fee.., were so rotted, as to 
 be, as it were, glued down to the floor; having never 
 been moved, and nothing been laid between them and 
 the damp floor. While the public stores are thus rot 
 ting, at a great loss, in the public magazines, we found 
 the heads of departments laying out public money, to 
 furnish the soldiers with those very articles. Soon 
 after Gen. Butler had given rne the above informa 
 tion, Col. Harrnar, who commanded the troops that 
 were equipping for the treaty, came in ; and upon my 
 asking him if the troops were provided with what was 
 necessary, he said no, not even with blankets. The 
 clothier-general, upon being applied to, had informed 
 him that they must be purchased. We told him there 
 were thousands rotting in the public store, and direct 
 ed him to go there immediately and furnish his corps, 
 which he did. But though there was a sloop freight 
 ed at Philadelphia to carry the stores for the treaty 
 to West Point,* and then to take in the New- Jersey 
 troops, instead of sending blankets for them out of the 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 389 
 
 public store, they were purchased at New-York, and 
 sent for the troops to West Point. The reason of all 
 this is, that there is a profit in purchasing, and none 
 in issuing out of the public stores. 
 
 24th. Mr. Lowry informed us that the western In 
 dians were both discontented and angry with the Six 
 Nations, for having made a treaty with us without 
 consulting them. This was the object of the general 
 confederation which they mentioned, at Fort Stanwix ; 
 and these Indians charge the Six Nations with a breach 
 of faith, plighted in this confederacy. It is certain this 
 was the wish of the Six Nations, and the intent of 
 their speech ; but the decided language we held oblig 
 ed them to an immediate determination, which bids 
 fair to prostrate their confederation, and its diabolical 
 objects. 
 
 I omitted to mention that while we were at Fort 
 Pitt, being informed that a large quantity of gunpowder 
 was gone down the Mississippi to be sold to the west 
 ern Indians, the commissioners by my advice wrote to 
 the magistrates at the falls, to seize and store the pow 
 der, and all ammunition destined for the Indians, till 
 we had concluded peace with them, and permitted 
 the trade. 
 
 Being this day indisposed, and obliged to keep my 
 room, 1 could not avoid meditating on my future pros 
 pects. Should I settle and remain among my friends 
 in Virginia; should I retire to Kentucky; or return 
 to England, and enjoy in retirement there, all that a 
 country great in arts and sciences affords. 
 
 I entered life glowing with sentiments of liberty 
 and virtue. The seeds of the American revolution 
 were then sowing, in the acts of parliament for im 
 posing taxes on the colonies. I embraced the oppo 
 sition with a double degree of enthusiasm, which the 
 love of liberty and my country inspired. I devoted 
 
 VOL,, u. 49 
 
390 LIFE OF 
 
 myself to the cause from its very infancy. From that 
 time my life has been a continued scene of agitation 
 and commotion. No calm has composed, no repose 
 has refreshed me. 
 
 To live in Virginia without a wife, is hardly practi 
 cable. But in Virginia boys and girls only marry, 
 and they marry from almost every motive but love. 
 A man, at thirty, a woman, at twenty, is old in Virgi 
 nia ; and with my sentiments of love and marriage, I 
 am not likely to find a wife there. 
 
 #=#:*#::*#::*:* 
 
 Shall I retire to Kentucky, and try my fortune in 
 a young country and a rising region. The soil and 
 climate are fine. I have lands there, which would 
 become valuable by residence ; and it would be easy, 
 with a little money, to acquire a princely territorial 
 property. Ambition and avarice seem therefore to 
 join in their invitation. But after the scenes through 
 which I have passed, such an ambition seems low ; and 
 the avarice, without an incentive. For whom should 
 I sacrifice present enjoyment, to secure a future for 
 tune? He who pursues ambition in that country, 
 must expect no repose. He must first agitate its 
 separation and independence, then control the various 
 turbulent spirits which are gathered there from dif 
 ferent states ; he must court those whose lives and 
 manners are little removed from those of savages. 
 He must be in perpetual action ; as nothing else can 
 promote his purposes, or even prevent him from re 
 pining at the loss of every thing that can engage the 
 cultivated mind, or gratify the senses. He must sub 
 mit to the wretched accommodations, which an al 
 most savage country can afford; and not only be con 
 tent without the luxuries, but even without the ne 
 cessaries of life. What is there then, that can tempt 
 a sober man, in my situation, to Kentucky? 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 391 
 
 A single man intent upon gratifying his taste, might 
 accomplish this purpose with great certainty, and at 
 a moderate expense, in London. Secure of 600 a 
 year, he might live in a style perfectly genteel, and 
 see and hear every thing worth seeing and hearing. 
 But then he must live for himself only. He must 
 forget that he has relations in another land, near and 
 dear, whom he has sacrificed forever. All the charities 
 of blood and country must be forgotten. His hours 
 of retirement must be sad and solitary. Should ill 
 health overtake him, he will not only be cut off from 
 the enjoyments he promised himself, but he must ex 
 pect no tender hand to sooth his pillow, no sympa 
 thising soul to mitigate with nameless gentle offices 
 the anguish of disease, and minister to the troubled 
 and desponding mind, And why indeed should he, 
 who lives for himself only, expect that society will 
 feel for him, or furnish him with aid or solace, beyond 
 the influence of his money? 
 
 Those, too, with whom I was immediately con 
 nected in friendship and in politics, when a fellow- 
 subject, would regard me now with cold indifference, 
 if not with aversion. Many would consider me as 
 having contributed to wound and dishonour that coun 
 try, which is the dearest object to every good Eng 
 lishman. Could I be restored to the situation that I 
 enjoyed before the revolution, unless the tumult of 
 political commotion may have unparadised it, I might 
 be happy. That is as happy as man without domes 
 tic cares, domestic anxiety, and domestic love, could 
 be. 
 
 I was placed in chambers in the temple, which 
 looked into a delightful little garden on the Thames, 
 of which I had the key ; I could go in and out at all 
 hours, and have what company I pleased, without 
 being questioned or overlooked. 
 
392 LIFE OF 
 
 I was near the Royal Society, of which I was a 
 fellow, where, every week, whatever was new and 
 ingenious in literature was communicated. Not far 
 from me was the hall of the Society of Arts and Ag 
 riculture, of which I was an honorary memher ; and 
 where I had access to all the new discoveries in arts, 
 agriculture, and mechanics. 
 
 The play houses and the opera were equally con 
 venient, where I could select the opportunity of see 
 ing the best tragedies and comedies represented, and 
 of hearing the most exquisite Italian music. I was a 
 subscriber to Bach s and Abel s concert, where the 
 most masterly performers in the world (Bach, Abel, 
 Fishar, Tassot, Ponto, and Crosdal,) played to a most 
 polite and fashionable audience, in one of the most 
 elegant concert rooms in the world. In the field of 
 politics, from the politician in the cider-cellar to the 
 peer in his palace, I had access and influence. At 
 the Bill of Rights, the city of London, the East India 
 house, and with the opposition in both houses, I was 
 of some consideration. Among my particular friends, 
 to whom I always had access, were Lord Shelburne, 
 Mr. Downing, Col. Barre, Mr. Wilkes, Serjeant 
 Glynn, and several others. I was so well with sev 
 eral of the nobility and gentry that I could spend all 
 my leisure time at their country seats. At Bath I 
 had a very extensive acquaintance ; and there is not 
 in the world a more agreeable place to one so cir 
 cumstanced. As one of the law, I enjoyed the pro 
 tection and distinction of that body, with the prospect 
 of rising to place and profit, which all of that body, 
 who have even moderate abilities, enjoy. So circum 
 stanced, nothing but the peculiar and extraordinary 
 crisis of the times prevented me from being entire 
 ly happy, and pursuing the fortune which sat with 
 golden plumes within my reach. But every thing 
 was absorbed in the great contest which I saw fast 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 393 
 
 approaching ; and which soon called upon me to quit 
 London, and take an open part in the revolution, as 
 a representative of the United States at the court of 
 France. 
 
 To resume this situation is now impracticable ; and 
 even were it practicable it would be ineligible. What 
 would be the comment on my conduct, if, after hav 
 ing hazarded every thing to establish republican liber 
 ty, I should quit it and prefer to live under a monarch. 
 This would be bearing a most humiliating testimo 
 ny against the cause by my own conduct ; pride alone 
 should withhold me from such an indignity. 
 
 What then remains for me but to take the world 
 as I find it to remain in the midst of this odd chap 
 ter of accidents to take the poet s advice 
 
 rape horam 
 
 Q,uam minime credula postero. 
 
 In truth we refine too much in estimating human 
 prospects, and human happiness. We expect too 
 much, we look too far, as Dr. Young has strongly 
 said, 
 
 " Where is to-morrow ? In another world ! 
 To numbers this is certain the reverse 
 Is sure to none and yet on this perhaps, 
 This peradventure, infamous for lies, 
 We build our mountain hopes spin out eternal schemes, 
 As if we the fatal sisters would outspin 
 And big with life s futurities expire. 
 
 25th. Mr. Evans, agent, and the Pennsylvania 
 commissioners arrived. The boat in which they em 
 barked with stores having run aground, and being 
 nearly overwhelmed with ice, they and the crew al 
 most frozen to death, before the ice became hard 
 enough to bear them, got on shore, landed the goods, 
 and brought them forward on pack-horses. 
 
394 LIFE OF 
 
 28th. Some of the officers getting merry late at 
 night, ordered the artillery company to draw out the 
 cannon, and fire them in the midst of the garrison. 
 One of them was accordingly fired. The command 
 ing officer immediately ordered the whole garrison 
 under arms, and the artillery officer to countermand 
 the firing ; he refused, upon which the other ordered 
 him under arrest. The next officer in command of 
 the artillery, walking aside, told the men to do as 
 they thought proper; they hesitated to obey the com 
 manding officer, and he ran his sword through one of 
 them. This soon produced a withdrawal of the ar 
 tillery. In the mean time the troops were all under 
 arms, and drunken officers at the head of their com 
 panies, W 7 ere giving contrary orders, swearing at and 
 confounding the men. Upon this Gen. Butler and 
 
 myself sent for Maj. T the commanding officer, 
 
 Col. Harmar, being at Fort Pitt, and directed him to 
 order the garrison immediately to their quarters ; 
 which being done the tumult subsided. 
 
 The snow and frost continued very severe. I here 
 experienced how much habit adds to our necessities. 
 I had five blankets (Indian ones I mean) of which I 
 gave one to my servant, who complained of having 
 nothing to cover him. With this one he slept per 
 fectly contented, while I could hardly keep myself 
 warm with the other four. He had laid down in his 
 clothes, rolling himself up in the blanket, while I 
 stript myself according to custom, and the room being 
 accessible to the four winds of heaven, it was no easy 
 matter to recover the warmth which was lost in un 
 casing. 
 
 27th. Mr. Boggs, another of our Indian messen 
 gers, arrived and reported that the Indians were on 
 their way, and that some of them would be in the 
 next day. 
 
ARTHUB LEE. 895 
 
 28th. Several Indians arrived. Orders were is 
 sued by the commissioners against selling or giving 
 them rum. Mr. Boggs was directed to make a return 
 day by day of the number present from the different 
 tribes to Mr. Lowry, who was directed to order them 
 provisions, agreeably to that return. This was done 
 not only that they might be duly supplied with pro 
 visions, but that we might have a check upon the 
 commissary. 
 
 This day Col. Harmar returned, and with him 
 came Cols. Atlee and Johnston. They brought a 
 melancholy report of Mr. Ohara the contractor, who 
 had embarked with a load of flour, and been frozen 
 up, himself and the crew frost-bitten, so that it was 
 apprehended one of the soldiers must lose his legs. 
 
 So far back as the 3d the commissioners had di 
 rected the following orders to be sent Mr. Ohara : 
 That Capt. Ohara be directed to remove the troops, 
 stores, and provisions, &;c. for the treaty at Fort Mc- 
 Intosh as speedily as possible ; yet by some unac 
 countable neglect, most of the stores and provisions 
 were delayed till bad weather, and then sent with 
 much risk and additional expense. 
 
 An increased portion of their divinity was ordered 
 for the Indians. Plad Mr. Pope seen these savages 
 they could not have inspired him with those beautiful 
 lines in his Essay on Man : 
 
 " Lo the poor Indian ! whose untutored mind, 
 Sees God in clouds, and hears him in the wind ; 
 His soul proud science never taught to stray, 
 Far as the solar walk, or milky way, 
 Yet simpler nature to his hopes hath given, 
 Behind the cloud-topp d hill an humbler heaven, 
 Some safer world, in depth of woods embraced, 
 Some happier island in the watery waste, 
 Where slaves once more their native land behold ; 
 No fiends torment, no Christians thirst for gold. 
 To be content s his natural desire, 
 He asks no angel s wing, no seraph s fire ; 
 But thinks, admitted to that equal sky, 
 His faithful dog shall bear him company." 
 
396 LIFE OF 
 
 Mr. Pope is speaking of the South-American ; but 
 our Indians have got the idea that this is an island, 
 and have certainly made a most manful resistance to 
 every impression to the contrary ; but as to another 
 world, they do not appear to have any idea of it; nor 
 do I believe that one coming from the dead to tell 
 them that there was a place of happiness without 
 rum, would gain any credit. 
 
 29th. Some chiefs of the Chippeways and Ottowas 
 only have arrived. They came this morning, request 
 ing some spirits, two kettles, a tent, a blanket for an 
 old man, some powder and lead for their young men 
 to hunt with, and some paint. The commissioners 
 ordered them some spirits, a blanket, the kettles, paint, 
 arid ammunition. The tent was refused, because eve 
 ry tribe would have expected the same ; and as they 
 never return what they once get into their hands, it 
 would be too expensive. 
 
 We were amused with the comments on the dis 
 turbance in the garrison, of the gentleman whose let 
 ter I have copied, and who takes the same liberties 
 with the English language in speaking, as in writing. 
 He said he never in his life saw such a rumpiss ; that 
 they were all running hurry-scurry, and when their 
 bagnits were all fixtured, they glomed so in the moon, 
 as to pister one to death. 
 
 I am told that near the lower Shawnee town, on 
 the Sciota, are the visible remains of a grand fortifi 
 cation. It consists of an oblong containing about 
 acres, enclosed by a rampart of clay fifteen feet high. 
 It has eight gates; one at each angle, and one at the 
 centre of each side. One of them is much larger 
 than the rest, and opens into a trench, which leads 
 into another that surrounds the fort, containing about 
 eleven or twelve acres. From the top of the ram 
 part to the bottom of the trench, is about fifteen feet ; 
 but it is much fallen, and filled up. The large timber 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 397 
 
 growing upon it, shows it to be of great antiquity. 
 The Indians have no tradition about it ; no more than 
 they have of the vast animal whose bones are dug 
 up in this western country, but whose species is ex 
 tinct. 
 
 There are several of these fortifications on both 
 sides of the Ohio. By whom they were raised is in 
 conceivable. The appearance of the works indicates 
 great antiquity, and the total silence of Indian tradi 
 tion concerning them, confirms it. They must have 
 been formed by a people far more wise and powerful 
 than the Indians. But how such a people became so 
 totally extinct, as to leave not a wreck nor remem 
 brance behind, is inexplicable. 
 
 Indians have some modes of punishment and re 
 straint, which fall wholly upon the poor women. If 
 a woman lie often, or is caught in a theft, a person is 
 sent to cut off a club of her hair, which is the great 
 est shame she can suffer. But for a man-thief there 
 is no punishment. When a women is taken in la 
 bour, she is obliged to quit her husband s tent, and 
 retire at a distance from the rest. There she is to 
 build her own hut, and cook her own victuals, that 
 are sent by a child and laid down near her hut, which 
 no one is allowed to approach. If the pains are such 
 as to compel her to cry, it only excites the mirth and 
 ridicule of the men. I should not have credited this 
 account, if I had not received it from sundry persons 
 of veracity, who have been among them, and witness 
 ed this more than diabolical apathy. That a situa 
 tion which should call forth every tender feeling of 
 the human heart, should be made one of neglect, con 
 tempt, and reprobation, is hardly to be believed ; but 
 that it should excite reproachful mirth, exceeds every 
 thing yet known of savage inhumanity. Ten days 
 after the birth of the child, the mother is permitted to 
 VOL. n, 50 
 
398 LIFE OF 
 
 return to her husband s hut, where she lies for thirty- 
 five days on the opposite side of the fire ; at the end 
 of which period they unite blankets, if he chooses. 
 Such is the absurd, the unfeeling, the cruel mode of 
 treating females, in a situation, of all others, the most 
 tender, the most interesting, and the most important, 
 among these wretches, who have the form, but not the 
 feelings of human beings. With similar absurdity, 
 when a woman is in the situation in W 7 hich Laban s 
 daughter pretended to be, when she concealed his 
 stolen goods, she is obliged to leave society, and keep 
 entirely by herself till the period is over; then she is 
 to purify her person and her clothes, before she is 
 permitted to return. But this is not the only people 
 that have monstrously absurd opinions and customs 
 relating to this operation of nature in the female sys 
 tem, which is as simple and as innoxious as any other 
 in either sex. Happily these cruelties and absurdities 
 are done away with among us, and in most parts of 
 Europe. And however it may please some to rail 
 against the vices of the present, compared with those 
 of former ages, I affirm that society becomes more 
 virtuous, as it becomes more enlightened; and that it 
 is far more enlightened now, than it has been in any 
 past time. Let any one read the histories of former 
 times and nations, from the bible downward, and then 
 candidly declare whether the vices and the follies of 
 the present time, are half so monstrous or multiplied 
 as those of any other period. In our females especially 
 I will venture to say, there is more intelligence, more 
 refinement of thought, more delicacy of sentiment, 
 and more chastity of feeling, than former times can 
 boast. Our maids have modesty, our matrons, pride ; 
 which are sure preservatives of female virtue. Be- 
 
ARTHUR LEE. 399 
 
 fore Calista could be sacrificed to Lothario, Rowe 
 tells us, 
 
 " Fierceness and pride 
 
 The guardians of her honour 
 Were lulled to rest." 
 
 What was fierceness in her, in milder maids was 
 modesty.* 
 
 * The residue of this journal of Mr. Lee, has been lost. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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