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CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM, 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY ESPECIAL REFERENCE TO 
 
 METACOMET AND THE EXTINCTION 
 
 OF HIS RACE. 
 
 FREDERICK FREEMAN. 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR AT 
 
 1878. 
 
Copyright, 1878, 
 Br E. FREEMAN. 
 
E«3 
 
 ADYEETISEMENT. 
 
 The following pages were first published as series 
 in "The Seaside Press," Sandwich. They are now 
 reproduced to preserve important history. 
 
 M52G910 
 
INTBODUCTIOK 
 
 It was said by an Indian warrior who long since yielded 
 with his tribe to destiny, l M We have been driven- back until 
 we can retreat no farther. Our hatchets are broken ; our 
 bows are snapped ; our fires are nearly extinguished ; a little 
 longer, and the white man will cease to oppress, for we shall 
 have ceased to exist." < This gloomy foreboding has well-nigh 
 been realized. Not only have the tribes in New England, 
 and Indians who once peopled the Hudson, Potomac, Susque- 
 hanna, Rappahannock and the valley of the Shenandoah, be- 
 come extinct save only a shade of the original Red Man, met 
 here and there, chiefly solitary, but even what were, within 
 the memory of such as have approximated to three-score and 
 ten, frontiers of white settlements, have been divested alike 
 of primeval forests and of marks of the footsteps of the once 
 proud lords of the domain. All which is left to tell that 
 these lands were once inhabited by a people who for long 
 centuries flourished in their primitive condition, are names of 
 villages, streams, bays, lakes, valleys, and mountains ; names 
 retained as a matter of convenience rather than of choice. 
 
 From the shores of Huron and Superior, from the tribu- 
 tary streams of the Missouri and Mississippi, and from every 
 remote spot of their once cherished and thickly-settled homes 
 or local hunting-grounds, they disappear, vanishing like vapor 
 from the face of the earth. " Although," as said the eloquent 
 Washington Irving, " worthy of an age of poetry, and fit sub- 
 ject for local story and thrilling romance, they have left 
 scarcely any authentic traces for the page of history, but stalk 
 like gigantic shadows in the dim twilight of tradition." 
 
2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 This is not all : whilst aborigines have been despoiled of 
 their hereditary possessions, nationality, and even existence, 
 by the mercenary acts of their relentless oppressors, they have 
 been shamefully traduced. Bigotry, with stolid disregard of 
 the Red Man's humanity, has contributed its full share of the 
 prejudice. Little allowance has been made for inherited 
 principles or popular ignorance. Too many writers seem to 
 have been educated to regard the Indian as only a pagan. He 
 is branded a " worthless savage," a " Canaanitish devil," a 
 " wild and dangerous beast," worthy of nothing better than 
 extermination. Too many, even in this enlightened nine- 
 teenth century, seem to believe that applause of such proscrip- 
 tion is an act of patriotism and filial piety. 
 
 In the pages which shall follow care will be taken to exhibit 
 with impartiality naked facts. That they may be presented 
 as they really exist, reference will necessarily be made almost 
 entirely to the records of the doings of the white man and of 
 the provocations of the dispossessed. The chronicles of such 
 as had the ability to transmit to other generations the doings 
 of the one, or of the provocations and sufferings of the other, 
 must be our guide. 
 
 It has been pertinently remarked by another, that Meta- 
 comet and his race, the kindly reception accorded to their in- 
 vaders notwithstanding, " lived like fugitives in their native 
 land, and went down like a bark foundering amid darkness 
 and tempest, without a pitying eye to weep their fate or a 
 friendly hand to make record of their struggle." Still it is 
 not so much the intent of our narrative to perform an act of 
 humanity for the natives, or to qualify the impressions made 
 by the spirit of their oppressors, as to set forth a plain and 
 unvarnished tale of facts in their due connection and with im- 
 portant bearings, leaving the reader to his own conclusions. 
 
 If it be true, as a respected correspondent suggests, that 
 " the Puritans are demi-gods, and woe betides the man who 
 ventures to intimate that they were liable to the faults of 
 ordinary mortals," then, the writer supposes he must expect 
 some obloquy. He, nevertheless, trusts that they who would 
 censure will consider the sources from whence the facts stated 
 are drawn ; and will remember that the facts must be inval- 
 idated before censure is just. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 Confidently believing ourself to be incapable of feelings 
 hostile to the Pilgrim Fathers, or Puritans, — as early settlers 
 of two of the original colonies are sometimes indiscriminately 
 called, — we aver that, do others claim such paternity, we can 
 do more. Through nine generations, unmixed by any other 
 than Pilgrim blood, ours has flowed. We honor the ancestry, 
 but entertain no idea that obedience to a Divine command 
 involves a suppression of truth. If, in giving the history of 
 an important era, or of a race, faithfulness requires exposure 
 of historic facts unquestionable, as painful, we cannot accuse 
 ourself of irreverence, nor are we without support in the ex- 
 ample of many worthy descendants of both Pilgrims and 
 Puritans, whose eminence we do not claim. Well assured, 
 not only that a full rather than an incomplete account is to 
 be commended, and that by candidly conceding the errors of 
 those who preceded us foundation is laid for perpetuating 
 what were really their characteristic virtues, and a beacon set 
 to guard against possible mistakes and imperfections, all at- 
 tempts at white-washing are disregarded. Nor, whatever 
 reason may have existed for our correspondent's suggestion 
 that errors of predecessors are not with impunity to be ex- 
 posed, do we find that the regrets, disgusts, and condemna- 
 tions, called forth from the pens of Bentley, Trumbull, 
 D wight, Davis, Baylies, Bancroft, Sparks, Saltonstall, Sav- 
 age, and others, of traits and transactions which they severally 
 deplored, have lessened the esteem of these writers among 
 candid and intelligent descendants of Pilgrims or Puritans. 
 
 We would have it distinctly understood that we shall make 
 free use of both authentic statements and pertinent sugges- 
 tions, avoiding embellishments and conforming as far as com- 
 patible with unoffending diction to the words of the narrators. 
 The aim will be, not rhetoric, but a comprehensive view of the 
 whole subject presented. 
 
 Theological dogmas and ecclesiastical polity of early set- 
 tlers, we do not purpose to agitate ; neither questions of right 
 or wrong arising from the planting of colonies among barba- 
 rians. Letters and Christianity are expected to triumph in all 
 contests with rude races. It seems to be a fixed fact that in 
 all such strife barbarism shall decline. There is also no dis- 
 
4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 pute that the aborigines did, in large degree, occupy a soil 
 only partially cultivated. So far as the mere question of sub- 
 sistence was involved, there was room for occupancy. 
 
 In what may be regarded as paramount claims of civiliza- 
 tion and Christianity there are important questions. But 
 that the allusions frequent in history to Indians as rebels, 
 conspirators, traitors, culprits, or savages, are sufficient to blot 
 out their rights and claims to the soil of their fathers of which 
 they had legal sovereignty, will not be thought. 
 
 Could we take up the views and opinions of Indians them- 
 selves respecting the invasions of early New England, and 
 write aided by such lights and counsels and struggles of the 
 aborigines, doubtless the subject might be more fairly and 
 adequately presented. The people who fought against them 
 and took possession of their heritage were not the best quali- 
 fied to be exponents of Indians' views, or motives to action, 
 nor to be alone their judges. History may well be exacting 
 to secure perfect fairness and accuracy, and ought not to be 
 content with merely plausible surmise or hearsay testimony. 
 Any historian who would be true to his vocation must be 
 allowed to look on much with a cold eye, lest he abate the 
 truth or be influenced by local bias, national sympathy, or 
 hereditary prejudices. 
 
NEW ENGLAND INDIAN HISTORY 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The name " Indian " was given to the aborigines of this 
 country by Amerigo Vespucci, who, two years after John 
 Cabot had explored the coast of North America, made dis- 
 covery of some parts of South America, and had the singu- 
 lar fortune to confer his own name on both parts of the con- 
 tinent. When first discovered by Columbus, he supposed, as 
 did others after him, that these coasts were the eastern shores 
 of India ; hence the name " Indians " given to the inhabitants. 
 The origin of the North American Indians remains an un- 
 solved problem. 
 
 The Indians of New England, when the white man first 
 came among them, were destitute of the peculiar advantages 
 and improvements which attend civilized life. 
 
 Government they had to a certain extent. Each nation or 
 tribe had an acknowledged head or chief ; the son of such 
 chief succeeded generally to the father, or, if there were no 
 son, the queen or next of kin ruled. The king, or chief they 
 called " Sachem." Tribute for the support of a chief was 
 paid by all. 1 
 
 1 Some have supposed that the titles of " Chief " and " Sagamore " were used 
 by Indians indifferently. But others, and their opinions are probably correct, 
 think that Sagamores, a name which to a limited extent only was in use in New 
 England, ruled a lesser territory, and were in degree subordinate and accountable 
 to the " Sachems/' There were many Sagamores within the Massachusetts Bay 
 
6 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 They had such laws as custom imposed, and those only. 
 With few ideas of property or its uses, few laws and fewer 
 punishments were necessary. Attempts against the life of a 
 chief, and other acts of treason, were capital offenses. The 
 punishment was summary ; some of the wisest men were con- 
 voked, and they pronouncing the accused guilty, the toma- 
 hawk became speedily the instrument of vengeance ; the cul- 
 prit's brains were spilled without thought of resistance. Of 
 personal injuries or affronts generally, every man was his own 
 avenger. Indians recognized no precept which forbade ren- 
 dering evil for evil. 
 
 They knew nothing of military discipline. When war was 
 contemplated, the Sachem called together his fighting men, 
 to consult them. Hostilities being determined, every one was 
 left to fight in his own way. 
 
 Domestic relations were sacred. Whenever an alliance 
 was desired, the courtship was simple and brief ; the enamored 
 presented to the parents of her whom he sought, a belt of 
 wampum, a bracelet, or other gift, which, if she received it, 
 constituted marriage. Girls, from eleven to fifteen years old, 
 generally had suitors according to their charms. 1 
 
 Love of offspring was proverbially strong in Indians. No 
 mother was ever known to commit her pappoose to other 
 nurse. When she found it necessary to disburden herself of 
 its charge, sometimes by convenient arrangement she sus- 
 
 Colony ; for instance, Sagamore George of Saugus, Sagamore John of Medford, 
 Sagamore Passaconoway of Merrimac, Sagamore Shawanon of Nashua, and 
 others. But Massasoit, the Chief of the Wampanoags, was always called Sachem ; 
 as were Miantonimo, Chief of the Narragansetts ; and Sassacus, of the Pequots. 
 What authority Sachems and Sagamores had respectively, it is difficult to define. 
 Roger Williams has it that Sagamores were inferior Sachems who, with their 
 subordinates, were located for purposes of planting and colonizing, at the bidding 
 of the Sachem.. Some writers have it that the Sachem was ruled, rather than 
 ruler, and held the reins only by the peoples' consent. 
 
 1 The new relationship was, generally, as respected the wife, no sinecure. Her 
 services were laborious. She was expected to provide and fasten the bark which 
 shall cover the bridal wigwam ; braid the mats, and cultivate the corn-field. In 
 all removes she was expected to convey the provisions ; and, if mother of young 
 children, must carry the youngest swung from her back. Meals, daily prepared, 
 must wait until her lord and other male attendants have regaled themselves. 
 
 Marriage was never formed with one of near kin, and the tie was inviolable. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 7 
 
 pended the infant from tree-boughs, to be " rocked by the 
 breezes from the land of souls, or soothed by songs of birds." 1 
 In their religion, Indians had faint notions of a future state, 
 — a paradise of hunting-grounds, fruitful fields, flowery mead- 
 ows, pleasant rivers, and wigwams provided without toil. 
 This view led them to bury with the dead, wampum, bows 
 and arrows, trinkets, and useful utensils. Indians acknowl- 
 edged a Great Spirit who gave them existence, rain after 
 drought, and fair weather after storm. They seem to have 
 been inspired by the common hope of mankind, — the hope of 
 happiness. But deep inquiry into religion was little consist- 
 ent with that indolence of mind which they regarded as bliss. 
 The Great Spirit they called " Katan," and with this spirit 
 they imagined their powows had influence. 2 It has been said 
 that Mr. Eliot could, in translating the Bible, find no Indian 
 word by which to express the name God, and was, therefore, 
 obliged to employ English terms. 3 Mr. Mayhew, after an in- 
 terview, in 1650, with Myoxco, a Martha's Vineyard Chief, 
 suggested that Indians believed in a plurality of gods. But 
 Mr. Eliot and Mr. Mayhew are probably neither to be con- 
 sidered as settling the question of the Indians' religious be- 
 lief. 4 
 
 There is evidence that besides their notions of a great and 
 good spirit, they had some thought of an evil spirit, some- 
 
 i It was their excessive fondness for their children which was the chief diffi- ( 
 culty in the way of educating the offspring of Indians. They could not endure 
 the thought of separation. 
 
 2 It was resort to this kind of priesthood which brought from early settlers the 
 accusation that Indians worshipped the devil. Believing that the powows had 
 influence in cases of sickness or other troubles, they were offended by the denun- 
 ciations of Eliot, Mayhew, Gookin, etc., who condemned the acts of powows. as 
 juggles. n 
 
 » " It may be fairly inferred that Mr. Eliot's objection to the word ' Katan, 
 was simply that it might not convey to the mind of Indians an uncontaminated 
 idea of the true God of the Scriptures." Mr. W. preferred the word " Manitou," 
 by which term the natives were accustomed to express admiration of whatever 
 excelled. 
 
 4 We think it will appear, on examination, that Myoxco had reference only to 
 Sagamores translated to the place of souls, an idea akin to the mythology to 
 which Cicero refers : "Romulus in cceli cum Diis." The probability is, as Mr. 
 Williams intimates, that Myoxco wished to get rid of Mr. Mayhew's importunity 
 and therefore asked " Shall I throw all these Manitous away ? " There is no evi- 
 dence of departed braves being regarded as objects of religious worship. 
 
8 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 times called " Chapian," but oftener " Habomacho." * A 
 modern writer says, " The Indian's untutored mind betrayed 
 him into childish fancies concerning the future, yet he was far 
 from excluding any part of his own species." 2 
 
 If we proceed to a general view of the Indian, — his per- 
 son, life, character, etc., let it be said : — 
 
 1. Indians were remarkable for their strong and well com- 
 pacted forms, athletic and capable of endurance. When first 
 seen by the English settlers, they were none of them inebri- 
 ates. They knew nothing of intoxicating drinks until the 
 white man came and tempted them. " English strong- 
 water " had a bewitching charm. In the long run it de- 
 stroyed more than fell by the sword. 3 
 
 2. Indians were fond of society. They had games and 
 sports in which all engaged. Children, as soon as able to 
 draw the bow, became experts in shooting. Wrestling, run- 
 ning, swimming, and dancing were amusements in which they 
 often and early exercised. A favorite pastime was foot-ball ; 
 clans would engage, the goals sometimes being a mile or two 
 apart. 
 
 3. In manners they were naturally urbane. They came 
 into houses of friends or strangers without knocking, and sat 
 down without salutation or ceremony, as if entitled to hos- 
 pitality. 4 
 
 4. At first Indians were partially clothed by pelts of beasts. 
 
 1 Roger Williams, Wood, and others tell us that the "Indians believed that a 
 peaceful entrance into elysium was denied to the unworthy." 
 
 2 A late editor of Pope's Essay on Man has said, " This vice (of omitting to 
 exclude his own species) could proceed only from pride of science. He humanly 
 admits his faithful dog to bear him company." 
 
 Woods tells of an Indian who had never seen a black man, that coming where 
 was a negro, he was alarmed, supposing him to be Habomacho. The reader 
 will recollect it is related by African explorers that when negroes on the banks 
 of the Niger first saw Mr. Parks, who, we need not say was a white man, they 
 exclaimed, " The Lord preserve us from the devil. ,, Had Indians known at first 
 sight, what afterwards befell them, they doubtless would have thought some such 
 exclamation pertinent. 
 
 8 It is related, that on one occasion white people undertook to punish Indians 
 for some indiscretion. A chief of the tribe objected, " Send your fire-water to 
 prison ; punish it, but not those whom it causes to do wrong." 
 
 * It is remarkable that no person was subject to insult, and that no female 
 had occasion to apprehend any attempt upon her honor. It it also remarkable 
 that violence was never known to be offered by an Indian to females of his own 
 race. 
 
*, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 9 
 
 When they became acquainted with European fabrics, an old 
 covering of otter or beaver would suffice to buy a new suit of 
 woolen or linen. 1 
 
 5. The personal ornament of Indians consisted chiefly of 
 pendants, paints, and feathers. 2 
 
 6. In construction, Indians did not excel. Their contriv- 
 ances for navigation showed, however, that they were capable 
 of better things than they attempted. 3 
 
 7. The few implements employed by Indians for manual 
 operation were chiefly stone. They used the shell of the large 
 sea- clam for a hoe. 4 
 
 8. In the culinary department a few wooden or earthen 
 vessels sufficed. 5 
 
 9. As to household furniture, their wants were few. 6 
 
 10. Their fisheries, and game generally, were objects of in- 
 terest. 7 
 
 i Indian moccasins were generally made from skins of moose, dressed by 
 stringent application. Manufactured articles they sometimes stained with bril- 
 liant colors. Threads of wild hemp, sinews of animals, or quills of porcupines, 
 were used to embroider apparel. 
 
 2 These pendants were carved from shell, bone, or stone, and were hung from 
 ear or neck. Belts of wampum were suspended from arms or shoulders, or ad- 
 justed around waist or knees. Feathers were decorations for the hair, and 
 paints were used upon face, body, and limbs. 
 
 8 Canoes of pine or chestnut were made by repeated burning, and by scraping 
 with shells the charred parts, and by hewing with stone. Boats were constructed 
 from the bark of birch, the strips sewed together by raw hide, having ribs or 
 knees distended. 
 
 4 The implements of stone were chiefly pestles, chisels, and hatchets. Speci- 
 mens of these are occasionally found in localities which Indians frequented. The 
 hatchet had, instead of an eye for the insertion of a helve, a groove forming a 
 neck around which to fasten a withe. 
 
 6 The wooden ware was made, generally, of the knots of trees. Indians boiled 
 in earthen pots, baked in hot ashes, and roasted by means of a spit placed be- 
 fore a fire. 
 
 6 They needed neither chairs, nor stools, nor beds except such as were formed 
 of mats or pelts; they preferred sitting or sleeping on the ground; even in grand 
 council Indians sat on the ground. The earth was their table. 
 
 7 They had fisheries at nearly all rivers, and at the shores and lakes at proper 
 seasons; and contriving to make the waters and sands contribute amply to 
 their sustenance, they constructed nets and seines of wild kelp, and fished with 
 hooks and lines, the hooks made from bones. Sturgeon were taken by aid 
 of torch-light. Besides these resources, there were various methods of taking 
 game. Moose, caribou, and deer were, especially, edible. Bears, raccoons, rab- 
 bits, and birds were valued. Traps were contrived for taking the larger animals 
 
10 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 11. They were partial to tobacco. By it they sought to 
 refresh their spirits. The offer of a pipe was token of friend- 
 ship and hospitality. 
 
 12. The Indian's weapons remain to be noticed. These 
 were chiefly bow and arrow, tomahawk, and spear. 1 
 
 Indians have had a reputation of being revengeful. It is 
 notorious, however, that Indians invariably practiced hospi- 
 tality to all by whom they were civilly or kindly treated. 
 Nor were they incapable of tender compassion, true gratitude, 
 and warm friendship. Whenever the white man has entered 
 his dwelling, the Indian has treated him to the best he could 
 set before himj 
 
 A serious injury or affront created within the Indian breast 
 a burning feeling which could ordinarily be appeased only by 
 retaliation. Not enraged by injuries, or made suspicious be- 
 cause of previous breaches of faith, Indians were ever disposed 
 to treat the white man kindly. They welcomed him, they fed 
 him in his necessity, they gave him land, they instructed him 
 in cultivating their great staple, they cherished and faithfully 
 conducted home children who becoming lost would otherwise 
 have perished by hunger or been destroyed by wild beasts. 
 
 If Indians looked with a jealous eye, at any time, on new 
 settlers, it was not without cause. Did they at last repent 
 that they had not discouraged and prevented the first attempts 
 
 by digging pits in their wonted paths, or by other devices. All game Avhose 
 skins were useful, was eagerly sought. It was by one of the Indian contrivances 
 that Governor Bradford, on an excursion to Truro, was caught and instantly 
 lifted, dangling in air. 
 
 It was unfortunate for the first Indians that the modus operandi of producing 
 salt was not known by them. Salt would have contributed to their comfort. 
 With ability to draw from waters, sands, and forests, they were measurably inde- 
 pendent. When, as in traveling, no other food was at hand, a small pouch of 
 parched corn furnished them amply. 
 
 1 The tomahawk was, in the earlier stages of the progress of Indians, simply a 
 club with a knob. Then came bow and arrow, and next the hatchet. Bow- 
 strings were obtained from sinews of animals. Arrows were made of suitable 
 wood and usually pointed with flint. Simple as these weapons were when first 
 in use, they did execution. After acquaintance with white people Indians began 
 to use arrow-heads of iron or brass. Trained from early childhood to draw the 
 bow, they seldom missed the mark, aiming at man, beast, or bird. In the total 
 absence of military discipline, Indians engaged in war in a loose and apparently 
 disorderly manner. After the first attack, if they deemed it desirable to follow 
 with a closer assault, they resorted to the tomahawk, and next to firearms. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 11 
 
 of white people to settle among them, or regret that when 
 they saw that kindnesses and concessions were to be of no 
 avail, they did not by timely and general union drive out 
 exacting, ungrateful, overbearing invaders? Had they not 
 reasons for such regrets ? Fortunate for the white people it 
 was that such regrets came too late. 
 
 Much has been said by those who know but little of the 
 real traits of Indian character, about Indian taciturnity, 
 sullenness, sulkiness, and malignity. But those who have had 
 opportunities to study the native character do not confirm 
 the impressions generally entertained. 1 
 
 The character of North American Indians has been differ- 
 ently represented by various writers. The portraits drawn 
 have not been simply various, but sometimes contradictory. 3 
 It is safe to infer that it may be possible that sometimes 
 " the devil is not so black as he is painted." 
 
 Burton describes the Indian as " a cannibal, a monster in 
 human shape." Spaniards associated with De Soto in Flor- 
 
 i Mr. Irving, who had not only the disposition, but had peculiar facilities for 
 studying Indian character, says of them, " The Indians that I have had opportu- 
 nity of seeing in real life are quite different from those described in poetry. They 
 are by no means the stoics that they are represented, taciturn, unbending, without a 
 tear or smile. Taciturn they are, it is true, when in company with white men whose 
 good will they distrust, and whose language they do not understand. The white 
 man is equally taciturn under like circumstances. When Indians are among them- 
 selves, there cannot be greater gossips ; half their time is taken up in talking over 
 their adventures in war and hunting, and in telling whimsical stories. They are 
 great mimics and buffoons, also, and entertain themselves excessively at the ex- 
 pense of the whites with whom they have associated, and who have supposed them 
 impressed with profound respect for their grandeur and dignity. They are curi- 
 ous observers, noting everything in silence, but with a keen and watchful eye, 
 occasionally exchanging with each other a glance or a grunt when anything par- 
 ticularly strikes them. They reserve all comments until they are alone ; then it 
 is that they give free scope to criticism, satire, mimicry, and mirth. In the course 
 of my journey along the frontier, I have had repeated opportunities of noticing 
 their excitability and boisterous merriment at their games, and have occasionally 
 noticed a group of Osages sitting around a fire until a late hour of night, engaged 
 in the most lively and animated conversation, and at times making the woods re- 
 sound with laughter. As to tears, they have them in abundance, both real and 
 affected. At times they make a merit of them. No one weeps more bitterly or 
 profusely at the death of a relative or friend. They have stated times when they 
 repair to howl and lament at their graves. I have heard doleful wailings at day- 
 break, in the neighborhood of Indian villages, made by inhabitants who go out at 
 that hour into the field to mourn and weep, for the dead." 
 
12 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 ida conceded to Indians the character of a " magnanimous 
 enemy." Celebrities in New England were agreed that the 
 Indian was " a child of the devil." William Penn and his 
 associates, pursuing a wiser policy, were able to accord to 
 natives a better character, — " capable of being mollified by 
 acts of good neighborhood into faithful friends and adherents." 
 In these later times, President Harrison, William L. Stone, 
 and many others, have been inclined to concede to Indians 
 some good share of common humanity. Mr. Catlin has told 
 us that in all his intercourse with them he " was generously 
 welcomed, treated to the best they could give, escorted with- 
 out charge through a hostile country ; aided in passing rivers 
 and mountains ; never robbed, never betrayed, and his bag- 
 gage protected." General Harrison, who acted for the United 
 States, in treaties with Indians, and had extensive intercourse 
 with them, in his military expeditions and as Governor of the 
 Northwest Territory, commends " their natural endowments 
 and the high susceptibilities of their moral and intellectual 
 nature." 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Metacomet, the Indian who figures principally in the fol- 
 lowing pages, was Sachem of the Wampanoags, a people 
 sometimes called Pokanokets. Metacomet is perhaps better 
 known in the early history of New England as King Philip, 
 a sobriquet applied to him by the English. Before him, his 
 father, Massasoit, was king or sachem, whose jurisdiction 
 reached from the Massachusetts to the Narragansett Bay. 
 Massasoit was recognized by all Indians over whom his sover- 
 eignty extended as their Great Sachem. 1 His chief seat, 
 Pokanoket, was sometimes called Sowam. It was the same 
 which was afterwards called by white people, Swansey. Its 
 centre was where are now Bristol and Warren. 2 
 
 Massasoit was that sachem who, a short time after the 
 Mayflower company landed at Plymouth, visited them and 
 brought many Indians, and made with Plymouth men " the 
 first Treaty of Friendship." The Pilgrims had been visited 
 by Indians before, and have told us that " a savage came 
 boldly alone into town, and to the astonishment of all ad- 
 dressed them in English, saying, to their great joy, 4 Wel- 
 come, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen ! ' " 
 
 This savage (such the kind welcomer was called) was Sam- 
 oset, reported lord or sagamore, of Moratiggon, 3 distant five 
 
 1 The name of this " Great Sachem " was written by Governor Winslow, as 
 probably it was pronounced, Massasowet. He was also sometimes called Osame- 
 kin, Asuhmeguin, or Woosamequin. Indians gave large freedom to fancy, or 
 whim, in bestowment of names. 
 
 2 He had also quarters in Nemasket, alias Middleborough, for hunting and fish- 
 ing ; also a hunting-house near a pond or swamp, now embraced in the town of 
 Kaynham, which was formerly a part of Taunton. 
 
 8 Some write it Monhigan, or Monhegan. The country around Cape Ann is 
 the locality intended. 
 
14 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 days' journey eastward ; and who had learned to speak broken 
 English by occasional intercourse with fishermen, who, from 
 the time when Gosnold discovered Cape Cod, 1602, had, in 
 prosecution of their vocation been accustomed to visit the 
 shores of Massachusetts Bay. This Indian was of fine person, 
 tall, and erect. He seems, however, not to have bestowed 
 great attention on his toilet, in preparation for his visit, for 
 he was naked save that he had about his loins a leathern 
 girdle with fringe about a span long." His armor was sim- 
 ply " a bow and two arrows." 
 
 Samoset came again, soon after this first friendly visit, and, 
 agreeably to promise, brought other Indians, five in number, 
 who were dressed in skins, their faces painted and their per- 
 sons variously ornamented. In compliance with a charge 
 given to Samoset on his former visit, these Indians left their 
 bows and arrows some distance from the settlement. Ap- 
 proaching u with signs of amity and friendship," they were 
 gladly received by the Pilgrims, who " gave them entertain- 
 ment." The visiting Indians, in return, " much amused their 
 eager hosts by an exhibition of the Indian style of singing 
 and dancing. They offered in trade a few beaver-skins. The 
 barter was on both sides agreeable, and arrangement was made 
 for a future visit with more skins. The company then took 
 friendly leave. 
 
 Samoset, who had knowledge of the whole surrounding 
 country, and of the number and strength of all the tribes, 
 came again April 2, and brought with him "a notable In- 
 dian, named Tisquantum." This Indian came to be called by 
 the Pilgrims, Squanto. Him Samoset represented as the 
 only native surviving of all the Patuxet tribe. 
 
 Tisquantum, alias Squanto, had, with twenty-seven other 
 Indians, been treacherously seized by one Captain Hunt of 
 Smith's fleet, which, in 1614, on a voyage from Virginia to 
 Malaga, had touched at both Patuxet and Nauset to load with 
 fish. With his fellow captives Tisquantum was transported 
 to Malaga and sold. The only redeeming consideration which 
 connects with the infamous transaction, is the fact that the 
 extraordinary pestilence which, in 1617, desolated Patuxet 
 and all the country immediately surrounding was, by Smith's 
 
X CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 15 
 
 perfidy, deprived of some victims, who, had they remained, 
 would in all probability have yielded their lives to the devas- 
 tating scourge. Hunt, his lading successfully accomplished at 
 these cape towns, and his ship ready for sea, enticed Indians 
 on board under pretense of trade, and by coup de main con- 
 fined them in hold. Of the kidnapped, twenty-one were 
 Patuxets. The others were Nausets. They were sold for 
 £20 each ; the aggregate result of the atrocious act being 
 about $2,700. 
 
 It may well be supposed that knowledge of Hunt's great 
 wrong kindled in the bosoms of many tribes fires of hatred 
 and suspicion which lasted long and made future attempts at 
 commerce hazardous. Tisquantum, whose abbreviated cog- 
 nomen we will henceforward use, had, through the interposi- 
 tion of benevolent monks in Malaga, been finally set at liberty, 
 and by their assistance found his way to England. Honor to 
 whom honor is due. These practically Christian men, called 
 monks, taught by their act a noble lesson of humanity which 
 it were well for persons of opposing religious views to learn 
 and practice. Squanto resided some time in London, and 
 there learned to speak English. At last, getting on board a 
 fishing vessel bound to Moratiggon, he came back to his native 
 land. 
 
 With other Indians, whose object was trade, Squanto had 
 now, under the guidance of Samoset, come to Plymouth. The 
 express object of the call was to notify the good people re- 
 cently settled there, that Massasoit, the Great Sachem, was 
 approaching with intention of making the colonists a friendly 
 visit. 
 
 Within an hour after delivering the kind and courteous 
 message sent through avant courier, the Great Sachem with 
 his brother Quadequina and a retinue of about sixty natives, 
 presented themselves on the summit of Watson's Hill. Gov- 
 ernor Carver, in great haste, after brief parley through the 
 agency of Squanto, dispatched Mr. Winslow to invite Massa- 
 soit to an interview. Mutual distrust prevailed at first, pre- 
 venting further advances ; but as soon as Mr. Winslow, by 
 aid of Squanto as interpreter, had in the name of King James 
 addressed Massasoit, and assured him that the King saluted 
 
16 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " the great Massasoit with words of love and peace," regard- 
 ing him as " a friend and ally," and that the Governor " de- 
 sired opportunity to confirm a good understanding with the 
 Sachem as his friend and neighbor," Massasoit expressed him- 
 self u well pleased." 
 
 So after partaking of refreshments sent by the Governor, 
 and after Mr. Winslow had presented to Massasoit and Quad- 
 equina each a knife and copper chain, arrangements were be- 
 gun for a grand interview. Mr. Winslow was to be detained 
 as hostage in custody of Quadequina and forty other Indians ; 
 and the Great Sachem and twenty of his men, unarmed, were 
 to meet Standi sh and six others who were already come to 
 the brook at the foot of the hill to receive them. The parties 
 met accordingly, and after mutual salutations proceeded to 
 Governor Carver's house, Standish and his six men acting as 
 a vanguard or escort with loaded muskets. " Cushions for 
 the King " as Massasoit was called, were placed on a green 
 rug on the floor, and the Great Sachem with his attendants 
 seated around, ready for the interview. Governor Carver en- 
 tered preceded by musketeers, music of drum and trumpet, 
 and forthwith " kissed Massasoit's hand." After such salu- 
 tation refreshments were offered. " The Governor called for 
 strong-water, and drank to Massasoit, and (as the annalists 
 say) the Sachem drank a great draught that made him sweat 
 all the time after." 
 
 The result of this interview was a treaty, March 22, 1621. 
 This " first treaty " it may be of interest to have in full. The 
 Plymouth records give it as follows : " They agree on a league 
 of friendship, in these words, namely : — 
 
 " 1. That neither he nor any of his shall injure any of our 
 people. 
 
 " 2. That if any of his do any hurt to any of ours, he shall 
 send the offender that we may punish him. 
 
 " 3. That if our tools be taken away when our people are 
 at work, he shall cause them to be restored ; and if any of 
 ours do any harm to his, we will do the like. 
 
 " 4. That if any do unjustly war against him, we will aid 
 him ; and if any do war against us, he shall aid us. 
 
 " 5. That he shall send to his neighbor-confederates to 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 17 
 
 certify them of this that they may not wrong us, but may be 
 likewise comprised in these conditions of peace. 
 
 " 6. That when their men come to see us upon any occa- 
 sion they will leave their bows and arrows behind them, as 
 we shall do our pieces when we come to them. 
 
 " 7. That doing thus King James will esteem him a friend 
 and ally." 
 
 It is not presumed that the preceding "treaty" was then 
 and there fully committed to writing and diplomatically con- 
 sidered. The Pilgrims say, " The above was the substance," 
 and that " Massasoit always faithfully observed and kept it." 
 And in 1645 Governor Bradford wrote, " This league has 
 lasted twenty-four years." Secretary Morton underwrites, 
 " Yea, thirty years longer, viz., to 1675." 
 
 The Preface to Plymouth Laws, declaring " the warrant- 
 able grounds and proceedings of the government of New 
 Plymouth, affirms that " the Plymouth Associates, by the 
 favor of Almighty God, began the Colony in New England 
 at a place called by the natives Apaum, alias Patuxet, all the 
 lands being void of inhabitants. The said John Carver, Wil- 
 liam Bradford, Edward Winslow, William Brewster, Isaac 
 Allerton and the rest of the associates entering into a league 
 of peace with Massasoit, Prince or Sachem of those parts. 
 He, the said Massasoit, freely gave them all the lands adjacent 
 to them and to their heirs forever." 
 
 Massasoit is, in the quaint style of a writer of early times, 
 represented as appearing to be u a portly man in his best 
 years ; of grave countenance and spare speech." This account 
 of him, dating back doubtless to the time of the first interview, 
 it may fairly be presumed was not overdrawn. Indians have 
 ever had a reputation for becoming dignity, and have not 
 often been charged with being too loquacious in presence of 
 strangers. The Sachem differed in attire from his people 
 only in having a chain of white beads hung around the neck, 
 and in his bosom a sheathed knife. His attendants were, ac- 
 cording to court etiquette, all painted. 
 
 Although the Pilgrims had several times before seen a few 
 Indians distant and unapproachable, in reconnoitering excur- 
 sions on the Cape previous to locating at Plymouth, and had 
 
18 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 conversed with Samoset and his few confreres, the present was 
 the first considerable company whom they met. Samoset and 
 Squanto as interpreters, an instrumentality so necessary and 
 1 important, was fortunate and providential. 
 
 Massasoit lived to a good old age, and died in the winter of 
 1661-2. He may, as early settlers have suggested, been glad 
 of the friendship of white people, inasmuch as the Narragan- 
 setts, a powerful tribe living just over against him on the 
 opposite side of the Bay, and whose Sachem was Canonicus, 
 were hostile to the Wampanoags. 1 Mourt says, " We cannot 
 but judge that he is more willing to be at peace with us be- 
 cause he has a potent adversary who is at war with him, 
 against whom he thinks we may be some strength, our pieces 
 being terrible to them." It was certainly fortunate for the 
 Plymothians that Massasoit was ready in his friendship, and 
 that he proved to be an unsophisticated, sincere, and honora- 
 ble man. Though " a pagan," he was a man of peace, in- 
 tegrity, and of much excellence of character. 
 
 1 The jurisdiction of Canonicus was along the sea-coast from Stonington 
 around Point Judith and including Narragansett Bay. His tribe consisted of 
 several lesser communities united. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 The eldest son of Massasoit was Wamsutta, who was 
 soon suspected of not being so friendly towards the white 
 people as had been his father. 1 It was finally " thought that 
 Wamsutta was conspiring with the Narragansetts against the 
 Colonists, and in 1662 it was determined to watch opportunity 
 and bring about a better understanding with him."? For this 
 purpose Major Winslow was dispatched with a company to 
 Wamsutta's hunting-house, with orders to bring him to Plym- 
 outh. 2 Wamsutta was accordingly surprised, captured, and 
 unceremoniously hurried to the quarters of Major Collier in 
 Majshfield. 3 
 
 'Wamsutta was highly indignant at the arrest. He had 
 only eight men and a few squaws in attendance at the time. 
 He did not refuse to obey. His only and simple request was 
 that he be permitted to go like a prince, attended by suite 
 and followers. Threatened with instant death, a pistol at his 
 breast, if he did not without further remonstrance accom- 
 pany the captors, the noble chief, son and successor of the 
 old and faithful friend of the colony in the time of its feeble- 
 ness, was made a prisoner under circumstances which rendered 
 him utterly defenseless. The indignity had been entirely un- 
 apprehended. He saw the English coming, but was not con- 
 scious of wrong intended. Under his own shelter and at 
 breakfast, he continued his meal and thought of no measures 
 to secure even the arms belonging to his people and placed 
 
 1 It is worthy of note that a little before the decease of Massasoit, he came into 
 court at Plymouth with his eldest son, and, for himself and son, their heirs and 
 successors, renewed the afore recited league of March 22, 1620-1. 
 
 2 Middleborough was, doubtless, the locality of the hunting-house. It was one 
 of the Sachem's principal resorts. 
 
 8 Governor Prince was in Eastham. 
 
20 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 outside the house. He now saw he must go. And so much 
 did he feel the wrong inflicted on him, that he u fell sick on 
 the way, of a fever." So it is cautiously expressed by the 
 chroniclers of the outrage. 1 J 
 
 Arrived at Marshfield and, as he believed, in the relentless 
 hands of false accusers, and tossed day and night by a burning 
 fever, and feeling the throbs of a well-nigh broken heart, he 
 became naturally anxious for the comforts of home and the 
 sympathies of his own people. Pleading his necessities and 
 pledging his word that he would appear at the next court to 
 be holden at Plymouth and then and there answer to the 
 charge against him, the sick and dying man was permitted to 
 go free. But already had his illness advanced too far to 
 justify his hope of reaching home. He attempted, but died 
 on the way ! 
 
 In order to palliate the seizing of Wamsutta and the dis- 
 courtesy and cruel treatment he received, it has been said by 
 writers to whom the chief had of course no opportunity to 
 reply, (" There were probably weighty reasons which influenced 
 the sagacious and high-minded Wamsutta ; and in his delib- 
 erations with Annawan, Uncopom, Tispaquin, and Nimrod, 
 could they have been made known, we would probably have 
 found that high topics of national interest were discussed, and 
 that Metacomet contemplated with solicitude the rapid growth 
 of the new people whom his father had admitted into his 
 domain, whose settlements had advanced to his very door, 
 and that Wamsutta was indignant at the humble condition 
 to which he and his people were being reduced." This is all 
 plausible, but not history. It is conjecture whose probability 
 should be weighed. Facts only, suffice. 
 
 It has also been supposed that Massasoit participated in 
 this same anxiety long before his decease ; although Hutchin- 
 son says that " for many years together the colonists were 
 under no great concern for the Indians, Massasoit always 
 courting the friendship of the English." 
 
 1 Mr. Mather relates that " Major "YVinslow and ten other men seized Alex- 
 ander " (such was the name given by the English to Wamsutta) " and when the 
 raging Sachem saw a pistol at his breast with a threatening of death if he did not 
 quietly yield, he went, though not very quietly ; the increased fury of his own 
 haughty mind threw him into such a fever as cost his life." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 21 
 
 Still, that the colonists had made no very favorable impres- 
 sion on the mind of Massasoit in regard to their religion or 
 its influence on character, is fairly inferable from the fact re- 
 corded by Hubbard, that " Massasoit, just before his death, 
 when disposing of some lands, insisted on this as a condition, 
 namely, that the English shall never attempt to draw off any 
 of my people from their religion to Christianity." 
 
 Metacomet, the brother of Wamsutta, sometimes called 
 Pomatocum, but better known by early settlers as " King 
 Philip," succeeded. It has already been intimated, it was a 
 custom for Sachems to have various and fancy names. Sub- 
 stitutes of English names for Massasoit's sons were imposed 
 in 1656, by Governor Prince, at the time of their confirming 
 the treaty or league which had been made by their father. 
 The Governor had probably in mind Alexander and Philip of 
 Macedon. We shall prefer conceding to these noted Indians 
 the names which are legitimate. 
 
 Before proceeding further, it is necessary, that we may 
 rightly judge of the feelings of Wampanoags towards the 
 English, and of the thought and feeling of the English to- 
 wards Indians, to go back a little and mark some occurrences 
 not only prior to Massasoit's decease, but in earlier periods of 
 colonial acquaintance. We shall have occasion, by and by, 
 with the same end in view, to notice occurrences anterior to 
 the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. 
 
 After the friendly visit of Massasoit, March 22, 1621, an 
 invitation of long standing, sent by a deputation, requesting 
 that the Great Sachem might be allowed to reciprocate at his 
 own residence the hospitalities of Governor Carver and the 
 Plymouth people, was thought worthy of acceptance, and Mr. 
 Edward Winslow and Mr. Stephen Hopkins were deputed 
 July 2, 1621, to return the visit. Mr. Secretary Morton, 
 with others, enlightens us in regard to the friendly and dis- 
 interested nature of the embassy. The two deputies were 
 instructed to " take Squanto, as guide and interpreter, and, 
 bearing gratuities to bestow on Massasoit to bind him faster, 
 go and view his country, see where he lives, take notice of the 
 strength he has, procure corn for seed," and report. 
 
 The report of the deputies is interesting. Their " first 
 
22 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 stopping-place was Nemasket, where they were received by 
 the natives with great joy and gladly entertained." The 
 Indians set before the newly arrived guests " bread called 
 maizum and finely cooked roes of shad." This place was in 
 Middleborough. " At sunset the deputies found themselves 
 eight miles further on their way, where many Nemasket 
 people were busily employed in fishing." These Indians also 
 " welcomed them, and gave them lodging. The next day, 
 accompanied by six volunteer Indians, they reached Pokano- 
 ket. f" Massasoit was absent, but, soon returning, gave his 
 visitors a hearty greeting. He listened attentively to the 
 message they brought, accepted the presents, and took occa- 
 sion generously to assure the deputies that he would cheer- 
 fully continue the peace and friendship to which he was 
 pledged. The next day, many sachems, or petty governors, 
 came to pay their respects." The Great Sachem, desirous of 
 showing all possible civilities to his Plymouth friends, invited 
 them to " witness games and dances." 1 
 
 The deputies returning to Plymouth, reported that they 
 had been " kindly entertained wherever they went." Many 
 incidents of their visit seemed worthy of mention. 2 The six 
 Indians who had volunteered to be escort from Titicut, were 
 of great assistance in crossing rivers and in carrying the guns 
 and overcoats of their white friends. 
 
 Having tarried with Massasoit a second night, and now 
 preparing to return to Plymouth, " Massasoit detached 
 Squanto as best qualified to assist in procuring truck, and 
 appointed in his place as guide, Tockamahamon, whom the 
 deputies found on all occasions faithful." 
 
 The deputies departed to the Weir, which had been their 
 first stopping-place on their way to Pokanoket, and the next 
 
 1 The Indians had no public library, theatre, or other notable institutions to 
 which to invite them. 
 
 2 Among these incidents which seemed worthy of mention, was this : that at a 
 certain fording-place they were struck with the valorous bearing of two savages 
 on opposite sides of a river. They were very aged, and were the only persons 
 surviving at that place. Being confronted at the river-bank, each charged hi g 
 bow and demanded if the deputies were enemies. Finding them professed friends, 
 these aged Indians quickly welcomed them to their houses and set before them 
 such food as they had. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 23 
 
 night reached their home in Plymouth, bringing with them 
 particulars respecting which they had been instructed to in- 
 quire. 1 
 
 A caricature of Massasoit's address to the concourse as- 
 sembled to do honor to his guests the deputies of the Plym- 
 outh government, and, ex consequentia, entitled to dignity 
 conceded to the crown, is extant, and, although it may be 
 thought somewhat grandific, we present it with the expec- 
 tation that its grandiloquence will be pardoned by all who 
 consider the Great Sachem's special object on this occasion 
 was to gratify the Plymotheans by encouraging and inciting 
 his people to trade and friendly intercourse. 
 
 Business being arranged, Massasoit addressed his people on 
 this wise : " Am I not Massasoit, commander of all the coun- 
 try around ? " Then naming at least thirty places, at the 
 mention of each of which, and in reply to every interrogatory, 
 there came an answer of assent, with vociferous applause, he 
 asked, " Will you not, all of you, bring in skins for trade, 
 with the English?" 
 
 After this formality, the Sachem proceeded to light pipes 
 for the deputies, and to discourse a la diplomatique about 
 England and its king. He expressed " surprise that brother 
 James lived without a wife ! " Mentioning incidentally the 
 French, it became evident that the Sachem cherished for that 
 nationality no very favorable regard. He even expressed 
 opinion that " James ought not to allow that people to come 
 here." 
 
 We will mention as further evidence of kindly feeling on 
 the part of the Indians, that very soon after the departure of 
 the deputies to Plymouth, July, 1621, a white boy, John BiU 
 lington by name, became lost in the woods, and the Governor 
 of Plymouth caused diligent inquiry for the lost boy to be in- 
 stituted among the Indians. Massasoit also caused extended 
 search to be made, and was enabled at last to send word to the 
 Governor that the missing boy had turned up at Nauset. 2 The 
 i The deputies thought " Massasoit's people were not so numerous as formerly, 
 having been diminished by mortality some years previous." They reported that 
 " the Narragansetts escaped the plague and were numerous and strong." 
 
 2 After wandering five days, subsisting on berries, the boy had come first to 
 the Indian plantation of Monimet, twenty miles south of Plymouth, and from 
 
24 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Governor, on receiving this information," dispatched Squanto 
 and Tockamahamon, as guides and interpreters, in a shallop 
 with ten other men to fetch the boy." 
 
 On their way the shallop was compelled to anchor at night 
 in an arm of the bay, and the next morning found that the 
 ebbing tide had left the vessel aground. Indians across the 
 channel were beckoning. Those Indians had come down to 
 the shore to invite the occupants of the shallop to come over 
 to them and eat, as soon as the returning tide would permit 
 the shallop to float. In good time still other messengers pre- 
 sented themselves, sent by the Sachem of Commaquid whose 
 residence was near by. 1 Aiming to be prudently cautious, 
 always suspicious, the shallop's crew arranged to retain as hos- 
 tages four Indians, and to have six of the crew go with the 
 messengers and visit Iyanough agreeably to invitation. They 
 reported " The Sachem is a man very personable, gentle, 
 courteous, and fair-conditioned, about twenty-six years of age, 
 indeed not like a savage except his attire. He gave us plen- 
 teous and various cheer." 
 
 After a generous repast, which Mourt says " was an enter- 
 tainment answerable to his part," the Sachem volunteered to 
 accompany, with two of his men, the whole party. The civ- 
 ility was gladly accepted, and soon the shallop was again under 
 weigh for Nauset ; but, the tide not favoring, and the harbor 
 being shallow, the vessel grounded again. In this dilemma, 
 Iyanough proposed through Squanto, the interpreter, to send 
 Squanto by land to Nauset with a message to Aspinet, the 
 Sachem of the settlement. Aspinet, on receiving the mes- 
 sage acquainting him with the errand of the comers, came 
 promptly to the shallop with a train of one hundred men, and 
 brought the boy. One of the Nauset men unhesitatingly 
 waded to the shallop, bearing on his shoulders the joyous 
 youth decorated with ornaments, and delivered him to his 
 friends. 
 
 The " Sachem embraced the opportunity thus presented to 
 
 that place had made his way to that very people in Eastham who had, the 
 December previous, a conflict with predatory excursionists from the Mayflower, 
 an event which the Pilgrims were wont to call " the first encounter." 
 
 1 Commaquid was the country lying between Barnstable harbor and Yar- 
 mouth. By bay, harbor is meant. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 25 
 
 make peace, and received in acknowledgment of his services, 
 a knife, and accepted one for the Indian who had kindly en- 
 tertained the boy." 
 
 When it is considered that only a few years previous In- 
 dians had been treacherously captured from the Nauset tribe, 
 we cannot but admire the pacific and friendly disposition, not 
 to say forbearance, now manifest. " One woman, more than 
 a hundred years old, was present on this occasion, who had 
 lost by Hunt's perfidy her three sons which were her whole 
 family. She had never until now seen an Englishman, and 
 wept with great lamentation for the loss of her boys. An 
 attempt was made to comfort her by the assurance that Hunt 
 was a bad Englishman, but that the Plymouth people were 
 good friends." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Iyanough availed himself of the opportunity to signify 
 friendly adhesion to the colonists, and was offered some tri- 
 fling presents as a return for corn which had long before been 
 taken by predatory gentlemen from his granary. " This 
 Sachem was particularly distinguished by his comely appear- 
 ance and courteous manners. Were he not a savage," it 
 would have been thought his deportment indicated true great- 
 ness, great goodness, and even refined sensibilities. 
 
 Mention of Hobbamoc, a chief captain of Massasoit, must 
 not be omitted. " He repaired to Plymouth, July 1621, to 
 live among the new settlers." Described by Morton, as " a 
 proper and lusty young man of great account for his valor," 
 it is further chronicled of him, that " he continued faithful 
 and constant to the English to his death and did much to 
 ensue the things that make for peace." 
 
 It may well be questioned how far the spirit of adventure 
 and speculation which at a very early day had exhibited itself 
 among New England settlers, helped to fan suspicions,* and 
 urge aggressions. It was no stretch of charity in favor of In- 
 dians which led some good people early to concede this, and 
 in days of what were called " Indian troubles," to write, " It 
 has been supposed, not without good reason, that Indian hos- 
 tility was not altogether unprovoked." 
 
 It cannot be concealed that aggressions on the part of the 
 white man commenced at the very first of his intercourse with 
 the natives and that such wrongs were unintermitted. That 
 was a startling suggestion made in one of our leading period- 
 icals some few years ago, by the question, " Did the Pilgrims 
 wrong the Indians ? " The interrogatory was prefortified by 
 the adjunct, "Nobody must feel obliged to believe that our 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 27 
 
 Puritan fathers abused the Indians, merely because somebody 
 has said so ; for somebody else has said exactly the contrary." : 
 It is an irreversible record made also in another publication 
 of the day, " Righteousness sitting on the throne of judgment 
 long since decided the question of equity ; and, in viewing 
 the same at a distance, we cannot fail to discover the true 
 verdict." 2 
 
 That may be painful which, as faithful to history, we are 
 called to record, but must truth therefore be ignored ? / Mak- 
 ing no needless mention of the experience of Squanto and 
 his twenty-six fellow-captives, the remembrance of which 
 wrong could not have left on the minds of the natives a favor- 
 able impression of the humanity or justice of the white man, 
 passing by other flagrant wrongs and confining the retrospect 
 to the treatment Indians, from the date of the arrival in 1620, 
 received, it is simple justice to confess that, according to the 
 journals of the white men themselves, there was practiced 
 towards the Indians an almost constant succession of wanton 
 and oppressive acts — many of them of great turpitude and 
 unmitigated cruelty, entirely unreconcilable with any views 
 of humanity, justice, honor, or morality, cherished by good 
 men at the present day. Chalmers in his political annals has 
 remarked, " Had the tribes any other mode of acquiring ex- 
 perience than from the tradition of their fathers, what a 
 school of knowledge, moral and political, would colonial rec- 
 ords open to their research ! " The suggestion will appear 
 more pertinent as we proceed. 
 
 The first Indians seen by the company who arrived in the 
 Mayflower, were not treated with decorum. Moored in Cape 
 Cod harbor, November 11, 1620, sixteen men were selected 
 to go on shore, well armed with musket, sword, and corselets, 
 under command of Capt. Miles Standish. Mourt says " the 
 willingness of the people was liked, but the thing itself, in re- 
 gard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved. 
 With cautions, directions, and instructions, they set out, and 
 adjoined to them to counsel and advise, were William Brad- 
 ford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. The men, or- 
 
 1 Vide Congregational Quarterly, 1859, pp. 129, 131. 
 
 2 Field Book of the Revolution. 
 
28 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 dering themselves in single file and marching along the shore 
 about a mile in Truro, espied five or six savages and a dog 
 coming towards them. The Indians " not liking the appear- 
 ance of armed men, whistled to their dog and ran into the 
 woods." Being pursued, they still ran, and " were chased un- 
 til night, when their pursuers camped out." Early next morn- 
 ing the determined Standish was again on the track, but the 
 Indians were too swift for him. 
 
 The adventurers discovered " plantations where corn had 
 been grown, and a house with granary and place of sepulchres. 
 These they violated, 1 appropriating treasures taken from both. 
 It is a sad record, although Mourt relates that u the company 
 intended to satisfy the Indians for the depredation, should 
 they find any of the people and come to a parley with them." 
 From this hour the reader will naturally expect the company 
 to be scrupulous about plundering granaries, or desecrating 
 graves, but Mr. Mourt continues, " We found also a great 
 kettle which had been a ship's kettle brought from Europe ; a 
 basket full of fair corn of this year, with some thirty-six 
 goodly ears of corn, — some yellow, some red, others mixed 
 with blue, which was a goodly sight." 2 The basket held 
 about three or four bushels. We took all the ears, and put a 
 good deal of loose corn in the kettle for two men to bring 
 away on a staff ; besides, they that could put any in their 
 pockets filled the same." 
 
 Whilst engaged in these explorations, as they were called, a 
 sentry was placed in a circle around the party. Conscience 
 was not entirely at rest. Subsequently securing ten bushels 
 more of corn, and also a bag of beans, they regarded the suc- 
 cess as " God's good providence, for we knew not how we 
 should find or meet with any Indians except to do us mis- 
 chief." 
 
 Not immediately finding their way back to their boat, " they 
 erected barricades and kept watch, sentinels standing with 
 
 1 They "thoroughly explored the grave, but being ancient and the implements 
 buried with the dead being decayed, we put the bow again in its place, made the 
 grave up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought it would be 
 odious to them to ransack the sepulchres." 
 
 2 The ears had been doubtless reserved by Indians for seed. 
 
Z CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 29 
 
 matches burning all night in readiness for the matchlocks; 
 whilst, to intimidate the owners of the spoils, the party were 
 now and then shooting their pieces." 
 
 (Indians had, during previous years, learned something con- 
 cerning the white man's spirit, by intercourse with fishermen, 
 traders, voyagers, and adventurers on the coast. The May- 
 flower company seem to have been possessed with an idea that .// 
 Indians must be met by formidable demonstrations, and that 
 it was right to treat as outlaws a people called savages. The 
 apparent boldness of the explorers' acts cannot be regarded as 
 better than temerity associated with cowardly fear. 
 
 Is the morality or the policy of such transactions an open 
 question? Able dissertations on this subject have been writ- 
 ten. We simply submit the query. 
 
 The next excursion from the Mayfloiver consisted of a 
 party of thirty -four. Taking the ship's shallop with a view 
 to more discoveries, but particularly to secure the balance of 
 corn at the place last visited, after an exciting exercise of 
 shooting geese and ducks, as they sailed along, they landed 
 at the intended destination, and not only found and secured 
 the corn, but found and took from other granaries corn and 
 beans in abundance. They also found another burying-place, 
 in which was a tomb of evident distinction. This tomb they 
 ransacked, having thus suddenly become less scrupulous about 
 disturbing and despoiling graves. The tomb contained the 
 remains of a man and child, with mats, bowls, trays, and 
 other dishes, also trinkets, and a trident. Possibly some 
 wrecked seaman had, through the attention of the natives, 
 been buried here. 1 
 
 The excursionists " discovered also houses lately dwelt in, 
 but the people were gone." These houses were, probably, 
 simply wigwams, but, as was evident from their construction 
 and surroundings, indicated considerable advance from mere 
 savage life. "In the houses were wooden bowls and other 
 dishes, trays, earthen pots, hand-baskets made of clam-shells 
 wrought together, other baskets — some curiously with black . 
 and white, and sundry of household stuff." They found also 
 
 i " About the legs of the child were strings and bracelets of fine white beads, 
 and near the body was a little bow with odd knacks." 
 
30 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " the remains of a deer newly killed, pieces of broiled fish, 
 baskets of parched acorns, silk-grass, tobacco-seed, and other 
 seeds which they knew not. Outside were bundles of flags 
 and other stuff for making mats ; also horns and feet of deer, 
 eagle's claws, and such like things stuck up on the houses. 
 Seething-pots were hung over the fire-places, and in the 
 houses beds were arranged." 
 
 It is added, " We dare not stay ; but some of the best 
 things we took away with us and hasted to the shallop and 
 got aboard the Mayflower that night." It is not surprising 
 that they dare not stay. The usual occupants of those dwell- 
 ings were probably near, having hastily retired at the ap- 
 proach of a supposed formidable enemy. Mourt tells us that 
 " the excursionists having fire-arms and hearing no one, en- 
 tered the houses." The whole proceeding seems to have 
 been meanly base. It is evident, and furnishes one redeem- 
 ing consideration, viz., that the consciences of the marauders 
 were not entirely seared, for it is added, " We intended to 
 have brought some beads and other things, to have left in the 
 houses, in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with 
 them ; but it was not done, on account of our hasty coming 
 away from Cape Cod. As soon as we can conveniently meet 
 with them we will give them full satisfaction." 1 
 
 When the corn had all been sent to the ship, the explorers, 
 pursuing Indian paths, thought they were approaching an In- 
 dian town. " We lighted our matches and prepared ourselves, 
 but we found no town nor saw any Indians." Again the ex- 
 cursionists " left the ship, and in a boat coasted six or seven 
 leagues until they espied ten or twelve Indians on the shore 
 cutting up a grampus. Emboldened by experience, they un- 
 hesitatingly landed, whereupon the Indians ran away. The 
 next morning, following the track a long distance they came 
 to a plantation near which was " a great burying-place with 
 
 i Bradford's Plymouth Plantation says: "As we did to their good content 
 about six months afterward." Such, is the Pilgrim record. The record written 
 on the hearts of Indians we are unable to quote. Expletives and various at- 
 tempts to excuse or justify infamous deeds show that the morality and policy of 
 such transactions was at best subject of after-thought. The records, made long 
 after the event, appear to be an effort to exonerate the actors from blame. The 
 effort tells that the public estimate is feared. 
 
♦, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 31 
 
 palisades around it, like a churchyard. Some of the graves 
 also were paled and were more sumptuous than any seen 
 before. Some had houses, like monuments, built over them." 
 
 Here, encamping for the night, the excursionists, with due 
 precaution, erected a barricade and posted sentinels. About 
 midnight an alarm was sounded, and a consultation held, but, 
 after firing a couple of muskets, it was concluded that the 
 noise the sentry had heard was only the howling of wolves. 
 In the morning, " whilst thinking it meet to carry our things 
 to the shallop, we were surprised by the discovery that our 
 company were really in the vicinity of Indians. The same 
 cry was heard as the night before, and one of our company 
 came running, and shouting, * Indians ! Indians ! ' Quickly 
 firing and putting our guns in order, a shower of arrows fell. 
 The cry of the Indians was dreadful. One, a lusty man, who 
 was thought to be the Indian captain, stood behind a tree and 
 let his arroAvs fly. He withstood three musket shots, but at 
 last one of the company taking full aim at him, he gave an 
 extraordinary cry and away all the Indians went. Captain 
 Standish made a shot ; another after him ; and after them 
 two more were ready ; but Captain Standish wished us not 
 to shoot until we could take good aim. We shouted all 
 together two several times, and shot off muskets, that the 
 Indians might see we were not afraid of them. And so we 
 returned." 
 
 This is what the Pilgrims have called " The first encoun- 
 ter." The narrator of these events says, " Thus it pleased 
 God to vanquish our enemies." 
 
 When it is considered that not only Standish, but Carver, 
 Bradford, Winslow, Howland, Warren, and Clark were of 
 this large company of marauders, we are astonished. That 
 Indians of the tribe from which Hunt had kidnapped were 
 distrustful of the explorers would not have been strange, even 
 had there been no attempt on the part of the explorers to 
 make a formidable and hostile demonstration, and had they 
 paid proper respect to the property of occupants of the soil. 1 
 
 1 It may be remembered that the troubles which Captain Smith and other first 
 settlers at Jamestown experienced were not altogether unprovoked. In the pre- 
 vious unsuccessful attempt at a settlement, a leader of the adventure slew a Sa- 
 
32 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Our surprise is, that Indians were so slow of resentment and 
 so forbearing. Mr. Bancroft has well remarked, " The Indians 
 knew the English only as kidnappers." 
 
 It was not until December 11, 1620, that Plymouth Harbor 
 was sounded. On going ashore the explorers " found diverse 
 cornfields," but no Indians. After the final landing, some 
 few Indians showed themselves " afar off, but whenever the 
 settlers endeavored to come near, Indians ran away." Mr. 
 Morton, in the " Memorial " published in 1669, recites ill-treat- 
 ment the Indians received, and frankly says, " These things 
 were partly the reasons why the Indians kept aloof and why 
 it was so long ere we could come to speak to any of them." a 
 
 chem and killed or took captive other Indians. Besides all this, Sir Kichard 
 Grenville burned a whole Indian town and destroyed stores of corn in revenge 
 for the supposed petty theft of a cup ! Indians ought not to be expected to forget 
 6uch enormities. Constituted as is human nature, whether savage or civilized, 
 impressions made by gross outrages will long remain. 
 
 1 Washington Irving says, " Indians are remarkable for the reverence which 
 they entertain for the sepulchres of their kindred. Tribes exiled for generations 
 from the former abode of their ancestors, have been known to turn aside from the 
 highway, and guided by wonderfully accurate tradition, have crossed the country 
 perhaps for miles, to some locality, — perhaps hill, buried in woods, where the 
 ashes of their tribe was originally deposited, and have there passed hours in 
 silent meditation." 
 
 " In early records may be seen that planters at Passonagesit having defaced 
 monuments of the dead, and plundered the grave of a Sachem's mother of some 
 skins with which the grave had been decorated, the Sachem, influenced by sub- 
 lime and holy feeling, gathered his men and addressed them in simple and 
 pathetic language of filial piety and Indian eloquence." We may not quote his 
 whole speech, but the gist of it is, that he dreamed his mother came and re- 
 proached him for allowing the desecration. 
 
 "It is notorious that injury offered to any great patriarchal family is sacrilege 
 felt by all. What is sometimes attributed to caprice arises from deep and gener- 
 ous motives." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 We have seen what was the character of the first acquain- 
 tance of the Indians with the white men, and how the first 
 English settlers were received by those who were, of right, 
 owners of the soil. 
 
 We have also seen the great Massasoit, Metacomet's father, 
 in friendly alliance with the English. The kindly greeting 
 and unwearied faithfulness of Samoset has been noticed ; the 
 activity and never-failing subserviency of Squanto ; the de- 
 votion of Hobbamoc ; and the pacific bearing of many a red 
 man who might have been justified in standing aloof from the 
 newcomers, suspicious, exacting, and unforgiving as were those 
 whom he befriended and succored. 
 
 A chief object in gleaning from all sources at command and 
 presenting in order the various prominent occurrences which 
 reveal the attitude and actual bearing of parties, is that in 
 entering now on the history of the War of 1675-6, Metacomet 
 and his accusers may occupy before the eye of the mind their 
 true position, the quo animo of each apparent. In this duty 
 we now proceed. 
 
 Soon after Hobbamoc came to reside with the settlers, July 
 1621, an unfortunate occurrence, mentioned in the records of 
 the day, is thus summarized : Hobbamoc and Squanto hav- 
 ing been dispatched abroad on matters of business — perhaps 
 to facilitate trade, or, it may be, as spies, a difficulty arose be- 
 tween them and a Sachem by the name of Corbitant. This 
 Sachem had been suspicioned of being " unfriendly to the 
 colonists." The Plymouth Governor, willing to vindicate his 
 messengers, sent a company of armed men under Captain 
 Standish, into Corbitant's country, which was a neck of land 
 called Mattapuyst, in the present town of Swansey. " Mr. 
 
y 
 
 34 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Winslow thought the Sachem a hollow-hearted friend and 
 notable politician." He was under Massasoit, but " Cor- 
 bitant's house was besieged August 14, 1621; and effectually 
 to secure the object of the adventure, three natives, ignorant 
 of what had silently occurred, coming out of the door, were 
 fired upon and wounded." The " Sachem was absent, but 
 his people were greatly incensed " by the act of so wanton 
 hostility, — innocent and unsuspecting men shot without the 
 least previous warning. " Hobbamoc interposed with kind 
 words. By and by, the excitement subsiding, the abused 
 Indians exhibited a pacific and forgiving spirit and brought 
 forward the best entertainment they could offer. Standish 
 and his company breakfasted in quiet." 
 
 It is, as before suggested, a remarkable characteristic of 
 Indian hospitality, that an Indian's door was ever open to 
 strangers. No hearth was known where the friendly visitor 
 was not welcome to sit by its fire and join in the repast. 
 Strangely does the provocation offered by Standish contrast 
 with the readiness of the injured to yield to Hobbamoc's per- 
 suasion to overlook and forgive. The result confirms a pro- 
 verbial maxim, that it is a peculiarity of the wrong-doer rather 
 than of the injured, to retain intense dislike. 
 
 It is chronicled that " after these events there was much 
 firmer peace, and congratulations were received from divers 
 Sachems. Even Corbitant himself became reconciled through 
 the mediation of Massasoit." 
 
 The Sachems, whose congratulations were proffered, were 
 required to subscribe as follows : — 
 
 " September 13, 1621. Know all men by these presents, 
 that we, whose names are underwritten, acknowledge our- 
 selves to be loyal subjects of King James, King of Great 
 Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith," etc., etc. 
 This paper, whether comprehended by Indians or not (of 
 which there is no certain information), was honored by the 
 mark of Oquamahud, Caunacum, Obbatinuet, Nattawahunt, 
 Corbitant, Chicatabock, Quadequina, Hattamoiden, and Apan- 
 now. Although it has ever been questionable whether the 
 subscribers apprehended the meaning of the paper, one thing 
 was demonstrated, — in process of time they learned there 
 is a meaning in what their vocabulary defined paper talk. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 35 
 
 It has been mentioned as a matter of importance, that 
 " Canonicus, chief Sachem of the Narragansetts, now sent a 
 special messenger to the Governor to proffer friendship ; and 
 that many of the heads of the different tribes did the same." 
 
 Notwithstanding so propitious a state of things, dame Rumor, 
 always active and never weary, was alert. The colonists were 
 told that " the Massachusetts, of whom Obbatinnet was Sa- 
 chem, often mutter threats against the English." It was, there- 
 fore, "judged expedient to look after the matter." So " Sep- 
 tember 16, a shallop with ten men, accompanied by Squanto 
 and two other Indians as interpreters, was sent to further a 
 peace, to discover the bay, see the country, and trade with 
 the natives." 1 
 
 " Obbatinuet, who was under the influence of Massasoit, 
 received the company with great kindness and gave them the 
 best entertainment in his power." 2 Unsuspicious and per- 
 fectly friendly, he complained only of " the Tarrantines, a 
 tribe living eastward, which was wont to come annually at 
 harvest-time and despoil his crop of corn. He readily gave 
 in adhesion to the King of England, and was promised that 
 the English would be a safeguard to him against all enemies." 
 
 Early in 1622, there were " troublous rumors." Intima- 
 tions came from various sources, that the Narragansetts with 
 
 1 Another account has it, " Desirous of ascertaining their strength, their par- 
 ticular situation and circumstances." 
 
 2 The scene of this adventure was what is now Boston and vicinity. Brad- 
 ford relates it in these words : " "We cross the bay, which is very large, and seems 
 to have fifty islands ; and go three miles into the country where corn has been 
 gathered recently. A mile hence their late king, Nanepashamet, had lived ; his 
 house built on the top of a hill, on a large scaffold six feet high. Not far from 
 hence, in a bottom, we came to the fort he had built, the palisades of which 
 were thirty or forty feet high, with a trench around, and only one entrance, and 
 that over a bridge. In the midst of these palisades stands the frame of a house 
 under which he was buried. A mile hence we came to another house on the top 
 of a hill ; it was here that the late king had been killed. The natives fly from 
 us ; but at last are induced to meet us, and entertain us in the best manner they 
 can. Having traded, and the day being far spent, we return to the shallop." 
 Mr. Bradford continues : "The savages say that within the bay (harbor is meant) 
 are two rivers. One we saw having a fair entrance ; better harbor cannot be. 
 Most of the islands have been inhabited, but the inhabitants are all dead or re- 
 moved. We reach home with considerable quantity of beaver and with good 
 report of the place, wishing we had been seated there." The impression made 
 does not surprise us. 
 
36 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 their five thousand fighting men began to be disaffected and 
 were " breathing forth many threats." The fears of the col- 
 onists were by and by confirmed by receiving, as if from Ca- 
 nonicus, " a bundle of arrows tied together by a rattlesnake's 
 skin." Squanto was consulted and interpreted the meaning 
 of the singular gift. He said it was a challenge. Forthwith 
 the Plymouth Governor called together his legal advisers, and, 
 with their concurrence, the snake-skin was returned filled 
 with powder and bullets, and the messenger who bare it was 
 instructed to inform the Narragansetts that the colonists were 
 ready, and that if the Indians prefer war, they may begin 
 as soon as they please. It may be questioned whether the 
 arrows were sent by knowledge of the Sachem or any of his 
 men. Rev. Dr. Holmes, of Cambridge, has noticed a coinci- 
 dence in the form of the supposed challenge, to that given by 
 a Scythian prince to Darius the Persian. 
 
 Canonicus always asserted that he was never justly charge- 
 able with an unfriendly act towards the white men. It was 
 supposed by the colonists that the Narragansetts had conceived 
 an idea of asserting superiority, but had been disconcerted by 
 Massasoit's confederacy with the English. The diminution 
 of Indians, by the mortality which had extensively prevailed, 
 may have encouraged Canonicus' ambition ; but there is not 
 the least evidence that such aspirations had at any time a 
 place in the Sachem's thoughts. The imaginings of the colo- 
 nists seem to have been wonderfully fertile. 
 
 And now, Hobbamoc, ever on tiptoe, watching for evil, and 
 understanding too well the readiness of his white neighbors to 
 magnify every conjectural possibility of approaching danger, 
 intimated that " the Massachusetts might betray confidence 
 and join with the Narragansetts, unless the colonists were very 
 careful." He also exhibited a jealousy of Squanto, whom he 
 evidently looked upon as a rival. The settlers at Plymouth 
 deemed it prudent to surround their dwellings with pales, 
 flankers, and gates, and to inclose in like manner the whole 
 town. Bulwarks, or jetties, were erected ; the gates on three 
 sides were locked, and a watch ordered every night. All ca- 
 pable of bearing arms were, under the supervision of the Gov- 
 ernor and Captain Standish, arranged in squadrons, to each 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 37 
 
 m 
 
 being assigned " quarters to which to repair in case of alarm." 
 It appears evident that the colonists were badly frightened, 
 or supposed some emergency might grow out of measures 
 initiated and which it was intended to carry forward. 
 
 " A second expedition to the Massachusetts " was planned, 
 and Standish with ten chief men, Hobbamoc and Squanto 
 accompanying, set sail in a shallop. They had not more than 
 left the mooring when a native of Squanto's family came 
 running into town and called to the citizens to " make haste, 
 the Narragansetts are coming with Corbitant and Massasoit 
 joined to assault the town in Captain Standish's absence." 
 The Governor ordered all to arms ; guns were fired to recall 
 the shallop ; its crew returned and prepared for action. 
 Strict watch was kept that night. Hobbamoc now intimated 
 a suspicion that all the scare was groundless. He felt confi- 
 dent that so far at least as related to Massasoit, there was a 
 mistake. The whole story was finally rejected as a fabrica- 
 tion. The Governor, however, deemed it " prudent for Hob- 
 bamoc to send his wife privately to Pokanoket to see how 
 things were, pretending other business." Quickly going, and 
 soon returning, the woman reported that she found " all things 
 quiet at Pokanoket." The impression now became general 
 that it was " Squanto's policy to disaffect the colonists towards 
 Massasoit, that Squanto might himself succeed as king over 
 these parts." When Hobbamoc's wife informed Massasoit of 
 what had occurred at Plymouth, the great Sachem was much 
 offended at Squanto's duplicity, and pronounced him a de- 
 ceiver. He became finally so embittered against him that he 
 demanded of Governor Bradford that Squanto be put to death. 
 Governor Bradford refused to surrender Squanto. Massasoit 
 sent especial messengers to Governor Bradford to repeat the 
 demand, and asserted claim to Squanto as a subject, pleading 
 the conditions of the treaty. 
 
 Not perfectly satisfied yet that there was not some cause 
 for alarm, Governor Bradford determined the previously pro- 
 jected expedition to " the Massachusetts " should be prosecu- 
 ted anew. It was done. " All things were found to be 
 right." The party " had a good trade and return." 
 
 From this time, conviction became strong that Squanto was 
 
38 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " seeking his own ends." He was accused of persuading In- 
 dians that it was in his power to stir up war against them 
 whenever he pleased ; of telling them that the English kept 
 in store the plague and could send it at pleasure ; and of say- 
 ing and doing many other things to terrify Indians and cause 
 them to distrust Massasoit. 
 
 " To counteract the wiles of both Squanto and Hobbamoc, 
 increasing emulation and at the same time making them more 
 subservient, the Governor thought proper [so says Secretary 
 Morton] that Standish seem to countenance the one, and 
 the Governor the other." Truly, these two Indians were 
 making progress under the tutelage of the white man ! It 
 has been remarked, not without reason, by a sensible writer, 
 that " The vices and bad habits of the Indians lie at the door 
 of the white man. Indians were as ready to receive, as the 
 white people to give, the evils of civilization, whilst its advan- 
 tages were considered only fit for pale-faces." The remark 
 ought, however, to be received with exceptions. Massasoit 
 and many others were models of truthfulness, integrity, and 
 high sense of honor which we wish all pale-faces had emu- 
 lated. 
 
 In July, 1622, Plymouth was further fortified; "a timber- 
 fort, strong and comely, was builded with flat roof and battle- 
 ments on which ordnance was mounted, and a watch kept. 
 This fort served also as a place for public worship." 
 
 In November, 1622, the colonists, being short of provisions, 
 were reduced to great straits. Governor Bradford writes : 
 " A famine begins to pinch us." It was u concluded to send 
 an expedition to Monamoyk." This place, since known as 
 Chatham, was a frequent resort for the procurement of corn. 
 The present was the first successful adventure by water to the 
 south shores of the Cape. The Pilgrims now made several 
 voyages to Cape towns, in the course of a few weeks. Gov- 
 ernor Bradford says, " By trading with the Indians, twenty- 
 eight hogsheads of corn and beans in all were obtained." 
 
 It was in Chatham that Squanto, who had accompanied the 
 expedition, was taken sick and died ; an event by which, as 
 all united in saying, " the English sustained great loss." Mr. 
 Morton relates of Squanto that " whilst he continued with 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 39 
 
 them, he was generally their interpreter, and proved a special 
 instrument, sent of God, for their good ; he directed them in 
 planting, where to take fish, and how to procure other com- 
 modities ; was their pilot to bring them ^ to unknown places 
 for profit, and never left them till death." * 
 
 Early in January, 1622, Captain Standish sailed for Nauset, 
 since called Eastham, "to procure corn." Whilst on shore, 
 the shallop lying in the creek, « an Indian took some trifles. 
 The Captain was thereby incensed, and, taking his company 
 with him, hastened away to Aspinet, the Sachem, and de- 
 manded that the missing articles be returned, threatening that 
 otherwise vengeance on the people would be taken. The 
 tilings missed were said to be " a few beads and a pair of 
 
 scissors." 
 
 Mr. Hubbard has remarked respecting Standish, " A little 
 chimney is soon fired. So it was with the Plymouth Captain : 
 a man of small stature, yet of a hot and angry temper." The 
 Sachem received the imperious demand with dignity and with- 
 out undue resentment, and the next morning came attended 
 by many people ; when, entering the rendezvous, he courte- 
 ously saluted Standish and delivered the missing articles, say- 
 ing he regretted that such offense had been committed by one 
 of his people." Then, directing refreshments to be provided 
 for Captain Standish and company, he was, as the journal of 
 that transaction relates, « glad to be reconciled." 
 
 We cannot think of the fate of Aspinet, without a feeling 
 of sadness. It was the singular fortune of this Sachem finally 
 to be suspected of a conspiracy. Knowing what had been the 
 
 i Squanto returning from his bondage in Spain, had on reaching England 
 been entertained by a merchant in London, who was engaged in commerce with 
 Newfoundland and other parts. He had been brought back to his former home 
 by a gentleman in the employ of Sir Fernando Gorges and others for discovery 
 in these parts. This Mr. Dermer, Squanto's friend, was here the same year that 
 Plymouth people came over, as is seen by " a relation written June 30, 1620." 
 In that paper, Mr. Dermer says, " The Pokanokets," alias Wampanoags, " bear 
 an inveterate malignity to the English, and are stronger than all the savages 
 from them to the Penobscots. They are west of Plymouth, the place from which 
 Squanto, alias Tisquantum, was taken away. The hostility is occasioned by an 
 Englishman who visited the coast and having got many Indians on board his 
 vessel proceeded, without an injury offered on their part, to make great slaughter." 
 This was, if not the old story revamped, another instance of affront offered to 
 the red men at a very early period. 
 
40 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 fate of Wittawamet and Peksuot, and apprehensive for his 
 own safety, he became dispirited and took refuge in a swamp 
 where, from exposure and starvation following anxiety and 
 sickness, he died. 
 
 Returning from the excursion to Nauset, the English again 
 visited Iyanough. Besides various kindnesses which the 
 comely, courteous, and excellent Sachem rendered, he could 
 not let his white friends return to Plymouth without a part- 
 ing festival; men, women, and children, were convened; the 
 women sung and danced, and Iyanough closed the scene by 
 taking an ornament from his own neck and placing it on the 
 neck of the English leader. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact that the Sachem of Nauset, and 
 Iyanough, both peaceable men and sincere friends of the 
 white men, shared a similar fatality. Each, in departing to 
 the land of spirits, died in the exhibition of acts of kind- 
 ness. 
 
 " Again in want, the Governor of Plymouth took a com- 
 pany and went to Nemasket. They found great sickness 
 prevailing among the natives, but procured corn." 
 
 Soon after the visit to Nemasket, " the Governor, needing 
 more corn, took Hobbamoc and went to Manomet, a part of 
 Sandwich lying south of Plymouth. Here they were treated 
 by Caunicum with hospitality, being lodged and furnished 
 liberally with all that they required. This Sachem was held 
 in great respect by the natives, far and near. An incident 
 occurred here which shows the Sachem's influence, and was 
 also illustrative of Indian character. Two Indians from Mon- 
 omoyk arrived in the course of the evening. It was an excess- 
 ively cold night. Entering without ceremony, whilst the Gov- 
 ernor and his attendants were at supper, these Monomoys laid 
 aside their quivers, sat down near the fire, and, without utter- 
 ing a word, began to smoke. Their pipes being finished, they 
 broke the silence, and one addressing Caunacum, presented 
 to him a basket of tobacco and some beads, and delivered a 
 speech not understood by the Governor. The speech, after- 
 wards interpreted, was found to mean in substance that two 
 of the Monomoyk tribe had quarreled, and one had killed 
 the other. The homicide's execution had been demanded by 
 
' CIVILIZATION ANT) BARBARISM. 41 
 
 the relatives of the deceased, and serious results might follow 
 unless there was a compliance with the demand. But the ac- 
 cused being a powwow, that is, priest, the Sachem of Monomoy 
 remained in doubt, although the offender was in durance vile, 
 whether the execution was proper. Anxious to do right, he 
 had sent for advice. The Sachem of Manomet advised that 
 the homicide ought to be put to death, since it was better that 
 the offender die rather than trouble ensue which might other- 
 wise cause the death of many. 
 
 And now, February, 1623, " not having much corn left, 
 Standish, with six men, was dispatched to go again to Mat- 
 tachiest. They went in a shallop, and procured a good quan- 
 tity." Whilst there an incident, similar to others which seem 
 to have been often awaiting Captain Standish, occurred. The 
 company was lodged by the natives, but, somehow, Captain 
 Standish became impressed with the idea that his hosts had 
 thoughts on his life, and that a conspiracy was in progress. 
 Ordering his men to keep awake, he came, next day, to the 
 conclusion that it was only by vigilance that a catastrophe 
 had been prevented. Here, also, " an Indian took some trifles 
 from the shallop, and, no sooner did Captain Standish per- 
 ceive it, than he called his men and beset the Sachem's house, 
 threatening to fall upon him and people, if the articles were 
 not forthwith restored." The alleged theft was the taking of 
 " a few beads." It is related that " the Sachem sought the 
 offender and made him return the articles." The wrath of 
 the testy Captain was appeased. " The Sachem ordered more 
 corn to be brought. The shallop was loaded, and reached 
 home in safety." 
 
 It must not be overlooked that the aforesaid Sachem was 
 the amiable Iyanough by whom many civilities had been 
 bestowed. What now remains to recall the memory of the 
 Sachem is the present flourishing part of the town of Barn- 
 stable, known as " Hyannis," a corruption of the name 
 Iyanough and prefixed aspirate. 
 
 We doubt not that Indians, as indeed every other part of 
 the great human family, were, as Church Articles consider- 
 ately express it, " very far gone from original righteousness ; " 
 
42 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 but Iyanough, Aspinet, and other instances found in New 
 England Indian history, furnish little evidence that these 
 children of nature were possessed of so deep and pervading 
 depravity as has been attributed to the aboriginal tribes in 
 general, or to each and every individual in particular. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Questioning the opinions of writers in reference to the 
 origin of North American Indians, we make no conjecture. 
 We do not so much as propose the theorem of many learned, 
 that these peoples may have been remnants of the lost tribes 
 of Israel, — a thought which does not appear to have found 
 place in early speculations of the English settlers. Hubbard, 
 the learned Mather, and contemporaries, regard the question 
 as " a problem of impossible solution, unless astrologers can 
 find it in the stars, or it can be gathered from the motions of 
 the celestial bodies that lighted them hither." 
 
 The Ipswich historian cites an opinion which he " thinks 
 carries with it the greatest probability of truth." He in fact 
 likens it to " an oracle of God," namely, that, " when the 
 devil was put out of his throne in other parts of the world 
 and the mouth of his oracles was stopped in Europe, Asia, 
 and Africa, he seduced a company of silly wretches to follow 
 him into this unknown part of the world where he might be 
 hid and not disturbed in the diabolical service he expected 
 from his followers." The Ipswich divine was not alone in 
 ascribing the planting of the red man to a devilish agency. 
 
 We may not meddle with ecclesiastical or theological mat- 
 ters, but as an act of candor and equity chronicle the afore- 
 said suggestions. If contrasts, either honorable and just, or 
 inconsistent with high professions, appear in this record, it is 
 that their full share of enlightened inquiry may be permitted. 
 
 Captain Standish went again to Manomet in the month of 
 March. Entering Scusset Harbor with his shallop, he was 
 entertained at the house of Caunacum. Whilst there two 
 Massachusetts Indians arrived. One of these, Wittawamet, 
 made an unfavorable impression on Captain Standish who 
 
 I 
 
44 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 considered the Indian " very insulting," and understood him 
 to boast of his own valor and intimate that the English were 
 weak. The Captain conceited that this Indian had come for 
 the express purpose of engaging Caunacum in a conspiracy. 
 It is obvious that the mind of Captain Standish sometimes 
 indulged imaginings that were baseless, for the suspected 
 Indians joined with others to help convey corn on board 
 the shallop. On his return home, Captain Standish further 
 alleged that on occasion of this visit, " a lusty savage from 
 Paomet had resolved to kill him, and have Indians then fall 
 on the whole company." But the night being exceedingly 
 cold, Standish could not sleep and kept turning before the 
 fire ; so the Pamet Indian missed his opportunity." Still, 
 " the next day the same Indian would have persuaded Stand- 
 ish to go to Paomet where he had much corn." 
 
 About this time, also, a message came to Plymouth from 
 Mr. Weston's company at Wassagusquesset, saying that the 
 " necessities of the company were pressing, and that having 
 v endeavored, unavailingly, to borrow of the natives, they de- 
 sired permission to take corn by force." 1 
 
 " In March, 1623, tidings reached Plymouth that a Dutch 
 ship was ashore at Sowam, and lying near and in front of the 
 residence of Massasoit. The messenger who brought the in- 
 telligence also reported that the Sachem was dangerously sick. 
 
 Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hampden of London, 
 being desirous of communicating with the Dutch ship, Gov- 
 ernor Bradford proposed to these gentlemen that they " take 
 Hobbamoc and visit Massasoit, conveying to him such com- 
 
 1 The Plymouth Governor knowing hitherto the course of this company, " that 
 by stealing and other opprobrious acts they had greatly wronged and incensed 
 the Indians, opposed the request, fearing that if Indians were further exasper- 
 ated the safety of the settlement would be endangered." Had Weston's men 
 proposed to buy corn, and had they in previous time carried themselves honestly, 
 their wants would probably have been supplied. Indians understood these men 
 quite as well as Governor Bradford. Mr. Morton has told us that these folk 
 were " so base as to carry to the Indians a report that the Governor was coming 
 to take the corn." 
 
 Let it not be supposed that the sins of this set of men are attributable to Plym- 
 
 outheans, who asserted that " the conduct of Weston's company made the 
 
 Indians enter into a conspiracy against the English." Every event and move- 
 
 - ment at this time seemed pregnant with presentiment of conspiracy. It was the 
 
 always apparent bugbear. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 45 
 
 Si 
 
 fortable things as a sick man might need, and prescribing for 
 him." Lodging the first night at Nemasket, they reached the 
 house of Corbitant, at Mattapuyst, by noon next day. This 
 Sachem was absent ; gone to Pokanoket to visit Massasoit. 
 Arriving that night at the headquarters of the Great Sachem, 
 Messrs. Winslow and Hampden lodged under his roof, and 
 administered so judiciously to the Sachem that he " greatly 
 revived." Massasoit seemed "grateful for their civility, and 
 on the departure of these gentlemen, pressed Mr. Wins- 
 low's hand, saying, " I will not forget this kindness." " The 
 Dutch ship had sailed before the Plymouth guests arrived." l 
 Corbitant, it should be remembered, was he whom the col- 
 onists had supposed unfriendly and suspicion against whom 
 had lately caused such serious alarm at Plymouth. Never- 
 theless, these excursionists fearlessly crossed the ferry to his 
 house, and on their return to Plymouth, reported " Though 
 he be no friend, we come and lodge with him, who wonders 
 that we, being but two, are so venturesome." This cutting 
 sarcasm of Corbitant, no doubt the Indian enjoyed, even if 
 unappreciated by the white gentlemen. Mr. Winslow replied, 
 " Our hearts are so upright that we have no fear." Corbitant 
 rejoined " If your hearts be so pure and produce such fruits, 
 why, whenever we come to Plymouth, are your guns pointed 
 towards us ? " Mr. Winslow said, " That is an honor which 
 we bestow on our friends." Corbitant uttered a significant 
 ugh, and shrugged his shoulders. After a moment's thought 
 he asked, " If I were sick would your Governor send men to 
 visit me ? " For Mr. Winslow's affirmative reply, Corbitant 
 expressed thanks. He also inquired the reason of the Eng- 
 lish custom of saying grace at meals. Mr. W. replied, " As all 
 good things come from God, it is proper that we crave a bless- 
 ing and express our gratitude." Corbitant nodded assent, and 
 said u We Indians believe nearly the same ; the same power 
 
 1 The gentleman from London is supposed by Dr. Belknap to have been the 
 John Hampden, who distinguished himself afterward by opposition to King 
 Charles I. Mr. Baylies says, "little did Hampden, when sleeping in Indian 
 huts, dream that it was reserved for him to overthrow the British monarchy, and 
 to shed his blood in the first daring attempt for a free Constitution in England." 
 We criticise neither the opinions of the New Hampshire historian, nor Mr. 
 Baylies. 
 
46 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARIbM. 
 
 which you call by another name, we call Kichten." The 
 visitors were gratified by the Sachem's polite attentions, and 
 left entertaining a lively idea of his humor, jocose converse, 
 and good sense. 
 
 The next day, on the way home, Hobbamoc informed Mr. 
 Winslow that the Great Sachem had intrusted to him a mes- 
 sage disclosing a plot ; certain conspirators " were for break- 
 ing up the company of Mr. Weston." 
 
 It is improbable that Massasoit had intrusted to Hobbamoc 
 any such message. There can, however, be no doubt, Plym- 
 outh men being authority, that Weston's company were con- 
 sidered by Plymoutheans as a nuisance. If not regarded as 
 a rival, they certainly were not in good repute with the fol- 
 lowers of Mr. Robinson. 
 
 Mr. Winslow's credulity caught at the disclosures made by 
 Hobbamoc. This Indian, permitted opportunity of converse 
 with the two gentlemen, was probably aiming only to attach 
 importance to himself and to be agreeable. The matter be- 
 ing revolved in Mr. Winslow's mind, it was conceited that 
 there might be a plot of Massachusetts' Indians, contempla- 
 ting a probability that, in case Weston was disturbed, Plym- 
 outh would endeavor to avenge the deed, in which event the 
 Massachusetts' tribes would fall on Plymouth. It has been 
 said that Hobbamoc intimated that the information obtained 
 was that " Paomet, Nauset, Mattachiest, Sugkonate, 1 Mano- 
 met, Agawam, 2 and the isle of Capwak, 3 would join the plot- 
 ters. 
 
 Such disclosures seemed to Plymoutheans, to be opportune, 
 enabling them to seize the supposed ring-leaders and prevent 
 a catastrophe which might otherwise befall Plymouth. In- 
 deed, if we rely implicitly on Pilgrim accounts of the matter, 
 there was almost certainty that the information incident to 
 the visit to Massasoit was providentially means of saving the 
 entire colony from destruction. 
 
 Immediately on Mr. Winslow's return, May 23, 1623, the 
 Governor communicated the intelligence said to have been ob- 
 tained from Hobbamoc ; and solicited " the advice of the Hon- 
 orable Court." The "General Court referred the subject 
 1 Alias Falmouth. 2 Alias Wareham. * Alias Martha's Vineyard. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 47 
 
 back to the Governor, and gave him, acting in conjunction 
 with the assistant and Captain Standish, authority to do 
 whatever they might think meet." The Captain was there- 
 upon ordered to " take men and fall on the conspirators, se- 
 cure Wittawamet, and bring back his head." The next day, 
 as prearranged, Captain Standish repaired to Wessagusquas- 
 set, under pretence of trade." 
 
 Calling together the most prominent Indians, viz., Witta- 
 wamet, Peksuot, a noted chief and counselor and brother of 
 Wittawamet, with others, and " taking opportunity, Stand- 
 ish and his men sprang upon them, slew with knives three of 
 the number, and hanged the fourth. Standish himself seized 
 the bold counselor and warrior Peksuot, killing him with the 
 knife snatched from that Indian's neck. The Captain had ex- 
 pected another present, but as that Indian did not arrive, 
 Standish and men hastened to his house and despatched him. 
 Weston's men assisted in killing two other Indians. Captain 
 Standish and his attendants returned in triumph to Plymouth 
 bearing with them the head of Wittawamet, which they set 
 on a pole over the fort." 
 
 When report of this massacre reached Mr. Robinson, in 
 Holland, to whose Leyden congregation Captain Standish had 
 formerly belonged, the Plymouth pastor wrote to the Gov- 
 ernor of Plymouth, " Oh that you had converted some before 
 you killed any." 1 
 
 Captain Miles Standish, prominent in the preceding ex- 
 ploit, is reputed a hero. Born in Lancashire, 1584, he served 
 some time in the army of the Netherlands. Embarking with 
 the company who came over in the Mayflower, 1620, he was 
 chosen their military commander, and became generally fore- 
 most in acts requiring force and daring. He was also one of 
 the magistrates of the colony until his death, which occurred 
 at his residence in Duxbury in 1656. 2 
 
 The preceding outrage, we are told by Mr. Winslow, " so 
 amazed the natives that they forsook their houses, ran to and 
 
 1 It has been replied to this, " It is hoped that Squanto died a Christian." 
 
 2 Mr. Hubbard speaks of Standish as having " been a soldier in the Low 
 Countries ; " but says of him, " He never entered the school of Christ, or of John 
 the Baptist." 
 
48 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 fro, and lived in swamps, which brought disease upon them, 
 whereof many die, as have already Caunacum, Aspinet, and 
 Iyanough. Many others among them are dying." x 
 
 The outrage upon the Indians at Wessagusquasset resulted 
 in the breaking up of Weston's plantation. That people dare 
 not remain. 2 
 
 It should be remembered that the Plymouth settlers had 
 on all occasions professed to the throne and to the people of 
 England, to whom they looked for favor, a Christian regard 
 for the temporal and eternal interests of native Indians. 
 Pledges voluntarily offered, and promises to treat the Indians 
 with humane consideration, secured the Charter. 3 
 
 It is painful to contemplate the manner in which expecta- 
 tions raised were nonfulfilled. It is deeply humiliating to find 
 reliable writers confessing that, " Of all who ever crossed the 
 
 1 A sad fate indeed for those whose friendly bearing in the time of the settlers' 
 urgent need was the salvation of the colony. The natives find to their sorrow 
 that confidence is not to be reposed in the people they befriended. Momentarily 
 apprehensive that they themselves will be victims of the same relentless extermi- 
 nation, a sad future only is before them. 
 
 2 " Their whole sojourn," Hutchinson says, " was only about a year. Their 
 grant was the first obtained within the bounds of Massachusetts Indian territory. 
 Two ships sent over by Weston in 1622, with fifty or sixty men, began the plan- 
 tation." These men were, according to the view of some writers, " a dissolute 
 crew. Both Indians and Plymoutheans made complaint of them." 
 
 Mr. Weston was, at the time of the Wessagusquasset massacre, on his way to 
 visit the plantation. On reaching the coast, his ship was wrecked in Ipswich Bay. 
 He found means to get to Plymouth. There is no reason to suppose that he ever 
 considered it an act of kindness on the part of the Plymouth people, — the offer of 
 protection to his company. He regarded the whole transaction as at best ill- 
 judged. We wish it were possible to give a creditable account of the whole 
 matter. Historical fairness and faithfulness veto the desire. 
 
 8 The Charter given to Massachusetts was expressly " that our said people, in- 
 habitants there, may be so religiously, peaceably, and civilly governed, that their 
 godly life and orderly conversation may win and invite the natives of the country 
 to the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind, 
 and to the Christian faith : Which is Our Royal intention, and the Adventurers' 
 free profession, and the principal end of the plantation." The Charter of Con- 
 necticut was similar; setting forth the aforesaid object as the " only and princi- 
 pal ground." The profession and promises of the colonists of both New Plymouth 
 and Connecticut were well understood. A proper treatment of Indians in these 
 two colonies would, without especial merit, have been an honest fulfillment of a 
 contract with the throne. It is well known that the seal of Massachusetts had, 
 symbolized and stamped on it, the device, an Indian with a label in his mouth, 
 " Come over and help us." 
 
, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 49 
 
 American seas, they who were thus pledged are noted as the 
 most neglectful of the work of conversion." 1 
 
 Excepting the havoc which disease and death had made 
 and were still making, among the Indians, there appears little 
 more of interest respecting these people, until the latter part 
 of the year 1626. Times were comparatively quiet ; Indians 
 had little communication with white people; trade fell off, — 
 partly because of the diminution of native population caused 
 by the prevalent mortality, and partly owing to Indians 
 becoming disheartened or finding other channels of commerce 
 less repugnant. Governor Bradford is on record, complain- 
 ing that " although a pinnace sent from Plymouth around the 
 Cape, to trade with Narragansetts, got some corn and beaver, 
 yet it made a poor voyage ; the Dutch furnishing to Indians 
 cloth and better commodities, whereas the pinnace had only 
 beads and knives, — which are not much esteemed." 
 
 " In the December of 1626, a ship with many passengers ? 
 bound from London to Virginia, was stranded on a flat at 
 Monamoyk. The passengers and crew barely escaped with 
 life. Indians went in canoes, assuaged their fears, and, ask- 
 ing them if they were the Governor of Plymouth's men, 
 offered assistance. A letter was sent to the Governor of 
 Plymouth. Indians in the mean while did good service, sup- 
 plying the ship, according to their ability, with all things 
 needed. In due time the Governor and others came. When 
 they returned to Plymouth, their vessel was loaded with corn 
 procured of Indians at different Cape harbors." 
 
 1 This remark is attributed to Bailie, who, it has been said, " hated the Inde- 
 pendents." We hope that even Bailie might have made some exceptions. With- 
 out the means of scrutinizing Bailie's heart or motives, we simply remark that 
 it is puerile to pick flaws in a writer's life merely to controvert his judgment 
 touching a subject that is patent to all. 
 4 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 About 1628, a new trade was opened, the introduction of 
 which marks a new era in the history of the Indians, — the 
 traffic in wampum. Mr. Bradford says, " We buy £50 
 worth. At first it sticks, and it is two years before we can 
 work it off. When the Indians come to know it we can 
 scarce for many years procure enough. It is strange to see 
 the great alteration it makes in a few years among savages ; 
 for the Massachusetts and others in these parts had scarce 
 any, it being made and kept only among the Pequots and 
 Narragansetts, who grew rich and potent by it, whereas the 
 rest who used it not were poor and beggarly." 1 
 
 During the summer of 1628, the country from Naumkeag 
 to Mishawm was explored for settlement. The explorers, 
 Ralf Sprague with others, " found the country full of Indians ; 
 but the Sagamore, John, a man of gentle and good disposi- 
 tion, gave free consent to the settlers." 
 
 Complaint was made about this time, to the Throne, that 
 fishermen and others coming from England supplied Indians 
 with fire-arms, and it was " commanded by royal proclama- 
 tion, that no sort of arms, or munition, henceforth be traded 
 with Indians." " Hitherto, Indians in these parts had no 
 other arms than bows and arrows ; " so says Governor Brad- 
 
 1 Mr. "Williams describes " wampum, or wampum peaek, as Indian money ; one 
 fathom, strung, being worth five shillings if white, the dark more valuable and 
 called suckawhork." Mr. Gookin calls " either kind made from wilk's shell, 
 wompom pague." Professor Peck says " it is made from the shell of the paqua 
 whock, that is, quawhaug." A traveler, 1769, describes it as " made from the 
 shell of the round clam, or quawhaug, the shell having two colors within, — 
 purple and white. Clipped to a small oblong parallelopiped, it is drilled, ground 
 smooth, and polished. Only a small part of the shell being purple, purple money 
 is most valuable." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 51 
 
 + 
 ford,' who however adds, " but in the Eastern parts, having 
 
 commerce with the French, they first have guns of them and 
 
 at length make it a common trade. In time our fishermen 
 
 follow the example." 
 
 We have now reached a period only about ten years distant 
 from the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Great dis- 
 quiet exists. Oft renewed reports of some great conspiracy 
 cause excitement. It was indeed said that " everywhere 
 from the Narragansett to the Eastern Indians, the natives 
 were conspiring to cut off the white people." This informa- 
 tion was said to have been " revealed to the people of Charles- 
 town, by one who has always loved us, John, Sagamore." x 
 
 In June, 1630, Dorchester was begun. The natives were 
 kind and obliging. The same month, June 12, the Arabella, 
 having on board the Governor for the Massachusetts Colony, 
 arrived at Salem. The Sachem of Cape Ann, Masconomcho, 
 came promptly with one of his chiefs, to make their respects 
 and to bid the Governor welcome. They remained on board 
 the ship through the day. 
 
 The next spring, 1631, Chickatawbut, a sachem residing 
 near Boston, came to visit the Governor and assure him of 
 friendship. 
 
 Hutchinson tells us that " the colonists were frequently 
 alarmed this year, but happily for them in their feeble, infant 
 state, only alarmed. A company of Eastern Indians, called 
 Tarrantines, came in thirty canoes and assaulted the wig- 
 wams of the Sagamore of Agawam, 2 killed several Indians, 
 
 1 Although it was believed that the chief design was against Plymouth, the 
 people of Charlestown considered it prudent to build a fort on the top of the 
 town-hill. After its completion, the discharge of a few guns, to clear them, so 
 terrified the natives that they dispersed. Persons desirous of exploring for a new 
 settlement went up the Charles River, May 30, 1630, and, being informed at 
 night that three hundred Indians were in the neighborhood, sent their planter^ 
 who was probably an Indian in their employ, to request the Indians not to come 
 near. With the request compliance was made. The next morning the explorers 
 saw Indians standing in the distance, looking towards them. They were there, 
 as subsequently appeared, on a fishing excursion. They did not attempt to 
 approach the explorers ; but, as if to allay their fears and assure them of kindly 
 feeling, one took a bass and held it forth, whereupon one of the explorers sent 
 from his own party a biscuit. After this, as many as remained they exchanged 
 a biscuit for a bass. A good business was quickly done. This place was soon 
 settled and called Watertown. 
 
 a There were several Agawams. This was near Ipswich. 
 
52 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 wounded two sagamores who lived near Boston, and carried 
 away many captives." Moreover, a difficulty occurring be- 
 tween individuals of an English trading-house established at 
 Sowam, 1 and certain Narragansett residents, and besides, the 
 Dutch Governor of Manhadoes 2 thinking the movements of 
 certain Pequots suspicious, the colonists were constantly on 
 guard. 
 
 The sagamores around Boston would fain have assured the 
 people that Indians had only friendly feelings ; and for con- 
 firmation of such protestations Miantonimo, Sachem of the 
 Narragansetts, came to Boston August 5, u to enter into a 
 league of friendship." That Miantonimo was not very cor- 
 dially received is evident. Though his people were more 
 numerous than all other Indians between Boston and Hudson's 
 River, his motive in coming was a question ; whether out of 
 fear or friendship, the colonists could not tell. The Sachem, 
 with his company, attended public worship in Boston, by in- 
 vitation. Three of his suite, finding the services tedious, with- 
 drew in sermon-time, and, being hungry, went without cere- 
 mony, just as they would have done at home, and entered a 
 neighboring house for food. The owner and occupant made 
 complaint. The Sachem was too high-spirited to be persuaded 
 that corporal punishment was due for the offense ; but, as 
 says Hutchinson, was " so ashamed of his attendants that he 
 Ordered them out of town. He followed soon after." 
 
 " An infectious disease, called pestilence, made, at times, 
 havoc among the natives, sweeping away many from around 
 Plymouth and elsewhere. Destitute of everything proper 
 for relief or comfort, they died in great numbers. John, 
 Sagamore of Winimesset, and James of Lynn, with many of 
 their people, perished." Thus in various ways the Indians 
 wasted. Hutchinson has said, " They moulder away," and, 
 as Charlevoix remarked, disappear. All writers agree that a 
 few years before the English came to Plymouth, so great 
 numbers perished that whole tribes became nearly extinct. 
 The Massachusetts are said to have been reduced from thirty 
 thousand fighting men to three hundred. The colonists sup- 
 
 1 Near what is Bristol. 
 
 2 The ancient name of " York and Long Island." 
 
' CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 53 
 
 posed these remarkable fatalities a special interposition of 
 Providence to make room for the settlements that followed. 
 
 In 1634, Mr. Roger Williams removed to look out for a 
 settlement among the Indians. He fixed on a place called by 
 them Moshawsic, now Providence, so named in recognition 
 of God's goodness. 1 
 
 The situation of the colonists had long become the theme 
 of almost constant discussion. 2 
 
 About this time, as is seen in correspondence between the 
 Massachusetts and Connecticut governors, Pequots were seek- 
 ing the friendship of the Massachusetts colony, and to this end 
 sent both messengers and gifts. 3 Governor Winthrop wrote, 
 March 12, 1634, " The Pequots have sent to desire our friend- 
 ship ; and offer much wampum, beaver, etc. We concluded 
 a peace and friendship on conditions, namely, that they de- 
 liver to us the men who were guilty of Captain Stone's death ; 4 
 that they give us the right to plant Connecticut ; 5 and we will 
 trade with them as friends. To this they agreed, and also 
 
 1 Among the affronts said to have heen given by Mr. Williams was an asser- 
 tion that " the Massachusetts patent was unjust and invalid because a fair pur- 
 chase had not been made." Allen's biography tells that " escaping from those 
 whose orders were to seize and send him to England, Mr. Williams crossed the 
 river at Seekonk, now Kehoboth, and laid the foundation of Providence." It is 
 said of Mr. Williams that " he studied the Indian language and used his en- 
 deavors to impart to the savages the blessings of the gospel." Also that " so 
 superior was he to the meanness of revenge and such was his magnanimity, that 
 he exerted all his influence with the Indians in favor of Massachusetts." 
 
 2 With the French in the borders on one side, the Dutch on the other, and 
 Indians in the midst, restrained only from breaking up the settlements, as was 
 generally supposed, by want of union among themselves, the position of the col- 
 onies was alarming. Saybrook fort was built, and it was expected " to do much 
 to strike terror into the minds of Indians, which impression contributed to quiet 
 in some measure the fears of the people." 
 
 8 It was subsequently said by persons who doubtless thought that they under- 
 stood the motives of the Pequots, that, " being conscious of the death of a cer- 
 tain Captain Stone, and having fallen out with the Dutch, and being distrustful 
 of the Narragansetts who were in friendship with the Massachusetts colonists, 
 the Pequots began to fear they might have too many enemies at once." 
 
 4 That the man, Stone, was not in high repute may be inferred from Mr. 
 Morton, who says, " I have nothing to speak of him in the way of commenda- 
 tion." The impression is that the destruction of Stone byJMians was not with- 
 out great provocation. Morton elsewhere gives* a positively bad account of 
 Stone. • • 
 
 6 Mr. Bancroft intimates that Dutch jealousy and the fertility of the Connect- 
 icut Valley had rendered the possession of that country an object of desire. 
 
54 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 that we mediate a peace between them and the Narragan- 
 setts, — for which they are content that we shall give the 
 Narragansetts a part of the presents bestowed, — they stand- 
 ing too much on their honor to be seen to give anything of 
 themselves." 
 
 In another letter, Governor Winthrop wrote, " The vessel 
 has just returned from the Pequots. Our men put off little 
 commodities, but found them a very false people, so we mean 
 to have nothing more to do with them." * 
 
 1 The offense seems to have been the avoidance of mercantile intercourse, 
 turning away from temptations offered in shape of glass beads and other worth- 
 less things. 
 
 Indian trading had become important. English people had set up a trading- 
 house about a mile above the Dutch fort, and beaver-skins and otter, to the 
 value of £1,000, had, by one shipment, been sent to England. The Dutch pur- 
 chased annually not less than ten thousand beaver-skins. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Rumoks were again rife, in 1636, that " the most warlike 
 of all the Indian tribes were plotting." 1 
 
 During the course of winter, Pequots had attempted union 
 with Narragansetts. There had been, hitherto, little inter- 
 course between the two nations, but rather fixed and inveter- 
 ate dislike. It was thought by the settlers that Pequots were 
 willing to bury all remembrance of the past, at least smother 
 resentment; hostility to the white people having become the 
 ruling passion. Captain Endicott was content to burn their 
 wigwams, destroy their provisions, and stave in pieces their 
 canoes. He returned to Boston to prepare for a general 
 attack upon Indians next summer. He was blamed that 
 
 i One John Oldham, sailing in a small hark to Manisses, had quarreled with 
 Indians, and had been killed. The Indians had offered no indignity to others of 
 the crew, and the homicide was at first charged upon Narragansetts, under whose 
 jurisdiction was the island, but they denied it. It was next believed that the 
 perpetrator had fled to and was sheltered and protected by Pequots. 
 
 These things moved the Massachusetts colony to " require satisfaction or take 
 revenge." Eighty men, under Captain Endicott, were for this purpose sent by 
 water, with instructions " to offer peace on conditions that the offender be given 
 up " ' The " Indians were to be attacked if the demand was refused." The in- 
 structions were, in fact, « to put the male inhabitants of Block Island to death, 
 and capture their wives and children, unless there was immediate compliance. 
 Numbers of Indians assembled, and by an interpreter and messenger engaged in 
 parley, but as soon as they understood what were the only terms of peace be- 
 took themselves to the woods. Oldham was, by the showing of Bradford and 
 others, a bad man, obstinate, factious, violent. Determined to pursue his avoca. 
 tion of peddling fire-water and trinkets for rich furs and wampum, he made 
 himself obnoxious to Indians by trickery and overbearing, and like Stone had 
 provoked his own fate. One Gallup, who arrived in another vessel almost at the 
 moment of Oldham's death, and after Oldham's discharge of all his fire-arms 
 at Indians, ran his own vessel into the Indians' quarters, and thus drove 
 many into the sea. He reported that " although the deck of Oldham's craft was 
 covered with Indians when he boarded, they fled." Gallup said that " Oldham's 
 body was not then cold." 
 
56 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 he did not pursue the enemy as soon as he discovered their 
 unwillingness to comply with the conditions proposed. 
 
 It was now " at the approach of winter." Sailing for the 
 Pequot country, he landed without opposition, the Indians 
 not suspecting harm, but relying on their treaty. They were 
 wholly unprepared for the attack upon them. In the course 
 of this winter, the Pequots attempted a union with the Nar- 
 ragansetts. It was charged that Pequots had used with Nar- 
 ragansetts such pernicious arguments as these : " The Eng- 
 lish are interlopers and strangers ; they have already begun 
 to overspread the land ; they came to dispossess us, and will 
 drive us all out if they are suffered to grow and increase. 
 If you join the English to subdue us you prepare the way for 
 your own overthrow, for the English will next turn and sub- 
 jugate you. All that you can hope from friendship of the 
 English is the favor of being last destroyed. But if you 
 hearken to Pequots, we need not fear the strength of the 
 English. We need not come to open battle with them. We 
 will fire their houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush ; all 
 which need be attended with little danger to ourselves. The 
 English cannot then long subsist ; they will starve, or be forced 
 to leave this country." 1 
 
 The Narragansetts were at first wavering, — strange if they 
 were not. They doubtless felt the force of the arguments 
 employed, and saw the justice of their cause. They were 
 half minded to side with the Pequots. Still, they could not 
 forget former affronts and injuries received from Pequots, and 
 had some hope still from the hitherto dormant humanity of 
 the white people. 
 
 1 It has been suggested that the listeners had " never heard the story of Poly- 
 phemus and Ulysses." 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 " New towns planted on the Connecticut River were 
 quickly settled ; and all things looked prosperous for the col- 
 onies, except that the settlers needed to be assured against 
 an enemy so strong and warlike as the Pequots, whose pres- 
 ence was a constant annoyance and source of dread and anx- 
 iety." 
 
 The government of Connecticut assembled at Hartford, 
 May 1, and determined on war. It was, however, resolved 
 to seek aid from the governments of Plymouth and Massa- 
 chusetts. Application was made through Governor Vane, 
 and " all were found to be cordially willing." 
 
 Already had an embassy been sent to the Narragansetts 
 from the Massachusetts government, and was " received by 
 Canonicus with favor and in his best style." A son of 
 this great Sachem's youngest brother was at the time chief 
 minister, and in fact was, in consideration of the Sachem's 
 great age and many infirmities, the acting Sachem. He was 
 Miantonimo. Both he and his uncle acceded to the overtures 
 of the Massachusetts delegation favoring English rather than 
 Pequots. 
 
 The reception of the embassy sent to Canonicus was thus 
 described by the ambassadors : " The audience-chamber was a 
 house fifty feet in diameter, made of poles set in the ground 
 and gathered at the top save an opening to let out the smoke ; 
 the floor was covered with mats. On one the old Sachem 
 was seated ; his nobles were seated around, the legs of each 
 doubled, and their knees touching their chins." 
 
 After transaction of business came an entertainment royal. 1 
 
 1 The ambassadors, on their return to Boston, reported having been " enter- 
 tained on boiled chestnuts and boiled puddings of Indian-corn well pounded and 
 well filled with a great store of berries, black and somewhat like currants." 
 
58 CIVILIZATION AND BARBAUISM. 
 
 Canonicus did not fail to give the Pequots faithful counsel, 
 designed to hush the tempest of war, which he now saw was 
 ready to break forth. Whether, had the Pequots heeded his 
 advice, they would have been saved is a question of doubt. 
 The three colonies were combined for the express purpose of 
 invading the Pequot country and destroying that people. 1 
 
 The forces to engage in this business were : from Massa- 
 chusetts one hundred and sixty men under Captain Stoughton ; 
 from Plymouth, fifty men ; and from Connecticut, ninety. 
 The number raised by each town gives a pretty correct idea 
 of the proportion, at that time, of the several settlements to 
 each other. Of those who were to go, Boston was to fur- 
 nish 26, Charlestown 12, Roxbury 10, Dorchester 13, Wey- 
 mouth 5, Hingham 6, Medford 3, Newbury 8, Ipswich 17, 
 Salem 18, Saugus 16, Watertown 14, Newtown 19, Marble- 
 head 3, Hartford 42, Windsor 30, Wethersfield 18. 
 
 Connecticut men being near the intended scene of action, 
 it was expected of them that they would be early in the field. 
 The Connecticut forces dropped down the river May 10, and 
 reached Say brook May 17, where their number was increased 
 by twenty, under Captain Underbill, of Massachusetts, from 
 the fort ; by seventy Mohegans, under command of Uncas ; 
 and by the addition of one hundred River Indians. 2 Before 
 
 1 The Pequot country extended from Niantick on the west, to Rhode Island 
 line on the east ; embracing Waterford, New London, and Montville west of the 
 Thames, and Groton, Stonington, and North Stonington on the coast. All the 
 country north of this, including the county of Windham and part of Tolland, has 
 been represented in books as Mohegan. Some writers have mistaken, treating 
 Pequots and Mohegans as distinct tribes. Uncas, the Mohegan chief, was of 
 the royal Pequot line. Both father and mother were Pequots. His wife, also, 
 was Pequot, being daughter of Tatobam, a Sachem. Uncas himself had been 
 a petty sachem under Sassacus, the great prince of the Pequot nation. At the 
 time the English came to Connecticut, Uncas was in rebellion, and, to save him- 
 self and be avenged on Sassacus, joined the English. 
 
 2 Indians on the borders of the Connecticut were generally called by the 
 colonists " River Indians." Captain Patrick, the first of the Massachusetts 
 quota ordered to march, had already dispatched letters from Providence, inform- 
 ing Captain Mason, commander of the Connecticut forces, that he was hastening 
 to join him. This Captain Patrick is mentioned with particularity, inasmuch 
 as having served in Holland in the army he had been brought over to instruct the 
 colonists in military discipline. He had, on arrival here, been admitted to the 
 church in Watertown, in order to his becoming a freeman. So Hubbard in- 
 forms us. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 59 
 
 the' Plymouth forces were ready, word was sent to them that 
 they " need not come ; the enemy were as good as van- 
 quished." So " prompt and energetic was the action of troops 
 that were first on the ground." 
 
 When the forces moved from Saybrook, they sailed directly 
 past the Pequot harbor, and proceeded, on the 20th, to the 
 residence of the chief Sachem of the Narragansetts. Mian- 
 tonimo was informed of the plans of the English, and hun- 
 dreds of his people joined. Proceeding inland twenty miles 
 to the seat of another Sachem near the frontier of the Pequot 
 country, they found that Sachem unprepared for the visit. 
 Perhaps his contiguity to Pequots, admonished him that it 
 would not be wise to involve himself and people rashly in 
 a quarrel with near neighbors. This Sachem was therefore 
 regarded as uncivil, and suspected of being unfriendly. He 
 would not permit the forces to enter his fort, around which 
 Captain Mason placed, as a prudential measure, a strong 
 guard to prevent any one from going out to give alarm. 
 
 Miantonimo, often in requisition, was once more notified of 
 the wishes of his white allies, and promptly repaired to them. 
 Magistrates and clergy of Boston were all called together to 
 receive him. An escort guard of twenty musketeers was sent 
 out to Roxbury to meet him. The result of the interview 
 was an agreement with the Governor that it was " expedient 
 to unite in a war against Pequots." It was proposed that 
 " neither English nor Indians shall ever make peace with 
 Pequots, but shall utterly destroy them." 
 
 The next morning memoranda were signed to the follow- 
 ing effect : — 
 
 " 1. A firm and perpetual peace between the English and 
 Narragansetts. 
 
 " 2. Neither party to make peace without the consent of 
 the other. 
 
 " 3. Narragansetts shall not harbor Pequots. 
 
 "4. Narragansetts shall put to death or deliver up mur- 
 derers to the English. 
 
 " 5. And shall return fugitive servants. 
 
 " 6. The English to give notice when to go out to war, and 
 Narragansetts to furnish guides. 
 
60 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " 7. Free trade to be carried on between the contracting 
 parties. 
 
 "8. No Narragansetts to come near the English plantations 
 during the war with the Pequots, without being accompanied 
 by some English man, or by some Indian known to the Eng- 
 lish." b 
 
 On the preceding memoranda, called " a treaty," it was 
 "noted that Cushamquin, Sachem of the Massachusetts tribe, 
 also became a party to this treaty." 
 
 To Narragansetts has been generally allowed the credit 
 of having " kept the preceding treaty until Pequots were de- 
 stroyed." And yet it was, in after times, alleged that " the 
 Narragansetts grew insolent and treacherous." 
 
 Early in 1637, Pequots were, in addition to alleged assaults 
 on Saybrook fort, charged with divers acts of enormity, and 
 suspected of having cut off persons passing up and down the 
 river. The army, having in its train about five hundred In- 
 dians, continued its march, and reached the neighborhood of 
 one of the Pequot forts on the Mystic. Here they encamped. 
 Advance guards heard the enemy singing until midnight, and 
 supposed the Pequots to be rejoicing. The English soldiers 
 conjectured that Pequots had seen the vessels, laden with 
 troops, pass by a few days previous, and were elated by the 
 thought that either the army had not the courage to attack, 
 or were pacifically inclined. The simple fact is, Pequots had 
 that day made a great haul of bass and were enjoying a 
 good supper, — singing and dancing, as was usual at feasts. 
 They had been expecting a hostile demonstration, and there- 
 fore had kept watch day and night. Now, after the sump- 
 tuous feast, they fell asleep at a late hour, entirely unappre- 
 hensive of immediate danger. 
 
 Captain Mason approached within a rod of the fort, May 
 26, about two hours before day, piloted by a renegade Pequot 
 named Waquash. A dog barked, and Indians were quickly 
 heard shouting, " Owanux ! Owanux !" — that is, Englishmen, 
 Englishmen. The troops pressed forward, and fired, through 
 the palisades, upon the amazed Pequots, and entered the fort, 
 sword in hand. A severe conflict ensued. Many Pequots 
 were killed, but for some moments victory seemed doubtful. 
 
, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 61 
 
 Indians concealed themselves in and about their wigwams, and 
 from these retreats made vigorous use of arrows. Mason, at 
 this crisis, called to his men, " Burn them ! " It was no sooner 
 said than his men seized fire-brands and set fire to the mat- 
 tings with which the wigwams were furnished. The wind be- 
 ing favorable, a few moments sufficed for the flames to spread 
 from house to house and wrap the whole fort in one grand 
 blaze. Mason and his men, withdrawing, quickly encom- 
 passed the fort ; and Uncas and his men, joined by Narragan- 
 setts, formed a circle in rear. Pequots were thrown into con- 
 sternation : some, bewildered by fire and smoke, rushed madly 
 into the flames ; some climbed the palisades, and were in- 
 stantly brought down by musketry ; and others, in consider- 
 able numbers, collected at the windward, bravely endeavoring 
 to defend themselves. But what were bows and arrows to 
 powder and buckshot ! It is related that some few brave Pe- 
 quots sprang forward with tomahawks or hatchets, and made 
 stout resistance, but were soon vanquished by ball or bayonet. 
 In a little more than one hour, the work of destruction was 
 complete. About seventy houses were burned, and seven hun- 
 dred Indians perished ! 1 Seven were made prisoners, and 
 seven only escaped. Two of the troops were killed, and six- 
 teen wounded. 
 
 In about an hour after this holocaust, three hundred Pe- 
 quots, who had taken alarm, came from the other fort, where 
 Sassacus resided, about eight miles off, to the aid of their 
 brethren; but they came too late. Mason's party marched 
 for the harbor, where vessels were ready to receive them ; 
 and the Indians from Sassacus' settlement advanced only to 
 the hill where the fated fort had stood. With surprise, 
 grief, and rage, they looked upon the desolation, and then, 
 in transports of passion, stamping, howling, and tearing their 
 
 1 Mr. Morton says, •« Of those who escaped the fire, some were slain by the 
 sword and hewed to pieces, or run through by rapiers. It was a fearful sight to 
 see them frying in the fire, streams of blood quenching the same ; and horrible 
 was the stench thereof. But the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and the people 
 gave the praise to God." Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, learned and pious, speaks of 
 the affair thus : " Many of them were broiled unto death in the avenging flames ; 
 many, climbing to the tops of palisades, were a fair mark for the mortiferous bul- 
 lets ; and many who had the resolution to issue forth were slain by the English, 
 who stood ready to bid them welcome." 
 
J 
 
 62 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 hair, rushed down the hill, determined on revenge. 1 But 
 Mason held them in check until he and party reached their 
 vessels in safety. 
 
 " Mason's success and safe return filled the colonies with 
 joy and thanksgiving. So completely was the object of the 
 expedition accomplished that surviving Pequots were filled 
 with terror and despair, and fled from their abodes." 2 On 
 arrival of the troops at Saybrook, it was found that Indians 
 in alliance with the English had taken and brought in eight- 
 een captives, — ten men and eight females. 3 We stop not to 
 argue the policy or morality of every act. ( Indians have been 
 regarded as proverbially barbarous ; but that the more fre- 
 quent and greater barbarities of their enemies were often the 
 cause of their rage and desperation, cannot be doubted./ 
 
 The preceding " affair," the first of magnitude between the 
 natives and the English, the Pequot embroglio, took place in 
 Groton, at a place since called Pequot Hill, where was the 
 seat of the Pequot power and the royal residence. One fort 
 was on a commanding eminence, a little easterly of what is 
 now known as Fort Griswold; another fort was northwest, near 
 Mystic River. The result of the embroilment " struck such a 
 terror to the Indian tribes generally" — so it has been said, — 
 " that they had no open war with the colonists for nearly forty 
 years afterward." It has been represented that the Pequot 
 war " was the salvation of the infant colony of Connecticut, 
 
 1 Mather says, of the Indians who came up from Sassaeus' fort, " They were 
 like bears bereaved of their whelps, and continued a bloody fight. When they 
 came to see the ashes of their friends at the fort, and the bodies of so many of 
 their men horribly barbecued, where the English had been doing a good morn- 
 ing's work, they howled, they roared, they stamped, they tore their hair, and 
 (though they did not swear, for they knew not how yet) they cursed, and were 
 pictures of so many devils in desperation." 
 
 2 John Mason was born in 1600, in England, and bred to arms in the Nether- 
 lands. One of the first settlers in Dorchester, in 1630, he removed thence to 
 Windsor, Ct., in 1635. Soon after the Pequot war he was appointed Major- 
 general of the Connecticut forces. From 1642 to 1660 he was a magistrate, and 
 then elected Deputy-governor. He removed to Saybrook, 1647, and to Norwich, 
 1659, where he died, 1673. Unlike Standish, Mason was portly and tall, and 
 was considered a gentleman of prudence and morality. 
 
 8 "Disposal was made of four of the men, one being given to each Sachem; 
 the other six were put to the sword. Of the females, four were left at Saybrook 
 fort ; the other four were to have been carried to the towns, but, some disagree- 
 ment arising in regard to them, they were all sacrificed to end the dispute." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 63 
 
 and Hue ruin of the haughty, warlike, and powerful Pequot 
 tribe." 
 
 Sassacus, the chief Sachem of the Pequots, after the de- 
 struction of so many of his warriors and other people in the 
 burning of the one fort, proceeded to break down his other 
 fort, burned all the wigwams, put his own and his people's 
 goods into canoes, and went with his men, women, and chil- 
 dren to Quinepauge. This seat of Sassacus is said to have 
 been New London. The great sachem is said to have had 
 twenty-six sachems subordinate, one of whom was Uncas. 
 
 The force under Captain Stoughton arriving at Saybrook 
 the latter part of June, Indians were again hunted. 1 Now 
 and then two or three at a time were found, whom the hunt- 
 ers killed or took prisoners, as they found most convenient. 2 
 " Not hearing of Sassacus, but having on hand three of his 
 Sachems, they cut off the heads of two of them, and offered 
 the other his life on condition that he would go and find out 
 where Sassacus kenneled, and bring them word." 
 
 The wily chief was led to suspect his former friend, and 
 thought it expedient to change location. Shortly after, aware 
 of the purpose of his enemies to use all means to find and 
 destroy him, he was reported as having fled, with some of his 
 people, to the Mohawks. 
 
 The same month, Stoughton being informed that a large 
 body of Indians, — some eighty strong, — with two hundred 
 women and children, were bivouacked in a hideous swamp near 
 what> is now Fairfield or Stratford, the swamp was surrounded 
 and many Indians were slain. " Those who remained alive 
 desired parley, and received assurances that their lives would 
 be spared if they came out and surrendered ; exceptions only 
 were to be made of those whose hands were stained with Eng- 
 
 1 We use the term employed by the actors, whose sympathies with the trans- 
 actions related forbid the thought of misrepresentation. We certainly have no 
 wish to aggravate the case ; intending to give the facts fairly, we adhere, as 
 nearly as is practicable, to the words of the narrators. 
 
 2 This was doubtless the same expedition of which Governor Winthrop wrote 
 to Bradford, July 28, 1637 : "About fourscore of our men, having coasted along, 
 sometimes by water, but most by land, towards our Dutch plantation, have met 
 with, here and there, some Pequots, whom they took prisoners and slew. Two 
 Sachems they took and beheaded." 
 
64 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 lish blood." This body consisted chiefly of various tribes, 
 Pequots included. One Sachem came out of the swamp, 
 with ninety-nine men, women, and children, and said, " Wam- 
 pum I have none, but I never killed the English." The 
 robe which this Sachem wore was of black beaver ; taking 
 of! the garment, he presented it to his captors. Other In- 
 dians refused to come out, saying, " We will sell our lives 
 where we are." Arrows began to fly ; the swamp was beset, 
 and many Indians were killed. Not more than twenty es- 
 caped. Some of these Indians had guns, — the first of which 
 we have account. u Of prisoners taken (and they were many), 
 some were sent to Bermuda; the women and maid children 
 were disposed of about the towns. There have been slain 
 and taken, in all, about seven hundred. The rest are dis- 
 persed. Indians are afraid to receive them." l 
 
 "Two Sachems of Long Island came and tendered them- 
 selves to the English, to be under our protection." So says 
 a letter from Governor Winthrop, which adds, " Two of the 
 Nepannet Sachems have been with us to seek our friendship. 
 Among prisoners we have the wife and children of Mana- 
 notto ; she is a woman of very modest countenance and be- 
 havior. One of her first requests was that the English might 
 not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken 
 from her." 
 
 1 Although Governor Winthrop tells us how " the male children were disposed 
 of," and also what disposition was made of "the women and maid children," he 
 is silent in regard to the disposal of the great body of the adult males. Hutchin- 
 son tells that " many of the captives were sent to Bermuda and sold as slaves." 
 Enslaving Indians had become a mania with speculators. Felt, in his annals of 
 Salem and Ipswich, informs us that it was a common occurrence for voyages to 
 be made to sell captured Indians, and bring back cotton, tobacco, salt, negroes, etc. 
 Mather enlightens us by the fervor with which he relates, under the caption 
 " Arma virosgue cano," troubles which the churches have undergone in the wars 
 with the Indian savage. He says, "The dispersed became as so many un- 
 kenneled wolves. However, Heaven so smiled upon the English hunting after 
 them that here and there whole companies were trapanned into the hunter's 
 hands. Particularly at one time some hundreds of them were seized by Captain 
 Stoughton, with little opposition, who, sending away the females and children as 
 captives, put the men on board a vessel of one Skipper Gallup, which proved a 
 Charon's ferry-boat unto them, for it was found the quickest was to feed the 
 fishes with 'em. Our forces had frequently the satisfaction of cutting them off 
 by companies." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 65 
 
 a Our captains report, We have slain thirteen Sachems, but 
 Sassacus and Mananotto are still living." It was subse- 
 quently reported that Sassacus and other chiefs had their 
 heads cut off by Mohawks. 1 
 
 l Morton significantly remarks, " Whether to satisfy English or Narragansetts, 
 I know not." Hutchinson discredits the report, and says, " It is more probable 
 that he and his company incorporated with them." But the historian of Con- 
 necticut says, " The Mohawks, dreading the resentment of the English, slew Sas- 
 sacus and attendants, and sent his scalp to Boston." Thus contradictory are 
 accounts. Mr. Morton dwells with emphasis on " the slaughter of Pequots and 
 others, and on the epidemic which took off many Indians and left the occupancy 
 of their places to proper men." Morton regards all as manifest destiny. Mr. 
 Drake refers to the "solemn assurances of being spared if Indians surrender;" 
 and says, " Indians found the white man had an elastic conscience ; true to the 
 promise not to cut off their heads ; but he will put them on board Charon's 
 ferry-boat, and when at sea will throw them overboard." Drake says, " Pirates 
 were never guilty of a bloodier deed." It may be asked, Did an Indian ever so 
 compromise his faith ? 
 
 5 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Pequots nearly extinct, survivors were either in slav- 
 ery in foreign lands, or had become mixed with different 
 tribes and dare not acknowledge themselves to be Pequots. 
 Such as had been spared by their captors had been required 
 to promise, not only that they would no longer live in their 
 native country, but to the humiliating necessity was super- 
 added a declaration that they would disclaim their*name and 
 never again be called Pequots. Some few were delivered to 
 Mohegans and Narragansetts in requital of services rendered 
 in the war ; but even this apparent humane liberality was, in 
 twofold sense, an Indian gift, for those who received it agreed 
 to pay the captors an annual sum. 1 
 
 It may here be noted that the quiet which, according to 
 Mather, was now enjoyed, was far from being a season of rest 
 for Indians. The reader will notice how progressive was the 
 age. A few years back an Indian was recognized as a brother, 
 and a friend and ally of King James ; now he is liable to 
 charge of sedition if he does not tamely submit to injury. 
 Mather confesses " there were near approaches to a war be- 
 tween the English and several nations of Indians, but war 
 was happily prevented by an obsta principiis. 2 
 
 1 Mather says, in his boastful account of " troubles with Pequots," " By such 
 methods as these was a period put to the war ; the few Pequots that survived 
 submitted themselves to English mercy, and the rest of the Indians who saw a 
 little handful of Englishmen massacre and capture seven hundred adversaries 
 and kill no less than thirteen Sachems in one short expedition ; such a terror 
 from God fell upon them that after, for near forty years together, the land rested 
 from war, even unto the time when the sins of the land called for a new scourge, 
 and Indians, being taught the use of guns, were capable of being made instru- 
 ments of inflicting it." 
 
 2 Sundry vagabond English killed an Indian in 1638, and Narragansetts, to 
 whose tribe he belonged, were on the point of rising But, as the records tell, 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 67 
 
 In 1639, September 25, the aged and infirm Massasoit was 
 required to come with his eldest son and heir, Wamsutta, and 
 renew, in open court, the ancient league. They must, in ad- 
 dition, promise that they will neither give, sell, npr convey, 
 without consent of the government of Plymouth, any of the 
 Indian lands, territories, or possessions. 
 
 A watchful eye was, from time to time, kept on all Indian 
 possessions. This espionage was grievous. Prohibitions of 
 purchase or sale extended to arms and ammunition, and even 
 to horses, canoes, or boats of any sort. The penalties were 
 severe. Such doings were not things that insure peace. 
 
 And now, 1642, it was thought there was a general design 
 of Indians against the colonies ; and the alarm was intensi- 
 fied by knowledge of the fact that Indians were becoming ac- 
 customed to the use of guns. The people were exhorted by 
 the magistrates to be vigilant. Colonists generally took good 
 care to have muskets kept in order. The principal in all con- 
 jectures of mischief was said to be Miantonimo. 
 
 A deputation was quickly sent by the Massachusetts Gov- 
 ernment to demand of the Narragansett Chief that he either 
 come himself or send two of his ablest councilors, to give 
 satisfaction. At the same moment, Connecticut was also mov- 
 ing in the matter, and proposed to the United Colonies to fall 
 at once upon the Narragansetts, and offered to send one hun- 
 dred and twenty men to Saybrook, to be joined by a pro- 
 portionate force. The Massachusetts government doubted 
 whether it had sufficient proof of the design of Indians to 
 justify war, but was of the opinion that the expediency of 
 disarming Indians was obvious. By that decision the doom 
 of the Indians was sealed. Whatever future negotiations, the 
 malediction of Rev. Increase Mather, viz. : " If God do not 
 destroy that people, then say His spirit hath not spoken by 
 me," was not without meaning. 
 
 Miantonimo, so often demanded (and no doubt the demand 
 was thought by him unreasonable and persecutious) came 
 again promptly to Boston. He demanded that the accusers 
 
 " when the justice of the English was seen, executing three Englishmen for the 
 murder of one Indian, it so astonished the Indians that they laid aside their in- 
 clination to insurrection." 
 
68 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 be brought into court before him, face to face, and that, fail- 
 ing to prove his unfriendly designs, they suffer the punish- 
 ment to which the accused would be exposed if guilty. 1 Two 
 days were." spent in preparation for a treaty." Still, " regard- 
 less of the Sachem's protestations and professions, the people 
 of Connecticut were desirous of falling at once upon him, and 
 could not easily be dissuaded." Through the influence of 
 Massachusetts the Connecticut men consented to desist, for 
 the present, from a resort to arms. But the minds of people 
 at large still continued restless, so possessed with the idea of 
 " general conspiracy " were they. Any unusual noise at night 
 ofttimes became occasion for alarm. 2 
 
 It is not to be concealed that the religious disputes and 
 animosities which in all these years prevailed, and the peculiar 
 policy of the several colonies, together with a constant reach- 
 ing for individual gain, did much to prejudice the peace and 
 safety of Indians. 3 
 
 The government of Massachusetts felt called upon, Octo- 
 ber, 1642, to issue a precept requiring the people of Provi- 
 dence Plantation to submit to the jurisdiction of Massachu- 
 setts. The purchase of Aquidneck, alias Rhode Island, was 
 the provocative cause of the action of Massachusetts. 4 The 
 
 1 Miantonimo expressed his belief that the pretended reports to his disadvan- 
 tage were machinations of Uncas, Sachem of Mohegans. He would speak only 
 in presence of his own chief men, that they might witness all. " His whole de- 
 fense was, to the court and listeners, presented with surprising ingenuity." 
 Throughout his entire examination, the bearing of the Sachem was grave, and all 
 his answers were deliberate. He peremptorily denied all the things of which he 
 had been accused. Perfectly willing to renew former engagements, he even 
 pledged himself that if any Indians, not excepting the Niantics, who were his 
 own blood, were to do any wrong to the colonists, which neither he nor they 
 could satisfy short of shedding blood, he would deliver the offenders and leave 
 them to the mercy of the colonists. 
 
 2 Mr. Hubbard relates that " September 19, 1642, a poor man being near a 
 swamp in Watertown, and hearing the howling of a kennel of wolves, was so 
 frightened that his cry for help occasioned alarm that extended remotely, even to 
 towns near Boston." 
 
 8 The enactments of courts and the provisions inserted in Indian treaties to 
 restrain natives in the disposal of lands were probably the result of local policy 
 quite as much as greed for extension and aggrandizement. 
 
 4 During the experience of Massachusetts with Mrs. Hutchinson, in all which 
 time crimination was rampant, Mr. Hutchinson, since his wife was for alleged 
 heresy to be banished, sold his estate in the colony and became associated with 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 69 
 
 island was sold to Mr. Coddington by Canonicus, chief Sa- 
 chem of the Narragansetts and Niantics, March 29, 1637. 1 
 Roger Williams had, under similar circumstances, obtained a 
 grant of land between Pawtucket and Moshawsuc rivers, and 
 had two years previous escaped to Seekonk, seeking a retreat 
 among Narragansetts. Canonicus had received Mr. Williams 
 kindly, and generously made him and companions a present 
 of all that neck of land between the two rivers. Mr. Williams 
 took possession, and the Sachem gave him a deed bearing the 
 same date with the conveyances given to Mr. Coddington and 
 associates. 
 
 Mr. Williams' proverbially friendly disposition involved him 
 incidentally in a trouble, the mention of which we thought to 
 pass by, — the hospitality extended to Samuel Gorton. 2 
 
 Wm. Coddington and. others, who had, like them, been driven from Boston. Mr. 
 Coddington, who was prior a merchant in Boston, with a large property in 
 Braintree, was a staunch advocate for liberty of conscience. The husband of 
 Mrs. Hutchinson died in 1642, and thereupon she removed to the Dutch colony 
 beyond New Haven, where the nxet year her son, with herself and her whole 
 household of sixteen persons, were murdered ! Opponents to her religious views 
 thought her fate was " a remarkable judgment of God for heresy." Her par- 
 tisans charged the guilt of the murder to the colony which had banished her. 
 We do not undertake to scan the merits of questions theological or otherwise. 
 It is right, however, to say that " Mrs. Hutchinson had located on land in con- 
 troversy between the natives and the Dutch." 
 
 1 Fifty years after, Mr. Williams deposed, " I declare to posterity that were it 
 not for the favor which God gave me in Canonicus none of these parts — no, not 
 Khode Island — had been purchased or obtained, for I never got anything of Ca- 
 nonicus but by gift. And I desire posterity to see the gracious hand of the Most 
 High, that, when the hearts of my countrymen and friends and brethren failed 
 me, His infinite goodness stirred the barbarous heart of Canonicus to love me as 
 his own son to the last gasp." 
 
 2 Mr. Gorton's career is so interwoven with Indian history, that we cannot 
 consistently avoid him. He came from London to Boston, 1636. There charged 
 with heresy, he was driven out. At Plymouth, whither he went next, the charge 
 was renewed ; and, after infliction of public chastisement by order of court, he 
 fled to Providence, where Mr. Williams' humanity gave him shelter. It was 
 charged by Bostonians that Gorton, finding in Providence certain of his own 
 disposition, fond of novelties in religion, was negotiating for Indian lands. To 
 forestall his movements, the demand that the Providence Plantation submit to 
 Massachusetts. Gorton's reply to messengers bearing the requisition was, 
 " Massachusetts has no authority over the people of Providence." This was 
 thought to be contemptuous. Gorton and eleven associates, " in order to be yet 
 further removed, purchased the tract called Shawomet. It turned out the land 
 purchased was already claimed by the Massachusetts government, who asserted 
 it to be under its jurisdiction. Gorton's deed was from Miantonimo, chief Sachem 
 
TO CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Massachusetts looked into the matter of the lands claimed 
 as deriving their titles from differing sources. A conference 
 with Pnmham and Sachonico, Sagamores residing respectively 
 at Shawomet and Pawtuxet, was sought. These Sagamores 
 were, through an interpreter, induced to come to Boston and 
 " complain of Gorton." They offered themselves " to be sub- 
 ject to Massachusetts," an instrument to which effect was 
 written for them to sign April 22, 1643. 1 
 
 The government also sent messengers to Gorton and his 
 associates, to inform them of their being within the jurisdic- 
 tion of Massachusetts, and to demand their appearance in 
 Boston " to answer complaints for injuries done to Indians." 
 The messengers were instructed to promise Gorton and com- 
 pany safe conduct. A verbal answer was returned, the pur- 
 port of which was that they were " out of the Massachusetts' 
 jurisdiction, and acknowledged subjection to none but the 
 state and government of Old England." Although it is said 
 that " Miantonimo, when summoned to Boston, made answer 
 promptly," it is added that " he did not make out his right to 
 the Indian country, to the satisfaction of the court." 
 
 Other and more formidable messengers were sent, announ- 
 cing to Gorton and company that " commissioners were ap- 
 pointed by the honorable court to hear and determine the 
 controversy, namely, Captain Cooke, Lieutenant Atherton, 
 and Edward Johnson, with military — forty soldiers." It was 
 directed that " if Gorton and company refuse, they be ar- 
 rested, taken to Boston, and imprisoned." 
 
 Gorton and associates being brought coram nobis, the 
 charges exhibited were summed up as follows : " Upon much 
 examination and serious consideration of your writings, 
 with your answers about them, we do charge you as a blas- 
 
 of the Narragansetts, January 17, 1642; and purported to have heen given in 
 consideration of one hundred and forty-four fathoms of wampum. A fathom of 
 wampum was a string of beads six feet in length, valued at five shillings and 
 eightpence sterling. The purchase embraced what was subsequently called 
 Warwick, in honor of the earl of that name, by whose influence Gorton was, in 
 1648, restored to his despoiled home. 
 
 1 Pumham lived on lands adjoining those sold by Miantonimo, but Mr. Wins- 
 low decided that "Pumham had received no consideration." It is not probable 
 that either of the Indians conveyed to Boston, understood the nature of the al- 
 leged transactions. They were both tributary to the Sachem. 
 
• CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 71 
 
 phemous enemy of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ 
 and His holy ordinances, and also of civil authority among 
 the people of God and particularly in this jurisdiction. 1 
 
 It is, after all that has been objected against Mr. Samuel 
 Gorton, simply proper to say : Whatever heresies may have 
 been imputed to him, he was not void of talent. His " judges 
 were seriously embarrassed by the ability hs displayed." His 
 " executors were ecclesiastics who disapproved of his religious 
 sentiments. ,, " Condemned and sentenced to confinement in 
 Charlestown, there to be kept at work, wearing such bolts and 
 irons as may hinder his escape ; and if he shall break his con- 
 finement, or by speech or writing shall publish or maintain , 
 any of the blasphemous and abominable heresies wherewith 
 he has been charged by this General Court, or shall reproach 
 or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus Christ in these 
 parts or the civil government, he shall upon conviction of 
 the same be put to death." This is indeed a summing-up that 
 is startling ! " All the magistrates but three were of the 
 opinion that he should be put to death. The deputies were 
 in favor of a milder punishment. His associates were con- 
 demned to be confined in different towns, one in each ; their 
 cattle were taken and sold to pay the expenses of trial and 
 imprisonment." " After a few months, many persons were 
 so dissatisfied with the sentence that this, with other causes, 
 induced the court to substitute banishment." 
 
 It may be of interest to the reader to know that Mr. Gor- 
 ton went back to England in 1644, and carried with him a 
 deed from the Narragansetts, transferring their whole ter- 
 ritory to the King of England, and that an order of Parlia- 
 ment gave to Mr. Gorton peaceable possession. Mr. Gorton, 
 returning from England in 1648, " officiated as minister at 
 Warwick." 2 
 
 i Gorton's opinions were, some of them, doubtless erroneous. Upon such 
 subjects we do not propose here to remark, except to say " the worst of them 
 were coincident with the antinomian sentiments that day prevalent." The 
 merits of the titular question seem to have been strangely overlooked by the 
 court, almost everything giving place, apparently, to ecclesiastical agitations. 
 
 2 It said of him that " without great advantages of education he made him- 
 self acquainted with Hebrew and Greek, that he might better understand the 
 Scriptures." The author of some published works, his " Glass for the People of 
 New England " was, perhaps, the most remarkable. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 The reader will not be surprised to learn that this year, 
 1643, by reason of the plotting of Indians ever since the 
 Pequot war, the Narragansetts have been drawn into a con- 
 spiracy. 1 Preparation was made for an expedition, May 16. 
 Commissioners were appointed from each government, whose 
 duties were to assemble on all extraordinary occasions, and to 
 meet in turn at Boston, Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth ; 
 and with these officials were to rest all questions of war. 2 
 
 Indians were at this time at war among themselves. Mian- 
 tonimo not being able, as we are told, to unite against the 
 English, but showing resentment against Uncas, Pumham, 
 and Sachonico, the commissioners ordered a strong house 
 with palisades to be built, and stationed a garrison in the 
 country of these Sachems. What evidence existed of any 
 demonstration against the petty Sachems of Shawomet and 
 Pawtuxet we have never heard. The difficulty between 
 Miantonimo and Uncas is patent. 
 
 Sequasson, Sachem of the River Indians, having the last year 
 been attacked by Uncas, wigwams burned, and about twenty 
 men killed and wounded, and Sequasson having appealed to 
 his own near kinsman and ally, who felt it a duty to listen, 
 Miantonimo inquired of the Governor of Connecticut whether 
 it would be an offense to the colonies to make war upon Uncas. 
 The Governor replied, " If Uncas has injured you and refuses 
 to give satisfaction, you will be at liberty to take your own 
 
 1 This was said to be "evident by many discoveries and by free confessions 
 of sundry Indians, leading the English to think of means to prevent the same ; 
 in which respect, together with divers others and more weighty reasons, the four 
 colonies entered into a near union and confederation." This union lasted 
 until 1686. 
 
 2 The commissioners were expected to be " church members." 
 
■ CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 73 
 
 course." The answer was naturally understood to be a sub- 
 mission of the matter to Miantonimo's judgment ; and upon 
 this men were marched to Mohegan. 
 
 As the two enemies approached, Uncas, who was by repu- 
 tation both cunning and tricky, and had by long submission 
 as a tool for white people lost none of his natural traits, re- 
 sorted to strategy ; he desired a parley. Miantonimo could 
 afford to grant it ; for his own force was the superior. The 
 armies halted. Uncas, affecting to be desirous of preventing 
 needless waste of life, proposed a decision by single combat : 
 " If you kill me, my men shall be yours ; if I kill you, your 
 men shall be mine." Uncas had, before this, given secret in- 
 structions to his men to fall instantly to the ground. They 
 let arrows fly at the Narragansetts, and instantly rushed upon 
 them with paralyzing fury, and, following the vantage, pressed 
 Miantonimo's men over a rocky precipice. The proud Sachem 
 of the Narragansetts, seeing himself outwitted and surrounded 
 by enemies, sat down sullenly. Uncas and his men, greedy 
 for the prey, uttered a ferocious whoop and sprang forward. 
 Seizing their great antagonist by the shoulder, who did not 
 deign to notice the wily Mohegan chief, Uncas demanded, 
 " Why don't you speak ? Had you taken me, I would ask for 
 life." Miantonimo scorned to reply. 
 
 In the engagement, about thirty Narragansetts were killed 
 and many were wounded. Among them were a brother of 
 Miantonimo and two sons of Canonicus. Miantonimo was 
 taken to Hartford, and there kept under guard to await the 
 assembling of the commissioners at Boston. Uncas dare not 
 dispose of his prisoner without advice. Commissioners, after 
 much deliberation, resolved that Miantonimo ought to die, 
 for having been at the head of a conspiracy ; and, moreover, 
 that, inasmuch as Uncas could not be safe and Miantonimo 
 live, the Narragansett Sachem must be put to death as a 
 bloodthirsty enemy. They decided, however, that the deed 
 " ought not to be done within English jurisdiction." They, 
 moreover, advised Uncas "to inflict no torture." Miantonimo 
 was ordered " to wait, under the charge of a competent num- 
 ber of principal men, at Hartford, for instructions." 1 Uncas 
 
 1 The manner of the final sentence was base. Such decision respecting an 
 
74 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 was directed to " march the prisoner back to the place of 
 capture ; and citizens were sent to accompany Indians and 
 see the sentence properly executed." The moment of arrival 
 at the ground, one of Uncas' men, marching behind Mian- 
 tonimo, cleft his head with a hatchet. The noble Sachem 
 probably did not know the manner of his fate. 1 
 
 Soldiers were sent to defend the Mohegan against possible 
 assaults of Narragan setts. 
 
 About this time several Sachems professed friendship, 
 among whom were Yoncho of Long Island, and Passacon- 
 away and his sons of Merrimack. Severe penalties were now 
 ordered to be inflicted for so much as repairing any Indian's 
 gun. Governor Bradford's apprehension of danger from the 
 introduction of fire-arms was being realized. 
 
 At " a meeting extraordinary " held in Boston, the Com- 
 missioners thought it necessary to send messengers to Sachems 
 both Narragansett and Mohegan, requiring a suspension of 
 all warlike movements ; and also that said Sachems report 
 themselves at Boston. The Commissioners were perhaps mis- 
 taken in their opinion that the " Narragansetts were en- 
 raged." 
 
 That nation was panic-stricken and filled with sorrow. But 
 the real fear of the Commissioners was lest Narragansetts, 
 notwithstanding their discomfiture by Uncas, would yet be 
 victorious ; they were more numerous than Mohegans, and 
 still had Canonicus, Pessicus, and other stout warriors at the 
 head of their armies. The fear was that as soon as Mohe- 
 
 ancient ally has been justly stigmatized as both ungenerous and iniquitous. No 
 wonder if the indignation of Canonicus and Pessicus be stirred when they come 
 to understand the circumstances; nor will it be strange if such proceedings 
 "foster in their breasts a contempt for Christianity." 
 
 1 Uncas, it is related in annals of the times, " cut a large slice from his enemy's 
 shoulder and ate it, saying, 'It makes my heart strong. It is the sweetest meat I 
 ever tasted.' " Trumbul and others tell us that this affair " was in the eastern 
 part of Norwich, now called Sachem's Plain, and that the body was buried where 
 it fell." 
 
 Francis Parkman, LL. D., in a work recently issued by Little and Brown, 
 shows that the Iroquois of New France (as a part of the territory of one of the 
 Canadas was called) were cannibals. But we are not certified of the existence, 
 at any time, of other man-eaters in North America ; if we except the solitary 
 instance of Uncas, the Pequot, who, it has been said, on authority of doubtful 
 gossip, " cut a large slice from Miantonimo's shoulder and ate it." 
 
■CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 15 
 
 gans were subdued Narragansetts would fall on the English. 
 Canonicus was yet living, but very aged. 1 
 
 Narragansetts had, prior to the unfortunate decision against 
 Miantonimo, paid a great sura, hoping to ransom their chief. 
 They had also, besides what had been paid to Uncas, given to 
 the Commissioners £40 sterling to insure his safety. They 
 had not, before the humiliating event of the Chief's murder, 
 so much as dreamed that any one could be faithless in the 
 case. Faithful themselves, and trusting to the honor of their 
 white allies, they continued, in all simplicity, to attribute the 
 act to Uncas. They did not, for a long time, even suspect 
 the Commissioners of having secretly corrupted the false In- 
 dian, and employed him and men to do the bloody deed. 
 
 1 Mr. Williams relates of Canonicus that the old chief once solemnly assured 
 him, " I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the English since they 
 landed, and never will. If the English speak true, then I will go to my grave in 
 peace." Mr. Williams expressed hope that the Sachem might have no cause 
 for distrust. The old man thereupon took a stick, and breaking it in pieces lay 
 down piece after piece, counting ten, as instances in which he had experienced the 
 unfaithfulness of English people, saying, "These things awaken my fears." 
 Canonicus died in 1647. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Soon after Miantonimo's death, his brother and successor, 
 Pessicus, unsuspicious of treachery or duplicity, sent a rich 
 present of furs and wampum to the Governor of Massachu- 
 setts, requesting neutrality in an expiatory war which Pessi- 
 cus felt himself bound in honor to wage against Uncas. 
 
 Revenge of a brother's death was regarded a sacred duty. 
 Pessicus recognized a treaty obligation by thus giving notice 
 of intention. The Governor thought that the request was not 
 such as a Christian people can sanction. 
 
 Unmindful that Indians have rights, we are apt to attach 
 little importance to their affairs. Did we consider Miantonimo 
 the head of a state, and that state civilized, it were easier to 
 understand what is due to offended justice. 
 
 The present of Pessicus was accepted, and a cold intima- 
 tion was given that " peace must be preserved." This was 
 not satisfactory ; and so Pessicus sent again, urging, by many 
 arguments, what the Indian conceived to be a reasonable re- 
 quest. 
 
 The conditions on which the wampum and furs had been 
 offered were of course refused. The present, however, was 
 permitted to be left, and the messengers were detained, osten- 
 sibly that there might be " time to advise with the Sachems." 
 Governor Williams at last told Pessicus, candidly, "If you 
 or your people make war upon Uncas, the English will fall 
 upon you." At this, the feelings of Pessicus and his friends 
 were deeply wounded. They declared " We will not listen 
 to peace so long as the head of Uncas remains on his shoul- 
 ders." 
 
 It has been sensibly remarked, " History can panegyrize 
 few instances of nobler faith than that of the untutored In- 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 77 
 
 dians who did not, for a long time, even suspect their allies of 
 having had any part in the death of their Sachem. Proverb- 
 ial themselves for fidelity, it was difficult to conceive of treach- 
 ery in others." This people were now to be undeceived. 
 Messengers soon arrived from colonial authorities, telling of 
 formidable preparations, that brought to mind the terrible 
 fate of Pequots. The Narragansetts could not understand 
 why their allies opposed the avenging the death of Mian- 
 tonimo. 
 
 r Seeing in a clearer light the value of treaties with colonists, 
 (Indian credulity ever trusting and always betrayed J the Nar- 
 ragansetts took advice of their friends in Rhode Island, and 
 sought the protection of a Power which all felt obliged to 
 acknowledge ; pleading the common relation of subjects, they 
 insisted that whatever differences arise between them and 
 the colonists be submitted to the Throne. 
 
 The Commissioners, believing the Narragansetts to be in 
 earnest, and regarding their contempt of advice sufficient to 
 justify war, pushed forward measures to reduce them to sub- 
 mission. The people of different colonies were urged to 
 united action, and men were impressed for an expedition, 
 orders being given " not to offend Mohegans, only Narragan- 
 setts." Further orders were that " all captives taken during 
 the campaign, whether men, women, or children, shall be im- 
 proved for the advantage of the colonies." 
 
 The Narragansetts now, whether sobered by reflection, in- 
 timidated by menace, or enervated by terror, abandoned inten- 
 tion of chastising Uncas, and concluded to send a deputation 
 to Boston. Messages from Boston were therefore dispatched 
 to headquarters by those in authority, saying, " Stay the 
 sword ; there is prospect of peace." The Commissioners took 
 offense, and accused their messengers of departing from in- 
 structions. The fact was, the designs of Commissioners had 
 more in view than peace ; more than conquest ; they were in- 
 tent on extermination. They resolved to raise, with all con- 
 venient speed, three hundred soldiers ; Massachusetts to fur- 
 nish one hundred and ninety, Plymouth forty, Connecticut 
 forty, and New Haven thirty. 
 
 Pessicus and other chief men in behalf of the Narragan- 
 
 J 
 
78 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 setts, and Awasequin in behalf of the Niantics (Ianemo, the 
 ruling Sachem, being then sick), came to Boston with a ret- 
 inue. They came, assured by the Commissioners that how- 
 ever the treaty might end they would receive no injury, and 
 would be permitted to return home in safety. 
 
 These Indians found themselves, on reaching Boston, ar- 
 raigned under an accusation of having made " war against an 
 ally of Massachusetts, and of putting the United Colonies 
 to great cost in raising forces for defense." x They indignantly 
 denied any breach of covenant, and stoutly insisted that their 
 entire course had always been open, fair, and honorable. 
 They quickly saw they had no alternative but obedience or 
 annihilation. Required (in addition to alleged war expenses) 
 to remunerate Uncas, restoring whatever had been taken from 
 him, the Indians pleaded numerous injuries done by Uncas, 
 and emphasized his having received a ransom for Miantonimo's 
 life and then treacherously killing him. The requisition to 
 pay Uncas was most galling. Required to promise perpetual 
 peace with the English and their allies, they had many diffi- 
 culties in their own minds to encounter. The final requisi- 
 tion, u that you leave with us some of your children as hos- 
 tages, touched the most tender point." 2 They were, before 
 leaving Boston, apprized that " English forces were already, 
 in part, on the march for the Narragansett country;" and 
 they were told that themselves were suspected — of what ? 
 — of " plotting for their children's rescue ! " 
 
 Often rebuked for dilatoriness in payment of the indem- 
 nity, notwithstanding the fact that the fingers of Narragan- 
 sett squaws were not nimble enough to string two miles of 
 wampum in time to satisfy the cupidity of the government, 3 
 
 1 They were told that " it is just that the expense of the war fall upon you. 
 But we will show moderation, and only exact of you two thousand feet of wam- 
 pum." The value of the indemnity claimed was £566 13s. 4c?.; more than the 
 tax levied, the same year, on the whole colony of Massachusetts. 
 
 2 We have, in previous pages, intimated that Indians were remarkable for their 
 patriotism and tender love of offspring. Unable to bear with fortitude the loss 
 of their children, their future career seemed to be destined to be sorrowful 
 
 8 The squaws did all that was possible. They even sold their kettles and laid 
 the price at the feet of their oppressors. The entire amount could not be paid 
 until twenty soldiers had been sent to enforce arrears. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 79 
 
 the whole tribe was the object of especial espionage. 1 Colo- 
 nists seemed to be conscious that all right to pacific regard 
 had been forfeited, and their general policy was now changed. 
 No more did they send ambassadors with flattering promises, 
 but sent forces in martial array. 2 
 
 With deep conviction that a disgraceful issue of the meet- 
 ing in Boston was being enacted, a treaty was signed Au- 
 gust 30, 1645, and hostages delivered. 
 
 After this the colonists apprehended trouble from Nini- 
 gret. On a recent visit to the Commissioners, he had shown 
 that his sympathies were with Pessicus ; having expressed 
 opinion that the English authorities' demand on the Narra- 
 gansetts was grievous. He had said, " That people are really 
 poor." The aged Ninigret was uncle of the unfortunate 
 Miantonimo. 8 When Captain Davis was " sent, with a troop 
 of horse, to look after the Niantic Sachem, the old chief could 
 not at first be found. His people were panic-stricken. But 
 when assured of Ninigret's life, they contrived to comply with 
 the demand." 
 
 It was, thus circumstanced and driven almost to despair, 
 that Narragansetts appealed to the Crown. The restoration 
 of Charles II. soon beheld agents of this Indian tribe, 
 strangely commingling with Quakers, Baptists, and others, 
 imploring at the foot of the Throne for protection. The ap- 
 peal was not disregarded. Instructions next sent over to 
 Royal Commissioners mentioned the case of the Narragan- 
 setts as especial object of inquiry. The instructions arrived, 
 so it happened, too late ; the people of Miantonimo had well- 
 nigh ceased to exist. Indian provocation had, by appeal to 
 the Crown, reached its acme. 
 
 If, in the orderings of Providence, God, at a later day, raise 
 
 1 If a brother Indian was treated with attention, that was regarded as indicative 
 of coalition ; if an Indian resisted an injury, that was magnified into evidence 
 of hostile preparation. 
 
 2 The deficit of indemnity was three hundred fathoms. An officer, pistol in 
 hand, seized the Sachem by the hair and threatened death if the amount were not 
 instantly paid. The soldiers departed in triumph. 
 
 3 It may here be remembered that both Ninigret and his nephew had been 
 faithful co-workers with the colonists in Pequot troubles. Each received his 
 quota of prisoners, for whom annual tribute was paid. 
 
80 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 up men of sober reflection, candor, and prominence, to speak 
 a favoring word for the oppressed and down-trodden, shall 
 not such friendly word be heard ? Mr. Washington Irving 
 says, " The Indian obeys the impulses of his inclination and 
 the dictates of his judgment. The early records mention 
 with great bitterness the doings of Indians, and with strong 
 approval the strides of civilization in the blood of the red 
 man. They show us but too clearly how the white man was 
 moved to hostility by the lust of conquest, and how merciless 
 and exterminating was the warfare. Imagination shrinks at 
 the idea how many intellectual beings were hunted from 
 earth ; how many brave and noble hearts of nature's stern- 
 est coinage were broken down and trampled in the dust. 
 Treated by the colonist as if wild beasts of the forest, writers 
 have endeavored to justify the outrage. The colonist found 
 it easier to exterminate than to civilize •) his apologists have 
 found it easier to vilify the Indians than to discriminate. The 
 appellations savage and pagan have been deemed sufficient to 
 sanction hostilities ; and thus the wanderers of the forest were 
 persecuted and defamed, not because they were guilty, but 
 because they were ignorant The rights of the sav- 
 age have seldom been properly appreciated or respected by 
 
 the white man A proud independence formed the 
 
 the main pillar of savage virtue ; it has been shaken down, 
 and the whole fabric lies in ruins." 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 An act of Parliament, July 27, 1649, incorporated " A 
 Company for Promoting the Gospel of Jesus Christ among 
 the Indians in New England." The work of translating the 
 Holy Scriptures into the Indian language was begun at the ex- 
 pense of a gentleman in London. A work of so great mag- 
 nitude could not be hastily accomplished. Mr. Eliot had 
 made attempt to impart religious instruction to the Indians 
 by preaching. 
 
 In the Epistle Dedicatory of the translation of the New 
 Testament, addressed to King Charles by " commissioners of 
 the four colonies," they declare that one " object of the col- 
 onies in planting themselves here was that they might be in- 
 strumental in spreading the light of the Gospel, the knowl- 
 edge of the Son of God, our Saviour, to the barbarous heathen ; 
 which, by his late majesty, in some of our patents, is declared 
 to be the principal aim." 
 
 The Epistle acknowledges that " whatever has been at- 
 tempted in this work has been through the agency of the 
 London Society, and from the charity and piety of friends in 
 England." 
 
 It is to be regretted that the large sums which pious char- 
 ities of England supplied to be expended under direction of 
 commissioners appointed for the purpose by the colonial gov- 
 ernments were not productive of more good. 1 
 
 i When that good man, John Eliot, first attempted to address the Indians on 
 religious subjects, one asked, "How has it happened that, Christianity being so j 
 important, the white people have, these many years, said nothing to us about it? " 
 Mr. Hutchinson has remarked, " Mr. Eliot was not responsible for the omission." 
 Hennepin quotes a sarcastic remark said to have been made by the Three River 
 Indians : " Whilst we had beaver and furs, the missionary was with us ; but when 
 our merchandise failed, it was thought they could do us no further good." It is 
 6 
 
82 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Disputes between the colonies had been several years pro- 
 gressing, and through successive years absorbed so much of 
 the attention of the people that Indians enjoyed comparative 
 quiet. Besides internal difficulties were altercations with the 
 Dutch of New Netherlands, who, under Governor Stuyvesant, 
 would not accede to " proposals for a joint trade with the Six 
 Nations." There were also warm discussions touching the 
 necessity of compelling the settlements of Maine to acknowl- 
 edge subjection to Massachusetts. In this state of things In- 
 dians were measurably out of mind. 
 
 In 1653, the colonists thought they had reliable information 
 that Governor Stuyvesant had privately solicited Narragan- 
 setts and others to a general confederacy to extirpate the Eng- 
 lish. Consequent alarm spread, and a special meeting of the 
 Commissioners was called, who considered the matter and 
 were of opinion that the " proofs were strong." But, before 
 the final action a letter came from the Dutch Governor, deny- 
 ing the imputation, and expressing surprise and mortification 
 that colonists gave credit to such rumors. The Commissioners 
 were " full of fight," and therefore resolved. They " agreed 
 to raise, if God call us to war against the Dutch, five hundred 
 soldiers." 1 
 
 Whilst disputes with the Dutch were depending, the Narra- 
 gansetts, under Ninigret, had a difficulty with certain Long 
 Island Indians, who, as was claimed by colonists, " were under 
 colonial protection." This, together with the conspiracy which 
 
 painful to confess the sinister motive of some in the disbursement of charitable 
 trusts. The fact is, nevertheless, notorious that when Indians stood in the way 
 of extension no concerns for their spiritual good forbade their extermination. 
 Killing and enslaving was more popular employment than imparting religious in- 
 struction, and by winning kindness and example of righteousness, converting 
 natives to Christ's religion. 
 
 i "The Elders, always consulted in affairs of importance, were desired to 
 give their opinion. It was that " proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot 
 tending to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God are of such 
 weight as to induce a belief in the reality of it, yet are not so fully conclusive as 
 to clear up before the world a present proceeding to war, and to bear up our 
 own hearts with that fullness of persuasion which is meet in commending the 
 case to God in prayer and to the people in exhortations ; and that it will be safe 
 for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword, but be in a posture of defense 
 and readiness for action until of God shall be more clearly known, either for a 
 settled peace or more manifest grounds of war." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 83 
 
 it Was supposed Ninigret and Governor Stuyvesant had con- 
 cocted, was thought to be sufficient ground for war against the 
 Niantics. So, in 1653, it was resolved that " two hundred 
 and fifty soldiers be raised forthwith." But Massachusetts 
 not concurring, and refusing her quota, the matter was, for 
 the present, dropped. 
 
 In 1654, the Commissioners thought it expedient to require 
 the presence of Ninigret at Hartford, there to answer to 
 complaints. The messenger whom they sent to the Sachem 
 returned with a reply which, being regarded as insolent, gave 
 great offense. Thereupon it was agreed to " raise at once a 
 force to invade Ninigret's dominions and compel compliance." * 
 Major Willard marched his forces into the Narragansett coun- 
 try. The Sachem secured himself, and it was not thought to 
 be prudent to attack him. The commander completed his 
 foray by seizing a few Indians that at the close of the Pequot 
 war had been left with the Niantics on condition that the col- 
 onies receive for them an annual per capita, 
 
 Willard was a Massachusetts man. The Commissioners 
 were greatly offended by the slender result of his invasion, 
 and charged him with having neglected the opportunity to 
 humble the pride of the Niantics. Willard pleaded that the 
 instructions given him were equivocal. 2 The Niantics and 
 other Indians continued quiet many years, until by familiar 
 use of fire-arms they became emboldened and ready for the 
 scenes of 1675-76. 
 
 When, on. occasion of suspicion of some intended plot, 
 Metacomet was, August 6, 1662, summoned to Plymouth, and 
 
 1 The reply of Ninigret showed that he retained some sense of independency. 
 It is not too much to presume that he had taken counsel with friends in Rhode 
 Island. He reasoned thus : " Why should I acquaint you with my trouble with 
 Long Island Indians ? They began by killing a son and sixty men of one of 
 our Sachems. We will not let them alone. We desire that you will let us alone, 
 and not again send for us. What shall we do at Hartford ? We have done you 
 no hurt. Were your Governor's son and many others of his men slain, would 
 you ask of another nation to be allowed to right yourselves? I will not go to 
 Hartford. The upland Indians who have been with me are friends. Why 
 should I inform you of their visit ! " 
 
 2 The Massachusetts colonists were, in fact, desirous of avoiding an open rup- 
 ture ; and this was a second time that their commissioners had, in opposition to 
 others, prevented a general war. 
 
84 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 made appearance in court, renewing the treaty that had long 
 existed between his now deceased father, brother, and the 
 Governor of Plymouth, this Sachem was also required to 
 promise not to alienate his lands without knowledge and con- 
 sent of the court. He assented, but with evident sense of 
 offended dignity. His manner plainly indicated a feeling 
 that encroachments upon his rights were being made. The 
 records inform us that upon the occasion "he was found to 
 be a man of great spirit." From that time he was more than 
 ever " looked upon with suspicion." Mr. Drake pertinently 
 remarks : " How much Indians had to do with making 
 treaties it is not difficult to judge ; they acquiesced because 
 they had not the power to resist. An unwritten word of 
 honor was with them sufficient." 
 
 Metacomet carried himself well at all times. He was not 
 only unoffending but so far as appears on record, his walk 
 was strictly urbane and honorably unexceptionable. In 1670, 
 however, it was "thought that he and his people were de- 
 v signing mischief." Vague gossip had it that " Wampanoags, 
 including Pokanokets and others, were frequently assem- 
 bling." By and by, rumors took more definite and alarming 
 shape; it was said, "Indians are grinding hatchets, and fix- 
 ing up their guns." 
 
 The Plymouth government now conceived it proper "to 
 send messengers to investigate, and to make observation." 
 The Massachusetts government also, at the suggestion of 
 Plymouth, " sent messengers to Taunton to prevent, if pos- 
 sible, an open war," which the Plymouth government had 
 intimated they " would be obliged to begin if they could not 
 otherwise bring the Indians to reason." 
 
 The Massachusetts delegation reached Taunton April 13, 
 and the Governor of Plymouth and others joined. Metacomet 
 had been summoned. Whilst the delegates were in confer- 
 ence, examining witnesses concerning the appearance and con- 
 duct of Indians, a message from Metacomet was received, in- 
 forming the Governor that the Sachem of Wampanoags was 
 near by, at Three-mile River, and desired the Governor to 
 come and talk with him. Answer was returned, " The Gov- 
 ernor is ready for treaty, and expects you to come to him." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 85 
 
 The Governor promised safety, but Metacomet declined. Al- 
 though " two of the messengers proposed to remain as hos- 
 tages, Metacomet still refused to enter town, preferring to go 
 only so far as the mill, and with men and arms." Soon, how- 
 ever, intelligence was brought that Metacomet, with his men, 
 were advancing ; the next moment he appeared on the hill 
 near the mill, and there ordered his company, with sentinels. 
 
 " Some of the delegates, and those with them, were for 
 attacking the Indians at once, on the spot where they had 
 halted. The Massachusetts delegates were apprehensive of 
 the result. All agreed, however, that a Governor ought not 
 to condescend to go to an Indian." 
 
 After considerable waiting, Metacomet neither coming nor 
 sending messengers, some delegates proposed going to per- 
 suade. The Sachem proved at first unwilling; and his 
 counselors were united in opinion that their chief ought not 
 to go. Metacomet finally consented to go, provided his men 
 may accompany him and take position on one side of the 
 meeting-house, with the colonists on the other side. This 
 arrangement was made. 
 
 Metacomet protested that his only purpose in bringing men 
 armed was to defend himself against possible assaults by Nar- 
 ragansetts. 1 
 
 It was charged against Metacomet that, when perfectly at 
 liberty, he thought but little of engagements ; his guns were 
 not brought in ; he refused to come, when required, to Plym- 
 outh ; and, moreover, many strange Indians resorted to him. 
 
 Secretary Morton gave notice to the Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, August 23, in behalf of the Plymouth government, 
 to be communicated to the council, that the Plymouth gov- 
 ernment had again summoned Metacomet to appear Septem- 
 ber 13, and that should he not appear they had determined 
 to send, on the 20th, a force sufficient to reduce him to rea- 
 son, 2 " unless cause why it ought not to be done be shown by 
 
 1 It was the opinion of the delegates that the Sachem was at the moment on 
 better terms with the Narragansetts than ever before. There was little doubt 
 that he designed mischief : perhaps an attack on Taunton, Seekonk, or some 
 other place. In this opinion the delegates were strengthened by the Sachem's 
 supplies of provisions and ammunition. 
 
 2 The frequent, urgent, and imperious calls on the Sachem and his fellow 
 
86 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 the Massachusetts authorities." It was further intimated that 
 the Plymouth government regarded it " a common cause, and 
 would be glad to accept assistance, although if aid was denied 
 they would engage alone." 
 
 It so happened that Metacomet and his counselors were in 
 Boston when the letter from Plymouth was received. So 
 favorably did the Sachem represent to the Governor and 
 Council the state of things that, in answer to Plymouth, they 
 urged that government to refer the differences between them- 
 selves and Metacomet to commissioners, to be appointed by 
 the Connecticut and Massachusetts colonies. Plymouth de- 
 clined the proposal, and insisted on the appearance of Meta- 
 comet at the time appointed. The Massachusetts govern- 
 ment declared, finally and peremptorily, " There does not ap- 
 pear sufficient ground for commencing hostilities." 1 
 
 Plymouth consented to allow further time, that is to the 
 26th, and promised safe conduct to Metacomet and all accom- 
 panying him. They also invited commissioners from Massa- 
 chusetts and Connecticut to be present in Plymouth on the 
 26th to advise. Metacomet, whilst in Boston, engaged that 
 he would not enter upon any quarrel with Plymouth until 
 first addressing himself to Massachusetts for advice and ap- 
 probation. 
 
 The Commissioners of Massachusetts and Connecticut met, 
 as invited, at Plymouth, with design of mediating ; and Meta- 
 comet was present. Articles of amity and friendship, such 
 as the advisory Commissioners thought reasonable, were sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 The Articles were as follow : — 
 
 "1. We, Philip and my Council and my subjects, do ac- 
 
 Sachems were doubtless annoying, and may have seemed to them unnecessary, 
 and perhaps persecutious. 
 
 1 There was a degree of alienation, growing out of differing political interests 
 and opinions, in different colonies. The nature of the subjection of the Sachem 
 to the government of Plymouth being considered by Massachusetts, reply had 
 been made, September 8, that "we do not understand how far he hath subjected 
 himself to you, but the treatment you have given him and your proceedings 
 towards him do not render him such a subject as that if there be not a present 
 answering to summons there should be presently proceeding to hostilities. The 
 sword once drawn and dipped in blood may make him as independent on you as 
 you are upon him." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 87 
 
 knowledge ourselves subjects to his majesty the King of 
 England, and to the government of New Plymouth, and to 
 their laws. 1 
 
 "2. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the govern- 
 ment of Plymouth £100 in such things as I have; but I 
 would entreat the favor that I may have three years to pay it 
 in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present. 
 
 " 3. I do promise to send unto the Governor, or whom he 
 shall appoint, five wolf-heads, if I can get them, or as many 
 as I can procure until they come to five wolves yearly. 
 
 "4. If any difference fall between the English and myself 
 and people, then I do promise to repair to the Governor of 
 Plymouth to rectify the difference amongst us. 
 
 " 5. I do promise to make no war with any but by appro- 
 bation of the Governor of Plymouth. 
 
 u 6. I promise not to dispose of any of the lands that I 
 have at present, but by the approbation of the Governor. 
 
 " For the true performance of the premises, the said Sa- 
 chem, Philip of Pokanoket, do hereby bind myself and such 
 of my Council as are here present, — ourselves, our heirs, our 
 successors, — and faithfully do promise. In witness whereof 
 we have hereunto subscribed our hands the day and year 
 above written. 2 
 
 1 It is evident that whatever expressions may heretofore have been interwoven 
 in treaties, in acknowledgment of subjection, Indians had never understood 
 such expressions in the Anglo-Saxon sense. When letters were read to Meta- 
 comet in Boston, by the Governor of Massachusetts, from Plymouth, the Sachem 
 addressed the Governor and Council, and said, " My predecessors have always 
 been friendly towards the Plymouth Governors. An engagement to that effect 
 was made by my father and renewed by my brother. When I took the govern- 
 ment upon myself I did the same." 
 
 These " treaties " were agreements for amity. 
 
 2 The instrument is copied from Hubbard. He omits the date. Mr. Drake 
 says it was September 29, 1671. The date was not the only omission; Mr. 
 Drake certifies that the original document contained additional signatures, 
 namely, Wohkawpalemit, Wuttahoosim, Sakamuhoo, Woonashum, alias Nim- 
 rod, Woospasuck, alias Captain. 
 
 Mr. Hutchinson felt induced, in view of the above and other transactions, to 
 leave on record the following : " Acts of injustice towards Indians have pro- 
 voked them and occasioned frequent wars. We are apt to consider Indians a 
 race of beings inferior to us and born to servitude. Philip was a man of high 
 spirit. He could not bear to see the English extending their settlements over 
 the dominion of his ancestors ; and, although his father had at one time or an- 
 other conveyed to them all they now possessed, had sense to distinguish a free, 
 voluntary covenant from one made under constraint." 
 
88 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " Signed, in presence of the court and divers of the magis- 
 trates and other gentlemen of Massachusetts and Connect- 
 icut, by 
 
 Philip, his mark. 
 
 Uncompan, his mark. 
 
 Wolokom, his mark. 
 
 Samkana, his mark." 
 
 Guileless simplicity and plain dealing would have com- 
 ported with professions of the colonists. Indian penetration 
 was, despite popular opinion respecting Indian intelligence, 
 too keen for attemps at chicane to be completely successful. 
 
 What were the thoughts of Metacomet, or King Philip, as 
 the colonists preferred to call him, we may conjecture. From 
 the signing of the preceding treaty, 1 there is little of moment 
 relating to the Indians on record until 1674-75, if we except 
 never-ceasing suspicions and vague rumors. All the time it 
 was apprehended that Metacomet contemplated measures to 
 engage Indians in all parts to unite against the colonies. 
 
 A man found dead in the woods of Dedham, an Indian 
 suspected of shooting the man was seized and executed. 
 These incidents afforded some cause for alarm. 
 
 1 Mather, always classical and learned, if not merciful, facetiously says of the 
 treaty-document, " When the Duke of Archetta, at his being made Governor of 
 Antwerp Castle, took oath to keep it faithfully for King Philip of Spain, the 
 officer who administered the oath used these words : ' If you perform what you 
 promise, God help you ; if you do not, the devil take you body and soul/ But 
 when the Indian King Philip took oath to be faithful to the government of New 
 Plymouth, nobody used these words unto him ; nevertheless, we shall see anon 
 whether these words were not expressive enough of what became of him." 
 
CHAPTER XIV. . 
 
 And now we stand on the eve of the war of 1675 ; a war 
 which Hutchinson has said " endangered the very being of 
 the colonies, so that it became a question whether the Indians 
 would not prevail, to the total extirpation of the English.'* 
 Records say, " It was a war which almost desolated New Eng- 
 land." This was, however, an exaggerated statement. 
 
 The disputes in which Indians were, at times, engaged 
 among themselves had doubtless been hitherto some security 
 to colonists, who, as Hutchinson asserts, " endeavored on the 
 one hand to restrain them, and on the other hand aimed to 
 keep among them just so much contention as would prevent 
 a combination and make an appeal to the English necessary 
 from time to time." Hutchinson says, " This was the avowed 
 policy." He further says, " At the first arrival of the English 
 Indians were treated with kindness to obtain their friendship 
 and favor." 
 
 Indians having no acquaintance with fire-arms, the English 
 grew by degrees unapprehensive. Finding, by experience, 
 that corslets were a protection from bows and arrows, " the 
 English were, nearly forty years together, under no great 
 concern." 
 
 It is impossible to say with certainty what were the lucu- 
 brations of Metacomet. It is presumable that, at the opening 
 of hostilities, no definite plans were laid. It seems clear that 
 no preparations were made. As to an allegation that he be- 
 gan the war, we must judge from facts in the premises. 
 
 It was said by some that " the great chief was pressed by 
 the importunity of young warriors." He was accused by the 
 colonists of ambitiously aspiring to undisputed sovereignty of 
 country; also of breaking promises. That country he would 
 
90 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 have enjoyed as an inheritance had not the white people pre- 
 vented. ( The promises which he was accused of breaking 
 were such only as were made under constraint. Metacomet's 
 inward motive for war has been persistently scanned. His 
 impulses have been plausibly conceited to be resentment at 
 prospective loss of that which, to a lofty Indian spirit, was 
 the noblest dignity, — the free and uncontrolled possession of 
 domain. fHaving seen his father and brother die in virtual 
 subjection to an assumed sovereignty, and being now himself 
 trammeled by exactions, shorn of his rightful influence, sub- 
 ject to constant annoyances on the most trifling pretenses, and 
 foreseeing not only the loss of territory but the extinction of 
 his tribe if such encroachments were longer permitted, he had 
 resolved, in proud consciousness of prerogative, to rise up 
 and make one mighty effort for independence. 
 
 Be all this as it may, colonists confessed that they them- 
 selves " began, about this time, to be very jealous of Indians, 
 and believed there was no small reason to suspect that they 
 were plotting a design of war." A spirit of adventure rife 
 among the people of the white settlements, the least symp- 
 tom of impediment in the way of extension and aggrandize- 
 ment was closely watched^ and every movement of an Indian 
 was carefully scrutinized. 
 
 Whilst scanning the motives that influenced Metacomet, 
 justice requires that, aside from the question, " Who began 
 the war, or what precipitated it ? " we consider other aspects 
 of the case. The lamented fact must be confessed that " too 
 many who settled in these parts were generally unscrupulous 
 in their dealings with natives." The remark is of long stand- 
 ing. Admit that the observation is not truthfully applicable 
 to all, nor even to the greater part ; concede also that a 
 goodly number of the early settlers were men of strong and 
 truly religious feeling ; still it remains that among the people 
 who had come over as adventurers under governmental pat- 
 ronage, and had located here, trading on capital furnished 
 by merchants at home, many were too unscrupulous. Not a 
 few seemed, in the progress of events, to lose sight of the 
 axiom that Indians have rights. 
 
 Exactions, unreasonable and continually pressed, could not 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 91 
 
 be otherwise than galling to a proud sense of right. Even in 
 the bosom of a barbarian moral perception may exist. Let 
 it be, if the reader choose so to regard it, that much that is 
 confessedly wrong is attributable to " the age." Records of 
 those times are indeed a painful exhibit of what, in order to 
 tone down the faults of actors, has been called " the spirit of 
 the age." We will not join with those who uncharitably say 
 that diffused among early settlers was a spirit " preeminently 
 conceited, self-willed, bigoted, intolerant ; " many, attempting 
 to live among them, thought they saw evidence of such spirit, 
 and also saw a key to various proceedings, in the chronicles 
 of their doings. 1 
 
 It is necessary here to introduce the testimony of one who 
 figured largely in the war, and whose accounts give, with 
 simplicity and frankness, insight in relation to the state of 
 things the year previous to the war. We refer to Mr. Ben- 
 jamin Church. 2 
 
 A rumor of " a bloody design plotted by Indians " had, in 
 1673-4, for its foundation the assertion of a wretch called 
 Sassamon. 3 With not a particle of evidence on which to 
 hang suspicion, such was the feverish and inflammable state 
 of society that any and every suggestion, however improbable 
 or absurd, was eagerly caught, whether it were of plotting or 
 of casualty. The body of Sassamon was found under the ice 
 
 1 Those chronicles are thought to demonstrate that the charge that the early 
 settlers' first resolve was, " The earth is the Lord's and belongs to the saints," 
 and that their second resolve was, " We are his saints," was not a mere slur. 
 
 2 Mr. Church had large acquaintance with the Indians, and was in esteem 
 among them. He is subsequently known as Captain Church and later as Colonel 
 Church. He had " a grant of land in Taunton, 1669 ; " was " engaged in settling 
 Seconit lands in 1673 ; and was commissioned July 10, 1676. Acquaintances hav- 
 ing, in 1674," commended as highly fertile and pleasant portions of Plymouth col- 
 ony, lying near Rhode Island, and known as Pocasset, now Tiverton, and Sugko- 
 nate, now Little Compton, Mr. Church accepted an invitation to explore the 
 lands (with a view of purchasing court-grant rights of " the Company " ). Mak- 
 ing purchase, he settled a farm ; but, next year, whilst enjoying fine prospect of 
 doing no small things, and hoping that his good success would be inviting to 
 others to become his neighbors, a rumor of war gave check to his projects. It was 
 daily suggested, " The Indians are plotting a bloody design." 
 
 8 Sassamon, who had lived among white people, but had by his misdemeanors 
 been compelled to flee, permitted to remain from 1662 to 1674 among Meta- 
 comet's people, in enjoyment of Wampanoag hospitality, had now been found 
 drowned. 
 
92 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 in Asawompsit Pond, Middleborough, January 29, 1674-5, 
 drowned. 
 
 It was now surmised that Indians were chargeable with 
 Sassamon's death ; and finally it came to be " suspicioned " 
 that possibly Metacomet had some share in the act. 1 Indians 
 suspected of being the cause of Sassamon's death were taken 
 by colonists, tried, and condemned. Governor Winslow, 
 writing to the Governor of Massachusetts, July 4, 1675, says, 
 " I do solemnly protest we know not anything from us that 
 might put Philip upon such motions, nor have we heard that 
 he pretends to have suffered any wrong from us, save only 
 that we had killed some Indians, and intended to send for 
 him on account of the murder of Sassamon." 
 
 1 Sassamon had doubtless, during his stay at Mount Hope, heard Indians 
 speak of their grievances ; and it were strange, if in addition to sympathetic com- 
 plaints, they had not sometimes mooted the question of possible war. Sassamon 
 may even have heard the chances of success nicely weighed. But it is evident 
 that to the present moment plotting had progressed no further. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 " MetacOMET was ordered to Plymouth. But," as Mr. 
 Mather tells, " instead of obeying, he gathered his warriors, 
 and at Mount Hope was soon lighted the council fire of the 
 first Indian coalition in New England, — half a century after 
 the landing of the Pilgrims. Things by this time began to 
 have a serious aspect." * 
 
 Trumbull's History supposes there were, in New England, 
 at the time of its settlement, 36,000 Indians, of whom one 
 third were warriors ; and that, at the beginning of the war, 
 there were 10,000 remaining. 2 
 
 1 We quote again from Mather. The quotation gives evidence of the infatua- 
 tion and distractions of the times. " Yea, and now we speak of things ominous ; 
 some time before, in a still, clear, sunshiny morning, there were divers persons 
 in Maiden who heard in the air a great gun go off, and presently small guns, as if 
 a battle. This was when there was nothing to occasion such noises. They 
 also heard the flying of bullets and the sound of drums. On the same day in- 
 visible troops of horses were heard riding to and fro in Plymouth and other 
 places. Now, reader, prepare for the event of these prodigies." 
 
 Mr. Hubbard has told us that " by a strange Providence an Indian was found 
 who, standing on a hill, had seen the accused commit the murder." Mather also 
 mentions as " a remarkable fact " — and remarkable it was — that one of the ac- 
 cused, Tobias, a counselor of the Sachem, approaching the dead body of Sassa- 
 mon, it would fall to bleeding afresh, as if it had been newly slain, although 
 Sassamon had been dead and buried a considerable time before. Whereupon, 
 Tobias and two others were, after a fair trial, convicted. Although they were 
 all successively turned off at the gallows denying the charge, yet the last of them, 
 happening to slip the rope, did confess that other Indians did the deed." 
 
 It was asserted by the credulous, who were inclined to implicate Metacomet, 
 that he had directed the destruction of the traitor. No pains being taken by 
 Metacomet to deny or explain Sassamon's accusations, suspicions were strength- 
 ened. Metacomet regarded the execution of Tobias and the other Indians as an 
 outrage. Mr. Hutchinson says, " The Sachem expected it would be his turn 
 next." 
 
 2 Gookin, in 1674, compiled a table which gave a somewhat different view. It 
 tells forcibly the result of a half century of intercourse with white people. His 
 table was compiled six months before the war, and presents the following esti- 
 
94 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Metacomet's people had, at the present, almost no resources 
 beyond their own sinewy arms, no stores beyond a scanty 
 crop of corn for a single winter's consumption, and no secure 
 dwellings to shelter them safely after the hardships of a cam- 
 paign. They were really in no state of readiness for an ap- 
 proaching struggle. Even many of the natives whose assist- 
 ance Metacomet would have implored in extremity were in 
 " a maze, and knew not what to do." They knew this : that 
 the colonists had the sympathy of white people very gener- 
 ally, and that the several colonies were united by a common 
 league and stimulated by a common hope. Metacomet knew 
 how disadvantageous his own position had become, — he on 
 a neck of land to which his tribe was confined by the crafty 
 policy of the white people. 1 The fact is — and it is a fact 
 which should be kept in view as a key to much touching the 
 treatment of Indians, which otherwise would seem inexplica- 
 
 mates, namely, " Pequots, formerly 4,000 warriors, now 300 ; Narragansetts, for- 
 J merly 5,000 warriors, now 1,000; Wampanoags, formerly 300, now nearly ex- 
 tinct ; Massachusetts, formerly 3,000, now 300 ; Pawtuckets, formerly 3,000, now 
 250." 
 
 Let it be understood that " the Indians within the bounds of Massachusetts 
 proper were divided into small cantons, and not under one general Sachem." 
 Of the Indians known to the first settlers were general divisions designated 
 Southern, Northern, Eastern, and Western. The Southern embraced many 
 distinct tribes or nations, namely, Loud Island Indians ; River Indians, occupying 
 various points on the Connecticut ; Mohegans, dwelling between that river and 
 the Pequot River ; Pequots, about New London and Stonington, near the coast ; 
 Narragansetts, on the coast from Stonington, and around Point Judith, and on 
 the Narragansett Bay, united under one chief Sachem, but consisting of lesser 
 principalities, of which the Niantics were a branch ; Wampanoags, whose limits 
 need not be described ; Nipmucks, on the lesser rivers and small inland lakes, but 
 tributary to Massasoit, as were the Cape Indians, extending their respective 
 sachemdoms from Eel River in Plymouth County to the south shore of Barnstable 
 County, and including Wood's Hole, Barnstable, Yarmouth, Nobscusset, Nausett, 
 etc. There were also distinct tribes on Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. The 
 Northern Division embraced all the scattered tribes from Pokanoket to the Pis- 
 cataqua River, including the Wamoset, Amoskeag, Pennicook, Agawam, Ipswich, 
 Naumkeag, Salem, Saugus, Lynn, Neponset, Dorchester and Milton, Punkapoag, 
 Stoughton, Wessagusset, Weymouth, and Mystic, including Natick near Charles 
 River. The Eastern Division was designated by the general name Terrenteens, 
 and embraced Indians on the Kennebec, Penobscot, and other waters in Maine. 
 The Western Division included all Indians west of New Haven, who were, in 
 general, denominated Mohawks. 
 
 1 This circumstance alone was extremely embarrassing, and, as will by and 
 by be seen, was, at the very opening of hostilities, nearly fatal to his cause. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 95 
 
 ble — the very existence of powerful tribes upon the soil which 
 held their fathers' graves was inconvenient to the colonists. 1 
 
 The Plymouth Colony now judged it expedient to order a 
 military watch in every town. It was said that Metacomet 
 had, in preparation for hostilities, " sent away the women and 
 children of his tribe to neighboring Indians, and that war- 
 riors were coming from all parts and inspiring him with cour- 
 age afresh, so that he had become haughty and insolent in 
 bearing, turning away from advances made to him by col- 
 onists whose integrity and innocency had made them feel 
 secure hitherto." This much said Dr. Mather. 
 
 Mr. Church tells us that among others to whom Metacomet 
 sent to invite cooperation was Awashonks, the Queen or 
 Squaw-Sachem of the Sughonates ; and that she listened so 
 far to his proposals as to call her warriors, and, according to 
 Indian custom when about to advise on affairs of great mo- 
 ment, made a great dance. 2 Mr. Church was yet residing in 
 peace and quiet on his farm, and was a neighbor to the Squaw- 
 Sachem, whose husband was Wawayemit. Mr. Church was 
 invited to the dance. Taking with him one of his plantation 
 overseers, who had some limited acquaintance with Indian 
 speech, they found, on arriving at the place of festivities, 
 many assembled, and the Queen " herself, in a foaming 
 sweat, leading the dance." 
 
 The gayety was suspended on the entrance of Mr. Church, 
 and Awashonks sat down ; but, quickly summoning her no- 
 
 1 We quote again from Mather, since we must substantiate our record. Dr. 
 Mather, as pastor of the North Church in Boston, ought to be indisputable au- 
 thority. | He says, in his account of conflicts with Indians, " The infant colonies, 
 finding themselves necessitated into the crushing of serpents, while yet in the 
 cradle, unanimously resolved that with the assistance of Heaven they would root 
 this nest of serpents out of the world." Mr. Mather further says, " Two colonies 
 of churches being brought forth and a third conceived within the bounds of New 
 England by the year 1636, it was time for the devil to take alarm and make / 
 some attempt in opposition to the possession which the Lord Jesus Christ was * 
 going to have of these utmost parts of the earth. These parts were then covered 
 with nations of barbarous Indians and infidels in whom the power of the air did 
 work as a spirit ; nor could it be expected that nations of wretches, whose whole 
 religion was the most explicit sort of devil worship, should not be actuated by the 
 devil to engage in some early and bloody action for the extinction of a plantation 
 
 so contrary to his interests as that of New England was." 
 
 2 Mr. Church was of opinion that she intended to frustrate the design of war. 
 
96 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 bles around, she ordered that Mr. Church be invited to join 
 the circle. After compliments, Mr. Church was informed of 
 the message Awashonks had received from Mount Hope. 1 
 She wished to " know whether it is true that the Umpane 
 men are gathering a great army to invade Metacomet's 
 country." Assured by Mr. Church that there was no truth 
 in the report, and that the white people have no such design, 
 she had the six guests from Mount Hope called. " They 
 were of formidable appearance, their faces painted, their hair 
 trimmed in war fashion ; had powder-horns and shot-bags 
 swinging from their shoulders, — signs of preparedness for 
 war." Awashonks introduced these Indians, saying, " These 
 are the men who tell of the doings of the Umpane men." 2 
 She related, with evident satisfaction, Mr. Church's denial of 
 the report, and a warm talk quickly sprang up. The Queen 
 checked the excitement. 
 
 Mr. Church tells us that he said to Awashonks, " If Meta- 
 comet is resolved to make war, the best thing you can do is 
 to knock on the head his messengers, and shelter yourself 
 and people under the protection of the colonists." The mes- 
 sengers were " thunderstruck, and said not a word." Two 
 of Awashonks' braves were, however, " furious against Mr. 
 Church's suggestion ; and Little Eyes, Queen's counsel, 
 joined." The Queen approved of the advice of Mr. Church, 
 to put herself and people under English protection, and ap- 
 pointed men to guard Church back to his house. 
 
 It is not easy to determine the precise importance to be at- 
 tached to ex parte or egotistic statements made in a day of 
 feverish excitement. It is natural for those in power to aim 
 to justify their own action ; and the narrator of stirring scenes 
 in which himself bore a prominent part may inadvertently use 
 a coloring that needs revision. Fairness requires us to say 
 that Mr. Church speaks for both Indians and colonists, him- 
 self included ; and, inasmuch as information must be gathered 
 chiefly from antagonists to Indians, it is chiefly by incidentals, 
 
 1 Mount Hope, the residence of Metacomet, was an eminence about two miles 
 east of Bristol, and in view of Fall River. A fine view of Providence may be 
 had here. The hill is anglicized Mount Hope ; the original Indian name was 
 Montaup. 
 
 2 In colonial records what is here written Umpane is Apaum. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 97 
 
 analysis, and comparison, that we can do justice in any good 
 degree to all parties. 1 
 
 Mr. Church, on reaching home, sent word to Awashonks, 
 enjoining her to keep within her own settlement at Sugkon- 
 ate ; and promised soon to see her again. Then hurrying to 
 Pocasset, alias Tiverton, he had an interview with the hus- 
 band of the Squaw-Sachem. His name was Potanwamet, 
 alias Peter Nunnuit. 2 Peter had just come from Mount 
 Hope, and was " decidedly of opinion that war was immi- 
 nent." He said that Metacomet had " held a dance, to which 
 he had invited young men from all parts." He said, more- 
 over, he saw at Mount Hope " men who had brought a letter 
 from the Governor of Plymouth," and that Metacomet was 
 confident the Governor had sent for him " to come to Ply- 
 mouth and answer for the death of Sassamon." 
 
 It is strange that notwithstanding the aversion of colonists 
 to the possession and use of guns by Indians, and despite the 
 evasion of laws imposing a severe penalty, Indians were sup- 
 plied with both arms and ammunition. Mather tells " The 
 auri sacra fames accomplished it. Those who would pay, 
 could get. Mr. Thomas Morton was not the only one who, 
 to drive a lucrative trade, could evade prohibition." 
 
 1 We do not intend to intimate that materials furnished by Church, Winslow, 
 Mather, or others, are not reliable. We simply admonish our reader and ourself 
 that Metacomet has no one of his race at hand and cognizant of the naked facts 
 to stand forth in review of the case, as his friend. That he and his compatriots 
 lived, is chiefly for his conquerors to tell. 
 
 2 The Squaw-Sachem's name was Weetamoe. This was an alias, as were 
 other. Beecher calls her Namumpam, and says she was relict of Metacomet's 
 elder brother Wamsutta, and now had become wife of Peter. 
 
 7 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Whatever the cause for which the presence of Metacomet 
 was demanded at Plymouth, he had no inclination to go. He 
 had no reason to believe that a new treaty was intended ; nor 
 was he disposed to recognize authority which would compel 
 him. He is said to have replied to the governor's messengers, 
 " Your Governor is only a subject of King Charles of Eng- 
 land. I shall not treat with a subject. When the King, my 
 brother, comes, I will be ready." The reply recalls to mind 
 the sarcasm of an Iroquois chieftain, 1774 : " Although great 
 things are kept in mind, I do not remember that we were 
 ever conquered by your great king ; if it was so, it is beyond 
 our memory." 
 
 Indian Sachems had come to be treated by colonists as 
 rebels, if they failed of immediate compliance with the requi- 
 sition of magistrates. Metacomet was neither ready to ad- 
 mit the correctness of the imputation of his opponents, nor 
 was he to be moved by their conclusions. His accusers, 
 therefore, said he had become haughty and insolent. 
 
 So far from being improbable, it is evident that war was 
 being forced sooner than Metacomet either intended or ex- 
 pected. Difficulties clustered around him. The demand for 
 his appearance at Plymouth was not least. If he inclined to 
 war, it was evidently because there seemed a necessity of 
 bringing matters to a crisis. Otherwise why did the first 
 signs of war perplex the Indians ? Metacomet perceived too 
 well that there had long existed on the part of colonists a 
 state of war, and he saw they were preparing for an extermi- 
 nating conflict. It was surmised by colonists that he was 
 " waiting for them to begin," by some public demonstration 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 99 
 
 — the thought impressed on the Indian mind being that they 
 " who began war would be conquered." 1 
 
 Peter, so Mr. Church affirms, said, " Young men at the 
 Mount Hope dance were all eager to begin at once by falling 
 on the men who brought the Plymouth letter ; but were dis- 
 suaded by Metacomet, who pacified his warriors by adroitly 
 advising them that his father, the great Massasoit, charged 
 both his sons to treat Mr. Brown, (one of the bearers of the 
 Governor's letter,) with marked consideration. 2 
 
 The strongest point against the Sachem is the promise said 
 to have been made to his people, that they might go out of 
 the Neck. Church says, " These Indians were thirsting to 
 revenge the execution of those Indians who had been hung 
 on account of Sassamon's death." Such is the feeling Mr. 
 
 1 Edward Kandolph, sent over by the Crown, in 1676, to inquire into affairs 
 of the colonies, with especial reference to Indians, says in a letter to William Penn, 
 November 9, 1688 : " The Indians were never civilly treated by the government, 
 who made it their business to encroach on the Indian lands, and by degrees 
 drive them out. That was the ground and beginning of the late war." 
 
 2 This Mr. James Brown of Swansey had always been a good friend of Massa- 
 soit. When Indians believe a person to be their friend they will do all in their 
 
 / power to befriend him, it being a cardinal principle with them that good ought 
 always to be requited with good. The dissuasions of Metacomet, it has been in- 
 timated by some writers, may have been a mere stroke of policy that he might 
 not be known to urge the war, but appear to be drawn by force of circumstances. 
 The good feeling shown to Mr. Brown, and the hospitality and kindness ex- 
 hibited by Indians often and invariably when their humanity was addressed under 
 circumstances that did not preclude, leads us naturally to advert to the case of 
 Logan, the eloquent Cayuga Chief, who was friend of the white people. He ad- 
 mired their ingenuity and wished to be their neighbor. In 1774, Logan's resi- 
 dence being on the Ohio, his family were murdered by a party of white men. 
 War was the immediate result ; and great was the amount of blood drunk by 
 tomahawk and scalping-knife of infuriated Indians, before peace could be re- 
 stored. When, at last, a treaty was about being effected, Logan gave in his ad- 
 hesion, in the following terms addressed to Lord Dinsmore then Governor of 
 Virginia : " I appeal to any white man, if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, 
 and I gave him no meat ; if he ever came cold and naked and I did not shelter 
 and clothe him. I had thought to live with you in peace, the friend of the white 
 man. But in cold blood, and unprovoked, the white man murdered all the rela- 
 tions of Logan. He spared not even my women and children. There runs not 
 a drop of Logan's blood in the veins of any living. This called on me for re- 
 venge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have glutted my vengeance. 
 For my country I rejoice at beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that 
 mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn his heel to save 
 his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ? Not one." Indian friendships 
 and resentments were alike ; they were firmly rooted. 
 
 
100 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Church imputes. That Indians did go beyond the bounds of 
 the Neck, Sunday, June 20, and that some tenantless houses 
 were entered by Indians, is history. They, however, offered 
 no violence, although fired upon by white men, and an Indian 
 was wounded. In this way, according to accounts of the 
 white people themselves, was war begun. 1 Great was the 
 consequent alarm ; not because of Indian depredations, but 
 because of the supposed great numbers of Indians and their 
 hostile preparations. 
 
 Mr. Church has told us that after conversing with Peter, 
 he visited the Squaw-Sachem's quarters and found few In- 
 dians there, her people being gone, generally to Metacomet's 
 dance, contrary to her wishes. She feared there would be 
 war. Mr. Church advised her to secure herself and attend- 
 ants, and send word to the Governor of Plymouth, who he 
 knew to be her friend. 
 
 Mr. Church then hastened away to Plymouth. So expedi- 
 tious was he that the following morning he was in conclave 
 with the Governor, and with magistrates belonging to the 
 council of war. Mr. Church gave to them a full account of 
 discoveries and suspicions. Previous apprehensions were 
 confirmed. All present agreed that " no time is to be lost, 
 but hostile preparations should be pushed forward vigor- 
 ously." 
 
 Mr. Church says: "An express came that same day to the 
 
 1 The neck of land on which are Bristol and Warren, was the ancient Pokano- 
 ket adjoining the main land at Swansey. Fessenden's History of Warren says, 
 " The houses on the Neck were all tenantless, their owners being at church." 
 Other accounts say, " The houses had been vacated through fear." Mention of 
 the transactions is, as a whole, almost unintelligible, somewhat contradictory, 
 and altogether uncertain, as were rumors of the day generally. Hubbard's ac- 
 count of the matter is this : " An Englishman was so provoked at the insolence 
 of the Indians that he let fly a gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill, 
 whereupon the Indians began to kill all the English they could, so as on the 24th 
 of June, the alarm of war first sounded in Plymouth Colony when eight or nine 
 Englishmen were slain in, and about, Swansey." Hubbard is not always relia- 
 ble. His preceding statement proves his liability to err. In the state of society 
 at the time being, sparse, and with only oral means of diffusing intelligence, it 
 may well be supposed that rumors grew. The reports of Mr. Church are, per- 
 haps, correct as any. But impartial persons will find in them not much to en- 
 courage any accusation that either Metacomet, or any of his Mount Hope men 
 were the aggressors. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 101 
 
 Governor who immediately issued orders. Captains were to 
 march their respective companies and rendezvous at Taunton 
 where Major Bradford 1 was to be that night and dispose of 
 them under Major Cudworth. 2 
 
 Such was the beginning of an outbreak to be familiarly 
 known henceforward as King Philip's War. Receiving as 
 correct, all that Mr. Church and other chroniclers have told 
 us, the gravamen of the charge against Mount Hope Indians, 
 touching the beginning of this war, is that the execution of 
 certain Indians, and an unsupported accusation against Meta- 
 comet, were resented by a few Wampanoags who, during a 
 stroll, entered some deserted dwellings, and, taking a cow 
 from the common property, killed, dressed, and ate it. 3 
 
 Metacomet is reported to have been seriously affected when 
 he heard that the first human blood had been spilled. But 
 we are inclined to think that his reported expression of sorrow 
 therefor, was regret that hostilities were precipitated before 
 he was prepared. 
 
 War, however moderate in its opening, was really " be- 
 gun.'' Mr. Mather expresses the fact thus : " Now the war is 
 begun by a fierce nation of Indians, upon a honest, harmless, 
 Christian generation of English who might truly have said _. 
 unto the aggressors as it was of old unto the Ammorites, ' I 
 have not sinned against thee, but thou dost wrong to war 
 against me.' " 
 
 " The Massachusetts Government determined to raise one 
 hundred men to assist in the expedition ; but it was thought 
 best, before marching, to send messengers to Metacomet to 
 divert him from warlike designs." 4 
 
 1 Major Bradford was son of Governor Bradford. 
 
 2 Major Cudworth was some time resident in Barnstable. 
 
 8 We say " the common property," for at this period, Indians were not depend- 
 ent on venison for meats, nor were they deprived of the increase from cattle 
 which had thriven and multiplied by having access to fertile pasture-grounds. 
 
 If the few liberties taken by Metacomet's people on occasion of their visit to 
 the Neck, were revenge of injuries, the revenge was wonderfully mild. 
 
 4 Mr. Church relates that " these messengers, when on their way they saw the 
 killed in Swansey, judged it safe to proceed no further but hastened back to Bos- J 
 ton, bearing intelligence ; Mr. Mather, thereupon gave utterance to the announce- 
 ment which we have quoted." 
 
 Mr. Church also tells us that he, " being in Boston was desired to use influence 
 
102 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Dexter tells us that « the Massachusetts forces 
 consisted of one hundred and ten men under Moseley, besides 
 troops under Prentice, and a company under Henchman." 
 Dexter informs us that " Moseley had been a privateer at 
 Jamaica and that his volunteers included ten or twelve pirates 
 under sentence of death who had been taken out of jail pur- 
 posely to join his command, and promised life on good behav- 
 ior." .... " Several dogs to be used in hunting Indians, 
 were attached to this company." " Attached to Prentice's 
 troops, were three Christian Indians as guides." The tout 
 ensemble of these forces does not assure us that the Mount 
 Hope Indians had a very " honest, harmless, Christian peo- 
 ple " to deal with. 
 
 The army having reached its posts at Brown's and Miles' 
 garrisons in Swansey, 1 two of a party of troops going over the 
 bridge, were shot. Soon after, eight persons returning from 
 meeting were attacked. The day was being observed as a 
 fast, to pray for the success of the expedition. The same day 
 a person in Rehoboth was shot. Mr. Church represents that 
 soldiers killed, were barbarously mutilated. 2 
 
 Other companies left Boston, June 26, and marched to- 
 wards Mount Hope, to be joined by volunteers. Arriving at 
 Swansey, all united with the Plymouth forces " to operate 
 with vigor against the perfidious enemy." 
 
 It was said, "Indians grow bolder, more resolute, and blood- 
 
 with the Rhode Island people whose bounds the troops were about to enter." 
 Some show at least of courtesy was necessary, since Rhode Island was not of the 
 confederacy. 
 
 Mr. Church has informed us that when the troops marched to Taunton, he 
 headed a company composed in part of friendly Indians who being directed to 
 " keep so far ahead of the troops as not to be in their sight, fully obeyed the 
 order, so that on our way we killed, skinned, roasted, and ate a deer before the 
 main army came up." 
 
 1 These garrisons were on west side of Taunton River, and near the lower 
 part of Mount Hope Bay. 
 
 2 The impartial reader whose sensibilities are shocked at the thought of such 
 barbarities, will consider that the same things done by white people cause no 
 shudder. When hundreds of innocent children, women, and old men and war- 
 riors, are offered as a holocaust, that is, " only a good day's work " for which the 
 
 >J approbation of Heaven is challenged. An Indian's head stuck on a pole, is a 
 Christian act. There is nothing inhuman in quartering a noble Sachem's body 
 and hanging the parts from the limbs of trees. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 103 
 
 thirsty. Skulking in bushes they shoot any who venture 
 abroad." " These provocations," it was said, " draw out the 
 resentment of soldiers ; and some wish to seek the enemy in 
 their quarters." * 
 
 Major Savage arriving with more forces from Boston, ac- 
 companied by Dudley afterwards governor, and being in com- 
 mand, " it was after consultation resolved to march down to 
 the Indian towns on the Neck." These towns were found 
 deserted, with indications that the wigwams had been aban- 
 doned in haste. Metacomet's late residence was seen, but not 
 an Indian was to be found. 2 
 
 The fact came to light that the Sachem had removed his 
 quarters some time previous. The presumption is that only 
 a few straggling Indians were on the Neck at the time of pre- 
 ceding reported engagements. The next day the troops re- 
 turned to Swansey. The Indians were not beaten, nor were 
 they driven. They were gone from the Neck, and without 
 pursuit. Some of the army, as Mr. Church tells, were ready to 
 congratulate themselves that the enemy had fled, and that a 
 mighty conquest was gained. It was even proposed to build 
 a fort at Mount Hope, as a monument of victory. 
 
 Mr. Church truly says, " They gained the soil by the In- 
 dians leaving it ; not by the sword — it was rather their fear 
 than courage." 3 
 
 Metacomet had abandoned his home ; had left the graves 
 of his fathers ; had yielded the few leagues remaining of all 
 his inheritance, and was a wanderer. No one could tell how 
 long previous to the shedding of the first drop of blood, he 
 
 i We give Church ample opportunity to he heard in his own words, to show 
 how " bloodthirsty " the Indians had become, and how " insolent " toward " an 
 unoffending people " whose enemy was in the vicinity. 
 
 2 Mr. Mather says : * We found Bibles torn up in defiance of our holy religion." 
 The canoes were all gone ; and the conjecture of Major Savage was that Meta- 
 comet was gone to the Pocasset side to engage men in his interest. The prevail- 
 ing conclusion of the colonists was that Metacomet aimed " to obtain an advan- 
 tageous position, to strengthen himself for rebellion." 
 
 s Mr. Church tells that " The spirit of the soldiers was so lacking that he in- 
 dignantly retreated saying, ' The Lord have mercy on us if such a handful of 
 Indians may dare a whole army/ When the soldiery had first attempted an 
 attack, a party proceeding only a short distance was fired upon from ambuscade ; 
 and frequent blunders, such as firing on their own number, proved the lack of 
 discipline." 
 
104 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 had departed. The great Sachem's contiguity, indomitable 
 integrity, as well as energy and far-reaching foresight, was 
 that which had made him preeminently an object of dislike to 
 his neighbors at Plymouth. He had the good sense to under- 
 stand what were the ambitious aspirations of his exactors, and 
 could distinguish between bond fide contracts freely made, 
 and such as were attempted by finesse — and to be repudiated 
 whenever the demands of the strong against the weak might 
 make it convenient. Moreover he had little confidence in 
 men who, notwithstanding professions, would enforce their 
 policy by powder-and-ball and deception, upon a people who 
 had long befriended them and had in return received from the 
 white men only injury upon injury. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The Council of War were advised by Mr. Church " to 
 pursue the enemy to the Pocasset side. If Metacomet could 
 be killed, it would accomplish more for security than build- 
 ing many forts." 2 Orders were thereupon given to cross the 
 ferry ; and Captain Mathew Fuller was directed to take with 
 him six files of soldiers and seek an interview with any Sug- 
 konate Indians who might be accessible. 
 
 The company of Fuller, aided by Church, disposed them- 
 selves in ambuscade to surprise passing Indians. But soldiers 
 struck fire, to enjoy pipes, and to the chagrin of all the com- 
 pany, were discovered by a party of the enemy who otherwise 
 might have been captured, but now fled precipitately. 2 Fuller, 
 with Church and thirty -six others who now composed the expe- 
 dition, moved towards Sugkonate until reaching the brook run- 
 ning into Nunnaquoget Neck. Here they found fresh Indian- 
 tracks from the direction of the Great Pine Swamp. They 
 were deterred from proceeding further, by seeing rattlesnakes, 
 of which reptiles they were more afraid than of Indians. So, 
 " passing down Punkatees Neck, they reached a large wig- 
 wam filled with Indian-truck. The soldiers were for loading 
 themselves with spoils. But, crossing the Neck, fresh tracks 
 were again in view. 3 The soldiers now divided into two 
 bands ; and each lay concealed by a stone wall. Seeing two 
 Indians approach, one band not using caution as did Church 
 
 1 Fuller, who was an inhabitant of Barnstable, and Commissary Southworth 
 opposed the fort project. 
 
 2 The ferry crossed was " Tripps'," now Bristol ferry. Parts of these trans- 
 actions are doubtless to be located at " Howland's ferry," near the Stone bridge. 
 
 8 This was the southern extremity of Tiverton. They were in the territory of 
 one of the Squaw Sachems wbo was believed to be friendly and had been en- 
 treated by Mr. Church to remain neutral to entitle herself to protection. 
 
106 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 who lay flat on the ground, was discovered. The Indians 
 turned and ran. Church called to them, and said he only 
 wished to speak to them, and would not hurt any one. But, 
 pursued by the whole party, the fleeing Indians leaped a wall, 
 turned, and fired. Their pursuers returned the fire, and 
 Church thought the yells of the Indians indicated that some 
 were wounded. All were, however, soon out of sight in a 
 thicket. 
 
 Passing on over the cleared field the woods on one side of 
 it being dense, the party were startled by a volley. They 
 saw many Indians. Looking now for their boats they saw 
 near a large company of horse and foot congregated to bring 
 off stock from Tunkatees. This company had been ambus- 
 caded. 
 
 Going to the Island, to procure provisions, Mr. Church fell 
 in with a noted Indian by the name of Alderman. This In- 
 dian had deserted, and just from Weetamoe's dominions, 
 gave information with which Mr. Church hastened back to 
 Mount Hope garrison where he found a willingness on the 
 part of the army to make a diversion against Weetamoe. Al- 
 though provided with guides familiar with the premises, the 
 troops, after marching about two miles, were ordered to stop 
 for consultation ; it was suggested that possibly Metacomet 
 with all his men had by this time arrived at Weetamoe's 
 camp, and that, with the Queen's warriors also returned, the 
 two sets of warriors would be formidable. Finally, the army 
 being reinforced and a transport obtained, Mr. Church went, 
 with one Baxter 1 and a renegade by the name of Hunter, to 
 reconnoitre. Starting three Indians, " Hunter shot and 
 wounded one of them whom he found to be his own near 
 kinsman. Desiring favor for his wife should she fall into the 
 hands of his captors, the wounded man asked nothing for 
 himself except liberty to take a single whiff of tobacco. 
 Whilst smoking, he was dispatched by a single blow." 2 
 
 1 Mr. Dexter says, " Baxter belonged to Yarmouth and was one of thirty sol- 
 diers impressed into the country's service and sent to Mount Hope against our 
 enemies, the Indians, June 24, 1678; and as a maimed soldier was in 1677 al- 
 lowed by the Plymouth Court, £20." 
 
 2 The renegade, Hunter, was one of fifty-two Nipmucks who, as Praying In- 
 dians, were in the army. He was rewarded by the Court for bravery, he bring- 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 107 
 
 The " company pursued its way towards Weetamoe's 
 camp ; but were discovered by an Indian who sounded alarm. 
 They shot and killed an Indian who was at a fire roasting 
 meat ; other Indians standing around, near the edge of the 
 swamp, ran and were pursued by the soldiers until the cries 
 of women and children in the swamp were heard. The sol- 
 diers were then recalled ; but, going to look for their trans- 
 port, the Indians pursued them and wounded two." 
 
 Soon after, viz., July 18, the head-quarters of Metacomet 
 were sought by other forces. But, as Hubbard \nforms us, 
 " the Sachem and his gang had, like Weetamoe, the fortune 
 to escape. All left the borders and took to the depths of a 
 large swamp, deserting a hundred wigwams newly constructed 
 from green bark that they might not easily fire. In one of 
 the wigwams was found an aged man who said Metacomet 
 had been there recently." 
 
 It appears, from Hubbard's narrative, that these soldiers 
 found themselves to be in no enviable position ; "the enemy 
 took advantage of the thick underwood, and soldiers were as 
 much in danger from fellows as foes, tempted through fear to 
 shoot at any bush that stirred, supposing it to be an Indian." 
 " A retreat was therefore ordered, to dispose of dead and 
 wounded." 1 
 
 ing back from the war a scalp — probably that of his near kinsman summarily 
 dispatched. 
 
 1 Hubbard says, " Fifteen or sixteen Indians were slain, which struck such a 
 terror into Philip that he betook himself to the swamps about Pocasset, like a 
 wild boar kept at bay by this small party." Mr. Hubbard, however, acknowl- 
 edges that " five or six English soldiers were killed." 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The effects of war were in the latter part of July conspic- 
 uous at various and widely distant localities. Indians pre- 
 senting themselves at Apponeganset and it being reported 
 that inhabitants were slain and houses burned, forces were 
 ordered thither from Plymouth. But, on arriving at Russell's 
 garrison, all Indians were found to be pacific. Through per- 
 suasion of a gentleman in whom they had confidence, they 
 had, in large body, gone into the garrison and surrendered. 1 
 Terms of capitulation were stipulated, and the conditions were 
 solemnly guaranteed. 2 It is humiliating to record how basely 
 " the promises were falsified. These Indians were ordered 
 and sent to Plymouth, where about eight score of them were 
 sold as slaves to be transported out of the country ! " 
 
 Whilst this shameful treachery was being enacted, Meta- 
 comet passed over the Taunton River and made his way to the 
 interior. From this moment, December 4, there was, with the 
 exception of one or two unimportant skirmishes, a chasm in 
 
 1 Mr. Ralph Earl who had removed to Dartmouth, from Portsmouth, R. I., 
 and had become a large land-holder and whose acquaintance with Indians was 
 extensive, was their kindly adviser. He fully believed humane treatment to be 
 all that was needed to render Indians peaceful and friendly. By the agency of a 
 friendly Indian, Mr. Earl had accomplished the result. The whole body of In- 
 dians in Apponeganset, had volunteered. 
 
 2 Both Mr. Earl and the Indians reposed confidence in the integrity of the 
 commander of the garrison, Capt. Eels, of whom it is proper to say that he in 
 conjunction with Messrs. Earl and Church did all that was possible to preserve 
 inviolate the faith pledged. They were M overruled by Government." See Col- 
 onial Records, vol. v., p. 173, and Hist. Collections, vol. v., p. 170. All persons 
 who ventured to disapprove of the high-handed and disgraceful iniquity, lost 
 thereby the good-will of many. Mr. Church thought that " had the promises 
 made to the Apponeganset capitulants been kept, it was more than probable 
 other Indians would have followed the example of the 160 who surrendered, and 
 it would have been an important step gained towards finishing the war." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 109 
 
 waVlike movements. Metacomet was not personally heard 
 from ; he was gone and serious times were at hand. 
 
 Metacomet had long known that the colonists expected that 
 he would, sooner or later, fall into their hands. He saw that 
 he was closely watched, and he knew that, should he be cap- 
 tured, mercy was not to be expected from his enemies. Per- 
 fectly understanding the desperation of his case he had re- 
 solved to change his location. His sagacity had taught him 
 that so long as Indians take to the swamps, it will be the pol- 
 icy of their assailants to starve them out. Now, followed by 
 a few trusted warriors, he was making his way to the West. 
 So it was thought. 1 Seen by people of Rehoboth, they were 
 quickly on his trail, attended by Mohegan recruits. 2 
 
 Rumors were now afloat that Narragansetts were ill- 
 affected. 3 Indians were thought to be gaining ascendency ; 
 and it was supposed that a general waking of Nipmucks, Nash- 
 aways, Niantics, River Indians, and others, indicated " a coa- 
 lition." There were, in fact, during the entire autumn and 
 succeeding winter and spring, disquieting rumors. It was be- 
 lieved that Metacomet, though not personally present in In- 
 dian councils, had the warm sympathy of Indians, the patri- 
 otic sentiments of the Great Wampanoag being everywhere 
 revered. 
 
 Feelings long pent began now to be manifest, sweeping a 
 tortuous path, but involving many places in trouble. In 
 Providence, Seekonk, Rehoboth, Middleborough, Mendham, 
 etc., houses were burned, and Brookfield shared in the calam 
 ities. The panic became great, and still it spread. No one 
 could tell where desolations would appear next. People were 
 appalled, and many began to fear that God had forsaken the 
 colonies. " The enemy " were said to be ubiquitous. Days 
 of fasting were observed. Fortunately for colonists Indians 
 were contesting against destiny. 
 
 1 The chief seat of Nipmucks was near the great ponds of Webster. The re- 
 gion about Worcester, Grafton, Oxford, etc., was the Nipmuck country ; but 
 tribes of the same also inhabited portions of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 
 
 2 The services of Mohegans had been engaged by Boston parties, especially to 
 fight against Metacomet. 
 
 3 Narragansetts, occupying mainly the lower part of Rhode Island, were not 
 only a brave and warlike race, but a commercial people. Pequods had, until de- 
 stroyed, been in the habit of jeering them for their trading proclivities. 
 
110 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 The Governor of Massachusetts sent large forces now into 
 the Narragansett country. His object, as appears by instruc- 
 tions to Major Savage, was to form a new treaty. " We 
 judge it absolutely necessary to put all Indians to a test of 
 fidelity. If they desire our friendship, they must not harbor 
 or nourish any that are our enemies. In case Philip or any 
 of his flee to them they must forthwith deliver them up and 
 send hostages for our security, and join us in pursuit and 
 conquest of their and our enemy." 1 
 
 " A treaty " was extorted, July 15, which was substan- 
 tially as follows : 
 
 " 1. All and every of the Sachems shall, from time to time, 
 seize and deliver, living or dead, all and every of Philip's 
 subjects, to the English. 
 
 " 2. Shall, to the utmost of their ability, use all acts of 
 hostility against the said Philip and his subjects, killing and 
 destroying until a cessation of war be concluded by the Mas- 
 sachusetts and Connecticut colonies. 
 
 " 3. Shall make satisfaction for all injuries, and deliver up 
 offenders. 
 
 " 4. Shall, by their warriors, protect the English. 
 
 " 5. Sachem's near kinsmen and choice friends shall be 
 hostages for the performance of all engagements. 
 
 " 6. Narragan setts shall receive forty trucking coats for the 
 capture of Philip alive; two coats for any other prisoners 
 brought in alive ; and one coat for every head. 
 
 " 7. All sales of lands to the English, to be confirmed." 
 
 "This treaty" was signed by Canonicus, Ninigret, Matta- 
 toag, Quinapen, Quanashet, Pumham, Agamaug, Wampash, 
 Taitson, and Tawageson, Sachems or Leading Narragan setts. 
 
 No suggestions are necessary to enable the reader to per- 
 ceive that the Indians had a hard set of avowed enemies with 
 whom to negotiate. 
 
 Nipmucks early began mischief at Mendon ; and the Gov- 
 ernor, hoping to bring them back to allegiance, sent twenty 
 
 1 Mr. Mather had nothing now to say about rumors, but plainly declares the 
 object of the movement, simply expedience or convenience. " We took this op- 
 portunity, sword in hand, to confirm and renew our peace with a people of whose 
 conjunction with Philip we had come to be afraid." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. Ill 
 
 horse to Quaboag, alias Brookfield, to make " a treaty " with 
 Nipmucks. Inhabitants of Brookfield, where a rendezvous 
 was appointed, accompanied Captain Henchman to the place 
 designated ; but if Indians had thought of a treaty, they had 
 changed their minds ; no Indians were there. They had 
 probably learned from the experience of other Indians, and 
 had acquired a true estimate of the value of written parch- 
 ments. Captain Henchman did not at first suspect design in 
 the absence of those whom he proposed to meet, and im- 
 prudently pushed forward to the Nipmuck chief town. His 
 whole company became ambushed, between a swamp and a 
 steep hill, by three hundred Indians. Their first fire killed 
 eight of Captain Henchman's men, and others, including the 
 commander, were mortally wounded ! 
 
 Indians flocking into Brookfield, the inhabitants gathered 
 for its defense. In a few moments, however, the town was 
 in flames. An attempt was made by Indians to burn the 
 building where many people had congregated. The oppor- 
 tune arrival of Major Willard with forty-eight soldiers, frus- 
 trated the incendiarism. Indian scouts had discovered Major 
 Willard's approach and fired signals. It was fortunate that 
 .the main body of Nipmucks, by their high glee, were pre- 
 vented hearing the signals. Willard joined the besieged ; 
 and Indians poured upon him a shower of balls, from which 
 he received no great damage. But, now finding himself 
 greatly outnumbered by the enemy, he dare not pursue 
 them. 
 
 Where Metacomet was, in all these troubles, is left in some 
 doubt. 1 
 
 1 An Indian, captured at the time of Captain Henchman's ambuscade, related 
 that " Metacomet came, August 5, to a swamp about six miles from Meminissett, 
 having with him a company of about forty men, but women and children many 
 more." This Indian stated that "Metacomet was conducted thither by two 
 Indians, one of whom was Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. About thirty 
 of his men had guns, the rest bows and arrows." The captured Indian also 
 said, " The Quaboags and Nipmucks told Metacomet all that had taken place ; 
 and Metacomet presented to several Sagamores a peck of wampum." The same 
 informant further said, " Metacomet told us there were in his train when he left 
 home to come among the Nipmucks, about two hundred and fifty persons, the 
 Squaw-Sachem and her company included. Some left him, and others were 
 killed." Moreover, that " Metacomet was," so the Indian thought, of opinion 
 
112 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Soon Indians near Hadley, Hatfield, Deerfield, and places 
 on the Merrimac, began hostilities. Before the month of 
 August closed, the whole colony was in a state of consterna- 
 tion. A battle had been fought, early in the month, near 
 Hadley, in which ten English and twenty-six Indians were 
 killed. Deerfield was burned, and by attack Northfield suf- 
 fered the loss of several men. 
 
 In Deerfield a large quantity of corn had been stored. This 
 the Government saw fit to remove. Captain Lothrop being 
 sent, with eighty soldiers, to guard its transportation, was 
 attacked, and, though he fought bravely, could not contend 
 against fearful odds. Nearly all his company were cut off. 
 Captain Moseley fought the Indians several hours, but com- 
 ing late could afford no aid. At last the arrival of Major 
 Treat, with one hundred and gixty Mohegans, obliged the 
 enemy to retire. " The army was ordered to pursue ; but 
 the Indians' track lay through a hideous forest where hosts 
 fired upon the pursuers, so that many soldiers were killed, 
 and only sixteen escaped. 1 
 
 Springfield Indians who had lived on good terms with the 
 colonists more than forty years, were next suspected. Jeal- 
 ousy, awakened by disclosures said to have been made by an 
 Indian, induced increased caution, but afforded no security to 
 property; thirty-two houses and barns, with other buildings, 
 were conflagrated in Springfield. 2 
 
 " An alarm was sounded, September 23, in Boston, and, 
 within an hour, twelve hundred men were under arms." As 
 fast as Indians residing there, or near, could be collected, they 
 were sent to Deer Island. Compelled to remain on the island 
 through winter, they suffered terribly; and bitterly com- 
 plained of cold and privations. Lack of sympathy was so 
 
 that " had the English charged vigorously only a day or two longer, at the 
 swamp, his people would all have been captured or killed, for their powder was 
 almost all consumed." Such was the Indian's story. 
 
 1 Before September 18, ninety men had been slain between Deerfield and 
 Hadley. The disaster to Captain Lothrop's company was a sad event for the 
 County of Essex. 
 
 2 Indians had a fort in Springfield, but were thought, October 5, to have been 
 induced to sympathy with Metacomet's interests. Disclosures to that effect were 
 made by a Windsor Indian ; involving also, Punkapoags, Naticks, and Indians 
 near Boston, some of whom were, at the moment, serving with English forces. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 113 
 
 general among citizens, that the sentiment often and openly 
 expressed, was " Let them die." x 
 
 A Fast was ordered to be observed throughout the Colony 
 of Massachusetts, October 7 ; and the General Court, by 
 special legislation, provided that " hereafter no person shall 
 harbor or entertain an Indian." 
 
 Hatfield had been attacked by large bodies of Indians, 
 September 19, and several persons killed and buildings de- 
 stroyed. A company, under Captain Henderson, " was or- 
 dered to Grafton and vicinity ; " but no remarkable exploit 
 is credited to them. 
 
 Indians, now, generally, for a time, withdrew from overt 
 hostilities. 2 But some preceding events, with similar but less 
 important, are said to have happened during Metacomet's 
 absence from the bounds of the Plymouth Colony. A few 
 straggling Indians only, moving here and there, were to be 
 seen, until about the close of November ; but some " lurked 
 in swamps, concealed and known by petty acts of mischief." 3 
 
 1 The Boston alarm turned out to have been " owing to a fright occasioned by 
 a supposed signal in Mendon ; a drunken man left on guard had fired his gun." 
 
 2 Hutchinson remarks that " Metacomet having left the Plymouth Colony 
 and Narragansetts being peaceful, that colony was less affected." 
 
 3 A letter received in England, bearing date of the week of the Fast, says, " It 
 was with show of outward persistence and no doubt with inward affection 
 by many. The Governor himself began the services with a most heavenly 
 prayer." 
 
 8 
 
w 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Unity of action at an early day might possibly have gained 
 for the Indians their cause. But now, the Pequots nearly 
 extinct ; Mohegans allied to white people ; Mohawks not ap- 
 prehending the least possibility of dangerous inroads ever be- 
 ing made upon themselves ; a few natives scattered here and 
 there, and slaves to the white man, and never to be trusted, 
 even though called praying Indians ; Narragansetts either 
 tardy or too lukewarm in asserting and vindicating their 
 patriotism ; the Wampanoags had to contend against fearful 
 odds. 
 
 Winter was come, generally a season of leisure to the col- 
 onists. The granaries of the Wampanoags, once overflowing 
 with enough for their own subsistence and to spare to their 
 neighbors, were well-nigh exhausted ; they had little oppor- 
 tunity to plant, and there was no ground where Indians could 
 hope to succeed in any effort to produce a harvest ; their fish- 
 ing places had become scenes of peril, and even hunting was 
 attended by danger. Besides all, efforts were being made to 
 alienate from them their neighbors, the Narragansetts, who, 
 the colonists feared, might otherwise join the Wampanoags. 
 It was, in fact, said by the English that " the Narragansetts 
 were giving shelter to the women and children of the enemy." 
 
 The Narragansetts had violated no treaty, and the ink on 
 the parchment of the last treaty had scarcely become dry ; 
 but it was resolved by colonists " to regard that people as 
 enemies." There is no doubt that their hearts were with 
 Metacomet. 1 
 
 1 Mr. Morton charged the Narragansetts with coldness in respect to the in- 
 terests of the colonies. " That lukewarmness should be evinced in respect to a 
 treaty which had been extorted at the point of bayonet, and which embodied the 
 very quintessence of oppression," was not unnatural. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 115 
 
 The Commissioners of the United Colonies agreed, Novem- 
 ber 2, to u raise an army " to suppress Narragansetts, and 
 Governor Winslow was appointed to the command. The 
 army was to consist of 1,000 men, besides all friendly Indians 
 who might be induced to join. Massachusetts was to furnish 
 527 ; Plymouth Colony, 158 ; and Connecticut, 395. These 
 troops, gathered in the severity of the winter, from all parts 
 of New England, were mustered into service December 8 ; 
 and soon marched, guided by a renegade Indian, to the Nar- 
 ragansetts's country. 1 
 
 " The Massachusetts and Plymouth Colony forces were 
 met by those from Connecticut, December 18, a cold and 
 stormy day. The soldiers were shelterless; but, nothing 
 daunted, endured the hardships, and next morning, after 
 marching fifteen miles through snow, found themselves, at 
 break of day, at the edge of a great swamp where the enemy 
 were entrenched.' ' 
 
 It has been developed that Canonchet, then Head- Sachem 
 of the Narragansetts, was fully aware of the doings of the 
 English ; and had fortified his position with his whole avail- 
 able strength — so far as the brief period would allow. The 
 former forbearance of Indians, and all their sacrifices for 
 peace were now to be recompensed with murderous haste ; 
 and every expression of desire for the rights of humanity was 
 to be met with derision ! 
 
 The Narragansetts retired before the invaders' advance, 
 and made no opposition until exasperated by finding that 
 their only alternative was self-defense or destruction. 
 
 Pumham, one of the Narragansett Sachems, whose domin- 
 ion was Shawomet, on being certified of the army's approach 
 had fled to the woods. 
 
 1 This Indian, who was so almost indispensable to the English forces, and of 
 whom Mather says, " They could not well have lived without him," was, as Hub- 
 bard informs us, " one of thirty-six Indians surprised by Captain Moseley on his 
 way to Wickford. He had become offended with his countrymen, which made 
 him a real friend to our forces. Without his assistance we would have been at a 
 loss to find the enemy until it had become too late for the fight." 
 
 A somewhat different account is in the Chronicle. It says, " This Indian 
 was ordered to be hanged forthwith, and, to save his life, told where the body of 
 Indians were." See Drake's " Hubbard." 
 
116 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " In the midst of a dense swamp whither the Narragansetts 
 had retired, was the fortress on a slight elevation of three or 
 four acres, the entire circumference surrounded by palisades, 
 within which was a compact accumulation of brush, making a 
 barricade one rod in thickness, with one single gap defended 
 by a block-house with another breastwork within. The only 
 way of entering the fort was by a log forming a bridge over 
 a ditch. 1 Hubbard says, " The enemy found many ways 
 out." 
 
 It is not expected that existing generations will take pride 
 in the recital of the entire intercourse of colonists with ab- 
 origines. It may be presumed, however, that all people are 
 not so insensible to historical facts as to ignore a record in- 
 dicating early transactions presenting a fair view of the cir- 
 cumstances of the first occupancy of our New England domain. 
 The design of the present narrative is not to indite what shall 
 be amusing, but that which shall be instructive to intelligent 
 investigators. Regretting all that appears adverse to righteous 
 and honorable dealing, we will nevertheless be faithful to 
 authentic facts. 
 
 Returning to our notice of General Winslow's army, we 
 remark that in approaching the swamp which was to be the 
 scene of a general massacre, a few Indians were seen in the 
 outskirts. Fired upon, they returned the fire and fled. The 
 army now entered the swamp, following the retreating In- 
 dians. The engagement became fierce and bloody. 2 The 
 
 1 The swamp was in the northwest part of Kingston. Mr. Church seems to 
 have been indispensable in these movements, and had been invited by General 
 Winslow, late Governor Winslow, to accompany the invaders. He made himself 
 useful in obtaining information in regard to Indians' resorts, sleeping-places, 
 wigwams, etc. " He anticipated the arrival of General Winslow, by the capture, 
 with aid of certain daring fellows, of eighteen Indians, who were offered to the 
 General, and two likely boys were sent a present to friends in Boston." The 
 party under Church, " had by noon, December 14, killed one man and one squaw 
 and brought in fourteen prisoners, one of whom they beheaded. Before night 
 they brought in nine other prisoners, young and old." " The next day a mes- 
 senger pretending to come from the Sachem desired peace." A letter from 
 Major Bradford certified " We arrived at Smith's garrison and took thirty-five 
 prisoners. I sent out thirty of my men and killed two Indians and brought in 
 four prisoners, one of whom he beheaded. At night our army had killed seven 
 more, and brought in nine." 
 
 2 It does not appear that the troops were drawn up in military order. The 
 
. CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 117 
 
 Indians' place of shelter being attacked, the resistance was 
 desperate. The invaders were driven out ; but many Indians 
 became scattered around, and great confusion of the troops 
 ensued. It became impossible to distinguish the enemy from 
 friendly Indians belonging to the army. It is related that 
 " a random fire on a formidable black heap gathered behind 
 shrubbery, caused scores of Indians to bite the dust. Many 
 escaping that fire, ran into the fort ; and bloody tracks were 
 seen in other directions." 
 
 " After some hours fighting, there were indications that 
 the ammunition of Indians was spent ; they began to let 
 arrows fly. The troops thought to pursue Indians scattered 
 in and around the swamp ; but this was discouraged. It was 
 quickly resolved to set fire to the fort." This measure was 
 remonstrated against by some ; but not from humanity alone. 1 
 Excitement was not favorable to reflection. The general in 
 command having given peremptory orders to burn, all wig- 
 wams with their inmates and the provisions were in a few 
 moments wrapt in flames. Few Indians escaped and fled to 
 a neighboring cedar-swamp. They had no provisions ; they 
 could obtain no shelter. 
 
 The English in the field were in want. Had it not been 
 for the opportune arrival of a vessel laden with supplies, 
 many at the garrison would have suffered from starvation. 
 Major Bradford has well said, " It was a mercy that the In- 
 dians did not pursue our troops. The young warriors desired 
 to do it, but their chiefs forbade." 
 
 several captains were at the head of their respective companies ; soldiers from 
 Massachusetts, under Johnson and Davenport, were first to enter, and they fell 
 in the act. Gallup, Siely, and Marshall, Connecticut captains, shared the same 
 fate, as also Gardner of Massachusetts, as did many subordinate officers arid 
 privates. It were a poor compliment to the coolness and discipline of the com- 
 mand, to record the fact that the bravest men, such as hazarded their lives to 
 enter the fort, were, as Mr. Church believed, " shot in the back by those of the 
 army who remained in the edge of the swamp." 
 
 1 It was well understood that within the fort were five or six hundred wigwams 
 made musket proof, as a general thing, by tubs or baskets filled with grain, and 
 other provisions stowed against the sides, containing sufficient quantities to 
 supply an army. It was an object to secure the provisions for the sustenance of 
 the troops. " The supplies of the Plymouth forces had been wholly distributed. 
 There was not so much as one biscuit left." It " was argued, if the wigwams are 
 spared, our soldiers may have shelter, without which many, especially the 
 wounded, will inevitably perish." 
 
118 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 The soldiers, returning to garrison, carried their dead and 
 wounded. Some of the latter perished by exposure. The 
 night was intensely cold ; the heavens were filled with snow ; 
 the storm was tremendous. Mr. Church tells of many casu- 
 alties. 1 
 
 Indians proposed, December 23, to treat for peace ; but it 
 was " conceived that Indians had no mind to conclude a peace, 
 and were only wishing to gain time to remove their fighting 
 men and provisions farther up the country, to rocks where 
 they could not be approached, without danger. No notice, 
 therefore, was taken of Indian overtures." 
 
 " Pumham's town was invaded, December 27. Captain 
 Prentice burned about one hundred deserted wigwams and 
 captured a squaw, by whom he sent terms of peace." 2 The 
 terms were " Deliver up all Philip's Indians." 
 
 An Indian came, December 30, from Narragansetts, with 
 
 1 Mr. Church was always ready to be on hand, and Government was generally 
 willing to profit by his knowledge and skill in Indian warfare, even when there 
 was no cordial acknowledgment of his services. Perhaps his egotism was offen- 
 sive. Certain it is that his own personal exploits are mentioned with minuteness. 
 Little or no allusion to Church, is made by Major Bradford. 
 
 Mr. Mather tells us, that " Eighty-five of the English were killed that night, 
 and one hundred and forty-five were wounded." He also says, " At least a thou- 
 sand Indians perished." Mr. Hubbard says, " Some of the enemy confessed that 
 700 of their fighting-men were killed that day, and that 300 more died of wounds 
 and hardships." Hubbard says, " The whole number of those who perished by 
 sword, fire, cold, and famine, including women, children, and aged men, could 
 never be ascertained." Mr. Church tells that " forty-seven Indians, young and 
 old, we sold to Captain Davenport for £80." 
 
 Accounts of that terrible night's occurrences, are various. Governor Dudley 
 was at the fight and says, " There were ascertained to have been 3,000 warriors 
 and 1,000 reserves in the fort, to whom we would have been a morsel if God 
 pleased. One Sachem killed, and the Indians' powder spent, caused these In- 
 dians to retreat." Indians subsequently captured, related that " nearly a third of 
 the people belonging to the Narragansetts, were either killed by guns of the Eng- 
 lish, or perished by fire or cold." The horrors of famine pursued the escaped. 
 The fort had been the store-house of the Indians. They were now without food, 
 without homes, bereft of friends, and well-nigh without hope of revenge. 
 
 2 "A Sugkonate Indian told Mr. Church that he himself was the Indian who 
 formerly wounded Church ; and was, at the time, one of sixty or seventy just 
 arrived from Pumham's tribe and had never before fired a gun at any white 
 man." Is it not remarkable that, with the exception of the visit of the two men 
 from Plymouth to the sick-bed of Massasoit, no Englishman was ever known to 
 be credited with the performance of a friendly act, or the utterance of a concilia- 
 tory word, to an Indian. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 119 
 
 thanks for offered peace, but complaining that the English 
 make war without notice. 
 
 " English troops were diligent in pursuit of Indians, hunt- 
 ing and destroying them." So says Mr. Hubbard. 
 
 Major Bradford's last report was, that "Besides the five 
 hundred wigwams burned in the fort, two hundred others in 
 different places have been destroyed. We have now and then 
 killed an Indian ; we killed nine last Tuesday." Mr. Hub- 
 bard tells that, January 7, " two messengers came, from In- 
 dians, desiring to enter into a treaty of peace. They cast 
 blame on Canonchet." Mr. Hubbard further tells, that, 
 "January 8, another attempt to negotiate a peace was made 
 by Ninigret, the aged Sachem of the Niantics ; but that was 
 mere pretense, for that young and insolent Sachem, Canon- 
 chet, as also Quinapin, the brother-in-law of Philip, had said, 
 4 We will fight it out to the last, rather than be servants to 
 the English.' " 1 
 
 Mr. Hubbard says that, " January 27, immediately after 
 the great thaw which enabled the Indians to come at ground- 
 nuts for sustenance on the journey, they left the Narragansett 
 country and hastened to the Nipmucks." They craved con- 
 tinued existence, and needed sympathy. Where else could 
 they go ? 2 
 
 A final act in this drama we must not forget to mention ; 
 it involved the execution of a white man. Major Bradford 
 relates it thus : " January 18, we executed Joshua Taft who 
 had married an Indian woman. A sad wretch he was, who 
 had never heard a sermon but once in fourteen years." 3 
 
 1 Mr. Hubbard further says, " Another messenger came from Canonchet, de- 
 siring one month to negotiate. This so provoked the commander of our forces, 
 that he determined to have no more treaties." 
 
 2 It was alleged that " a party of these retreating Indians, took with them 
 from Warwick, fifteen horses, fifty head of meat-cattle, and two hundred sheep." 
 
 8 It is said by Hubbard that, " Mr. Roger Williams was present at the ex- 
 amination of Taft, and did not think him such a character as had been repre- 
 sented." 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Naeeagansetts having left, Massachusetts troops re- 
 turned to Boston. The colonies were in constant alarm, for a 
 general junction and confederacy of Indians was expected. 
 Their cruel and persistent persecution and threatened exter- 
 mination had driven the Indians out to become a severe trial 
 to other parts. Fearfully troublous times were at hand. 
 
 A few days after the exodus of Narragansetts, five hundred 
 Indians fell on Lancaster, plundering and burning, and kill- 
 ing or capturing its inhabitants. It was conjectured that 
 during these outrages Metacomet was present and in com- 
 mand. Much mischief was done, about this time, in the 
 towns of Sudbury and Marlborough. Indians fell, February 
 21, on Medfield, and, notwithstanding the presence in town of 
 three hundred soldiers, half the town was burned. Garrisons 
 gave partial protection to the people, but houses deserted were 
 all burned, and of the eight or nine soldiers in the garrison 
 only one escaped ; the men were slain, and about twenty 
 women and children were carried captive. 1 
 
 The Indians took a hurried departure from the vicinity, 
 wending their way towards Plymouth Colony. On the 25th 
 they burned houses in Weymouth. 2 
 
 Early in March, General Winslow engaged Mr. Church to 
 accompany him, and undertook an expedition to the country 
 of the Nipmucks. " Coming to a settlement 3 where were 
 
 1 One of the captured was Rev. Mr. Rowlandson. The assault on Sudbury 
 was made April 18. Hubbard says, " Seventeen or eighteen inhabitants were 
 killed." 
 
 2 This was the nearest approach to Boston. Yet, two days previous, on fast 
 day, the congregation assembled in the meeting-house of the "first church," were 
 alarmed by reports that the Indians were within ten miles. 
 
 8 Probably Pumham's town. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 121 
 
 numerous wigwams in sight, but an icy swamp prevented near 
 approach, there was firing on both sides. The Indians fled. 
 A friendly Mohegan belonging to Winslow's forces, pursued 
 and captured one wounded man who proved to be a Netop. 1 
 This prisoner, being brought before General Winslow, un- 
 derwent a rigid examination, and some were for putting him 
 to torture to obtain ample confession of all he knew, whether 
 concerning his own people, or Nipmucks, or Indians in gen- 
 eral. Nothing could be elicited, and it was, therefore, de- 
 cided that he be knocked on the head. His head was, ac- 
 cordingly, carried to camp. 
 
 Metacomet was supposed to be at this time transiently res- 
 ident at Scaghticoke ; 2 but, being unfortunate in his neigh- 
 bors, the trials to which he was there exposed induced re- 
 moval, 3 and he was next found located temporarily near the 
 Falls of the Connecticut. He had there, with a large com- 
 pany, taken a stand to obtain fish. Denied all opportunity 
 elsewhere of providing for the wants of himself and people, 
 he aimed to obtain an adequate supply of food from these 
 waters. 4 
 
 Prisoners held by Indians contriving to escape, news of Met- 
 acomet's locality transpired. Captain Turner, with one hun- 
 dred and sixty men from Hadley, Hatfield, and Northampton, 
 pounced upon him May 18, whilst he and his Indians were, at 
 day-break, entirely unsuspicious of danger, and, without senti- 
 nels, were fast asleep in their wigwams. Turner's men dis- 
 charged a volley before the Indians could awake. The assail- 
 ants supposed they had effectually " done the work." 5 The 
 
 1 The Netops were a small body among Sugkonates, which had found its way, 
 in the general dispersion, to this place. 
 
 2 " The Scaghticoke, or River Indians, were, in the time of Philip's War, fugi- 
 tives from New England." 
 
 3 Mohawks were for some reason unfriendly to the great Wampanoag chief- 
 tain. It has been charged upon Metacomet that, " despairing of extirpating his 
 enemies by the strength of Indians of New England, he resorted to Mohawks 
 who, making a descent upon him, killed some of his men." The Mohawks were 
 part of the powerful Five Nations, who, in 1713, joined by Tuscaroras, were 
 finally, collectively, the Six Nations. 
 
 4 Mather ought to be good authority ; but stories of Metacomet's doings, 
 " perfidies," etc., which we find often given with the prefix " We hear," Mr. 
 Judd, the historian of Hadley, tells us " do not deserve credit." 
 
 5 Historians tell us that the Indians thus surprised, " arose half -awake, and 
 
122 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Indians, however, soon rallied and fell on the rear of their 
 enemy. Turner and thirty-eight of his men were killed. 
 
 Metacomet got over the river, and met on the other side of 
 the Wachusett remnants of Narragansetts and Nipmucks 
 who, coming together in one body, were numerous. 1 Mr. 
 Church boasts of " success in killing many of the enemy, un- 
 til at last, provisions failing us, our soldiers returned home." 
 
 Notwithstanding the discomfort inflicted upon Metacomet 
 and his allies, these were troublous times for the colonies. 
 Early in March Indians seemed to be everywhere. It was, 
 however, believed, that their main body now made rendezvous 
 in the woods between Brookfield and Marlborough, and at 
 certain points on the Connecticut River. Places widely re- 
 mote were attacked at almost the same moment : Groton and 
 Plymouth, Marlborough and Warwick, Springfield and Prov- 
 idence, Northampton and Sudbury, Andover, Chelmsford, 
 etc. It was early in March when Groton was assaulted. The 
 date of the catastrophe at Plymouth was March 12 ; the time 
 of the trouble at Warwick was March 16 ; the day of the 
 severe calamity which befell Marlborough, when Captain 
 Pierce commanding fifty English and twenty friendly Indians 
 was drawn into ambush and nearly all his company killed. 2 
 Two days after, March 18, many houses were burned in Re- 
 hoboth ; and next day, many in Providence. 
 
 To the preceding and other sadly disastrous Indian raids, 
 we may, it is true, offset some successes. Forty or fifty 
 persons in Marlborough and Sudbury went, March 27, to 
 search for Indians, and at night came upon nearly three 
 hundred sleeping around fires. The finders either killed or 
 wounded thirty. Captain Dennison, with sixty volunteers 
 and a few friendly Indians, in April, took forty-four prison- 
 terrified and half naked, ran crying ' Mohawks, Mohawks ! < Some ran directly 
 into the river, and some hasted to their canoes, but in their excitement omitted 
 taking paddles and were precipitated over the Falls and drowned." 
 
 1 Metacomet was " supposed to have lost by the surprise, at least three hun- 
 dred of his people." The loss was probably overestimated. Mr. Drake remarks, 
 " There was great propensity to exaggerate the numbers of the enemy." 
 
 2 Captain Pierce was from Scituate. His Indians were from Cape Cod. Al- 
 though Indians from that locality were the first to encounter ungenerous treat- 
 ment from Pilgrim adventurers, the Cape Indians were always considerately kind 
 so far as white men allowed them to be. They were never hostile of choice. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 123 
 
 ers, and be fore tlie end of the month had killed or taken 
 sixty-seven others. These exploits were without loss to the 
 English. 
 
 Disastrous events, and some of them of peculiar sadness, 
 were, however, at hand. The Wamesits 1 fell on Chelmsford, 
 Haverhill, Concord, Woburn, Bradford, and Andover, and on 
 the 17th, destroyed all the houses yet remaining in Marl- 
 borough. The next day they furiously attacked Sudbury, 
 burning houses and killing inhabitants in revenge of the at- 
 tack made on the 27th by Dennison. Captain Wadsworth 
 and fifty men who had come from Boston to relieve Marl- 
 borough, were cut down. 2 
 
 The disastrous news reaching Plymouth, it was feared that 
 Indians would return to the Old Colony, to visit it with in- 
 creased numbers. A council of war was, therefore, called, 
 and Mr. Church was invited to attend. He proposed that 
 inasmuch as the Indians would naturally fall on towns most 
 exposed, a company of sixty or seventy soldiers be sent to 
 Rehoboth to watch Indian movements. Of such company Mr. 
 Church was requested to take command. He consented, on 
 condition that not less than three hundred be raised. He ad- 
 
 1 Wamesit was near Chelmsford, on the Merrimac. Mr. Drake candidly tells 
 of the fiendish act of white men, who, at both Chelmsford and Woburn, fired 
 wantonly on friendly Indians, the only excuse they offered being, that those 
 Indians were suspected of having burned a barn and a stack. Mr. Hubbard well 
 remarks, " By such wanton acts the Indians are turned to be our enemies." 
 
 2 Captain Wadsworth was of Milton. After leaving Boston and marching 
 twenty-five miles, Captain Wadsworth obtained information that the enemy had 
 gone to Sudbury. Coming near he discovered and pursued a party of Indians, 
 and, with no chance to escape, became surrounded in woods by more than five 
 hundred. Resolved to fight to the last, he reached an eminence and bravely de- 
 fended it until night, when his forces were scattered and nearly every one was 
 destroyed. 
 
 Neither Mather nor others were able to ignore all fiendish acts of white bar- 
 barians. It is reported that " besides a man killed at Bradford, his wife and five 
 children were carried away captive. These captives were afterwards restored by 
 their captors; but the Indians who brought them were at once thrown into •- 
 prison ! The compassionate restorers of the captured family, regarded the un- 
 grateful act of the white men as premonitory, and, therefore, escaped and fled to 
 the Eastern Indians." Mr. Drake intimates that "the massacre of August 11, * 
 following this perfidious act, was in resentment, and led by one or more of the 
 Indians who had for their kindness been seized and incarcerated. 
 
124 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 vised that the Plymouth Government propose to Massachu- 
 setts to send their full quota. 1 
 
 It may, by this time, be perceived by the reader, that Mr. 
 Church was not always duly honored for the service he ren- 
 dered. Mr. Church was on his way to Taunton, May 9, 
 where he met Captain Pierce on his way to the Narragansetts. 
 Captain Pierce had a company of sixty-three English, and 
 twenty friendly Indians, and offered to Church a squad of 
 soldiers to guard him, a courtesy which was declined. Mr. 
 Church arrived at the destination of himself and family in 
 due time, March 11. He had scarcely seated himself in Mr. 
 Almy's house in Rehoboth, when news came that Clark's 
 Garrison in Plymouth had been attacked and destroyed, and 
 eleven persons, embracing two families, were killed. 2 
 
 Captain Pierce had heard that the enemy were gathering 
 in Pawtucket. Soon after crossing the river he was encir- 
 cled by an overwhelming force. Retreating to prevent an 
 encounter, the enemy also crossed, compelling him to contend 
 against triple numbers. Some accounts have it that every 
 Englishman was slain. In this fight Canonchet commanded. 
 
 Before the close of April, nineteen houses and barns were 
 burned in Scituate. Seventeen houses and barns were burned 
 in Bridgewater, May 8. Sixteen houses and barns were 
 burned in Plymouth, May 11, and two days later, nine 
 others were burned. That same day all the houses that re- 
 mained in Middleborough were burned. 
 
 " These were," the chronicles say, " the most distressing 
 days that New England has ever known. Town after town 
 fell a sacrifice to the fury of Indians. All was fear and con- 
 sternation." 
 
 Accounts thought to be reliable have it, " six hundred of 
 
 1 Mr. Church freely expressed his views of the proffered command : " Should 
 I accept command, I will not be idle in any place, but will take my forces to the 
 woods as do the enemy. It is inexpedient to move with a small force." The 
 council pleaded that the colonies were much in debt. 
 
 Mr. Church's family being now in Duxbury, he resolved on going to Rhode 
 Island, and to visit Plymouth simply to bid good-by to his wife's relatives who 
 feelingly joined in protesting the dangers of a Rhode Island residence. They 
 would have persuaded him to leave his family at Clark's Garrison. 
 
 2 Of the two hundred Indians who, after this, voluntarily came into Plymouth 
 and surrendered themselves as prisoners of war, several were executed. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 125 
 
 the very flower of the country fell." It was chronicled, 
 " There were few families not in mourning for some near kin- 
 dred ; " " the war involved a loss of property to the amount 
 of millions." The fact undoubted was, that " from the day 
 of the massacre in the Narragansett country, an event which 
 made Indians desperately determined, there was felt to be no 
 security." 
 
CHAPTER XXL 
 
 The Indians' military vigor and courage seemed to abate. 
 They were not only often in distress by want of food, but 
 they found it difficult to procure ammunition. 
 
 Metacomet was sagacious, brave, and resolute. Still, the 
 fates were against him. Without arsenal or stores, impelled 
 to war, yet hunted from place to place, a price set upon his 
 head, his scanty provisions, once abundant, but now wasted, 
 or lost, in rapid changes from one position to another, so that 
 he is often obliged to subsist on berries, acorns, or anything to 
 sustain life, and, if at any time so fortunate as to procure the 
 luxury of a momentary supply of horse-flesh, not daring to 
 kindle a fire to cook it, lest blaze or smoke betray the place, 
 — this manner of life, together with constant anxiety and pro- 
 tracted exertion, so different from former simple habits, was 
 diminishing the ranks of Indians more surely than could ball 
 or bayonet. 
 
 Metacomet was now supposed to have crossed the Connecti- 
 cut, joining the remnants of Narragansetts and Nipmucks 
 gathered in that vicinity. Indians had found themselves ne- 
 cessitated to provide for both the present and future, and had 
 separated themselves in parties remote from their former 
 haunts, hoping to enjoy immunity in peaceful cultivation of 
 the earth. The English had so frequently beaten up their 
 quarters, that, though they might plant, they could rarely 
 reap the fruits of their toil. Indian encampments were pretty 
 sure to be ferreted out and broken up, whether on the sea- 
 board, or in the interior. 
 
 When, about the middle of May, 1676, Mr. Church took 
 passage on board a sloop bound to Barnstable and landed at 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 127 
 
 Wood's Hole, 1 alias Succonessit, where a clan of Indians re- 
 sided, ordinary travel between Plymouth and Rhode Island 
 had ceased. No person could pass without danger except by 
 circuitous route. Mr. Church's knowledge of the country en- 
 abled him to reach Plymouth at an early day, June 8, whilst 
 the General Court was in session. 
 
 Mr. Church was cordially welcomed. All said, " We are 
 glad to see you alive." Mr. Church facetiously responded, 
 " I am glad to see you alive. Much smoke and many fires 
 on your side of the country have so awakened solicitude, that 
 I could hardly sleep. I greatly feared you either were or 
 would be destroyed." 
 
 The Court listened with concern, to tidings of desolations at 
 Providence, Pawtucket, Rehoboth, Swansey, and those parts, 
 and wished Mr. Church to inform them what protection, for 
 future time, was contemplated. That was a difficult and 
 serious question to answer. Indians generally had become 
 incensed ; they were everywhere increasingly hostile. Al- 
 though the Indians of Rhode Island had been the last to be 
 suspected of unfriendliness, it was now evident that the burn- 
 ings at Providence, March 30, indicated considerable enmity. 
 When the venerable Roger Williams, for whom all Indians 
 entertained profound respect, came forth from garrison and, 
 infirm as he was, conceived the thought of conciliating the In- 
 dians, as formerly, aged Indians earnestly warned him, say- 
 ing, " They who have known you will do you no harm, but 
 we cannot vouch for our young men." 2 
 
 Mr. Church regretted finding the Court " sorely perplexed 
 
 1 We adhere to the name as it appears on record. The fancy of some one has, 
 within a short time given it as Holl. There can be no doubt of the appropriate- 
 ness of the original name, which indicated a harbor whose natural excavation or 
 cavity and genial surroundings afford, like Holmes Hole and other places, safe 
 anchorage where vessels may ride ordinarily with sufficient depth of water. 
 
 Indians on Cape Cod, supposed to be in subjection to Massasoit and his chiefs, 
 were never persuaded to act against the colonists ; the Manomets, occupying the 
 neck of the peninsula, were solicited in vain. Their peaceful demeanor was a 
 firm defence to the Cape towns. The several Sachemdoms on the Cape embraced 
 among others the Massapees whose Chief, Paupmunuck, sold lands to the people 
 of Barnstable and Sandwich, and were all friendly. 
 
 2 " Multitudes of Indians were in full view on the surrounding highlands. 
 Mr. Williams, now aged and decrepid, retraced his steps quickly as his cane 
 would enable him." 
 
128 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 by debt for which the government had been obliged to assign 
 lands at Showamet, Assonet, Asawompset, Agawam, and 
 Sippecan, to compensate the soldiery." The " Council of 
 War had also been obliged to assess .£1,000, on eleven towns, 
 and had ordered a draft of three hundred men." Mr. Church 
 was, however, gratified, when the Council finally " resolved 
 to send out on the morrow an army of two hundred men." 2 
 The government desired Mr. Church to muster as many as 
 practicable of the men who had been driven from Dartmouth, 
 Swansey, and other places. 2 
 
 Mr. Church returning the same route by which he came, 
 hired at Wood's Hole, Suckanesit Indians to paddle a canoe 
 for his conveyance to Rhode Island, via the Elizabeth Island 
 group. On the way, Mr. Church observed, in passing a 
 point, many Indians fishing. Assaying to confer with them he 
 discovered one to be a former acquaintance, namely, George, 
 who was a subject of Awashonks, and greatly pleased to 
 see Mr. Church. George said, " the Queen Sachem was in a 
 swamp near by, and would be delighted to meet her old friend. 
 She was weary of war, and no longer disposed to favor Met- 
 acomet." 
 
 This conversation led the way to a conference that proved 
 greatly satisfactory, though Mr. Church's friends were appre- 
 hensive that a trap was laid to destroy him. After going to 
 Newport, Mr. Church repaired with an interpreter to the 
 place assigned by Awashonks. 3 As they approached in their 
 canoe, they saw very many Indians, all sitting on the banks, 
 as if in expectation, and when Mr. Church and his interpre- 
 ter came near, a great company arose out of the grass, hair 
 trimmed and faces painted as if for war. 
 
 Mr. Church greeted the Queen. Awashonks rejoined to 
 
 1 These were to be two thirds English, the others to be friendly Indians. The 
 colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were also to add their respective 
 quotas. 
 
 2 These men had availed of " Plantation Kesolves, " namely, " Finding our 
 colony not of ability to maintain sufficient garrisons, we judge it safe for inhab- 
 itants to repair to the islands, etc." 
 
 8 The place of conference was an occasional resort of Awashonks near by 
 which was, as Dexter informs us, an ancient burial-place. The Queen had en- 
 gaged to meet Mr. Church, attended by her son Peter, who was her chief captain, 
 and also by Nompash, a noted warrior. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 129 
 
 Mr. "-Church's salutation of " Your Majesty," and said, " I 
 have long desired to see you and know why you did not keep 
 your promise to come again to Sugkonate. Had you done so 
 I would not have gone to Wachusett." 2 Mr. Church apolo- 
 gized by saying he " was prevented by the war breaking out 
 so suddenly ; attempting to redeem the promise, I could get no 
 further than Punkatees." The last word caused immediate 
 sensation 2 inducing the suggestion, " It is usual on such occa- 
 sions as this, for parties to lay aside their arms." Awashonks, 
 with dignity, nodded assent, and inquired of Mr. Church what 
 particular arrangement he proposed. On learning his wish 
 that all hostile weapons be deposited some distance off, her 
 look was at once sufficient intimation to her followers, and, as 
 if by general consent, arms were laid aside. 
 
 Now, the threatened tumult quelled, Awashonks signified 
 readiness to " talk of peace." Mr. Church asked, " On what 
 terms will your people break off from their league with Meta- 
 comet ? " A solemn debate, earnest and exciting, now en- 
 sued. 
 
 The whole interview was, according to Church's account of 
 it, very characteristic. Sugkonates professed willingness to be 
 allies of the Plymouth Colony, " provided the Plymouth Gov- 
 ernment will promise that the life of every Indian man, 
 woman, and child, shall be spared, and none shall ever be 
 sold as slaves, or transported from their native soil." 
 
 Mr. Church, in behalf of the Government, acceded to these 
 conditions, and expressed " great satisfaction at the prospect 
 of the Sugkonate's return to old friendship." And, all mat- 
 ters being amicably adjusted, the Chief-captain addressed 
 Mr. Church and proffered himself and men. Indians present, 
 generally expressed consent. Mr. Church labored " to assure 
 the Indians that they would find English people true friends." 
 
 It is due to the Sugkonates to say that in adhesion to the 
 
 1 Whether Awashonks had been, with Metacomet and other allies, to Wachu- 
 sett, or otherwise, the interpolation was severe. 
 
 8 An interpreter informed Mr. Church that the remark of the perturbed and 
 almost infuriate Indian was, " That man " (pointing to Church) " killed my 
 brother at Punkatees." It was this remark that caused the murmur in the crowd. 
 Peter, commanding silence, told the multitude they " must forbear to talk of the 
 past." At his command, Indians resumed their seats. 
 
130 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 English they always acted in good faith ; all expectations 
 raised by them were faithfully fulfilled. It was the testimony 
 of both Mr. Church, and of his biographer in 1716, " The 
 friendship of the Sugkonates is maintained." It was severe 
 to require them to relinquish friendship for their ancient ally 
 and kinsmen. A neutrality should have been sufficient. 
 
 It is said that when Metacomet received intelligence of the 
 defection of Awashonks and her people, he was greatly 
 shocked, and from that hour was never known to smile. It 
 was cruel that his former allies must, to save themselves, 
 countenance the destruction of their great and honored 
 chief. . 
 
 At the suggestion of Mr. Church, Sugkonates agreed to 
 send a delegation to Plymouth, to ratify a treaty. Such was, 
 ostensibly, the object. Of the delegates were prominent, 
 Peter, George, and David, alias Chowahanna. 1 
 
 Mr. Church thinking there would be risk attending an 
 attempt to reach Plymouth by the usual route through the 
 woods, decided it better for the delegation to go by water, 
 via Sandwich. Various obstacles interposed, and the route 
 through the woods was finally taken ; and the delegates pre- 
 sented themselves in good time before the council of war. 
 
 At the same hour an express came from Major Bradford 
 announcing the arrival of the army at Pocasset. The Sugko- 
 nates composing the delegation to Plymouth having departed, 
 Mr. Church, by the guidance of a captured Indian whose 
 mother the Indian reported to be with a companion, in a 
 swamp above Nomquid, took possession of said prisoner's 
 mother and companion. The next day, Mr. Church, march- 
 ing with the army back to Pocasset, obtained information that 
 a large company of Indians were on a bivouac at Wepoiset, 
 in search of clams. Other provisions failing, a party of more 
 than three hundred, including Sugkonates, Mount Hopes, 
 Narragansetts, and Up Country Indians, had congregated, 
 and were expecting Metacomet to join them. 
 
 1 It may here be noted that the husband of Awashonks, the Pocasset Queen, 
 was Petanumuet, Anglicized Peter Nunnuet. Her own name had also an alias, 
 namely, Weetamoe. The great warrior, Nompash, was at a later date elected 
 at Plymouth to have oversight of Indians at Sippecan. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 131 
 
 For some reason, Major Bradford evinced no inclination 
 to order a descent on these Indians, but preferred going to 
 Mount Hope, saying, " Orders must be obeyed." The fires 
 at Wepoiset were noticed by troops in successive boats, ar- 
 riving from the Island, and who generally supposed them- 
 selves ordered to Wepoiset. On reaching the north of the 
 island, they were surprised by the command " Bear away." 
 Mr. Church was chagrined, believing that " by the diversion 
 a grand opportunity was lost." 
 
 Mr. Church's thoughts were now turned another way, and 
 obtaining consent of Major Bradford, he went to meet the 
 Sugkonates. Departing for Sandwich July 6, he reported 
 the next morning at Plymouth, where, in an interview with 
 the Governor in presence of Treasurer Southworth, he gave 
 a full account of all that had occurred between himself and 
 Sugkonates. The Governor was pleased ; and Church was 
 gratified by finding that all he had promised Awashonks was 
 approved. He was, however, disappointed that nothing could 
 be learned at Plymouth, of the arrival of the Indians ordered 
 by Major Bradford to Sandwich ; and that Major Bradford 
 had failed to advise the Government of the disposition made 
 of them. 
 
 Mr. Church frankly told the Governor what encouragement 
 he had given to Awashonks ; nor did he omit " the fact that 
 he had promised to endeavor to get from his Excellency a 
 commission to lead her people in an effort to head-off Meta- 
 comet." The Governor smiled at Mr. Church's modest hint, 
 and replied, " You shall neither lack a commission nor soldiers 
 to constitute, without Sugkonates, a good army." 
 
 Transactions between Mr. Church and Awashonks having 
 been frankly and fully communicated, the Governor directed 
 Mr. Church to hasten back to the Queen with a message. 
 Going forthwith, Mr. Church advised her to call in her people 
 and direct them to keep together. He promised to call again 
 with further orders on the morrow. Awashonks was startled. 
 The present posture of affairs was entirely different from 
 what she had expected. She promised to comply as far as 
 possible ; but thought it would be difficult to assemble her 
 people on so short notice. 
 
132 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Mr. Church now returned to the Island, and thence to the 
 army which, the next morning, marched upon Sugkonate. 
 Mr. Church was, with an escort, sent to order Awashonks 
 and her people to the English camp. She immediately began 
 her preparations, and, with her tribe generally, was next day 
 at camp. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. * 
 
 About thirty of the Sugkonates, who accompanied the 
 delegation to Plymouth, had already tendered to the Council 
 a renewal of peace, and promised to sit down in quietness on 
 their lands. When upbraided for having joined Metacomet, 
 their reply was, " We cannot make satisfaction for this, other 
 than by fighting against your enemy. That we promise to 
 do, if our women and children can be secure." 1 
 
 The Council had proposed retaining Peter as hostage. To 
 this he consented. But finally it was ordered that Peter go 
 back and convey consent of Council that " as many as Major 
 Bradford desires may join the army." Other Sugkonates 
 " must give up their arms, and all who have shed English 
 blood must be surrendered. No Sugkonates shall harbor 
 enemies of the colony. On these conditions a place may be 
 assigned for present quarters of Sugkonates." 
 
 The army, in its march, falling in with a Pocasset Indian, 
 obtained from him what they conceived to be important in- 
 formation. 3 Mr. Church now tendered to Major Bradford 
 his personal services, on condition that Sugkonates be ac- 
 cepted, agreeably with previous understanding. But Mr. 
 Church was peremptorily advised by Major Bradford that 
 "instructions had been given to accept Mr. Church if he 
 please to serve, but not to accept the Indians." 
 
 Immediately after this interview Major Bradford issued 
 orders for Awashonks and her subjects to repair to Sand- 
 
 1 Such was the reply of Chowahanna. 
 
 2 This Indian said he had just come from Pocasset with his mother and several 
 others who were now concealed in a swamp just above Nomquid. He had just 
 slaughtered a cow, and had a quarter on his shoulder and the tongue in his 
 pocket. Continuing on towards Sugkonate, other Indiana were seen skulking as 
 if in fear. 
 
134 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 wich, and be there within six days. Mr. Church was awak- 
 ened by the chiefs of the Squaw-Sachem expressing concern 
 and mortification at this result of the confidence reposed in 
 the English. Mr. Church could do nothing to pacify or con- 
 sole them, other than advise, " It is best to obey orders ; " 
 and to promise, " If permitted I will meet you in Sandwich." 1 
 Mr. Church added, ■« I feel confident that the Governor will 
 commission me to aid you." 
 
 Mr. Church was forcibly impressed that Major Bradford 
 had made the unwelcome requisition on the Sugkonates, with* 
 out authority. Major Bradford, diligent in hastening their 
 departure, had put them in care of one Jack Havens, a pro- 
 cedure humiliating to Indian pride, and seeming to be a poor 
 return for the sacrifices and forbearance of Indians, and the 
 trust which they had reposed in white people. 2 
 
 That Mr. Church brought about the capitulation of Awa- 
 shonks, cannot be doubted. Mr. Hubbard says, " The Squaw- 
 Sachem of the Sugkonates and her people surrendered them- 
 selves to Major Bradford ; so about one hundred and ten were 
 killed and taken by composition that day." Cotton Mather 
 says, " Major Bradford was the (Edipus by whom this sphinx 
 was conquered." Such characteristic remarks are singular 
 evidences of a feeling of rivalry. The narratives of Hubbard 
 and Church ofttimes differ ; and Mather sometimes favors 
 Hubbard's views with apparent inclination to disparage 
 Church. We are thus led to doubt the impartiality of the 
 narrators. Justice requires us to say, however, that Church 
 never disparages either civil or military officials. The un- 
 pardonable fault of Church was that he was too merciful 
 and never heartily acquiesced in vindictive or unnecessary 
 retaliation upon conquered foes. 
 
 1 The place to which the Indians were ordered is the isthnms of the peninsula 
 of Cape Cod, and is situated between Plymouth and "Wareham on the one side, 
 and Falmouth and Barnstable on the other. 
 
 2 Jack was a subject of a Sagamore at Saconet. Subsequently, Jack proved 
 himself faithful to the English, as we learn from Court record. But, although 
 holding a flag of truce, he was not in favor with either Awashonks or her people. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Always prompt in pursuit of his designs, Mr. Church, 
 after his interview with the Governor, ventured to intimate 
 the time for fulfilling of his appointment to meet the Sugko- 
 nates had arrived, and that it was his wish to go at once to 
 Sandwich. The Governor inquired, "How many men do 
 you wish to accompany you ? " The answer was, " Only five 
 or six, with an order from your Excellency to obtain, if found 
 necessary, more at Sandwich." Attendants quickly volun- 
 teered, conspicuous among whom were Mr. Nathaniel South- 
 worth and Mr. Jabez Howland. With a few other volunteers 
 Mr. Church proceeded to Sandwich. 
 
 Great was the disappointment of Mr. Church and friends, 
 when, on arriving at Sandwich, it was learned that the Sug- 
 konates were not there. Next morning, refreshed by a sleep, 
 Mr. Church took with him sixteen or eighteen men, and 
 began to explore the shores and waters, ranging from the 
 Massapee territory and ancient Pokeeste, 1 around by Moni- 
 met and the Head of the Bay, 2 to Agawam. 3 At this last 
 place, a part of Mr. Church's company became discouraged, 
 abandoned pursuit, and returned to Sandwich. Others con- 
 cluded to keep on. Mr. Howland tired when the company 
 reached Sippecan; and remained there with a few others, 
 " to form a reserve." The remaining party " crossed another 
 
 i The ancient Pokeeste was part of Sandwich. It was, at a later period, pro- 
 nounced Pocasset. Its orthoepy is not such as to confound it with the Pocasset 
 which was the chief seat of the Queen of the Sugkonates. 
 
 3 Buzzard's Bay, whose entrance has Seconet Point and Rocks west, and the 
 Sow-and-Pigs off the southwest end of Cuttahunk, one of the Elizabeth Islands, 
 on the east. 
 
 8 Now a part of East Wareham. 
 
136 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 river, which opened to a great bay." 1 From the mouth of 
 this river was a view of shores and extensive flats. 2 Passing 
 on thence, Mr. Church and party heard, in direction of the 
 shores below them and in the rear of the travelled route, a 
 confused noise, as if the tumult of many people. Listening 
 intently, and quickly dismounting, they crept among thick 
 underbrush to the brink of a bank overlooking the shore. 
 Great was their surprise at beholding a vast concourse of 
 Indians of all ages and both sexes. Some were playing at 
 foot-ball ; some digging for clams, or picking up quahaugs or 
 periwinkles ; some wading and fishing ; all of that great mul- 
 titude were intent, every one busy. A few individuals, here 
 and there, were simply reclining on dry sea-weed or among 
 beach-grass, engaged in conversation. 
 
 Mr. Church and party were agreeably astonished, and, at 
 first, were a few moments held in mute wonder. Conferring, 
 with bated breath, they concluded to hail the Indians. A 
 hallo was immediately answered. Calling again, two noble- 
 looking young Indians came riding around the embankment 
 at full speed. Before they were satisfied that the call was 
 not that of English people, they were amazed by finding 
 themselves confronting armed white men. In the act of turn- 
 ing, one Indian who belonged hereabout was recognized by 
 an attendant of Mr. Church, cried " don't be afraid, I am 
 Charles Hammond. " The mounted Indians instantly came 
 near, speaking English, and informing Mr. Church that the 
 people on the shores adjoining were chiefly Awashonk's peo- 
 ple under the escort of Jack Havens. 
 
 Jack being summoned, news of the arrival of Mr. Church 
 spread rapidly ; and many Sugkonates, with animated faces, 
 came quickly, riding. They were all armed, but showed 
 great deference to Mr. Church. Jack was made bearer of 
 compliments to Awashonks informing her that Mr. Church, 
 
 1 Now called Marion. 
 
 2 This river was probably Mill Creek. The sands and extensive flats, Mr. 
 Dexter supposes, were either between Aucoot Cove and Angelica Point, or be- 
 tween the latter and Ned's Point in Mattapoisett. Now impossible to certify the 
 exact location. Persons familiar with that region of country, tell us that 
 " Soon after passing Mill Creek, there opens to view a part of Charles' Neck 
 and also a part of Great Neck, exposing an extensive coast." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 137 
 
 witlr, a few friends, proposed to dine with her in the evening. 
 Shortly after, the Queen and suite presented themselves in 
 the distance, and the shores resounded with shouts of wild 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 Presently, young people were seen hasting to and from 
 woods, conveying combustibles to the vicinity of a capacious 
 shelter that had been improvised for the newly arrived 
 visitors. 
 
 The feast prepared for Mr. Church and friends, was ere 
 long in readiness, and a grand repast it seemed to the half- 
 famished men to be. If our description of it be brief and 
 unsatisfactory, let the excuse be that the entertainment was 
 a development of Indian life to which the writer is unused. 
 Presenting, in fact, the very earliest authentic account of a 
 New England picnic (call it what the reader pleases, — 
 picnic or clam -bake), its menu was magnificent. Though an 
 Indian feast, it was, notwithstanding the absence of dainties 
 usually at the command of civilization, an entertainment 
 worthy of the royal hostess. The dinner, served on wooden 
 trenchers, consisted of only three dishes, namely, a bass boiled, 
 a fine tautog barbecued, and baked clams. 1 That, however, 
 which gave zest and chief importance to it was the post- 
 prandial. 
 
 After dinner, all Indians, old and young, gathered near the 
 pile of pine knots and dried limbs. 
 
 These being conflagrated, preliminaries, arranged seemingly 
 by instinct, three circles were formed, — the first consisting 
 of the Queen and guests and aged subjects; the next, of 
 braves ; and the outer, of the promiscuous. 
 
 The chief captain's duty was to begin the weighty business 
 of the evening. Stepping forward, holding in one hand a 
 spear and in the other a hatchet, he danced gayly before the 
 fire. Continuing the dance, he called, one after another, the 
 names of hostile tribes ; and, at the several mention, he seized 
 
 1 The bill of fare might, doubtless, had the hostess ordered and had time per- 
 mitted, have been enlarged. Fried flounders, broiled eels, nicely prepared roes 
 of fishes, oysters and other shell-fish variously served, choice and tender ears of 
 green corn, and all accessories for which women's tact in culinary preparations 
 is proverbial, might have swollen the list, advertising a feast in honor of repre- 
 sentatives of the Plymouth Government. 
 
138 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 from the flames a brand, which was the representative of an 
 enemy, and fought it furiously and stamped on it, until ex- 
 tinguished, and then turned to the Queen and Mr. Church 
 and bowed, resuming his place in the circle. The pantomime 
 was repeated, each brave in turn stepping forth, until all 
 hostiles had severally been subdued. After each successive 
 scene in the drama, the actor stuck his weapons in the 
 ground. The warriors became, in this way, pledged. 
 
 At the conclusion of ceremonies, Awashonks informed Mr. 
 Church that her men were ready for service. 1 Mr. Church, 
 with becoming formality, accepted the proffered aid. 
 
 The next morning Mr. Church drew forth a competent 
 number of these braves, and proceeded with them to Plym- 
 outh. 2 That same night he set out on his first expedition 
 as captain. 
 
 Reaching Middleboro', Captain Church gained information 
 inducing belief that Wampanoags and Narragansetts were in 
 swamps near by. The fruitful waters of Middleboro' and its 
 game, made that place a favorite resort for Indians. Captain 
 Church's scouts soon discovered the enemy's fires ; and their 
 encampments were surrounded and captured. 
 
 Hastening to Plymouth, " Captain Church disposed of all 
 his prisoners except one Jeffrey, who, being remarkably intel- 
 ligent, was promised exemption from foreign slavery on con- 
 dition of his proving true as a guide and informer." 
 
 Captain Church now became urged by fresh incentives. 
 " Government proposed and guaranteed to Indian soldiers 
 one half of all prisoners captured, the captain and English 
 soldiers to retain the other half." Success " now so attended 
 the company that they invariably returned from excursions 
 with a goodly number of prisoners. They never failed to 
 pick up at least a few straggling Indians." 3 
 
 It may be an act of justice to Captain Church to make 
 
 i The preceding formalities were the Indian way of volunteering. 
 
 2 The Queen, on Mr. Church's departure, presented him with a fire-lock ; " an 
 act which Mr. Church regarded as a special civility." 
 
 3 Rev. Mr. Walley of Barnstable, wrote, "July 18, 1676, I am glad of the suc- 
 cess of Ben. Church. It is the good fruit of Indians coming in ; those who come 
 in are conquered, and will help to conquer others." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 139 
 
 record of the fact that it has been claimed for him that " his 
 individual voice was against slavery." 1 
 
 1 Captain Church's plan and its performance was merciful in comparison with 
 previous details. " Live prisoners " was now the inducement. The justice or 
 propriety of the outlawry of Indians is a thing to be conjectured. It is equally 
 difficult to determine on what principle the numerous captives made slaves were 
 " evidence of Heaven's approval." 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Major Bradford and the army being still at Taunton 
 and destitute of provisions, supplies were sent from Plymouth 
 in care of Captain Church ; who, on arriving at Nemasket, 1 
 discovered a company of Indians and captured sixteen. From 
 them he learned that Tispaquin was, with a numerous com- 
 pany, encamped at Asawomsit. 2 Apprehensive that these 
 Indians might intercept the teams conveying supplies for the 
 army, he hastened to dispatch all prisoners to Plymouth by 
 returning teams, taking for himself another route. 
 
 The supplies sent by Church were safely delivered. It 
 may be inferred that no cordially friendly relations subsisted 
 between Captain Church and Major Bradford. The com- 
 pany commanded by Captain Church rested part of the night, 
 but, early in the morning, espying Indians afar off reconnoi- 
 tering tracks made the previous night by Captain Church's 
 horses, he sent out scouts which, following Indian tracks, came 
 into a small party of Indians, whom they captured. The pris- 
 oners were found to be Sugkonates, namely, Little Eyes, his 
 family, and near kin, who, when Awashonks first made peace 
 with the English, separated from her. 3 
 
 Among Captain Church's friendly Indians, was Lightfoot, 4 
 one of the volunteers from Mattapoisett, and cousin to Little 
 
 1 Nemasket was near Raynham. 
 
 3 Tispaquin was a famous chief; his territory surrounding Lakeville and 
 lying about the Great Ponds. 
 
 8 Because they were unwilling to forgive the injuries done by the English. 
 
 4 Lightfoot ever proved himself a faithful servant. As to Little Eyes, his feel- 
 ing may be perceived in the fact that when he and family were brought in, 
 friendly Indians asked Captain Church, " Is not this he who would have killed 
 you at Awashonk's dance 1 " The answer of Captain Church was, " It is not 
 our fashion to take revenge." The accused were, however, ordered to Palmer's 
 Island, for safe keeping. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 141 
 
 Eyes. Captain Church, directed Lightfoot to accompany the 
 Sugkonates. 
 
 Returning to the river side and proceeding to Poneganset, 
 Captain Church and company crept under a hedge and 
 passed the night, watching in stillness. At break of day 
 they saw evident signs of Indians having been there the day 
 previous ; 1 and not long gone. 2 Following the tracks, Cap- 
 tain Church came to the country-road, where it was evident 
 the Indians had separated, a part going in direction of the 
 Great Cedar Swamp. " Captain Church now reminded his 
 friendly Indians that the English people at Plymouth had, in 
 derogation of their efficiency, asserted that Indian soldiers are 
 worthless." He wished now " to give opportunity to prove 
 what Indians can do. As the track here divided, Indians 
 might take choice of tracks, and he and English soldiers 
 would, in equal numbers, follow the other track." Indians 
 gallantly said, " We are light and able to travel, and will take 
 the west track because more difficult and probably farthest.'' 
 
 Captain Church and the English soldiers pursuing the east 
 track soon came where a company had entered a miry swamp. 
 A whistle was heard from a soldier in the rear, who, with 
 smothered voice and pointing towards an opening, said 
 " Look I " A multitudinous company, chiefly women and 
 children, were there picking berries. Captain Church beck- 
 oned to a soldier well acquainted with the locality and In- 
 dian language, and detailed yet another, and directed them 
 to follow at short distances. Then entering he discovered 
 among the company in the swamp an aged woman who had 
 long ago owned a house and planted an orchard in contiguity 
 with his own residence. This woman and her husband had 
 always been peaceable and inoffensive, but had been driven 
 away by the covetousness of white neighbors. Captain Church 
 had always regarded the expulsion of these persons as cruel 
 and unjust ; he now thought it providential, for the old 
 woman immediately recognized Captain Church, and, with 
 
 1 This was at Russel's Orchard, where they had beaten down and carried off 
 apples. They had also killed swine near by, and had lodged there in the lea of 
 a stone wall. 
 
 2 The dew disclosed their tracks. 
 
142 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 both her hands uplifted and in ecstasy of delight, ran to him. 
 Her presence was fortunate, for by her Captain Church was 
 warned that his forces were entirely inadequate to cope with 
 Indians near by, some of whom, she informed Mr. Church, 
 were Wampanoags, and others, Narragansetts. She also told 
 Captain Church that Metacomet was in a Cedar Swamp about 
 two miles off, with many Indians. 
 
 When Captain Church's whole company came together 
 that night, it " was ascertained that the two parties had been 
 about equally successful : Indians had killed three of the en- 
 emy and brought in sixty -three prisoners; having had the 
 fortune to encounter more men than the English, and capture 
 more arms." The Indian soldiers told Captain Church that 
 by dividing his men " he had lost a grand opportunity ; they 
 had encountered a great rendezvous of the enemy." 1 
 
 That night, as afterwards ascertained, a large body of In- 
 dians were at Asawompset Neck, awaiting Captain Church's 
 return. 2 He reached Plymouth the next day, via Sippecan. 
 No slaver was ever more successful in obtaining prisoners. 3 
 
 1 It was Tyask's town. Captain Tyask, Indians said, was " the next man 
 to Metacomet." The Indian soldiers fired on his rendezvous and then ran 
 in with a shout, upon its occupants whilst yet unconscious of danger. Tyask's 
 people showed no fight, but left their guns and hasted away with their women 
 and children. Among prisoners taken were the wife and son of Captain Tyask. 
 
 2 It was a common remark of Indians whose custom was never to move in a solid 
 body, that " the English keep in a heap, and it is as easy to hit them as to hit a 
 barn." Captain Church had learned much from Indians. 
 
 3 Captain Church was doubtless indebted for success, in some degree, to the 
 army of the United Colonies. Their presence abroad determined Indians in re- 
 mote parts to resort to the country around Taunton ; and thus Captain Church's 
 duties lay near localities with which he was familiar. Another advantage en- 
 joyed by Captain Church was his peculiar manner of marching his soldiers ; their 
 ranks were never close. His forces seemed, therefore, to be more numerous than 
 they really were. Moreover, his policy in regard to prisoners was peculiar. He 
 selected such as he thought would make good soldiers, and promised, " If you will 
 enlist in our cause, and behave well, you shall neither be put to death nor sold 
 as slaves. You shall be otherwise favored if you fight well." If some prisoners 
 appeared at first surly, Captain Church would seem not to notice it, but, with a 
 pat on the shoulder, would say pleasantly, " Come now, the Indians who are 
 now my best soldiers were, a little while ago, as sullen as you now appear. By 
 the time you come to know me, you will like me, and will be as good soldiers as 
 are the best." 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Although it could not be said that the confederate army- 
 were of late remarkably active, Connecticut troops were not 
 inefficient. Before the month of April had closed, they had 
 killed seventy-six Indians, several of whom were chiefs. They 
 had also made great havoc of the enemy's stores. A party 
 under Captain Dennison struck finally a heavy blow by cap- 
 turing the leading Sachem of the Narragansetts. 
 
 Canonchet was a mighty man, and more than others the re- 
 liance of his tribe. Come on a pacific errand, expressly to 
 secure seed-corn for his people to plant, he had arrived near 
 the Pawtucket River ; when, thinking himself secure in his 
 tent, and whilst in the act of relating to old friends former 
 incidents and exploits, he was surprised. Attempting flight 
 by crossing the river, a misstep brought his gun under water 
 and further progress retarded. A Pequot, serving in Con- 
 necticut ranks, ran for his capture. The Pequot was swift 
 of foot. Canonchet, although brave and of great muscular 
 strength, saw that at present he was powerless. Without a 
 word he sat down, a prisoner. The Pequot still standing 
 over him, an officer came and seized him. Others quickly 
 gathered around. No answers were made to demands or in- 
 quiries ; but Canonchet attempted in broken English, and 
 with a pitiful look at his interrogators, to say scornfully, 
 " You no understand. You too much child. Let your Cap- 
 tain come ; he understand matters of war." 
 
 Nothing could save the great chieftain. He must be de- 
 stroyed. In truth all Narragansetts must be exterminated. 
 Canonchet was, indeed, offered life ; but it was only on con- 
 dition that he would place his shattered tribe at the disposal 
 of his captors. At such proposal he was, of course, indig- 
 
144 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 nant. 1 The terms were not simply rejected, but when told 
 that he must die he replied, " I like it well." It is said that 
 " he wished to die soon before his heart became soft or he 
 should utter a word unworthy of himself." 2 
 
 Canonchet was publicly shot at Stonington. The dignity 
 of his fall wrung involuntary admiration from every one. A 
 historian of obliquity, touching the rights of Indians, has said : 
 " By a Pythagorean metempsychosis some old Roman ghost 
 possessed Canonchet's body, like an Attilius Regulus." 3 
 
 There is discrepancy in contemporaneous accounts of the 
 manner of Canonchet's execution. 4 If nothing more could be 
 adduced in his favor, his valiant and persistent effort, after 
 the great swamp-fight, to rally his broken band of warriors, 
 was worthy of a mind which could maintain its fortitude in 
 the midst of terrible reverses. 
 
 The unbending pride and lofty spirit of the red man is 
 proverbial. When the Gauls laid siege to the city of Rome, 
 senators put on their robes and, with stern tranquillity, seated 
 in the curule, awaited death without supplication or resist- 
 ance. It was noble and magnanimous in Romans ; but hap- 
 less Indians were only " sullen dogs who would in self-will- 
 
 1 Canonchet was son of the noble and unfortunate Miantonimo. Although 
 at all times avoiding any appearance of hostile designs, he was ally of Metacomet 
 and had extended hospitality to Wampanoag women and children. He was, 
 therefore, of course, "heir to all his father's pride and insolence." 
 
 2 The Sachem, when taunted with having formerly boasted that he would not 
 deliver to the English so much as the paring of a Wampanoag's nail, turned 
 coldly away with dignified intimation that he would " hear no more." 
 
 3 We are compelled to add, " The same historian, notwithstanding a repu- 
 tation for preeminent piety, bestows upon the noble victim the chaste epithet 
 " damned wretch." 
 
 4 Mather says : " It was deemed prudent to cut off his head, using friendly 
 Indians as executioners that so the alienation between them and the wretches in 
 hostility against us may be more incurable." A historian, having credit for 
 piety, has told us in regard to the swamp-fight, " Our soldiers were determined, 
 by God's assistance, to make a final destruction of them. All were dispatched in 
 the course of an hour." The same historian qualifies his report by saying, " A 
 few escaped and took refuge in a swamp. Burning with indignation and sullen 
 with despair, their hearts bursting with grief at the destruction of their tribe, 
 they refused to ask for life, preferring death to submission." He says further, 
 u At night they were surrounded and plied with shot, by which many were killed 
 and buried in mire. By aid of a fog, some few escaped, but were found sitting 
 in heaps close together, upon whom soldiers charged pieces loaded with many 
 bullets at a time, pointing the muzzles of guns within a few yards of them." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 145 
 
 edness sit still in their places rather than implore mercy " 
 which would have been asked in vain. 
 
 The succeeding autumn, the Connecticut forces had "killed 
 or captured three hundred Indians and obtained fifty mus- 
 kets." Such exploits were " repeated until all the Narragan- 
 setts were driven out." 
 
 " The regular army under Major Talcott marched upon the 
 Nipmucks, in June, and killed or captured fifty-two." It also, 
 " the same month, dispersed seven hundred Indians who had 
 besieged Hadley ; " and, " on its return, surrounded the main 
 body in a cedar-swamp, among whom was Magnus, an aged 
 Queen of the Narragansetts ; and one hundred and seventy 
 others." This army " also captured or killed sixty-seven 
 Indians, near Providence, and, on its way back to Connect- 
 icut, killed or captured sixty." 
 
 It has been affirmed that Indians early exhibited feelings 
 hostile to the colonists. To confirm the accusation, reference 
 has often been made to the story about a bundle of arrows 
 tied together by a snake skin. The arrows were alleged to 
 be " a present from Canonicus when commanding five thou- 
 sand fighting men." Whether the story were a fiction, or 
 otherwise, and whether its interpretation was right or not, the 
 tale was kept prominently in mind. That the Narragansetts 
 spared, when they could, if they would, have destroyed, is a 
 fact which has not been so assiduously kept in view. 1 
 
 If led in this part of our narrative to advert to a few items 
 that have recently attracted our eye, and which it may be 
 thought, have no immediate connection with any distinct 
 topics which make up our narrative, the digression may be 
 pardoned, since without it matters of interest might be over- 
 looked. 2 
 
 1 It is probably remembered that when Roger Williams sought a quiet and 
 peaceful retreat, Narragansetts entertained him humanely and Canonicus made 
 valuable presents to him and associates. Colonists, however, never forgot that 
 Indians were holders of a reduced patrimony. It was scarcely imagined in those 
 days that Washington County, R. I., would, in future time, become so valuable 
 a possession, — the seat of thrifty manufacture. 
 
 2 The remarks which follow are, perhaps, a deviation from the main subject. 
 They refer particularly to Nantucket Indians. Nantucket is doubtless the island 
 that was called by ancient voyagers Nauticon. The Magazine of American His- 
 tory, June, 1878, contains a translation from Letlres d'un Cultivates Am&icain, 
 
 10 
 
146 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 An express arrived at Marshfield, July 30, announcing that 
 a great body of Indians were supposed to be preparing to at- 
 tack towns in vicinity of Taunton. Captain Church being in 
 Plymouth, the Governor hastened thither rallying men by the 
 way. Captain Church was called out of meeting and re- 
 quested to muster quickly all the men who could be persuaded 
 to accompany him to the expected seat of war. Captain 
 Church moved briskly, but, finding no bread in the store- 
 house, was under the necessity of running from door to door 
 to procure provisions. Soon ready for the march, Captain 
 Church took thirty English and twenty Indian soldiers, and 
 made his way for Taunton River near Bridgewater. It was 
 supposed the enemy would cross at Bridgewater. Distant 
 firing was by and by heard ; and going into town, Captain 
 Church learned that Metacomet, finding pursuit too hot, de- 
 Paris, 1787. A letter from " St. John de Creve Cceur," dated Nantucket, 10 
 September, 1772, comments on the native inhabitants of Nantucket before the 
 arrival of Europeans. Monsieur Cceur says, " History does not inform us from 
 which particular nation the inhabitants came. Probably they had originated 
 at a distant period from the coast of Hyannes on the grand Peninsula which 
 is only twenty-seven miles distant." Monsieur Cceur tells that " these Indians 
 became divided into parties who waged war against each other. An expedient 
 which ended the strife and prevented entire destruction a few years before the 
 arrival of Europeans, was an agreement that a line of demarkation north and 
 south divide the island into equal parts, each party engaging not to kill any of 
 the other except the other cross the line. The memory of this agreement was 
 kept, and after it Indians were peaceful and multiplied greatly until Europeans 
 introduced the small-pox among them, which with brandy diminished the Indians 
 from one end of the continent to the other." 
 
 He tells that " A few years since, Indians returning in three great canoes from 
 Niagara where they had been on a trading expedition, were attacked by small- 
 pox, at the long point of Lake Erie, and all perished. Their dead bodies, ca- 
 noes, and goods were found by European travellers some time later. The In- 
 dians' dogs were surviving." 
 
 Jedidiah Morse tells us in his Gazetteer, that "in 1659 Nantucket had nearly 
 3,000 Indians." He also says that "in 1764 they had become reduced to 
 about 20." 
 
 The extracts from Monsieur Cceur were doubtless meant to be a true exhibit, 
 but, like some other historical statements, are to be received cautiously, as only 
 traditive. In the History of Cape Cod, vol. ii., pp. 176, 177, traditional reminis- 
 cences touching Nantucket are mentioned. The statements of Monsieur Cceur 
 ought perhaps to be classed with the story of " the bird of monstrous size " 
 which was in the " habit of carrying off pappooses from the southern shores of 
 the Cape," and with the tradition respecting the " Indian Giant Maushop " and 
 his " smoke." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 147 
 
 signed returning to the up-country ; and, with such intent, 
 had reached the river and met a reverse. Akkompion, Meta- 
 comet's aged uncle, and other braves had, whilst attempting 
 to pass over an improvised bridge, been slain. 1 
 
 Captain Church moved on next morning, with augmented 
 force ; and coming, presently, near the tree where Akkompion 
 had been killed ; and, as if by strange instinct, reconnoitering, 
 though not expecting to find any Indian there, he and others 
 saw, sitting on the opposite bank of the river, an Indian. He 
 sat on the stump of the fallen tree. It was Metacomet ! 2 
 
 As soon as possible Captain Church and party crossed the 
 river in eager pursuit. Metacomet was not to be found. 3 
 Tracks indicated that he and companions had scattered and 
 fled. Search was made all day for them in vain, except that 
 some women and children were captured, among whom was 
 Wootonekamuska, the wife of Metacomet, and their only son 
 about nine years old. 
 
 The events of the preceding evening had probably retarded 
 the movements of Metacomet and his train. Possibly he had 
 not been advised of all that had occurred. Or, it may be, he 
 had seated himself on the stump, indulging in melancholy in- 
 duced by thoughts of passing for the last time the bounds of 
 his ancestral dominions. Unhappy Metacomet, the fates 
 seem against him. Disaster follows disaster. Hemmed in 
 by enemies if he remain at home ; assured that his foes are 
 determined on his death, he would exile himself once more, 
 
 1 Metacomet had caused a tree to be felled across the river to serve as a bridge 
 for himself and company. This, doubtless, had given rise to the report that up- 
 country Indians were coming east. The train of Metacomet, coming to the river, 
 had been fired upon by Bridgewater men lying in ambuscade. Judge Mitchell's 
 history mentions the adventure and says, " Seventeen Indians were captured and 
 much plunder." 
 
 The name Akkompion has sometimes been written Uncompon; and is the 
 same among the signatures to the treaty, August 6, 1662. 
 
 2 The company crept under cover of prostrate boughs, and Captain Church 
 was in the act of raising his gun to fire when one of his own Indians quickly 
 said, " Don't fire, it is one of our men." At this, the Indian on the stump 
 slipped down the bank and escaped. 
 
 3 Hubbard relates that " the Sachem had disguised himself by cutting his hair. 
 Hubbard had, perhaps, authority for the statement. It was not strange if it were 
 felt to be expedient to resort to stratagem, hunted as Metacomet was incessantly 
 by foes intent on his life. 
 
148 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 but where can lie hope to find repose? The big-hearted 
 Sachem who in the depths of misfortune would have struck 
 to the earth even a chosen friend who dared to hint surrender, 
 preferred to wander from thicket to thicket and from swamp 
 to swamp, if peradventure some way might yet open for the 
 redemption of his race. He bore up bravely under all until 
 now. 
 
 Hearing of the capture of his wife and son, Metacomet sat 
 down in anguish, and from quivering lips came forth the ex- 
 pressive words, " My heart breaks : now I am ready to die." 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The colonists and troops pursuing Metacomet, saw a broad 
 track along the river, indicating that large numbers had 
 trailed in that direction. Closely questioning prisoners, the 
 fact was disclosed that whilst Metacomet was aiming once 
 more to gain the interior, Quinappin was drawing off her 
 people from the interior, to gain a settlement in Narragansett. 
 
 Captain Church, leaving a part of his soldiers to secure his 
 prisoners and perchance pick up other straggling Indians, 
 hastened on in the principal track of the retreating. Coming 
 soon to the end of the track, he found that the Indians had 
 crossed the river. The track was, however, found on the other 
 side and followed about a mile. Not overtaking the Indians, 
 he thought it expedient to return to the company left behind. 
 He gave permission to friendly Indians to continue the pur- 
 suit, Lightfoot, to whom was applied the sobriquet Captain, 
 being permitted to lead. Early the next day, Lightfoot's In- 
 dians came to Church, and reported numbers of the enemy 
 killed and thirteen captured. Lightfoot's soldiers were proud 
 of their achievement, and rejoiced especially at having avenged 
 the death of Tockamone, a brother of Awashonks. 1 
 
 Captain Church now sent all his prisoners forward to 
 Bridgewater, and discovering other tracks connecting with 
 places where fires had recently been kindled to roast meats, 
 continued his pursuits. Indians lately captured and received 
 as soldiers, were placed in van with orders. They soon over- 
 took many women, children, and aged men, sick and faint, or 
 weary, and unable to keep up with those who preceded. All 
 whom these Indian soldiers intercepted were claimed as pris- 
 
 1 This Indian was probably the Saconet Sachem who signed, with Philip, the 
 treaty of Plymouth, November 3, 1671. 
 
150 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 oners of war, and directed to keep quiet and be submissive ; 
 to which they were easily persuaded, for they found them- 
 selves among old acquaintances. Before sundown it was dis- 
 covered that the entire remaining body of the enemy was just 
 ahead. Indian soldiers were instructed to " dog them, watch- 
 ing their motions until dark." Almost immediately the body 
 came to a halt, and were seen making fires and other prepa- 
 rations for the night's encampment. Captain Church and men 
 arranged themselves in a circle with the prisoners in the cen- 
 tre, and all sat down in silence. Waiting thus until daylight, 
 two men were selected to reconnoiter the enemy's position. 
 It so happened that, according to custom, Indians sent out a 
 scout at the same hour to their own track of the previous day. 
 Seeing the reconnoiterers, the scout turned instantly and fled 
 to camp, whereupon the whole mass of the enemy scattered 
 into the swamp, leaving meats roasting and kettles hanging 
 over fires. The swamp was quickly surrounded by the Eng- 
 lish troops; but no sooner had Captain Church and party 
 reached position on the side opposite to where the enemy had 
 entered, than Indians, well armed, were emerging. 1 Meta- 
 comet, Tispaquin, Totoson, and other chiefs, were still on the 
 side of the swamp first entered, and waited there expecting 
 that the English would follow in their tracks, and intending, 
 so soon as the aged and feeble should pass through and escape, 
 to give the English party a warm reception. Huddled to- 
 gether in a ravine were great numbers of the Indians, aged 
 and infirm. Skirmishes between able-bodied Indians and the 
 English ensued, and several of the Indians' braves were 
 killed, as were also Plymouth volunteers. 2 
 
 The troops had by this time become " destitute of provis- 
 ions, except what they had taken from the enemy," and there- 
 fore "hasted to Bridgewater, taking the prisoners." 3 It 
 
 i Captain Church called to the Indians to surrender, and promised good quar 
 ters. Some Indians stood mute as if astonished, and some permitted themselves 
 to be disarmed. 
 
 2 Accounts differ in estimates of killed and wounded; but reports say "the 
 whole number of the Indians killed or captured was 173." "Thomas Lucas, a 
 Plymouth man, was killed." 
 
 8 These prisoners were " placed in the cattle-pound, and had Indian soldiers to 
 guard them." Captain Church says, " They were well fed and had a merry night 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 151 
 
 seemed to be the opinion of prisoners' that Metacomet was 
 dispirited; and " colonists became confident that they would 
 soon have his head.' , 
 
 Thegreat English army, so called, was " still at Taunton ; 
 and Major Talcott, with Connecticut forces, was active in has- 
 tening the destruction of the enemy." l 
 
 About this time Weetamoe, alias Awashonks, the Squaw- 
 Sachem, or Great Queen of Pocasset, and near kinswoman to 
 Metacomet, ceased to be. Her death probably occurred near 
 Swansey, August 6. A company of soldiers, led by a rene- 
 gade, invaded her quarters. Fallen upon unexpectedly, about 
 twenty-six of her people were captured. She herself escaped, 
 but only to die in some unexplained way. Some have it 
 that " she was "drowned in the act of attempting escape, per- 
 haps in endeavoring to swim the river ; perhaps in trying to 
 pass over on a frail raft." Her lifeless body was found at 
 Swansey Neck, only one week before the fall of Metacomet. 2 
 
 of it, not having fared so well for a long time." They were not without a boun- 
 tiful supply of strong water, after imbibing which " they laughed as loud as any 
 of our soldiers." It may here be noted as a reminder that, with all other wrongs 
 suffered by Indians, their chief enemy was that which now soon destroyed their 
 manhood, and eventually almost cursed their existence. It will be seen by Old 
 Colony Laws, that the General Court was accustomed to license the sale of intox- 
 cating liquors to Indians. By this practice their doom, their decay was sealed. 
 Tribes farthest removed from the white man's settlements best preserved their 
 integrity. 
 
 1 He killed or captured many in the Narragansett country ; and, returning to 
 Connecticut, July 5, recruited his forces and, " taking station at Westfield, fell 
 with much success on Indians flying westward." 
 
 2 The body was found " stark naked ; " perhaps just as it floated ashore. But of 
 this and attendant circumstances there is doubt. Hubbard says, " She was found 
 in this condition not far from the water-side, which made some think she had 
 been half-drowned and was exhausted by starvation." The exposure in nudity, 
 would, could she have foreseen it, have shocked her sensitiveness and modesty. 
 The thought of it would have been worse than death itself. 
 
 Mr. Drake says, " This proud Queen of Pocasset was, before the war, possessed 
 of large and valuable possessions. She became wife of Quinnapin, who at the 
 siege of Lancaster became possessed of Mrs. Rownaldson as his prisoner. Mrs. 
 Rownaldson says of her, " A proud and severe dame she was, bestowing each day 
 in dressing, nearly as much time as any of the gentry of the land, — powdering 
 her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, jewels in her ears, and 
 bracelets on her hands. When she had dressed herself her work was to make 
 girdles of wampum and beads." 
 
 Judge Davis, whose place of nativity was Plymouth, cites a poem written on 
 occasion of Weetamoe's death, and says, " The poet has judiciously abstained 
 
152 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 " Captain Church and his soldiers carried all their prisoners 
 to Plymouth, where the company disbanded.'' There was, 
 however, no more rest for Captain Church or his soldiers, than 
 for the hunted Indians. In a day or two their services were 
 again in requisition. " Large numbers of the enemy," were 
 reported as being in Dartmouth. So Captain Church with 
 his Indian soldiers, and as many volunteers as could be had, 
 "took again to the woods." They had the fortune soon to 
 make many captures, and an examination of prisoners revealed 
 the fact that Totoson lay concealed near by. 1 Therefore, 
 August 8, a descent on Totoson's camp was proposed. Toto- 
 son escaped to Agawam, also his son, aged eight years, and 
 one squaw ; all others were captured, and among these was 
 the father of Totoson, Sam Barrow. 2 Totoson did not long 
 survive. Becoming dejected, his mighty spirit sank within 
 him. His son also sickened and died. The old squaw who 
 had escaped with them, gathered leaves and bushes and laid 
 on Totoson's grave ; this loving offering completed, she 
 hastened away to Sandwich, and she also sickened and died 
 before she had opportunity to show the inhabitants where the 
 dead were buried. 
 
 Captain Church had often professed himself weary of the 
 war, but the Governor of Plymouth insisted that he must con- 
 tinue in service. So, calling for volunteers, he marched again, 
 August 11. Going through the woods and crossing the ferry 
 to the island, he received information that Metacomet was 
 once more at Mount Hope. It would seem that (to use the 
 language of another), " after all his wanderings, Metacomet 
 had, like a wild deer, returned to his native spot to die." It 
 
 from presenting the shocking exhibition which history records : her head severed 
 and exposed upon a pole at Taunton/' Judge Davis further says, " We cannot 
 peruse without humiliation and disgust the unfeeling sarcasms with which a rev- 
 erend cotemporary historian relates the occurrence and describes the lamentations 
 of the prisoners when, gazing on the appalling spectacle, they recognized the 
 countenance of their Queen. 
 
 i Totoson was one of the Sachems who signed the treaty of 1675. He was 
 regarded as of great shrewdness and valor. 
 
 2 When Sam was informed that no quarter would be allowed him, he asks 
 the special favor of a single whiff of tobacco. The request being granted, he said, 
 " I am ready ; " and an executioner by one blow buried the hatchet in Totoson's 
 father's brains. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 153 
 
 is more than probable that his death would, without further 
 annoyance by enemies, have been an early event. That Toto- 
 son died of grief on account of the destruction of his family, 
 and loss of heritage, there is no doubt. 
 
 An Indian just from Metacomet's camp, reported that in 
 consequence of the Sachem's irritation at a suggestion by one 
 of his friends, of the expediency of peace, he had fled. Cap- 
 tain Church was now in high spirits. Guided by an Indian 
 renegade, he marched for the place which had been described : 
 " a little spot of upland at the south-end of a mirey swamp 
 just at the foot of Mount Hope." 1 The ground was well 
 understood by many of Captain Church's companions. 
 
 By the time the swamp was reached, night was far spent. 
 To Captain Golding, of Connecticut, was assigned the work of 
 beating-up Metacomet's headquarters. Guided by the Indian 
 who had fled from camp ; intreated to be careful in approach, 
 and instructed not to show themselves to the enemy until day- 
 light should enable them to distinguish friends from foes ; by 
 and by, as they crept silently along, a ball was heard whistling 
 over head, and was supposed to come from Metacomet's sentry. 
 
 A return fire upon the enemy's shelter aroused the In- 
 dians, who in an instant took to the swamp. 2 Foremost among 
 them was Metacomet. He had started at the first report of 
 guns, had thrown aside his powder-horn, seized his gun, and, 
 without other clothing than stockings and drawers, 3 ran di- 
 rectly on two of the left-wing ambush — an Indian and a 
 Englishman, who let him come within fair shot. The gun of 
 the Englishman missed fire ; the Indian ambuscader blazed 
 away with effect, 4 and put a bullet through Metacomet's heart 
 
 1 The shelter was open only on the side opposite an ambuscade set near the 
 swamp. The shelter was so constructed as to be convenient for flight. 
 
 2 The Indians were generally asleep when firing began. 
 8 Church has it " small breeches." 
 
 4 Hubbard tells, " The Englishman's gun would not fire, but the Indian hav- 
 ing an old musket with a large touch-hole, it took fire more readily. The morn- 
 ing was wet and rainy." We do not intend to intimate that anything professedly 
 " handed down," whether regarding the failure of the one gun, the veritable lock 
 and gun of the Indian, or other alleged relics or traditions, is to be classed among 
 things to be received as undoubted, or otherwise ; nor would we question the 
 identity of the Indian who killed Metacomet ; but it is remarkable, nevertheless* 
 that both early and later writers fail to agree on these subjects. 
 
154 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 and lodged another in his body about two inches below. The 
 Great Sachem fell in mud and water, his face to the ground 
 and his gun under him. As respects the spot where Meta- 
 comet fell, there is general agreement. 1 The Indian who shot 
 Metacomet ran directly to Captain Church to acquaint him 
 with the fact ; but was commanded to keep silent about it 
 until the swamp could be driven through. It was found that 
 the enemy had, generally, escaped by a part of the swamp not 
 ambushed. The whole company of Captain Church were 
 then called to the place where " the enemy's shelter " had 
 been, and the event of the morning was announced to them 
 all. 
 
 The escaped Indians perceived, by this time, that they were 
 way-laid on the east side of the swamp ; all started off at once 
 in an opposite direction, one of them, " a great surly old fel- 
 low, crying out lustily, ' Totash ! Totash ! ' " which exhortation 
 was interpreted by Peter, the Sugkonate, " Fight on ! Fight 
 on ! " Peter said, " That man is Anawon." 
 
 How many escaped is a mooted question. It is certain that 
 Anawon, a noted chief and one of Metacomet's old and trusted 
 friends, escaped. There were doubtless others with Meta- 
 comet ; a few, and probably only a few. 2 
 
 Had the resources of Metacomet been equal to those of his 
 enemies, it were not difficult to predict a different result ; and 
 this exterminating war upon Indians might not have been 
 known to the multitudes now inhabiting their native soil. 
 Metacomet's death, August 12, 1676, decided the fate of his 
 race. 3 
 
 1 Fessenden's "Warren states, probably correctly, that " Metacomet was sur- 
 prised and killed at a little knoll on the southwest side, at the foot of Mount 
 Hope." Dexter says, " The distance of the swamp is not more than two miles 
 from the ferry landing on the Bristol side." 
 
 2 Mather says, " Philip with seven of his men were there." He also says, 
 " Five of his men were killed with him." Hubbard says, "Philip had with him 
 a few of his best friends." 
 
 3 The night preceding his death, he dreamed that he had fallen into the 
 hands of his enemies. Early awake next morning, he was relating to near friends 
 the dream, and, as he reclined on his hand supported by the elbow, was just sug- 
 gesting that flight was expedient before the unprincipled wretch who had gone 
 from them could betray the position of Sachem and people. The first gun was 
 then heard. Another moment, and those in pursuit were surrounding them. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 That Metacomet was not a Christian need cause no marvel. 
 The exhibition he saw of \he spirit of Christianity was not 
 such as was likely to win him to Christ. A filibustering 
 greed pushing its claims by constant aggressions and urging 
 its way by powder and ball as well as fire-water, were not 
 means adapted to "convert, civilize, and ameliorate the condi- 
 tion of Indians of North America." x 
 
 Whether Metacomet's being antagonist of the English, re- 
 sulted from native destructiveness, or from provocations and 
 grievous wrongs, readers will judge for themselves. 2 
 
 ^Metacomet was a man.! There are many proofs of his 
 kindly feelings. His influence often averted calamities from 
 entire settlements. 3 Whatever vices he held were at worst 
 
 1 That the treatment which Indians received was a barrier to their accept- 
 ance of the Gospel, there is no doubt. It is, moreover, a very serious question how 
 far the impression made in early days on the Indian mind contributed to difficul- 
 ties which have ever since in some degree existed between the two races. It was 
 early alleged as if conclusive against Indians' capability of Christianism, that at a 
 certain time when Metacomet had heard Mr. Eliot preach and listened attentively 
 until the religious services closed, he approached the good missionary, and tak- 
 ing hold of a button of Mr. Eliot's coat said, M I do not value the Gospel more 
 than that." 
 
 2 Rev. Dr. Abiel Holmes, of Cambridge, has well remarked, " The death of 
 the Sachem makes in retrospect a very different impression from that it made at 
 the time of its event. It was then considered the extinction of a violent and im- 
 placable enemy ; it is now viewed as the failure of a great warrior, a penetrating 
 statesman, a mighty prince. It then excited universal joy and congratulation as 
 the prelude to the close of a merciless war ; it now awakens sober reflection on 
 the instability of empire, the peculiar destiny of the aboriginal race, and the in- 
 scrutable decrees of Heaven." 
 
 8 His friendship for the Browns and Leonards is proverbial. That his saga- 
 cious mind was moved to tenderness when he heard of the first shedding of blood 
 is evidence that he deprecated the sundering of the long friendship professed be- 
 tween his father and the English. 
 
156 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 those of a native savage. No one can deny that he had also 
 virtues which might have been advantageously copied by 
 many a professed Christian. As a chieftain and politician he 
 had talent. His record is before us. 
 
 Of Metacomet's dead body pulled out of the mud, the biog- 
 rapher of Church has told us, " A doleful, great, naked, dirty 
 beast he looked like." It may well be supposed that the 
 Sachem having had no time that morning to arrange his 
 toilet, and having fallen in mire and lain in his own blood, 
 did not present a prepossessing appearance ; and no doubt his 
 enemies regarded him as nothing better than a beast. But, 
 beyond contradiction, he was, as has been truly said of him, 
 " The most illustrious savage of North America ; and the most 
 powerful enemy that was ever encountered by English settlers. 
 He came near being driven by persecutions to exterminate the 
 entire English settlements from New England." 
 
 Captain Church,, after Metacomet's body had been exposed 
 sufficiently to satisfy the morbid curiosity of all present, de- 
 creed that it remain unburied, and ordered an Indian to behead 
 and quarter it. The Indian, standing with hatchet in hand, 
 apostrophized the body in language which, though shorn of its 
 vulgarity, is not fit to repeat, and performed the work. Meta- 
 comet had a hand that had been scarred by the bursting of a 
 pistol : that right hand and the head were given by Church to 
 the apostate who had the credit of making the successful shot. 
 They were carried off as trophies. 1 
 
 The death of the great Sachem, had, it was said, " ended 
 
 1 The Indian who exhibited the valiant right hand, had, somehow imbibed a 
 trait which has been irreverently attributed to Yankees. Many a penny did the 
 show yield him. Rev. I. Mather says, " The head being cut off was carried to 
 Plymouth; his hands were brought to Boston." Niles tells that " Metacomet 
 was cut in quarters which were hanged on tops of trees by the highway." 
 Rev. C. Mather is more luxuriant, and says, " The Indian shot him through his 
 venemous and murderous heart, and this,Agag was cut in quarters which were 
 hanged up, while his head was carried to Plymouth, where it arrived on the very 
 day the church was keeping solemn thanksgiving. God sent them in the head of 
 a leviathan for a thanksgiving feast." Felt and others tell us, " The head was 
 placed on a pole, where it remained many years." Cotton Mather writes, that 
 " upon a certain occasion, I myself took off the jaw from the exposed skull of the 
 blasphemous leviathan." Rev. Increase Mather luxuriates by saying, " Thus did 
 God break the head of that leviathan, and give it to be meat to the people inhab- 
 iting the wilderness." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 157 
 
 the war." But the finale was not yet. " Man's inhumanity 
 to man " is a story not to be exhausted yet. There came an 
 express from Rehoboth, August 19, saying that " Anawon, 
 Metacomet's chief Captain, is ranging about the woods, with 
 other Indians, and their presence is a great annoyance to the 
 good people of Rehoboth and Swansey." Captain Church was 
 sent for again. 
 
 Captain Church urged government to undertake another 
 expedition. The niggardly compensation for previous services, 
 was, with the pecuniary inducement offered, insufficient. 1 How- 
 ever, Church determined to "hunt so long as an Indian re- 
 mained in the woods." Some " old soldiers were persuaded to 
 enlist to visit Anawon's haunts." Ranging through the woods 
 as far as Pocasset, an express reached them on Lord's day 
 morning, August 20, stating that early that morning a canoe 
 had passed from Prudence Island 2 to Poppasquash Neck. 3 
 Captain Church thinking he might gain intelligence of " more 
 game," made haste to surprise and capture all passers. " The 
 ferry-boat gone, he employed canoes, and he with sixteen 
 others were carried over. The wind became violent, so that 
 canoes could not be of use, and the company were separated. 
 Captain Church concluded to visit the Neck, with the small 
 number of Indians who alone remained ; possibly he might 
 catch some of the enemy." 
 
 By and by Captain Church heard a gun, and a scout was 
 sent out accompanied by an Indian just captured. This In- 
 dian was conversant with the Neck and also knew how to call 
 Indians. 4 Ten Indians were captured who, it was ascertained, 
 were Anawon's associates. They confessed that their families 
 were in a contiguous swamp. They also expressed opinion 
 that it would be difficult for any one to find Anawon, inas- 
 much as his policy was " never to roost twice in the same 
 place." 
 
 It was questionable whether to pay him a visit. He had 
 
 1 The only reward to soldiers had been a premium of thirty shillings per capita 
 for killed or captured. Tor Metacomet's head the same reward was given. 
 
 2 In Narragansett Bay. 
 8 West side of Bristol. 
 
 4 The " call " was a secret signal or noise, agreed upon for the time being, well 
 understood by all in sympathy. 
 
158 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 the reputation of being a great warrior, and proved himself 
 valiant as long as Massasoit lived. Captain Church was 
 aware of Anawon's skill in warfare, and of his unbending reso- 
 lution. It was also well understood that some of Metacomet's 
 best soldiers were with Anawon, and that he had repeatedly 
 declared he would never be taken alive. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 An Indian captive was requested by Captain Church to lead 
 the way to Anawon's abode. He was also invited to take a 
 gun, and fight for the English. The Indian bowed low ; but 
 entreated that no such hardship be imposed, "Pardon me 
 from taking up arms against my old friends." 
 
 A prisoner brought in the day previous requested permission 
 to bring in his aged father from a swamp about four miles off ; 
 his father had one squaw only with him. This, with numer- 
 ous instances of reverence and affection, permits no doubt that 
 Indians, children of nature, possessed all the finest feelings that 
 adorn humanity. 
 
 An old Indian was guide. But he travelled so swiftly that 
 he kept ahead and almost out of sight. Whenever, looking 
 over his shoulder, he saw that Captain Church and company 
 were far behind, he would slacken pace until they came near. 
 The sun about to set, the Indian halted and sat down. Church 
 coming up, the guide said, " Now is the time when Captain 
 Anawon sends out his scouts. He does it to see if the coast 
 be clear. Soon as it has grown dark, the scouts will return to 
 camp. We will sit still until dark. After that we may move 
 on securely." Twilight ended, the old Indian was on his feet 
 again ; it was the signal for moving on. 
 
 Soon Captain Church heard what proved to be the sound of 
 pounding in a mortar. Looking around he saw that the guide 
 had given truthful description of Anawon's location, and of 
 the difficulty of getting to it. He, with two Indians, crept 
 silently to the edge of the rocks, and gained a full view of the 
 camp. They saw, by the light of the Indian fires, that there 
 were three coteries a little apart. 1 Anawon lay nearest the 
 
 1 The retreat was in the southeast part of Rehohoth near the Taunton line, 
 and is known as " Anawon's Rock." The ledge, a series of ragged cliffs, is exten- 
 sive on the south and west. The swamp embraced 3,000 acres. 
 
160 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 cliff ; and had constructed his encampment by felling a large 
 tree by the side of the cliff, and by setting a row of birch limbs 
 against the fallen tree. By the side of these preparations, he 
 and son, and some of his chiefs, had taken lodging. Around 
 the camp were fires before which were meats on spits and in 
 kettles. Guns were stacked, and mats shielded them from 
 dew. Anawon's feet and his boy's head almost touched the 
 guns. 
 
 But, although all was so clearly in view of Captain Church 
 and his Indians, it was a question how to descend ; the rocks 
 were so precipitous, it seemed possible only by aid of bushes 
 growing in crevices of the ledge. The Indian guide averred 
 that there was no possibility of entering by any other way. In 
 this dilemma, the old guide and his daughter were ordered to 
 lead ; Church and soldiers were to follow. It was arranged 
 that the guide and his daughter take baskets, that, if discov- 
 ered, there might be less mistrust. Captain Church and his 
 daring associates followed close, with guns and hatchets in 
 hand, partially screened by the shadow of the guide and his 
 daughter. Captain Church stepped over the boy's head, and 
 quickly seized the stack of guns. Anawon awoke, and start- 
 ing up in a sitting posture, called out " Howak." 1 Young 
 Anawon, opening his eyes and seeing what had happened, in- 
 stantly pulled his blanket over his head and drew himself into 
 a heap. Old Anawon threw himself on his back and, for some 
 time, remained motionless and reticent. Captain Church and 
 his helpers secured the guns and captured the near attendants. 
 Indian soldiers were dispatched to the remoter clubs in camp, 
 instructed to proclaim, " Anawon is taken," and to promise 
 " good quarter to all who surrender quietly." 2 
 
 The surprise being thus far successful, Captain Church in- 
 quired of Anawon, " What have you for breakfast ? I am come 
 to eat with you." Anawon, " in a big voice," replied " Tau- 
 
 1 The interpretation is doubtful. Some render the word Howak, " Who 's 
 there! " others say it means " I 'm taken ! " Anawon, just aroused from sleep, 
 evidently was bewildered and supposed himself surrounded by irresistible force. 
 
 2 The Indians entrusted with the message being old acquaintances, and in fact 
 some to whom they went being near relatives, the message was weighty and effect- 
 ual. All surrendered and gave up their arms. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 161 
 
 bot f " 1 and then, looking toward his women gave orders to 
 prepare refreshments for his guests. Turning to Church, he 
 inquired, " Which would you prefer, cow-beef, or horse ? " All 
 was 30on ready, and Church, having in his pocket a paper of 
 salt, seasoned his broiled steak and made a hearty meal. 2 
 
 When the meal was over, Captain Church directed his In- 
 dians more fully. They were to certify to the occupants of 
 the encampment, " the death of Metacomet," and inform them 
 that "all Indians on Mount Hope Neck were captured, 
 but that the lives of all would be spared on promise of sub- 
 jection." 3 Indians present were to be told that they would 
 be " marched to Taunton and there meet friends. As to Ana- 
 won, he must be carried to Plymouth, but will be recom- 
 mended to the favor of Government." 
 
 Captain Church tried now to rest, but was wakeful, whilst 
 his own and Anawon's men were generally asleep. The two 
 captains lay a long time silent, looking at each other. Church 
 did not speak, because he supposed that Anawon was unable 
 to understand English, as he was to speak Indian. By and by 
 Anawon got up, threw his blanket aside, and walked out of 
 sight or hearing. Church became uneasy, and his fears in- 
 creased as the absence was prolonged. He drew all the guns 
 close to himself, and took position close by the side of young 
 Anawon. He thought " if the old Sachem is meditating evil, 
 he cannot shoot me without endangering the boy." Waiting in 
 painful suspense, footsteps, in the direction Anawon had gone, 
 were heard, and in light of moon now shining brightly, the 
 old Sachem was seen returning with hands full. Seating him- 
 self by the side of Captain Church, Anawon, to the astonish- 
 ment of Church, spake in good English, and proceeded to 
 invest Church with the treasures he had been to fetch. The 
 substance of his speech was, " You have killed our Great 
 
 1 The interpretation of this word also, is doubtful. Some render it " Thank 
 you ; " some say it means " Very well." 
 
 2 Captain Church has told us, in addition to his mention of Anawon's enter- 
 tainment, that one item of the breakfast, was " hot cakes made from the corn 
 which a woman had been heard reducing to meal " whilst Mr. Church was work- 
 ing his way down the ledge. He suggests that the pounding contributed to his 
 success. When it was resumed, he and company could move with impunity. 
 
 8 Keference is here made to the capture, the day previous, of those Indians sent 
 to Poppasquash in search of provisions. 
 11 
 
162 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Sachem, and have conquered his country. My company here 
 in camp, and myself, are the last remaining. These things 
 belong to you." Thus saying, he opened a pack and dis- 
 played Metacomet's belt curiously wrought in black and 
 white wampum, having on it pictures of beasts, birds, flowers, 
 etc. 1 
 
 The day and evening were now passed in lively conversa- 
 tion ; Ana won rehearsing early exploits dating back to the 
 day when he first served Massasoit in war. But in the 
 whole interview, the great Captain of Metacomet discreetly 
 refrained from any allusion to achievements bearing on the 
 colonies. 
 
 At break of day, September 12, Captain Church marched 
 with all his prisoners towards Taunton, where they were re- 
 ceived amid great rejoicing. The prisoners were most of 
 them sent to Plymouth. The next day, Captain Church pro- 
 ceeded, with six Indian soldiers, to Rhode Island, and took 
 with him Anawon. 
 
 1 "Hung on Church's shoulders, the helt reached to his feet. It was nine 
 inches broad. This belt, with other ornaments, as tradition says, was sent by 
 the Governor of Plymouth, to England, in 1677. Another belt wrought in like 
 elaborate manner, hood-shaped and intended for state occasions, had pictured on 
 the part which covered the breast, a star." 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 After all, Indians were not yet exterminated. Captain 
 Church, on going with his wife, children, and Anawon, to 
 Plymouth, was told of Indians haunting the woods between 
 Plymouth and Sippecan. He tracked them, and scouts re- 
 turned saying they had discovered the enemy sitting around 
 fires, in a dense thicket. On reaching the place, Captain 
 Church ordered his men to creep silently until near the enemy, 
 and then rise suddenly and run upon them, taking if possible 
 all alive, a thing to be desired now, inasmuch as prisoners were 
 the pay. About fifty Indians were captured. They agreed 
 in their account of themselves; all belonged to Tispaquin, 
 who, with John Bump and another Indian, was gone to Aga- 
 wam and Sippecan to get horse-beef. 
 
 Captain Church returned to Plymouth, carrying with him 
 his prisoners, with the exception of two old squaws, whom he 
 instructed to remain in place until Tispaquin's return, and 
 tell him that Captain Church had been there and captured 
 the whole company, including the wife and children of the 
 Chief, and that he had carried them all to Plymouth. The 
 two squaws were directed to tell Tispaquin that the captured 
 would have life spared, and that he himself would be safe, 
 coming in and bringing the rest of his people. Furthermore, 
 Tispaquin was to be assured that all his able-bodied men 
 would be accepted as soldiers. 
 
 Notwithstanding the desolations caused by promiscuous 
 slaughter, starvation, sickness, and the slave-business vigor- 
 ously prosecuted, small parties of Indians were strolling about 
 here and there in search of food. As often as discovered, they 
 were destroyed or enslaved. Some, completely dispirited, 
 came in of their own accord, as if willing to settle at once the 
 
V 
 
 164 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 question of life or death, by throwing themselves on the mer- 
 cies of the merciless. If any yet remained out, they became 
 victims of a hunt. 1 
 
 It cannot be supposed that there was any longer a veritable 
 state of war. A new commission was, however, issued to 
 Captain Church, 2 who returned to Plymouth after leaving 
 provisions with the two squaws detained at the place of their 
 capture. That same day, Tispaquin and all his men gave 
 themselves up. 3 
 
 We are obliged to record here, to the dishonor of all con- 
 cerned, a most infamous transaction, viz. : that notwithstand- 
 ing the circumstances of Tispaquin's surrender, the too-con- 
 fiding Chieftain was, by order of Government, beheaded ! 4 
 
 Anawon, and other noted Indians, shared the same fate. 
 Their heads were cut off ! What honorable mind does not 
 condemn such infamous butchery ! These Indians were sub- 
 dued ; it was not necessary to make an example of them to 
 deter others. 5 Were the contest not virtually ended, such 
 
 1 "Judge Davis " pays : " Indian prisoners were treated with great severity, 
 especially those who were at all distinguished. Generally they were condemned 
 to slavery and sold. Not a few were executed at Plymouth or in Boston 
 Prisoners were generally sent to the Bermudas. A rigid superintendence was 
 systematically maintained over those who remained after hostilities ceased." 
 
 2 This commission authorized and requested Captain Church to " scour the 
 woods for the lurking enemy." He went accordingly in 1677, accompanied " by 
 gentlemen and amateurs in hunting Indians." Slavery was not now simply in- 
 
 t/ V evitable ; it virtually comprehended banishment, for an order of Council decreed 
 that " no male Indian over fourteen years old shall reside in this government." 
 
 8 Tispaquin had been distinguished as a Chief whom they thought no bul- 
 lets could pierce. Captain Church had remarked, " Since war is like to break 
 out in the Eastern country, I want Tispaquin to be saved to fight the Taran- 
 tines." 
 
 4 Tispaquin's surrender was not only voluntary, but influenced chiefly by rep- 
 resentations and promises made by Church. The Chief had, no doubt, become 
 weary of resistance, and had long felt that no good object could be attained by 
 prolonging his wanderings and privations. Moreover, a natural desire to be with 
 his wife and children had, probably, influence. 
 
 6 An apology has been attempted in behalf of Church by his son and biog- 
 rapher, telling that his " father being in Boston to confer with Gov. Leverett 
 upon latet ransactions, found to his grief that the heads of Tispaquin, Anawon, 
 and others, who were the last of Metacomet's friends, had been cut off." 
 
 Judge Davis says of Anawon : " He was far advanced in years, and had been 
 Chief Councillor in the time of Massasoit. There was a dignity and decorum in 
 his demeanor, impressing one in his favor, and inducing a wish that he had been 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 165 
 
 barbarous vindictiveness and bad faith could have no better 
 effect than to afflict and exasperate surviving Indians. 
 
 What became of all New-England Indians, finally, is a 
 subject for serious thought. 
 
 Hubbard, says : " The Almighty made use of Indians to 
 scourge His people ; but turned His own hand against In- 
 dians to their utter destruction and extirpation from the face 
 of the earth, peradventure to make room for His people to 
 come in their stead." 
 
 A writer of same date remarks : " The Indians being dis- 
 persed, confounded, and one after another destroyed, there 
 were none left in the western or southern parts of New Eng- 
 land." 
 
 A proclamation issued by General Court, ordered the whole 
 people to " glorify God that of the several tribes which have 
 risen up against us, there now scarcely remains a family or 
 name of them within their former habitations." 1 
 
 That the Indians faded away and disappeared is confirmed 
 by history ; but the precise manner none can in all instances 
 define. Indians supposed to have gone westward, reappeared 
 singly now and then, yearning for their early homes, despite 
 the fear that they would pay dearly for such temerity. 2 A 
 
 spared." Mr. Drake, whom we always name with respect, not only for his 
 faithful investigations and careful recital of events, as also for his truthful com- 
 ments on the enormity of Indian wrongs, says of the execution of Anawon and 
 others, " It is a foul stain on the Plymouth government." \ 
 
 1 An eminent jurist has well remarked, "That God should be glorified as the v 
 author of wrongs which professing Christians heaped upon pagan humanity, is 
 preposterous and wicked." 
 
 2 Hubbard tells of " a large party going westward, whom Major Talcott pur- 
 sued over the mountains, killing or capturing forty-five, of whom twenty-five 
 were fighting men." Others were " sorely wounded, as was evidenced by bushes 
 besmeared with blood." Hubbard says, " Nipmucks, Nashaways, or Springfield 
 Indians, I am not so certain what became of them." Major Pynchon wrote 
 from Springfield, August 15 : " Nearly two hundred Indians were seen at West, 
 field ; a slight attack was made upon them, but they were so numerous that the 
 people dare not engage them. They were making for the Hudson." Hubbard 
 informs us further of " intelligence from Albany that about sixty were killed 
 and one hundred and twenty died of sickness." Talcott is reported as " destroy- 
 ing Indian stores of corn at Quaboag, and pursuing the fugitives who crossed 
 the Connecticut. Some were surprised and taken, the rest escaped to the wilder- 
 ness." Mention also is made by historians, of Nashaways, " repairing to Pis- 
 
,/ 
 
 166 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 prominent part of the heart-sickening drama, was, as history- 
 tells, " a bitter contention of Colonists for shares in the con- 
 quered territory. 
 
 cataqua to shelter themselves," and a story is told of " six or eight ringleaders, 
 such as One-eyed John, Sagamore Sam, and others, sent to Boston, where they 
 had justice done them." 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Metacomet was denominated a savage. Records made by 
 his enemies prove that he was a MAN, and moreover show that 
 he was possessed of humane, generous, and noble attributes. 
 There is no reason to believe that his administration of affairs 
 would have been less pacific than was that of Massasoit, who 
 might easily have crushed the embryo colony had he been so 
 disposed. 
 
 That the very worst thought of Metacomet, the execution 
 of which he ever attempted, was to prevent the occupancy 
 and absorption of his entire domain and the complete humil- 
 iation and extinction of his race, needs no demonstration be- 
 yond the facts furnished by the colonists themselves. They 
 were chroniclers not only of their own doings, but of what they 
 chose to say of Indians. It is clearly apparent that Meta- 
 comet's one crime was his patriotism. 
 
 Well-informed and evenly balanced minds early looked with 
 disapproval and sorrow on the course of oppression and exter- 
 mination practiced towards Indians ; and, during the progress 
 of the war, many good people reviewed its causes. Hutchin- 
 son was, perhaps, severe on the magistrates, in his intimation 
 that they "executed laws for their own profit;" but "the 
 Government of Massachusetts " declared " there are great evils 
 for which God hath given the heathen permission to rise up 
 against us." That eminent man, Judge Davis, of Boston, 
 originating in Plymouth, and not to be suspected of lack of 
 impartiality, has said : " Laws and rules for the government 
 of Indians were frequently made and enforced before the war. 
 Requirements abridging the cherished freedom of the children 
 of the forest, and interfering with their habits and customs, 
 V* were a constant source of irritation. Many symptoms of dis- 
 
168 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 content were apparent long before war, and of resentments that 
 gradually ripened into invincible prejudices and disgust." 1 
 
 The whole testimony to which alone we must look to learn 
 what were opinions, feelings, or practices, of colonists, or In- 
 dians, ex parte though it necessarily be, gives irrefutable and 
 incontestable evidence in support of these views. Indians had 
 no means, except tradition, of transmitting to future times the 
 story of their grievances or a record of their honor. The stern 
 disapproval of a popular mania which might not be resisted, 
 could not, at all times, be so much as spoken. Discretion 
 muffled the tongue, discouraged the pen, and forbade all ap- 
 pearance of opposition. Expediency had much to do in all 
 questions, whether touching Indian rights, the demands of 
 morality, and even humanity. 
 
 It ought surely to be considered that some traits which have 
 been chief ornaments of humanity, pertained to Indians. The 
 writer's duty is, not to proclaim, even with sorrow, errors of 
 the first settlers ; but it belongs to him to tell in fairness the 
 whole story. It has been said in extenuation of the severities 
 of the early settlers, that " safety required the extermination 
 of Aborigines." Such a course was, if the allegation be true, 
 a sad alternative. 
 
 A retrospect of early times forcibly impresses one's mind. 
 We see cause for both thankfulness and humiliation. Pow- 
 erful nations once inhabiting New England's territory have 
 passed away. Time and man's doings have wrought great 
 changes. Such is the instability of earth. We remain. But 
 who does not wish that changes in the population of our coun- 
 try had followed only undoubtedly righteous attempts to plant 
 and establish us ! 
 
 This record of Anglo-Saxon triumphs and Indian sufferings 
 would close at this place were it not that effects of war and 
 the spirit of conquest long indulged, require that before dis- 
 missing the subject of our narrative, we glance briefly at a 
 state of things existing in other parts of our country, which 
 bear date subsequent to what has been called Metacomet's 
 
 1 Vide Davis' Morton's Memorial. 
 
 2 Massasoit's friendship for the early settlers of New Plymouth, accomplished 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 169 
 
 Metacomet had ceased to be : his head was empaled ; his 
 valiant right hand had been exhibited, a penny-a-sight, so long 
 as the putrefying spectacle was possible ; and his quartered 
 body was suspended from road-side boughs. But the Great 
 Sachem's name and influence still survived. If there were no 
 more nations to be blotted out, there were offenders who must 
 be punished. It was declared that from the date of the break- 
 ing out of hostilities between the Plymouth Colony and the 
 Indians, the people called Tarantines, alias Eastern Indians, 
 whose seat was by the waters of Casco Bay, had insulted the 
 settlers of New Hampshire and Province of Maine. It was 
 now " judged expedient to chastise these Indians." 
 
 An armed force was sent from Boston, ordered to " seize all 
 who have been concerned in the war." These Boston com- 
 panies were joined at Dover by forces under Major Waldron, 
 who induced four hundred warriors to come together " to make 
 peace." When convened ostensibly for this purpose, and 
 whilst his guests, they were surrounded and made prisoners ! 
 This perfidy was perpetrated September 6, 1766. It was, of 
 course, neither forgiven or forgotten. Waldron knew many 
 of his victims to have been, until this act, friends to the Eng- 
 lish. The treachery led Indians to cherish, thenceforward, 
 thirst for revenge. 1 Mr. Belknap tells us that " this thirst 
 was soon gratified. Waldron fell into their hands, and was 
 put to torture and death ; he had sowed the seeds of iniquity 
 and a just God permitted him to reap the harvest." Govern- 
 ment had its hands full of work to be done, and the only glory 
 acquired was Waldron's treachery. The only pretense for all 
 
 nothing for his successors. That memorable saying of Cotton Mather has, 
 through centuries, been on record: " 'Twas not unto a Delphos, but unto a 
 Shiloh, that the planters of New England have been making progress ; and v 
 King Philip is not the only Python that has obstructed their passage." 
 
 1 The two Massachusetts' companies were largely made up of those called 
 " praying Indians." Certain officers wished to attack the Eastern Indians whilst 
 imprisoned. Major Waldron was not, however, quite equal to such villainy, and 
 therefore substituted a stratagem. He proposed to the Indians a sham-fight, with 
 blank cartridges, and offered to them the honor of firing the first volley. This, if 
 accepted, would at the onset disload their guns, and safely prepare the way to 
 proclaim the Indians prisoners of war. This done, about two hundred were 
 sent to Boston to be sold and transported to foreign parts, and six were hung 
 as ringleaders. 
 
170 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 the baseness was that "Indians had participated in Metaco- 
 met's coalition." 1 
 
 Besides intercepting boats on rivers and bays, by which 
 Tarantines obtained a great amount of various plunder, depre- 
 dations on dwellings and stores furnished ammunition and 
 strong drink. People were carried captive from Casco Bay ; 
 houses were burned at Saco, at Scarborough, and at Kittery. 
 Lieutenant Plaisted and company were defeated and de- 
 stroyed ; and at Oyster River, Salmon Falls, Dover, Exeter, 
 and elsewfiere, the work of desolation progressed, — houses, 
 barns, and mills disappearing before devouring flames. 
 
 The ensuing winter another expedition was undertaken. 
 A body of men sailed from Boston to Casco Bay. Nothing 
 worthy of honorable men was done. Indians were thoroughly 
 incensed. Their cause grew stronger and stronger. The 
 General Court seeing how patriotic and desperate the Taran- 
 tines were driven to be, and that any success of English arms 
 had no better effect than to remove the prospect of peace, 
 entered upon a discussion of the propriety and expediency of 
 asking the cooperation of Mohawks! 2 The Mohawks were 
 at peace with Eastern Indians ; and, as was well known, the 
 two peoples cherished hereditary enmities. 
 
 Some members of the Court raised a question of right, and 
 it was well that they did ; for, aside from the question of 
 honor, the attempted alliance was doomed to disgrace and dis- 
 aster. Its effect was to alienate from the cause of colonists 
 all the natives of the Eastern Country. Combatants spread 
 along the whole sea-board, threatening destruction and death. 
 It became a matter of serious inquiry, " What are the things 
 which have provoked God to bring His judgments on this 
 people ? " 
 
 The people ought not to be censured for agitating the 
 
 1 "Eastern Indians had, many years, complained of abuses by sailors and 
 traders ; but had always carried it fair, and had good correspondence with the 
 English until the news of Metacomet's rebellion." So writes Mr. Hubbard, who 
 adds : " The effect of this intelligence was, in course of time, a general uprising ; 
 plantations were deserted by their former inhabitants." 
 
 2 Mohawks, sometimes called Mohogs, and sometimes Modocs, were a saga- 
 cious and powerful people ; but their well-known traits, of which all Indians 
 were aware, made the policy of courting their cooperation questionable. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 171 
 
 question, nor for concerting means to secure a return of the 
 smiles of Heaven. Certain conclusions at which they arrived 
 are, however, remarkable. They thought it strange that, 
 among sins confessed as constituting the aggregate of causes 
 of existing calamities, " toleration of Quakers " was not men- 
 tioned as " an evil largely increasing the divine displeas- 
 ure." 1 
 
 Another expedition was started from Boston, with orders 
 to capture, the stores of the enemy. To cripple the resources 
 of Indians, had long since become a leading aim of colonists. 
 The forces disembarked at Scarborough ; and there, at Black 
 Point, was fought the first pitched battle in New England 
 between English and Indians. The English suffered defeat. 2 
 The Tarantines followed success by capturing twenty fishing 
 vessels. Events made Indians masters of the Province. 3 
 
 The prime minister of the Tarantines, was, at this time, a 
 noted Chief whose name was Mugg. He visited Piscataqua, 
 in the interests of peace, and subsequently went to Boston, 
 where, in behalf of Madocowando 4 and Cherberihna, Sachehis 
 
 1 This was a day when developments of the times were extraordinary. A let- 
 ter from Reverend Increase Mather to Mr. Cotton, suggests that even women 
 had become merciless : " On the last Sabbath, the women of Marblehead, coming 
 out of the meeting-house, fell on two Indians brought in as captives ; and, in a 
 tumultuous way, barbarously murdered them. Doubtless, if Indians hear of it 
 captives among them will be served accordingly." Mr. Mather may be, at times, 
 uncharitable in his prognostics. The Indians who were slaughtered by women 
 in Marblehead, were, so far as appears, innocent of crime. Fishermen may, at 
 some time, have been slain by Indians ; but there was nothing tangible to justify 
 the vengeance wreaked by these females just from the house of prayer. 
 
 2 " The loss in this battle was to the English, killed or wounded, sixty men, 
 the commander included." 
 
 8 At different periods of Indian wars, and particularly after considerable suc- 
 cesses by colonists, it was said, u the war is ended ; " but former provocations 
 and their remembrance, generally continued long to yield bitter fruits. The 
 honorable use of victory, by a people called savage, might with prosperity have 
 made their antagonists hang their heads for shame. As soon as unmolested, 
 the war-whoop generally ceased, and the tomahawk was buried. In the in- 
 stance now before us, Indians set an example of magnanimity, and showed eleva- 
 tion of soul, never learned from practices or precepts of an enemy ; they restored 
 all captured vessels, and also released a large number of prisoners, — reserving 
 only a few M until peace shall be finally assured." 
 
 * Charlevoix calls him Matawondo. In later years this chief was found fight- 
 ing with the French. 
 
 • 
 
 / 
 
172 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 of Penobscot, he entered into a treaty with the Governor. 1 
 The colonists had prolonged the war three years beyond 
 Metacomet's decease, and were now glad to resort to a final 
 and honorable adjustment. The treaty was dated November 
 13, 1676. That was a proud day for gallant Tarantines 
 when Englishmen were heard begging permission to occupy 
 former habitations and pay tribute. 2 
 
 1 Hutchinson says : " This was the first treaty with Eastern Indians, and no 
 mention is here made of subjection to Colony or king ; but the Indians are free 
 and independent." " A paper was drawn with due formality, and the English 
 agreed to pay annual tribute." It has been said by the candid, that " this was V 
 the first fair and honorable treaty the colonists ever made." 
 
 2 An incident related in Stone's Life of Brant, may pertinently occupy a place 
 here,- as exhibiting an instance of Indian shrewdness and honor. General 
 Herkimer, of New York in olden times, had made arrangements for a talk. The 
 Indian Chief, Thayendeuega, being suspicious of intended treachery, dispatched 
 a runner to the encampment of General Herkimer to demand the object of his 
 visit. The answer returned was, " General Herkimer is come to see and talk 
 with his brother." General Herkimer was accompanied by a numerous force ; 
 but agreement was made for the two parties to take position at a shed impro- 
 vised two miles distant, about midway. Preliminaries arranged, Thayendenega 
 promptly presented himself at the place designated, already in occupancy of 
 General Herkimer, near the edge of the forest. His salutations were duly recog- 
 nized and he asked, " Why am I thus honored ! " General Herkimer again re- 
 plied. The Indian said, sarcastically, " You are kind. All you and your men 
 want, is to see and talk with me ! " Standing forth with dignity, Thayendenega 
 proclaimed, " You are in my power. I have five hundred braves around me 
 ready for battle." The war-whoop sounded and in an instant a multitude 
 painted and ready for onslaught, stood forth. Scorning duplicity, the Indian 
 immediately said to General Herkimer, " I will take no advantage. But I advise 
 you to return immediately home. Accept my thanks for your visit. I may per- 
 haps some day visit you." 
 
 This was the last conference. Conviction fastened on Indian minds that 
 treachery is an attribute of white men. The sequel was not long in coming. 
 
 It may be remembered that Brant was son of Thayendenega, who was head of 
 the Six Nations. A council of these Nations, recently, 1878, voted a large sum 
 of money to erect a monument to Brant's memory, in the pleasant town of 
 Thayendenega. " This people have advanced rapidly in civilization. Placed on 
 their reservation 1873, they now own 4,000 acres of good land fenced and under 
 cultivation, with comfortable tenements. Each person has about eight acres, be- 
 ing, in the aggregate, 120 of wheat and 175 of corn. They have 237 neat cattle, 
 cut 140 tons of hay, and have abundance of poultry, etc. Fifty-nine of their 
 children attend school. This evidence of capacity for pursuits of civilized life is 
 peculiarly gratifying, coming from a people formerly stigmatized " murderous 
 Modocs." 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Such as have been related in previous pages, were Indian 
 wars of Massachusetts under its first charter, and of the States 
 included in the Confederate Union. 
 
 Taking into consideration the fact that records of all Indian 
 treaties were penned by white men, and that Indians had no 
 Hubbard, Mather, or Church, to indite for them their tale of 
 woe, he is venturesome who will assert that all treaty transac- 
 tions have been fairly told. 
 
 If the reader will candidly consider what was the condition 
 of the New England tribes when the white man came among 
 them, he will find recorded no instance of Indian perfidy, nor 
 of addictedness to dishonest practices of any sort. They were 
 not cheats, gamblers, licentious, inebriates, nor in any way 
 peculiarly depraved in habits or morals. 
 
 It is patent that at the close of Metacomet's life, Indian 
 lands rose in value ; and his enemies embraced with eagerness 
 the long-sought privilege of entering upon the original inheri- 
 tance. It is also patent that the surviving majority of the 
 unfortunate race were sold into perpetual slavery. 
 
 It has been said by here and there a sentimentalist, or per- 
 haps humanitarian, or Christian, that " it is some small relief 
 to find that the fate of the only son of the Wampanoag Chief 
 was not decided by those in authority without learned advice 
 eliciting prolonged discussion." 1 
 
 1 Judge Davis, in his Morton's Memorial, says : " It is consoling to our feelings 
 to know that, as the issue of the singular discussion, the life of the innocent boy- 
 was spared, although that life was, for a price, doomed to slavery. The question 
 thus seriously agitated would not, in modern times, occur in any other nation in 
 Christendom. Principles of public law, sentiments of humanity, the mild influ- 
 ence of the gospel in preference to a recurrence to the Jewish dispensation so 
 
174 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 We shall close with an extract from Edward Everett. In 
 his address, 1835, speaking of the encounter, August, 1676, 
 Mr. Everett quotes Mather, whose record was : " Philip 
 barely escapes, leaving his peage behind. His son and squaw 
 were taken captive, and are now prisoners in Plymouth. 
 Thus hath God brought that grand enemy into misery before 
 He quite destroy him. It must needs be bitter as death to 
 him to lose his wife and only son, for Indians are marvelously 
 fond and affectionate towards their children, besides their 
 other relatives, and towards their country also." Mr. Ever- 
 ett continues : " And now what was the fate of Philip's wife 
 and son ! This is a tale for husband and wives, for parents 
 and children. Young men and children, you cannot under- 
 stand it. What was the fate of Philip's wife and child ! 
 She a woman, he a lad ! They surely did not hang them ? 
 That would have been mercy. The boy is grandson, his 
 
 much regarded by our ancestors in their deliberations and decisions, would forbid 
 the thought of inflicting punishment on children for the offenses of a parent." 
 
 We present, with accompanying matter, the preceding note from the pen of 
 Judge Davis, as not simply apposite, but as just and honorable to the learned 
 jurist. The reader will, in review of this Indian history, be glad to know the 
 distinctive views and peculiar logical influences which, in early times, predomi- 
 nated. We therefore add : — 
 
 Reverend Increase Mather, of Boston, gave opinion and said : " Of the young 
 prince, it is necessary that some effectual course be taken. He makes me think 
 of Hadad, who was a little child when his father, chief Sachem of the Edomites, 
 was killed by Joab. Had not others fled away with him, I am apt to think that 
 David would have taken the course that Hadad would not have proved a scourge 
 to the next generation." 
 
 Reverend James Keith, of Bridgewater, interposed a pleader, saying, " I long 
 to hear what becomes of Philip's wife and son. I know there is some difficulty, 
 Psalm cxxxvii. 8, 9 ; though I think it may be considered whether there be not 
 some specialties and somewhat extraordinary in it. That law, Deuteronomy, 
 xxiv. 16, compared with the example of Amariah, 2 Chronicles, xxv. 4, doth 
 sway much with me." 
 
 Mr. Mather gives the result, March 20 : " Philip's boy goes to be sold." 
 
 Mr. Cotton, of Plymouth, and Mr. Arnold, of Marshfield, gave written opin- 
 ions jointly, viz : " We humbly conceive, on serious consideration, that the chil- 
 dren of notorious traitors, rebels, and murderers, especially such as have been 
 principal leaders and actors in such horrid villainies, and that against a whole na- 
 tion, yea, the whole Israel of God, may be involved in the guilt of their parents, 
 and may, salva republica, be adjudged to death ; as to us seems evident by the 
 Scripture instances of Saul, Achan, and Haman, the children of whom were cut 
 off by the sword of justice for the transgressions of parents, although it be man- 
 ifest they were incapable of being actors." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 175 
 
 mother daughter-in-law, of good old Massasoit, the first and 
 best friend the English ever had in New England. Perhaps, 
 now Philip is slain, and his numerous warriors are scattered to 
 the four winds, they will allow his wife and son, widow and 
 orphan, to go back and finish their days and sorrows in their 
 native wilderness ? No ! they are sold into slavery ! West 
 India slavery ! An Indian Princess and her child sold, from / 
 the cool breezes of Mount Hope, from the wild freedom of 
 a New England forest, to gasp under the lash beneath the 
 blazing sun of the tropics ! Bitter as death ? Aye, bitter as 
 hell. Is there anything animated that would not struggle at 
 this ? " 
 
 We feel sure that we do not transcend the patience of the 
 reader by so extended quotation from the pen of the gifted 
 Mr. Everett. 
 
 We have very few remarks to offer in closing the present 
 work. That a remnant of Indians, — Massapees and a few 
 other broken tribes, — are permitted to continue in occupancy 
 of their native soil, indicates a disposition on the part of the 
 white man to extend to these neighboring residuals a larger 
 degree of indulgence than has been meted to most other 
 tribes. Narragansetts yet remain in Rhode Island. Legisla- 
 tive doings show that a proposition was, a few years ago, made 
 to them to waive tribal allegiance and become citizens of the 
 State. The proposal was promptly declined. Indians said : 
 "We are attached to the traditions of our fathers, and rever- 
 ence the memory of our kings. Our title-deeds come from 
 the Great Jehovah. They have never been obscured by writ- < 
 ings. We are heirs of Ninigret, and other great chiefs and 
 warriors, and we claim that so long as one drop of Indian 
 blood remains in our veins, we are entitled to the rights and 
 privileges guaranteed in solemn treaty by your ancestors." 
 
 The Massapees, and Gay Head Indians, have lately been 
 incorporated as towns. Passamaquoddy Indians and those 
 resident at Oldtown, remain; but in condition of depend- 
 ence. 
 
 We recognize with gratitude to the Giver of all good, the 
 fact that slavery of any people, race, or complexion, is now 
 generally regarded in New England as a great evil. 
 
176 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Our condition as peoples has greatly changed. The partial 
 extinction of Aborigines, and the unprofitableness of negro 
 slavery upon a comparatively sterile soil, and in an uncon- 
 genial climate, has been followed by great events. The slave- 
 trade, long since dishonored, forbidden, and declared piracy ; 
 still greater changes have been effected by the wonderful 
 working of Him who maketh the wrath of man to praise Him. 
 Our country has, in general, become emphatically the Land 
 of the Fbee. 
 
 As respects Indians on our borders, something remains to be 
 said. Many are constrained to indulge concern for them. In- 
 terior tribes retiring before the face of white men, towards 
 the shores of the Pacific, leave comparatively few in undis- 
 turbed possession of their original hereditary domain. 
 
 Becoming will it be if humility tempered by wisdom, take 
 place of censoriousness, vindictiveness, and greed ; if zeal take 
 counsel of experience, and charity be measured by the duties 
 which, under the circumstances, press upon us here. Then 
 will increased numbers who roam over the greatness of our 
 land be civilized, and cheered by gospel light. 
 
 For all violations of treaty engagements, and for oppression 
 and outrage, retribution will some day come. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Our minister to the court of St. James has expressed 
 himself in this wise : " Man was made in the image of his 
 Creator. He still bears that image, although grievously 
 marred by circumstances through which he has passed, and 
 by which he continues to be surrounded." 
 
 The North American Indian is the noblest type of a wild 
 man on earth. He recognizes a Great Spirit ; believes in a 
 future life ; is devoted to his children, and will die for his 
 tribe. A cry of extermination of such a people, is, as it ever 
 was, a reproach to humanity and an insult to Heaven. 
 
 President Adams wrote in his diary, 1841, " The policy, 
 from Washington to myself, of presidents of the United States, 
 was justice and kindness to the Indian tribes, to civilize and 
 preserve them. With the Creeks and Cherokees it had been 
 successful ; its success was their misfortune. The States, 
 within whose borders were their settlements, took alarm and 
 broke down all treaties which had pledged the good faith of 
 the nation. Georgia extended its jurisdiction over them, took 
 possession of their lands, houses, horses, cattle, furniture, and 
 negroes, and drove the Indians from their dwellings. By the 
 simultaneous operation of fraudulent treaties and brutal force, 
 the work was consummated. The Florida war was one of the 
 fruits of this policy, the conduct of which exhibits an unin- 
 terrupted scene of the most profligate corruption. All resist- 
 ance to the abomination is vain. It is one of the heinous sins 
 of the nation, for which God will surely bring us to judgment. 
 I turn my eyes away from the sickening mass of putrefac- 
 tion." 
 
 " Such," Bishop Whipple, of Minnesota, writes, " was the 
 outcry of a noble heart which, in utter helplessness, turned 
 
 12 
 
178 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 away from God's suffering children, whom he could not re- 
 lieve. Since that time the prairies of Minnesota, the plains 
 of Colorado, the vales of New Mexico and Arizona, the lands 
 of Dacota and of the Pacific slope, have all been desolated by- 
 wars, the fruit of a broken faith ! The last war with the Nez 
 Perces was the crowning act of our injustice. They had been 
 friends to the white man three quarters of a century, and had 
 an untarnished record of fidelity and friendship. Neither vio- 
 lated treaties, trespass, violence, nor even robbery and mur- 
 ders, could ever lead them to revenge." 1 
 
 In 1863 a treaty was said to be made with a portion of the 
 Nez Perces. The pseudo-treaty was not recognized by a large 
 part of the tribe. The non-treaty Indians had their home in 
 the beautiful valley called Wallowa. They insisted that they 
 had never sold it, and refused to leave the graves of their 
 fathers. Their claim was finally acknowledged by the United 
 States government, and, so late as 1871, a part of the valley 
 was set apart as a Reservation for them. But later, a commis- 
 sion notified them that " the treaty of 1863 would be en- 
 forced, and that all Indians must leave." The Nez Perces 
 refused. 2 
 
 1 Lewis and Clarke, who visited the Nez Perces in 1804, bear witness : " They 
 are the most friendly and noblest of red men." Governor Stevens, who "made 
 the first reconnoissance of the Northern Pacific Kailway," paid them a like tribute 
 of praise. He says : " They served as scouts during our Oregon wars, and 
 furnished our cavalry $5,000 worth of ponies, for which they were never paid. 
 During our wars with the Snake and Shoshone Indians, our troops were saved 
 by the Nez Perces from destruction. Colonel Stepton was without ammunition 
 and hard pressed ; the Nez Perces came to his relief. Commissioners represent 
 these Indians as " a long-suffering people." " Several thousand white men 
 flocked to their country to dig for gold ; located scrip upon their reservations, 
 and built villages and cities on their unceded lands. The Indian superintendent 
 himself claimed a large tract of their country, as ' purchased ' from a solitary 
 Indian. The people received much indignity ; some were murdered in cold 
 blood, and their women suffered brutal violence." 
 
 2 Their chief told the commissioners, " I have suffered wrong rather than do 
 wrong. One of my people was murdered the last summer ; I did not avenge his 
 death ; but my brother's blood sanctifies the ground, and, if it be necessary to 
 protect us against this wrong, will call the dead out of their graves." 
 
 This chief, in his very last battle, seeing a young English soldier mortally 
 wounded, went to him and knelt beside him, saying, " Poor boy, it is too bad that 
 you die in such a war." He then went to his own tapee and fetched a blanket 
 to cover the dying man. Indignant words of hate are often levelled at Chief 
 Joseph ; whilst no expressions of righteous indignation would be strong enough 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 179 
 
 The story of other Indian wars is substantially the same. 
 The Sioux of Minnesota were victims of government frauds. 
 The Navajoes, who had flocks and herds, orchards, and well- 
 tilled fields, fought to avenge their daughters stolen and 
 doomed to a fate worse than death. Modocs had bitter mem- 
 ories of their fathers murdered by enemies, fighting under the 
 white man's flag. No Indian could tell a darker story of vio- 
 lated faith than the fierce Cochisi of the Apaches. No men- 
 tion of cruelty could show a blacker record than that of the 
 massacre of Mokitava's band. These wars were the result of 
 violation of treaty ! It is remarkable that Indians were never 
 known to violate a treaty promise. 
 
 It has been thought remarkable that another government 
 has lived in peace and friendship with Indian tribes, during 
 the long years of outrage and blood our own country has wit- 
 nessed. We have scarcely a hundred miles between the two 
 great oceans that has not been a scene of bloodshed. The 
 United States have expended at least 8500,000,000 in Indian 
 wars. 1 Our neighbors in the Provinces have never expended 
 a dollar through fear of Indian outrage or massacre. It seems 
 passing strange that our savage foes become law-abiding citi- 
 zens when they touch another soil. There is scarcely a page 
 of our dealings with Indians upon which we can look with 
 pleasure, though we begin back at the time when men marched 
 to the music of drum and fife, with the head of Metacomet 
 on a pole. 2 
 
 adequately to denounce the wickedness of wars into which he and his people were 
 forced by white men. 
 
 " The Nez Perces have been charged with being sullen and defiant," says 
 Bishop Whipple ; " but history will tell that they were brave souls, who 
 counted it sweet to die for their country. They never waged war on women and 
 children ; they never mutilated the dead ; they often exhibited compassion wor- 
 thy of humanity." 
 
 1 The end is not yet. 
 
 2 We need not cite "the burning of the Delawares on a Lord's day, in a 
 Moravian church ; " nor will we again advert to " the martyrdom of Worcester 
 for preaching Christ to Cherokees. That prison-cell where Rev. Samuel A 
 Worcester was incarcerated in defiance of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States may be forgotten by his persecutors and their abettors ; but God is not 
 forgetful, and nations may reap that which they sow. It will be remembered that 
 a time came when from the top of Lookout Mountain descended a host, under 
 the flag of the Constitution, and laid waste a country which had been owned by 
 
180 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Inwrought in the history of every Indian tribe is a story 
 of wrongs. That was a remark full of meaning, which has 
 been attributed to the Bishop of Rupert : " I fear that your 
 people have not learned that it is not the land which you give 
 to Indians, so much as that you strictly fulfill your pledges." 
 An axiom of political weight was enunciated by Lord Duf- 
 ferin, in three words, when he spoke of Indians as " our 
 fellow-subjects." 
 
 A strange anomaly grew out of the position of early settlers 
 in America. The Pilgrim Fathers in Massachusetts, and the 
 Cavaliers in Virginia, could not agree to treat a people who 
 outnumbered them a thousand to one, as wards. 
 
 Spain, France, Holland, and England claimed the country 
 by right of discovery. Each recognized the Indian's posses- 
 sory right to the soil. France expressly reserved this right 
 in the sale of Louisiana. The United States, by the ordi- 
 nance of 1787, made the doctrine part of organic law. 
 
 The law of nations, the Constitution of the United States, 
 the several departments of government, — judicial, legislative, 
 and executive, — each and all affirm the inviolability of the 
 title. Our treaties are constitutionally the supreme law. 
 The only possible allegation that can be brought against it, 
 is the robber's plea, that might makes right. The pressure 
 of emigration made us trespassers. 1 
 
 Happily, the conscience of the people is touched, and a 
 wiser and more humane policy than once prevailed is de- 
 manded by public sentiment. Secretary Stanton said, in 
 1862, " If you come to Washington to tell us that our Indian 
 system is a sink of iniquity, and a disgrace to the nation, we 
 all know it." Since that declaration was made, years have 
 passed away, and the years have been marked by atrocities 
 
 Cherokees." The distinguished Prelate who indited the preceding sentence, says, 
 " We dare not interpret God's providence ; but we may be sure that when a 
 people copy the oppressions of Egypt, they may suffer from the locusts of 
 Egypt." 
 
 1 Indian titles are seldom attempted to be extinguished until some greedy mob 
 contrives to use Indians as a key to unlock the treasury. Treaties once made, or 
 national obligations clearly defined, safety requires their due observance. 
 
 If our respective relations be thereby altered, the fact should be honestly rec- 
 ognized. Indians on an equality in enjoyment of civil rights should be re- 
 garded as wards of the nation. 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 181 
 
 which have affected many, both Indians and white people ; the 
 death of the brave Mokitava and his band, and the massacre 
 of the gallant Custer and his heroic soldiers. It might long 
 since have been asked if it be not time to adopt the con- 
 fession of the aged Sioux Chief : " The land is dark with 
 blood. Is there not cause why the Great Spirit is angry ? " 
 We cannot always afford to mock at infinite justice ! We are 
 not simply dealing with despised and perishing savages ; we 
 are contending with Almighty God. 
 
 In their wild state Indians have a government of chiefs, or 
 head men. That government is advisory. Often it becomes 
 weakened, perhaps destroyed by white men. We give noth- 
 ing in its place. Under such conditions, no community could 
 long protect itself. We seem to take it for granted that su- 
 perior virtue in savages will, under circumstances that would 
 wreck our own race, achieve civilization. 1 
 
 The first requisite of reform is to keep our faith. Public 
 opinion must settle it that falsehood and dishonesty are ig- 
 nominy, whether the crime be perpetrated by white men or 
 by red men, whether by persons in authority or by the ignoble 
 vulgar. 
 
 We gather from deliberative discussions of citizens, both 
 dignitaries and statesmen, assembled from various parts of the 
 Union, that in their opinion, the people of these States, and 
 generally our rulers, feel kindly towards Indians, and that 
 it has been a defect in our Indian system that the tribes are 
 treated as independent nations, who owe no allegiance, and are 
 neither subject to nor protected by our laws. 
 
 1 The United States government, not long since, commissioned persons to 
 visit a notorious chieftain, to induce him to return to its paternal care. That 
 chief was sagacious, and doubtless was possessed of the story of the two Minne- 
 sota Chiefs, Shakopee and Medicine Bottle, who, after the Minnesota massacre, 
 hurried to Canada. They were there followed and visited by white people, who 
 made them drunk, seized them in a state of inebriation, carried them across the 
 line, and exposed them to court-martial. These Indians were hanged ! Just 
 before their execution, Dr. Daniels, a gentleman influenced by humane consider- 
 ations, called to commiserate with them. Towards the close of the interview, 
 Shakopee inquired of Doctor D., " My friend, what will the white men do with 
 me ? " Dr. D. replied, " I think they will hang you." Shakopee received the 
 answer in silence ; but quickly said, " I am not afraid to die. When I go to the 
 other world, I will look the Great Spirit in his face, and shall tell Him what the 
 white man did to us before we began the fight. He will do right. ,, 
 
182 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 Statistics furnish little help to a solution of the Indian prob- 
 lem. The assumption long maintained that the Indians are 
 dying out, and will soon be extinct, is not supported. Tribes 
 have disappeared, but remnants, removed to reservations, show 
 increase of numbers. It is evident that extermination by- 
 sword will cost vastly more than the expense of feeding the 
 Indian. 
 
 The chief of the Indian Bureau, in 1868, estimated the cost 
 to Government, of killing an Indian, to be about 81,000,000. 
 Reports of the bureau show that, " outside of Alaska and the 
 tribe of Sitting Bull, there are, as estimated, 250,000 Indians 
 in the United States. The number of mixed blood is given at 
 27,749. The number of Indians who have abandoned savage 
 life, and wear the dress of civilization, is 112,000. The num- 
 ber who can read English, is 23,871. The number of houses 
 occupied by Indians, is 21,199, of which 944 were built by 
 Indians during the last fiscal year. They had, at the time the 
 last bureau report was submitted, 107 mills, 208 shops, 330 
 schools with 12,000 pupils, and 437 teachers. The Indians 
 cultivated, on the reserves, the last fiscal year, 292,550 acres, 
 upon which they raised 688,270 bushels of wheat, 4,656,952 
 bushels of corn, and 1,000,000 bushels of other grains and 
 vegetables. They cut 148,473 tons of hay ; owned 209,021 
 horses ; 7,265 mules ; 217,883 cattle ; 121,348 swine ; 587,444 
 sheep. In addition, they manufactured large quantities of 
 lumber, sold 8370,913 worth of furs, and made 330,600 
 pounds of sugar." 
 
 The people of our country may, in some degree, yet atone 
 for the past, by kindness and justice to the remnants of In- 
 dian nations. We are neither sanguine in expectation or 
 hope. If the voice of humanity, conscience, and the word of 
 God, is not heeded, we must abide the result, and perhaps 
 reap a harvest of sorrow. Our children's children may, in 
 hushed tones, tell the sad story, and wonder how their fathers 
 dared to trample on justice, and trifle with Omnipotence. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 The subject is not exhausted. It has not been our object 
 to exhaust it. Our contributions to Indian history may have 
 been prolix, perhaps needlessly. Other labors have demanded 
 our care. We close briefly. 
 
 In the fall of 1874, toward the end of one Indian war, a 
 large number of Indians surrendered to the United States 
 troops, and by order of Government a selection of " braves," 
 many of them chiefs, Cheyennes, Arrapahoes, Kiowas, and 
 Comanches, was made and placed in charge of an officer of 
 cavalry. They were sent, in 1875, in chains, from Fort 
 Leavenworth to San Marco. 1 There were in all eighty In- 
 dians, old and young, every man of them having a marked rep- 
 utation for cruelty and ferocity. With these men went two 
 women and one little girl, the wives and a daughter of two 
 chiefs. They with much persistency refused to be separated. 
 The officer commanding had no heart to compel them. This 
 officer was a humane Christian gentleman, who had seen long 
 and faithful service on the frontier, and believed that kind- 
 ness, discipline, and instruction would save many of the In- 
 dian race. They came to Florida in blankets, paint, and 
 feathers, with their long hair tied full of human scalps and 
 other trophies, proving their hatred of white men and their 
 enmity to each other. Their language to one another was 
 strange, and they could neither speak nor understand English. 
 Shortly after their arrival their chains were removed, their 
 hair cut, and the men were put in the dress of common sol- 
 
 1 This fort is the oldest structure in this country, and probably the best pre- 
 served specimen of military architecture of its time to be found anywhere. It 
 was begun three hundred and fifty years ago, and has stood in its present form 
 more than one hundred and fifty years. 
 
184 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 diers, and subjected to military drill and discipline. As soon 
 as the commanding officer saw that they appreciated the kind 
 treatment they received he put them on their honor, and gave 
 them liberty to go freely, at stipulated times, about the city 
 and its environs. They did not in any instance rebel against 
 that officer's supreme authority. 
 
 Mimimic, the head chief of the Cheyennes, was an old man 
 much esteemed by all residents in St. Augustine. He told 
 a visitor, in sign-language so expressive as to be clearly under- 
 stood, that if he went back to his people they would call him 
 a woman, because of his intercourse with white people, but he 
 did not care. He said that when he went hunting he brought 
 the game into his wigwam and threw himself down to sleep. 
 His squaw covered him, took the game and dressed it, made 
 a fire, and cooked a savory dish, which she brought to his 
 side, and waited while he ate it. With significant expression 
 and gestures he declared that henceforth things were changed, 
 and that his wife should sit down and rest while he himself 
 would work. He also said he would teach his young men to 
 plow and to sow corn. " My heart has grown very large 
 since I came to Florida. I now know that every white man, 
 woman, and child is my friend." 
 
 The first year and a half religious instruction to these In- 
 dians was limited to occasional addresses by Bishop Whipple 
 and other ministers who visited them. 1 On Sundays they were 
 allowed to choose their place of worship, — Episcopal, Roman 
 Catholic, Presbyterian, or Methodist, — and they soon estab- 
 lished themselves regularly in one or other of these congrega- 
 tions. As they became more civilized Christian ladies went 
 occasionally to teach them. 2 The Indians were shy, appre- 
 ciating their position as men taught by women. For this 
 reason female visitors were not often allowed to attend the 
 
 1 The addresses were interpreted by Mr. G. W. Fox, and a Mexican whose 
 name was Komeo. 
 
 2 What would the Christian cause have done without the aid of woman ? 
 "Last at the cross, and earliest at the grave," she has ever been the friend of 
 right. A gentleman attempted in 1878 to make a bargain with these Indians 
 for bows and arrows, but not an Indian would sell or traffic. He was obliged to 
 relinquish his purpose of returning home the next day. The Indians objected to 
 traffic. They said, " It is the Lord's day." 
 
CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 185 
 
 school. By courtesy of the commanding officer some few at- 
 tended, and at every visit their interest in the race increased. 
 They say : — 
 
 " On rude benches, surrounded by whitewashed walls of 
 the old fort, with only a map of the United States hung, some 
 forty Indians awaited the opening of the school. Their aver- 
 age age was twenty-five or more. They were neatly dressed 
 in their uniform, with well-blacked shoes, cleaned nails, combed 
 hair, and of respectful demeanor. At a sign all arose, found 
 the page announced, sang a Christian hymn, and then, find- 
 ing the 15th of St. Luke, chanted " I will arise and go to my 
 Father." With bowed heads, led by the commanding officer, 
 they all repeated in good English the Lord's Prayer. 
 
 " These men were captured prisoners of war, and all had 
 less than three years' knowledge of civilization. They an- 
 swered correctly questions respecting the geography of the 
 United States, and also practical questions in simple mathe- 
 matics. There were degrees of proficiency, — the younger 
 learning easily, — but all were ambitious and desirous of 
 knowledge. Some gave evidence that they understand the 
 story of redemption, and have begun to know and serve the 
 Lord." 
 
 This visitor noticed in the school, habits of politeness and 
 respect ; an Indian missing his pencil, and being supplied by 
 the teacher, replied instantly, " Thank you," as if all his life 
 accustomed to polite society. When changing position on the 
 rude bench the centre of gravity was lost by one of our num- 
 ber, every Indian fixed his eyes upon his book, and not even 
 a smile spread over any Indian's face. Where among white 
 pupils could such an instance of propriety be found ? That 
 which most impressed me was the marvelously changed faces 
 of these people. The sullen and stolid look of the race had 
 disappeared ; their eyes were lighted with intelligent percep- 
 tions, and were bright with frequent smiles of appreciative 
 pleasure. A sense of humanity thrilled us as we looked and 
 listened to these our brothers, the children of one Father who 
 has declared that He made of " one blood all nations." 
 
 If the government of the United States will be true to trea- 
 ties, and if the Church will go with the law and government, 
 
186 CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. 
 
 to teach Indians the Lord Jesus and the principles of His 
 kingdom, millions of money spent in fighting Indians may, in 
 a single generation, solve the Indian problem, and save a mul- 
 titude of souls. 
 
 We have been pleased with the following, which we copy 
 from a religious paper, now in its thirty-fourth year of publi- 
 cation : 1 " General Crooks's sense of right and wrong is as 
 keen as his sword. When a gentleman said to him, ' It is 
 hard that men and officers should be sent to be killed by In- 
 dians when the whole trouble has been brought about by 
 thieving agents,' the General replied, ' That is not the hard- 
 est thing. A harder thing is to be forced to kill the Indians 
 when they are clearly in the right.' " 
 
 The same paper says : " It is no time to talk about expedi- 
 ency and economy when honor and honesty are concerned in 
 the matter. The last must take precedence of and overrule 
 the first. It is frequently said that it will pay to treat the 
 Indians well in order to avoid the tremendous expense of In- 
 dian wars. That is a paltry matter. It will pay to treat the 
 Indians well simply because it is right to do so. It is not a 
 question of money ; it is a question of morals. Surely it is 
 yet possible for the great body of the citizens of the nation to 
 feel, and to impress upon their representatives in Congress 
 that there may be and are great national duties which should 
 be decided simply on the ground of right or wrong." 
 
 1 The Churchman. 
 
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