UC-NRLF SB 50 02fl THE PEQTJOT INDIANS. AN HISTORICAL SKETCH. BY RICHARD A. WHEELER. W i THE PEQUOT INDIANS AN HISTORICAL SKETCH. BY RICHARD A. WHEELER. The origin of the Pequot tribe of Indians must forever remain a mystery. Some writers have supposed that not long before this country was settled by Europeans they were an inland tribe, who, by their superior numbers and prowess, fought their way !o the seaside, and established their fortresses in what is now the town of Groton. Others have supposed that they belonged to the Mo- hegan tribe of Indians, who, under the leadership of Pequoate, the father of Sassacus, seceded from the Mohegans, and established an independent tribe, taking the name of their Sachem, and in time overwhelmed the Mohegans, and held them as tributaries. Not satisfied with their success, they sought to establish their dominion over the surrounding tribes ; and had so far succeeded as to extend their power and authority eastward to Wecapaug in Westerly, Ehode Island, where they were met and held in check by the powerful tribe of Narragansett Indians ; southward they extended their sway to, and in some places beyond, the Connecti cut river, and as far north as the town of Windsor. When these events transpired cannot now be determined, or whether they ever happened as here narrated is not certainly known ; but this we do know, that when Adrian Block, a Dutch navigator, explored our sea coast in 1614, the Pequot and Mohegan Indians were located in the same places that they occupied in 1633, when our State was first settled by the English. The Pequots were governed by a powerful Sachem, whom they idolized and regarded " as all one God." Under his leadership they had become a terror to the neighboring tribes, with whom they had frequently been engaged in deadly hostilities. The various tribes and clans tributary to the Pequots hailed the coming of the white man as an omen that foreshadowed their re lease from the tyranny of Sassacus. The Connecticut river In dians made the first effort to secure an alliance with the Massachu setts and Plymouth colonies. In the year 1631, an Indian Sachem by the name of Wah-qui-ma- cut visited the Governors of the Plymouth and Massachusetts colo nies, and offered them strong inducements to come and settle in M149817 .:.-.;;:; .//*: 2 the beautiful valley of the Connecticut, and proposed that two men should be delegated to view the country and report to the Govern ors. Gov. Winthrop declined the offer ; but Governor Winslow, of Plymouth, held the matter under consideration, and soon after visited the place, and on his return home gave a glowing descrip tion of its fertility, which tempted many a Puritan to leave his sterile home at Plymouth and explore this Indian paradise from the mouth of the river far back towards its sources. Meantime the shrewd and active Pequots were watching with sleepless vigilance the movements of the Plymouth people, doubt less foreseeing the danger that would result to them from a settle ment of the English upon the Connecticut river, and sought to counteract and prevent it by an alliance with the Dutch. For as early as 1632 they sold lands at Saybrook to the Dutch . Governor at New Amsterdam, and in June, 1633, Wa-py-quart, a Pequot Sa chem, sold to the West India Company, through their agent Van Culer, a tract of meadow land now covered by the city of Hartford, on which h immediately proceeded to erected a fort, which he called the "House of Good Hope." During the month of September, 1633, John Oldham, with sev eral others of the Dorchester plantation, visited Connecticut, and were kindly received by the native chiefs, who gave them some valuable presents of Indian hemp and beaver skins. During this year the Plymouth people formed a trading company, and sent William Holmes in October to erect a trading house at a place pre viously selected on the west side of the Connecticut river, just be low the mouth of the Farmington, or Tunxis river, in the present town of Windsor. Captain Holmes reached the Connecticut river in safety, and sailed up the same, and passed the Dutch fort at Hartford in proud defiance, and erected the house at the place de signated, and with the utmost haste surrounded it with palizadoes. He carried back to their native place Attawanott and several other Indian Sachems, who had been driven away by the warlike Pequots, and of whom the Plymouth people purchased the land. The Dutch fort at Hartford was a harmless affair, and soon ceased to exist as such. The Dutch Arms at Saybrook were torn down by the English in 1634, and replaced with a fool s head. Thus ended practically the power of the Dutch in Connecticut, and the hopes of the haughty Pequots in that direction were blasted forever. But they were so incensed at Holmes for bringing back Attawanott and his Sachems to Windsor, that they kept him and the friendly Indians continual ly on the defensive, and at every opportunity attacked the English settlers, and murdered such as they could lay their hands on. In 1633, as two English traders, viz. Captain Stone and Captain Norton, were ascending Connecticut river in a vessel, being unac quainted with the channel, they hired Indian pilots to direct theno ; but faithless and treacherous guides they proved to be, for they murdered both officers atitl ciew. consisting of nine men. Soon after the murder of Captain Stone, the old feud between the Narragansetts and Pequots began to exhibit itself, which alarmed Sassacus and his Sachems ; so that they sought an alii- ance, offensive and defensive, with the English in Massachusetts, and sent a messenger to Boston to propose a treaty. But the governor, distrusting the position of the ambassador, ordered him to return, and say to the Pequots, that they must send men of more consequence, or he would not treat with them. Soon after two Pequots of royal blood appeared with an accept able present. Negotiations were entered into which resulted in a treaty by which the Indians were to give the English all their title to the lands on the Connecticut river, if they would send men to live there and trade with them ; they would also give them four hundred fathoms of wampum, forty beaver skins, and thirty other skins. Soon after the conclusion of this treaty, and during the year 1635, four English plantations were commenced upon Connecticut river, three of them by congregations that came with their minis ters from the Massachusetts settlements, and the other was effect ed by John Winthrop, Jr., at Say brook, under a commission from Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, and others. Notwithstanding this treaty, the government of Massachusetts distrusted the friendship of the Pequots, and inasmuch as Sassa- cus did not use his influence to procure the murderers of Captain Stone and Norton, and deliver them to the English, as was promis ed by the Pequots preliminary to said treaty, they sent instructions to Mr. Wintbrop, then at Sav brook, to demand of the Pequots "a solemn meeting of conference," and lay before them certain charges, which, if they could not refute or render suitable reparation there for, then all the presents made by the Pequots to the Massachu setts government were to be returned to them, with a protest, equi vale ut to a declaration of war. Their instructions were dated at Boston, July 4th, 1636, and were brought to Saybrook by Mr. Fenwick, Hugh Peters, and Capt. Oldham, with whom came Thomas Stanton to act as inter preter. The Pequot Sachem was sent for, who appeared ; the conference was held ; but no satisfaction could be obtained from him ; where upon the presents were returned ; but war was not declared, though they separated with unfriendly feelings toward each other. About the time that Mr. Fenwick left Boston for Saybrook to treat with the Indians, Capt. Oldham, while on a trading expedi tion, was murdered by the Indians near Block Island, and all on board his vessel perished with him. Another trader, Capt. John Gallup of Boston, speedily avenged his death, and sent his murder ers to the bottom of the deep. The brutal murder of Capt. Oldham was traced to some of the Narragansett Sachems, who had contrived the plan to murder him. It is not probable that the Pequots had anything to do with it. It is more probable that he was murdered by the Narragansetts be cause he was supposed to favor peace with Pequots, having visited them a short time before, with Mr. Fenwick, for that purpose. The Governor, acting uuder the advice of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts, resolved that the Block Island Indians should be chastised. John Endicott, with ninety men, was order- ed to sail for Block Island, and put to death all the men, and take the women and children prisoners, after which he was directed to sail for Pequot harbor, and demand of the Pequots the murderers of Captain Stone and his crew ; if the Pequots failed to comply, to use force. Endicott repaired to Block Island, killed fourteen Indians, de stroyed their corn and burned their wigwams ; then sailed for Pe quot harbor, via Saybrook, and reported to Lyon Gardener, who commanded the fort there, what he bad done at Block Island. Gar dener, who believed the Narragansetts, and not the Block Island Indians, guilty of the murder of Oldham, complained bitterly of this rash act. Endicott lost no time in reaching Peqaot harbor, and took the Indians by surprise. He landed on the east side, and ascended the hill, where he found Indian cornfields, dotted here and there with wigwams, and demanded the heads of the Pequots who had killed Captain Stone, or he would fight. He demanded an interview with Sassacus, and was told that the chief was at Long Island, and could not be seen. After a fruitless attempt to find a responsible Sachem with whom to confer, he advanced and burned all the wig wams that he could find, and at night re-embarked his men. The next day they landed on the west side of said harbor, prob ably where the city of New London now stands, and burned and desolated th country. Gardener, while disapproving Endicott s expedition, furnished him with twenty men, and instructed them to bring back corn, if not Indians. In undertaking to get the corn, after Endicott and his men had left, they were attacked with such force by the Indians that it was with the greatest difficulty that they reached their vessel with their plunder. Endicott and his men returned to Boston, and thus ended an unwise expedition, fruitful of unhappy events. The Ptquots lost but one man, which, with the destruction of their wigwams and corn, made them all the more troublesome and dangerous. They first attacked Saybrook fort, whither some of their corn had been transported, and in October took one Butter- field prisoner, and roasted him alive with horrible tortures. Soon after, they captured a man by the name of Tilly, who commanded a vessel. They killed his attendant outright, then cut off Tilly s hands, amputated his feet, and then by the most infernal ingenuity that devils could invent, tortured him to death. They invested the Saybrook fort so closely that Gardener lost a number of his men, who were ambushed and slain by the Indians. So closely was he pressed, that daring the winter of 1636 and 37, Captain Mason and twenty men were sent down to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook. In March, the Indians took a shallop, as she was sailing down the river with three men. One was killed in the fight, and the other two were murdered, cut to pieces, and bung upon the branches of the trees, to taunt and defy the power of the English. In April following, the Pequots went up to Wethersfield and way laid the planters. They killed six men, and took two girls captive, whom they finally allowed the Dutch to ransom when they returned home. About this time Massachusetts sent John Underbill to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook. When he reached the fort, Mason and his men returned to Hartford. On the first day of May, 1637, the General Court of Connecticut assembled at Hartford. These horrible Indian massacres had aroused the English, and caused them to make a desperate effort to save themselves from a like fate. The four English plantations on the river consisted of less than three hundred souls, surrounded by more than ten thousand savages resident within the present limits of our State. The frequent secessions that had occurred among the Indians had torn them into a large number of tribes and clans, antagonistic to each other. For a long time previous to the coming of the English, Uncas and the Mohegans had been subject to the Pequots. They had made four attempts to secede and establish an independent tribe, but failed ; but as soon as the English had commenced their settle ment on the Connecticut river, Uncas with his adherents seceded and joined the Connecticut river Indians in the vicinity of Hartford and Windsor, who had previously invited the planters to come and settle among them. The failure of the Pequots to make a satisfactory treaty with the English, who had restored the Connecticut river Indians to their rightful territory, and ousted the Dutch from the land sold them by the Pequots, and finally had sided with and sheltered Uncas, the arch rebel, who had so often defied them, was too much for the proud, warlike Pequots to endure ; so they resolved to extirpate the English, not by a bold, manly effort, but by cutting tbem up piece meal, with fire and torture, the most diabolical and inhuman. So, when the General Court assembled, they declared war, offens ive war, against the Pequots, and raised an army of ninety men to invade the territory of the most warlike and cruel of all the New England tribes, and appointed Captain John Mason commander in- chief of the expedition. The soldiers were enlisted, equipped and provisioned in ten days, and sailed from Hartford, May 10th, 1637, accompanied by Uncas and seventy friendly Indians. The fleet consisted of three vessels, and the English being unacquainted with the navigation of the river, ran their vessels aground several times, but after five days they reached Saybrook fort. Uucas and his men were so impatient of delay that they begged to be set ashore, promising to meet the English at Saybrook, to which Mason consented. Uncas kept his word, and on his way down fell in with a clan of Pequots, killed some of them, and took one prisoner, who happened to be a spy, whom he executed in true Pequot style. Capt. Underbill tendered to Mason his services, with nineteen men, for the expedition, on condition that Capt. Gardener, the com mander of the fort, would consent, which was cheerfully granted. Mason then sent back twenty of his own men to guard the well- nigh defenceless settlement during his absence. His little fleet lay wind-bound near the mouth of the river until the 18th, during which time Mason summoned and held a council of war, which, after protracted discussions and advice of their chap- 6 lain, decided to change the order of the General Court, and set sail for Narragansett Bay. They left Friday morning, and reached there Saturday evening, but were not able to land on account of the weather before the next Tuesday evening, May 23d, when they im mediately set out for the residence of Miantouomoh. During the night, an Indian runner brought news to Mason, that Capt. Patrick, with forty men from the Massachusetts colony, had reached Providence, on their way to join in the expedition against the Pequots. But Mason decided not to wait, but marched the next morning, May 24th, for the Pequot fort. As he proceeded he was joined by a large party of Narragansetts sent on by Miantono- moh. He reached the Niantic fort the next evening, which he surround ed until morning, when, after a fatiguing march of twelve miles, he reached the fording place in Pawcatuck river, when Mason and his army halted and rested. After dinner, they marched on to Taug- wonk in Stonington, where they found a field just planted with In dian corn ; here they halted and held another council of war. Ma son now learned for the first time that the Pequots had two forts, both of which were very strong. At first it was decided to attack both, but after learning that the one where Sassacus commanded was too remote to be reached in time, they resolved to go ahead and attack the fort at Mystic. Their line of march all the way from Narragansett had been along the old Indian path, traveled from time immemorial by the natives, until they crossed Pawcatuck river, and reached Taugwonk. But from Taugwonk onward they deployed to the north, to avoid being discovered by the Pequots at Mystic fort, and at early eve ning they reached a place now known as Porter s Rocks, in Groton, where between two high ledges "they pitched their little camp." The night was clear, with a shining moon, and after Mason had set his guards he and his men lay down and slept. About two hours before day, the men were called, and ordered to get ready, and after commending themsevles to the keeping of the all-wise Disposer of events, they set out for the fort, which was about two miles off. There were two entrances to the fort, and it was decided that Mason should enter on the northeast side, and Underhill on the southwest side. Mason went forward, and when within a rod of the fort was discovered by a Pequot, who cried out, " Owanux ! Owanux !" Mason and his men entered the fort through the northeast pas sage, while Underbill and his men passed in at the southwest. A hand to hand contest ensued on both sides of the fort. Mason soon saw that his only hope of complete success lay in burning their fort and wigwams, and immediately set fire to them, which spread with wonderful rapidity. The scene which followed was awful beyond all human description, the result of which was the complete overthrow of the Pequots as a tribe, and the consequent salvation of the English settlement on the Connecticut river. It was the most fearful chastisement that any tribe of Indians ever received ; but they were the Modocs of their day, and when we consider the terrible cruelties perpetrated by them, the awful tor- tures that they inflicted upon their English captives, who shall say that justice did cot overtake them ? After the close of the battle, and while Mason and his men were consulting what course to take, they discovered their vessels sailing before a fair wind for Pequot harbor, and immediately resolved to reach them by a march across the present town of Groton. But before they were ready to move they were attacked by about three hundred Pequots from the other fort at Weinshawks. Captain Mason, with a file or two of his men, repelled the attack, and then began his march towards his vessels. As soon as he had left the scene of the battle, the Pequots visited the site of the fort, and after beholding what had been done by the English, stamped their feet and tore the hair from their heads, and then pursued them down the hill with all the power that their thirst for vengeance could inspire. As soon as Mason discovered their approach, he ordered his rear guard to face about and engage them, when, after a few volleys, they retired, giving the little army time to rest and refresh them selves by a brook at the foot of the bill on the top of which the fort stood. Then, after a little while, they again commenced to march, and on their way fell in with and burned several wigwams. The Pequots followed, but kept at a distance, trying in vain to reach and kill some of Mason s men with their arrows, receiving in turn severe punishment, for every Pequot that fell by their deadly aim was scalped by the friendly Indians. Getting tired of their pursuit, and of its fatal consequences to them, they abandoned it, when Mason was within about two miles of the harbor, after which he was unmolested until he reached Pequot river. Captain Patrick, with his men, who reached Iljarragansett soon after Mason left, and before the fleet set sail on their return, em barked his men on board the shallop, and came in her to Pequot harbor. Some difficulty arose between Captain Underbill and Captain Patrick about re-embarking Underbill s men, which, after high words, was arranged so that Underbill, with all the Connecticut men but about twenty, set sail for Saybrook, while Mason and twenty of his soldiers, joined by Captain Patrick and his men, with the friendly Indians, marched overland to the Connecticut river. About midway they fell in with the Niantic Indians, who fled on their approach, and being exhausted with their long march, they did not pursue them, but passed on to the river, reaching it about sunset, where they encamped for the night. The next morning they crossed over to Saybrook, and were welcomed back by Capt. Gardener. After providing for the safe return of the Narragansett Indians, Mason and his men returned to Hartford, where they were received with great rejoicing and praising God. After the Pequots abandoned the pursuit of Mason, they imme diately returned to Sassacus s fort, and charged him with being tb sole cause of all the troubles that had befallen them ; and would have slain him on the spot but for the entreaty of their Sachems 8 and counsellors. After a long consultation, they concluded to de stroy their fort and flee from their homes into various parts of the country. The largest portion fled to the westward, crossing Con necticut river some ways above Saybrook, where they took and slew three Englishmen that they captured in a shallop. The Governor and Council of Massachusetts decided to follow up Mason s success. They raised and sent forward one hundred and twenty men, under the command of Mr. Stoughton, with instruc tions to prosecute the war to the bitter end. They reached Pequot harbor in June, 1637, and landed on the west side, where they en camped, and from which they pursued the remaining Pequots with unrelenting vengeance. Captain Stoughton was joined by Miantonomoh, and one of his Sachems called Yotash, with a band of Narragansett warriors, who proved a most efficient aid in hunting out the concealed Pequots. They drove a large number of them into a swamp in Groton, and took about on hundred prisoners. One Sachem was spared on condition that he would conduct the English to Sassacus. The women and children were reserved for bondage, and the men, thirty in number, were walked overboard on a plank from a vessel at the mouth of the Thames river. The General Court of Connecticut met at Hartford in June, and ordered that forty men should be raised and put under the command of Mason to prosecute the war. They soon joined the Massachu setts men under Stoughton, at Pequot. A council of war was held, which decided to pursue Sassacus in his flight toward the Hudson river. They soon found traces of the Pequots, who were evidently moving at a slow pace, doubtless encumbered with their women and children. But it was difficult to tell, from the number of trails they were pursuing, which was the trail of Sassacus band. So they called up the Sachem that Stoughton had spared on condition that he would point out the trail of the great chief, but he refused to give any information, and was put to death. They still pursued the flying Pequots, and drove them into a swamp in the town of Fairfield, where they surrounded them ; and after a severe conflict, they captured about one hundred and eighty prisoners, twenty lay dead upon the field, and about sixty warriors escaped. Most of the property that the Pequots were endeavoring to take with them fell into the hands of the English. Sassacus was not in the swamp, for he had previously fled to the Mohawks for protection, but in vain. He had defied them in his prosperity, and now in his evil days they avenged themselves. They beheaded him, and sent his scalp as a trophy to Connecticut. On the 21st of September, IJncas and Miantonomoh, with the remaining Pequots, met the magistrates of Connecticut at Hartford. A treaty was then entered into between Connecticut, the Mohegans and Narragansetts, and by its terms there was to be a perpetual peace between those two tribes and the English. Then, with im posing ceremonials, the magistrates divided the remainder of the Pequots among the Narragansetts and Mohegans ; to Uncas they gave eighty, to Miantonomoh eighty, and to Ninigret they gave twenty. 9 They were to be called Pequots no more, but Mohegans and Nar- ragan setts ; nor were they ever to dwell again in their old haunts, or occupy their planting or hunting grounds. Nearly all of those that were assigned to Miantonomoh left him almost immediately after they went with him to Rhode Island, and sought a home on the old territory of the Pequots, in what is now the town of Wes terly. The most of the Pequots given to Ninigret remained with him until 1654, when, upon the demand of the English, they were given up. They located themselves on both sides of Massatuxet creek, where they built a large number of wigwams, and when the spring returned again they planted their Indian corn and lived quietly, disturbing no one. But the General Court of Connecticut, in 1639, sent Captain Ma son with forty men, and Uncas with one hundred friendly Indians, to break up this new settlement of the Pequots, burn their wig wams, and carry off or destroy their corn ; claiming that it was in violation of the treaty between the English, Narragan setts and Mohegans, for the Pequots to occupy any of the old Pequot lands. Mason and Uncas set sail from the Connecticut river for Pawca- tuck river, and first landed their forces on the Connecticut side of the same, then marched up to Pawcatuck rock, (so called,) where they drew up their Indian canoes, and in them crossed the river, and marched immediately up to the wigwams and corn fields of the Pequots, which, after a parley with them, they burned and destroy ed, carrying off all the corn they could, and twenty of the Pequot canoes. The destruction of their wigwams did not cause them to abandon their new home, but as son as Mason and Uncas left, they com menced rebuilding their wigwams, and from the corn that they had stored, and the fish and game at hand, they managed to subsist until another harvest gave them food in abundance. Notwithstanding the displeasure of th@ Connecticut authorities, they continued to reside at Westerly until some time after that town was settled by the English, in 1661-2. They cultivated at different times over a hundred lots. Their principal village was located near Massatuxet creek. It is not known that any Sachem was chosen by or placed over these Indians by the English for several years. Wequash, who guided Mason to the Pequot fort, was an Eastern Niantic Sachem, who had a younger brother, known by the name of Harmon Garret. They were the sons of Momojoshuck, a Niantic Sachem, who had a younger brother, Ninigret or Ninicraft. After the death of Wequash, Harmon assumed the name of We quash Cook, and claimed to succeed his father as the sachemdo of the Niantics ; but his uncle Ninigret, having married Wequash s sister, outranked him, and became the recognized sagamon of the Niantics. Wequash Cook then mingled with the Pequots, and soon became their recognized chief. Subsequently he was appointed, by the commissioners of the United Colonies and the General Court of Connecticut, Governor of the Pequots at Pawcatuck. That portion of the Pequot Indians assigned to Uncas by the 10 Hartford treaty of 1638, refused to live with the Mohegans. They sought a home where they had formerly lived, on a portion of the territory now embraced within the limits of the towns of New Lon don and Waterford. They were known by the name of the place they then occupied, viz : Nameaugs or Namearks. Another por tion of the tribe, containing some that were given to Uncas, with others who escaped from the fort under cover of the smoke, and quite a number who were not there at the time of its destruction, located themselves at Noank. They refused to amalgamate with the Mohegans, for they could net bear the tyranny of Uncas, who lorded it over them with a high hand. In 1643, the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven plantations, entered into a combination or confederation un der the name of the United Colonies of New England, for purposes offensive and defensive, mutual advice, protection and support, with power to regulate and adjust all matters concerning the welfare of the Indians. In 1649, a missionary society was formed in England, under the influence of Gov. Winslow, of Plymouth, and was incorporated by an act of the Long Parliament, passed July 27th of that year, un der the name of " The President and Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England." In March, 1650, this society appointed the Commissioners of the United Colonies agents to assist them in disseminating the Gospel among the Indians of New England. When Gov. Winthrop begun the settlement of New London, in 1645, he found a small portion of the Nameaugs still occupying their old haunts, with a nominal chief by the name of Cassasinamon, whom the English called Robbin. They were not only held tribu tary to Uncas, but subject to every indignity that his savage inge nuity could invent. Notwithstanding the Nameaug Pequots had so recently been at war with the English, they now received them with open arms, and extended to them every accommodation in their power. Cassasina mon became the servant of Gov. Winthrop, and many of his sub jects rendered the English all the assistance they could. The English planters took the part of the Nameaugs against Un cas, and labored to soften the severity of his treatment of them. In consequence thereof, he became jealous of Gov. Winthrop, and sought in various ways to terrify and intimidate the inhabitants of the new settlement. The first display of Uncas displeasure towards the planters, on account of their partiality to the Nameaugs, took place in 1646. The Rev. Thomas Peters, then residing at New London, had been seriously indisposed, and with returning health his appetite craved some venison, which he requested the Nameaugs to procure for him. Fearing that Uncas might interfere, they hesitated at first, for he claimed the sole privilege of making a hunt in his dominions ; but being encouraged, and wishing to gain the friendship of the planters, they concluded to make the attempt. But before engag ing in the sport they sought an alliance with the Pequots and East 11 ern Niantics under Harmon Garret ; so Robbin, with twenty of his men, accompanied by a number of the whites, crossed the river, and joined their friends under Wequash Cook, and sallied forth with high hopes of catching a fine deer for Mr. Peters. But Uncas, who had obtained notice of their design, waylaid them with about three hundred of his warriors. Watching a favor able opportunity, they sprang forth from their hiding place, com pletely surprising the sportsmen, whom they drove in every direc tion, pursuing the Nameaugs back to the new plantation, wounding several of them severely, and plundering some of their habitations, and threatening to pillage the whites, who became alarmed at such hostile demonstrations. During the month of September, 1646, the Commissioners of the United Colonies met at New Haven, and Mr. Peters complained of Uncas for interfering with his huntsmen, who were peaceably en gaged in hunting on the old Pequot territory, only a part of which belonged to him, whereupon he was summoned to appear and an swer for himself. He went to New Haven, and asserted his right to control the Nameaugs, under the tripartite treaty of 1638 ; and further, that a large number of his ^subjects had been lured from him under the plea of submitting to the English. He managed his case with so much shrewdness and address before the Commissioners, that he obtained their favor, ancl Mr. Peters with his coadjutors were un ceremoniously dismissed ; so Uncas came off victorious. At the next meeting of the Commissioners, which took place in July, 1647, Gov. Winthrop put in an appearance, with a petition signed by sixty-two Pequots residing at or near Noank, entreating to be released from the tyranny of Uncas, and to be allowed to set tle together in one place, under the protection of the English. Af ter a full hearing, Uncas was fitly rebuked for his sinful miscar riages, and fined one hundred fathom of wampum ; but the Pequots were ordered to return to his control, and to amalgamate with the Mohegans, an order which was never carried into effect. By this time a large portion of the Indians under Robbin had taken up their residence at or near Noank, where they had a good opportunity to fish and raise corn for a living. In 1648, the Commissioners again re-enacted their decree, and ordered all the Nameaugs to remain under the sway of Uncas. The Commissioners continued to favor his claims to the control of the Nameaugs, and disapproved of their withdrawing from him ; but in 1649 consented that they might go and settle by themselves in some place that would not prejudice the town of New London, and also on condition that they would own Uncas as their chief Sachem. About this time, and for several years after, the haughty Mohe- gan had his hands full to keep clear of the grasp of his Indian foes. From the time he executed Miantonomoh until 1660, and in fact until Norwich was settled by the English, Uncas was repeated ly driven from Mohegan, and compelled to seek shelter among the western Niantics ; nor does it appear that he ever lorded it over the Nameaugs after they were located in the vicinity of Noank, un der the immediate control of Robbin, where for a few years only 12 they were permitted to live in peace, and not again to be disturbed by Uncas, but by the English. It was during the year 1649, that Chesebrough began the settle ment of Stonington, which was soon followed by grants of land by New London to Winthrop, Mason, Stanton, Denison, Miner, Bur rows, Gallup, and others, between the Thames and Pawcatuck riv ers, covering the most eligible locations along the seashore, some of which included lands planted by the Nameaugs. The Indians did not confine their planting to their villages, but broke up land where- ever they could hold control from planting to harvest time. The English claimed all the Pequot territory as belonging to them by conquest ; not only the jurisdiction, but the fee thereof. They regarded these Indian settlements as only by sufferance and for temporary purposes. It was the object of the English, after the Pequot war of 1637, to merge the remnant of that tribe with the Mohegans and Narragansetts, so as to uncover and open up all their lands to the English for settlement. It will be remembered, that by the treaties between the English and Indians at Hartford in 1638, and at Boston in 1645, the Pe quot s were required to pay tribute to the English, which for some reason was not carried into full effect until 1650, when the Com missioners appointed Thomas Stanton to demand and receive it, and make a return yearly of the amount collected. In 1651, Mr. Stanton reported to the* Commissioners at New Haven, that he had collected three hundred and twelve fathom of wampum from all the clans of the Pequots. When this tribute was laid down before the Commissioners, Uncas and others, who claim ed that the Pequots were tributary to them, demanded to know why this tribute was required, and how long it would continue, and whether it would be visited upon their children. The Commission er, by Thomas Stanton, said that this tribute was by agreement due yearly since 1638 ; that it was required of them for sundry murders without provocation, committed by them upon several of the English at different times, as they had opportunity refusing to deliver up the murderers, or to do justice upon them ; hence the tribute, which had nob been paid, and twelve years tribute was then due. But on further consideration it was declared by the Commissioners, " that upon the payment of the same for ten years thereafter they should be free therefrom (unless they drew trouble upon themselves.) " During the years 1653 and 1654, Niuigret became involved in war with the Long Island Indians, very much against the policy and wishes of the Commissioners. He had neglected to collect and pay the wampum tribute due the English from the Pequots living with his tribe, and had also employed them in his expeditions against the Long Island Indians. Upon his being called to account by the Commissioners for the course he was pursuing, he answered them defiantly ; whereupon they ordered a large number of men to assemble and rendezvous at Thomas Stanton s in Stonington, and with him to go and take the Pequots from Ninigret. The men were mustered in as ordered, and marched to Ninigret s fort, and de manded an interview with him ; but he was not there. After maneu- 13 vering awhile, they learned his whereabouts, and finally succeeded in making a treaty with him, by which he gave up the Pequots, and they consented to the control of the English. About eighteen years had now elapsed since the Pequot war, dur ing which time the English had made every possible effort to merge and amalgamate the Pequots with the Mohegan, Niantic, and Nar- ragansett tribes, but in vain. So in 1655, the Commissioners de cided to take a new departure, and adopt a different policy, by which the Pequots should remain in two distinct tribes or bands, one at Miequamicut (Westerly,) and the other at Noank (Groton.) The Commissioners adopted certain orders and instructions for their government, and then appointed Cassasinamon Governor of the Groton tribe, and Wequash Cook of the Westerly tribe, com manding them to obey their governors at their peril. The wampum tribute was to be paid to Thomas Stanton, and by him reported to the Commissioners. In 1656, Cassasinamon and Wequash Cook were re-appointed Governors of the Pequots, and at their request, for certain reasons, Mr. Wmthrop, Major Mason, and Captain Denison, were appointed to assist them in compelling the obedience of the Pequots. In 1657, when Cassasinamon and Wequash Cook made their an nual report to the Commissioners, they made application for more land, for the use of their respective tribes, and after due consider ation it was agreed and ordered by the Commissioners, that We quash Cook and his company should have a meet proportion of land at Squamicut, This was really an enlargement of the land then oc cupied by them. It was also ordered that Cassasinamon and his company should have a fit proportion of land allowed them at Ware- mouke, near the path that leads from Mystic river to Moheag, about five or six miles from the mouth of Mystic river, and advised the General Court of Connecticut to appoint proper persons to bound out the same for them. Connecticut did not at first, nor until 1666, respond to the order of the Commissioners to lay out land for the Pequots. After the Pequot war, Connecticut claimed the entire conquered Pequot territory. Massachusetts, which furnished men and means for the war, also claimed a share thereof. The matter was referred to the Commissioners of the United Colonies, who, in 1658, decid ed that all of that territory lying west of Mystic river should belong to Connecticut, and all east of that river should belong to Massa chusetts. Prior to this, and as early as 1649, Connecticut had asserted jurisdiction as far east as Wecapaug brook, and had made liberal grants of land to the early planters there. After the decision by the Commissioners in 1658, Massachusetts granted land to Harvard College (including Watch Hill,) and made liberal grants to other parties, covering the entire lands occupied and planted by the Pawcatuck Pequots, and nearly half of the pre sent town of Stonington. In 1660, Sosoa, who claimed to be a valorous Narragansett chief tain, but by some believed to be a renegade Pequot captain, sold Misquamicut, or all the land between Pawcatuck river on the west and Wecapaug brook on the east, to William Vaughn, Robert Stan- 14 ton, and others, who took possession the next year, under the au thority of the colony of Rhode Island, ousting the Massachusetts claimants as well as the Pequots. A long and bitter controversy ensued between the colonies, as well as among the planters and Indians. It will be remembered that the Commissioners, in 1658, had as signed Misquamicut lands to Harmon Garret s company of the Pe quots, and at their sension in 1660 advised said Indians to keep their possessions, and urged the Connecticut colony to lay out lands for Cassasinamon at Warramouke. In 1661, the Commissioners, recognizing the Massachusetts and Connecticut grants, sugges ed an arrangement which was agreed to all around, which was that the Indians should occupy their grounds for five years, and then go to new land, which was to be assigned them by the Massachusetts General Court, reserving the right of travel to the river and sea. At the same time the Connecticut people were stirred up to lay out lands for Cassasinamon. Complaint was also made against the Rhode Island planters, who were then occupying some of the lands in question, whereupon the Commissioners wrote a letter to the Governor of Rhode Island, protesting against their doings. A message was also sent to Harmon Garret forbidding him to sell any lands near Wecapaug. Soon after the Rhode Island men took possession of Misquami cut (Westerly,) they drove the Pequots from their planting grounds at Massatuxet over Pawcatuck river into the town of Southertown (now Stonington,) where they broke up and planted lands belong ing to the English planters, by whom they were not disturbed. It was in view of this condition of affairs that the Massachusetts General Court, instead of following the advice of the Commission ers, that the Pawcatuck Indians should retain possession of their lands at Misquamicut until 1665, granted them eight thousand acres of land, the same to be located on the Pequot territory in Stonington. The next year the Commissioners ordered that this land should be laid out at Cosattuck, now North Stonington, or in some other place satisfactory to the Indians. They also wrote a letter to Southertown, saying that three thousand acres would be as little as could well satisfy them, also reminding the town that one thousand acres had been promised the Indians at Cawsut Neck, before any English grants were made. This land was finally laid out at Cosat tuck in such a manner as to include some English grants, already occupied by the planters. As soon as the town ascertained the boundaries of the Indian lands at Cosattuck, a meeting was called, in 1664, which refused to assent to the settlement proposed by the Commissioners, and ap pointed a committee to go and warn the Indians off of the town lands. By the charter of King Charles II, of 1662, Southertown had again become a part of the Connecticut colony ; so the town, in 1665, appealed to the General Court of Connecticut for redress, who ap pointed a committee to consider the matter and report back to the Court. 15 This committee decided against the towD, who remonstrated, and the court ordered the committee to revise their work, which was done, and after mature deliberation an agreement was reached in October, 1666, and another committee was appointed to lay out lands for the Pequots at Pachog, outside of the bounds of Ston- ingtoo. But no lands were laid out for them at Pachog, nor in any other place, mainly because there was not at that time an unoccupied tract large enough for their wants. And wherever a portion was designated for them, it would be found intrenching upon some English grants. Pending all these proceedings, the Indians were dispossessed of their land at Misquamicut ; but not so in Stonington, for they oc cupied and planted land wherever they could find it unenclosed by the English. When they first crossed the river in 1661, a majority of them located themselves at Pawcatuck and Cawsut Neck, near the salt water. Thomas Stanton and the heirs of Walter Palmer held grants of these lands from the colony of Connecticut, and they labored to have the Pequots removed to Cosattuck, which was an inland place. Catapeset, a son of Harmon Garret, with a considerable company of the Pequots, located themselves on Taugwonk, on lands belong ing at the time to Ephraim Miner. There they remained for a long time, cultivating some of the best land in Stonington, and there they had a village, and there to-day is their burial place. Stanton and the Palmers did not succeed in getting rid of the Indians for a number of years, though under their influence a large part of them went up to Cosattuck to live, while a large part of their young men lived with and worked for the English. Pawca tuck river was their favorite fishing place, and after their removal, for years and years, they would with every returning spring repair to their old haunts, and remain during the fishing season, and carry back to their inland wigwams an innumerable host of smoked buckies. For several years after their failure to secure eight thousand acres of land at Cosattuck, they were none of the best of neighbors. They were so much dissatisfied that in 1669-70 they lent a listen ing ear to the wily messengers of King Philip, and their chief men attended a big dance at Robbinstown, where were congregated a large number of Indians hitherto hostile to each other. But through the influence of Mason, Stanton, Denison, and others, they were persuaded to remain friendly to the English, and finally took up arms in their defense. At the swamp fight in Rhode Island, in 1675, Captain John Gal lup, of Stonington, commanded the warriors of Harmon s company, and Captain James Avery, of New London, commanded the warriors of Cassasinamon s company, where they distinguished themselves for their bravery, and fidelity to the English. They also joined the expeditions under Captain George Denison against the Narragansett Indians and the remnant of King Philip s men, and performed good service. and Cassasinamon were present and assisted in captur 16 ing Quonochut in Rhode Island, and aided at his execution at An guilla Lands in Stonington, in 1676, for all of which they received valuable presents from the English, and were afterwards treated with more lenity by them. In October, 1676, Harmon and his son Catapset gave to the Eng lish a quit-claim deed of all their lands in Stonington bounds, on condition that the General Court of Connecticut would restore to them their old grounds at Misquamicut, which the court undertook to do, and granted them more than one half of the present town of Westerly. It is difficult to tell what sort of a title, if any, either party had to the lands conveyed. The Indians did not undertake to get possession of Misquamicut again, nor abandon their Ston ington lands. The year previous, the General Court enacted a code of laws for the Pequot Indians under Cassasinamon and Harmon Garret, and authorized the appointment of an Indian constable to execute their laws. The General Court continued these Sachems in power as governors of their respective tribes as long as they lived, and after their death selected and appointed trustworthy Pequots to fill their places, with English assistants to aid them in the discharge of their duties until 1699 ; after which the Indian Governors were dispensed with, and guardians and overseers were substituted in their places. Harmon Garret did not live to see his tribe settled on land they could call tbeir own, nor did he get even a glimpse of his promised land. He died in 1678, leaving a Will, by which he bequeathed land to Major John Talcott and John Allen, one hundred acres each. After his death, Momoho, a noted Pequot, was appointed Gover nor in place of Harmon Garret, whose first exploit was to lure Cas- sasinamon s company away from him. He so far succeeded as to cause a portion of them to ask the General Court for liberty to join Momoho ; but before the matter came up for a hearing they with drew their application and abandoned the project. Notwithstanding the promises made to the Indians, no lands had as yet been assigned to the Pequots in Stonington as a permanent home for them to occupy, either by the General Court or the town of Stonington. Most of the Indians hired lands of the English to plant with corn, paying the rent in labor for the owners. But this paying rent for lands once their own, and being compelled almost every year to change their habitations and break up new lands, was not at all agreeable to the Indians, and they made repeated efforts to secure for themselves a permanent home. In May, 1678, they petitioned the General Court for lands for that purpose. The court appointed Capt. James Avery and Captain George Denison a committee to consider where may be found a suitable tract of land for Momoho and the Pequots with him, and to be as near the sea as convenient. What was done by this committee does not appear ; but the General Court, in May, 1679, advised the town of Stonington to lay out a sufficient tract of land for the Indians to plant, on or as near the sea as may be five hundred acres at least. The town declined to act upon the Court s advice, and in October 17 following the General Court appointed another committee, consist ing of Mr. Willis, Major John Talcott, and Captain John Allen, to treat with Mr. John Pyncheon, of Springfield, for lands for Momo- ho and his company. In 1680, the Court notes the fact that said committee had been treating with Major Pyncheon for lands for Momoho near the sea, and that Mr. Pyncheon had taken the same into consideration ; but if that failed, then other lands as convenient as can be should be procured and laid out for them. In May, 1681, another committee was appointed by the General Court to procure a commodious tract of land for Momoho and his company, either by exchange or moderate purchase. The town of Stonington had been from the outset opposed to the location of these Indians within their boundaries, and in 1681 they made an effort to purchase lands of Catapeset, situated in the town of Westerly, Rhode Island, and the General Court granted liberty to Nehemiah Palmer, of Stonington, to purchase said land on cer tain conditions, and Catapeset agreed to sell a part of said tract to the town of Stonington for 20 ; but Westerly men disputed Cata- peset s title, and the town abandoned the purchase. The next year, in May, the General Court appointed another com mittee to buy lands for these Pequots, and to sell lands hitherto reserved for them, and to apply the avails in payment thereof. In May, 1683, the General Court appointed another committee to move the people of Stonington to lay out a suitable tract of land for them ; but if they neglected to do it, the Committee were to use their best endeavors to suit the Indians with a commodious tract of land, which they were to procure by exchange of colony land, or by settling them on some unimproved or colony land, inti mating that the law required every town to provide for their own Indians. But the town refused to make any provision for the Pequots that looked to their permanent location in Stonington. So this com mittee purchased a tract of land of Mr. Isaac Wheeler, containing about two hundred and eighty acres, situated in said town, a little way south of Lantern Hill. The deed was dated May 24th, 1683, and conveyed the land to said committee in trust for the benefit of said Indians, reserving the herbage for Mr. Wheeler, who received in payment for said tract five hundred acres of colony land. This purchase was confirmed by the General Court at its Octo ber session in 1683, and so to remain during the Court s pleasure. Momoho and his tribe reluctantly abandoned their claim to lands by the seaside, and at last found an abiding place bordering upon the sources of the Mystic river. There they found a permanent home, and there, among those grand old hills, they and their descendants have resided ever since ; and the land is now held by the State in trust for their benefit. The reservation of the herbage in Mr. Wheeler s deed led to a good deal of trouble for the Indians, because it compelled them to fence every patch they planted to protect it from his cattle, and prevent ed the Indians from owning or keeping cattle for themselves. Mr. Wheeler, in 1685, took up three hundred acres of his said 18 colony land within the present town of Plainfield, and another tract of three hundred acres at Pachog. Owaneco claimed the Pachog land, which claim Mr. Wheeler purchased for 3. Mr. Wheeler s youngest daughter, Experience, married the Kev. Joseph Coit, of Plainfield, who, in 1713, petitioned the General Assembly to lay out to him the three hundred acres of land grant ed to Mr. Wheeler in Plainfield, which Assembly directed the sur veyor of New London county to lay out said land to Mr. Coit, who was the grantee of said Wheeler s right, and to lay it out at the choice of Mr. Coit and the people of his charge. Isaac Wheeler, by his last will and testament, dated 1712, gave, with lands adjoining, his said right of herbage to his son, William Wheeler, who, by his last will, dated 1747, gave the same to two of his sons-in-law, viz : William Williams and Nathan Crary. Some time before 1716, Samuel Miner, of Stonington, and his brother-in-law, Josiah Grant, formerly of the town of Windsor, pur chased four grants of land made by the General Court of Connecti cut in 1671 and 1672 to certain Pequot soldiers, containing in the whole just two hundred and eighty acres. In 1716, Mr. Miner (having previously purchased Mr. Grant s in terest in said land grants) laid out and located the same upon the land sold by Mr. Isaac Wheeler to the colony for the benefit of the Pequots, and laid claim on the same ; which claim was not only re sisted by the Indians, but by Mr. Wheeler, because if allowed it would extinguish his right of herbage on said lands. After the death of Mr. Miner, his brother James Miner, as his executor, brought, in 1723, a petition to the General Assembly, praying that his late brother s grants laid out upon said tract of land might be confirmed to him, saving to the Indians what might be needful for them ; whereupon the Assembly appointed a com mittee to investigate the matter, first giving notice to all parties interested. Mr. Wheeler also appeared and claimed the lands, or his right of herbage in them. The committee were not called upon to fix the rights of the parties, because Mr. Miner and Mr. Wheeler compro mised the matter in 1723, Wheeler giving Miner 60 for his inter est therein. Soon after, Mr. William Wheeler fenced in the entire tract, and improved it for the herbage, thereby compelling the In dians to fence in their gardens and such lands as they wished to plant, and in this manner the land was occupied by the Indians during the life of Mr. Wheeler, he taking all the hay and grass that the land produced. After his death, in 1748, his sons-in-law, Williams and Crary, and their wives, divided the land between them, and Crary and his wife sold a part of their share to Simeon Miner. These lands were now claimed by Williams and Crary in fee, subject only to the right of the Indians to plant corn, build wigwams, and live there. The result was, that the Indians received but little benefit from the lands, and became dissatisfied, and appealed to the General Assembly, in May, 1750, for redress ; whereupon a committee was appointed to inquire into the matter, who upon due consideration reported to the October session, that another committee, with full 19 power to act in the premises, should be appointed to visit Stoning- ton and investigate the matter. This committee proceeded to the discharge of their duty, and finally agreed upon a compromise which was satisfactory to the In dians, as well as to Williams and Crary, which compromise was ap proved by the Assembly, and was as follows : The Governor and Council agreed to release to Williams and Crary two strips of land, one of thirty-five acres, on the south side of the original tract, and the other of twenty acres, on the east side thereof, and permit them to locate their ancient Pequot grants of two hundred and eighty acres on any ungranted lands in the colony ; on condition that the said Williams and Crary would release the balance of the entire tract to the Governor and Council for the benefit of the In dians, to which they agreed, and subsequently conveyed all their interest in the main tract to the colony, receiving in turn an abso lute deed to the two gore strips, with the assurance that their ancient Pequot soldier grants should be laid out to them by Roger Sherman, who subsequently located them in the town of Plainfield. Cassasinamon and his company had lands laid out for them, un der the authority of the General Court at Mashantuxet, in the pre sent town of Ledyard, in 1665. Though this grant was made at the request of Cassasinamon, it was not satisfactory to him nor his company. They wanted their lands laid out at the head of the Mystic river, nearer to their fishing places ; but the committee ap pointed to locate it thought otherwise, and established their lands at Mashantuxet, and the Court ratified their doings in 1666. So great was the dissatisfaction of Cassasinamon with this grant that he never occupied it. He continued his home at Noank until he died in 1692. Some portion of his company occupied and planted lands at Ma shantuxet soon after it was granted to them ; but others, with Cas sasinamon, lived at Noank, and even after his death continued to reside there until 1712, when the town of Groton claimed the Noank land, and contended that the Pequots had no title to the same, and that the colony had given them a sufficient quantity of land at Mashantuxet ; consequently the Indians were ousted from their possessions at Noank, and reluctantly went to their inland home. They brought a petition to the October session of the General Assembly in 1713, complaining of the town of Groton for taking their lands at Noank, in answer to which the General Assembly ordered that a survey of both tracts of land should be made and returned to the Assembly the May following, and further ordered that no one should interfere with their hunting, fishing and fowl ing at Noank. When the Assembly met in 1714 a full hearing in the premises was had, which resulted in an order that the Indians must not oc cupy Noank any longer, but should have full liberty to improve the Mashantuxet grant of two thousand acres, with the right to come to the salt water upon Noank neck, for clamming, fishing and fowl ing purposes, as theretofore. These early grants by the colony to the Indians were not consid ered as conveying to them the fee simple thereof, which of course 20 remained in the colony, and which by the several patents subse quently issued by the colony passed to the towns or proprietors thereof. So the town of Groton, in 1719, voted to divide their commons, reserving to the Indians lands at Mashantuxet to live on, and ap pointed a committee to carry said vote into effect, who, in 1720, gave them a deed of one thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven acres, at Mashantuxet, reserving the herbage for the said proprie tors, who brought a petition to the General Assembly in 1732 for a final determination of all matters in controversy between them and the Indians. Whereupon a committee was appointed, which came to Groton, and after hearing all parties concerned, reported that the Indians at Mashantuxet consisted of sixty-six males, from fourteen years and upwards, a large part of which lived with their English neigh bors, and that the Indians do not require all the lands previously granted them, and that the west half of the reservation or common should be laid out in fifty-acre lots, and the proprietors allowed to fence them, so as to secure their herbage and the Indians their corn and apple trees, and the proprietors be allowed to clear the said lots, leaving ten acres of forest on each lot of fifty acres for fire wood for the Indians, with liberty for them to remove their planting to other lots once in three years if they desire, leaving the other half of the lands unsurveyed and unfenced as formerly. The report was accepted and allowed, with this condition, " that the liberty granted to the proprietors to fence said lands shall con tinue no longer than this Assembly shall think proper." This act of the Assembly did not satisfy the expectations of the Indians, who repeatedly complained of encroachments on their lots by the English, who really secured the lion s share of their pro ducts. To such an extent were the Indians defrauded, that the General Assembly, in 1752, interposed in their behalf, and summoned the proprietors of Groton to show reasons why the grant of 1732 should not be annulled, who appeared, and after a full hearing the Assembly repealed said act. The Indians remained in possession of the west part of their lands until 1761, when the Assembly granted them the use of the east part also. This grant was made in consideration of their ser vices in the then late war with France. A large proportion of the Pequots of both reservations entered the Connecticut forces that were raised to join the expeditions against Ticonderoga, Louisburg, and Crown Point, and suffered severely in those campaigns. So many of them were killed in battle and died of disease, that the women and children at home were well nigh reduced to starva- tioD. Their condition was made known to the General Assembly in 1766, by the Rev. Jacob Johnson, then preaching in Groton, where upon a committee was appointed by the Assembly to visit them, who repaired to Mashantuxet, and after a patient examination re ported back to the Assembly, at the same session, that there were one hundred and fifty persons of all ages, a large part under the 21 age of sixteen years, and widows whose husbands were killed in the late war, and they were too poor to provide decent clothing for themselves, in vietf of which the Assembly granted them 20. In 1773, they again complained of encroachments without redress. In 1785, they again asked the Assembly for protection against the encroachments of the English, which resulted in the appointment of a committee to fix the bounds of their lands, which were subse quently established by the committee. After they recovered from the destitution occasioned by the loss of so many of their warriors in the French war, they managed to subsist by their own labor, either on their lands, or for their Eng lish neighbors, and the colony was not further burdened with their support. It will be remembered, that the Commissioners of the United Col onies were in 1650 appointed agents of the Society for Propagat ing the Gospel among the Indians in New England. In pursuance of which, in 1657, they proposed to Rev. Richard Blinman to be come the missionary of the Pequots and Mohegans, offering him a salary of 20 per annum, which he declined. The same year they employed the Rev. William Thompson, son of the Rev. William Thompson, of Braintree, Massachusetts, to preach to the Pequots, at a salary of 20 per annum. He came to Southertown in 1658, and began his labors with Har mon Garret s company, and was assisted by Thomas Stanton as in terpreter. He continued to preach to the English and Indians for about three years, and then went to Virginia. After this the Commissioners, in 1662, invited the Rev. Abraham Pierson, of Branford, Connecticut, to remove his habitation to Southertown, and to apply himself in a more special way to the work of preaching the gospel to the Pequots, but he declined. Previous to this, and in the year 1654, the Commissioners of the United Colonies, at the request of the Connecticut members there of, provided for the education of Mr. John Miner with the Rev. Mr. Stone, who was to fit him as a teacher and missionary to the Pe- quot Indians. Soon after Mr. Thompson left, the Commissioners, in 1664, in structed the Connecticut members to employ this Mr. John Miner to teach the Pequots to read ; but whether he was so employed or not does not appear. The Commissioners also, in 1654, offered, at the expense of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, to educate Thomas and John Stanton, sons of Thomas Stanton, the Interpreter General, at Cambridge, Massachusetts. The object was to fit them as teachers for such Indian children as should be taken into college to be educated. They accepted the Commission ers offer, and entered college, but did not remain long enough to graduate, nor does it appear that either of them was ever engaged in teaching the Indians. The efforts of the English to civilize and christianize the Pequots were not very successful, the reasons for which may be more easily imagined than described. The agents of the London Missionary Society did not wholly neglect them, for as late as 1766 they em ployed Mr. Hugh Sweatingham to teach the Pequots, at their 22 schoolhouse at Mashantuxet, at 12 per annum. They also em ployed Mr. Jacob Johnson to preach to them at 5s. 8d. per sermon. The Assembly, in 1766, granted Mr. Johnson 5 for his labors, and Mr. Sweatingham 4 for his services. During the great awakening of the 18th century, and for a long time before and af ter, the more peaceable attended the religious services of the Eng lish, and some were baptized and united with their churches. But they were mostly females, who worked for and lived in the families of the whites. Now and then some stern old Pequot captain would own the Christian covenant, and try to live up to the half way communion. It will also be remembered, that the Commissioners at first at tempted to carry out the policy of merging the Pequots with the Mohegans and Narragansetts. They at first refused to permit the remaining Pequots to be relieved of the tyranny of Uncas ; but af ter their connection with the London Missionary Society, they adopted a different policy, and gradually favored the Pequots. They exerted themselves to secure permanent homes for them, with ample lands, and then labored to furnish them with religious instruction. But the colonies preferred to hold and treat the In dians as wards, subject at any time to their control ; keeping the fee of their lands in the colony, and giving them only the use there of ; which policy has been pursued by our State ever since, except with the Mohegan Indians, who, by law enacted in 1872 and 1873, had the rights of citizenship bestowed upon them, and their lands set out to them in severalty as an absolute estate in fee simple. So it appears that the descendants of Uncas and the Mohegans have been more kindly treated in these later days than the de scendants of the Pequots. The services of the Mohegans in our early Indian wars have been recognized by the Congress of the United States, which appropriated for their benefit a large sum of money. These Pequot reservations, though located in the ancient towns of Groton and Stonington, were less than a mile apart, with two small lakes or ponds between them ; each reservation had its vil lage, called " Indian town," which consisted at first of a cluster of wigwams built in the Indian fashion. By-and-by framed houses came into vogue, and the old wigwams passed away. The reservation at Mashantuxet was by far the larg est, and the Indians more numerous than the tribe at Lantern Hill. It was proposed at first to give Cassasinamon s company two thousand acres at Mashantuxet, but when surveyed by the town it amounted to only one thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven acres. The subsequent controversies with the English had the effect of reducing the area of this reservation. After the English ejected the Indians from the Noank lands, the town of Groton divided the same between the inhabitants thereof equally. They were subsequently surveyed and divided into lots, and assigned by lottery to the proprietors. Notwithstanding that the bounds of these lands were established in 1785, no accurate survey of them was made until 1793, which was preserved, and when the 23 Legislature of 1855 ordered a survey and sale of a part thereof by a committee to be appointed by the County Court of New London county, all that was found remaining of the original two thousand acres by said committee was a trifle less than nine hundred acres. Under this authority, seven hundred and thirteen acres were sold at public auction, bringing about seven thousand dollars, which is now held by the overseer of that tribe for their benefit, or such as may need support. The reservation at Lantern Hill has not been reduced since Wil liams and Crary were assigned in compromise settlement of their claims two small strips on the south and east sides. The Legislature, in 1873, ordered the overseer to survey and sell all of this reservation but one hundred acres, and invest the avails thereof for the benefit of the Indians. But owing to the great de pression in real estate, nothing has been done in the premises. It is well nigh impossible to ascertain at the present time how many Pequots belong to, or have an interest in, these reservations. The Indian towns of the olden time have run down to two small houses on each reservation, which are now occupied by four fami lies. How many are living elsewhere cannot be determined. So, after two hundred and thirty nine years since the conquest of Mason, only a small remnant remains of the once powerful and haughty Pequots. No one can defend the horrible tortures that they inflicted upon the English who fell into their hands as prison ers. Their overthrow by Mason humbled their pride, and so far subdued them that ever afterwards they were the friends of the English. They joined our forces in King Philip s war, and in the great swamp fight in 1675 performed prodigies of valor under Gal lup and Avery. During the French war, they voluntarily joined the expeditions that were raised to repel the invasions of the French and northern Indians. But who can successfully defend all of the acts of the English towards the Pequots, especially after they had yielded to their authority, and became subservient to their power ? It is not to be wondered at, that the English failed in their efforts to christianize the Pequots. The Commissioners of the United Colonies, and nearly all of the clergymen of New England, made praiseworthy efforts to afford the Indians religious instruction. But, after all, the treatment that the Pequots received from the authorities acting under the Colonies of Connecticut and Rhode Island, in the assignment of lands for their benefit, and in other matters, was so unjust and oppressive, that it well nigh outweighed every consideration that was urged upon them by Elliott and his co-workers to effect their conversion, and make them believe in the white man s God. Most of the Pequot warriors preferred the favor of their Good Spirit Kritchian, and died believing that in the beautiful southwest land were hunting grounds of boundless extent, and game of end less variety, where no Hobomoke could charm the arrow from its fatal plunge, nor mar their happiness in the Indian s summer land. &. B. & J. H. Utter, Steam Printers, Westerly, JR. 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