9 
 
 ** 
 
 -. 
 
SLAVERY 
 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 BV 
 
 J!KK: % *PAULJ)IN.G. 
 
 NE W-YORK: 
 PUBLISHED BY HARPER & BROTHERS, 
 
 NO. 82 CLIFF-STREET. 
 
 1836. 
 
E4 4 - 
 
 [Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835, bj 
 
 JAMES K. PAULDING, 
 in the Clerk s Office of the Southern District of New- York.] 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE subject of slavery, at all times one of ex 
 treme delicacy in the United States, has lately as 
 sumed a vast and alarming importance, in conse 
 quence of the proceedings of the advocates of im 
 mediate emancipation, who have denounced it as 
 .utterly at war with the law of God and the rights 
 of nature. It has become the fruitful theme of cal 
 umny, declamation, and contention ; the stalking 
 .horse of political parties and fanatical reformers. 
 It has produced lamentable violations of the laws, 
 and disturbed the peace of communities and states. 
 It menaces the disruption of our social system, and 
 .tends directly to a separation of the Union. The 
 institution has been assailed on one hand with vio 
 lence and obloquy; on the other defended with in 
 vincible determination. The obligations of truth 
 have been sacrificed to unmitigated reproach, and 
 the laws and constitution of the country attempted 
 to be trampled under foot, in the hot pursuit of the 
 
6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 rights of humanity. The feelings and good name 
 of millions of our fellow-citizens have been grossly 
 assailed, their rights invaded, their firesides and 
 social institutions disturbed, and their lives endan 
 gered without any regard to the dictates of our 
 moral code, and religion itself made a pretext for 
 the violation of its own benign precepts. In as 
 serting the natural rights of one class of men, the 
 constitutional rights of another have been de 
 nounced as violations of the law of God ; and, as 
 if it were impossible to be sincere without becom 
 ing mad, a ferocious, unrelenting, unbrotherly war* 
 fare has been, still is, waging againsUa large por 
 tion of the good citizens of the United States, 
 which, if continued, must inevitably separate this 
 prosperous and happy Union into discordant and 
 conflicting elements, that, instead of co-operating in 
 the one great end of hmnan happiness, will be pro 
 ductive only of contention and ruin. 
 
 In this state of things it is thought that a calm, 
 dispassionate consideration of the subject, on the 
 broad general ground of its influence on the happi 
 ness of all parties concerned, might not be without 
 its uses at the present moment. The question is 
 pregnant with consequences of deeper interest than 
 any that can occupy the attention of a citizen of 
 the United States, for it involves the peace and in 
 tegrity of the Union, the condition of millions living, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 7 
 
 #nillions yet unborn. It is a question concerning 
 Bights and duties of the greatest magnitude, the 
 .decision of which must vitally affect the present 
 age, as well as long ages to come. In short, it is 
 a case in which nations are called to the bar, and 
 the two great races of mankind are parties to the 
 issue. 
 
 To enter on such a subject with reference 
 to present political contests, or with party views, 
 would disgrace any man, high or low. The suc 
 cess of any party, however weighty might be its 
 consequences ; the triumph of any system of policy 
 however salutary ; the elevation of one man or the 
 depression of another all these are as nothing 
 compared with the final disposition which may be 
 made of this agitating question. It is to decide 
 whether THE UNION SHALL LAST ANY LONGER ; 
 that union which all good citizens believe to be 
 the great palladium of their present happiness, and 
 that of their posterity. To this party the writer 
 professes allegiance, and to no other. His great 
 principle, and one that it will be his endeavour to 
 sustain in the following work, is, That no beneficial 
 consequences J,o any class of mankind, or to the whole 
 universe, can counterbalance the evils that will re 
 sult to the people of the United States from the dis 
 solution of the Union, and that, therefore, no project 
 
8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ought ever to be tolerated by them which places it 
 in jeopardy. Whether this principle accords with 
 the nice metaphysical subtilties or abstract dogmas 
 of fanaticism, he neither knows nor cares. 
 
 Hitherto, almost all that has appeared on the 
 subject has been on one side. The horrors of sla 
 very have been depicted in such glowing colours 
 as to blind us to the consequences that may, and 
 assuredly will result from attempting to get rid of 
 it in the summary manner demanded by the advo 
 cates of immediate abolition, who, one might al 
 most be tempted to believe, consider it the only evil 
 existing in the world. Regard to the honour of 
 our country ; justice to a great body of as upright, 
 honourable, and humane citizens as any nation can 
 boast ; respect to the laws of the land, and rev 
 erence for the constitution, seem to demand that 
 the reverse of the picture should be seen ; that the 
 mischiefs to be remedied, the cost of the remedy, 
 and the good to be gained by its application, should 
 be camly considered, in order that all may, if they 
 please, see for themselves and decide for them 
 selves, whether, in attempting to get rid of one evil, 
 we may not inflict others of far greater magnitude ; 
 whether, in short, by applying rash and unskilful 
 remedies, we may not kill the patient. 
 
 It will be perceived, in the course of the follow 
 ing discussion, that the writer does not consider 
 
INTRODUCTION. 9 
 
 slavery, as it exists in the United States, an evil of 
 such surpassing enormity as to demand the sacri 
 fice of the harmony and consequent union of the 
 states, followed by civil contention and servile war, 
 to its removal. If the question were now for the 
 first time to be decided, whether it should be per 
 mitted to ingraft itself on the institutions of the 
 country, he would assuredly oppose it with a zeal 
 at least equal to that with which he is about to 
 combat the unlawful interference of the abolition 
 ists. But inasmuch as it is now deeply rooted in 
 our land, and inseparably intertwined with the in 
 terests, the habits, the domestic policy, and social 
 relations of a large portion of the people of this 
 Union ; inasmuch as it is identified with the con 
 stitutional rights, and the value of the property of 
 millions of free citizens who will not be persuaded, 
 and cannot be controlled ; and, above all, inasmuch 
 as the treatment it may receive must and will 
 deeply affect their peace, safety, and happiness, 
 he is for leaving it to the humanity and discretion 
 of those whom alone it concerns. If it be an evil, 
 let those who cherish bear it. It is their business, 
 not ours, since no duty renders it obligatory on us 
 to go crusading about the world redressing wrongs, 
 real or imaginary, which we had no hand in 
 inflicting. If it reflects dishonour, none of it can 
 fall tp our share, since the institution of slavery 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 is guarded by constitutional barriers which can 
 not be overleaped or broken down, and we have 
 done our part by abolishing it wherever it was 
 within our jurisdiction. If it be a crime to have 
 inherited the property of slaves ; if it be a crime 
 to decline divesting themselves of it in a manner 
 which all rational reflecting men believe will be 
 equally pernicious to the master and the slave ; if 
 it be a crime to resent, resist, or counteract by 
 every means in their power, any interference with 
 a subject involving all that is dear to men, then let 
 them meet the consequences ; but let not us, their 
 kindred, neighbours, and countrymen, become in 
 struments to scatter the firebrands of fanaticism 
 among them, and lend a helping hand to insurrec 
 tion and massacre. 
 
 Let us not forget that in our furious zeal to give 
 freedom to the blacks, we are laying the axe to the 
 root of the fairest plant of freedom that adorns the 
 New or the Old World ; that in our ardour to bring 
 about a questionable good, we are provoking vast 
 and alarming evils ; and that there is no precept 
 of religion or morality more inflexible in its ap 
 plication than that which forbids doing evil that 
 good may ensue. Where the evil is immediate 
 and morally certain, on every ground of reason 
 and experience, and the good remote, contingent, 
 and hypothetical, it is the part of a wise and good 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 man to shrink from thus arrogating to himself the 
 attributes of Omniscience, and pretending to look 
 into futurity. When mankind are gifted with a 
 prophetic inspiration directly derived from Heaven; 
 or when they acquire the prerogative of planning 
 and controlling the economy of the universe, then, 
 and not till then, should they dare to do evil in the 
 presumptuous anticipation that the miseries they 
 may inflict on the living, will be repaid by the hap- 
 piness of those yet unborn. 
 
 New- York, Nov. 1835. 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the Opposition of Slavery to the Law of God. 
 
 THE advocates of immediate, unconditional 
 emancipation, having attempted to make it a 
 religious question, by asserting the abstract prin 
 ciple, that slavery is contrary to the law of God,* 
 it becomes necessary to subject this fundamental 
 proposition to the test of examination. If it 
 should be found not to be sustained by those ac 
 knowledged manifestations of his will, which are 
 the only foundations of his law, then it would 
 seem, the whole ground of their proceedings is 
 untenable ; since it is only by pleading the law of 
 God, in opposition to the laws of man, that they 
 can justify their present course. The maxim, that 
 slavery is contrary to the law of God, and the 
 rights of nature, has been lately revived, and 
 sanctioned by the authority of Lord Brougham, to 
 
 * See the declaration of the " National Anti-Slavery Society." 
 B 
 
14 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 whom we have seen it ascribed. But what 
 ever may be our respect for his lordship s learning 
 and abilities, we cannot recognise him as the inter 
 preter of the Divine will. We look to a higher and 
 far purer source : to the precepts of the Old and 
 New Testaments, as the only authentic manifesta 
 tions of the Divine law, and to them we shall ap 
 peal in the proper place. 
 
 It is presumed that none will deny the existence 
 of slavery in every quarter of the known world, 
 at the period when the law of God was promul 
 gated from the judgment seat on Mount Sinai* 
 That it was hereditary bondage, will appear from 
 the passages that will be presently cited. It is 
 frequently alluded to ; frequently recognised as a 
 part of the social system of the nation to which the 
 Scriptures were addressed, and never denounced 
 as a crime or a curse by name or by description. 
 
 A reference to the Old Testament will show 
 that the abolitionists can derive from it no author 
 ity to sustain their position, that slavery is contrary 
 to the law of God. The only text they have been 
 able to bring to bear directly upon the subject, 
 is that which denounces the penalty of death to the 
 "man*stealer;" while, on the contrary, slavery is 
 made the subject of express regulation in the so 
 cial institutions of the Jews, and this without, a 
 single expression of disapprobation on the part of 
 
SLAVERY. 15 
 
 the divine Lawgiver. It is evident, therefore, that 
 the denunciation of death to the man-stealer is not 
 applicable to those who hold slaves by capture in 
 war, by purchase, or by inheritance. Its object 
 was unquestionably the same with that of the law 
 of the southern states, which inflicts a heavy pun 
 ishment on those who steal or entice away slaves 
 from their rightful owners. It was a law for the 
 security of this species of property. 
 
 There is, however, one other passage in the 
 Old Testament which the abolitionists have cited 
 in support of their position, that slavery is contrary 
 to the law of God. It is found in the fifty eighth 
 chapter of Isaiah, and is as follows : 
 
 * Is not this the test that I have chosen? to let 
 the oppressed go free, and that ye break every 
 yoke ?" 
 
 One of the great sources of those differences in 
 the interpretation of the Scriptures, which have 
 confounded mankind, and produced endless con 
 troversies of the sword and the pen, is the custom 
 of explaining isolated texts, without any attention 
 to their connection with what precedes, or what fol 
 lows, and without the least regard to the circum 
 stances which gave rise to the precept. 
 
 The book of Isaiah is a prophetic vision,* having 
 a single reference to the abuses, corruptions, and 
 
 * Isaiah is considered by commentators as the most difficult 
 of all the prophets to comprehend. 
 
16 SLAVERY. 
 
 oppressions which had crept into Israel, most espe 
 cially its idolatries ; and to the coming of Christ. It 
 is thus ushered in : 
 
 "The dream of Isaiah the son of Amoz, which 
 he saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem, in the 
 days of Uzziah, Jotham, and Hezekiah, kings of 
 Israel." It begins by detailing the backslidings of 
 the people. 
 
 " Thy princes are rebellious, and companions 
 of thieves. Every one loveth gifts, and followeth 
 after rewards : they judge not the fatherless, nor 
 doth the cause of the widow come unto them. 
 
 * The land is full of idols ; they worship the 
 work of their own hands, and that which their own 
 fingers have made." 
 
 Such are the .principal evils of which he com 
 plains, and .which he predicts will be cured by the 
 mission of Christ, which all the authorities we 
 have seen agree in saying was exclusively de 
 voted to the reformation of ecclesiastical abuses 
 and the corruptions of the church. The govern 
 ment of the Jews was in effect a hierarchy, and 
 the abuses he enumerated may be traced in a great 
 degree to this source. The captions of the 
 different chapters run as follows : 
 
 " The prophet, for the comfort of the Gentiles, 
 prophesieth the amplitude of the church" 
 
 * God s judgments against the enemies of the. 
 church" 
 
SLAVERY. 17 
 
 " The judgments wherewith God revengeth his 
 church " 
 
 " The prophet showeth the cursed folly of trust 
 ing to Egypt, and forsaking of God." 
 
 " Christ awakeneth the church with his calling." 
 
 * The glory of the church in the abundant suc 
 cess of the Gentiles." 
 
 " The fervent desire of the prophet to confirm 
 the church in God s promises." 
 
 The tyranny of the church is alluded to in vari 
 ous passages, and this consisted in the infliction 
 of lines, confiscations, and imprisonment. Through 
 out the whole book of Isaiah, \ve have not been 
 able to discover hut one distinct allusion to slaves, 
 and this is a charge of exacting labour from them 
 on fast days, which was a violation of the laws 
 of Moses. From the whole tenour of the prophe 
 cy, it distinctly appears that the freeing of the op 
 pressed, and the breaking of the yoke, alludes to 
 the bonds of wickedness, and the yoke of eccle 
 siastical tyranny, of which our Saviour speaks in 
 the twenty- third chapter of Matthew. His words 
 have an apt reference to the attempts of fanatical 
 reformers, who are striving to make religion an in 
 tolerable burden, instead of a delightful and salu 
 tary duty. The Saviour says, speaking of the 
 tyranny of the Jewish priesthood, "For they bind 
 
18 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne, and lay 
 them on men s shoulders, but they themselves will 
 not move them with one of their fingers." 
 
 The greater number of commentators coincide 
 with the interpretation we have given, and those 
 who differ with them, are far from going the 
 lengths of the abolitionists. Dr. Scott, on this 
 passage from Isaiah, says 
 
 " They who observed such a fast would loose 
 the bonds of those they had iniquitously enslaved 
 and imprisoned ; they would moderate the labours 
 of their servants, and render their services and 
 situations more comfortable. They would cease 
 from usurious exactions, and remit the debts that 
 either were contracted through fraud, or which the 
 poor debtor was unable to discharge." 
 
 The prophecy of Isaiah, according to the chro 
 nology of the Bible, was delivered about seven 
 hundred years before the birth of Christ, at which 
 time the laws of Moses were in full force. It is 
 therefore extremely improbable, to say the least, 
 that the prophet would have attacked them in this 
 unceremonious manner, as they expressly recog 
 nise slavery in various passages ; not in dreams, 
 but in express words, derived from the judgment 
 seat of Heaven. We shall content ourselves with 
 quoting the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus. 
 
SLAVERY. 19 
 
 The book of Leviticus, in the words of a learned 
 and indefatigable commentator,* " principally con 
 sists of ritual laws delivered to Moses from the 
 mercy seat, during the first month after the taber 
 nacle was erected ; though moral precepts are fre 
 quently interspersed." And the chapter from which 
 our quotations are taken, is ushered in by the fol 
 lowing sublime preamble : " And the Lord spake 
 unto Moses in Mount Sinai, saying Here, 
 then, is a sanction which cannot be questioned by 
 those who pretend to a belief in the authority of 
 the Bible. 
 
 " Both thy bondmen and bondmaids which thou 
 shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are among 
 you. Of them shall ye buy bondmen and bond 
 maids. 
 
 " Moreover, of the children of the strangers that 
 do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and 
 of their families thai are with you, which they be 
 got in your land, and they shall be your possession. 
 And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your 
 children after you to inherit them by possession. 
 They shall be your bondmen for ever." 
 
 Here is a direct sanction of rights correspond 
 ing in all respects with those of the holders of 
 slaves in the United States. They were originally 
 
 * Rev. Thomas Scott. 
 
20 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 " of the heathen" when purchased ; their posterity 
 was "begot in our land, and they have descended 
 "as an inheritance to our children" It is difficult 
 to conceive how, with these authorities before 
 them, the abolitionists can persist in maintaining 
 that slavery is contrary to the law of God ; or that 
 the denunciation of death to the " man-stealer has 
 any reference whatever to the case of the holders 
 of slaves in the United States. So to apply it, is 
 to make the word of God a tissue of contradictions 
 unworthy of its divine Author. If the opinions of 
 mankind, the social duties, and social relations, 
 have so changed since the age of the Bible, as to 
 render what was then right now wrong, what was 
 then sanctioned by the Supreme Being now contrary 
 to the law of God, then neither the Old nor the New 
 Testament can be any longer the standard of our 
 duties to Heaven or to our felloxv creatures, 
 We must seek that standard in the declamations of 
 the abolitionists, not in the pages of Holy Writ. 
 But it is not, and cannot be true, that what was 
 sanctioned by the authority of the Supreme Being 
 in one age, can be the worst of crimes, and the 
 worst of curses in another. It is believed that the 
 law of God is us unchangeable as its Author. 
 
 Yet although the Divine law inny remain the 
 same in its general principles, experience has 
 
SLAVERY. 21 
 
 shown that at distant periods of time, the corrup 
 tions of our nature, or it may be, the progress of 
 knowledge and intelligence, and the various 
 changes they produce in the state of society, as 
 well as the relations of persons and things, render 
 a new application of its principles necessary to the 
 happiness of mankind. Hence we observe in the 
 records of history, that religion as well as govern 
 ment has been invariably modified, not so much in 
 fundamental principles, as in their practical appli 
 cation, to suit the progress of the human intellect. 
 Savages and barbarians can have no government 
 but one of force, and no religion but superstition. 
 Civilized and intelligent nations must have laws 
 for the security of property, and their religion must 
 accord with their progress in knowledge, as well 
 as with their civil institutions. Neither the re 
 ligion or the government of enlightened nations, is 
 fit for those which are ignorant and barbarous ; 
 and hence it is, that all experience has hitherto ex 
 emplified the fact, that a general improvement in 
 knowledge and civilization is indispensable to all 
 salutary reforms in religion. 
 
 Thus the lapse of ages and the vast changes 
 which they had produced in the state of society, 
 the manners of nations, and the mass of their intelli 
 gence, rendered the social institutions and the code 
 
22 SLAVERY. 
 
 of practical morality of the Old Testament, obso 
 lete and inapplicable. A new dispensation there 
 fore became necessary, not to abrogate ihe doc 
 trines of the Old Testament, but lo modify their 
 operation, so as to render them applicable to anew 
 state of things, which the course of time had pro 
 duced. Such a modification is the code of morals 
 inculcated by the Saviour of mankind, who, though 
 existing from all eternity, and predestined to this 
 mission, was not sent on earth until the corrup 
 tions of mankind, and the revolutions of ages, had 
 made new examples, and a revision of old pre 
 cepts necessary to their regeneration. Nor can it 
 be denied that, independently of all the interests of 
 hereafter, the mission of Christ has had, and long 
 will have, a most beneficial and noble influence on 
 the morals and happiness of all those who receive 
 and practise his precepts. 
 
 The fanatics of the present times may probably 
 argue from the foregoing premises, that the lapse 
 of more than eighteen hundred years since the 
 appearance of the great Redeemer and Reformer, 
 has rendered a revision and improvement of his 
 system in like manner necessary to the present 
 state of human knowledge and opinions, and that 
 they are the chosen instruments of Heaven for 
 bringing about a new reformation in morals, reli- 
 
SLAVERY; 23 
 
 gion, and social institutions. If such be their 
 claims, let them produce their credentials. Let 
 them demonstrate the truth of their mission) as 
 that of the Saviour was demonstrated. Let them 
 heal the sick ; give sight to the blind ; raise the 
 dead from their graves ; walk on the waves in the 
 fury of the tempest offer themselves up willing 
 sacrifices to the divinity of their faith, instead of 
 skulking from all responsibility ; seal with their 
 blood the sincerity of their belief, and die the death 
 of malefactors, amid the rending of temples, the 
 splitting of rocks, the quaking of the earth, and the 
 uproar of a startled world. Then, perhaps, we 
 may believe in their mission ; but until then their 
 pretensions to inspiration are no better founded 
 than their claims to common sense, or rational dis 
 cretion. 
 
 Christianity then is a revision of the code of 
 the Old Testament, and not a new system of laws 
 based on contradictory principles. Let us see 
 whether among its reforms the institution of 
 slavery is included. 
 
 When the Christian faith was first propounded to 
 mankind, " Slavery/ says Archdeacon Paley, a 
 determined opponent of the institution, and certainly 
 as eminent a theologian as my Lord Brougham 
 " was a part of the civil constitution of most 
 
24 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 countries when Christianity appeared ; yet no pas 
 sage is found in the Christian Scriptures by which 
 it is condemned or prohibited. This is true, for 
 Christianity, soliciting admittance into all nations 
 of the world, abstained, as behooved it, from med 
 dling with the civil institutions of any. But does 
 it follow, from the silence of the Scriptures con 
 cerning them, that all civil institutions which then 
 prevailed were right ? or that the bad should not 
 be exchanged for a better ?" 
 
 This admission of a learned and eminent divine, 
 whose work on moral philosophy has always been 
 held in high estimation, goes to substantiate the 
 position, that there is no authority derivable from 
 the New Testament, which justifies the assertion 
 that slavery is contrary to the law of God ; and let 
 it be borne in mind, that the reason which Dr. 
 Paley adduces for the omission to denounce it, is 
 not the authority of the Saviour or his apostles, 
 but an inference of their interpreter. There is no 
 Scripture warrant for it whatever; and it might 
 be asked, on what ground the doctor presumed to 
 explain the motives for such uniform abstinence 
 from all expression of hostility, or even disappro 
 bation, towards an institution which the abolition 
 ists call the greatest curse that ever fell on the 
 heads of mankind." The success of the Christian 
 religion did not depend on men or human means 
 
SLAVERY. 25 
 
 but on the will of the Supreme Being. It was ab 
 solutely certain to the extent of that will. Yet, 
 according to Dr. Paley, his only Son, coming 
 charged with his mission, clothed with his author 
 ity, partaking in his very being and identity, did 
 not dare to denounce " the greatest curse that ever 
 fell upon the heads of mankind," lest it should en 
 danger the success of that mission. He tempo 
 rized with it ; he left it to continue almost two 
 thousand years, and suffered it to spread over a 
 new world, under an impression that the Almighty 
 power might be too weak to bring about the 
 Almighty will. It would seem that such deduc 
 tions from the silence of the New Testament are 
 equally unworthy the mission of the Saviour as 
 the omnipotence of God. 
 
 Again. Dr. Paley, whose authority is unques 
 tionable when he states facts derived from his 
 actual knowledge, holds the following language, in 
 his chapter "On Civil Obedience as stated in the 
 Scriptures." He says 
 
 We affirm, that as to all our civil rights and 
 obligations, Christianity hath left us where she 
 found us ; that she hath neither altered nor ascer 
 tained them. The New Testament contains not 
 one passage which, fairly interpreted, affords either 
 argument or objection applicable to any conclu- 
 c 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 sions on the subject, that are deducible from the 
 law and religion of nature." 
 
 Until these positions are controverted, there ap 
 pears no necessity to prosecute this portion of the 
 inquiry any further* It is sufficient for our pres 
 ent purposes &at the New Testament contains a 
 complete moral code, exemplified by precepts appli 
 cable to every circumstance and situation of life ; 
 that slavery existed almost universally at, and ages 
 before the Christian dispensation, and thai it is not 
 even discountenanced there, much less denounced 
 as contrary to the law of God. It was a civil 
 institution ; and, as Dr. Paley truly affirms on this 
 point, Christianity hath left us where she found 
 us." It is difficult to account for this omission to 
 denounce what is now denominated " the greatest 
 curse that ever fell upon the heads of mankind," 
 except on the ground that, as it existed, at that 
 period at least, it was not considered a crime to 
 hold slaves in bondage, or that the attempt to 
 arrest it would then, as now, produce far greater 
 evils than the crime itself. It seems degrading 
 to the wisdom and omnipotence of the Supreme 
 Being, to ascribe it to an apprehension that to de 
 nounce it would embarrass the progress of that 
 religion of which he was the Author. Neither 
 does it appear at all probable, that the Saviour of 
 mankind and his disciples would have shrunk 
 
SLAVERY. 27 
 
 from the consequences of such a denunciation. 
 The former knew full well that he was at all events 
 destined as a sacrifice for the transgression of 
 our first parents ; and the latter, with scarcely an 
 exception, sealed with their blood, as well the 
 divinity of their religion, as the sincerity of their 
 belief. But, admitting the deduction of Dr. Paley 
 to be just which, however, is not meant to be 
 done here that this silence was prudential on the 
 part of the Saviour, does it not seem the height 
 of impious presumption in mortals to meddle with 
 a subject from which he scrupulously abstained ? 
 The rash interference of the abolitionists, as will be 
 demonstrated hereafter, is as directly at war with 
 the civil institutions of a portion of the United 
 States, as it would have been on the part of the 
 propounders of the Christian faith with those of 
 the Roman empire, and places equal obstacles in 
 the way of the progress of Christianity among one 
 portion at least of mankind. It already operates as 
 a bar to its propagation among the slaves of the 
 South, and if persisted in, will leave the master 
 no other refuge than that of perpetuating their 
 ignorance, 
 
 The history of mankind exhibits almost innu 
 merable examples of the mischievous consequences 
 resulting from the interference of the church with 
 
28 SLAVERY. 
 
 the civil rights and institutions of states. It has 
 always ended in despotism. The laws of the 
 United States guaranty the freedom of worship 
 and opinion to all denominations of believers ; 
 and it would seem the least they can do, is 
 to refrain from all interference with them, un 
 less in matters exclusively relating to their 
 rights as rational beings to adopt what faith 
 they please. True religion equally disdains to 
 war against the established rights of property, and 
 the personal safety of citizens. It is the auxiliary, 
 not the dictator of the laws, and always acts in 
 harmonious co-operation with the social institu 
 tions. It claims no right to transgress the bounds 
 of perfect freedom in the exercise of its own opin 
 ions ; and never, unless in the fury of fanatical ex 
 citement, attempts by violence to impose them on 
 others. When it steps out of its sacred sphere, to 
 dictate to the powers of the state, or decide on the 
 obligations of the people to obey or disobey the 
 laws when it erects itself into an arbiter to desig 
 nate what statutes are in accordance, and what in 
 conflict with the will of God, it departs from the 
 example of its Founder, violates his precepts, and 
 becomes the common disturber of the peace of 
 mankind. 
 
 But it has been urged on the other hand, that 
 
SLAVERY. 29 
 
 although slavery may be thus sanctioned as a part 
 of the civil constitution of the ancient nations of 
 the world by particular ordinances of Scripture, yet 
 is it. directly at war with the spirit of Christianity. 
 It is said that it conflicts with its mild, beneficent 
 code of moral duties, and therefore must be 
 contrary to its spirit and intention. In short, that 
 it cannot be reconciled with the great precept in 
 which the Saviour of mankind imbodied the sum 
 total of all the duties which mankind owe to each 
 other, and which he declared comprehended all the 
 law and the prophets in relation to that subject : 
 namely, that we should love our neighbour as our 
 selves. 
 
 If this be true, then the authority of the Apostle 
 Paul is at variance with the precept of his Divine 
 Master. The most eloquent, efficient, and inde 
 fatigable advocate of Christianity that ever adorned 
 the world ; he who did more than any human being 
 that ever lived to spread the Gospel through dis 
 tant lands ; he who most happily associated the 
 principles of religion with the precepts of morality ; 
 he who of all the apostles was thought worthy 
 of being converted by a miracle, erects himself 
 in opposition to the spirit of that faith which 
 he is advocating with a zeal and ability never 
 equalled by mortal man. He says in the sixth 
 c2 
 
30 SLAVERY. 
 
 chapter of his epistle to the Ephesians, where 
 he imbodies a short compendium of the duties 
 of husbands, wives, children, and servants : 
 
 " Servants be obedient to them that are your 
 masters according to the flesh, with fear and trem 
 bling, in singleness of heart as to Christ. Not 
 with eye-service as men-pleasers, but as servants 
 of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart. 
 With good-will doing service as to the Lord and 
 not to men : knowing that whatsoever good thing- 
 any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the 
 Lord whether he be bond or free. And ye masters 
 do the same thing, forbearing threatening, knowing 
 that your Master also is in heaven ; neither is there 
 respect of persons with him." 
 
 The learned commentator just quoted admits 
 that " the servants at that time were slaves, the 
 property of their masters," and attempts to account 
 for the sanction thus given to the institution of 
 slavery, by observing that " the apostles were min 
 isters of religion, not politicians ; they had not 
 that influence among rulers and legislators which 
 would have been requisite for the abolition of 
 slavery."* The explanation does not appear satis 
 factory. They came clothed with the inspiration 
 and authority of God ; they attacked and overthrew 
 systems of religion founded on the belief of ages; 
 * Dr. Thomas Scott. 
 
// 
 
 SLAVERY. 31 
 
 they warred with all the powers of superstition 
 and error, and with all the settled prejudices of 
 mankind. Surely, then, they would scarcely re 
 frain from denouncing what is now denominated 
 " the greatest curse that ever fell on the heads of 
 mankind," simply because " they had not that in 
 fluence among rulers and legislators which would 
 have been requisite for the abolition of slavery," 
 and were " ministers of religion, not politicians." 
 
 Yet admitting this to be the true solution, it 
 might be asked whether this cautious delicacy 
 towards the civil institutions of nations at that time, 
 on the part of the apostles, does not furnish an apt 
 and important lesson to the present fiery advocates 
 of immediate emancipation ? Are they more elo 
 quent than the chosen disciples selected by the 
 Saviour of mankind as his instruments for propa 
 gating the truths of Christianity ? Are Garrison, 
 and Thomson, and their followers inspired ? Can 
 they perform miracles ? Can they plead the di 
 rect authority of the Son of God for their mission ? 
 Or have they the gift of any other tongue than cal 
 umny and defamation ? Yet are they not doing in 
 this country precisely what the apostles refrained 
 from, according to Dr. Scott, and indeed all tho 
 opponents of slavery, solely on account of theii 
 want of influence with rulers and legislators ? Are 
 they not becoming "politicians," meddling with 
 
32 SLAVERY. 
 
 our civil institutions, denouncing our laws, and 
 trampling the constitution under foot ? Are their 
 morals more pure, is their religion more sublime, 
 their mission more authentic, their eloquence more 
 touching and beautiful, or their zeal more devout 
 than that of the companions of the Son of the liv 
 ing God, that they should thus ** rush in where 
 angels dare not tread ?" 
 
 But let us test this argument, and inquire into 
 the true intent and meaning of the great command 
 to love our neighbour as ourselves. It could not 
 be intended to include all mankind, else the word 
 neighbour would not have been used on this occa 
 sion. That phrase in our own, and it is believed, 
 all other languages, means, when applied individ 
 ually, only such as from proximity of situation are 
 so placed as to be within the reach of a frequent 
 interchange of those acts of kindness, comfort, and 
 assistance which distance entirely precludes. It 
 may rationally perhaps be extended to all those 
 living under the same system of government, and 
 constituting one nation or body politic, and whose 
 interests are therefore in some degree mutually 
 dependent on each other. It does not mean uni 
 versal philanthropy any further than a general 
 good-will to all our fellow-creatures. It would be 
 absurd to pretend to love as ourselves those we 
 do not know, ancj with whom we interchange no 
 
SLAVERY. 33 
 
 benefits whatever. The word neighbour, as used on 
 this occasion, comprehends most, if not all those 
 relations which are comprised in the word friend. 
 
 In the present case, then, who is our neighbour, 
 the white citizen of the United States, or the black 
 slave ? It will in the sequel be attempted to be 
 demonstrated, that the success of the abolitionists 
 must cause immediate and most serious evils to the 
 former, and that its consequences to the latter will, 
 according to all experience, be scarcely less per 
 nicious. But admitting the slaves may be ulti 
 mately benefited, still it can be only at the cost of 
 most aggravated evils to the white people of the 
 South. In applying then the great precept of the 
 Saviour to the blacks alone, and considering them 
 as our neighbours to the entire exclusion of the 
 whites, we place the latter in the relation of stran 
 ger and alien ; we cast them out of the pale of hu 
 man nature, and make them the victims of our one 
 sided philanthropy. In attempting to do good to 
 one colour, we inflict incalculable evils on the 
 other. It may be asked, whether there is any 
 moral or religious obligation to sacrifice the inter 
 ests, and endanger the safety of our countrymen, 
 neighbours, and friends, to the dangerous experi 
 ment of universal emancipation ? 
 
 The mischiefs to be apprehended from such a 
 measure are not alone the result of idle, interested, 
 
34 SLAVERY. 
 
 or pretended fears. They are the direct conse 
 quences of rational experience, and philosophical 
 deductions from the nature of man and the nature 
 of things. Let us once more refer to the authority 
 of Archdeacon Paley, a clergyman, a distinguished 
 moral writer, and a steady, determined opponent 
 of the institution of slavery. 
 
 " The discharging of slaves from all obligation 
 to obey their masters, which is the consequence of 
 pronouncing slavery to be unlawful, would have had 
 no other effect than to let loose one half mankind 
 upon the other. * * * The most calamitous 
 of all contests, a bellum servile, might probably 
 have ensued, to the reproach, if not the extinction, 
 of the Christian name," 
 
 Thus then it appears on the authority of an op 
 ponent of slavery, that the declaration of the abo 
 litionists, that slavery is contrary to the law of 
 God, by absolving slaves from all obligation to 
 obey their masters, would have no better effect 
 than to let loose one half of mankind on the other, 
 and produce the most calamitous of all contests, a 
 servile war. What a practical commentary on the 
 proceedings of the immediate abolitionists, and on 
 the great injunction of the Saviour, to love our 
 neighbour as ourselves ; or that other great pre 
 cept, to do unto others as we would they should 
 do unto us ! In regard to the obligation imposed 
 
SLAVERY. 35 
 
 upon mankind by both these Divine precepts, it can 
 only be practically applied in a limited sense. It 
 might, and does very often happen, that we wish 
 our neighbour to do something utterly unreason 
 able, unlawful, or morally wrong ; and in that case 
 no one can for a moment believe he is under any 
 obligation to comply. To love our neighbour as 
 ourselves, and to do as we would be done by, 
 means nothing more than a reciprocity of good of 
 fices consonant to reason ; to the great duties of 
 justice and benevolence, as well as the laws of the 
 land. 
 
 It would seem then from these authorities and 
 the arguments deduced from them, that the advo 
 cates of immediate abolition can derive no warrant 
 either from the law or the prophets for pro 
 nouncing the institution of slavery contrary to 
 the law of God ; but that on the contrary, it is 
 expressly recognised in the Old and in the New 
 Testaments. Neither is it respectful to the 
 Divine Author of all true religion, to presume 
 that he would give his direct sanction to what 
 was incompatible with the general spirit of his 
 laws. When he expressly declares his will, that 
 must be the law ; nor can it be invalidated by any 
 ingenious conclusions from general principles sup 
 posed to be deducible from the whole system. 
 This is making man, not God, the umpire, 
 
36 SLAVERY. 
 
 It is not meant to affirm, that this Scriptural sanc 
 tion of slavery furnishes conclusive evidence, that 
 what at the period of promulgating the oracles of 
 God was in accordance with the slate of society, 
 the acknowledged rights of man as then under 
 stood, and the public opinion, may not be modified 
 or abolished, in consequence of the changes which 
 time and the vicissitudes of human feeling and 
 opinion have produced. All that is intended here, 
 is to assert and prove that what is expressly sanc 
 tioned by the authority of the Supreme Being, can 
 not be a violation of his law. Nor does the po 
 sition necessarily imply a continuance of the in 
 stitution of slavery, which may still be abolished 
 on grounds of humanity, expediency, or necessity, 
 by or with the consent of those who are most 
 deeply concerned. A denial that slavery is con 
 trary to the law of God does not render it impera 
 tive upon us to perpetuate it, any more than a de 
 nial of the divine right of kings implies a direct 
 obligation to overturn all monarchies. In either 
 
 to 
 
 case, the parties holding slaves, and the subjects 
 living under kings, have an undoubted right to judge 
 for themselves. Their submission to the laws of 
 man does not imply a violation of the law of God. 
 They may therefore lawfully choose without trans 
 gressing either one or the other. 
 
SLAVERY. \ 39 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of the Opposition of Slavery to the Law and the 
 Rights of Nature, as asserted by the Advocates 
 of immediate Emancipation. 
 
 BY the law of nature, as here applicable, is 
 understood certain principles and rights which ex 
 ist anterior to all the laws and institutions of the 
 social state, and cannot be abrogated by subse 
 quent legislation. Such is the right of self- 
 defence, for instance, which cannot be alienated. 
 There are other natural rights which may be vol 
 untarily relinquished ; and there are still others 
 which may be forfeited. Such is that of personal 
 freedom, which may be lost by captivity in war, 
 by crime, and by debt. 
 
 Hence, though in the language of our Declara 
 tion of Independence, " all men are created equal," 
 still they may forfeit that equality by either of the 
 causes above specified. The right of war to take 
 the persons of armed enemies, and so dispose of 
 r> 
 
36 
 
 SLAVERY, 
 
 ,nem as that their hostility shall become harmless, 
 at least during the continuance of strife, or until 
 they are exchanged, is practised upon by all Chris 
 tian nations ; is established not only on the immuta 
 ble basis of reason, but the natural right of self- 
 defence. Among civilized nations possessing the 
 means of securing their prisoners, and of main 
 taining them without inflicting personal labour, un 
 til they are exchanged for mutual convenience, a 
 temporary loss of liberty only is the result of cap 
 ture in war. But it is far otherwise with savage 
 and barbarous nations, who have neither jails nor 
 forts, nor dungeons nor prison-ships, in which to 
 secure their prisoners ; who have no superfluities 
 wherewith to feed, and who are unacquainted 
 with the humane expedient of exchanging them. 
 When they capture more than they require for 
 their own purposes, they must either let them go, 
 sell them to others, or put them to death. Hence 
 Aristotle maintains that slavery must and always 
 will exist, so long as there are barbarous nations 
 in the world. 
 
 It is an expedient of humanity and interest 
 combined. It is based on the principle, that life is 
 dearer than liberty to the great majority of man 
 kind. It is a step in the progress of civilization, 
 by substituting service, or sale, for the massacre of 
 
SLAVERY. 39 
 
 prisoners of war. Among the Indians of North 
 America, the most savage race with which we 
 are acquainted, prisoners were only made, for the 
 purpose of supplying the places of those of their 
 own tribe killed in battle, or to be tortured at the 
 stake, for the gratification of the most malignant 
 feelings of revenge. The early battles with them 
 were massacres, and war extermination. When, 
 in process of time, it became known to the savages 
 that the French governors of Canada would pur 
 chase their white captives, they began to find it to 
 their interest to preserve them ; since, while they 
 ridded themselves thus of their enemies, they at the 
 same time converted them into sources of profit. 
 Indiscriminate massacres, and tortures at the stake 
 now became more rare, and were not resumed until 
 a false spirit of philanthropy forbade the purchase of 
 captives in war. A few instances also occur in our 
 own history, of selling Indian prisoners to the plan 
 ters of the West Indies, and the memory of our 
 forefathers has been unjustly assailed on that 
 account. But what could they do with them ? 
 They could not exchange them with their barba 
 rous enemies ; they were always deficient in the 
 superfluities of life themselves ; they had no means 
 of securing their Indian captives, or of making 
 them useful ; and if they let them loose again, it 
 
40 SLAVERY. 
 
 was only to expose themselves anew to their dep 
 redations and murders. 
 
 It has been asserted, of late years, by writers so 
 zealous in the cause of emancipation, that they 
 sometimes conflict with all previous authorities, 
 that the custom of buying captives on the coast 
 of Africa operates as a provocative to perpetual 
 wars, and thus increases the evil it affects to 
 alleviate. It may be that this is the case in some 
 degree. But a reference to the travels of Mungo 
 Park will show that the purchase of slaves by 
 Europeans can have little influence on the wars in 
 the interior of that continent. The state of slavery 
 exists there entirely independent of the foreign 
 slave trade, and to an extent beyond any other 
 portion of the globe. 
 
 " A state of subordination, and certain inequali 
 ties of rank and condition, are inevitable in every 
 stage of civil society ; but when this subordination 
 is carried to so great a length, that the persons and 
 services of one part of the community are entirely 
 at the disposal of another part, it may then be de 
 nominated a state of slavery ; and in this condition 
 of life, a great body of the negro inhabitants of 
 Africa have continued from the most early period 
 of their history, with this aggravation, that their 
 children are born to no other inheritance"* 
 
 * See Park s Travels, p. 210. New- York edition. 
 
SLAVERY. 41 
 
 " The slaves of Africa, I suppose, are nearly in 
 the proportion of three to one of freemen."* 
 
 " Hired servants, by which I mean persons of 
 free condition, voluntarily working for pay, are un 
 known in Africa"} 
 
 If, then, the certainty of being able to convert 
 prisoners into a source of profit, is an incentive to 
 war, the negroes of Africa have that incentive in 
 the highest degree, independent of the foreign 
 slave trade, which only carries off that surplus of 
 captives which would otherwise probably be put to 
 death. 
 
 In a subsequent chapter of this inquiry, it is pro 
 posed to institute a comparison between the situa 
 tion of the slaves of Africa, and those of the Uni 
 ted States, for the purpose of showing what they 
 sacrifice and what they gain by being transferred 
 from one country to the other. In one, they are 
 the slaves of a race of unfeeling barbarians, equally 
 destitute of the arts of civilized life, as of the prin 
 ciples of civilized government, and the doctrines of 
 true religion. According to Park, they are perpet 
 ually engaged in wars of capture and extermination. 
 Their systems of government, their manners, hab 
 its, and social relations, are those of uncivilized bar 
 barians. Those who were transported hither were 
 
 * Park s Travels. f Ibid. 
 
 D 2 
 
42 SLAVERY. 
 
 captives in war ; they possessed no civil rights at 
 home ; they brought none with them, and acquired 
 none here. They came as alien bondmen ; they 
 were " of the heathen ;" their posterity were " be 
 got in our land," and have become "our posses 
 sion," as " inheritances of our children," in accord 
 ance with the sanction of Holy Writ, as conveyed 
 in the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus. The gov 
 ernment of the United States, its institutions, and 
 its privileges, belong of right wholly and exclu 
 sively to the white men ; for they were purchased, 
 not by the blood of the negroes, but by that of our 
 fathers. 
 
 The declaration " that all men are created 
 equal" is thus carried out in its consequences. It 
 follows " that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain inalienable rights ; that among these 
 are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 
 Unquestionably, it may be said that all men are 
 born equal, and born free, and yet may forfeit that 
 freedom. To deny this, is to impeach the right 
 of self-defence, which justifies the necessity of 
 putting captives in war beyond the reach of doing 
 us further injury, as well as those laws which in 
 flict imprisonment and hard labour, frequently for 
 life, on persons guilty of great crimes, and thus 
 bring us back to the bloody code of England, or 
 
SLAVERY. 43 
 
 leave us at the mercy of villains. All men have 
 also a natural right to live as long as they can ; yet 
 it does not follow that they cannot be deprived of 
 life, as a punishment, or to secure the safety of 
 society. So also all men have a right to pursue 
 their own happiness, so long as this is done with 
 out illegally or immorally interfering with the hap 
 piness of others. To interpret this celebrated 
 declaration in any other manner, would be to per 
 vert its principles into a warrant for the violation 
 of all human statutes, under the sanction of the in 
 alienable rights of nature. It was not an elaborate 
 metaphysical discussion of human rights, but a 
 mere assertion of great general principles ; and to 
 have enumerated all the exceptions would have 
 been giving the world a volume in folio, instead of 
 a simple declaration of rights. The charge of in 
 consistency between our principles and practice, 
 is therefore entirely unfounded. 
 
 But to return to the point in discussion. The 
 original progenitors of the slaves in the United 
 States, it will be admitted, although it cannot be 
 proved, were born free in their own country, in 
 so far as that actual bondage might not have been 
 inflicted on them at the moment of their birth. 
 But they were not so when they became cap 
 tives in war and were sold in a foreign country. 
 
44 SLAVERY. 
 
 They did not come within the scope and mean 
 ing of the declaration of independence, which 
 asserts the principle " that all men are created 
 equal," for they had forfeited the right to freedom 
 before they set foot on our soil. The slaves of the 
 United States have never been considered as in 
 cluded in any general declaration or constitutional 
 provision, except when expressly designated. 
 They are neither comprehended in the phrase 
 " man," nor " citizen," and constitute exceptions 
 under the general denomination of " all other 
 persons" 
 
 The retaining of persons in bondage as captives 
 in war, or selling them, by barbarous nations, who 
 have no other means of rendering them incapable 
 in future of endangering their property and lives, 
 is, if the preceding reasoning be correct, in 
 strict accordance with the right of self-defence, 
 which is the first law of nature. If it should be 
 clearly proved in a succeeding chapter of this in 
 quiry, that the immediate emancipation of the 
 slaves of the southern and southwestern states, 
 will be destructive to the property, fatal to the 
 peace, and dangerous to the lives of the whole 
 white population of that extensive and fertile re 
 gion, then most undoubtedly, upon the same prin 
 ciple of self-defence, they have a right to keep the 
 posterity of the slaves purchased under such cir- 
 
SLAVERY. 45 
 
 cumstances in bondage until they can be emanci 
 pated without danger to themselves. 
 
 The obligation to emancipate the slaves of that 
 portion of the United States may be tested by an 
 other great principle. It is presumed no one will 
 deny, that nothing can be right which is not con 
 formable to the will of the Supreme Being, and 
 that the only certain mode of ascertaining that 
 will in the government of our own conduct, other 
 than by his express declarations, is to inquire into 
 the tendency of an action to promote or diminish 
 the happiness of those on whom it will operate. 
 This definition of a good action as promoting, and 
 a bad one as detracting from the general happiness, 
 must and can only apply to its operation within 
 that sphere which is usually appropriated to the 
 action of individuals, in whatever station they may 
 be placed. To apply it to all mankind, is to set a 
 task which no human intellect can accomplish. A 
 good motive merely does not, in itself, constitute a 
 good action. It must be salutary in its conse 
 quences ; it must add to the happiness of some 
 body. If it injures our neighbour, the community 
 in which we live, the nation of which we consti 
 tute a portion, or the great interests of mankind in 
 whose nature we partake, it can by no means be 
 construed into a good action, whatever may be the 
 
48 SLAVERY. 
 
 motive. None but the Being who sees into all 
 hearts, can detect the hidden springs of human ac 
 tion ; his creatures can only judge of motives by 
 the acts themselves. 
 
 To apply these principles. Would adopting 
 and bringing into active operation the doctrine, that 
 slavery by inheritance is contrary to the law and 
 rights of nature, contribute to the general happi 
 ness of the only two parties concerned in this in 
 quiry, the master and the slave of the United Slates, 
 meaning those at this moment in existence, and 
 not their posterity ten or a hundred generations 
 hence? The advocates of immediate abolition 
 must accept this limitation on their own principle, 
 since if they denounce the lawfulness of sacrificing 
 posterity for the misfortune of the parent, they 
 must also admit the unlawfulness of sacrificing the 
 parent for the benefit of his posterity. 
 
 Let it be supposed, for a moment, that the 
 owners of slaves throughout the whole of the 
 United States should promptly, and with one accord, 
 yield obedience to this new law of nature, and at 
 once free all their slaves, without exception ; the 
 old who are past all labour, and the young not yet 
 arrived at an age to maintain themselves. A con 
 sideration of the probable, nay inevitable, conse 
 quences of such a procedure will enable us to test 
 
SLAVERY. 47 
 
 it by the great principle adopted by moral writers, 
 to wit, that an action is good or bad in proportion 
 as it increases or diminishes the happiness of 
 those within the sphere of its actual influence. 
 At first view, this definition may seem to sanction 
 the doctrine, that it is lawful to do evil in order 
 to produce good ; to rob a man who makes an ill 
 use of his money, that we may apply it to a 
 better; to murder a miser because he has a 
 virtuous heir who will convert his property to pur 
 poses of benevolence ; or to sacrifice our country 
 for the general benefit of the world. These are 
 not, however, legitimate deductions. Such acts 
 cannot, and will not come to good. A just Provi 
 dence hath decreed that human happiness can 
 never spring from the polluted source of human 
 crimes. 
 
48 SLAVERY. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of Emancipation and its Consequences, admitting 
 its practicability. 
 
 THE emancipation of the slaves of the United 
 States can only proceed from three causes. It 
 must be the voluntary, or involuntary act of their 
 owners, or the work of the slaves themselves. In 
 the first case, it will result from a sense of duty or 
 a conviction of its expediency; in the second, from 
 coercive legislation ; in the third, from conspiracy, 
 insurrection, and servile war. 
 
 Is it within the widest limits of a rational prob 
 ability, that millions of men, constituting entire in 
 dependent states, so far as respects this question, 
 will be wrought upon by such a course of false 
 and irritating calumnies as the abolitionists are 
 daily bringing to bear upon them, voluntarily, and 
 all at once to divest themselves of a large portion 
 of their property, and that which gives value to all 
 the rest, on the ground of an abstract principle, 
 
SLAVERY. 49 
 
 which they never acknowledged ? Does the his 
 tory of mankind present a single instance of such 
 a miracle being worked by such means and such 
 instruments ? There is no such example, nor will 
 there ever be until human nature undergoes a radi 
 cal and complete revolution. 
 
 The emancipation of the slaves in the middle 
 states was gradual and progressive ; they pos 
 sessed comparatively few, and their services 
 were not indispensably necessary to domestic of 
 fices, or the cultivation of the land. The sacri 
 fice was nothing compared with that demanded 
 of the southern states. It was tacitly assented to, 
 simply because it was not thought worth while to 
 organize an opposition. Few possessed slaves ; 
 and these few were overawed by the many. By 
 the former it was submitted to, rather than ap 
 proved. 
 
 It is believed that slavery has been abolished in 
 one, perhaps more, of the states of South America. 
 But this was a revolutionary act. A very large 
 portion of the owners of slaves were of the class 
 which opposed the establishment of independence, 
 whose persons were exiled and outlawed, whose 
 lives forfeited, and whose property was confiscated. 
 The sacrifice was demanded of the enemies of the 
 state, of proscribed exiles, not fellow-citizens and 
 
 E 
 
50 SLAVERY. 
 
 brothers. It was an act of policy or vengeance 
 rather than of humanity. 
 
 The late conduct of the British authorities in 
 relation to the slaves of the colonies, which is 
 held up by themselves and their followers in this 
 country as an object of imitation, belongs to that 
 species of philanthropy which is exercised solely 
 at the expense of others. The people of England 
 gave away nothing ; they merely submitted to a 
 small addition to a debt which will never be paid. 
 The government of England gave nothing but the 
 money of the people, of which it has never been 
 at all chary. Neither Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Bux- 
 ton, nor, in all probability, a single one of the noble 
 lords and honourable gentlemen who voted for 
 emancipating the slaves of the British colonies, 
 sacrificed a single comfort or luxury at the shrine 
 of philanthropy ; and as to Mr. O Connell, we have 
 not heard that he relinquished a penny of the 
 " tribute of gratitude," amounting to some 20,OOOZ. 
 sterling a year, paid by his suffering but generous 
 countrymen to keep his patriotism from falling a 
 victim to ministerial seduction, as that of so many 
 Irish " liberators" has done before him. It has 
 been hinted to us by persons well acquainted with 
 the state of parties in England, that the members 
 of parliament constituting what is called the * evan- 
 
SLAVERY. 51 
 
 gclicah" hold the balance of power between the 
 " reformers" and " conservatives," and hence prob 
 ably arises the zeal of the liberator in behalf of the 
 slaves of the United States, who are the favourite, 
 if not exclusive objects of evangelical philanthropy. 
 It is also whispered that the piety as well as hu 
 manity of more than one of the most stanch min 
 isterial advocates of universal emancipation, is 
 somewhat political. In such a contest, the great 
 struggle generally is which party shall make the 
 most noise, and all experience demonstrates that 
 the victory is nine times in ten achieved by that 
 which is least sincere. 
 
 Be this as it may, on pretence of establishing 
 the rights of one colour, the government of Eng 
 land infringed grossly upon the established rights 
 of another, and committed a robbery under cover 
 of humanity. It outraged its own laws and con 
 stitution by an invasion of property guarantied 
 by both, and attempted to cheat the world of 
 its admiration, by an unwarrantable exercise of 
 power over those who were unable to resist. 
 To cover its injustice, it only robbed them of 
 two thirds of their property, and paid for the re 
 mainder according to its own estimate, without 
 consulting those whom it plundered under the 
 
52 SLAVERY. 
 
 benignest auspices of philanthropy. The act has 
 no affinity with benevolence, because it is founded 
 in gross injustice, and is equally devoid of dis 
 interestedness as magnanimity, since it was per 
 formed at the expense of the colonies, in fact, and 
 was a triumph over weakness. It is still, however, 
 liable to the reproaches of the abolitionists, for it falls 
 far short of their own avowed principles. It was 
 not instantaneous, but prospective emancipation ; 
 nor did it apparently contemplate amalgamation, 
 as one of its direct and immediate consequences. 
 
 No citizen of the United States ought ever to 
 wish to see such one-sided philanthropy as this 
 practised here, even if it were practicable. But 
 it is not practicable. The southern states are not 
 colonies, but in this respect sovereign and inde 
 pendent. There exists no constitutional right to 
 justify such an invasion of property, and no 
 power to enforce it. Happily, our government 
 is strictly circumscribed within the limits of a 
 written constitution.^ It is incapable, from its 
 very nature, of violence and usurpation, and can act 
 only in virtue of the majesty of the laws. Within 
 that sphere, it is the strongest under the sun; 
 without that sphere, the weakest. The attempt to 
 apply coercive legislation, in the very teeth of the 
 constitution, would inevitably produce resistance. 
 
SLAVERY. 53 
 
 civil commotion, and eventually, or directly, a 
 separation of the Union. Would it then come 
 under the definition of a good action ? Would it 
 promote the general happiness ? The answer 
 will be found in the details of its inevitable conse 
 quences. 
 
 All who are in the least acquainted with the uni 
 versal feeling of the South, and who see the man 
 ner in which it meets every demonstration to inter 
 fere with this portion of its domestic policy, must 
 know that such attempts will be resisted at all 
 hazards. To the people of the South, this is no 
 subject to be played at football with at pleasure ; 
 no theme for abstract declamation. It may be 
 sport to us, but it is death to them. It is a question 
 involving their feelings and their reputation ; their 
 domestic quiet ; the peace of their household ; 
 their property, their safety, and that of their wives 
 and children. It is a question, whether or not it is 
 the right and the duty of the slave to rise and cut 
 the throats of his master and family. Can it then 
 be wondered at, or are the free citizens of the South 
 to be reproached and denounced, if they receive 
 such demonstrations with indignant impatience, 
 and demand of the sister states that the incen 
 diaries, who promulgate these doctrines, shall be 
 checked in their career? 
 
 E 2 
 
64 SLAVERY. 
 
 It may be, that the feelings of the South have 
 been in some measure aggravated by political ex 
 citements ; that there are men who use the slave 
 question as a political stalking horse, with a view 
 either to attain an influence in the general govern 
 ment, or failing in this, facilitating a separation of 
 the Union, that they may rule over some one of the 
 fragments. It is also possible there may be politi^ 
 cal leaders in another quarter who tolerate, if they 
 do not encourage, the seeds of disunion, which by 
 ultimately separating the South from the North, will 
 restore their ancient supremacy in the confedera 
 tion. All this may be true. Yet, independently 
 of these causes, it must be obvious to all calm ob 
 servers, that there is a common interest operating 
 intensely in the southern states, which ever has, 
 and ever will, produce a common feeling on this 
 momentous subject. Touch it with a rude hand, 
 and as sure as there is a sun in the heavens, they 
 will " start madly from their spheres," and for ever 
 alienate themselves from a union, which instead 
 of protecting, assails their rights, in a manner 
 equally injurious to their property, and insulting to 
 their feelings. They will not argue the question 
 they will act, and promptly too, as men act in 
 defence of all that is dear to men. 
 
 If these premises are well founded, as no one 
 
SLAVERY. 55 
 
 can deny who has noticed the course of events, 
 then there is no rational ground for believing, that 
 immediate emancipation, either by a voluntary act, 
 or by means of coercive legislation, will either 
 now, or at any future period, result from the pro 
 ceedings of the abolitionists. It remains, then, to 
 inquire into the practicability of the slaves achiev 
 ing it, by conspiracy, by insurrection, or servile 
 war ; by secret murder, or open resistance. 
 
 It is not among the least revolting consequences 
 of the proceedings of the abolitionists, that they 
 involve the necessity of inquiring into a subject 
 so fraught with everything that can render it ag 
 gravating to the feelings of humanity. /That the 
 slaves may, at some not very distant period of 
 time, be excited by the goadings of the abolition 
 ists to the most desperate atrocities, is more than 
 sufficiently probable : but that they will succeed 
 in attaining their freedom by force, is beyond the 
 reach of all rational anticipation. [ It is scarcely 
 possible that a general conspiracy throughout all, 
 or in any one of the southern slates, could be formed 
 and brought to maturity without discovery. It is 
 scarcely possible, that if it were, any considerable 
 number of them could provide themselves with 
 arms ; or that if they did, they could assemble 
 in sufficient force to cope with their masters. 
 
56 SLAVERY. 
 
 They might consume their houses, desolate their 
 fields, lay waste the country in various sections, 
 and sacrifice by midnight assassinations hundreds 
 of innocent women and children, as at the late in 
 surrection in Lower Virginia, but they could go no 
 further. The white men would soon assemble, and 
 the sense of mferiority^ which makes every slave 
 a cpward in the^ presence of his master, would 
 come in aid of his superiority in all other respects. 
 Not only this, but if it were necessary, it is con 
 fidently believed, there is not a citizen of any state 
 of this Union, who is worthy of the name, that 
 would not rush to the rescue of his brethren in the 
 South. The most terrible retribution would be 
 exacted of the incendiaries and murderers. No 
 abstract dogma would protect them from utter 
 annihilation. There would be no safety but in 
 destroying them. The race of the black, like 
 that of the red men, who once hunted within our 
 borders, would become extinct, and modern philan 
 thropy be compelled to seek new victims. 
 
 But let it be supposed, however horrible the 
 idea, that the wishes of the friends of the " entire 
 human race" were fulfilled : let us imagine a com 
 munity of free blacks rising among the ruins of 
 states, lords of the soil, smoking with the habita 
 tions and blood of their exterminated masters and 
 
SLAVERY. 57 
 
 . lUiirY 
 
 families. Would the sum of human happiness be 
 increased by such a result? Would the pangs 
 of murdered white men, women, and infants ; the 
 agonies of the exiled and impoverished survivors, 
 and the destruction of all the landmarks of social 
 improvement, be replaced by the refreshing specta 
 cle of an enlightened; industrious, and happy na 
 tion of blacks, living in the enjoyment of rational 
 freedom, sharing the comforts of salutary labour, 
 and the high gratifications of moral and intellectual 
 improvement? Look at the following picture of 
 the island of Jamaica, as it presents itself at this 
 moment. 
 
 " Every day the negroes are becoming more 
 licentious and corrupt. Singing psalms at the 
 chapels is made an excuse and a cloak by the 
 apprentices for laziness. They do not many of 
 them work over two hours a day. The streets of 
 Kingston, once famed for their orderly quiet, are 
 now nightly the scenes of drunken debauchery, 
 negro drumming, and dancing, much of it under 
 the mask of preaching and singing at the evening 
 conventicles. Jamaica promises soon to become 
 as pestiferous a sink of vice and corruption as 
 the most libertine enthusiast can desire." 
 
 Look, too, at St. Domingo, where the early fruits 
 of an emancipation, purchased by the poverty, exile, 
 
58 SLAVERY. 
 
 and blood of tens of thousands of civilized white 
 men, are exemplified in the decay and approaching 
 ruin of that island, one of the most fruitful in the 
 world j in the infliction of a code of laws, pre 
 scribing a certain number of stripes in order to 
 overcome the innate lazy apathy which forms a 
 part of the very constitution of the African race ; 
 and in a general system of despotism far more 
 severe than they suffered under their ancient mas 
 ters. Look, too, at the nations of Africa, in their 
 own native land, destitute of everything that gives 
 real value to liberty, and three-fourths of them sub 
 jected to hereditary bondage. 
 
 The experience of the people of the South, also, 
 furnishes ample evidence of the evil consequences 
 of the emancipation of their slaves, insomuch that 
 necessity has obliged their legislative bodies to 
 make it a condition of their freedom, that they shall 
 depart from the state. Otherwise, they for the most 
 part become the keepers of what are called flash- 
 houses, where the slaves are furnished with liquor, 
 in defiance of the laws ; encouraged to thefts and 
 depredations on the property of the master, by find 
 ing purchasers close at hand ; initiated into all 
 sorts of debaucheries ; and finally tempted to run 
 away, either by the fear of discovery and punish- 
 
SLAVERY. 59 
 
 ment, or the hope of securing a permanency in 
 these pernicious indulgences. 
 
 If these examples are insufficient to repress the 
 towering anticipations of the friends of the " entire 
 human race," let us look at home, and draw conclu 
 sions from our own daily observation. Let us con 
 sult our own eyes and ears, and while sickening 
 with disappointment at the result of all the efforts 
 even of sober rational philanthropy, in seeing the 
 laziness, the dirt, the debauchery, and the crimes 
 of the free blacks of our city, ask of ourselves, if 
 the massacre, and exile, and ruin of such a noble 
 race as that of the South, and the substitution of 
 one composed of such ingredients, will increase 
 or diminish the sum of human happiness ? 
 
 Such a community could not last long. Even 
 at this moment a large portion of the free blacks 
 would be perishing amid the frosts of winter, like 
 grasshoppers which have \vasted their summer in 
 idleness, were it not for the industrious white men, 
 who, like ants, have provided their wintry store, 
 and whose charities keep them alive. Without 
 doubt the most speedy mode of ridding our country 
 of these firebrands of contention, would be the 
 success of the advocates of immediate emancipa 
 tion, in achieving their freedom. But it would be 
 a cruel and inhuman expedient; for, judging by 
 
60 SLAVERY. 
 
 what has been already seen, few years would 
 elapse before their indolence, their want of pru 
 dence, their utter carelessness of the future, to 
 gether with the corruptions engendered by the pos 
 session of a freedom they know not how to en 
 joy, would consume them like wasting cankers, 
 and strew the country with sad monuments of a 
 wild, wilful, unrelenting, remorseless philanthropy, 
 which, shutting its eyes, like the drunken soldier, 
 rushes headlong up to the muzzle of the loaded 
 cannon. Again, it may be asked, would such an 
 act, followed by such consequences, be conform 
 able to the laws of God and nature, which have 
 for their basis the general happiness of mankind ? 
 
SLAVERY. 61 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of Amalgamation, and a Community of Social and 
 Political Rights. 
 
 THE advocates of immediate emancipation, aware 
 of the consequences sketched in the preceding 
 chapter, have sought to obviate them by recom 
 mending amalgamation ; that is, indiscriminate mar 
 riages, between the whites and blacks, accompa 
 nied of course by a communion of social and civil 
 rights, as a remedy for all the evils which must 
 necessarily result from the adoption of their first 
 principle. The remedy is rather worse than the 
 disease. 
 
 The project of intermarrying with the blacks, 
 is a project for debasing the whites by a mixture 
 of that blood, which, wherever it flows, carries 
 with it the seeds of deterioration. It is a scheme 
 for lowering the standard of our nature, by approx 
 imating the highest grade of human beings to the 
 lowest, and is equivalent to enhancing the happi 
 ness of mankind by a process of debasement. 
 F 
 
62 SLAVE R1-. 
 
 That the negro should relish the idea of thus im 
 proving his breed at the expense of the white race 
 is quite natural ; that there should be found gmong 
 the latter, men who recommend and enforce 
 such a plan, even from the pulpit, appears some 
 what remarkable, as an example of extraordinary 
 disinterestedness. But that there should be white 
 women, well educated and respectable females, 
 supporting it by their money and their influence, 
 their presence and co-operation; apparently willing, 
 nay, anxious to barter their superiority for the 
 badges of degradation ; to become the mothers of 
 mulattoes ; voluntarily to entail upon their posterity 
 a curse that seems coeval with the first existence 
 of the negro, and cast away a portion of the 
 divinity within them at the shrine of a mere ab 
 stract dogma, is one of the wonders which fanati 
 cism alone can achieve. 
 
 That there are such men, and shame on the 
 sex such women, is but too evident. But they 
 are exceptions to the rest of their class, to 
 the race to which they belong. They are traitors 
 to the whiteskin, influenced by madbrained fa 
 naticism, or the victims of licentious and ungov 
 ernable passions, perverted into an unnatural taste 
 by their own indulgence. The proposition has 
 been everywhere received with indignant scorn. 
 
SLAVERY. 63 
 
 Throughout the whole United States, with the 
 single exception of little knots of raving fanatics 
 in a few towns and villages, one chorus of disgust 
 and abhorrence has met the odious project. In 
 a country hitherto the most exemplary of any in 
 the world for obedience to the laws, assemblages, 
 not of idle and ignorant profligates, but of re 
 spectable citizens, have, in the absence of all 
 statutes for repressing such outrageous attacks 
 on the feelings of society and the established de 
 corum of life, taken the law into their own hands, 
 and dispersed or punished these aggressions. 
 Nay, even the peaceable and orderly people of 
 New-England, celebrated for their cool self-pos 
 session, their habitual devotion to the peace and 
 harmony of society, have everywhere risen against 
 the monstrous indignity, and infringed upon the 
 laws of the land, in vindication of the purity of 
 their blood. The universal sentiment of our race 
 stands arrayed against the disgraceful alliance ; and 
 whether it be natural instinct, inspired reason, or 
 long established prejudice, there exist no indica 
 tions among us, to induce a belief that it will ever 
 be eradicated from the hearts of the white people 
 of the United States. 
 
 But, admitting it could, it is denied that such a 
 consummation would be desirable, not only for the 
 
64 SLAVERY. 
 
 reasons just presented, but on the ground of other 
 deep considerations. Such a mixture would at 
 once destroy the homogeneous character of the 
 people of the United States, on which is founded 
 our union, and from which results nearly all those 
 ties which constitute the cement of social life. A 
 mongrel race would arise, of all shades and col 
 ours, each claiming under the new order of things 
 equal social and civil rights, yet all enjoying real 
 substantial consideration in proportion to the white 
 ness of their skin, and the absence of those indeli 
 ble characteristics which mark the African race. 
 It could never become the climax of dignity to wear 
 the black skin. The law of the land might declare 
 it equal to the white, and confer on it equal social 
 and political rights ; but the law of nature, or what 
 is equivalent to it in this inquiry, the long habits, 
 and feelings, and thinking, and acting, which have 
 descended from generation to generation, and be 
 come a part of our being, would declare against it 
 with a force that nothing could resist. Instead of 
 two factions, we should have a dozen, arrayed 
 against each other on every occasion, animated, not 
 like the parties subsisting among us at present, by 
 certain known principles of action, which may be 
 said to ennoble such contests, but by petty malig 
 nant jealousies, arising from different shades of 
 
SLAVERY. 65 
 
 colour, different conformations of the nose or the 
 shin, each carrying with it a claim to more or less 
 consideration. Does not every truehearted Amer 
 ican shrink and scoff, at sharing, or rather surren 
 dering his rights to factions animated by such con 
 siderations, instead of his own lofty preferences or 
 dislikes, founded on the love of liberty and the fear 
 of despotism ? Let it also be borne in mind that 
 all these varieties of shades and colours would, by 
 a natural instinct, unite against the whites as the 
 highest grade, and thus, by outvoting, strip them of 
 their dominion, and place them at the foot of the 
 ladder of degradation. 
 
 The idea of educating the children of the free 
 white citizens of the United States to consider the 
 blacks their equals, is founded on a total ignorance 
 of nature, its affinities and antipathies. These 
 antipathies may be for a moment overcome or for 
 gotten in the madness of sensuality, but they return 
 again with the greater force from their temporary 
 suspension. White and black children never as 
 sociate together on terms of perfect equality, from 
 the moment the former begin to reason. There 
 exist physical incongruities which cannot be per 
 manently reconciled ; and let us add, that we have 
 aright to conclude, from all history and experience, 
 that there is an equal disparity of mental organi- 
 
 F2 
 
60 SLAVERY. 
 
 zation. The difference seems more than skiri- 
 deep. The experience of thousands of years 
 stands arrayed against the principle of equality be 
 tween the white men and the blacks. Thousands, 
 tens of thousands, of the former, in all ages 
 and nations, have triumphed over every barrier 
 of despotism and slavery; have overcome all 
 the obstacles of their situation, the deficiencies 
 of education, the prejudices of their age and coun 
 try, the sense of degradation, the laws, as it were, 
 of fate itself, and become lights of the age, leaders 
 of their race. Has the black man ever exhibited 
 similar energies, or achieved such triumphs in his 
 native land or anywhere else ? All that he has 
 ever done is to approach to the lowest scale of in 
 tellectual eminence ; and the world has demon 
 strated its settled opinion of his inferiority, by 
 pronouncing even this a wonder. Within the last 
 half century, the benefits of education, and the 
 means of acquiring property as well as respecta 
 bility, have been afforded to great numbers of 
 free blacks, and every means has been resorted 
 to for the purpose of instilling into them ideas of 
 equality. 
 
 And what has been the result, ninety-nine times 
 in a hundred ? Idleness, insolence, and profligacy. 
 Instead of striving to approach the sphere of the 
 white man by becoming expert in some trade or 
 
SLAVERY. 67 
 
 business some liberal pursuit or daring adven 
 ture his ambition is limited to aping his dress, 
 imitating his follies, caricaturing his manners. In 
 the city of New- York are upward of twenty thou 
 sand free blacks ; and the right of suffrage is given 
 by the constitution to all who possess a freehold 
 of one hundred dollars, if we do not mistake the 
 sum. Out of all these thousands, not more than a 
 hundred freeholders are found. What prevents 
 them from acquiring property ? They have pre 
 cisely the same incentives as the white man ; like 
 him they have wants to supply and families to 
 maintain ; they have civil rights like him to exer 
 cise their ambition ; and though they may not 
 sucessfully aspire to high offices of state, there is 
 no obstacle to their becoming of consequence 
 by acquiring an influence over their own colour, 
 which is assuredly a noble object of ambition. 
 
 There is nothing under heaven to prevent an 
 industrious, honest, prudent free negro from ac 
 quiring property here. On the contrary, there is 
 every disposition to encourage and foster his 
 efforts. He is looked upon as something remark 
 able ; an exception to his kind a minor miracle ; 
 and having once established a character, there is 
 a feeling of kindness, mingled with a sentiment of 
 pity, which operates highly in his favour. He 
 meets men of business at least on equal terms ; 
 
63 SLAVERY. 
 
 and though this may not be the case in his social 
 relations, still, the advantages he derives from his 
 integrity and talents, are such as in all ages have 
 been found sufficient to stimulate the white man to 
 the highest efforts of body and mind. Still less 
 has the negro, whether free or a slave, in his own 
 country or elsewhere, ever attained distinction in 
 intellectual acquirements, in arts, science, or lite 
 rature, although the means have been afforded in 
 thousands of instances. He has scarcely reached 
 the confines of mediocrity, and appears indifferent 
 to almost every acquirement except dancing and 
 music one, the favourite accomplishment of weak 
 and frivolous minds, the other, the divinity of worn" 
 out nations. Even in these they do not arrive at 
 originality, and have never been known to make 
 any improvement on others. It cannot be said that 
 they are depressed here by the consciousness that 
 all their efforts would fail in acquiring those re 
 wards that wait on genius. In the present state 
 of public feeling, there can be no doubt that a tol 
 erable African poet, novelist, artist, philosopher, or 
 musician, would meet with a patronage and excite 
 an admiration, beyond anything which a white 
 man of equal talents could hope to receive. 
 
 It may be urged, in reply to this, that the ne 
 groes labour under the consciousness of being 
 
SLAVERY. 69 
 
 looked upon as an inferior race, and that their genius 
 is repressed by the sense of degradation ; that 
 their minds are fettered, their intellects deadened 
 and paralyzed by a conviction that, do what they 
 will, they cannot overcome the disadvantages of 
 their peculiar state, or rise to the level of the white 
 man. But has not the latter, in every age and 
 nation, been some time or other fettered by simi 
 lar disadvantages ? The time has been when the 
 people of Europe were subjected to a state of 
 hereditary vassalage, carrying with it all the at 
 tributes of slavery. They possessed no prop 
 erty they enjoyed no political rights ; and the 
 distance between them and the feudal lords was 
 as broad, and apparently as impassable, as that 
 between the slave of the United States and his 
 master. The distinction of colour alone was want 
 ing to render the similitude complete. Yet the 
 mind of the white man, gradually, by mighty efforts, 
 and by a series of irresistible expansions, rose su 
 perior to all the disadvantages of his situation, and 
 achieved victory after victory over what seemed 
 invincible to human efforts. He never sunk to 
 the level of the negro ; his mind was not subjuga 
 ted ; he possessed within himself the principle of 
 regeneration, and to this day continues marching 
 steadily, resolutely, irresistibly forward to his des 
 tiny, which is to be free. 
 
70 SLAVERY. 
 
 The mind of the African, not only in his native 
 country, but through every change, and in all cir 
 cumstances, seems in a great degree divested of this 
 divine attribute of progressive improvement. In 
 his own country he has, for a long series of ages, 
 remained in the same state of barbarism. For 
 aught we can gather from history, the woolly- 
 headed race of Africans had the same opportuni 
 ties for improvement that have fallen to the lot 
 of the inhabitants of Asia and Europe. A portion 
 of them lived contiguous to the Mediterranean 
 that famous sea along whose shores was concen 
 trated the arts and literature of the world ; the 
 Carthaginians, rivals of Rome in war, in com 
 merce, and in civilization, long flourished on their 
 borders ; the Romans established provinces among 
 them ; and the Saracens, then the most polished 
 race of mankind, founded an empire at their 
 doors. Yet they have never awakened from 
 their long sleep of barbarism. They remained, 
 and still remain, savages and pagans, destitute 
 of the rudiments of civilization ; three-fourths of 
 them hereditary slaves, and the remainder subject 
 to the will of little arbitrary despots, whose tyran 
 ny is proportioned to the insignificance of their 
 dominions. Without the virtues of barbarians, 
 they possess the vices of a corrupted race ; an<J 
 
SLAVERY. 71 
 
 no one can peruse the travels of Mungo Park 
 without receiving the conviction that they are 
 a treacherous, inhospitable, and worthless breed. 
 Even at this moment the news has arrived, that 
 they have massacred a colony of their own colour, 
 established for the most benevolent purposes, on 
 their shores, and on a plan which, if ultimately 
 successful, may free millions of their race from 
 bondage, while it introduces, if any means are ade 
 quate to such a purpose, civilization and Christian 
 ity into the bosom of their country. 
 
 They seem, indeed, like their own native des 
 erts, to be incapable of cultivation, destitute of the 
 capacity of improvement. The dews that would 
 seem desirous to bless them produce no verdure ; 
 the rains only descend to sink into the barren insa 
 tiable soil, that gives back nothing in return. 
 The sun, which in happier climes warms into 
 maturity all the benificent products of nature, here 
 only scorches and consumes them ; the breezes 
 which are elsewhere the harbingers of health and 
 pleasure, of coolness and refreshment, here come 
 freighted with disease and death ; the rivers, along 
 whose borders alone man can exist, and only the 
 black man, while they diffuse fertility, send forth 
 exhalations fatal to all others ; and the white 
 traveller or missionary that comes hither to teach 
 
72 SLAVERY. 
 
 them the true religion, falls a martyr to his pur 
 pose. It may be said, indeed, with emphatic 
 truth, that Africa is the region of desert sterility, 
 of savage beasts and savage men, that cannot com 
 pare with the white race of Europe, or their de 
 scendants in the New World, who, under every dis 
 advantage of situation, have attained to an elevated 
 superiority which they now seem anxious to sac 
 rifice in the desperate hope, that instead of sinking 
 to the dead level of the African, they will be able 
 to lift him to their own. Admitting, however, the 
 theory, that the inferiority of the negro in the 
 United States, and every other country in which he 
 has been held in bondage, may be traced to that 
 gradual debasement which is the natural result of 
 successive generations of slavery, and that an 
 equal succession of generations of freemen will 
 bring them up to the level of equality with our 
 selves, it seems somewhat unreasonable to call upon 
 the South to pay the penalty, and bear all the con 
 sequences of the experiment. 
 
 The freemen of the United States have been 
 stigmatized as aristocrats,* because they refuse to 
 become accomplices in this conspiracy against 
 themselves. If they are really aristocrats, it is 
 
 * See Mr. O Connell s rhapsodies. 
 
SLAVERY. 73 
 
 certainly on a noble and elevated scale. They 
 support the great and universal aristocracy of 
 mind. They maintain the superiority, not of 
 birth, title, or usurpation, but of intellect and civil 
 ization. In short, they remain true to their alle 
 giance to the dignity of their nature, and reject 
 with an honourable disdain the loathsome idea 
 of sacrificing the natural aristocracy of virtue 
 and talent for the purpose of voluntarily degrading 
 their very being by an inferior mixture. They 
 never will consent to become traitors to themselves 
 and their peculiar species. They cannot be per 
 suaded or bullied into such an abandonment of 
 their superiority ; nor will all the power of the 
 British press, backed by British emissaries, and 
 the burly declamations of Mr. OConnell, convince 
 them that the law of God, or the law of nature, ex 
 acts the sacrifice of their birthright, which is 
 nothing less than the noble distinction which na 
 ture has bestowed on the great aristocracy of the 
 white man. This is the aristocracy to which they 
 aspire, founded on the only legitimate basis of 
 courage, intellect, vigour, enterprise, and perseve 
 rance. They will never prostitute that inheritance 
 at the shrine of an abstract principle, nor be 
 frightened from their dominion by fanatics, at home 
 
74 SLAVERY. 
 
 or abroad. The project of amalgamation is hope 
 less and impracticable. 
 
 It remains then to inquire into the precise rela 
 tions which alone can subsist between equal, or 
 nearly equal numbers of white and black men, liv 
 ing together ; the one possessing all the property, 
 as well as all the political power, the other, of 
 course, destitute of both ; or on the other hand 
 without property, yet admitted to all the rights of 
 citizens. 
 
 In thus dissenting from the doctrine of entire 
 equality between the white and black races of 
 men, it is far from our design to insinuate that the 
 latter are not justly entitled to a full participation in 
 whatever offices of benevolence may conduce to 
 their welfare and happiness. The lower they may 
 be in the scale of rational beings, the more they 
 are entitled to our sympathies in their behalf. But 
 it seems to us that these sympathies might be dis 
 played to better purpose, in doing all we can to 
 make them happy in their present state, than in 
 desperate efforts to elevate them to another for 
 which all past experience shows them to be greatly 
 disqualified. 
 
 In making them believe themselves unhappy, we 
 confer no benefit, unless we at the same time 
 afford them the means of happiness. In giving 
 
SLAVERY. 75 
 
 them knowledge, we tempt them to that forbidden 
 fruit, the taste of which banished our first parents 
 from peace and content ; for nothing is more cer 
 tain than that knowledge, which disqualifies 
 us for the enjoyment of the means of happi 
 ness we possess, without enabling us to obtain 
 those we desire, is but a type of the gift of 
 Satan in the garden of Eden. It is only when we 
 possess a right to the exercise and enjoyment of 
 every acquisition, that its attainment is at all desi 
 rable or salutary. A clear perception of the bless 
 ings of liberty, without the prospect of ever at 
 taining to them, is equivalent to the tortures of 
 Tantalus. To be chained to a rock, and hear the 
 waters gurgling at our foot, to touch yet not be 
 able to taste, adds tenfold to the miseries of thirst. 
 To dream of freedom every night and awake every 
 morning a slave, is to aggravate our impatience of 
 all restraint ; and never did inspiration give utter 
 ance to a U f uer axiom, than did the poet when he 
 said 
 
 " Where ignorance is bliss, tis folly to be wise." 
 
 One thing, however, is practicable, and will do 
 more to pluck the sting from the heart of the slave 
 than all the wild schemes of fanatical reformers. 
 It is to treat them with a patriarchal kindness, 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 "forbearing threatening," as the greatest of the 
 apostles enjoins ; making due allowances for their 
 ignorance, and for the peculiarity of their tempers 
 and disposition ; giving them such food, raiment, 
 and lodging, as their habits and necessities require ; 
 permitting them the free enjoyment of their holy- 
 days, and their hours of rest and relaxation ; inter 
 changing with them all those kind offices not 
 incompatible with the relations that subsist between 
 the master and slave ; exacting from them nothing 
 but a fair return for protection and maintenance ; 
 and taking special care that the sick, the children, 
 and the aged who are past labour, are provided 
 with everything essential to their comfort. 
 
 That such is the treatment, except in a few rare 
 instances, of the slaves of the South, all who have 
 resided in that quarter will bear testimony, if they 
 speak the truth. Slavery is becoming gradually 
 divested of all its harsh features, and is now only 
 the bugbear of imagination. If the masters are 
 not deterred from further concessions by the un 
 warrantable interference of the abolitionists, the 
 period will soon come, if it has not already come, 
 when the slave of the South will have little cause 
 to envy the situation of the other labouring classes 
 of the world. They will have nothing to desire 
 but what is equally the object of pursuit to all man- 
 
SLAVERY. 77 
 
 kind, namely, some fancied good beyond their 
 reach, or which, if attained, either detracts from 
 their happiness, or leaves them just where they 
 were before. 
 
 It may possibly be objected to us, that these and 
 similar sentiments scattered through this work, 
 savour of optimism, and consequently tend to dis 
 courage all efforts in behalf of public or individual 
 happiness. But if fairly scrutinized, such will not 
 be found to be the case ; for, though all mankind 
 were optimists in theory, still there would be none 
 in practice. Our abstract opinions have little, if 
 any influence over our conduct. We are impelled 
 to action by our wants or our passions, not by our 
 metaphysical refinements ; and the stoutest believer 
 in the equal, unalterable happiness of all mankind, 
 will not the less ardently labour to increase his 
 own. 
 
78 SLAVERV. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the Social and Political Relations that would 
 subsist between the Whites and the Blacks, in 
 case of the Emancipation of the latter. 
 
 IT will be sufficiently explicit, without resorting 
 to minute calculations, to state that taking -the 
 aggregate population of the states in which slavery 
 prevails, the number of blacks is not greatly inferior 
 to that of the whites. The former are not equally 
 distributed. In some places, they greatly prepon 
 derate ; in others, they are outnumbered by the 
 latter. The former is the case all along the sea 
 board of the southern states, and it is believed in 
 Louisiana and Mississippi ; the latter, in the in 
 terior and mountainous parts, where the climate 
 permits the labour of white men. Suppose all the 
 slaves spontaneously set free at once, or by degrees, 
 and at the same time admitted to a participation of 
 the social and political rights of free citizens. 
 What may rational reflecting men anticipate as the 
 result ? 
 
SLAVERY. 79 
 
 Separated as are the two races by impassable 
 barriers; carrying in their very faces the badge 
 of that separation, and animated as they must 
 necessarily be by conflicting interests, there can 
 be no doubt that the first struggle would be for 
 ascendency in political power, and that it would 
 be one of far greater excitement than the ordinary 
 contests of parties in the United States. The 
 master with all his ancient prejudices, if you 
 please, all his accustomed ideas and habits of 
 superiority, would be obliged to enter into a 
 struggle for power with his quondam slave ; 
 the latter, flushed with all the insolence of 
 newly acquired freedom, and glowing not only 
 with the recollections of the past, but the hopes 
 of the future. Would such a contest be a peace 
 able one ? Would it approximate to our ordinary 
 elections, in which the struggle is between two 
 parties recognising in each other equals and asso 
 ciates, while here it will be whether the master 
 shall be governed by his former slave ? Impossi 
 ble. Elections would become battles ; and blood, 
 not ballots, would decide the mastery. The body 
 politic would be rent asunder by eternal and in 
 veterate struggles ; civil strife would ensue, and a 
 deadly war of extermination be the end of this 
 woful experiment of philanthropy, where the num- 
 
80 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 bers of the two races were any way equal. Where 
 the blacks outnumbered the whites, the latter would 
 pass under the yoke of the negro, and become the 
 victims of a legislation of ignorant slaves, un 
 acquainted with every principle of civil liberty or 
 the rights of property, and prepared by the doc 
 trines of the abolitionists to believe that it would 
 be in accordance with the law of God and the 
 rights of nature to claim an equal share of the 
 wealth of the United States. The white race 
 would either become victims or exiles, for it is im 
 possible to conceive they could live under a gov 
 ernment so constituted. 
 
 Let us now inquire what would be the social 
 relations between the white and the black races, 
 in the event of universal emancipation. No one 
 acquainted with the circumstances under which 
 this must take place, can for a single instant be 
 lieve the latter would be admitted to an equal 
 ity of social intercourse with the families of their 
 former masters, though they might among them 
 selves enjoy all these privileges, and ape them 
 in their modes of living, so far as their means might 
 permit. This, however, would not satisfy them, for 
 it is one of the invariable characteristics of human 
 nature to aspire to an association with those we 
 have always been accustomed to consider our su- 
 
SLAVERY. 81 
 
 periors. This universal foible belongs to all 
 classes and colours, yet is strongest in the two ex 
 tremes of life, which here, as in everything else, 
 approach each other. No class of mankind, 
 with the exception of our negroes, aspires with 
 such vehement loyalty to an intimacy, or even a 
 mere speaking acquaintance with those above them 
 as the aristocracy of Europe. To be admitted 
 to the social circle of the king is an honour for 
 which they will sacrifice both personal dignity 
 and independence. They will, therefore, easily 
 comprehend the anxiety of the slave to be ad 
 mitted to the social fireside of his master, and 
 with what bitter feelings of mortification he will 
 meet a repulse, now when he has been ennobled, 
 as it were, by emancipation. 
 
 The blacks, though enjoying equal political 
 rights, would be for ever excluded from all social 
 equality, and that in a much greater degree than 
 the distinction of ranks now occasions in Europe. 
 This, without doubt, would prove a fruitful source 
 of gnawing irritation and jealous malignity, far 
 more venomous than the feeling with which the 
 starving Irish pauper contemplates the splendid 
 nobleman rioting in luxury, because the pauper 
 sighs only for bread, not equality; whereas the 
 emancipated negro receives at the same time the 
 
82 SLAVERY. 
 
 boon of equal rights and an equal voice in the 
 state. Yet we see the fruits of such a feeling in 
 the dark chronicles of desperate insurrections, 
 midnight violence, and murders, on one hand ; 
 military law, drumhead court martials, and piti 
 less executions on the other. Even Mr. O Connell, 
 it would seem, might find in the situation of his 
 own native land sufficient to monopolize all his 
 sympathies, and refrain, as well from condescend 
 ing to the profound humility of accepting the 
 charity of a people who, according to his own 
 account, are themselves objects of charity, as 
 from the deep ingratitude of denouncing a country 
 which is now, and long has been, the sole refuge 
 of his countrymen from starvation. 
 
 From every consideration of the subject, it will 
 appear to the last degree improbable, if not abso 
 lutely impossible, that an equal, or nearly equal 
 number of whites and free blacks, enjoying the 
 same political rights, could live in peace and har 
 mony together. They could never be equal in 
 other respects ; and nothing but the complete sub 
 jugation of one could prevent eternal strife. They 
 would form distinct irreconcilable factions, inflex 
 ible in their opposition, and the state be convulsed 
 with endless conflicts. Without property, yet with 
 equal rights and superior numbers, the blacks would 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 wrest from their ancient masters the power of the 
 state, and beyond doubt exercise it for the purpose 
 of oppressing them. Without any rational ideas of 
 government, they would aspire to govern. With 
 out those habits and that experience, which are 
 always indispensable to self-government, they 
 would endeavour to modify the state to suit their 
 own wayward purposes ; and without any other 
 religion than fanaticism, the piety of ignorance, 
 they would become the dictators of the public 
 faith. Their ascendency would be a despotism 
 over white men, and the fabric of civilization and 
 liberty, which consumed ages in its construction, 
 would be demolished in a few years by the relent 
 less fury of ignorant barbarians. A new Africa 
 would spring up in the place of free and enlight 
 ened states, and the race of the white men be 
 either forced to abandon their homes, or to level 
 themselves with the degradation around. Is this a 
 consummation for philanthropy, religion, or phi 
 losophy to triumph at, or for rational, enlightened 
 men to contemplate with glowing anticipations ? 
 Does an assertion of the law of God and the rights 
 of nature lead to such consequences ? and are 
 these the ordinary fruits of good actions? It 
 is blasphemy to maintain such fatal dogmas. 
 They are the box of Pandona ; the gift of false 
 
84 SLAVERY. 
 
 gods, stuffed with malignant evils, which to open 
 is the signal for misery to mankind. 
 
 Let us now proceed to a summary view of the 
 social and political relations which would naturally 
 subsist between the whites and the blacks, in the 
 event of the slaves being emancipated without a 
 participation in civil rights, by which is here meant 
 a voice in the government. 
 
 With the ideas and feelings which must inevit 
 ably result from the new station they occupied, it 
 would be utterly impossible to keep them in sub 
 jection to the laws, or to restrain them within the 
 limits of their social duties, except by force. With 
 them freedom is but another name for licentious 
 ness and idleness. Disorganization, hunger, and 
 distress of every kind, with their natural progeny 
 of crimes, would take place of the virtues of con 
 tentment and obedience, and for protection and 
 maintenance they would exchange stripes and jails. 
 It is impossible to believe that a starving rabble, 
 equal, or superior in numbers to the sober and com 
 fortable citizens, can subsist in a community, under 
 these circumstances, without convulsing or over 
 turning it, unless kept in subjection by a military 
 power. It would be thus with this vast body of 
 emancipated slaves. They would never be con 
 tent with the bare boon of a release from bondage. 
 
SLAVERY. 85 
 
 It is not in human nature to starve, where the 
 means of preventing it are at hand ; nor is it within 
 the limits of possibility, that this rabble of newly 
 created freemen could endure the plenty of the 
 white man, or that they would not at once make 
 use of their numbers, by attempting to wrest from 
 him a part, if not the whole, of his property. As 
 little is it to be presumed that the whites would not 
 resist this invasion of their rights ; and thus would 
 be engendered the seeds of a civil, carrying with 
 it all the attributes of a servile war,/which could 
 only end in the subjection, exile, or extermination 
 of one or other of the parties. 
 
 Thus the freeing of the blacks, without admitting 
 them to a share of political rights, the consequences 
 of which have already been presented, would, in 
 all human probability, produce the most disastrous 
 dissentions between the master and slave. It 
 would introduce into the states where this proce 
 dure was adopted, a condition of society, which 
 could not by any possibility long continue, for it 
 carries in its bosom the seeds of its own dissolu 
 tion, in the bitter and malignant feelings with which 
 a majority of those composing it would contemplate 
 its existence. Either the whites must compel 
 obedience to those laws which the majority of the 
 inhabitants had no voice in making, or there would 
 H 
 
86 SLAVERY. 
 
 necessarily result a phenomenon in civil society, 
 namely, a government to which more than one half 
 the people refused obedience. This is an absurd 
 ity which would only merit ridicule and contempt, 
 were it not for its deplorable consequences. 
 
 Various other obstacles present themselves to 
 the immediate emancipation of the slaves of the 
 United States, but the apprehension of being te 
 dious prevents their enumeration here. Enough? 
 it is believed, has been adduced to prove to all ra 
 tional and impartial readers, that such a measure 
 would be ecaially fatal to the master and the slave. 
 It cannot, therefore, recommend itself by any con 
 sideration of justice, expediency, or humanity ; it 
 cannot plead in its behalf the general law of God, 
 which is the auxiliary, if not the source, of all 
 human happiness ; nor does it come within the 
 definition of a good action, because it will not in 
 crease the enjoyments of those on whom its imme 
 diate influence operates. 
 
 One other alternative has been presented. It is 
 suggested that the emancipated slaves would find 
 their way to the North. But how are they to get 
 here ? Who is to support them by the way ? or 
 are they to travel like clouds of locusts, laying 
 waste, and devouring the fruits of the earth? 
 What is to become of their bedrid parents, and 
 
SLAVERY. 87 
 
 helpless children ? Such numbers could not work 
 tneir way for hundreds of miles, and such an army 
 of paupers would exhaust the charity of the abo 
 litionists themselves. But admitting they arrived 
 safe here, and admitting, what all experience con 
 tradicts, that these free blacks were willing to 
 work, where are they to procure employment, 
 without displacing an equal number of Mr. O Con- 
 nell s countrymen, who would become a burden 
 instead of a benefit to society ? No ; these wretched 
 wanderers would perish by thousands in their pil 
 grimage to the new land of promise ; and those 
 who survived, be dependant, no one can tell how 
 long, on public munificence or private charity. 
 Thus, whichever way we cast our eyes, in whatever 
 light the subject of abolition is viewed, the result 
 is equally discouraging. It cannot be accom 
 plished without adding to the miseries of all con 
 cerned, and therefore does not come under the des 
 cription of a good action, which, as denned by moral 
 writers, must increase the happiness of those within 
 the sphere of its influence. 
 
 Since this chapter was written, few of our read 
 ers can be ignorant that the subject of abolishing 
 slavery in the District of Columbia has been 
 brought before Congress by the presentation of 
 petitions from the little town of Wrentham and 
 other parts of New-England. In the course of a 
 
88 
 
 SLA. VERY. 
 
 debate which sufficiently exemplified the danger 
 of perpetually agitating this subject, a plan of abo"- 
 lition was indicated by an honourable member 
 from Vermont, who, it would seem, is equally pre 
 pared to enfranchise the slaves, and disfranchise 
 the freemasons. Indeed, as has already been 
 observed, the most distinguishing characteristic of 
 almost all the champions of the blacks, is an 
 utter disregard to the rights of the white men. 
 
 The plan of the honourable member, so far as 
 it was developed, appears to be pretty much the 
 same in all its features with that now in a state of 
 probation in the British colonies. It seems we 
 are never to be emancipated from the thraldom 
 of British example. It is enough for many of our 
 enlightened statesmen and philanthropists, that 
 England does anything whatever, to induce them 
 to follow the lead ; and we appear determined to 
 make all the amends in our power for having once 
 had the hardihood to assert our independence, by 
 surrendering it as soon as possible. Because 
 England has thought proper to practise a philan 
 thropic experiment at the expense of her colonies, 
 we, forsooth, must attempt the same game, with 
 out stopping to inquire whether the circumstances 
 are not altogether different, or waiting the result 
 of the trial. We must tie ourselves to the apron- 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 string of our old lady-mother, and never pretend 
 to look at ourselves except through her spec 
 tacles. That we have derived great benefits from 
 early English examples cannot be denied ; and 
 that England stiU presents very many things 
 worthy of our imitation is equally certain. But 
 the habit may be carried to the extreme of servility. 
 There is one characteristic, however, which we 
 would do well to copy, namely, that high national 
 feeling which has been and still is the main source 
 of her greatness. 
 
 The project of the member from Vermont, at 
 least so we understand it, contemplates educating 
 the slaves, preparatory to, or simultaneously with 
 their manumission. When so educated, it is 
 presumed they are to enter on the enjoyment of all 
 the rights of citizens, and have an equal voice in 
 the government. We would beg permission to 
 ask the honourable member, if he believes that 
 the mere education of slaves will qualify them 
 for the enjoyments and responsibilities of free 
 citizens ? Whether it never occurred to him, that 
 the habit of self-government ; of managing our 
 own affairs ; providing for our own, and the neces 
 sities of our families ; exercising our opinions ; con 
 sulting our judgments, and regulating our inter- 
 H2 
 
90 SLAVERY. 
 
 course with society, are not indispensable requi 
 sites to the fulfilment of our duties and the enjoy 
 ment of our rights as freemen ? Does he believe 
 all, or any of these can be learned from books, or 
 imbibed with the lessons of the schoolmaster? If 
 he does, he can have had but little experience of 
 the world, or else belongs to that class of men 
 whom experience only confirms in error. 
 
 To teach the slave the .abstract principles of 
 freedom, without the necessary commentary of 
 their practical exercise, would be to make him a 
 libertine in morals and an anarchist in politics. 
 He would become ungovernable except by the re 
 straints of force, and would thus be brought back 
 to a state worse than his original one, because he 
 would be the slave of a system of severe coercion, 
 without any of the advantages of a state of depend- 
 ance. The experiment has been tried thousands 
 of times in the United States, and the result is 
 much the same. It has converted a useful slave 
 into a worthless citizen. It is only in the school 
 of practice that men become qualified for freedom, 
 and it takes several generations to make freemen. 
 We cannot learn it as we do a trade. 
 
 Until the honourable member from Vermont de 
 velops the minutiae of his project, we cannot, of 
 course, subject it to the test of further examination 
 
SLAVERY. 91 
 
 Who is to be at the expense of educating the 
 blacks for the enjoyment of liberty, find by what 
 system of discipline they are to be initiatecT into 
 the habits of freemen, is yet a mystery. All we 
 know is, that hitherto such attempts have signally 
 failed ; and it is believed that the view we have 
 taken of the consequences which seem the inevit 
 able result of an association of equal numbers of 
 whites and blacks, with the single exception of 
 the state of slavery, sufficiently indicates that the 
 success of such a plan would add nothing to the 
 triumphs of philanthropy. 
 
 Doctor Madden, a distinguished traveller, and 
 one whose opportunities of observation in various 
 parts of the world have been superior to most men, 
 has lately published a work, entitled " A Twelve 
 month s Residence in the West Indies, during the 
 transition from Slavery to Apprenticeship,"* which 
 is recommended to the serious attention of all who 
 feel a sincere interest in the subject, and are actu 
 ated by no other desire than that of increasing the 
 sum of human happiness. 
 
 Dr. Madden gives no decided opinion on the 
 
 * See an excellent article on this and other publications on 
 the subject, in the American Quarterly Review for December, 
 1835. 
 
92 SLAVERY. 
 
 subject ; but it is evident that the experiment of 
 emancipation is about to fail in all its salutary 
 consequences. The products of the West India 
 islands are rapidly decreasing, and the number of 
 whites still more rapidly. It is daily becoming 
 more evident that they will find it impossible to 
 remain, when the blacks are admitted into a full 
 community of rights ; and the period is probably 
 not far distant, when St. Domingo will not be 
 the only example of the blessings of emanci 
 pation. The whites will be exiled, and these 
 fruitful isles become the paradise of idleness, 
 ignorance, and barbarism. This is probably what 
 the royal and aristocratic abolitionists of Europe 
 desire, since it is only in such a state of things 
 becoming universal, that they can hope to retain 
 their monopoly of wealth, power, and privileges. 
 They can no longer domineer over civilized white 
 men. 
 
 The honourable member from Vermont, in the 
 course of his development, incautiously, we think, 
 disclosed a secret, which may in some measure 
 account for much of the hostility of our philan 
 thropists to the institution of slavery. One of 
 its most crying sins, according to the honour 
 able member, is that of adding to the political 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 weight of the republican party, by a partial repre 
 sentation of slaves in the House of Representa 
 tives. This reminds us that the same confession 
 was made in the final stage of the discussion on 
 the famous Missouri question, by the leaders of 
 the same party, in both houses of Congress, when 
 it was supposed the opponents of the admission of 
 that state into the Union had secured a decided 
 majority. It was then distinctly admitted, nay 
 avowed, that " IT WAS A QUESTION NOT OF HUMAN 
 ITY BUT OF POWER." It was a stepping stone to 
 the elevation of a party then, as now, in a mi 
 nority ; and then, as now, assuming the mask of 
 philanthropy. This bold avowal of hypocrisy was 
 fatal to their whole scheme of policy. There was, 
 at that time, as there assuredly is at present, a 
 number of members who acted upon principles of 
 humanity and justice, and rejected with scorn the 
 idea of being made the tools of ambitious politi 
 cians. They did what it is to be hoped they 
 will do now, decline to become the cats-paws of 
 a cabal, which, whether as antimasonic, antimail, 
 or antislavery, is equally the enemy of liberty ; 
 equally the foe of religion and morality, in making 
 one the cloak of political ambition, the other au 
 excuse for interfering with the long acknowledged 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 rights of free citizens. The most dangerous pol 
 iticians are those who seek an alliance with fa 
 naticism, and thus intrude into our political system, 
 a principle which affects to be independent of the 
 laws and the constitution. 
 
SLAVERY. 95 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the Right of Property in Slaves. 
 
 tl Man cannot hold property in man" is another 4 
 self-created, self-supported dogma of the advocates 
 of immediate emancipation. The unjust posses 
 sion of property, must be derived from its acquisi 
 tion being contrary to the declared will of the 
 Supreme Being, the inalienable rights of nature, or 
 the laws of the land. The first two points having 
 been involved in the preceding discussion, it is 
 only necessary to consider the last. 
 
 Two great principles have been so universally 
 recognised and acted upon, by all civilized nations, 
 living under a government of laws, that they may 
 now be considered as established beyond question. 
 The first is, that the right to property is founded on 
 possession guarantied by the law; the second, that 
 after a certain period, this right is not invalidated by 
 the manner in which that possession was acquired. 
 Nine tenths, if not the whole of the property of the 
 world is founded, not on purchase, but conquest. If 
 
96 SLAVERY. 
 
 we go back to the earliest periods of history, we 
 shall find that the then inhabitants of every country 
 always referred to some distant period, in which it 
 was possessed by a different people, who were 
 either extirpated or driven away by the valour of 
 their ancestors. Among barbarians, and afterwards 
 when the feudal system prevailed in Europe, con 
 quest was equivalent to an almost total change of 
 property. The nobles, then the sole possessors of 
 the land, were despoiled, and the conqueror became 
 the possessor. Three times at least, has a great 
 portion of the property of England changed hands 
 by conquest ; and at this moment it is held by the 
 tenure of rapine alone. The holders can only go 
 back to the time of William the Norman for a title 
 to their possessions. It is needless to multiply 
 examples of what is in fact the history of all na 
 tions, except our own, which has never yet been, 
 and we trust in God never will be, conquered. Our 
 history will only be referred to for the purpose 
 of illustrating the position above assumed. The 
 United States were once the property of the Indian 
 tribes, and though a considerable portion was fairly 
 purchased, by far the largest was obtained by con 
 quest alone 
 
 However defective such a title may be origi 
 nally, it acquires force and authority by the lapse 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 of time, and the absolute necessity of putting some 
 limit to the period in which a peaceable possession 
 of property implies an unimpeachable right. If, 
 from a feeling of compunction, some nice scruple 
 of conscience, or in accordance with some new 
 standard of moral and religious obligation estab 
 lished by fanatical expounders, it should be deter 
 mined by the present possessors of the lands par 
 celled out by William the Conqueror, to restore 
 them to the descendants of the ancient Saxons 
 or, to go still farther, the ancient Romans ; or, still 
 beyond, to the ancient Britons, who once possessed 
 the country where shall they find the real heirs, 
 and how will these establish a direct descent from 
 the rightful proprietors ? Or should the good peo 
 ple of the United States be smitten with a com 
 punctious feeling, and desire to give back to the 
 Indian tribes, who once roamed and hunted over 
 them, those territories now smiling in cultivation, 
 where will they find their descendants ? And if they 
 did, what would those savages do with these culti 
 vated fields, now stripped of their interminable 
 forests, and of the game which once abounded in 
 them ? They would perish under this act of sub 
 lime retribution ; and the present occupants would 
 voluntarily incur exile and poverty, without the 
 
98 SLAVERY, 
 
 consolation of being rewarded for their sacrifices, 
 by the refreshing spectacle of savage happiness. 
 
 Whatever, therefore, may be the original found 
 ation of a right, there arises, from the very nature 
 of things, a necessity, that after a certain period 
 of quiet possession, under a special or general law 
 of the land, it should be for ever after unassailable, 
 on any defect of title. The period is not uniform 
 in all civilized nations ; but wherever a written 
 system of laws exists, some statute of limitation 
 cuts off the source of eternal and vexatious claims, 
 which might otherwise be brought forward, when 
 time, and its various accidents, will naturally have 
 rendered it difficult if not impossible to rebut them. 
 Such a law is necessary to the security and value 
 of property, and such a law is in force in every 
 state of this Union. Under this law the right to 
 property, of which possession has been had the 
 requisite number of years, is secured ever after. 
 The real foundation of the right, of property is 
 therefore the law of the land, and not any abstract 
 principle of religion or morality. 
 
 And this law of the land, being based on the 
 principle that it supercedes the law of force, and 
 guaranties the peaceable possession of property 
 after the expiration of a certain time, is consonant 
 so far as human laws can be, to the laws of the 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 99 
 
 Supreme Being. It may occasionally present in 
 stances of injustice, and sanction graybeard frauds ; 
 yet still it is founded on a salutary general princi 
 ple, which, beyond doubt, practically conduces to 
 the happiness of mankind, and is therefore sus 
 tained by the extent of its benefits compared with 
 the evils it may produce. This is all that can be 
 expected from human laws ; and were more to be 
 required, it could not be obtained until perfection 
 becomes an attribute of the works of man. By 
 placing the sanction of right on the ground of pos 
 session, the law does not intend to justify any per 
 son in retaining a property acquired by fraud, and 
 which the inheritor knows was thus acquired. 
 The moral obligation remains the same ; but after 
 the expiration of the prescribed period, the fraudu 
 lent possessor must be left to his own conscience 
 and the justice of Heaven. 
 
 If we examine the right of the master to the 
 property of the slave, as it exists in the South, we 
 shall find it, equally with the right to any other 
 species of property, based on the law of the land, 
 as it has existed for more than two hundred years, 
 with no variation in principle. In addition to this, 
 the constitution of the United States, which is the 
 paramount law, although with a sort of squeamish- 
 ness savouring of affectation it forbears all mention 
 
100 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 of slaves, is known to have had a direct reference 
 to them in the following provisions : 
 
 " Representatives and direct taxes shall be ap 
 portioned among the states which may be included 
 within this Union, according to their respective 
 numbers, which shall be determined by adding to 
 the whole number of free persons, including those 
 bound to service for a term of years, and excluding 
 Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. 
 
 " The migration or importation of such persons 
 as any of the states now existing shall think proper 
 to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress, prior 
 to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; 
 but a tax may be imposed on such importation not 
 exceeding ten dollars for each person. 
 
 " No person held to service or labour in one 
 state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
 shall, in consequence of any law or regulation 
 therein, be discharged from such service or labour ; 
 but shall be delivered upon the claim of the party 
 to whom such labour or service may be due." 
 
 These three articles, as we before observed, are 
 known to have had a direct reference to slaves, and 
 indeed can apply to no others. The first distinctly 
 recognises the right to the property in slaves, by 
 
SLAVERY. 101 
 
 making it the basis of taxation and representation. 
 The second sustains the right, by admitting the mi 
 gration or importation of slaves until a certain spe 
 cified period ; and the third protects it, by enabling 
 the master to reclaim his slave in any state where 
 he may take refuge. These distinct provisions 
 constitute a guarantee, more complete as well as 
 specific, than was thought necessary to any other 
 species of property ; and it was given to protect 
 the South against a newborn spirit of philanthropy 
 which menaced their rights. No historical fact is 
 better known or more completely established, than 
 that the southern states would not have acceded to 
 the Union, under the new constitution, without this 
 security to their possessions. It constituted the 
 condition of their acquiescence, and its infraction 
 will be a virtual dissolution of the confederacy, be 
 cause it violates a provision without which it never 
 would have existed. The general government and 
 the sister states, therefore, owe it to their own 
 obligations as well as their own honour, not only 
 to refrain from tampering with these rights, but to 
 secure the southern states in their possession, by 
 every means not forbidden by the instrument which 
 guaranties them. Those, the sole basis of whose 
 proceedings is laid in a violation of the constitu- 
 12 
 
102 SLAVERY. 
 
 tion and laws, have no right to complain should 
 they receive the benefit of their own latitudinarian 
 principles, and be punished for those wholesale 
 libels, which, if uttered against individuals, would 
 subject them to the severest penalties. 
 
 The local laws of the states in which slavery 
 prevails, are still more specific in recognising slaves 
 as property, as may be seen in the abstract of the 
 statutes of Virginia, which will be given hereafter. 
 With these, however, we of the other states have 
 nothing to do, nor do we possess aright to interfere 
 with them, any more than with the distinction of 
 castes among the Hindoos, or the slavery of the 
 boors of Russia. If they are repugnant to our 
 feelings, so are these. The lower castes among 
 the Hindoos are condemned to a state to which 
 that of the slaves of the United States is a para 
 dise. They are the slaves of the higher castes, 
 without any of the benefits of slavery which will 
 be hereafter stated ; and they are condemned to an 
 hereditary degradation, lower, by a thousand de 
 grees, than that of any negro that ever existed 
 among us. Why does not England exert its power 
 over the destinies of Hindostan, to remedy these 
 crying outrages on the principles of universal phi 
 lanthropy, instead of sending missionaries among 
 
SLAVERY. 103 
 
 us to preach sedition, and advocate the cutting of 
 throats, besides employing the whole force of her 
 press to sow the seeds of contention among us 1 
 It is not our cue, however, to turn Quixotes in 
 philanthropy, or to go about freeing banditti from 
 chains and lions from cages. It is not our interest, 
 to inundate that vast region with pictures calcu 
 lated to excite insurrection and murder, reinforced 
 by reviews, sermons, tracts, and resolutions, dis 
 tinctly and vehemently exhorting them to indis 
 criminate massacre. We have as good a right, and 
 the duty to do this is equally imperative, with that 
 of striving all in our power to inflict a servile war 
 on our brethren of the South, for whose civil insti 
 tutions we are no more responsible than for those 
 of India or Russia. Nay, the project would be far 
 more judicious, since the liberation of the Russian 
 white slave would naturally lead to at least a grad 
 ual regeneration and amalgamation ; for there are 
 none of those natural and invincible barriers, no 
 contrast of colour, or odours, or hair, or physical 
 conformation, or mental organization, to create an 
 incompatibility between the different orders of peo 
 ple. The emancipation of the peasantry and 
 labouring classes of Europe, by which is meant 
 placing them on a level with the aristocracy in re 
 gard to civil rights, might therefore rationally be 
 
104 SLAVERY. 
 
 desired as the prelude to a salutary equality ; where 
 as that of the slaves of the United States, if our 
 former reasonings are well founded, would be the 
 forerunner of the destruction of rational liberty, and 
 the introduction of barbarism. 
 
 We of the North possess no right, as members 
 of the confederation, much less are we under any 
 obligation, to interfere with the relations of master 
 and slave in the South. We have no obligation to 
 pursue a course which cannot fail of producing the 
 most disastrous consequences to our political union, 
 as well as to the master and slave. We have no 
 obligation to do evil that good may ensue. We 
 have no obligation to deprive, or take indirect 
 means of depriving, a large portion of our fellow- 
 citizens of their property, or to render its posses 
 sion a curse instead of a blessing, on the ground 
 of an abstract principle, sustained neither by rea 
 son nor religion. We have no obligation to sacrifice 
 our white brethren and their families on the altai 
 of an experiment which all past experience repu 
 diates as fallacious ; nor have we any obligation 
 to sport with human rights, legally and constitu 
 tionally secured, in affecting to redress human 
 wrongs. 
 
 The petitions for the abolition of slavery, every 
 year presented to Congress, signed by people who 
 
SLAVERY. 105 
 
 neither see nor feel its consequences, whatever they 
 may be, we consider an abuse of a constitutional 
 right. The civil institutions of a state, so long as 
 they are not repugnant to the fundamental principles 
 of the general government, as declared in the consti 
 tution, are beyond the reach of the other states, who 
 possess no right whatever to interfere with them. 
 The same with the District of Columbia, where con 
 gress can no more legislate in the teeth of that con 
 stitution, than in any one of the states. It has no 
 more right to vote away the property in slaves than 
 any other property, and the attempt would be a gross 
 violation of the rights of the citizens, even though 
 a majority of them should assent to the measure ; 
 for a majority has no power over the rights of 
 property, nor can it sanction their violation. The 
 whole power of the state cannot take away any 
 portion of private property without paying for it, 
 even should it be absolutely required for the public 
 good. It may tax us, in common with all other 
 citizens, but that is the extent of its prerogative. 
 But to return to the subject of petitions. That 
 which does not either immediately or remotely 
 affect our rights, our interests, our prosperity, or 
 our happiness, by some outward and visible agency 
 which all -men distinctly comprehend, can be no 
 "grievance;" it therefore requires no "redress" 
 
106 SLAVERY. 
 
 in regard to us, and consequently no petition on 
 our part. 
 
 Suppose the people of the South should be 
 afflicted with an acute pang of sensibility, at hear 
 ing that in the middle, and most especially the 
 eastern states, the daughters of the independent 
 villagers and farmers performed all the menial 
 offices of the household, and at public houses 
 waited at table on all classes of travellers. Sup 
 pose they were to get another severe twinge of 
 philanthropy, at seeing thousands and tens of thou 
 sands of white children working fourteen hours in 
 the day at unwholesome employments in manufac 
 tories, at an age when the young slaves of the 
 South are enjoying all the sweets of luxurious 
 idleness. And suppose, taking example from the 
 friends of the " entire human race," the people of 
 the South were to institute societies, and send forth 
 missionaries, and petition congress to abolish such 
 barbarous servitude, on the ground of its being 
 contrary to the law of God and the rights of na 
 tions. Would not such petitions be hooted out of 
 congress, as impertinent inte,rmeddlings with the 
 habits, manners, and civil institutions of the people 
 of the North ? Is the task of waiting on strangers 
 in a public house less unpleasant, to a delicate 
 female, than the service of a slave to his mas- 
 
SLAVERY. 107 
 
 ter? Or is the labour of the white children in the 
 manufactories one whit more voluntary in fact than 
 that of a slave in the South ? 
 
 Yet we do not find them getting into a paroxysm 
 of commiseration at these crying enormities, which 
 to them are as offensive to the feelings of human 
 ity as the condition of the slave is to the sentimen- 
 talism of the day, which seems to have abandoned 
 antimasonry and gone over to antislavery. Were 
 the people of the different sections of the United 
 States to undertake to petition against everything 
 that happened to be disagreeable to each other, 
 congress would have a fine time of it, and that 
 fraternal feeling so essential to the existence of 
 the Union, would become a sacrifice to this modern, 
 mischievous, meddling spirit, which is the offspring 
 of fanaticism begot on ignorance or hypocrisy. 
 
 It might be well for the libertines of philan 
 thropy, who consider all things possible, to bear in 
 mind that, a large portion of the real evils of this 
 world has originated in wild attempts to cure ima 
 ginary ones. Empires have been laid waste and 
 nations exterminated in abortive efforts to change 
 the long established system of Providence, or in 
 combating with what seemed evils, but which were 
 only necessary ingredients in the various cup of 
 life, and contributed to the great end of universal 
 
108 SLAVERY. 
 
 good. The fanatics of religion and philanthropy 
 have inflicted more miseries on the human race 
 than they ever alleviated. They rush from one 
 extreme to another with daring impetuosity, not 
 choosing to remember that all extremes are per 
 nicious, or that the Great Dispenser of wisdom 
 and virtue, the Creator of man and the Sovereign 
 of the universe, hath ordained that none of his 
 blessings shall contribute to human happiness un 
 less they are enjoyed in moderation. Overheated 
 zeal, even in a good cause, has in every age of 
 the world been the parent of persecution, slander, 
 and bloodshed ; and more victims have been offered 
 up at the shrine of imaginary good than of real 
 evil, 
 
SLAVERY. 109 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the alleged Disgrace reflected on the People of 
 the United States by the Existence and Con 
 tinuance of Slavery. 
 
 EVER since the British government abolished 
 slavery in its colonies, by a gross violation of the 
 rights of property, and an unwarrantable abuse of 
 power, the press of that country has teemed with 
 denunciations of the people of the United States. 
 It would seem that neither man nor woman can 
 either take up the pen or open their mouths, with 
 out indulging in cant or declamation on the inex 
 haustible topic of African bondage. If this new 
 born zeal proceeded from a pure impulse of hu 
 manity, it might be entitled to our respect, how 
 ever it wounded our pride or our better feelings. 
 But there is great reason to believe, that it derives 
 much of its vigour and warmth from a source little 
 allied to philanthropy. There is an inconsistency 
 observed in the conduct of those most loud in their 
 reprobation of the course pursued by the United 
 K 
 
110 SLAVERY. 
 
 States in regard to the institution of slavery, which 
 furnishes just ground for strong suspicion. It can 
 not have escaped the notice of our countrymen, 
 who mingle in the society of foreigners, that the 
 most devoted adherents of aristocracy, those who 
 deride the miseries of the people of Ireland, and 
 oppose with obstinate pertinacity the progress of 
 free principles throughout the world, are the most 
 tender in their sympathies in behalf of the negro 
 slaves of the United States, the most loud in their 
 declamations on the subject. There is not a 
 despotic monarch in Europe who does not mourn 
 over the wrongs of Africa ; and even the Emperor 
 Nicholas himself, it is said, expresses a strong 
 sympathy in favour of universal emancipation, with 
 the exception of all white men. In fact, it cannot be 
 denied that the enemies of liberty in Europe are the 
 great and leading advocates of the natives of Africa. 
 They seem to be playing on the credulity of the 
 world, by affecting a marvellous regard to the rights 
 of one colour, while resolutelv withholding their 
 rights from another ; and apparently strive to make 
 some amends for their oppression at home, by cru 
 sading in behalf of human rights in the distant re 
 gions of the world ; thus gaining the credit of hu 
 manity without any sacrifice of interest. It is an 
 ingenious contrivance, but cannot claim the merit of 
 originality. 
 
SLAVERY. Ill 
 
 Be this as it may, there appears a wonderful 
 unanimity in this sortie of the holy alliance in be 
 half of the slaves of the United States. Church 
 and king, bishops and nobles, conservatives and 
 liberators, seem all to have gathered themselves to 
 gether and become our instructors in the practical 
 application of our rights and our duties. Clergy 
 men, bachelors of arts, travellers by profession, 
 petticoated political economists, old women, and 
 fugitives from justice, flock among us to become 
 our teachers in the science of humanity, and ex 
 pound the mysteries of revealed religion as well 
 as natural law. But truly it hath been said that 
 republics are always ungrateful, and nobody seems 
 to thank them for their good offices, except their 
 fellow labourers, the abolitionists. 
 
 There is, however, one extraordinary exception 
 to this union of souls, and that is Mr. Daniel 
 O Connell, who has more than once invoked the 
 vengeance of Heaven on this devoted land, which, 
 while it holds out freedom and competence to hun 
 dreds of thousands of his starving countrymen, who 
 flock hither as to a refuge and a home, wickedly 
 and indecorously declines a compliance with his 
 exceedingly rational, practicable demands for im 
 mediate abolition in other words, for the creation 
 of millions of paupers and vagabonds. This would 
 at once degrade our slaves to the level of a large 
 
112 SLAVERY* 
 
 portion of his fellow subjects. We say degrade, 
 for the slave of the United States, living in- perfect 
 security, and exchanging his labour for protection 
 and maintenance, is to our mind a far happier as 
 well as more respectable being, than the miserable 
 pauper white man subsisting on a wretched pit 
 tance, bestowed without charity, and received 
 without gratitude. 
 
 Mr. O Connell, the champion of Ireland, and its 
 prospective liberator, has declared war against us 
 in the true spirit of "mountain-dew "eloquence. Recalls 
 us " traitors and blasphemers, a congregation of 
 two-legged wolves American wolves" doubtless 
 the worst of all wolves " monsters in human 
 shape, who boast of their humanity and liberty, 
 while they carry the hearts of tigers within them." 
 
 " If," continues Mr. O Connell, " I ever find 
 leisure to write to my countrymen in America, I 
 will conjure them to laugh the republican slave 
 holders to scorn. I will tell them, whenever they 
 meet an atrabilious American, to call out to him 
 Negro. If the black skin of the African is suf 
 ficient to mark him for a slave, his yellow skin 
 has no right to claim an exemption." 
 
 Such an experiment might be rather dangerous 
 to his countrymen in the United States. The 
 aforesaid " atrabilious" gentlemen are not apt at 
 putting up with insults ; and if Mr. O Connell 
 
SLAVERY. 113 
 
 himself were to venture on a pilgrimage hither, 
 and utter such sentiments, there is not a gentleman 
 in the southern states that would not promptly bring 
 him to a severe reckoning. Mr. O Connell, how 
 ever, has already declared his intention never to 
 honour us with his presence. This is a sensible 
 mortification to the people, and especially the pau 
 pers of the United States, who it is understood had 
 serious intentions of getting up a subscription in 
 aid of the fund for supporting his patriotism. 
 
 To be serious, however. Mr. O Connell is doing 
 much harm to his countrymen in the United States 
 by his intemperate denunciations. He will do still 
 more should he ever \vrite the letter he proposes. 
 He may be assured, that if he does, and they should 
 follow his advice, that cordial sympathy for the 
 wrongs of Ireland, and that generous hospitality 
 which have ever been shown to the emigrants 
 from his country, will give place to feelings 
 far different. An interference, as a body, with the 
 relations of master and slave in the United States, 
 will for ever shut the door against all future emi 
 grants, or, at least, prevent their ever becoming citi 
 zens of this land of " two-legged wolves." 
 
 In order, however, so far as it may be in our 
 power to prevent the intemperance of Mr. O Connell 
 -from operating to the prejudice of his countrymen. 
 K2 
 
114 SLAVERY. 
 
 in the United States, we feel it our duty, as friends 
 of Ireland and Irishmen, to vindicate him from 
 any intention whatever of wounding the feelings 
 or calumniating the character of our country. 
 There is, in our minds, no doubt that he really 
 intended these wrathful denunciations as an ebul 
 lition of gratitude for the kindness with which his 
 exiled brethren have ever been received into the 
 bosom of our country. Mr. O Connell is a na 
 tive of Ireland, that generous, warmhearted, hos 
 pitable land, whose people may justly claim from 
 all nations that welcome which they never fail to 
 give to the stranger and sojourner among them. 
 But no one will pretend to deny, that with all their 
 high qualities of head and heart, their wit, their 
 eloquence, and their towering imagination, they 
 are prone to that figure of rhetoric called a bull ; 
 which consists in a happy substitution of what 
 they do not mean, for what they really do mean. 
 The origin of this phrase is said to have been a 
 blunder which occurred a long while ago in clas 
 sic old Tipperary, where a worthy Milesian 
 mistook a bull for a cow, and attempted to milk 
 him at the horns. There can be little doubt that 
 Mr. O Connell stood in this curious predicament. 
 He certainly intended to pour the milk of human 
 kindness into our bosoms, and pay us some hand 
 some compliments on the score of the good old 
 
SLAVERY. 115 
 
 fellowship which has so long subsisted between 
 the two countries. But unluckily for us, a great 
 Milesian bull came in his pathway, and caused 
 such confusion in the fertile bog of his understand 
 ing, that the unfortunate gentleman perpetrated a 
 catachresis, and fell into an outrageous strain of 
 objurgation. Like poor Europa, he was ravished 
 by a bull ; and it is earnestly requested that no 
 liberal-minded American will withhold his sym 
 pathy towards the liberator, for having thus done 
 homage to the genius of his country in, as it 
 were, attempting to milk a bull by the horns. 
 
 It may not be incurious to inquire in what 
 chymical solution all the antipathies of church 
 and state have been thus neutralized and brought 
 into harmonious co-operation against the institu 
 tions of the United States. 
 
 There must be something extraordinary, some 
 cement eminently adhesive, to have produced this 
 miraculous conjunction of opposing bodies, which, 
 to use the figure of my Lord Bacon, "like the. 
 iron and clay in Nebuchadnezzar s image, may 
 cleave together, but will never incorporate." Let 
 it no more be said that oil and vinegar will not 
 mix together, when we see Sir Robert Peel and 
 Mr. O Connell uniting in denouncing the Coloniza 
 tion Society of the United States at a meeting of 
 abolitionists in the city of London. 
 
116 SLAVERY. 
 
 It can no longer be disguised that the United 
 States are the bugbears of despotism in Europe. 
 The freedom of their institutions, the universal 
 diffusion of plenty, the absence of those factitious 
 distinctions that weigh so heavily on the necks of 
 the people of the Old World, their rapid unparal 
 leled advance in numbers, wealth, and vigour, and 
 the vast, uncircumscribed sphere they present for 
 the exercise of industry and enterprise, are daily 
 more and more attracting the attention of a large 
 portion of those who wish to be free, as well as 
 those who desire to prevent them. The new Me 
 dina of the West, seems destined, like that of the 
 East, to become the centre whence a grand revolu 
 tion, infinitely more favourable to the happiness 
 of mankind, is to spread far and wide into the cir 
 cumference of the civilized world. The United 
 States of North America led the van they set 
 the first example ; and unless that example can in 
 some way or other be divested of its fascinations, 
 those royal and aristocratic privileges on which 
 the thrones of Europe are supported, will every 
 day lose some portion of that reverence and re 
 spect which constitute their basis. 
 
 The people of that quarter are every day catch 
 ing from the distant luminary of the West new 
 glimpses of the light of liberty ; and the more they 
 see, the more they desire to bask in its sunshine- 
 
SLAVERY. 117 
 
 They are becoming everyday more deeply imbued 
 with a love of those free principles and institutions 
 which work such wonders on individual and na 
 tional prosperity. It has become obvious to the 
 more sagacious of those who banquet on the spoils 
 of graybeard usurpations, that inspired by the ex 
 ample of the United States, the people of Europe 
 are gradually preparing themselves to reclaim their 
 rights, and to demand a relinquishment of the mo 
 nopoly of wealth, founded on a monopoly of politi 
 cal power. This vast and increasing association 
 of empires, self-governed, and supported on the 
 broad basis of equal rights, must and will, by the 
 force and influence of its example, work similar 
 wonders in the Old World, to those it has already 
 produced in South America, where it is feared that 
 ignorance and superstition will finally triumph over 
 liberty, and mar one of the fairest prospects that 
 ever dawned upon mankind in any age or country. 
 While it continues to present a glorious example 
 of the blessings arising from the absence of those 
 rigid and inflexible abuses, which have for ages 
 pressed so heavily on the necks of the people, it 
 must be obvious that all the obsolete and unreason 
 able prerogatives of kings and aristocracies, which 
 were necessary perhaps at the period of their first 
 existence, must ere long cease to exist. Nothing 
 can save them ultimately but a conviction in the 
 
118 SLAVERY. 
 
 minds of the people of Europe that the experiment 
 of self-government has either entirely failed in the 
 United States, or that in its consequences it does 
 not realize the anticipations of theorists. The 
 United States are therefore to be held up to the 
 world as memorable examples of the absurdity of 
 a great principle on which is based the liberties of 
 mankind ; their religion, their morals, their social 
 character and habits, and above all their humanity 
 and justice, are to be assailed by all the arts and 
 influence of church and state abroad. England, 
 by her still remembered maternal authority ; by long 
 established precedency in the eyes of our people ; 
 and above all by her means of influencing us 
 derived from a common language, is most able, 
 and at the same time most willing, to take the lead 
 in the crusade against a child which is destined to 
 add new honours to her name, new wreaths to 
 her glory, new triumphs to her genius. She has 
 accordingly shown discreditably conspicuous in a 
 species of hostility which better suits toothless vi 
 ragoes than great nations, one of which is destined 
 to become in the New, what the other has been, 
 perhaps still is, in the Old World. 
 
 It seems to have been one great object, so to 
 exert the vast influence of her press and her lite 
 rature, as to throw over us a dark mantle of oblo- 
 
SLAVERY. 119 
 
 quy, which, while it obscured all the charms of 
 youth and happiness, presented a picture of exag 
 gerated deformity. All, or nearly all the English 
 travellers in this country, have come hither appa 
 rently for no other purpose than to indulge a splen 
 etic feeling, and collect new materials for calumny. 
 They have exaggerated and caricatured the little 
 peculiarities originating in the situation and circum 
 stances of our countrymen, and metamorphosed all 
 those characteristics which mark a free people in 
 the full possession of their primitive energies, into 
 the vices of barbarism. Rare and extreme cases 
 of doubtful authority, are made by them the crite 
 rion of public manners and morals ; and the bal 
 ance between the two nations is struck by a com 
 parison of the refinements of the highest class in 
 England with the lowest in the United States. If 
 it was not the design of these writers to administer 
 to the prejudices of those to whom they addressed 
 themselves, or to pander to that hostility which our 
 form of government and the success of its opera 
 tion on the happiness of mankind inspires, to 
 weaken in fact the influence of our example, then 
 their course indicates a degree of gratuitous, un- 
 purposed malignity, which, as it is without a rational 
 motive, so is it without an apology. 
 
 This hostile feeling towards our national char- 
 
120 SLAVERY. 
 
 acter and institutions has lately assumed a new 
 and more mischievous disguise. It comes abroad 
 masked under the semblance of humanity to the 
 slave. It is employed in fomenting designs equally 
 destructive to our peace and our union. The 
 press of England teems with books, and tracts, 
 and speeches, and paragraphs, reprehending the 
 government of the United States for not doing 
 what is impossible, and the people of the South for 
 refusing to consent to the requisitions of sublimated 
 theorists. Without examining into the sub 
 ject, without making themselves in the least ac 
 quainted with the origin of the institution of slavery 
 among us, or paying the slightest attention to the 
 insuperable difficulties attending its abolishment, 
 they pour upon our heads a stream of reproach, 
 and attempt to bully us into submission to their 
 arrogant demands of instant emancipation. We 
 are denounced as a nation of liars and hypocrites, 
 American wolves, and atrabilious tyrants, because 
 we decline to come under the yoke of our own 
 slaves, and debase the dignity of human nature 
 by a process of amalgamation. We are charged 
 with belying our declared principles in our prac 
 tice ; with wanton oppression and systematic cru 
 elty ; with being tyrants over one race of men, 
 while insolently affecting to be the champions of 
 the rights of all mankind. 
 
SLAVERY. 121 
 
 If this violent ebullition of newborn philan 
 thropy were really sincere, we might pardon their 
 injustice out of regard to the motive. If it were 
 really an emanation of that Divine precept which 
 enjoins us to love our neighbour as ourselves, how 
 ever we might regret the consequences, we would 
 respect the source from whence they proceeded. 
 But all experience teaches us that pure benev 
 olence is not confined to one sect, one object, or 
 one colour. We consequently have little faith 
 in the purity of its motives, when seeing it shut 
 ting its eyes and ears to the abject and unhappy 
 condition of people perishing at its door, and 
 gazing with throbbing commiseration on the dis 
 tant, perhaps imaginary sufferings of those on the 
 other extremity of the world. We despise that 
 false sentiment of humanity, which, while it hardens 
 the hearts of Englishmen to the wretchedness of 
 the people of Ireland, and sanctions the stern step- 
 dame policy pursued for ages towards that ill-gov 
 erned land, displays such keen susceptibility to 
 the woes of the slaves of the United States, whose 
 real situation shall be placed before the reader in 
 due time. This truly dramatic philanthropy, 
 which, like Garrick between tragedy and comedy, 
 laughs with one side of its face at the hundreds 
 of thousands of half-starved Irishmen who pay 
 L 
 
122 SLAVERY. 
 
 tribute to Mr. O Connell, while it weeps with the 
 other over the plump, well-fed specimen of repub 
 lican tyranny, with his cheek shining like polished 
 ebony in the sun, may do very well on the mimic, 
 but we are not satisfied with it on the real stage of 
 life. Nor can we bring ourselves to reverence that 
 benevolence which, while it gives twenty millions 
 in paper promises to free the blacks of the West 
 Indies, inflicts martial law and drumhead court 
 martials on the people of Ireland, for resisting a 
 system of oppression far more rigid and degrading, 
 and a hundred times more lamentable in its conse 
 quences, than that of the master over the slave in 
 the United States of America. 
 
 It requires a degree of faith in the doctrine of 
 consistent inconsistencies which we do not possess, 
 to believe in the sincerity of that philanthropy 
 which ceases to operate precisely at the point 
 where personal sacrifices are required. To re 
 lieve the people of Ireland, or the pale-faced 
 paupers who contribute to enable England to under 
 sell the world in her manufactures by the involun 
 tary sacrifice of all the comforts of life, from their 
 present state of wretchedness, Avould demand of 
 English philanthropy sacrifices which it is not 
 willing to make on the altar of benevolence. The 
 church and the aristocracy, those great champions 
 
SLAVERY. 123 
 
 of all mankind except their neighbours would 
 be under the necessity of relinquishing some very 
 substantial advantages of purse and power. The 
 landholders, and great proprietors of manufactories 
 would be called upon to pay a part of the wages of 
 righteousness. It is much cheaper to lavish their 
 sympathies on the children of Africa, the slaves of 
 the colonies, and the bondmen of the United States. 
 It costs them nothing, and furnishes an offset 
 against oppression at home, similar to that of the 
 pious devotee who stole a pig, and quieted his con 
 science by giving away the tail in charity 
 
 From these, and various other apt and ominous 
 indications, it would not be treating the philanthro 
 pists of England a tithe as unkindly as they treat 
 the United States, if we should assume, as we 
 now do, that they are not alone actuated by pure 
 benevolence in their course towards us in rela 
 tion to the subject of slavery. It is believed 
 that it has been taken up, and invested with 
 imaginary horrors, in a great measure, if not solely, 
 from a feeling of hostility to our country. The 
 statesmen of England have discovered that this is 
 our weak point ; that the excitement of its agita 
 tion is imminently dangerous to the union of the 
 states ; and that, with a little art and a vast deal of 
 declamation, it may be so presented to the ignorant 
 
124 SLAVERY. 
 
 people of England as to cause them to hug them 
 selves in a fool s paradise, by contrasting their 
 superior freedom with the bondage of the slave of 
 the United States. If, aided by the efforts of 
 foreign missionaries, and reinforced by incen 
 diaries of native growth, they succeed in pro 
 ducing civil dissension and a final rupture of the 
 confederacy, the object will be gained. The cry 
 will resound through the universe, that the great 
 experiment of self-government has failed, and no 
 thing will be left to mankind but a return to their 
 allegiance to the divine right of kings, the equally 
 divine right of the church, and the scarcely less 
 divine rights of the aristocracy. Hence it is, 
 that the negro bondman of the United States is 
 now presented to the contemplation of mankind, in 
 the publications and pictures of the philanthropists 
 of England, and their humble followers in this 
 country, loaded with chains, and crying out in 
 an agony of despair, " AM I NOT A MAN AND A 
 BROTHER?" while his master is invested with 
 the dignified office of his executioner. The real 
 nature of his situation ; the social and domestic 
 relations subsisting between him and his master ; 
 the comforts and immunities he enjoys ; the duties 
 required of him in return ; the obvious interest of 
 his owner to treat him well, that he may perform 
 
SLAVERY. 125 
 
 those duties, and the evidence afforded in his 
 rapid increase that he is well treated : all these 
 mitigating circumstances, which would gladden 
 the heart of the true philanthropist, are kept out 
 of view for the purpose of aggravating the sum of 
 human misery, and throwing unmerited obloquy on 
 millions of innocent people. 
 
 We say innocent people, because slavery in the 
 United States, whatever may be its influence on 
 the happiness of mankind, is not the product of 
 this soil of liberty. It is not our work. It is not 
 the offspring of our independence. It is the bant 
 ling laid at our doors by its mother, England. And 
 here seems to be the proper place to enter on the 
 inquiry, how far its existence, past, present, or 
 future, can justly call down on our heads the de 
 nunciations of philanthropy. What have WE done, 
 that we should be stigmatized as " man-stealers, 
 scourgers, and murderers of slaves ?" or in the 
 decorous language of Mr. O Connell, " traitors and 
 blasphemers," " two-legged wolves," * American 
 wolves," " monsters in human shape, who boast of 
 their liberty and humanity, while they carry the 
 hearts of tigers within them," 
 
 We have no design, either here or elsewhere, 
 to apologize for the existence of slavery in the 
 United States. That it has become a great political 
 L2 
 
126 SLAVERY. 
 
 evil may be very possible ; but it is the treatment 
 of the disease, not the disease itself, which renders 
 it dangerous to the life of the patient. All that is 
 necessary to render it perfectly harmless, is to let 
 it alone. That it is a great moral evil, or that its 
 existence or continuance detracts one tittle, one 
 atom from the happiness of the slaves, our own 
 experience and observation directly contradict. 
 We believe them to be quite as happy as any race 
 of hirelings in the world, and shall produce, in due 
 time, our reasons for the belief. We therefore do 
 not think that the United States, or the states of 
 the South, or the holders of slaves in any portion 
 of this Union, require any apology. It would be 
 little short of an insult. As a matter of history, 
 however, a short detail of the origin and progress 
 of the institution of slavery in this country, seems 
 naturally to associate itself with our subject. 
 
 History informs us that the first African slaves 
 brought into the English colonies of North Amer 
 ica, came to Jamestown, Virginia, in a Dutch ves 
 sel. From the first settlement of the first colony, 
 the free importation of slaves was permitted by the 
 mother country. It is on record, that the colonial 
 assembly of Virginia, at a time when the nations 
 of Europe possessing colonies in southern latitudes 
 authorized the importation of slaves from Africa, 
 passed several laws to prohibit such importation 
 
SLAVERY. 127 
 
 into her limits, and that the King of England con 
 stantly withheld his assent to them. When the 
 people of Virginia, on the 29th of June, 1776, 
 declared the government as exercised under the 
 crown of Great Britain totally dissolved, one of the 
 grievances complained of against the British king, 
 was his "prompting the negroes to rise in arms 
 against us, those very negroes whom, by an inhu 
 man use of his prerogative, he has refused us per 
 mission to exclude by law." That this complaint 
 of the interposition of the royal negative was sin 
 cere, is attested by subsequent legislation. Only 
 two years before the new form of government 
 went into operation, and while the infant states, 
 and especially the state of Virginia, were deeply 
 engaged in the struggle for independence, the gen 
 eral assembly passed a law prohibiting the further 
 importation of slaves into the commonwealth. Ev 
 ery slave imported contrary to the act, it was de 
 clared, should, on such importation, become free, 
 and a very heavy penalty was imposed on the im 
 porter.* We have not the means of ascertaining 
 whether any other of the amnnern colonies fol 
 lowed the example of Virginia, in prohibiting the im 
 portation of slaves. f If they did not, the omission 
 
 * Hening s Statutes, vol. ix, p. 471 ; vol. xii, p. 182. 
 
 t Dr. Madden, in his late work on the West Indies, states that 
 the continuance of the slave trade was first objected to by South 
 Carolina. 
 
128 SLAVERY. 
 
 annot be urged against them as a reproach, since 
 they were assured that the same exercise of the 
 king s negative would be resorted to for the purpose 
 of arresting the operation of the law. 
 
 The constitution of the United States, which 
 went into operation shortly after the importation 
 of slaves was prohibited by Virginia, contained a 
 provision, that the importation of such persons as 
 any of the states then existing might think proper to 
 admit, should not be prohibited by congress prior to 
 the year 1808. No slaves were imported into Vir 
 ginia under this provision ; on the contrary, the 
 general assembly in 1793 passed a law prohibiting 
 such importation under new and aggravated penal 
 ties.* Here, then, is one great state exonerated 
 from the maledictions of the philanthropists, so far 
 as respects all voluntary agency in the introduction 
 of slaves into the United States. 
 
 With regard to the sister states of the South, at 
 whose instance, it is believed, the clause in the 
 constitution permitting the importation of slaves 
 until the year 1808 was introduced, thus much 
 may be said. It is well known how jealous the 
 states were of their rights under the act of confed 
 eration, and with what sagacious vigilance they 
 watched those provisions of the constitution which 
 
 * Acts of 1793, p. 8. 
 
SLAVERY. 129 
 
 interfered with them. The southern states, with 
 the exception of Virginia, which, as before stated, 
 had voluntarily divested herself of the right, all en 
 joyed the privilege of importing slaves ; and, with 
 out doubt, much of their unwillingness to surrender 
 it, originated in the great general principle, never 
 to relinquish to the federal government a single 
 right not indispensable to the exercise of the powers 
 necessary to the performance of its functions. 
 Such was the right of importing slaves. But set 
 ting all this aside, what is the charge that can 
 justly be brought against them ? The importation 
 of slaves was at that time common to England, 
 France, Spain, Holland, and every other nation 
 possessing colonies, where their labour was 
 deemed essential to the raising of tropical products. 
 The learned theologians of the school of emanci 
 pation had not yet discovered their favourite dog 
 ma, and the slave trade was one of the ordinary 
 branches of commerce. The city of Bristol, in 
 England, was the great mart. These young states, 
 therefore, only followed the example of their elders, 
 and for this, most certainly they may be held ex 
 cusable, if any excuse is necessary. 
 
 Of the charge of introducing slaves into Florida, 
 and that vast region comprehended under the gen 
 eral name of Louisiana, the people of the United 
 
130 SLAVERY. 
 
 States are entirely innocent. It cannot be ascribed 
 to them or their government. It was done while 
 the country was possessed by the Spaniards and 
 French, and the right to the property of slaves was 
 guarantied by the act of cession from France to 
 the United States. Since that period, the state of 
 Missouri was admitted into the Union, with the 
 right of holding slaves, after a struggle which 
 threatened the dissolution of the confederacy. In 
 addition to this, the states of Kentucky, Tennessee, 
 and Alabama, which were not within the limits of 
 Louisiana, have chosen to recognise the institution 
 of slavery simply for the reason that the settlers 
 were emigrants from slave-holding states, and 
 brought their slaves with them. Still further; in 
 order that slavery may be restricted to the region 
 which it was supposed could not be cultivated with 
 out the aid of Africans or their descendants, a 
 solemn compact was made, excluding it for ever 
 beyond a certain northern latitude. 
 
 Let us now sum up the real state of the case in 
 as few words as possible. Slavery was first in 
 troduced into the colonies now composing a por 
 tion of the United States, by the authority of the 
 mother country, England, and in opposition to the 
 laws of one colony at least. It was recognised 
 by the United States, in their independent char- 
 
SLAVERY. 131 
 
 acter, both from interest and necessity. They 
 found the slaves on their hands, and did not choose 
 to share their newly acquired freedom with an 
 ignorant race, incapable of appreciating or enjoy 
 ing its blessings, and who had taken no part in 
 acquiring them. On the very first instant of the 
 expiration of the time during which the general 
 government was restricted by the constitution from 
 all action on the subject, congress passed a law 
 prohibiting the slave trade. In doing this, the 
 United States set the first example to the world. 
 While Mr. Wilberforce was reiterating his annual 
 motion in the British parliament for the abolition of 
 the slave trade, while England, France, Spain, Por 
 tugal, Holland, and every nation holding southern 
 colonies, continued to legalize this traffic, the 
 United States alone stood exonerated from all par 
 ticipation. The first impulse, and the first example, 
 came from this country, which is held up to the 
 bitterest animadversion of those who now, for pur 
 poses previously indicated, usurp the lead in the 
 race of philanthropy; and like all new converts, 
 make up for their tardiness by noisy and obtrusive 
 impertinence. Add to this, that slavery has been 
 voluntarily abolished in all the old states where it 
 was practicable without producing dangerous con 
 sequences, and as voluntarily prohibited by several 
 of the new ones. 
 
132 SLAVERY. 
 
 What then have the United States done to be 
 thus singled out from the rest of the world as a tar 
 get for the great guns of philanthropy ? They 
 tolerated the slave trade not a moment after 
 the constitution permitted them to abolish it ; 
 they have refused to allow the British cruisers to 
 board and search their vessels under pretence of 
 suppressing that trade a privilege that would re 
 vive and sanction the antiquated claim of England 
 which occasioned the late war ; and the people of 
 the South have declined to yield to the seductive 
 anathemas of English and American abolitionists, 
 and let loose upon themselves millions of ignorant, 
 helpless slaves, to become either a burden or a 
 curse to their masters. Last, and worst of all, 
 they have rejected the honour of mingling their 
 blood with that of their slaves, and debasing their 
 species by the favourite process of amalgamation. 
 Such are the enormous offences against the law 
 of God, the rights of nature, and the feelings of hu 
 manity, which it seems have merited the names of 
 " traitors and blasphemers," " two-legged wolves," 
 " monsters in human shape," and other similar 
 compliments. 
 
 All that the people of the United States could 
 constitutionally do all that they were called upon 
 by any principle of humanity to do they have 
 done. They are now vehemently reproached for 
 
SLAVERY. 133 
 
 not doing what neither reason nor humanity re 
 quire at their hands. Because the government of 
 England has thought proper to coerce her de 
 pendant colonies into a prospective manumission 
 of their slaves, the government of the United 
 States must do the same to independent states 
 constituting nearly one half of this confederation, 
 and whose right to this species of property was 
 the condition on which they consented to enter 
 the Union. The cases are distinct in every ma 
 terial feature. The obstacles in one were over 
 come by a sheer act of arbitrary legislation, such 
 as in the other is utterly impracticable ; and if it 
 were attempted, would be resisted to the last. 
 
 If England and the English press were to call on 
 France, Spain, or Portugal to give immediate free 
 dom to the slaves of their colonies, there might be 
 some ground of reproach if they refused, because 
 they have the power to do what is demanded of 
 them. Their domination over their dependancies 
 is even more despotic than that of England over 
 hers, and therefore nothing but the will is wanting. 
 But the one-sided philanthropists of that country 
 make no such requisition on the philanthropy of 
 those states. The British government is content 
 to make treaties conceding the right of search 
 and detention to its cruisers in all suspicious cases, 
 and thus virtually investing her with a prerogative 
 
134 SLAVERY. 
 
 which the United States always has, and, it is 
 hoped, always will resist, when attempted under 
 any pretence whatever. Yet we do not find these 
 intermeddlers in our domestic concerns denouncing 
 France, Spain, and Portugal in such terms as they 
 apply to the United States, who first set the exam 
 ple of prohibiting the slave trade to the rest of the 
 world. They hold meetings in London, attended 
 by leading statesmen of all parties, to make 
 speeches against us, and denounce the Coloniza 
 tion Society, one of the most rationally benevolent 
 institutions ever formed for the propagation of 
 Christianity and civilization in Africa, and thus 
 laying the axe to the root of slavery. But we do 
 not find them sending fugitives from justice to those 
 countries to invite the slaves to insurrection and 
 murder, or provoke a servile war ; neither does the 
 whole press of England join in one general chorus 
 of cant against them for declining to inflict ruin on 
 a large portion of their subjects. The reason is 
 sufficiently obvious. They are not free republics, 
 and the example of their growth and prosperity, 
 under a system of equal rights and equal laws, pre 
 sents nothing to induce the subjects of England to 
 an imitation of their institutions or an abandon 
 ment of their country. 
 
 That the late intemperate proceedings of the 
 abolitionists have been stimulated by an impulse 
 
SLAVERY. 135 
 
 derived from abroad, is evident from the whole 
 history of their newborn zeal. It will be remem 
 bered that the denunciation of the Colonization 
 Society, which was the first step in their proceed 
 ings, was at a meeting in the city of London, at 
 which very distinguished statesmen of all parties 
 attended, and in which the two great liberators, 
 Garrison and O Connell> equally distinguished 
 themselves by their abuse of the people of the 
 United States. From that meeting the emissaries 
 of the English abolitionists came, red hot with 
 furious zeal, to light the fires of contention, insur 
 rection, disunion, and massacre. We feel no hesi 
 tation in declaring our belief that they are not 
 only stimulated by foreign influence, but by for 
 eign money ; because it is otherwise incomprehen 
 sible how they obtain the means of gratuitously 
 distributing so many papers, pamphlets, and pic 
 tures, or of supporting such a number of brawling 
 incendiaries who are every day disturbing the 
 peace of communities by their disgusting and in 
 flammatory harangues. The notorious Thompson, 
 whose regard to the rights of property was so 
 admirably demonstrated in London as to point him 
 out emphatically as a proper instrument for assail 
 ing them here, is known to be a missionary from a 
 society of venerable spinsters. It is understood 
 that he has gone to England to procure testimoni 
 
136 SLAVERY. 
 
 als to his character, and doubtless he will succeed ; 
 for there are many honest zealots there, who will 
 think a few pious frauds not only justifiable, but 
 praiseworthy on such an occasion. 
 
 If we combine with these circumstances, the 
 tone and language of the British press reviews, 
 magazines, and newspapers ; the public declara 
 tions of her statesmen and orators ; the voice of 
 the pulpit ; the resolutions of public meetings ; and 
 the officious intermeddling of a host of travellers, 
 from Abdy, the master of arts, to Reed and Matthi- 
 son, the doctors of divinity, it would seem suffi 
 ciently evident that a great concentrated effort is 
 making against the good name and well being of 
 the United States. That it has its origin deep in 
 political feelings and motives, enough has been 
 adduced to render more than probable ; and speak 
 ing, we trust, without any undue degree of pre 
 sumption, it might be well for England to con 
 sider whether an enlarged and liberal policy to 
 wards the United States, a great and growing con 
 federation, which not all the arts of foreign or 
 domestic influence can rend asunder, at least for 
 centuries to come, would not prove ultimately more 
 judicious, than that which she now seems to be 
 pursuing. We inherit her blood., her feelings, her 
 policy, her courage, her talents, and more than her 
 enterprise ; and she must know by this time that 
 
SLAVERY. 137 
 
 we are no despicable enemy. It might, therefore, 
 be worth while to calculate the value of our friend 
 ship. The people of the United States are of a 
 nature to forgive injuries, but they never forget 
 insults. Every man among them reads English, 
 and, of consequence, every slanderous or con 
 temptuous ebullition of the British press tells in 
 this country. It is not that we think more of the 
 opinions of Englishmen than of other foreigners, 
 but that those opinions are infinitely more accessi 
 ble, being conveyed in our native tongue, and cir 
 culated everywhere without the necessity of a 
 translation. 
 
 The efforts of the whole world cannot dissever 
 this Union. Our quarrels are those of man and 
 wife, and all that is wanting to produce not only a 
 cordial reconciliation but a unity of action is the 
 interference of a third person. Every sentiment 
 of patriotism and love of glory ; every dictate of 
 reason ; every tie of interest ; and every impulse 
 that operates with irresistible force and fervour on 
 the hearts and heads of a generous, spirited, and 
 enlightened people, concentrate themselves in one 
 effort to preserve and perpetuate that government 
 and that union which every man is conscious are 
 the main pillars of his happiness and prosperity. 
 It may be shaken at times, but the edifice will not 
 fall ; it will only acquire additional solidity by the 
 
 TU O 
 
 M 1^1 
 
133 SLAVERY. 
 
 parts becoming more compact as the conflicting 
 elements settle down in their proper places. The 
 desire of happiness ; the love of glory ; the recol 
 lections of the past; the realities of the present; 
 and the towering hopes of the future, constitute 
 the cement of this confederation, and promise a 
 duration only to be arrested by those silent yet 
 irresistible changes which constitute the invisible 
 instruments of Providence in governing the world. 
 Let not any peevish jealousy, or recollection of 
 past times, operate on England to forget her best 
 interests in the indulgence of her worst passions. 
 The United States and England, as friends, may 
 stand against the world ; as foes, they will only 
 become the prey of each other. But friends we 
 can never be, while every one of the thousand 
 ships that carry on the intercourse of the two 
 countries, comes freighted with calumnies, or ex 
 aggerations that amount to calumnies, and there is 
 not a wind that blows from the east but is tainted 
 with the spirit of never dying hostility. The fires 
 that were lighted up by two wars will never be 
 extinguished, so long as fresh fuel is thus every 
 day administered. The press of England, not 
 less than the conflicting claims and interests of 
 the two nations, has already contributed to produce 
 one war, and while it perseveres in its hostility, the 
 seeds of war will continue to vegetate to maturity. 
 
SLAVERY. 139 
 
 As little will the United States be dismembered as 
 conciliated, by bitter denunciations launched forth 
 from behind the brazen shield of universal philan 
 thropy. 
 
 These sentiments are those of every native boni 
 citizen of the United States, whatever may be the 
 party he espouses, or the state to which he be 
 longs. It is firmly believed that there is not an 
 advocate of nullification, as it is usually termed, 
 who would not, if the country were in danger, 
 emulate the patriotism which inspired Marion, 
 Sumpter, Pickens, the Rutledges and Pinckneys 
 of yore, when they converted the solitudes of 
 nature into the temples of freedom, and swamps 
 into impregnable fortresses. The sentiment of 
 patriotism and the love of liberty are equally in 
 delible in the hearts of our people ; each man feels 
 himself a full sharer in the benefits of a mild and 
 equal government ; an inheritor of all she is, all 
 she is destined to become hereafter. It is a joint 
 stock company ; and such is the feeling of a com 
 mon interest which pervades the minds of all, that 
 neither England nor any other power under heaven 
 will gain anything but the eternal enmity of the 
 people of the United States, by attempts to wound 
 their good name, or scatter the firebrands of dis 
 sension and disunion among them. 
 
140 SLAVERY. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the Laws for the Government of Slaves. 
 
 ALL those who have written on the subject of 
 slavery, and the advocates of immediate abolition 
 most especially, have endeavoured to impose on 
 the world an opinion that the slaves of the United 
 States are entirely without the protection of the 
 laws, and completely at the mercy of the will, the 
 caprice, or the cruelty of their masters. With a 
 view to dispel this delusion, and to enable the 
 reader to estimate correctly their real situation, 
 we give the following abstract of the laws of Vir 
 ginia, furnished by a gentleman of the bar in that 
 state, whose character and attainments are such as 
 entitle him to unqualified belief in his statements. 
 Originating, as they do, in a state of society com 
 mon to all the South, it is presumed no material 
 difference will be found between the regulations 
 adopted for the same general purposes in other 
 quarters. 
 
 Being property, slaves may be bought and sold 
 by persons capable of buying and selling other 
 
SLAVERY. 141 
 
 property. In relation, however, to free negroes 
 and raulattoes, there is this qualification : that no 
 free negro or mulatto shall be capable of purchasing 
 or otherwise acquiring permanent ownership (ex 
 cept by descent) in any slave other than his or 
 her husband, wife, or children. 
 
 They are held to be personal estate,* and as such 
 may be levied upon and sold for the debts of the 
 owner. But these qualifications exist. No collec 
 tor of taxes, levies, fines, forfeitures, amercements, 
 or poor-rates, or officers fees, is allowed to distrain 
 upon slaves for the purpose of satisfying any such 
 dues, if other sufficient distress can be had.f So 
 in relation to executions. No officer is allowed 
 to take slaves in execution for a debt of small 
 amount, when other sufficient goods are shown to 
 him.J When taken, however, under execution 
 and attachment, the officer is required to support 
 them until sold or discharged, for which an allow 
 ance is made him not exceeding twenty cents per 
 day for each slave. 
 
 Upon the death of the owner, his personal rep 
 resentative is inhibited from selling the slaves, 
 unless the other part of the personal estate (regard 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 431, $ 47. f Ibid. p. 282, $ 25. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 532, $ 21. 
 $ Ibid . p. 533, $ 24 ; p. 480, $ 18. 
 
142 SLAVERY. 
 
 being had to the privilege of specific legacies) shall 
 be insufficient to pay the debts and expenses ; and 
 then only so many of the slaves are sold as will be 
 sufficient to satisfy the debts and expenses. The 
 residue are reserved in kind for the legatees or dis 
 tributees.* Sometimes there are so few slaves, and 
 so many distributees, that an equal division thereof 
 cannot be made in kind. In such case, a court of 
 chancery for the purpose of division may direct a sale 
 of the slaves and a distribution of the proceeds ac 
 cording to the rights of the parties.! 
 
 The kind of labour to be performed by the slave 
 for his master and its extent, are regulated by the 
 master. The master, however, is liable to a pen 
 alty if he employ his slaves on a Sabbath day, ex 
 cept it be in the ordinary household offices of daily 
 occurrence, or other work of necessity or charity.^ 
 So, too, in relation to food and clothing. The kind 
 and quality of each which the master is to furnish, 
 depends generally upon himself. Where the slave 
 is one capable of labour, and the master is deriving 
 benefit from his work, the interest of the master 
 and public opinion combined, generally furnish an 
 adequate guarantee that what is reasonably suffi 
 cient will be provided. Humanity and sound policy, 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 337, $ 49. f Ibid. p. 432, $ 50. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 555, $ 5. 
 
SLAVERY. 143 
 
 however, have dictated a provision for that class 
 who are of no service to their masters. It is en 
 acted that every master or owner of a slave of 
 unsound mind, or aged, or infirm, who shall per 
 mit such slave to go at large without adequate 
 provision for his or her support, so that such slave 
 must be dependant on charity, trespass, or theft for 
 support, shall pay a fine for every such offence ; 
 and it is, moreover, the duty of the overseers of 
 the poor of any county or corporation where such 
 slave shall be found, to provide for the maintenance 
 of every such slave ; to charge the master or owner 
 with a sum, quarterly or annually, sufficient for 
 that purpose, and to recover the same by motion.* 
 Since 1788, the life of the slave has been pro 
 tected by the laws equally with that of the free 
 man ;f and the statutes against maiming extend as 
 well to the protection of the bond as the free. In 
 1811, it was decided by the superior criminal 
 court, that the statute against stabbing would sus 
 tain an indictment for stabbing a slave as well as 
 a freeman.J A similar question was before the 
 court in 1827, upon an indictment for shooting a 
 slave and decided the same way.ft The court held 
 
 * Sup. Rev. Code, p. 236, $3. f Hen. Stat. vol. xii. p. 681. 
 i Com. vs. Chappie, 1 Va. Cases, p, 184. 
 $ Com. vs. Carver, 5 Rand. 660. 
 
144 SLAVERY. 
 
 that the act was intended to protect slaves as well 
 as free persons, and the same punishment should be 
 inflicted for unlawfully shooting or stabbing a person 
 in one class as in the other. 
 
 Whether the slave is protected against minor 
 injuries from the hand of the master, has been a 
 question in Virginia of much doubt and difficulty. 
 On one occasion, a master was indicted in a circuit 
 court, and by the judgment of that court punished by 
 fine and imprisonment for the immoderate, cruel, 
 and excessive beating of his own slave.* A sub 
 sequent case was carried before the supreme crim 
 inal court in 1827, and that court was of opinion 
 that the common law could not operate upon sla 
 very, which was a condition wholly new to it, and 
 that no act of the legislature having been made for 
 the punishment of the offence, the indictment could 
 not be sustained. In the conclusion of its opinion, 
 the court say, " It is greatly to be deplored that 
 an offence so odious and revolting as this, should 
 exist to the reproach of humanity. Whether it 
 may be wiser to correct it by legislative enact 
 ments, or leave it to the tribunal of public opinion, 
 which will not fail to award to the offender its 
 deep and solemn reprobation, is a question of great 
 delicacy and doubt. This court has little hesita- 
 
 * 5 Rand. p. 667. 
 
SLAVERY. 145 
 
 tion in saying that the power of correction does 
 not belong to it"* 
 
 No master or owner of a slave can license 
 such slave to go at large, and trade as a freeman. f 
 It is expressly declared unlawful to give a slave 
 permission to procure ardent spirits, and sell, bar 
 ter, or trade with the same.J A person who has 
 obtained a license to exhibit a public show, or to 
 vend articles as a hawker or pedler, cannot author 
 ize a negro or mulatto to exhibit or vend in his 
 stead. And no one can permit his slave, or a 
 slave hired by him, to go at large and hire him 
 self out. || 
 
 No person is allowed to buy or receive from, or 
 sell to a slave, any commodity, without the con 
 sent of his master, overseer, or employer ; and 
 the penalty is greater when the dealing is on the 
 Sabbath day.*[[ A specific penalty is provided for 
 selling ardent spirits to a slave without the consent 
 of his master, overseer, or employer.** Further 
 penalties are imposed on the master or skipper of 
 
 * Com. vs. Turner, 5 Rand. 686. 
 
 f Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 442, 81 - 
 
 t Sup. Rev. Code, p. 250, 5. 
 
 $ Sess. Acts 1833-4. p. 14, $ 23. 
 
 II Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 442, $ 81, 82. 
 
 f Ibid. p. 426, $ 19, 20 ; Sup. p. 250, $ 2, 
 
 ** Sup. Rev. Code, p- 250, $ 4, 
 
140 SLAVERY. 
 
 a vessel who shall deal with a slave without the 
 consent of the master or overseer, or who shall per 
 mit any slave to come on board his vessel without 
 such consent.* 
 
 A slave is not allowed to keep or carry any 
 weapon. f And according to the letter of^the stat 
 ute, he cannot go from the tenement of his master, 
 or other person with whom he lives, without a pass, 
 or something to show that he is proceeding by au 
 thority from his master, employer, -or overseer ;J 
 but this statute has never been strictly enforced. 
 
 If any negro or mulatto, bond or free, furnish a 
 pass or permit to any slave, without the consent 
 of the master, employer, or overseer of such slave, 
 lie may be punished by stripes, not exceeding thir 
 ty-nine, at the discretion of a magistrate. The 
 terms of the statute are rather stronger where the 
 act done is with intent to aid the slave to abscond 
 from his owner or possessor.^ To guard against 
 the consequences of allowing slaves to write 
 passes, it has within a few years past been enacted, 
 that if any white person, for pay or compensation, 
 shall assemble with any slaves for the purpose of 
 teaching, and shall teach any slave to read 01 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 453, 83, 84. 
 f Ibid. p. 423, 7, 8 ; Sup. p. 246, 4. 
 t Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 422, 6. 
 $ Ibid. p. 423, $ 6 ; Sup. p. 80, $ 6. 
 
SLAVERY. 147 
 
 write, such person, or any white person contracting 
 with such teacher so to act, shall be liable to a fine.* 
 
 In connection with, and introductory to what 
 will be said touching the religious exercises of the 
 slaves, a curious ancient statute, passed in 1667, 
 may be mentioned. It recites, that some doubts 
 had arisen whether children that were slaves by 
 birth, and by the piety of their owners became 
 partakers of the sacrament of baptism, should by 
 virtue of their baptism be made free ; and then 
 proceeds to declare that the conferring of baptism 
 doth not alter the condition of the person as to his 
 bondage or freedom, to the end that masters, freed 
 from this doubt, may more carefully endeavour the 
 propagation of Christianity, by permitting children, 
 though slaves, or those of greater growth, if capa* 
 ble, to be admitted to that sacrament, f 
 
 There is nothing now in the laws of Virginia to 
 prevent the assembling of the slaves of any one 
 owner or master together at any time for religious 
 devotion ; nothing to deprive masters or owners of 
 slaves of the right to employ any free white person 
 whom they may think proper to give religious in 
 struction to their slaves ; nothing to prevent any or 
 dained or licensed white minister of the Gospel, or 
 
 * Sup. Rev. Code, p. 245, 6. 
 
 t Hen. Stat. vol. ii. p. 260 ; vol. ui. p. 4$0, 
 
148 SLAVERY. 
 
 any layman licensed for that purpose by the denomi 
 nation to which he may belong, from preaching or 
 giving religious instruction to slaves in the daytime ; 
 and nothing to prevent the masters or owners of 
 slaves from carrying, or permitting any such slave 
 to go with them, or with any part of their white fam 
 ily, to any place of religious worship conducted by 
 a white minister, in the nighttime.* 
 
 The inhibitions relating to this subject are these : 
 that a slave shall not attend any preaching in the 
 nighttime, although conducted by a white minis 
 ter, without a written permission from his owner, 
 overseer, or master, or the agent of one of them ; 
 that no slave, free negro, or mulatto shall preach, 
 or exhort, or hold any meeting, either in the day 
 or at night ; and that no slave, free negro, or mu 
 latto shall attend any assembly held, or pretended 
 to be held, for religious purposes or other instruc 
 tion, conducted by any slave, free negro, or mulatto 
 preacher.f 
 
 These inhibitions grow out of the same policy 
 which had previously produced the law declaring 
 that all assemblages of slaves or free negroes or 
 mulattoes with slaves, at any meetinghouse, or 
 other place in the night, or at any school for teach 
 ing them reading or writing, either in the day or 
 night, should be considered unlawful assemblies, 
 Snp. Rev. Code, p. 246, $1,2. t Ibid, 
 
SLAVERY. 149 
 
 and might be dispersed by a warrant from a justice 
 of the peace.* 
 
 When a slave is apprehended for any crime not 
 punishable with death or dismemberment, he may be 
 let to bail ; and though the crime be so punishable, 
 yet if only a like suspicion of guilt fall on him, 
 he is in like manner bailable. f 
 
 Any negro or mulatto, bond or free, is a good 
 witness in picas of the commonwealth for or against 
 negroes or mulattoes, bond or free, or in civil cases 
 where free negroes or mulattoes shall alone be 
 parties.! 
 
 For a great variety of offences, slaves are 
 punishable by stripes at the discretion of a justice 
 of the peace, not exceeding thirty-nine. They 
 may be so punished for disposing of spirituous 
 liquors at or within one mile of any muster, 
 preaching, or other public assembly of black or 
 white persons $ for secretly harbouring a slave 
 without the consent of his master or overseer ;|| for 
 riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies, trespasses, 
 and seditious speeches ;T for using abusive and pro 
 voking language to a white person, or for lifting their 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. pp. 424, 5, 15, 16. 
 f Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 45. J Rev. Code, v. i. p. 422, $ 5. 
 $ Sup. Rev. Code, p. 247, $ 5. II Rev. Code, v. i. p. 439, $ 69. 
 f Ibid. P- 423, $ 12 ; Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 52. 
 N 2 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 hands against such person except in defence;* 
 for writing or printing, or causing to be written and 
 printed, any book, pamphlet, or other writing, ad 
 vising persons of colour within this state to make 
 insurrection or to rebel, or for knowingly circu 
 lating or causing to be circulated any such book, 
 pamphlet, or writing;! for the larceny of any 
 money, bank note, goods, chattels, or other thing of 
 the value of twenty dollars or less ;+ for buying or 
 receiving any stolen goods, bank note, or other 
 paper of value, knowing the same to be stolen ; and 
 for negligently setting fire to any wood, fence, 
 field, or anything capable of spreading fire, and 
 thereby injuring another.|| Many of the offences 
 here enumerated, if committed by a white person, 
 would be punished by confinement in the peniten 
 tiary for a long term. 
 
 When a negro or mulatto is found, upon due 
 proof made to any county or corporation court, to 
 have given false testimony, he may be ordered by 
 the court to have both ears nailed to the pillory 
 and cut off, and receive thirty-nine lashes, or such 
 other punishment as the court shall think proper, not 
 extending to life or limb.? 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 426, 22. 
 
 t Sup. Rev. Code, p. 247, $ 7. j Ibid . p> 24 2, $ 5. 
 
 $ Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 589, $ 9 ; Sup. p. 244, $ 3, 
 
 II Sess. Acts 1834-5, pp. 46 et 65, $ 2. 
 
 1T Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 431, 46. 
 
SLAVERY. 151 
 
 After a slave has been found guilty of hog-steal 
 ing, and punished with stripes, if he be convicted a 
 second time, he may be ordered to stand in the pil 
 lory, and have his ears nailed thereto and cut off.* 
 
 If a slave maliciously set fire to any woods, 
 fence, field of grass, straw, hay, or other such 
 thing capable of taking and spreading fire on lands, 
 or aid and abet therein, he is guilty of felony, 
 but will have the benefit of clergy. t If a slave 
 maliciously set fire to any barn, stable, cornhouse, 
 or other house, he is guilty of felony ; but if the in 
 jury done by the offence does not exceed fifty dol 
 lars, he will have the benefit of clergy4 So, if a 
 slave maliciously set fire to any stack or cock 
 of wheat, barley, oats, corn, or other grain, or to 
 any stack or cock of hay, straw, or fodder, he is 
 guilty of felony ; but unless injury be done to the 
 value of fifty dollars, he will have the benefit of 
 clergy. For an offence within the benefit of 
 clergy, the slave is burned in the hand by the jailer 
 in open court, and suffers such corporal punish 
 ment as the court think fit to inflict. || 
 
 The next class of offences embraces those for 
 which a slave may be sentenced to death, but for 
 
 * Rev. Code, \ol. i. p. 574, 2 f Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 46. 
 $ Rev. Code, vol. i, p. 588, 5 ; Sup. p. 244 
 $ Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 588, $ 6 ; Sup. p. 244. 
 II Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 431, $ 45. 
 
1 52 SLAVERY. 
 
 which the sentence is never carried into execution. 
 Forgeries,* horse-stealing,f and feloniously break 
 ing any warehouse or storehouse, and taking there 
 from property of the value of four dollars or more,:); 
 come within this class. What is substituted for the 
 punishment of death will presently be shown. 
 
 The justices of every county or corporation are 
 justices of oyer and terminer for trying slaves 
 charged with felony. These trials are by five at 
 least, without juries, upon legal evidence, at such 
 times as the sheriffs or other officers shall appoint ; 
 not being less than five, or more than ten days 
 after the offender shall have been committed to 
 jail. No person having any interest in the slave 
 can sit upon his trial. || The court assign counsel 
 to the slave, who is heard in his defence ; and the 
 fee of counsel is fixed by the justices, and paid by 
 the owner. For good cause shown, the court may 
 adjourn from time to time, but the trial cannot 
 be delayed, unless by the application of the pris 
 oner, beyond the third term after the commitment ; 
 and when the trial comes on, the slave is not con 
 demned in any case, unless all of the justices sit 
 ting on his trial agree in opinion that he is 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol i. p. 581 ; Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 47. 
 t Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 575. J Ibid. p. 588, $ 7. 
 
 1) Ibid. p. 428, $ 32. || Ibid. p. 431, $ 43. 
 
 1T Ibid. pp. 431, 2, $ 32 to 35. 
 
SLAVERY. 153 
 
 It was formerly sufficient that fouf of the court, 
 being a majority, should concur in opinion,* but 
 the act of 1786 required that all of the justices 
 sitting should agree,! and so the law has since 
 remained. This necessity of unanimity on the 
 part of those who are to determine the law as well 
 as the fact, gives to the slave an advantage over a 
 white person. In a court called for the examina 
 tion of a white person, the decision of a majority 
 of that court against the accused will avail as 
 much as their unanimous opinion. So in a prose 
 cution against a white person, if a question of law 
 be carried to the supreme criminal tribunal, the 
 decision of the question by a majority of that court 
 will govern. The unanimity in the justices sitting 
 for the trial of a slave, has been fixed by analogy 
 to the unanimity required in a jury for the trial of 
 a white person. But the slave has still an advan 
 tage in this. If eleven jurors think the prisoner 
 guilty and one thinks otherwise, the effect is sim 
 ply to give the accused another chance before a 
 new jury. Whereas if four justices are against 
 the slave and one for him, he is entirely acquitted. 
 
 If judgment of death be passed upon the slave, 
 the law declares there shall be thirty davs at least 
 
 * Hen. Stat. vol. viii. p. 523. t Ibid. vol. xii. p. 345. 
 
154 SLAVERY. 
 
 between the time of passing judgment and the day 
 of execution, except in cases of conspiracy, insur 
 rection, or rebellion.* Arid in all cases where a 
 slave is tried and convicted of any crime which 
 may affect life, the court before which the trial is 
 had, is directed to cause the testimony for and 
 against every such slave to be entered on record, 
 and a copy of the whole proceedings to be trans 
 mitted forthwith to the executive.! 
 
 The governor is vested with the executive power, 
 and has a general authority to grant reprieves and 
 pardons.]; There is besides a special power in 
 the executive to sell slaves under sentence of 
 death, and take bond from the purchasers condi 
 tioned for carrying such slaves out of the United 
 States. The sale amounts to a reprieve from the 
 sentence of death. In this way the punishment of 
 death is constantly commuted, where that punish 
 ment is deemed too severe for the offence of which 
 the slave is convicted. 
 
 Many offences remain to be enumerated where 
 the sentence of the court would be death. That 
 sentence is pronounced upon a slave for maliciously- 
 setting fire to any barn, stable, cornhouse, or other 
 
 * Rev, Code, vol. i. p. 429, $ 32. f Ibid. p. 430, $ 40. 
 
 t Am. Cons. art. iv. $ 4. Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 430, $ 39. 
 
SLAVERY, 155 
 
 house, or to any stack of wheat or other grain, or 
 to any stack of hay, straw, or fodder, where injury 
 is actually sustained by any such fire to the value 
 of fifty dollars.* 
 
 For maliciously assaulting and beating any 
 white person, with intention, iri so doing, to kill 
 such white person.f 
 
 For an attempt to ravish a white woman. ;f 
 
 For a rape actually committed. 
 
 For preparing and administering poisonous medi 
 cines with intent to murder.|[ 
 
 For consulting, plotting, and conspiring to rebel 
 or make insurrection, or to murder any white per 
 son ;li and 
 
 After conviction of the offence of writing, print 
 ing, or causing to be written or printed, any book, 
 pamphlet, or other writing, advising persons of 
 colour within this state to make insurrection, or to 
 rebel, or the offence of knowingly circulating or 
 causing to be circulated any such book, pamphlet, 
 or writing, for committing any such offence a 
 second time.** 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 588, $ 5, 6 ; Sup. p. 244. 
 
 t Sup. Rev. Code, p. 247, $ 6. J Ibid. p. 281, $ 3. 
 
 Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 585. 
 
 || Hen. Stat. vol. vi. p. 105, $ 3 ; 1 R. C. p. 427, $ 25, 6, 7. 
 
 If Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 427, $ 23.- ** Sup, p. 247, $ 7. 
 
158 SLAVERY. 
 
 In many of the cases which have been just men 
 tioned, the sentence would probably be commuted ; 
 in others not. 
 
 The value of a slave condemned to die, who 
 shall suffer accordingly, or before execution of the 
 sentence, perish, escape, or be sold for transporta 
 tion by the executive, is estimated by the justices 
 triers, and paid by the commonwealth to the 
 owner.* 
 
 While the state of Virginia has punished those 
 slaves M r ho have violated her laws, even at a 
 charge upon herself to the amount of their value, 
 she has not forgotten those who have rendered her 
 essential service. As early as 1710 an act was 
 passed, reciting that a negro slave named Will, 
 belonging to Robert Rtiffin of the county of Surry, 
 was signally serviceable in discovering a con 
 spiracy of negroes, and declaring, that as a reward 
 for his fidelity, and to encourage such services, the 
 said negro Will should be for ever free from his 
 slavery, and should inhabit within the colony of 
 Virginia if he should think fit to continue therein ; 
 and the value of the slave was directed to be paid 
 to the owner out of the public money.f 
 
 In 1779 an act passed, reciting that a negro 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 430, 37, 41. 
 t Hen. Stat. vol. iii. p. 537. 
 
SLAVERY. 157 
 
 slave named Kitt, the property of Hinchia Mabry 
 of the county of Brunswick, had rendered meri* 
 torious service in making the first discovery of 
 several persons concerned in counterfeiting money 
 and it was declared that Kitt should be set free 
 and the treasurer was required to make full com 
 pensation to his owner for him.* 
 
 In 1783 an act passed, declaring that every 
 slave who, by the direction of his owner, had en 
 listed in any regiment or corps raised in this state, 
 either as continental or state establishment, and 
 had been received as a substitute for any free per 
 son whose duty or lot it was to serve in such regi 
 ment or corps, and had served faithfully during the 
 term of such enlistment, or had been discharged 
 from such service by some officer duly authorized 
 to grant such discharge, should be completely 
 emancipated ; and if any of the said persons should 
 be detained in servitude, the attorney-general was 
 required to commence proceedings in their be- 
 half.t 
 
 By the same act, Aberdeen, a negro man slave, 
 who had laboured a number of years in the public 
 service at the lead mines, was emancipated. J 
 
 In 1801 a law was passed, authorizing and re- 
 
 * Hen. Stat. vol. x. p. 115. f Ibid. vol. xi. p. 308. 
 
 % Ibid. p. 309, 
 
158 SLAVERY. 
 
 questing the governor to purchase and set free, on 
 behalf of the commonwealth, Pharaoh, a slave, the 
 property of Philip Sheppard, and Tom, a slave, the 
 property of Elizabeth Sheppard, both of whom 
 had rendered essential service.* 
 
 While thus much and perhaps more has been 
 done by the commonwealth of Virginia, there is 
 nothing to prevent individual emancipation. The 
 general assembly has made it lawful for any per 
 son by his last will and testament, or by any other 
 instrument in writing under his hand and seal, 
 attested and proved or acknowledged in the mode 
 prescribed, to emancipate and set free his slaves 
 or any of them.f A slave thus emancipated can 
 not remain within the commonwealth as matter of 
 right more than twelve months thereafter, unless 
 an infant, and then not more than twelve months 
 after attaining the age of twenty-one years.J But 
 if the emancipation was for an act of extraordinary 
 merit, upon proof to the county or corporation court 
 of such act, and of the general good character and 
 conduct of the applicant, permission maybe granted 
 him to remain within the commonwealth. 
 
 A man who is in debt cannot give away his 
 
 * Sess. Acts 1800-1, p. 19. ch. 34. 
 
 t Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 433, 53, J Ibid. p. 436, $ 6L 
 
 $ Ibid. p. 436, $ 62. 
 
SLAVERY. 159 
 
 property to the prejudice of his creditors. On the 
 same principle slaves emancipated are liable to be 
 taken by execution to satisfy any debt contracted 
 by the person emancipating them, before such 
 emancipation is made.* Yet where slaves are 
 emancipated by will, and they are taken under ex 
 ecution to satisfy a debt of the testator, it has been 
 decided that a sale of the persons emancipated 
 may be prohibited, if the other estate of the testator 
 be sufficient for the payment of his debts. f 
 
 So a widow, who renounces her husband s will 
 and claims under the law, is entitled to one third of 
 the slaves whereof her husband died possessed, 
 notwithstanding they may be emancipated by his 
 will. Yet if part of the slaves only be emanci 
 pated, the widow s part is taken out of those which 
 are not set free, if there be enough to make one 
 third of the whole number whereof the husband 
 died possessed. Or where the personal estate of 
 the husband, after payment of debts and expenses, 
 is sufficient to compensate the widow for the value 
 of her third part, the personal representative may 
 make such compensation.}: 
 
 If the slaves emancipated be not, in the judgment 
 
 * Rev. Code. vol. i. p. 434, t) 54. 
 f Dunn vs. Amy, &c. 1 Leigh, -165. 
 J Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 435. $ 60, 
 
160 SLAVERY. 
 
 of the proper court, of sound mind and body, or 
 be too old or too young, then they are to be sup 
 ported and maintained by the person so liberating 
 them, or by his or her estate.* 
 
 Such is the code of laws for the government of 
 the slaves of the South ; and it may confidently be 
 asked, whether, when we consider the nature of 
 the institution, and the necessity of providing for 
 the security of property as well as life in times of 
 high excitement, it exhibits any disposition on the 
 part of the master to tyrannize over his slave ? Is 
 it not, in its general features, far less severe than 
 the law of England, with all her claims to philan 
 thropy ? If night assemblages of slaves are pro 
 hibited in the southern states, are they not equally 
 so in Ireland at this very moment, not under pen 
 alty of stripes, but death ? Are they not liable to 
 be broken up by a military force exercising all the 
 severities of martial law at discretion ? Is it not 
 held felony in a person to possess arms ? Can any 
 white man in England sell liquor, or exhibit public 
 shows without a license, the omission to procure 
 which is visited by severe penalties ? Is not per 
 jury, forgery, setting fire to houses, barns, stables, 
 
 * Rev. Code, vol. i. p. 434, $ 55. 
 
SLAVERY. 161 
 
 and stacks of hay or corn, punished with death ? 
 and were not several persons hanged without ben 
 efit of clergy a few years since in the counties of 
 Kent and Sussex for these offences ? Is not pre 
 paring and administering poisons, committing a 
 rape, conspiring against the government or against 
 the person of the king, death by the law of Eng 
 land? Is not shooting a partridge or snaring a 
 hare without license, stealing a loaf of bread, and 
 various other venial trespasses, punished by trans 
 portation ? And are not various crimes punished 
 capitally in England, which, when committed here 
 by slaves, are only visited with stripes, branding, 
 and loss of ears ? It is true there are some 
 offences in the code of the South, which are not 
 so by the law of England ; but it is maintained, 
 and the comparison challenged, that, take it as a 
 vhole, the former is more humane in principle, as 
 well as practice, than the latter. Let England, 
 then, look at home for the exercise of her philan 
 thropy. Enough will be found to require all her 
 labours in behalf of the rights of humanity. It 
 may, indeed, be urged in reply to this, that the 
 people of England have a voice in making these 
 laws, and in repealing them should they be con 
 sidered tyrannical or severe. In theory, they cer 
 tainly have ; but practically, by far the greater por- 
 o2 
 
162 SLAVERY. 
 
 tion of those on whom they operate most extern 
 sively, have no more agency in making or unmaking 
 the laws than the slaves of the southern states. 
 
 Compared with the existing laws of many of 
 the other states of the Union, the code of slavery 
 unquestionably appears severe. The infliction of 
 stripes, and other corporal punishments, is pecu 
 liarly unpalatable to the weak stomach of modern 
 philanthropy, whose sympathies seem almost ex 
 clusively on the side of the transgressors of the 
 statutes. It should be remembered, however, that 
 it is within the memory of every citizen of New- 
 York of the age of forty, that stripes for petty 
 offences were inflicted at the discretion of the 
 magistrates, and that the repeal of the law author 
 izing such punishments, originated in a popular 
 clamour on account of a single instance of undue 
 severity. In the state of Delaware, and, it is be 
 lieved, in all, or nearly all the old states south of 
 it, corporal punishments of white citizens form a 
 portion of their criminal code, and are not confined 
 to slaves. 
 
 This is not the place to inquire into the wisdom 
 or humanity of substituting imprisonment for 
 stripes, or branding, or even mutilation. Thus 
 much, however, may be said on the subject, that 
 beyond doubt the class of offences for which cor- 
 
SLAVERY. 163 
 
 poral punishments were formerly inflicted has in 
 creased to a great extent ; that disgrace is no pun 
 ishment to those who have lost the sense of shame ; 
 that trifling imprisonment, accompanied by a liberal 
 allowance of food, comfortable lodgings, and exemp 
 tion from labour, afford but little security to society 
 from the depredations of those who possess none 
 of these comforts, and to whom idleness is the 
 greatest of all luxuries. It might be well also to 
 bear in mind, that to shut the head of a family 
 from the world, is to make his wife and children, 
 for the most part, dependant on society for support; 
 and that a sickly feeling of commiseration for 
 guilt, when carried into the administration of the 
 laws, is both unjust and dangerous to the innocent, 
 because it removes one of the most effectual bar 
 riers to the commission of crime. 
 
 In estimating the laws for the government of 
 slaves, it should not be forgotten, that the charac 
 teristic most universal in the natives of Africa and 
 their descendants, is laziness. Merely to imprison 
 them, so far from operating as a punishment, would 
 be the most grateful of all indulgences, since it 
 would afford them ample room for the gratification 
 of their natural taste. Like many of the pupils 
 of our court of quarter sessions, they would com 
 mit offences solely for the sake of passing a few 
 
164 SLAVERY. 
 
 days, weeks, or months in a comfortable asylum, 
 where they would, as a matter of course, receive 
 board and lodging without the necessity of earning 
 either. In the mean time the master would be 
 losing his services, while under the obligation of 
 maintaining the culprit. Hence a resort is had to 
 corporal punishment, the only effectual mode of 
 reaching the feelings of a race whose situation 
 naturally places them out of the reach of those 
 restraints and inflictions, which operate most 
 effectually on those who have preserved the sense 
 of honour and the safeguard of shame. 
 
 In all military systems, corporal punishments 
 of some kind or other have been, and still are found 
 necessary to the preservation of discipline ; and if 
 we are not misinformed, in none are they inflicted 
 with more severity than that of England. Both 
 soldiers and sailors may be punished with a certain 
 number of stripes, or by imprisonment for a limited 
 period, and in various other ways, at the discretion 
 of almost any petty officer. Apprentices, children, 
 and school boys and girls, are in like manner sub- 
 ject to reasonable or unreasonable chastisement 
 by stripes ; and the acknowledged gallantry of the 
 present age has not yet signalized its devotion to 
 the gentler sex, by a repeal of the old law which 
 authorizes the husband to inflict a moderate chas- 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 165 
 
 tisement on his better half. Even captains of 
 merchantmen have a discretionary power of pun 
 ishment over their sailors. 
 
 It may, however, be urged, that in these cases 
 we have a security against unnecessary, or wanton, 
 or inhuman punishments, in the character of the 
 officer, the responsibility of the magistrate, the 
 interest of the mechanic in the services of his 
 apprentices, the affection of the parent for his 
 child, the husband for his wife, and the conse 
 quences that would result from any gross abuse of 
 his authority by the teacher. So have we similar 
 guaranties for the restraint and punishment of the 
 abuse of the power of the master over his slave. 
 Interchanging, as they do, the labours of the one 
 for the benefits and protection of the other, it can 
 not but follow that some degree of reciprocal good 
 will must grow up between them, and most espe 
 cially on the part of the master. Men love. what 
 belongs to them. The tie of ownership is one of 
 the strongest and most universal that operates on 
 the affections of mankind. Our home is without 
 its greatest attraction, unless it is our own. This 
 sentiment extends to all inanimate property, to our 
 farm, our house and its furniture, for all which we 
 feel an habitual and cordial attachment. It is still 
 stronger towards domestic animals belonging to us, 
 
166 SLAVERY. 
 
 and yet more strong towards domestic slaves. We 
 cherish and value our horses, our dogs, our cattle, 
 and sheep, simply because they administer to our 
 comfort, pride, convenience, amusement, or wealth. 
 It is therefore contrary to the nature of man, unless 
 that nature be radically depraved, or brutified by 
 vicious indulgence, to feel any other than the kind* 
 est attachment to his slaves, unless they forfeit it 
 by their own misconduct. It is a libel on human 
 nature, equally at war with all experience of the 
 heart of man, to assume, as a general principle, that 
 he will wantonly abuse his power over that which 
 is his own, or so far lose sight of his interest as to 
 misuse, starve, or mutilate the being so necessary 
 to his comfort and happiness. If he starves him 
 he cannot work; if he maims him he loses his 
 labour, and is obliged to pay the cost of his 
 cure. He would gratify his passions at the ex 
 pense of his interest. This, it is true, is some 
 times done in all the relations of social life, and 
 yet those relations are not to be considered as con 
 trary to the law of God, because they are some 
 times abused to bad purposes. 
 
 There is yet another and equally powerful re 
 straint on the abuse of the power of the master 
 over the slave the restraint of public opinion, 
 which may be said in this age, and most especially 
 
SLAVERY. 167 
 
 in this country, to be the supreme law of the land. 
 In the present state of that opinion, the man who 
 should be known to inflict wanton and unnecessary 
 punishment on a slave, or to stint him in the ordi 
 nary comforts of life, or subject him to rigid or un 
 merciful restraints in the enjoyment of his hours 
 of freedom, would incur the odium of all his neigh 
 bours. He would be shut out from all social inter 
 course with his equals ; his inferiors would despise 
 him ; and he would create a solitude around his 
 estate. The whole community would rise up 
 against him as a tyrant who had abused his power 
 over one race, and brought indelible disgrace on 
 another. 
 
 That there may be solitary examples of indi 
 vidual cruelty presented at rare intervals, is be 
 yond a doubt. To deny it would be equivalent to 
 asserting that men never abuse their power. But 
 that the tales circulated by the abolitionists, equally 
 vague as horrible, and in which neither time, place, 
 nor names are specified, nor any clew given by 
 which their truth may be tested, are true, or if 
 true, in any, the slightest degree characteristic of 
 the general treatment of the slaves of the South, 
 our own experience unequivocally contradicts. In 
 a residence of several years within the District of 
 Columbia, and a pretty extensive course of travel 
 
1 68 SLAVERY. 
 
 in some of the southern states, we never saw or 
 heard of any such instances of cruelty. We saw 
 no chains and heard no stripes. But we every day 
 and every hour saw and heard the slaves joking, 
 gambolling about, laughing with a hearty exuber 
 ance that could only come from the heart, and ap- 
 parently as happy in their situation as any class of 
 human beings in existence. If, then, Paley is 
 right, when he lays it down as a principle that 
 " there remains a presumption in favour of those 
 conditions of life in which men generally appear 
 most cheerful and contented," assuredly the white 
 men of the United States have as little cause of 
 triumph over the slave, as they have reason to 
 lament his bondage. 
 
 This public sentiment to which allusion has 
 been made as a bar to the oppression of the slave, 
 is still more powerful in the South than in the 
 other portions of the Union. They feel that they 
 stand at the bar of the public, charged, however 
 unjustly, with abusing a power which they have 
 inherited in consequence of circumstances beyond 
 their control ; and every man is conscious that he 
 is responsible in his conduct, not only for his 
 own, but the reputation of the state to which he 
 belongs. It is in consequence of this, as well 
 
SLAVERY. 169 
 
 as from still more enlarged feelings of human 
 ity, that all the more severe laws have become 
 a dead letter, except in times of high public 
 excitement from the apprehension of insurrec 
 tion. In fact, they were, in a great measure, 
 devised for these exigencies alone, and are not, 
 nor ever have been, even partially enforced, except 
 on such occasions. It is scarcely necessary 1o 
 observe, that the real character and operation of 
 all codes depends on the spirit in which they are 
 executed. It is believed there are few systems of 
 laws now in existence, and which have not under 
 gone a revision within the last half century, that 
 do not s^ill contain provisions which would appear 
 barbarous if executed to the letter, and which re 
 main, as it were, in abeyance, only to be revived 
 in extreme cases. Such are many of the slave 
 laws of the South, which, although not repealed 
 because extraordinary circumstances may render 
 it absolutely necessary to the preservation of the 
 property and lives of the free citizens to revive 
 them, are still at all other times a mere dead letter 
 in the statute books. 
 
 Admitting, however, that there may be rare and 
 
 solitary instances in which some brutal master 
 
 has equally lost sight of his own interests as well 
 
 as of the common feelings of humanity, and wan- 
 
 p 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 tonly oppressed his slave. Are there not, in the 
 records of military and naval punishments, nume 
 rous instances of a tyrannical exercise of power ? 
 Are there not equally numerous cases in our marine 
 ^ courts, in which the captains of merchant vessels 
 are tried and punished for maltreating sailors ? 
 Has the sacred seat of justice never been prosti 
 tuted to the purposes of interest and iniquity ? Has 
 the magistrate no passions, prejudices, or moments 
 of irritation, which are sometimes propitiated by 
 the additional punishment of criminals. Are there 
 not thousands of recorded instances of cruelty and 
 oppression practised by masters on their appren 
 tices and helpless dependants ? And, still deeper 
 stain to humanity ! are not the courts of every civ 
 ilized nation in Christendom continually polluted 
 by the presence of wretches brought thither for 
 the most outrageous violations of the persons of 
 their wives and children? There, it is true, they 
 occasionally receive their just reward ; but it can 
 not be doubted that thousands and tens of thousands 
 of cases equally flagrant will never be known, and 
 never punished, at least in this world, until " the 
 friends of the entire human race" shall take as much 
 pains to find out and redress the wrongs of the 
 white, as they have those of the black skin. Such 
 examples are incidental to every mode, condition, 
 
SLAVERY. 171 
 
 and relation of human life, and are not the result 
 of any one in particular. They spring from the 
 corruptions of the human heart, like all the crimes 
 and sufferings of this world. To abolish any cus 
 tom or institution, because it may be, or is abused, 
 would be to make war on all laws, Divine and hu> 
 man ; for all laws have been occasionally perverted 
 from their great objects, and made the scourges, 
 instead of the benefactors of mankind. 
 
 On the other hand, it will be seen by a reference 
 to the abstract of laws for the government of the 
 slave, that in some cases the law is more favour 
 able to him than to his master. He cannot be con 
 victed of felony, unless by a unanimous decision 
 of his judges, whereas a majority is sufficient to 
 condemn the white citizen. He cannot be executed 
 until at least thirty days after his sentence, unless 
 in time of insurrection or rebellion ; and not be 
 fore the testimony for and against him is placed 
 on record, and a copy transmitted to the governor, 
 who is invested with the power of pardoning and 
 reprieving. The governor is also clothed with a 
 special authority to sell slaves under sentence of 
 death, taking bond that the purchaser shall remove 
 them from the United States ; and in various other 
 cases the punishment may be commuted. Those 
 who are resolutely bent on finding selfish motives 
 
172 SLAVERY. 
 
 where those of humanity alone appear, may possi 
 bly attempt to trace those humane provisions to a 
 regard for the property of the master, rather than 
 for the life of the slave. But whatever may be the 
 motive, no one will deny that the result is the 
 same, or that the slave receives the benefit of these 
 exceptions in his favour, as well as his master. 
 To us, these laws distinctly exhibit the operation 
 of a humane policy, desirous, as far as may be 
 consistent with the safety of their institutions, to 
 alleviate the condition of bondage by every means 
 in their power. The more severe provisions 
 of the law must be traced to the absolute ne 
 cessity of the case : the more lenient ones to 
 the influence of humanity. If it should be retorted, 
 that this very necessity shows that the condition of 
 society in which it originates is radically bad, our 
 reply will be found in the following chapter. We 
 have already, if we do not err, shown that the 
 slave of the South is not altogether at the mercy 
 of his master ; that he has legal rights which pro 
 tect him against punishment beyond a reasonable 
 extent, much more effectually than the soldier or 
 sailor ; that he is, like every free citizen, under 
 the protection of the law. The next chapter will 
 be devoted to a comparison of the relative condition 
 of the African slave in his own native land, as well 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 173 
 
 as in the soutnern states, and the hireling white 
 servants, peasants, and day-labourers of various 
 parts of the world. In so wide a range, it must be 
 obvious, that only great and leading points of com 
 parison or contrast can be referred to; but suf 
 ficient it is hoped, will be exhibited to enable our 
 readers to draw correct general conclusions. 
 P2 
 
1 74 SLAVERY. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the Domestic and Social relations between the 
 Master and Slave in the United States, and of 
 the relative condition of African Freemen ; Af 
 rican Slaves in their Native Land ; American 
 Slaves; English Labourers; European Peas 
 antry, and various Classes of White Men in the 
 United States. 
 
 IT is only from the outward condition of men, 
 that men can judge of the happiness of each other. 
 There are certain physical wants common to all 
 mankind ; some special necessities, that must be 
 supplied, and are indispensable to human existence. 
 Of these, all are equally qualified to form an esti 
 mate. There are other sources of enjoyment and 
 suffering, which must be left to the Great Being 
 who alone enters into the recesses of the heart, 
 and detects its secret workings. 
 
 The most common error of mankind is that of 
 estimating the happiness of others by their own 
 standard of enjoyment, not considering the old 
 
SLAVERY. 175 
 
 proverb, that " One man s meat is another man s 
 poison," and that the endless diversities of habits, 
 character, feeling, intellect, taste, and physical or 
 ganization, create similar varieties in the sources 
 from whence happiness is derived. One thing, 
 however, is certain, that though mankind differ in 
 so many points, there is one on which they all 
 think alike. They all agree that hunger, thirst, 
 cold, and overtasked labour, are real substantial 
 evils ; that, in proportion as we are free from these, 
 we enjoy life, and partake of happiness ; and that, 
 on the contrary, no diversity of habit, character, 
 education, feeling, taste, or intellect, can reconcile 
 us to either one or the other. There is not the 
 same degree of unanimity or certainty with regard 
 to the enjoyments and sufferings of the mind ; 
 neither is it possible to form an estimate of the 
 happiness of any one from his station in life, the 
 degree of knowledge or ignorance he may rise or 
 sink into, or the wealth or power he may possess. 
 We might be miserable in the situation of a man 
 who is in fact happier than ourselves. In short, 
 after all the nourishing harangues and declama 
 tions of sentimental philosophers and philanthropic 
 Quixotes, all reasoning and all experience only 
 bring us to the conclusion of Paley, that "All 
 that can be said is, that there remains a presump- 
 
176 SLAVERY. 
 
 tion in favour of those conditions of life in which 
 men generally appear most cheerful and contented. 
 For though the apparent happiness of mankind be 
 not always a true measure of their real happiness, 
 it is the best we have." 
 
 And this standard of happiness accords best 
 with our ideas of a wise and beneficent Providence, 
 because all experience brings to us the conviction, 
 that the class of human beings which is by far the 
 most numerous, namely, the labouring class, is 
 the merriest and most cheerful, when possessed 
 of the ordinary comforts of life, which, as before 
 observed, are indispensable to human existence in 
 a civilized state. It would ill accord with the 
 attributes of the Supreme Being, to presume, that 
 the exceeding small portion of mankind which is 
 free from the necessity of labour, should enjoy 
 greater happiness than the vast majority, and that 
 without any claim to superior virtue, or perhaps 
 superior intellect. 
 
 Of all the varieties of the human race and of 
 human condition that have ever fallen under our 
 observation, the African slave of the South best 
 realizes the idea of happiness, according to the 
 definition of Archdeacon Paley ; for he is, or rather 
 was, a few years ago, the most light-hearted, 
 sportive, dancing, laughing being in the world. It 
 
SLAVERY. 177 
 
 will be seen in the letters which will presently be 
 produced, that a great change has lately taken place 
 in this respect, in consequence of the labours of the 
 abolitionists to enlighten him to a proper sense of 
 his miserable condition. This cheerful, contented 
 disposition, will doubtless be ascribed by that over- 
 zealous fraternity to ignorance. Be it so. That 
 which destroys our happiness may be called knowl 
 edge, but can claim none of the honours of wisdom, 
 whose sole office is to increase the happiness of 
 mankind. In this respect, ignorance and wisdom 
 often go hand in hand ; for nothing is more certain 
 than that, if a portion of mankind were to become 
 as enlightened as the angels, and yet be obliged to 
 inhabit the earth, they would be the most wretched 
 of all beings. So with the slaves of the South. 
 Teach them to be happy, and let this be the ex 
 tent of their wisdom ; for that knowledge which 
 conduces to the happiness of freemen, is a curse 
 to the slave. 
 
 All those who have visited the states in which 
 slavery prevails, whatever may have been their 
 previous impressions of the horrors of that con 
 dition, must have been struck with the uniform 
 hilarity and cheerfulness which prevail among the 
 blacks. Labouring generally in large numbers to 
 gether, they partake of the influence which com- 
 
178 SLAVERY. 
 
 panionship always exercises over man, the most 
 social of all beings. In the meadows and harvest? 
 fields they lighten their labours by songs, the 
 -measures of which accord with the strokes of the 
 cradle and scythe ; and in whatever employment 
 they may be associated, they are always joking, 
 quizzing, or bantering each other. The children 
 enjoy a life of perfect ease, and are maintained, 
 by the products of the land which belong to them 
 and theirs. The parents, being freed from all 
 anxiety or exertion for the present or future sup 
 port of their offspring, are never beset by the 
 gnawing cares of the free white man, whose whole 
 life is one continued effort to provide for himself 
 and his children. The aged and infirm are also 
 taken care of by the master, either from the dic 
 tates of his own humanity, or the obligation im 
 posed on him by the law. None of them ever 
 become wretched paupers, a disgrace to their race 
 and a burden on society ; and if a philanthropist 
 were to visit their quarters during one of their 
 holydays, he might behold a picture of careless, 
 thoughtless hilarity, which would neutralize much 
 of his horror of that state, which, in every age and 
 nation of the world, has been the lot of millions 
 of human beings, of all shades and colours. 
 This may indeed be the " bliss of ignorance j" 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 but, whatever be its source^ happiness is still hap* 
 piness, all the world over. That knowledge which 
 only makes us discontented with our si^uatienj fS 
 not a possession to be coveted ;- nor can any ae* 
 quisition which diminishes our enjoyments be an 
 object of envy or desire to a wise man, Thfc 
 situation of the slave will indeed be wretched; 
 should the abolitionists succeed in implanting iri 
 his mind the same views and feelings which free 
 men entertain with respect to bondage* But it 
 should be borne in mind, that the sense of deg 
 radation, and the impatience of restraint^ which 
 result from education and habit, are beyond the 
 comprehension of those who have never known; 
 or ever aspired to, any other condition of life* 
 The error of those who insist on the miseries 
 of the slave, consists in placing themselves* with 
 all their experience of the enjoyments of per 
 sonal liberty, in his situation, and then imagin 
 ing what he feels from what they would suffer iri 
 his place. 
 
 In comparing the sources of happiness within the 
 reach of a well-treated slave with those of a free 
 white hireling^ the disadvantages will not all be 
 found oil one side. If they were, it might impeach 
 the justice of Providence j for^ let it be recollectedf 
 that millions of human beings are, and have beefy 
 
180 SLAVERY. 
 
 from the earliest periods of history, subjected to this 
 state, without any fault of their own, so far as we 
 know. Why, then, should they be more miserable, 
 as a matter of necessity, than those who have 
 escaped this fate without any merit of their own ? 
 We cannot bring our minds to such a conclusion, 
 and shall proceed to give our reasons why we be 
 lieve there is not that wide disparity in regard to the 
 enjoyments of this world between the slave and 
 the freeman, which has lately called forth such a 
 burst of philanthropy. 
 
 In casting about for the great and universal 
 motives and excitements to human action, at least 
 in a state of civilization, we shall find that the two 
 principal objects of the exertions of man are, first, 
 to acquire the means of enabling him innocently 
 to gratify that passion which is essential to the 
 great scheme of Providence, and in the absence of 
 which the world would be a lifeless desert ; and, 
 secondly, to guard against the usual consequences 
 resulting from such gratification ; in other words, 
 to maintain his wife and children, and provide for 
 their subsistence after his death. 
 
 Hence the first exertions of a free civilized man 
 are devoted to preparing himself, by the habits of 
 labour, the acquisition of a trade or profession of 
 some kind or other, for acquiring the means of 
 
SLAVERY. 181 
 
 marrying and settling down in life, without entailing 
 distress on his wife and children ; and the second, 
 to save enough to support them in case he should be 
 suddenly called away. There are exceptions to 
 these universal motives of action, yet still it can 
 not be denied that a vast majority of civilized men 
 come under the above description. Their whole 
 lives are spent in qualifying and exerting them 
 selves to sustain the relations of husband and 
 father. For this their early childhood is subjected 
 to the confinement and discipline of schools ; for 
 this their youth is consumed in the acquisition of 
 a trade, or in the acquirement of that knowledge 
 which is necessary to some profession or business ; 
 for this a great portion of grown-up men labour 
 incessantly from manhood to old age, often, very 
 often, without success, and always with a cease 
 less anxiety, which robs those labours of their 
 wholesome influence on body and mind and, 
 after all his cares, his industry, and economy, he 
 dies, perhaps, leaving his children destitute of pro 
 vision, to the mercy of the world, and the protec 
 tion of Heaven. 
 
 Such is not the case with the bondmen of the 
 South. The animal passions, as well as the do 
 mestic affections of the African, are known to be 
 peculiarly powerful. When of age to marry, it is 
 Q 
 
182 SLAVERY. 
 
 his instinct to fall in love ; and as no apprehen 
 sions for the present or future support of his wife 
 and family prevent the indulgence of his passion, 
 he goes to his master, and asks permission to 
 " have a family," as he terms it. If his conduct 
 and character are deserving of such an indulgence, 
 it is seldom or never denied. The master builds 
 him a cabin, furnishes it with such homely com 
 forts as use has made necessary, and he enters 
 upon his new character as head of a family. He 
 feels no anxiety about providing for the present or 
 the future ; his master is bound, by interest as well 
 as humanity, and the obligation to the laws, to 
 support them during the life of the father, and take 
 care of them when he is dead. Do not these ad 
 vantages furnish a counterpoise to many of his real 
 and imaginary grievances ? Does not this entire 
 freedom from the most heavy burdens of the rest 
 of mankind, those carking cares which distil gall 
 into their cup, and make them slaves for life, 
 without the benefit of slavery, explain to us why 
 the slave laughs, dances, and sings, while the free 
 white man so often carries wrinkles on his brow 
 and despondency in his heart ? 
 
 The slave neither knows nor has ever known 
 any other state of life, and to him custom has 
 become a second nature. His mind revolves 
 
SLAVERY. 183 
 
 calmly, and, if you please, sluggishly, within the 
 unvarying circle of his wishes, hopes, and fears ; 
 the body in one round of labour and relaxation, to 
 which long habit has given the same attraction that 
 variety bestows on those who live alone for pleas 
 ure ; and it is only by agitating the still current, or 
 forcing it into a new channel, that discord, discon 
 tent, resentment, revenge, and all their deplorable 
 consequences, are produced. It is easy to persuade 
 the ignorant that they ought to be miserable ; and 
 it is not more difficult to render them so, by making 
 them discontented with their situation. Of all the 
 sources of human suffering, with the exception only 
 of guilt, this is the most fruitful. It produces envy, 
 malice, and all uncharitableness ; it separates the 
 various classes of society from each other; converts 
 them into opposing elements ; and occasions more 
 than half the violations of those two great precepts 
 of the Divine Lawgiver, that we should do as we 
 would be done by, and love our neighbour as our 
 selves. 
 
 It will probably be urged by the advocates of 
 immediate emancipation, that these observations 
 go the length of arresting all exertions to improve 
 our condition or that of others ; that it is this very 
 discontent which impels us to salutary action ; and 
 that to destroy it would be to take away every 
 
184 SLAVERY. 
 
 motive for labour of any kind, bodily or intellect 
 ual, beyond what is necessary to supply the wants 
 of nature. It will, perhaps, be also asserted, that 
 the argument in favour of the contented igno 
 rance of the slave will equally apply to all classes 
 of mankind, and that the whole theory on which the 
 government of the United States is based, is ut 
 terly at war with that here propounded. The con 
 clusion is not admitted, because the acquisition of 
 new ideas of freedom, while it only renders the 
 slave more miserable, and less inclined to useful 
 labour, enables the freeman to become more 
 efficient in his sphere of action, and to improve his 
 condition by the application of his acquired knowl 
 edge to his own affairs, or the administration of 
 his government^^ Every increase of information, 
 and every new expansion of mind, can be made sub 
 servient to the purposes of his happiness ; whereas 
 with the slave, the effect is diametrically opposite, 
 because the acquisition of all knowledge not es 
 sential to the performance of his duties produces 
 discontent, which only makes his present situation 
 less tolerable, while it does not open the least pros 
 pect of bettering it in future^r 
 
 All experience goes to prove that knowledge and 
 freedom are sources of happiness and prosperity 
 to the white man ; and the same unerring guide 
 
SLAVERY. 185 
 
 has demonstrated thus far, that at best they have 
 only made the blacks of the United States less use 
 ful and respectable in their callings. If we mistake 
 not, it has been also clearly demonstrated by facts 
 and legitimate deductions, that the emancipation 
 of the slaves of the South, whether brought about 
 by voluntary concession, coercive legislation, or 
 servile war, would only be productive of conse 
 quences equally deplorable to all parties con 
 cerned. 
 
 To bring the actual situation of the slave of the 
 South more directly to the view of the reader, and 
 enable him to form a more correct opinion than he 
 can derive from the pictures, addresses, almanacs, 
 sermons, and declamations of the immediate abo 
 litionists, we will now lay before him the follow 
 ing letters, written in reply to certain queries of the 
 author of this inquiry. The first is from a gen 
 tleman possessing a large estate and a very consid 
 erable number of slaves, in what is usually called 
 lower Virginia, and whom no motive of personal 
 or political interest can swerve one hair s breadth 
 from the truth. The second is written by a judi 
 cial officer of the Superior Court of that state, 
 whose name and character are a sufficient guar 
 antee for all he writes. It exhibits the social 
 and domestic relations between the master and 
 
186 SLAVERY. 
 
 slave in that part of Virginia lying west of the 
 Blue Ridge, which is chiefly a grain-growing 
 country, and where the slaves are comparatively 
 few. It may not be impertinent to add, that the 
 writer of this work has had sufficient experience, 
 during a long residence at the South, to enable him 
 to vouch for the truth of the pictures here pre 
 sented. The northern reader is requested to pe 
 ruse these letters attentively, and then contrast them 
 with the horrors depicted in the various publications 
 of the abolitionists. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, As regards the first query, which 
 relates to * the rights and duties of the slave, I 
 do not know how extensive a view of this branch 
 of the subject is contemplated. In its simplest 
 aspect, as understood and acted on in Virginia, I 
 should say that the slave is entitled to an abun 
 dance of good plain food ; to coarse but comforta 
 ble apparel; to a warm but humble dwelling; to 
 protection when well, and to succour when sick ; 
 and, in return, that it is his duty to render to his 
 master all the service he can, consistently with 
 perfect health, and to behave submissively and 
 honestly. Other remarks suggest themselves, but 
 they will be more appropriately introduced under 
 different heads. 
 
SLAVERY. 187 
 
 " 2d. * The domestic relations of master and 
 slave. These relations are much misunderstood 
 by many persons to the North, who regard the 
 terms as synonymous with oppressor and oppres 
 sed. Nothing can be farther from the fact. The 
 condition of the negroes in this state has been 
 greatly ameliorated. The proprietors were for 
 merly fewer and richer than at present. Distant 
 quarters were often kept up to support the aristo 
 cratic mansion. They were rarely visited by 
 their owners ; and heartless overseers, frequently 
 changed, were employed to manage them for a 
 share of the crop. These men scourged the land, 
 and sometimes the slaves. Their tenure was but 
 for a year, and of course they made the most of 
 their brief authority. Owing to the influence of 
 our institutions, property has become subdivided, 
 and most persons live on or near their estates. 
 There are exceptions, to be sure, and particularly 
 among wealthy gentlemen in the towns ; but these 
 last are almost all enlightened and humane, and alike 
 liberal to the soil, and to the slave who cultivates 
 it. I could point out some noble instances of pa 
 triotic and spirited improvement among them. But 
 to return to the resident proprietors : most of them 
 have been raised on the estates ; from the older 
 negroes they have received in infancy numberless 
 
188 SLAVERY. 
 
 acts of kindness ; the younger ones have not un- 
 frequently been their playmates (not the most suit 
 able, I admit), and much good-will is thus gener 
 ated on both sides. In addition to this, most men 
 feel attached to their property; and this attach 
 ment is stronger in the case of persons than of 
 things. I know it and feel it. It is true, there are 
 harsh masters ; but there are also bad husbands and 
 bad fathers. They are all exceptions to the rule, not 
 the rule itself. Shall we therefore condemn in the 
 gross those relations, and the rights and authority 
 they imply, from their occasional abuse ? I could 
 mention many instances of strong attachment on 
 the part of the slave, but will only adduce one or 
 two, of which I have been the object. It became 
 a question whether a faithful servant, bred up with 
 me from boyhood, should give up his master or his 
 wife and children, to whom he was affectionately 
 attached, and most attentive and kind. The trial 
 was a severe one, but he determined to break 
 those tender ties and remain with me. I left it 
 entirely to his discretion, though I would not, from 
 considerations of interest, have taken for him quad 
 ruple the price I should probably have obtained. 
 Fortunately, in the sequel, I was enabled to pur 
 chase his family, with the exception of a daugh 
 ter, happily situated ; and nothing but death shall 
 
SLAVERY. 189 
 
 henceforth part them. Were it put to the test, I 
 am convinced that many masters would receive 
 this striking proof of devotion. A gentleman but 
 a day or two since informed me of a similar and 
 even stronger case, afforded by one of his slaves. 
 As the reward of assiduous and delicate attention 
 to a venerated parent, in her last illness, I pro 
 posed to purchase and liberate a healthy and in 
 telligent woman, about thirty years of age, the best 
 nurse, and, in all respects, one of the best servants 
 in the state, of which I was only part owner ; but 
 she declined to leave the family, and has been 
 since rather better than free. I shall be excused 
 for stating a ludicrous case I heard of some time 
 ago : A favourite and indulged servant requested 
 his master to sell him to another gentleman. His 
 master refused to do so, but told him he was at 
 perfect liberty to go to the North, if he were not 
 already free enough. After a while he repeated 
 the request ; and, on being urged to give an ex 
 planation of his singular conduct, told his master 
 that he considered himself consumptive, and would 
 
 soon die ; and he thought Mr. B was better 
 
 able to bear the loss than his master. He was 
 sent to a medicinal spring, and recovered his 
 health, if indeed he had ever lost it, of which his 
 master had been unapprized. It may not be amiss 
 
190 SLAVERY. 
 
 to describe my deportment towards my servants, 
 whom I endeavour to render happy while I make 
 them profitable. I never turn a deaf ear, but 
 listen patiently to their communications. I chat 
 familiarly with those who have passed service, or 
 have not begun to render it. With the others I 
 observe a more prudent reserve, but I encourage 
 all to approach me without awe. I hardly ever go 
 to town without having commissions to execute for 
 some of them ; and think they prefer to employ 
 me, from a belief that, if their money should not 
 quite hold out, I would add a little to it ; and I not 
 unfrequently do, in order to get a better article. 
 The relation between myself and my slaves is de 
 cidedly friendly. I keep up pretty exact disci 
 pline, mingled with kindness ; and hardly ever lose 
 property by thievish, or labour by runaway slaves. 
 I never lock the outer doors of my house. It is 
 done, but done by the servants ; and I rarely be 
 stow a thought on the matter. I leave home pe 
 riodically for two months, and commit the dwelling- 
 house, plate, and other valuables to the servants, 
 without even an enumeration of the articles. 
 
 ** 3d. The duration of the labour of the slave. 
 The day is usually considered long enough. Em 
 ployment at night is not exacted by me, except to 
 shell corn once a week for their own consumption, 
 
SLAVERY. 191 
 
 and on a few other extraordinary occasions. The 
 people, as we generally call them, are required to 
 leave their houses at daybreak, and to work until 
 dark, with the intermission of half an hour to an 
 hour at breakfast, and one to two hours at dinner, 
 according to the season and sort of work. In this 
 respect I suppose our negroes will bear a favoura 
 ble comparison with any labourers whatever. 
 
 " 4th. * The liberty usually allowed the slave ; 
 his holydays and amusements ; and the way in 
 which they usually spend their evenings and holy- 
 days. They are prohibited from going off the es 
 tate without first obtaining leave ; though they 
 often transgress, and with impunity, except in fla 
 grant cases. Those who have wives on other 
 plantations, visit them on certain specified nights, 
 and have an allowance of time for going and 
 returning, proportioned to the distance. My ne 
 groes are permitted, and indeed encouraged, to 
 raise as many ducks and chickens as they can ; to 
 cultivate vegetables for their own use, and a patch 
 of corn for sale ; to exercise their trades when they 
 possess one, which many do ; to catch muskrats 
 and other animals for the fur or the flesh ; to raise 
 bees, and, in fine, to earn an honest penny in any 
 way which chance or their own ingenuity may 
 offer. The modes specified are however, those 
 
192 SLAVERY. 
 
 most commonly resorted to, and enable provident 
 servants to make from five to thirty dollars a piece. 
 The corn is of a different sort from that which I 
 cultivate, and is all bought by me. A great many 
 fowls are raised : I have this year known ten dol 
 lars worth sold by one man at one time. One 
 of the chief sources of profit is the fur of the 
 muskrat; for the purpose of catching which the 
 marshes on the estate have been parcelled out and 
 appropriated from time immemorial, and are held 
 by a tenure little short of fee-simple. The ne 
 groes are indebted to Nat Turner* and Tappan for 
 a curtailment of some of their privileges. As a 
 sincere friend to the blacks, I have much regretted 
 the reckless interference of these persons, on ac 
 count of the restrictions it has become, or been 
 thought, necessary to impose. Since the exploit 
 of the former hero, they have been forbidden to 
 preach except to their fellow-slaves, the property 
 of the same owner ; to have public funerals, unless 
 a white person officiates ; or to be taught to read 
 and write. Their funerals formerly gave them 
 great satisfaction, and it was customary here to fur 
 nish the relations of the deceased with bacon, spirit, 
 
 * The leader of the insurrection in Lower Virginia, in which 
 upwards of a hundred white persons, principally women and 
 children, were massacred in cold blood. 
 
SLAVERY. 193 
 
 flour, sugar, and butter, with which a grand enter 
 tainment, in their way, was got up. We were 
 once much amused by a hearty fellow request 
 ing his mistress to let him have his funeral 
 during his lifetime, when it Avould do him some 
 good. The waggish request was granted ; and, I 
 venture to say, there never was a funeral, the sub 
 ject of which enjoyed it so much. When permit 
 ted, some of our negroes preached with great 
 fluency. I was present a few years since when an 
 Episcopal minister addressed the people, by ap 
 pointment. On the conclusion of an excellent 
 sermon, a negro preacher rose and thanked the 
 gentleman kindly for his discourse, but frankly 
 told him the congregation did not understand his 
 lingo. He then proceeded himself, with great ve 
 hemence and volubility, coining words where they 
 had not been made to his hand, or rather his 
 tongue, and impressing his hearers, doubtless, with 
 a decided opinion of his superiority over his white 
 co-labourer in the field of grace. My brother and 
 I, who own contiguous estates, have lately erected 
 a chapel on the line between them, and have em 
 ployed an acceptable minister of the Baptist per 
 suasion, to which the negroes almost exclusively 
 belong, to afford them religious instruction. Ex 
 cept as a preparatory step to emancipation, I con- 
 
 R 
 
194 SLAVERY. 
 
 sider it exceedingly impolitic, even as regards the 
 slaves themselves, to permit them to read and 
 write : * Where ignorance is bliss, tis folly to be 
 wise. And it is certainly impolitic as regards 
 their masters, on the principle that knowledge is 
 power. My servants have not as long holy days 
 as those of most other persons. I allow three 
 days at Christmas, and a day at each of three 
 other periods, besides a little time to work their 
 patches, or, if very busy, I sometimes prefer to 
 work them myself. Most of the ancient pastimes 
 have been lost in this neighbourhood, and religion, 
 mock or real, has succeeded them. The banjo, 
 their national instrument, is known but in name, or 
 in a few of the tunes which have survived. Some 
 of the younger negroes sing and dance, but the 
 evenings and holydays are usually occupied in 
 working, in visiting, and in praying and singing 
 hymns. The primitive customs and sports are, I 
 believe, better preserved farther South, where 
 slaves were brought from Africa long after they 
 ceased to come here. 
 
 " 6th. l The provision usually made for their 
 food and clothing ; for those who are too young or 
 too old to labour. My men receive twelve quarts 
 of Indian meal (the abundant and universal allow 
 ance in this state), 7 salted herrings, and 2 Ibs. 
 
SLAVERY. 195 
 
 smoked bacon or 3 Ibs. of pork a week ; the other 
 hands proportionally less. But, generally speaking, 
 their food is issued daily, with the exception of 
 meal, and consists of fish or bacon for breakfast, 
 and meat, fresh or salted, with vegetables, when 
 ever we can provide them, for dinner ; or, for a 
 month or two in the spring, fresh fish cooked with 
 a little bacon. This mode is rather more expen 
 sive to me than that of weekly rations, but more 
 comfortable to the servants. Superannuated or in 
 valid slaves draw their provisions regularly once a 
 week ; and the moment a child ceases to be nour 
 ished by its mother, it receives 8 quarts of meal 
 (more than it can consume), and \ Ib. of lard. Be 
 sides the food furnished by me, nearly all the ser 
 vants are able to make some addition from their 
 private stores ; and there is, among the adults, 
 hardly an instance of one so improvident as not to 
 do it. He must be an unthrifty fellow indeed who 
 cannot realize the wish of the famous Henry IVth 
 in regard to the French peasantry, and enjoy his 
 fowl on Sunday. I always keep on hand, for the 
 use of the negroes, sugar, molasses, <fcc., which, 
 though not regularly issued, are applied for on the 
 slightest pretexts, and frequently no pretext at all, 
 and are never refused except in cases of miscon 
 duct. In regard to clothing : the men and boys 
 
196 SLAVERY. 
 
 receive a winter coat and trousers of strong cloth, 
 3 shirts, a stout pair of shoes and socks, and a pair 
 of summer pantaloons, every year ; a hat about every 
 second year, and a great-coat and blanket every 
 third year. Instead of great-coats and hats, the 
 women have large capes to protect the bust in bad 
 weather, and handkerchiefs for the head. The 
 articles furnished are good and serviceable ; and, 
 with their own acquisitions, make their appearance 
 decent and respectable. On Sunday they are even 
 fine. The aged and invalid are clad as regularly 
 as the rest, but less substantially. Mothers re 
 ceive a little raw cotton, in proportion to the num 
 ber of children, with the privilege of having the 
 yarn, when spun, woven at my expense. I provide 
 them with blankets. Orphans are put with careful 
 women, and treated with tenderness. I am at 
 tached to the little slaves, and encourage familiarity 
 among them. Sometimes, when I ride near the 
 quarters, they come running after me with the most 
 whimsical requests, and are rendered happy by the 
 distribution of some little donation. The clothing 
 described is that which is given to the crop hands. 
 Home servants, a numerous class in Virginia, are 
 of course clad in a different and very superior 
 manner. I neglected to mention, in the proper 
 place, that there are on each of my plantations a 
 
SLAVERY. 197 
 
 kitchen, an oven, and one or more cooks ; and that 
 each hand is furnished with a tin bucket for his 
 food, which is carried into the field by little ne 
 groes, who also supply the labourers with water. 
 
 " 7. 4 Their treatment when sick. My negroes 
 go or are carried, as soon as they are attacked, to 
 a spacious and well-ventilated hospital, near the 
 mansion-house. They are there received by an 
 attentive nurse, who has an assortment of medi 
 cine, additional bedclothing, and the command of 
 as much light food as she may require, either from 
 the table or the store-room of the proprietor. Wine, 
 sago, rice, and other little comforts appertaining to 
 such an establishment, are always kept on hand. 
 The condition of the sick is much better than that 
 of the poor whites or free coloured people in the 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 " 8. Their rewards and punishments. I oc 
 casionally bestow little gratuities for good conduct, 
 and particularly after harvest ; and hardly ever re 
 fuse a favour asked by those who faithfully perform 
 their duty. Vicious and idle servants are punished 
 with stripes, moderately inflicted ; to which, in the 
 case of theft, is added privation of meat, a severe 
 punishment to those who are never suffered to be 
 without it on any other account. From my limited 
 observation, I think that servants to the North work 
 R2 
 
198 SLAVERY, 
 
 much harder than our slaves. I was educated at 
 a college in one o f the free states, and, on my re 
 turn to Virginia, was struck with the contrast. I 
 was astonished at the number of idle domestics, 
 and actually worried my mother, much to my con 
 trition since, to reduce the establishment. I say 
 to my contrition, because, after eighteen years resi 
 dence in the good old Dominion, I find myself sur 
 rounded by a troop of servants about as numerous 
 as that against which I formerly so loudly ex 
 claimed. While on this subject it may not be 
 amiss to state a case of manumission, which 
 occurred about three years since. My nearest 
 neighbour, a man of immense wealth, owned a 
 favourite servant, a fine fellow, with polished man 
 ners and excellent disposition, who reads and 
 writes, and is thoroughly versed in the duties of a 
 butler and housekeeper, in the performance of 
 which he was trusted without limit. This man 
 was, on the death of his master, emancipated, with 
 a legacy of $6,000, besides about $2,000 more 
 which he had been permitted to accumulate, and 
 had deposited with his master, who had given him 
 credit for it. The use that this man, apparently 
 so well qualified for freedom, and who has had an 
 opportunity of travelling and of judging for him- 
 
SLAVERY. 199 
 
 self, makes of his money and his time, is some 
 what remarkable. In consequence of his exem 
 plary conduct, he has been permitted to reside in 
 the state, and for very moderate wages occupies 
 the same situation he did in the old establishment ; 
 and will probably continue to occupy it as long as 
 he lives. He has no children of his own, but has 
 put a little girl, a relation of his, to school. Ex 
 cept in this instance, and in the purchase of a few 
 plain articles of furniture, his freedom and his 
 money seem not much to have benefited him. A 
 servant of mine, who is intimate with him, thinks 
 he is not as happy as he was before his liberation. 
 Several other servants were freed at the same 
 time, with smaller legacies, but I do not know 
 what has become of them. 
 
 " I do not regard negro slavery, however miti 
 gated, as a Utopian system, and have not in 
 tended so to delineate it. But it exists, and the 
 difficulty of removing it is felt and acknowledged 
 by all save the fanatics, who, like fools, rush in 
 where angels dare not tread. It is pleasing to 
 know that its burdens are not too heavy to be 
 borne. That the treatment of slaves in this state 
 is humane, and even indulgent, may be inferred from 
 the fact of their rapid increase and great longevity. 
 
200 SLAVERY. 
 
 I believe that, constituted as they are, morally and 
 physically, they are as happy as any peasantry in 
 the world ; and I venture to affirm, as the result 
 of my reading and inquiry, that in no country are 
 the labourers so liberally and invariably supplied 
 with bread and meat as are the negro slaves of the 
 United States. However great the dearth of pro 
 visions, famine never reaches them. 
 
 " P. S. It might have been stated above, that on 
 this estate there are about 160 blacks. With the 
 exception of infants, there has been in eighteen 
 months but one death that I remember, that of a 
 man fully 65 years of age. The bill for medical 
 attendance from the second day of last November, 
 comprising upwards of a year, is less than forty 
 dollars." 
 
 " SIR, Some eight or ten days ago, I received a 
 letter from Mr. ***** o f Richmond, asking me 
 to assist him in furnishing you with information 
 respecting the condition of our slaves in this part 
 of Virginia, and enclosing an extract from your 
 letter to him, stating the points on which you most 
 desired precise information. I was at that time 
 holding one of my courts, and my circuit is not 
 yet over. In consequence of this, I have had very 
 
SLAVERY. 201 
 
 little time to turn my attention to the subject, and I 
 fear that what I am about to say will very feebly 
 aid you in the patriotic task you have undertaken, 
 of endeavouring to allay the feelings engendered 
 at the North by the falsehoods of the abolitionists. 
 Indeed, so pressed am I for time, that I would, as Mr. 
 ***** suggests (in the event of my court inter 
 fering with the task), obtain the assistance of some 
 intelligent neighbour, if I could tind one willing to 
 undertake it. But, having failed in this endeavour, 
 and feeling deeply the importance of giving a true 
 picture of the Southern slave to the Northern abo 
 litionist, which can only be done by comparing the 
 accounts you may receive from different quarters, 
 I proceed to answer your inquiries as fully as my 
 engagements permit, premising that my remarks 
 as to the condition of the slaves apply exclusively 
 to their treatment and condition in the Valley of 
 Virginia, which is, as you know, a grain-growing 
 portion of the state. The cotton and tobacco por 
 tion of it might exhibit some variety in this 
 picture. I have lived in all, but confine myself to 
 the place of my present residence. 
 
 " I am not certain that I understand the scope of 
 the first inquiry, The laws for the government 
 of the master and the slave in Virginia. Proper- 
 Jy speaking, there are no laws affecting this rela- 
 
202 SLAVERY. 
 
 tion. Both are under the protection of the law to 
 a certain extent. The master would be punished 
 for any mayhem or felony committed on the slave, 
 but it has been decided that no prosecution will 
 lie against him, even for excessive beating, not 
 amounting to mayhem or felony. It has never 
 been found necessary to enact laws for the govern 
 ment of the master in his treatment of the slave, 
 for reasons that will appear hereafter. 
 
 " We have many laws respecting slaves, control 
 ling them in certain particulars. Thus, they are 
 not allowed to keep or carry military weapons 
 nor to leave home without a written permission 
 nor to assemble at any meeting-house or other 
 place in the night, under pretence of religious wor 
 ship n or at any school, for the purpose of being 
 taught to read or write nor to trade and go at 
 large as freemen nor to hire themselves out nor 
 to preach or exhort. Some of the penalties for a 
 violation of these laws are imposed upon the mas 
 ter, for permitting his slave to do certain acts ; in 
 other cases the slave is liable to be taken before a 
 justice of the peace, and punished by stripes, 
 never exceeding thirty-nine. 
 
 Slaves emancipated by their masters are direct 
 ed to leave the state within twelve months from 
 the date of their emancipation. 
 
SLAVERY. 203 
 
 11 These laws, and every other having the appear 
 ance of rigour towards the slave, are nearly dead 
 letters upon our statute book, unless during times 
 of excitement, or since the efforts of the abolition 
 ists have reanimated them. I have, until lately, 
 scarcely known an instance in which they have 
 been enforced. 
 
 " It is equally rare to witness the trial of a slave 
 for any except very serious crimes. There are 
 many offences committed by them, for which a 
 freeman would be sent to the penitentiary, that are 
 not noticed at all, or punished by a few stripes 
 under the directions of the master. 
 
 " When tried for a crime, it is before a court of 
 at least five magistrates, who must be unanimous to 
 convict. They are not entitled to a trial by jury, 
 but it is acknowledged on all hands that this is a 
 benefit, and not a disadvantage. The magistrates 
 are more respectable than common jurors, and, 
 being generally slave-holders themselves, they feel 
 a certain sympathy with the prisoner, or, at all 
 events, an absence of that prejudice to which com 
 mon jurors are very subject. 
 
 " Slaves may be taught, and many of them are 
 taught, in their owner s family. They are allowed 
 to attend religious worship conducted by white 
 ministers, and to receive from them religious in- 
 
204 SLAVERY. 
 
 struction. In point of fact, they go where they 
 please on Sundays, and at all other times when 
 they are not engaged in labour. 
 
 " 2. * The rights and duties of slaves, as a dis 
 tinct class, are not denned by law. They depend 
 upon usage or custom, which controls the will of 
 the master. Thus, the law does not recognise 
 their right to hold property, but no instance is 
 known of the master s interfering with their little 
 acquisitions ; and it often happens, that they are 
 considerable enough to purchase themselves and 
 family. In such cases I have never known the 
 master to exact from the slave the full price that 
 he might have obtained from others. In the same 
 manner, the quantity and quality of food and cloth 
 ing, the hours of labour and rest, the holydays, 
 the privileges, &c. of the slave, are regulated by 
 custom, to depart materially from which would 
 disgrace the master in public opinion. 
 
 " 3. * The domestic relations of the master and 
 slave. On this subject the grossest misrepresent 
 ations have been made. It seems to be imagined 
 at the North that our society is divided horizon 
 tally. All above the line, tyrants all below it, 
 trembling, crouching slaves. Nothing can be 
 more unlike the real picture. The intercourse be 
 tween the master and slave is kind, respectful, and 
 approaching to intimacy. It must be recollected, 
 
SLAVER V. 205 
 
 that they have been brought up together, and often 
 form attachments that are never broken. The 
 servants about the house are treated rather as 
 humble friends than otherwise. Those employed 
 differently have less intercourse with the white 
 family ; but, when they meet, there is a civil, and 
 often cordial greeting on both sides. The slaves 
 generally look upon their masters and mistresses 
 as their protectors and friends. They seldom, I 
 am persuaded, think of the injustice or cruelty 
 of being held in bondage, unless they have tasted 
 of the tree of knowledge to which they are invited 
 by some Satanic abolitionist. Born slaves, and 
 familiarized with their condition, they have no 
 wish to change it when left to themselves. When 
 they compare it with that of the poor labouring 
 whites in their own neighbourhood, no envy is ex 
 cited, but an opposite sentiment. The slave of a 
 gentleman universally considers himself a superior 
 being to l poor white folks. 1 They take pride in 
 their master s prosperity; identify his interests with 
 their own; frequently assume his name, and even 
 his title, and speak of his farm, his crops, and 
 other possessions, as their own ; and well, indeed, 
 may they employ this language, for they know that 
 the greater part of the profits is liberally devoted 
 to their use. 
 
206 SLAVERY. 
 
 " In their nature the slaves are generally affection 
 ate, and particularly so to the children of the 
 family, which lays the foundation of the attach 
 ments I have spoken of, continuing through life. 
 The children are always favourites, and the feeling 
 is reciprocated. It is a great mistake to suppose 
 that the children are permitted to tyrannise over 
 the slaves, young or old, and that they learn in this 
 way domineering habits. Some may, but more 
 frequently there is rather too much familiarity be 
 tween the white females and children of a family, 
 and the slaves of the same description. The 
 children play together on terms of great equality, 
 and if the white child gives a blow, he is apt to 
 have it returned with interest. At many tables 
 you will find the white children rising from them, 
 with their little hands full of the best of every 
 thing, to carry to their nurses or playmates ; and I 
 have often known them to deny themselves for 
 the sake of their favourites. These propensities 
 are encouraged, and every thing like violence or 
 tyranny strictly prohibited. The consequence is, 
 that when the young master (or mistress) is in 
 stalled into his full rights of property, he finds 
 around him no alien hirelings, ready to quit his 
 service upon the slightest provocation, but attached 
 and faithful friends, known to him from his infancy, 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 and willing to share his fortunes, wherever they 
 may carry him. The connexion is more that of 
 the Scottish clansman than of the English serf in 
 times past, and it influences all their future inter 
 course. The old gray-headed servants are ad 
 dressed by almost every member of the white family 
 as uncles or aunts. The others are treated with 
 at least as much respectful familiarity as if they 
 were white labourers, and I should say with more. 
 Fully aware of their standing and consequence, 
 they never hesitate to apply to their masters and 
 mistresses in every difficulty. If they have any 
 want, they expect to be relieved if they are mal 
 treated, they ask redress at their hands. Seldom 
 or never are appeals of this kind made in vain. 
 Injury to the slave from any quarter is regarded as 
 an injury to the master. On no subject is a Vir 
 ginian more sensitive ; for he considers himself 
 bound, by every moral obligation, to protect and de 
 fend his slave. If he is carried before a justice 
 for any offence, the master accompanies him ; if 
 he is arraigned before the courts, the master em 
 ploys counsel, and does every thing in his power 
 to see that he has justice. In fact, the disposition 
 is to screen the slave by every possible means, 
 even when his guilt is apparent, and I have known 
 this carried to very unjustifiable lengths, In short, 
 
208 SLAVERY. 
 
 as far as my observation has extended, and I have 
 been in free as well as slave states, I do not hesi 
 tate to affirm, that the domestic relations of the 
 master and slave are of a more familiar, confiden 
 tial, and even respectful character, than those of 
 the employer and hireling elsewhere. 
 
 "4. The usual duration of the labour of the 
 slave is from sunrise to sunset, with the excep 
 tion of about one hour and a half allowed for 
 breakfast, and from 12 to 2 o clock for dinner. In 
 harvest-time they get out somewhat earlier. But 
 any extraordinary diligence during this period is 
 more than made up by their being allowed, at its 
 termination, a few days to labour for themselves, or 
 for others who have not finished, and from whom 
 they receive wages. The women in this part of 
 the state do very little field-work. They are en 
 gaged in spinning, cooking for the out-hands, and 
 taking care of the children. Few women are 
 worth their victuals and clothes. Their labours 
 are very light and profitless. A white labouring 
 woman will do double as much. 
 
 "5. The liberty usually allowed him, his holy- 
 days and amusements, the manner in which they 
 usually pass their evenings and holydays. Under 
 these heads may be classed various privileges en 
 joyed by the slave. When he is not at work he 
 
SLAVERY. 209 
 
 is under no restriction or surveillance. He goes 
 where he pleases, seldom taking the trouble to ask 
 for a pass ; and if he is on the farm at the appoint 
 ed hours, no inquiry is made how he has employed 
 the interval. The regular holy days are two at 
 Easter, two at Whitsuntide, and a week at Christ 
 mas. These he enjoys by prescription, and others, 
 such as Saturday evenings, by the indulgence of 
 his master. He passes them in any way he pleases. 
 Generally they are spent in visiting from house to 
 house, and in various amusements. His favourite 
 one, if he can raise a violin, is dancing. But this, 
 unfortunately, is going out of fashion, both with 
 whites and blacks, and no good substitute has been 
 found for it. They however assemble at their 
 cabins to laugh, chat, sing, and tell stories, with all 
 imaginable glee. To see them under these cir 
 cumstances, you would never suppose they were 
 groaning under oppression, or brooding over mel 
 ancholy thoughts. It would grieve an abolitionist 
 to hear their free and joyous peals of laughter, 
 and their light-hearted conversation. No present 
 care seems to annoy, no anticipated sorrow to de 
 ject them, but they surrender themselves fully and 
 entirely to the enjoyment of the passing moments. 
 They know that, under all circumstances, their 
 masters must provide for them. Of course they 
 s2 
 
210 SLAVERY. 
 
 have no anxiety about their families, or the failure 
 of crops, or the course of the seasons, or the hor 
 rors of debt, or any other of the many circumstan 
 ces which imbitter the life of the freeman, and 
 render sad or thoughtful the gayest disposition. 
 Hence they appear to be, and they are proverbially, 
 the merriest people in the world ; and it seems 
 cruel to awake them from their dream of happi 
 ness, to tantalize them with prospects that can never 
 be realized. 
 
 " Other of the slaves who are more provident 
 employ a portion of their holydays and evenings 
 in working for themselves. Each head of a family, 
 or married man or woman, has a cabin allotted for 
 his or her accommodation. These cabins are 
 usually made of logs, chinked and plastered, with 
 plank or dirt floors. Some proprietors build them 
 of brick or stone, or framed wood, but I do not be 
 lieve the slaves generally prefer them. They like 
 the large, open fireplace of the cabin, where a 
 dozen or more can sit round the blazing hearth, 
 filled with as much wood as would supply a patent 
 stove for ten days. Stoves they abominate, and 
 small Rumfordized fireplaces. Near their cabins 
 they have ground allotted for their garden and patch 
 of corn. In their gardens they have every vegeta 
 ble they choose to cultivate, besides raising pump 
 kins, broom-corn, &c., in their masters corn-fields. 
 
SLAVERY. 211 
 
 Most of them are permitted to raise a hog, to dis 
 pose of as they please, and these hogs are invari 
 ably the largest and fattest on the farm. They 
 also raise fowls of every description, and sell 
 them for the most part to their owners, at a fair 
 price. Their allowance of food is never diminish 
 ed on these accounts. Their hog, their fowls, 
 their vegetables, their brooms, and baskets, and 
 flag chairs, and many other articles, they are allow 
 ed to sell for the purpose of purchasing Sunday 
 clothes and finery, to show off at meetings and 
 other public occasions. In this way, those who are 
 at all industrious are enabled to appear as well 
 dressed as any peasantry in the world. The pic 
 ture drawn in an article I have found and cut from 
 the Virginian, a paper published in this place, is 
 strictly a correct one, and leaves me no more to 
 say on this part of the subject.* 
 
 " 6. The provision made for their food and 
 clothing, for those who are too young or too old to 
 labour. The slaves always prefer Indian corn- 
 meal to flour. Of this, the old and young, in this 
 part of Virginia, are allowed just as much as they 
 can eat or destroy. They have, besides, a certain 
 quantity of bacon given out every week, amounting 
 to about half a pound a day for each labourer or 
 
 * See extract from a letter to the -editor of the Albany Daily- 
 Advertiser, p. 226. 
 
212 SLAVERY. 
 
 grown person. When they have beef or fish, the 
 allowance of bacon is less ; but, as it is the food 
 they love best, they have always a portion of it. 
 Besides this, they have milk and vegetables on 
 most farms in abundance, without touching their 
 own stores. The old and infirm fare like the rest, 
 unless their situation requires coffee, sugar, &c., 
 which are always provided. The young slaves have 
 also their meats, but less in quantity, and they de 
 pend more upon bread, milk, and vegetables. To 
 look at them, you would see at once they are well 
 fed. On small farms the slaves fare better than 
 on large ones, there being little difference in the 
 food of the whites and blacks, except in articles 
 of mere luxury. But, on the largest, their usual 
 allowance is that which I have mentioned. They 
 have three meals a day, and it is rare to see them 
 eating what they call dry bread at any one. 
 
 " Their allowance of clothing is quite uniform, 
 and consists of a hat, a blanket, two suits of clothes, 
 three shirts or shifts, and two pair of shoes, a year. 
 The winter suit is of strong linsey cloth ; the 
 summer, of linen for the men, and striped cotton 
 for the women. The men s cloth is dressed and 
 fulled. The children have linsey and cotton gar 
 ments, but no shoes or hat, until they are ten or 
 eleven years old, and begin to do something. 
 
SLAVERY. 213 
 
 Their beds are sometimes of feather, generally 
 of straw, and are well furnished : some prefer to lie 
 like the Indians, on their blankets. 
 
 Comparing their situation in respect to food and 
 clothing with our own white labourers, I would say 
 that it is generally preferable. In each case, much 
 depends on the industry and management of the 
 party ; but there is this difference, that the slave, 
 however lazy or improvident, is furnished with food 
 and clothing at regular periods, which the white 
 man of the same temperament is unable to pro 
 cure. When the white man, too, is so old and in 
 firm that he can no longer labour, his situation is 
 truly deplorable, if he has laid up nothing for sup 
 port. But the old and infirm slave is still support 
 ed by his master, with the same care and attention 
 as before. He cannot even set him free without 
 providing for his maintenance, for our law makes 
 his estate liable. 
 
 " 7. Their treatment when sick. Being con 
 sidered as valuable property, it might naturally be 
 concluded that they would be properly attended to 
 when sick. But better feelings than any connect 
 ed with their value as property prompt the white 
 family to pay every attention to the sick slave. If 
 it is deemed at all necessary, a physician is imme 
 diately called in. On large farms he is frequently 
 
214 SLAVERY. 
 
 employed by the year ; but, if not, he is sent for 
 whenever there is occasion for his services. If 
 the slave is a hireling, our law compels the owner, 
 not the hirer, to pay the physician s fees, so that the 
 latter has every motive of interest to send for a 
 physician, without being liable for the expense. 
 Where there are many slaves together, the pro 
 prietor sometimes erects an hospital, provided with 
 nurses and the usual accommodations. In all 
 cases coming under my observation, whatever is 
 necessary for the comfort of the sick is furnished, 
 as far as the master has means. They are fre 
 quently visited by the white family, and whatever 
 they wish to have is supplied. Such indulgence, 
 and even tenderness, is extended to them on these 
 occasions, that it sometimes induces the lazy to 
 feign sickness ; but I have never known them, in 
 these suspected cases, to be hurried to their work 
 until their deception became manifest, or the report 
 of the physician justified it. It is my decided 
 conviction, that the poor labourers of no country 
 under heaven are better taken care of than the 
 sick slaves in Virginia. There may be, and no 
 doubt are, exceptions to many of these observa 
 tions ; but I speak of their general treatment as I 
 have known it, or heard it reported. 
 
 tl 8. Their rewards and punishments. Of re- 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 wards, properly speaking, the slaves have few 
 of indulgences they have many, but they are not 
 employed as rewards, for all usually partake in 
 them without discrimination. The system of re 
 wards has not, to my knowledge, been fairly tried. 
 Sometimes slaves who have conducted themselves 
 well, or laboured diligently, are allowed more time 
 than others to attend to their own affairs, or per 
 mitted to trade on their own account, paying some 
 small sum, and they are treated, of course, with 
 greater respect and confidence than the idle and 
 worthless. But I know of no instance in which 
 specific rewards have been offered for specific acts 
 of good conduct. In this respect they are treated 
 much like soldiers and sailors. 
 
 " As to their punishments, about which so many 
 falsehoods have been published, they are rare, and 
 seldom disproportioned to the offence. Our laws 
 are mild, and make little discrimination between 
 slaves and free whites, except in a few political 
 offences. The punishments inflicted by the mas 
 ter partake of the same character. The moral 
 sense of the community would not tolerate cruelty 
 in a master. I know of nothing which would bring 
 him more surely into disgrace. On a farm where 
 there may be one hundred slaves, there will not, 
 perhaps, be one punished on account of his work 
 
216 SLAVERY. 
 
 during the year, although it is often done in a 
 careless, slovenly manner, and not half as much as 
 a white labourer would do. For insolent and un 
 ruly conduct to their overseers, for quarrelling and 
 fighting with each other, for theft and other offences, 
 which would send the white man to the whipping 
 post or penitentiary, they are punished more fre 
 quently, but always with moderation. Very often 
 they escape altogether, when the white man would 
 certainly be punished. I have lived in different 
 parts of Virginia for more than 30 years since my 
 attention has been directed to such subjects ; and 
 I do not recollect half a dozen instances in which 
 I ever saw a grown slave stripped and whipped. 
 Such a spectacle is almost as rare as to see a 
 similar punishment inflicted on a white man. 
 When it is considered that, .except for the highest 
 grade of crimes, the punishment of the slave is 
 left pretty much (practically) to his master s dis 
 cretion, I am persuaded it will be found that they 
 are in this respect in no worse condition than la 
 bourers elsewhere. No other punishment is in 
 flicted except stripes or blows. They are not im 
 prisoned, or placed upon short allowance, or con 
 demned to any cruel or unusual punishments from 
 which white persons are exempted. The disgust 
 ing prints of the abolitionists are mere fancy pieces, 
 
SLAVERY. 217 
 
 to which there is nothing among us bearing any 
 similitude. 
 
 " The worst feature in our society, and the most 
 revolting, is the purchase and sale of slaves ; and 
 it is this which renders their situations precarious 
 and uncomfortable, and occasions them more un 
 easiness than all other causes combined. On this 
 subject I will submit a few observations before I 
 close this letter. So far as the traffic is confined 
 to the neighbourhood, it is of little consequence, 
 and is often done for the accommodation of the 
 slave. It breaks no ties of kindred, and occa 
 sions only a momentary pang, by transferring the 
 slave from the master who perhaps is no longer 
 able to keep him, to one as good who is able, or 
 who purchases because he owns his wife or child, 
 <fcc. It is the sale to negro-buyers by profession 
 which is in general so odious to the slave, although 
 there are instances in which these artful men prevail 
 with them to apply to their owners to be sold. 
 Such sales, except in the rare instance just al 
 luded to, are never voluntarily made of slaves 
 whose conduct and character are good. Masters 
 will not part with their slaves but from sheer ne 
 cessity, or for flagrant delinquencies, which in other 
 countries would be punished by deportation at 
 least. Thousands retain them when they know 
 
 T 
 
218 SLAVERY. 
 
 full well that the ir pecuniary condition would be 
 greatly improved by selling, or even giving them 
 away. It is the last property the master can be 
 induced to part with. Nothing but the dread of 
 a jail will prevail with him. Negro-traders, al 
 though there are many among us, are universally 
 despised by the master, and detested by the body 
 of the slaves. Their trade is supported by the 
 misfortunes of the master, and the crimes or mis 
 conduct of the slave, and not by the will of either 
 party, except in a few instances. Sometimes the 
 slave, after committing a theft or other crime, will 
 abscond, for fear of detection ; or will be enticed 
 away from his master s service by holding out to 
 him false hopes ; and perhaps the negro-buyer 
 himself is the decoy. If caught, he is generally 
 sold, for the sake of the example to other slaves. 
 From these sources the negro-buyers are supplied ; 
 but it does not happen, in one case out of a thou 
 sand, that the master willingly sells an honest, 
 faithful slave. The man doing so would be 
 looked upon as a sordid, inhuman wretch ; and be 
 shunned by his neighbours and countrymen of re 
 spectable standing. 
 
 " I believe, if any plan could be fallen upon to 
 remove our slaves to a place where they would be 
 willing to go, and where their condition would be 
 
SLAVERY. 219 
 
 probably improved, that many, very many masters 
 would be ready to manumit them. An opinion 
 is entertained by increasing numbers, that slave 
 labour is too expensive to be continued in a grain- 
 growing state, if its place can be supplied by free 
 men. In other words, that the free labourer would 
 cost less, and work harder, than the slave. But 
 the slaves themselves are unwilling to go to Libe 
 ria, and very few would accept their freedom on 
 that condition. Some, already emancipated, re 
 main in the state, incurring the constant risk of 
 being sold as slaves. To send them to any part 
 of our own country without worldly knowledge or 
 capital, is deemed by most masters false humanity ; 
 and to retain them here in the condition of free 
 negroes is impossible. 
 
 " Until some plan can be suggested to remove 
 these difficulties, under the guidance and direction 
 of the constituted authorities, we are averse to all 
 agitation of the subject. We know it will be at 
 tended with danger to one class, and will increase 
 the burdens and privations of the other. Hence 
 our indignation at the movements of the Northern 
 abolitionists, who are meddling with a subject they 
 know nothing about. Let them come among us, and 
 see the actual condition of the slaves, as well as 
 
220 SLAVERY. 
 
 of the whites, and I am persuaded all whose inten 
 tions are really good, would, on their return, advise 
 their deluded co-operators to desist from agitation. 
 " I have thus endeavoured to answer your inqui 
 ries ; but I know that the sketch is imperfect. I 
 have had but a part of a day to do it in, and I have 
 been obliged to omit many pertinent observations. 
 But, if you wish fuller information on any particu 
 lar point, I shall be happy to communicate with 
 you further, and in a few more days shall be at 
 greater leisure. 
 
 " Very respectfully, I am, sir, 
 
 "Your obedient servant." 
 
 The abolitionists are accustomed to ascribe the 
 kind treatment of the master to his slave to a mere 
 interested feeling. It is his interest to treat him 
 well, that he may derive the greater benefit from 
 his services. Admitting, for the sake of argu 
 ment, that this is the case, it may be asked, what 
 more effectual security can be offered against cru 
 elty and oppression, or one more extensive in its 
 operation, than that universal principle which more 
 or less influences the conduct of all mankind ? It 
 were well if we all had the same direct and pal 
 pable interest in doing good, for the world would be 
 the better for it in every respect. But is it true that 
 
SLAVERY. 221 
 
 the mere pecuniary interest of the master in his 
 slave constitutes the sole security for his kind 
 treatment ? The preceding letters indicate that the 
 best impulses of humanity operate in behalf of the 
 slave, and that their social arid domestic relations 
 naturally tend to produce feelings of benevolence 
 on one hand, gratitude on the other. 
 
 The statements in these letters are corroborated 
 by the author of a late excellent work, entitled 
 " The South-West ; By a Yankee," who is under 
 stood to be Professor Ingraham. Speaking of the 
 different deportment of Northern and native South 
 ern planters towards their slaves, he observes : 
 
 " Northerners are entirely unaccustomed to their 
 habits, which are perfectly understood and appre 
 ciated by Southerners, who have been familiar with 
 Africans from childhood ; whom they have had for 
 their nurses, playmates, and bearers ; and be 
 tween whom and themselves a reciprocal and very 
 natural attachment exists, which, on the gentle 
 man s part, involuntarily extends to the whole 
 coloured race, exhibited in a kindly feeling and 
 condescending familiarity, for which he receives 
 gratitude in return. On the part of the slave, this 
 attachment is manifested by an affection and faith 
 fulness which only cease with life. Of this state 
 of feeling, which a Southern life and education 
 
 T2 
 
222 SLAVERY. 
 
 can only give, the Northerner knows nothing." 
 " The slave always prefers a Southern master, be 
 cause he knows he will be understood by him. 
 His kindly feelings towards, and his sympathies 
 with slaves, as such, are as honourable to his heart 
 as gratifying to the subjects of them. He treats 
 with suitable allowance those peculiarities of the 
 race, which the unpractised Northerner will con 
 strue into idleness, obstinacy, revenge, or hatred." 
 
 Here follows another picture of the horrors of 
 slavery, by the same hand. The author, after de 
 scribing some not very agreeable peculiarities in 
 the mode of keeping the Sabbath at Natchez, on 
 the Mississippi, adds : 
 
 " But this unpleasing picture of a Sabbath 
 morning has brighter teints to redeem the graver 
 character of its moral shades. Of all that pictur 
 esque multitude of holyday slaves, two thirds, the 
 majority of whom are women, are on their way to 
 church, into whose galleries they congregate at the 
 hour of divine service in great numbers, and wor 
 ship with an apparent devoutness and attention, 
 which beings, who boast intellects of a higher 
 order, might not disdain to imitate. The female 
 slaves very generally attend church in this country ; 
 but whether to display their tawdry finery, of which 
 they are fond to a proverb, or for a better purpose 
 
SLAVERY. 223 
 
 I will not undertake to determine. The males 
 prefer collecting in little knots in the streets, 
 where, imitating the manners, bearing, and lan 
 guage of their masters, they commence, with 
 grave faces and in pompous language, selecting 
 hard, high-sounding words, which are almost al 
 ways misapplied, and distorted from their original 
 sound as well as sense, to a most ridiculous de 
 gree ; astounding their gaping auditors * ob de 
 field-nigger class, who cannot boast such envia 
 ble accomplishments." 
 
 We present another picture by the same hand : 
 " The little candidates for 4 field honours are 
 useless articles on a plantation during the first 
 five or six years of their existence. They are 
 then to take their first lesson in the elementary 
 part of their education. When they have learned 
 their manual alphabet tolerably well, they are 
 placed in the field to take a spell at cotton-picking. 
 The first day in the field is their proudest day. 
 The young negroes look forward to it with as 
 much restlessness and impatience as schoolboys to 
 a vacation. Black children are not put to work so 
 young as many children of poor parents in the 
 North. It is often the case, that the children of the 
 domestic servants become pets in the house, and 
 the playmates of the white children of the family. 
 
224 SLAVERY. 
 
 No scene can be livelier or more interesting to a 
 Northerner, than that which the negro quarters of a 
 well-regulated plantation present on a Sabbath 
 morning, just before church hours. In every cabin 
 the men are shaving and dressing ; the women, 
 arrayed in their gay muslins, are arranging their 
 frizzly hair, in which they take no little pride, or 
 investigating the condition of their children ; the 
 old people, neatly clothed, are quietly conversing 
 or smoking about the doors ; and those of the 
 younger portion who are not undergoing the in 
 fliction of the wash-tub, are enjoying themselves 
 in the shade of the trees, or around some little 
 pond, with as much zest as though slavery and free 
 dom \vere synonymous terms. When all are 
 dressed, and the hour arrives for worship, they 
 lock up their cabins, and the whole population of 
 the little village proceeds to the chapel, where di 
 vine service is performed, sometimes by an officia 
 ting clergyman, and often by the planter himself, 
 if a church-member. The whole plantation is 
 also frequently formed into a Sabbath class, which t, 
 is instructed by the planter or some member of 
 his family ; and often, such is the anxiety of the 
 master that they should perfectly understand what 
 they are taught, a hard matter in the present state 
 of their intellect, that no means calculated to ad- 
 
SLAVERY. 225 
 
 vance their progress are left untried. I was not 
 long since shown a manuscript catechism, drawn 
 up with great care and judgment by a distinguished 
 planter, on a plan admirably adapted to the com 
 prehension of the negroes." 
 
 " It is now popular to treat slaves with kind 
 ness ; and those planters who are known to be in 
 humanly rigorous to their slaves, are scarcely 
 countenanced by the more intelligent and humane 
 portion of the community. Such instances, how 
 ever, are very rare ; but there are unprincipled 
 men everywhere, who will give vent to their ill 
 feelings and bad passions, not with less good-will 
 upon the back of an indented apprentice, than upon 
 that of a purchased slave. Private chapels are 
 now introduced upon most of the plantations of the 
 more wealthy, which are far from any church; 
 Sabbath schools are instituted for the black chil 
 dren, and Bible classes for the parents, which are 
 superintended by the planter, a chaplain, or some 
 of the female members of the family. 
 
 " Nor are planters indifferent to the comfort of 
 their gray-headed slaves. I have been much af 
 fected at beholding many exhibitions of their kindly 
 feeling towards them. They always address them 
 in a mild and pleasant manner as Uncle/ or 
 * Aunty titles as peculiar to the old negro and 
 
226 SLAVERY. 
 
 negress, as boy and girl, to all under forty 
 years of age. Some old Africans are allowed to 
 spend their last years in their houses, without do 
 ing any kind of labour ; these, if not too infirm, 
 cultivate little patches of ground, on which they 
 raise a few vegetables for vegetables grow nearly 
 all the year round in this climate and make a 
 little money to purchase a few extra comforts. 
 They are also always receiving presents from 
 their masters and mistresses, and the negroes on 
 the estate, the latter of whom are extremely de 
 sirous of seeing the old people comfortable. A 
 relation of the extra comforts which some plant 
 ers allow their slaves, would hardly obtain credit 
 at the North. But you must recollect that South 
 ern planters are men and men of feeling gen 
 erous and high-minded, and possessing as much 
 of the * milk of human kindness as the sons of 
 colder climes although they may have been edu 
 cated to regard that as right, which a different 
 education has led Northerners to consider wrong." 
 
 To the foregoing testimonials may be added that 
 of a sensible correspondent of the Albany Daily Ad 
 vertiser, who, in a letter dated Oct. 2d, 1835, says : 
 
 41 One of the peculiarities which we noticed in 
 Washington, and indeed in its vicinity, was the 
 universal employment of blacks as labourers and 
 
SLAVERY. 227 
 
 mechanics. I must confess, when I saw them en 
 gaged in respectable occupations, intrusted often 
 with difficult employments, well dressed, and appa 
 rently happy in their labour, I could not but draw 
 a most favourable conclusion as to their actual con 
 dition. The galling bonds, of which we hear so 
 much from the sympathizing advocates of aboli 
 tion, were not visible ; and, as a race of men, these 
 slaves were altogether in a decidedly better posi 
 tion than their idle, dissipated, and reckless breth 
 ren at the North. 
 
 " These persons have kind masters in the Dis 
 trict of Columbia ; they are taught to read and 
 write, and they have had the gospel preached to 
 them. This last consideration is an important one. 
 Coleridge says that slavery may be one of the 
 means of bringing the sons of Africa into a state 
 of grace, and who knows but the hand of Provi 
 dence has designed this ? No abolitionist will 
 contend that a heathen of Africa, wild, ignorant, 
 and brutal, is happier in his lawless freedom than 
 the Southern slave. Such a position would cover 
 its advocate with ridicule. As happiness is com 
 parative, therefore, it cannot be doubted that the 
 Southern negro may thank God for having cast his 
 lot in a place where his condition is so much bet 
 ter than it could be in his native land." 
 
228 SLAVERY. 
 
 For every circumstance favourable to American 
 character and institutions, even Basil Hall is good 
 authority ; and, if we do not mistake, for we have 
 not his work at hand, after becoming acquainted 
 with the situation of the slaves in the South from 
 personal observation, he declares, in so many words, 
 that if it were in his power to do it, he would not 
 give them their freedom. 
 
 It has been asked why the slaves occasionally 
 run away from their masters if they are so happy ? 
 Everybody knows that mankind, whether bond or 
 free, are prone to become discontented with the 
 station in which they are placed. Finding them 
 selves pot happy where they are, they long to 
 seek happiness elsewhere, in some situation in 
 which they fondly imagine it resides ; for every 
 disappointment in the pursuit only increases our 
 ardour to continue the game, and the last lesson 
 of life is, that happiness is not to be found in this 
 world. To chase it from one imaginary point to 
 another ; to pursue it through every variety of 
 pleasure and occupation, is the lot of man. No 
 argument can therefore be drawn against any state 
 of society, from the fact that many, or, if you please, 
 all, are anxious to escape from it ; because, so long 
 as there is one which seems to present greater 
 allurements, it is the law of our nature to aspire 
 
SLAVERY. 229 
 
 to its possession. Such is the longing of the 
 slave to be free, because he imagines that, like his 
 master, he will be a gentleman, and enjoy all the 
 fancied delights of idleness and luxury. His ab 
 sconding is therefore only a proof that, like all 
 the rest of mankind, he is discontented with his 
 lot, envies that of others, and runs the universal race 
 after the same shadows that delude the world. 
 
 Do these pictures and this declaration of a 
 prejudiced traveller accord with those of the abo 
 litionists, or with the fictitious horrors with which 
 slavery has been invested in the United States ? 
 On the contrary, do they not distinctly indicate that 
 the benign spirit of religious and political liberty 
 has operated here, as well as everywhere else, to 
 mitigate the sufferings of mankind, and strip 
 slavery of all its most obnoxious features 1 Com 
 pare the situation of the people described in the 
 foregoing letters and extracts, with that of the class 
 of Africans from whom they are descended ; and 
 for this purpose we shall lay before the reader 
 some extracts from Mungo Park, who, it will be 
 remembered, finally fell a victim to the treachery 
 and barbarism of those who are now the objects 
 of such intense sympathy. 
 
 It should be borne in mind that the slaves of the 
 United States are the posterity of those Africans, 
 u 
 
230 SLAVERY. 
 
 who, by capture in war, and other circumstances, 
 had become hereditary bondmen in their own coun 
 try, and whose posterity would have remained so to 
 this day had they continued there. A comparison 
 of their respective condition and treatment will 
 therefore enable us to decide whether they have lost 
 or gained by the transfer to this country, and conse 
 quently whether their happiness has been increased 
 or diminished. Our object is not to challenge any 
 credit to the free civilized white man of the United 
 States, for treating his slaves more kindly than the 
 African barbarian, but to show that nothing has 
 been lost to the sum of human happiness by that 
 transfer. The abolitionists rely on solitary cases, 
 unsupported by any proof whatever ; we shall ad 
 duce an example, on the testimony of one whose 
 authority has never been questioned. It relates to 
 a female slave of the tribe of the Jallonkas, and 
 occurred while Mr. Park was travelling with a 
 party through the wilderness of that name. They 
 were pursued by a hostile tribe ; many of their 
 slaves were dispersed in the woods ; a party was 
 sent in search of them, and, among others, says 
 Mr. Park 
 
 " They likewise brought with them poor Nealee, 
 whom they found lying in a rivulet. She was very 
 much exhausted, and had crept to the stream in 
 hopes to defend herself from thebees, by throwing 
 
SLAVERY. 231 
 
 water over her body ; but this proved ineffectual, 
 for she was stung in the most dreadful manner. 
 When the slatees had picked out the stings as far 
 as they could, she was cooled with water, and then 
 rubbed with bruised leaves; but the wretched 
 woman obstinately refused to proceed farther, de 
 claring she would rather die than walk another 
 step. As entreaties and threats were used in vain, 
 the whip was at length applied ; and after bearing 
 patiently a few strokes, she started up and walked 
 with tolerable expedition for four or five hours 
 longer, when she made an attempt to run away 
 from the coffle, but was so very weak that she fell 
 down on the grass. Though she was unable to 
 rise, the whip was a second time applied, but with 
 out effect ; upon which Karfa told two of the slatees 
 to place her on the ass which carried our dry pro 
 visions ; but she could not sit erect, and the ass 
 being very refractory, it was found impossible to 
 carry her forward in that manner. The slatees 
 were, however, most unwilling to abandon her, the 
 day s journey being nearly ended ; they therefore 
 made a sort of litter of bamboo canes, upon which 
 she was placed, and tied with slips of bark ; this 
 litter was carried on the heads of two slaves, 
 one walking before the other, and they were fol 
 lowed by two others, who relieved them occasion- 
 ally. , 
 
232 SLAVERY. 
 
 " At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, but 
 her limbs were now become so stiff and painful 
 that she could neither walk nor stand ; she was 
 therefore lifted like a corpse upon the back of the 
 ass, and the slatees endeavoured to secure her in 
 that situation by fastening her hands together under 
 the ass s neck, and her feet under the belly, with 
 long strips of bark ; but the ass was so very un 
 ruly, that no sort of treatment could induce him to 
 proceed with his load ; and as Nealee made no ex 
 ertion to prevent herself from falling, she was 
 quickly thrown off, and had one of her legs much 
 bruised. Every attempt to carry her forward being 
 thus found ineffectual, the general cry of the coffle 
 was, Kang-tegi Kang-tegi, * cut her throat, cut her 
 throat, an operation I did not wish to see per 
 formed, and therefore marched onward with the 
 foremost of the coffle. I had not walked above a 
 mile, when one of Karfa s domestic slaves came 
 up to me with poor Nealee s garment upon the end 
 of his bow, and exclaimed, Nealee Affilita * Nea 
 lee is lost. I asked him if the slatees had given 
 him the garment as a reward for cutting her throat ; 
 he replied, that Karfa and the schoolmaster would 
 not consent to that measure, but had left her on the 
 road, where undoubtedly she soon perished, and 
 was probably devoured by wild beasts." 
 
 It will be alleged, and such has been the im 
 
SLAVERY. 233 
 
 pression endeavoured to be produced by almost all 
 the late writers on the subject of slavery, that this 
 and similar instances of cruelty may be traced to 
 the circumstance of the white people purchasing 
 black slaves on the Coast of Africa. This has 
 been held up as the only inducement to those 
 wars among the natives, by which captives are 
 acquired, and, of consequence, all the horrors at 
 tending the subsequent stages of slavery. Such, 
 however, is not the case. Slavery, in its worst form, 
 has existed to a great extent in Africa from the 
 earliest ages, long previous to its introduction into 
 Europe ; and, according to the authority of Mr. 
 Park, heretofore quoted, at this moment three 
 fourths* of the negroes of Africa are in a state of 
 hereditary bondage to a race of barbarians, whose 
 temper and habits may be gathered from the follow 
 ing extracts from the same and various other 
 writers : 
 
 "We found many of the natives dressed in a 
 thin French gauze, which they call Bygui ; this 
 being a light, airy dress, well calculated to display 
 the shape of their persons, is much esteemed by 
 the ladies. The manners of these females, how 
 ever, did not correspond with their dress, for they 
 
 * Lander goes still farther, and estimates the slaves at four 
 fifths of the whole number of inhabitants. 
 u 2 
 
234 SLAVERY. 
 
 were rude and troublesome to the last degree. 
 They surrounded me in numbers, begging for am 
 ber beads, &c., and were so vehement in their 
 solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist 
 them. They tore my cloak, cut the buttons from 
 my boy s clothes, and were proceeding to other 
 outrages, when I mounted my horse and rode 
 off, followed for half a mile by a body of these 
 harpies." 
 
 The following furnishes a still more striking ex 
 hibition of barbarism. 
 
 " While I was examining the countenance of 
 this inhospitable old man, and endeavouring to find 
 out the cause of the sullen discontent that was visi 
 ble in his eye, he called to a slave who was work 
 ing in a corn-field at a little distance, and ordered 
 him to bring his paddle along with him. The 
 Booty then told him to dig a hole in the ground, 
 pointing to a spot at no great distance. The slave, 
 with his paddle, began to dig a pit in the earth, 
 and the Dooty kept muttering and talking to him 
 self until the pit was almost finished, when he re 
 peatedly pronounced the word Donkatoo good for 
 nothing; Jankra lemen a. real plague which ex 
 pressions I thought could be applied to nobody but 
 myself ; and as the pit had very much the appear 
 ance of a grave, I thought it prudent to decamp, 
 
SLAVERY. 235 
 
 when the slave, who had before gone to the village, 
 to my surprise returned with the corpse of a boy, 
 about nine years of age, quite naked. The negro 
 carried the body by a leg and an arm, and threw it 
 into the pit with a savage indifference which I had 
 never before seen. As he covered the body, the 
 Dooty often expressed himself naphula littiniata 
 money lost whence I concluded the boy had been 
 one of his slaves." 
 
 The following examples of barbarous warfare are 
 taken almost at random from the same work. 
 Speaking of the siege of Sai, by the King of Bam- 
 barra, Mr. Park says : 
 
 " After a siege of two months, the townspeople 
 became involved in all the horrors of famine, while 
 the king s people were feasting in their trenches ; 
 they saw with pleasure the miserable inhabitants 
 of Sai devour the leaves and bark of the Bentang- 
 tree that stood in the middle of the town. Find 
 ing, however, the besieged would sooner perish 
 than surrender, the king had recourse to treachery. 
 He promised that, if they would open their gates, 
 he would put no person to death, nor suffer any 
 injury, but to the Dooty alone. The Dooty was 
 sent accordingly, and immediately put to death. 
 His son, in attempting to escape, was caught and 
 massacred in the trenches ; and the rest of the 
 
238 SLAVERY. 
 
 townspeople were carried away captive, and sold 
 as slaves to the different negro-traders." 
 
 In travelling from Farra to Balaba, he says " I 
 passed, in the course of this day, the ruins of three 
 towns, the inhabitants of which were all carried 
 away by Daisy, King of Kaarta, on the same day 
 that he took and plundered Yamina." In addition 
 to these exhibitions of the rankest barbarity, we 
 learn, from a late traveller through the interior of 
 Africa, that the King of Dahomey is engaged in 
 perpetual wars, not only for the purpose of acqui 
 ring slaves, but with the pious object of watering 
 the graves of his ancestors with the blood of his 
 captives. The tombs, palaces, and temples of his 
 capital are ornamented with the sculls and jaw 
 bones of his enemies captured in war ; the floors 
 of his private chambers and halls of audience 
 paved, and the roof covered, with the like trophies 
 of stupid, unfeeling barbarism ; and it is consider 
 ed a sufficient cause of war, that the graves of his 
 ancestors require " more watering," or that his 
 palace wants a new covering. 
 
 The same writer states, that on one occasion 
 which came within his knowledge, three thousand 
 victims were sacrificed at the grave of the mother 
 of an Ashantee king, and two hundred slaves 
 weekly, for the space of three months. These 
 
SLAVERY. 237 
 
 two kingdoms were at that time entirely free from 
 the influence of the foreign slave-trade ; the de 
 mand for slaves being consequently diminished, 
 their value decreased in proportion, and they were 
 thus wantonly sacrificed to " the genius of injured 
 Africa." Shall we waste our sympathies on such 
 remorseless barbarians, or weep that so many of 
 their victims have found a refuge in the United 
 States from such freedom as this ? shall we con 
 summate our folly and weakness by placing our 
 peace and union, our interests and happiness, in 
 most, imminent jeopardy, for the sake of experi 
 menting on incurable barbarism and inflexible 
 ignorance ? 
 
 In concluding his remarks on the condition of 
 slaves in Africa, Mr. Park delivers the following 
 opinion, which is recommended to the attention of 
 the abolitionists, not for the purpose of defending 
 the odious traffic in slaves by Christian nations, 
 but simply as giving the result of the experience 
 and reflections of the writer. 
 
 " Such are the general outlines of that system of 
 slavery which prevails in Africa, and it is evident, 
 from its nature and extent, that it is a system of no 
 modern date. It probably had its origin in the re 
 mote ages of antiquity, before the Mahometans ex 
 plored a path across the Desert. How far it is 
 
238 SLAVERY. 
 
 maintained and supported by the slave traffic, which 
 for two hundred years the nations of Europe* have 
 carried on with the natives of the coast, it is 
 neither within my province nor in my power to 
 explain. If my sentiments should be desired 
 concerning the effect which a discontinuance of 
 this commerce would produce on the manners of 
 the natives, I should have no hesitation in saying, 
 that in the present unenlightened state of their 
 minds, my opinion is, the effect would neither be 
 so extensive or beneficial as many wise and worthy 
 persons fondly expect." 
 
 What is the general state and condition of slaves 
 in Africa, may be gathered from the following ex 
 tracts from the same work : 
 
 " But these restrictions on the power of the 
 master extend not to the case of prisoners taken 
 in war, nor to slaves purchased with money. All 
 these unfortunate beings are considered as stran 
 gers and foreigners, who have no right to the protec 
 tion of the law ; and may be treated with severity, or 
 sold to a stranger, according to the pleasure of their 
 owners. There are, indeed, regular markets, where 
 
 * For an historical detail of the origin and progress of this 
 trade, the reader is referred to " A Twelvemonth s Residence in 
 Jamaica, by R. R. Madden, M. D," England occupies a con 
 spicuous place. 
 
SLAVERY. 239 
 
 slaves of this description are bought and sold ; and 
 the value of a slave in the eye of an African pur 
 chaser increases in proportion to the distance from 
 his native kingdom ; for, when slaves are only a few 
 days journey from the place of their nativity, they 
 frequently effect their escape ; but when one or more 
 kingdoms intervene, escape being more difficult, 
 they are more readily reconciled to their situation. 
 On this account, the unhappy slave is frequently 
 transferred from one dealer to another, until he has 
 lost all hope of returning to his native kingdom. 
 The slaves which are purchased by Europeans on 
 the coast are chiefly of this description" 
 
 " It is a known fact, that prisoners of war in Africa 
 are the slaves of the conquerors ; and when the 
 weak or unsuccessful warrior begs for mercy be 
 neath the uplifted spear of his opponent, he gives 
 up, at the same time, his claim to liberty, and pur 
 chases his life at the expense of his freedom." 
 " A battle is fought ; the vanquished seldom think 
 of rallying again ; the inhabitants become panic- 
 struck ; and the conquerors have only to bind the 
 slaves, and carry off their victims and their plun 
 der. Such of their prisoners as through age or 
 infirmity are unable to endure fatigue, or are found 
 unfit for sale, are considered useless, and I have no 
 
240 SLAVERY. 
 
 doubt are put to death. The same fate commonly 
 awaits a chief, or any other person who has taken a 
 distinguished part in the war" 
 
 The testimony of Park is more than corroborated 
 by that of the Rev. Stephen Kay, " Corresponding 
 Member of the South African Institution established 
 for investigating the Geography, Natural History, 
 and General Resources of South Africa," as will be 
 seen by the following extracts from his travels and 
 researches. 
 
 " Having to pass several small villages on our 
 way, we had repeated opportunities of observing 
 the servile respect which the lower orders pay to 
 their chiefs. A slavish dread evidently pervades 
 their minds when one of these feudal lords is seen 
 approaching; nor is this surprising, seeing that 
 both person and property are in a great measure at 
 his command. The use that is sometimes made 
 of this power is iniquitous in the extreme ; and 
 should the subject dare to withhold even his wife, 
 when demanded, he thereby places himself in the 
 most perilous situation." 
 
 " Every page of African history renders it 
 abundantly evident, that misery and destruction 
 are in all the ways of fallen man, and that to him 
 the way of peace is altogether unknown. As in 
 the western, so also in the southern division of this 
 
SLAVERY. 241 
 
 dark continent, its numerous tribes and clans are 
 continually feeding the vengeful flame. By pre 
 datory incursions alone, Caffraria has often been 
 made a field of blood. Other causes indeed there 
 are, from which strife, contention, and bloodshed 
 have arisen ; but in nine cases out of ten, at least, 
 the native troops are mustered either to pillage 
 their weaker neighbours, or to retaliate upon some 
 thievish aggressor." 
 
 " Such being the estimate of life in general, the 
 death of a female by violence attracts compara 
 tively little attention. Previously to marriage she 
 is regarded as a kind of marketable article, and 
 valued according to the price she is likely to fetch 
 when marriageable ; subsequently to marriage the 
 husband laments her loss, as the master would that 
 of his slave whom he had bought and paid for. 
 But, should she be a widow, her case is pitiable 
 indeed, being without a protector through life, and 
 seldom if ever the object of sympathy in death. 
 Many of these poor creatures are hurried to an un 
 timely end, unfollowed by a single sigh, much less 
 a tear ; and scarcely has the spirit taken its flight 
 to the eternal world before beasts of prey are 
 allowed, without molestation, to tear them limb 
 from limb, and drag the bones to their dens. 
 Many a horrid and heart-rending deed is hereby 
 
242 SLAVERY. 
 
 placed beyond the power of human detection, and 
 the murderer enabled effectually to elude the voice 
 of blood. 
 
 " The infidelity of the Soolima women, says 
 Major Laing, * is a never-failing source of litiga 
 tion here, as in all other countries where, for want 
 of being treated with due respect, they have no 
 character to uphold. Like all other African fe 
 males, they are loose in morals, as I could per 
 ceive from the numerous palavers which were 
 brought before the king. This is precisely the 
 case in every part of Kafferland ; quarrels and 
 prosecutions are continually springing from the 
 very same source. On this subject, therefore, 
 Barrow, who states that instances of infidelity 
 are said to be very rare ; and, when they do occur, 
 are accidental rather than premeditated, was evi 
 dently misinformed." 
 
 " The last-mentioned chief, who in his lifetime 
 had by such means sacrificed hundreds of his peo 
 ple, constituted, at the close of his pagan career, a 
 most awful instance of the dreadful power of de 
 lusion : its influence seemed to grow stronger 
 and stronger upon him as he himself became 
 weaker. When greatly reduced, and consciously 
 sinking under the virulence of his disorder, he 
 mustered, in the service of the powers of dark- 
 
SLAVERY. 243 
 
 ness, all the remaining strength he had, but would 
 not listen to a single word respecting God or the 
 eternal world. On hearing the name of Christ 
 mentioned by Mr. C., who visited him just before 
 he died, he instantly requested him to say no more 
 upon that subject. Like the heathen kings of an 
 cient days, in his disease he sought not unto the 
 Lord, but to his physicians, to the wizards and 
 soothsayers ; and to them only would he lend an 
 ear. These were repeatedly assembled ; and 
 when able, he danced before them most immoder 
 ately, and ofttimes until completely exhausted, in 
 the hope thereby of rendering their incantations 
 effectual. As usual, their orgies terminated in 
 deeds of blood. When he was at the very point 
 of entering the regions of death, his own son, 
 treading in the aged sire s steps, laid violent hands 
 upon one of his father s most favourite wives, and 
 without any ceremony whatever, or the least sign of 
 compunction, deliberately killed her upon the spot." 
 " On all occasions of this kind the poor women 
 are perfect slaves. It was with an aching heart 
 that I witnessed many aged females passing by, in 
 the course of the day, having both heads and hands 
 so heavily laden with hides, calabashes, and cook 
 ing utensils, <fec., as to be scarcely able to move 
 along. Thus circumstanced, great numbers doubt- 
 
244 SLAVERY. 
 
 less fall into the hands of the enemy in times of 
 war, for their husbands afford them no assistance 
 or protection whatever. The preservation of the 
 cattle constitutes the grand object of their solici 
 tude ; and with these, which are trained for the 
 purpose, they run at an astonishing rate, leaving 
 both wives and children to take their chance." 
 
 ** This awful catastrophe was soon followed by 
 others still more shocking. Suffering under the 
 severe wound he had received, the enraged chief 
 now seems to have concluded that all around him 
 were enemies, and therefore determined on adopt 
 ing measures the most desperate against both 
 white and black. In the latter end of August, one 
 division of his clan crossed the Zimvooboo, and 
 by night fell upon some of the hamlets belonging 
 to Umyeki. These they utterly destroyed, scarcely 
 allowing a single man, woman, or child to escape. 
 Setting fire to all the houses at once, the greater 
 part perished in the flames ; and those of the poor 
 creatures that endeavoured to run off had hardly 
 got clear of the devouring element before the spear 
 found its way to their hearts." 
 
 "Their modes of torture are various, and, in 
 some instances, indescribably horrid : the very idea 
 of them produces in one s mind a chilling sensa 
 tion. Some cases 1 have seen, and of others I 
 
SLAVERY. 245 
 
 have heard ; and many a time have I shuddered 
 while witnessing their effects. These alone fur 
 nish proof sufficient that paganism is abhorrent in 
 the extreme. Beating with the indukit, or club, 
 until the offenders are almost lifeless, is a compara 
 tively mild measure. They are more frequently 
 bound down, and tormented by means of large 
 black ants, with which their bodies are literally 
 covered from head to foot. Those who are 
 doomed to undergo this process are first pinioned 
 to the ground at full length, and in such a manner 
 as to render it utterly impossible for them to move 
 hand or foot : the poisonous swarm is then let 
 loose upon them, and their stinging powers pur 
 posely stimulated. The eyes, the ears, and even 
 the tongue, are all made to feel the painful smart, 
 for the insects are not unfrequently forced into the 
 mouth. In this way many a poor female is put 
 upon the rack, and afterwards concealed in the 
 lonely forest or cheerless dell until her wounded 
 flesh is in some measure healed again. 
 
 " Roasting and branding come next in order, and 
 constitute a fiery ordeal indeed. Posts are firmly 
 fixed in the ground, at certain distances, and to 
 these the culprit is tied with thongs, and with his 
 arms and legs distended to the very uttermost. A 
 fire is then made on each side of him, at his head 
 x2 
 
246 SLAVERY, 
 
 also, and likewise at his feet. Here he broils, and 
 when he seems likely to expire amid the encom 
 passing flame, the fires are partly removed ; but it 
 is only to shift the rack. 7 Hot stones are now 
 applied to the breast, the abdomen, the inner parts 
 of the thighs, or to the soles of the feet, which are 
 thus burnt until the sinews shrink, and parts of the 
 muscular system are completely destroyed." 
 
 " The Kaffer host had all this time hung back ; 
 and while the military were routing Matuwana and 
 his warriors, they busily employed themselves in 
 driving off all the cattle they could find, and in 
 murdering the women and children. Previously 
 to the attack being made, orders had indeed been 
 given by the commanding officer, strictly prohibit 
 ing this barbarous kind of conduct : but he who 
 lets the lion loose ought not to forget that he re 
 quires guarding. When the troops returned to the 
 point whence they started, the field presented a 
 scene indescribably shocking : old decrepit men, 
 with their bodies pierced, and heads almost cut 
 off; pregnant females ripped open ; legs broken, 
 and hands likewise severed from the arm, as if for 
 the purpose of getting the armlets or some other 
 trifling ornament ; little children mutilated and 
 horribly mangled ; many in whom the spark of 
 life had become quite extinct ; some who were 
 
SLAVERY. 247 
 
 still struggling in the agonies of death, and others 
 nearly lifeless, endeavouring to crawl about among 
 the dead. One of the soldiers, while crossing the 
 valley, happened to observe a Kaffer intently en 
 gaged at a distance : he immediately advanced to 
 see what he was about, and found the brutal savage 
 deliberately cutting off the breasts of a helpless 
 female, whom he had thrown down on the ground 
 for the purpose. Without standing to ask any 
 questions, he instantly levelled his piece, and shot 
 the barbarian dead on the spot." 
 
 From these details it would seem sufficiently 
 apparent, that humanity will have little cause to 
 triumph in the abolition of slavery in the other 
 quarters of the globe, while it continues to exist 
 to such an extent in Africa, and while the ordinary 
 state of society affords such spectacles of barbar 
 ity. It would only conduce to the multiplica 
 tion of slaves at home, decrease their value, and, 
 consequently, the interest of their masters to treat 
 them well ; and finally, at length, when they would 
 have more than they knew what to do with, entail 
 upon the superfluous prisoners of war the fate of 
 those " who, from age or infirmity, are of no value," 
 and are put to death. Nothing but going to the 
 fountain-head, and planting religion and civili 
 zation in Africa itself, can possibly cure the evil 
 effectually. For this beneficent and noble pur- 
 
248 SLAVERY. 
 
 pose, no plan was ever devised which promised so 
 rational a triumph over barbarism and unbelief as 
 the institution of the Colonization Society of the 
 United States, which has been denounced by the 
 abolitionists of England and America as an impo 
 sition on the world, calculated and intended to 
 perpetuate the evils it professed to alleviate. That 
 it would have been a long time in achieving its 
 great objects, is, in the eyes of wise, reflecting 
 persons, rather a recommendation than an objec 
 tion, since all salutary changes in the economy of 
 the world are brought about by slow degrees to an 
 easy and almost imperceptible consummation. 
 That it will ultimately succeed, is more than we 
 can tell, for only time will disclose its final con 
 sequences. Still we maintain that it has all the 
 attributes of a rational plan, depending for success 
 on rational means, and sanctioned by rational an 
 ticipations as well as by actual experience. It is 
 in itself the severest satire on the mad-headed 
 schemes of the abolitionists ; and this may proba 
 bly be one principal reason why they denounce it 
 so vehemently, and, by persuasion as well as mis 
 representation and calumny, endeavour to deter 
 the blacks, bond as well as free, from snatching at 
 the only practicable mode of really bettering their 
 situation that was ever offered to their acceptance. 
 Let it be borne in mind, that we are now consid- 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 249 
 
 ering this subject, not with reference to any ab 
 stract principle of divine or natural law, but on the 
 ground of its practical operation on the happiness 
 of those concerned. For this purpose, and as the 
 most certain mode of deciding the question, a com 
 parison has been instituted between the situation 
 of the natives of Africa, bond and free, and that 
 of the slaves of the South. As equally applicable 
 to the subject, the inquiry will be extended to the 
 operatives in the English manufactories, to the 
 peasantry of Europe, and the common day-labour 
 ers of the United States. 
 
 We learn from the reports of parliamentary 
 committees, and various other sources equally au 
 thentic, that the operatives, as they are somewhat 
 affectedly called, in the English manufactories, 
 know not what it is to eat meat; that though they 
 labour, the parent male and female, as well as 
 their little children, from morning till night, and 
 sometimes far into the night, their wages are in 
 sufficient to procure for them the necessaries of 
 life, and that a large portion is compelled to resort 
 to relief from the parish.* We farther learn, that 
 the children are enslaved, to all intents and pur- 
 
 * We have been informed by a gentleman, once an eminent 
 manufacturer in England, that, on more than one occasion, 
 operatives have entreated to be employed by him, merely at the 
 price of their daily food. 
 
250 SLAVERY. 
 
 poses, by a system of incessant and unwholesome 
 occupation the most rigid and severe ; that they 
 are brought up in utter ignorance ; that their mor 
 als are entirely neglected, and that their very na 
 ture becomes degraded, their health in a great de 
 gree destroyed, by being thus thrust out from all 
 means of mental improvement and healthful relaxa 
 tion. The Parliament of England has lately in 
 terfered in behalf of these unfortunate white 
 slaves, and, by a series of regulations, attempted 
 to place them on a footing which might leave 
 no ground for envying the condition of the black 
 slaves of the South ; but no one can be ignorant 
 of the futility of all attempts to restrain the cra 
 vings of interest and avarice, or to legislate for the 
 domestic relations of social life. All these cravings 
 operate with the master of the South to produce 
 kind treatment to his slave, who, if he loses his 
 health, not only becomes useless, but a burden; 
 and who, if he dies, is a serious loss. The em 
 ployer of operatives in an English manufactory 
 will naturally have no other object than to get from 
 them the greatest possible degree of labour at the 
 least possible expense. If he loses his health, it 
 is nothing to him ; for he discharges the man, and 
 gets another in his place. If the discharged la 
 bourer cannot maintain himself and family, he goes 
 upon the parish ; and if he dies, it is no loss to 
 
SLAVERY. 251 
 
 his employer. Every feeling of interest in the 
 welfare of the two classes is therefore on the side 
 of the slave. This feeling, aided by the impulses 
 of the heart and the restraints of conscience, is 
 alone capable of working a revolution in the pri 
 vate intercourse between the master and his fam 
 ily, the employer and the hireling. From all that 
 can be learned, it appears that the legislative inter 
 ference has produced no radical change : that 
 neither the morals nor the condition of the opera 
 tives are improved ; but that they still labour, 
 without the adequate rewards of labour, and that a 
 large portion of them is still compelled to resort, to 
 the parish, to eke out the scanty means of exist 
 ence afforded by a life of incessant toil. 
 
 The father of a family goes forth by sunrise in 
 the morning, accompanied by his children, to la 
 bour at their endless round in the manufactory, and 
 returns in the evening, or late at night, not to en 
 joy, but to suffer, the fruits of his labour, in the 
 midst of privations of every kind. His food is 
 scanty and miserable, and for a part of this he 
 pays by a degrading dependance on the parish, 
 while his expectations of any future change for 
 the better are as distant and hopeless as those of 
 the hereditary bondman. Such a state must be 
 fatal to his moral and domestic feelings ; and all 
 accounts go to prove their gradual decay among 
 
252 SLAVERY. 
 
 these unfortunate people. The slave of the South 
 is distinguished for the force of his attachments to 
 his parents, his wife, and his children ; but the 
 common working-classes of England are notorious 
 for their total disregard of these sacred feelings. 
 It is stated, in various reports of commissions ap 
 pointed for the express purpose of investigating 
 the condition and morals of that class of people, 
 that an almost total disregard of the marriage bond 
 prevails among them ; that their connexions are 
 for the most part without the sanction of the mar 
 riage tie, and broken as caprice or convenience 
 may dictate ; that a general licentiousness of in 
 tercourse prevails ; and that children are only con 
 sidered as desirable, inasmuch as their multiplica 
 tion increases the claims of their parents on the 
 parish. All those ties which constitute the ce 
 ment of social relations are either unfelt, or hang 
 so loosely as to be discarded at pleasure, and the 
 number of illegitimate children is multiplying in a 
 manner which no previous age has exhibited. 
 
 Such is a mere skeleton of the evidence adduced 
 from public reports of committees, either of parlia 
 ment, corporations, or societies, and supported by 
 the testimony of magistrates, schoolmasters, and 
 parish ministers. They may possibly be exagger 
 ated, for such is commonly the case with those ex 
 hibitions of misery, ignorance, and crime, which are 
 
SLAVERY. 253 
 
 put forth to the world for the purpose of obtaining 
 its agency in mitigating or removing them. But, 
 making all allowances, enough remains to show 
 that, both as regards his morals and his means of 
 happiness, the slave of the South is in a state to 
 be envied by the philanthropic paupers of Eng 
 land, who, we perceive, have held meetings, ex 
 pressing their deep indignation at the existence of 
 slavery in the West Indies and the United States. 
 
 Nor are the other classes of labourers in Great 
 Britain more to be envied by the Southern slave 
 than the operatives in the manufactories. How 
 many thousands of them pass their lives in the coal 
 and tin mines, shut from the light of day, and the 
 sprightly, wholesome air, exposed to those dread 
 ful catastrophes which, at intervals, bury perhaps 
 hundreds in the ruins of an explosion ? Do these 
 people pretend to sympathize with our negroes ? 
 Without multiplying examples, it is sufficient to 
 state, what is openly asserted by English authori 
 ties, that throughout all the different classes of la 
 bour, the absence of what the slaves of the South, 
 and their masters too, consider the ordinary and in 
 dispensable comforts of life, is a subject of univer 
 sal notoriety. 
 
 Is it for such a country, and such a people, to 
 boast of their freedom, simply because they may 
 
 Y 
 
254 SLAVERY. 
 
 not be bought and sold? Does the miserable 
 affectation of liberty, which the operatives in manu 
 factories, and the labourers in mines, and every 
 where else, suffer, give them any essential su 
 periority over the well-fed, well-housed, and well- 
 treated slave ? What are the privileges of one of 
 these pauper labourers ? To work all day for a mas 
 ter he dare not disobey, and then beg of the parish 
 a pittance to keep himself and family from starving. 
 It is true, he can go elsewhere in search of another 
 master ; but, wherever he goes, unless perchance 
 he seeks this country of " two-legged wolves," of 
 " atheists and blasphemers," the same fate awaits 
 him. To be transported to Botany Bay for shoot 
 ing or snaring a hare or a partridge ; to pay taxes 
 on the light of the sun, the air he breathes, the 
 ground he treads, and the fire he burns ; to have no 
 more influence in the choice of his rulers, or the 
 making of laws, in fact, than the hereditary slave ; 
 to be obliged to work harder than the slave, with 
 out sharing any of his comforts, or being relieved 
 from any of his burdens ; and finally, as is the 
 case with millions of Irish labourers, to suffer and 
 starve without any other than the forlorn hope of 
 being liberated from his thraldom by Mr. O Con- 
 nell, in return for the " tribute" he pays him out of 
 the superfluity of his wants, and the munificence of 
 his penury. A reference to the condition of the low- 
 
SLAVERY. 255 
 
 er classes of England and Ireland naturally leads to 
 a suspicion, that the present outcry against slavery 
 in that quarter partly originated from an apprehen 
 sion that the hard-slaving and half-starved opera 
 tives and working-men of those philanthropic coun 
 tries might, if they knew the real state of the 
 case, flock hither in thousands, and sell themselves 
 to the planters of the South, instead of being com 
 pelled, as they frequently are, to commit crimes, in 
 order to entitle themselves to a refuge in the Para 
 dise of Botany Bay.* 
 
 The condition of the peasantry of Germany has 
 been much ameliorated by the regulations of Maria 
 Theresa, Joseph the Second, and, most especially, 
 by the gradual progress of more humane and en 
 larged views on the part of the landholders, with 
 out whose cordial co-operation all laws are nuga 
 tory. In the various states composing this great 
 and powerful empire, there are, of course, sensible 
 varieties in the condition of the peasantry and 
 labouring classes, and to particularize them all 
 would be tedious and unnecessary. We shall 
 select those of the ancient kingdom of Hungary, 
 where the rights of the peasantry rest on an ordi 
 nance of Maria Theresa, called " The Urbarium ; 
 
 * The criminal courts in England often present such ex 
 amples. 
 
256 SLAVERY. 
 
 or Contract between the Landlords and Peasants, 
 as fixed by Law" The following items, selected 
 -from under the head " Of things forbidden to the 
 Peasants, and of the punishments ensuing thereon" 
 will give the reader a tolerable insight into the 
 situation of that class of people. 
 
 " The peasants are forbid to collect money or 
 natural productions, and the offenders are to be 
 punished with twenty- four strokes of the cane." 
 
 "The peasants are not allowed to collect Knop- 
 pern Galls, nor to knock down acorns, as they 
 belong entirely to the landlord ; but it is prohibited 
 as contraband, and the offenders are further to be 
 punished with three days hand labour."* 
 
 " Peasants are not to carry a gun, nor to keep 
 sporting dogs, under penalty of three days hand 
 labour." 
 
 " When a peasant, out of idleness and care 
 lessness, after being called to his service, does not 
 come to it, he is to be punished with twelve strokes 
 of a cane." 
 
 " If any peasant shall sell flesh-meat from anoth 
 er place, or cut up and sell flesh-meat, thereby 
 taking away the profits of the shambles from the 
 landlord, this shall be considered as contraband, 
 
 * In contradistinction to labour with his team of oxen or 
 horses. 
 
SLAVERY. 257 
 
 and the peasant shall be further punished with 
 three days hand labour." 
 
 " The widows of deceased peasants must ob 
 serve the order of the twenty-first, article of the 
 seventh of King Uladislaus, which orders that, if 
 they rnarry again, they must not quit their homes 
 without permission of their landlord, otherwise 
 their whole property shall be at his disposal." 
 
 " The peasants of Hungary could formerly leave 
 their landlord at pleasure. This liberty was grant 
 ed by a great many laws of the land, as by the 
 sixth article of the second decree, and the four 
 teenth of the third decree of Sigismond, in the year 
 1405 ; the thirty-fourth of 1550 ; the twenty-seventh 
 of 1566; and several others. This liberty, under 
 Uladislaus, was taken from all those who suffered 
 themselves to be drawn into the rebellion of that 
 time. From this circumstance the Hungarian no 
 bility has in after times determined on their bondage, 
 which indeed not everywhere, but in the greatest 
 part of the kingdom, is introduced."* 
 
 When the reader is informed that the whole 
 of the landed property of Hungary, and, with the 
 exception of the commercial cities, nearly all that of 
 Germany, belongs to the nobility, which still re- 
 
 * Rosenmann s Staatstrecht, p. 193, 
 Y 2 
 
258 SLAVERY. 
 
 tains a large portion of the despotic prerogatives 
 of the feudal system, he will be able to compre 
 hend what share of personal, civil, or political 
 rights falls to the lot of the peasant. The truth is, 
 his situation is decidedly worse than that of a slave 
 in the United States. In the first place, he is 
 equally in bondage ; in the second, he possesses 
 no property in the soil, nor can he acquire any ; in 
 the third place, he is obliged to contribute a large 
 portion of his labour, and the products of his la 
 bour, to the service of his landlord, and maintain 
 himself and family besides ; and, in the fifth place, 
 he is equally subjected to stripes, and imprison 
 ment in irons, at the discretion of a baronial 
 court, the officers of which are dependants of the 
 landlord. The consequence of all this is a degree 
 of extreme and abject poverty, that would be in 
 sufferable but for the universal solace of music, 
 which seems to supply the place of freedom and 
 competency.* Hence we see them, whenever they 
 are at liberty and can find the means, flocking to this 
 country, where they and their descendants consti 
 tute a considerable portion of our most valuable and 
 industrious citizens. Generally speaking, through 
 out all Germany, the feudal maxims and habits 
 have been less affected by the progress of human 
 
 * See Bright s Travels in Germany. 
 
SLAVERY. 259 
 
 freedom in Europe, than in the southern portion of 
 that quarter of the world. The pride of birth, and 
 the privileges of feudality, are still retained in all 
 the vigour of ages of barbarism ; and, wherever this 
 is the case, ignorance, poverty, and oppression are 
 the only birthright of the labouring classes. Surely 
 there is a glaring inconsistency in affecting such 
 exclusive sympathy for the wrongs of the African, 
 while holding their own peculiar race, their 
 brethren of the same nation and colour, in a rigid 
 and inflexible bondage, which has all the restraints 
 and degradation, without any of the advantages, of 
 a state of slavery. 
 
 The condition of the Russian peasantry is thus 
 briefly described by Mr. Coxe, a traveller of the 
 highest reputation for accuracy and learning : 
 
 " Peasants belonging to individuals are the 
 private property of the landholders, as much as 
 implements of agriculture or herds of cattle ; and 
 the value of an estate is estimated, as in Poland, by 
 the number of boors, not by the number of acres." 
 
 Speaking of the consequences resulting from 
 certain regulations of Peter the Great, Mr. Coxe 
 observes ; 
 
 " These circumstances occasion a striking differ 
 ence in the state of the Russian and Polish peas 
 ants, even in favour of the latter, who in other re- 
 
SLAVERY. 
 
 260 
 
 spects are more wretched. If the Polish boor is 
 oppressed, and escapes to another master, the latter 
 is liable to no pecuniary penalty for harbouring 
 him ; but, in Russia, the person who receives anoth 
 er s vassal is subject to a heavy fine. With re 
 spect to his own demands upon his peasants, the 
 lord is restrained by no law, either in the exaction 
 of any sum or in the mode of employing them. 
 He is absolute master of their time and their la 
 bour : some he employs in agriculture ; a few he 
 makes his menial servants, and perhaps without 
 wages ; and from others he exacts an annual pay 
 ment. Several instances of these exactions fell 
 under my observation ; a mason, who was rated at 
 six pounds sterling per annum ; a smith, at twelve ; 
 and others as high as twenty. With regard to any 
 capital they may have acquired by their industry, 
 it may be seized, and there is no redress ; as, ac 
 cording to the old feudal law which still exists, a 
 slave cannot institute a process against his master. 
 Hence it occasionally happens, that several peas 
 ants who have gained a large capital cannot pur 
 chase their liberty for any sum, because they are 
 subject, as long as they continue slaves, to be pil 
 laged by their masters."* 
 
 These, we presume, are extreme cases, and such 
 
 * Coxe s Travels in Russia, vol. iii., p. 177, 8, 9. 
 
SLAVERY. 261 
 
 are always rare. We know that the condition of 
 the Russian peasantry has been much ameliorated 
 of late years, and, in all probability, will be more 
 so, under the salutary influence of legal restric 
 tions, and, above all, of humane and enlightened 
 views on the part of their masters. Still the 
 reader cannot but perceive that the situation of the 
 Russian boor, as regards his civil rights, is not 
 superior to that of the Southern slave in any one 
 point of comparison. What his condition is in re 
 gard to the comforts of life, will be seen by the 
 following extract from the work we have just 
 quoted : 
 
 " The Russian peasants appeared in general a 
 large, coarse, hardy race, and of great bodily 
 strength. Their dress is a round hat or cap, with 
 a very high crown, a coarse robe of drugget (or, in 
 winter, of sheepskin, with the wool turned inwards), 
 reaching below the knee, and bound round the 
 waist by a sash ; trousers of linen almost as thick 
 as sackcloth ; a woollen or flannel cloth wrapped 
 round the leg, instead of stockings ; sandals woven 
 from strips of a pliant bark, and fastened by strings 
 of the same material, which are afterwards twined 
 round the leg, and serve as garters to the woollen or 
 flannel wrappers. In warm weather, the peasants 
 frequently wear only a short coarse shirt and trou 
 sers. 
 
262 SLAVERY. 
 
 " Their cottages are built in the same manner 
 as those of Lithuania, but larger, and somewhat 
 better provided with furniture and domestic uten 
 sils. They are of a square shape, formed of whole 
 trees, piled upon one another, and secured at the 
 four corners, where their extremities meet, with 
 mortices and tenons. The interstices between 
 these piles are filled with moss. Within, the 
 timbers are smoothed with the axe, so as to form 
 the appearance of a wainscot; but without, are 
 left with the bark in their rude state. The roofs 
 are in the penthouse form, and generally com 
 posed of the bark of trees or shingles, which are 
 sometimes covered with mould or turf. The peas 
 ants usually construct the whole house solely with 
 the assistance of the hatchet, and cut the planks 
 of the floor with the same instrument, being in 
 many parts unacquainted with the use of the saw. 
 They finish the shell of the house before they 
 begin to cut the windows and doors. The win 
 dows are openings of a few inches square ; and 
 the doors are so low as not to admit a middle-sized 
 man without stooping. Most of these huts are 
 only of one story ; a few of them contain two 
 rooms, the generality only one."* 
 
 Being on one occasion waked up by an irruption 
 
 * Coxe s Travels in Russia, vol. i., p. 335, 6, 7. 
 
SLAVERY. 263 
 
 of a party of hogs into the hut where he had 
 taken up his night s lodging, at the village of Tab- 
 luka, the following group presented itself to the 
 traveller : 
 
 "My two companions were stretched on the 
 same parcel of straw from which I had just emerged ; 
 a little beyond them our servants occupied a similar 
 heap ; at a small distance three Russians, with long 
 beards, and coarse sackcloth shirts and trousers, lay 
 extended on their backs upon the floor ; on the op 
 posite side of the same room, three women in their 
 clothes slumbered on a long bench ; while the top 
 of the stove afforded a couch to a woman, dressed, 
 like the others, and four sprawling children, almost 
 naked." 
 
 " The food of the peasants is black rye bread, 
 eggs, salt fish, bacon, mushrooms ; their favourite 
 dish is a kind of hodge-podge, made of salt or fresh 
 meat, groats, and rye flour, highly seasoned with 
 onions and garlic, which latter ingredients are much 
 used by the Russians." 
 
 Assuredly these sketches present nothing which 
 the slave of the United States has any just cause 
 to envy ; and when we consider that the Russian, 
 Polish, Hungarian, and other peasants in various 
 parts of the North of Europe, although in a state 
 of actual bondage, or nearly approaching it, are 
 
264 SLAVERY. 
 
 still obliged to maintain themselves and families, 
 while the bondman of the United States is free 
 from all obligation or anxiety on that head, it 
 seems impossible to avoid coming to the conclu 
 sion that the condition of the latter is decidedly 
 preferable to that of the former. 
 
 With regard to the situation of the peasantry 
 and labouring men of those portions of Europe 
 where they are not considered as the actual prop 
 erty of the feudal lord, all accounts go to prove 
 that it is not such as to challenge the envy of a well- 
 treated slave. While the slave runs away from his 
 master, the former abandon their country, and sever 
 all the attachments of youth and memory, all the 
 ties of kindred and patriotism, to come to this land 
 of " two-legged wolves," of " hypocrites and blas 
 phemers." Nothing but oppression and suffering 
 can work such effects on the deep-rooted feelings 
 and principles of the human heart ; and hence we 
 have a right to conclude, that this voluntary exile 
 is the result of one or both of these causes. 
 
 It would far exceed our limits were we to enter, 
 as we are fully prepared to do, into separate and 
 distinct sketches of the condition of the peasantry 
 and working-classes of the South of Europe. It 
 is sufficient for our present purpose to state the 
 result of statistical researches and inquiries now 
 
SLAVERY. 265 
 
 before the public. From these we learn, that the 
 number of paupers in Europe, independently of 
 Great Britain, is estimated at eleven millions ; that 
 the number of those whom the least remission of 
 labour, or diminution of wages, or of the product 
 of their toils, would at once reduce to want, is 
 fifty millions ; and the number of actually indigent, 
 seventeen millions. Everywhere the roadside is 
 infested with clamorous beggars of all sizes and 
 ages ; and we learn from Mr. Leckie,* that in the 
 Island of Sicily, where, such is the luxurious soil 
 and genial climate, that the mariner scents his ap 
 proach by the fragrance of the flowers even before 
 it becomes visible to the eye, the abject poverty of 
 the villagers in the interior is so great, that they 
 quarrel with each other for the very bones which 
 the traveller throws away. Among the slaves of 
 the United States are neither paupers or beggars ; 
 want never approaches their doors ; and of all the 
 labouring men of this world, they are the most 
 free from the besetting evils of laborious poverty. 
 We disclaim all intention of throwing censure or 
 obloquy on any government, or interfering with the 
 condition of those peasants whose situation has 
 been sketched. We are fighting on the defensive, 
 
 * See his account of that island, published some years since. 
 
 z 
 
266 SLAVERY. 
 
 and our sole purpose here is to sooth the exquisite 
 ly sensitive feelings of the " friends of the entire 
 human race," by showing them that there are 
 millions of white people more than equally enti 
 tled to their sympathy, to whom emancipation 
 would be the prelude to better times, and an amal 
 gamation that would not degrade the race to which 
 we belong. 
 
 It is with mingled feelings of gratitude and pride 
 that we place the situation of the labouring classes 
 of the United States side by side with that of those 
 of the philanthropic governments of Europe who 
 take so deep an interest in the welfare of the 
 Southern slave. It is in the United States alone 
 that labour claims and receives its adequate re 
 wards ; or that the labourer can indulge any other 
 anticipation than that of endless toil, from youth to 
 manhood, from manhood to old age, from old age 
 to the grave. It is here alone that all may ration 
 ally aspire to plenty of wholesome food, and all the 
 essential comforts of life, crowned in the end by 
 competence and independence. It is here alone, 
 of all the civilized regions of the earth, that he 
 equally shares the opportunities of fortune and the 
 rights of a citizen. All our own observation and 
 experience, and all the testimony even of the most 
 prejudiced and unfriendly travellers, combines to 
 
SLAVERY. 267 
 
 support the assertion that, as respects the essen 
 tials of comfort, the labouring classes of our coun 
 try are far beyond the rest of the world. They 
 are consequently happier, because they possess 
 those means of existence which are indispensable 
 to all classes of mankind, in a greater degree than 
 do the same classes elsewhere. 
 
 But the penalty of Adam follows his posterity 
 everywhere. Misfortune, sickness, extravagance, 
 indolence, and crime, produce similar results all 
 over the world. And thus it happens, even in the 
 United States, that many, very many labourers 
 and hirelings are reduced to want, and suffer all 
 its miseries ; for they have no master whose duty 
 and interest it is to take care of them, or shield 
 their families from hunger, cold, and distress. 
 The world is their master, and a hard master it is 
 in most cases. Those who, from want of foresight 
 or economy, or from sickness, or the number of 
 their children, have not been able to save any thing 
 for a rainy day, suffer much when the frosts of 
 winter, or a sudden cessation of the demand for their 
 labour, or the incapacity to work, throws -them 
 out of employment, and consequently out of bread. 
 There is hardly a winter passes that we are not 
 applied to in behalf of these sufferers, and, judging 
 from the large sums contributed, their numbers 
 
268 SLAVERY. 
 
 must be very great. In the city of New-York, most 
 especially, owing to the vast rise of real property, 
 and the universal fashion of building large, expen 
 sive houses, a large portion of the labouring classes 
 cannot now afford to hire a house to themselves. 
 They are gradually obliged to be content with sin 
 gle rooms, in which very often more than one 
 family is crowded together, to the utter contami 
 nation of morals and decency, and may now be 
 said to have no home. In addition to this, it is 
 notorious to all who have instituted the compari 
 son, that the white hireling labourers work much 
 harder than the slaves of the South ; that, while 
 thus employed, they are not a whit more at liberty, 
 and though they may not be beaten, may be dis 
 charged at pleasure by their employer. If they 
 are more free in the intervals of employment than 
 the Southern slave, it is for the most part the free 
 dom of expensive and pernicious indulgences, that 
 corrupt their morals, beggar their families, and ruin 
 their constitutions. These circumstances, though 
 they may not and God forbid they should bring 
 down, this class of people in our country to the 
 level of the African, bond or free, may still serve 
 to show that, deplorable as it may be considered, 
 the state of the Southern slave, is not without some 
 very material advantages over that of the hireling. 
 
SLAVERY. 269 
 
 The great superiority of the latter consists in being 
 a free man in a free country. 
 
 It can scarcely have escaped the notice of those 
 who have watched the course of argument adopted 
 by the abolitionists in England, and echoed by their 
 humble followers in this country, that it tends 
 directly to confound the claims of the slaves of the 
 South with the rights of the free citizens of the 
 United States. The association is certainly highly 
 complimentary, and we shall endeavour to vindicate 
 the latter from the consequences of this happy 
 analogy. These advocates of all sorts of freedom 
 except that of their own countrymen distinctly in 
 sinuate, that the same arguments which sustain the 
 rights of free white men are equally applicable to 
 the African slave, and, consequently, that our people 
 are guilty of gross hypocrisy in affecting to main 
 tain the principles of universal liberty while they 
 hold the blacks in bondage. 
 
 It has been our object in the preceding chapters 
 to exhibit the insuperable difficulties, as well as 
 deplorable consequences, of immediate, or even 
 gradual emancipation, in the present state of African 
 intelligence. We have also taken occasion, at 
 different times, to indicate the radical difference 
 between emancipating bondmen, and simply re 
 storing subjects or citizens to a participation of 
 z 2 
 
270 SLAVERY. 
 
 civil rights. The distinction is of vital importance, 
 inasmuch as it involves the honour of our country, 
 and it will now be our endeavour to make it more 
 clearly apparent to our readers. There may, at 
 first sight, appear a striking analogy, but we think 
 it can be demonstrated that there is a radical and 
 irreconcilable difference in the two cases. 
 
 In the first place, the distinction between the 
 different orders of white men in Europe is entirely 
 artificial. They are identified in all the peculiar 
 characteristics which mark them originally the 
 same. Nothing, therefore, is wanting to constitute 
 a homogeneous people, but an equal distribution 
 of civil and political rights. Disparity in educa 
 tion, manners, and dress, constitutes the sole dif 
 ference between the democracy and aristocracy 
 of all countries. Remove this, and nothing re 
 mains to distinguish one from the other. Such, 
 however, is not the case with the distinction of 
 colour, which is palpable to our sense, and cannot 
 be mistaken. It is a natural distinction, and 
 nothing but unnatural desires, or absolute necessity 
 on the part of the whites, has ever produced an 
 amalgamation between the two colours. The con 
 trast of colour, to say nothing of the hair, the 
 odour, and other distinguishing peculiarities of the 
 African, mark him out wheresoever he goes ; he 
 
SLAVERY. 271 
 
 cannot become a white man by any acquisition of 
 knowledge or refinement ; nor can the white man 
 become black, however he may descend to the 
 level of blacks. The physical disparities, setting 
 aside all others, between the two races, are equiva 
 lent to those which separate various species of ani 
 mals, whose natural instincts are the same, for 
 aught we can discover, yet which never incorpo 
 rate by choice. The white and black races of 
 men are probably the nearest to each other of all 
 these varieties ; but they are not homogeneous, any 
 more than the orang-outang, the ape, the baboon, 
 and the monkey, who possibly may, ere long, find 
 a new sect of philanthropists to sustain their claim 
 to amalgamation. By a series of condescensions 
 of this kind, who shall say that the noble race of the 
 white man may not in good time verify the theory 
 of my Lord Monboddo, and strut about with tails ? 
 The radical distinction produced by the contrast 
 of colour between man and man is exemplified in 
 the fact, that in no age or nation have they ever 
 thoroughly amalgamated, even where the African 
 was not degraded by bondage. Individual cases 
 have occurred, it is true, but the result has always 
 been the same, namely, the production of an in 
 ferior race. Wherever they have associated as 
 equals, it has been as open or secret enemies ; and 
 
272 SLAVERY. 
 
 we hold it to be an axiom demonstrated by all past 
 experience, that as equals, and in equal numbers, 
 they can never live together in peace. One or 
 other must be subjugated. If, then, the masters of 
 the South were to liberate their slaves in a body, 
 or even by slow degrees, without expelling them at 
 the same time from the states in which they reside, 
 the consequence would soon be, a struggle for 
 power, and a civil war of the worst description. 
 
 In the second place, the distinction of a bond 
 man in the United States, and the subject of a 
 king, is strongly marked by another feature, which 
 destroys their identity. So also, in a much greater 
 degree, is that between the former and a free 
 citizen of the United States. Our ancestors brought 
 with them to the New World the rights of English 
 men, and sustained a seven years war to maintain 
 them. They earned the lands they occupy by the 
 fruits of their labour and their valour. The African 
 slave, on the contrary, came hither without any 
 rights derived from his own country, for he had 
 forfeited them by capture in war, or by inheritance ; 
 and he has acquired none here. So far from as 
 sisting in the attainment of our independence, the 
 slaves became the instruments of most serious 
 mischief; and, to use the words of the Virginia 
 declaration of 1776, "were prompted to rise in 
 
SLAVERY. 273 
 
 arms among us those very negroes whom, by an 
 inhuman use of his prerogative, he" (the British 
 king) "has refused us permission to exclude by 
 law." Neither by birth, by inheritance, by public 
 services, nor by any natural or acquired claim, have 
 the slaves of the United States any right to the 
 privileges of free citizens of the United States, by 
 whom alone liberty was achieved, and who alone 
 are entitled to its blessings, on the ground of prin 
 ciples recognised by all civilized nations. 
 
 Every native of England is in like manner en 
 titled, by a natural indefeisible right, to all the priv 
 ileges belonging to that particular class to which 
 he appertains, unless they are forfeited by crime. 
 His ancestors won these privileges, and transmit 
 ted them to their posterity. So with every na 
 tion on earth. There must always be a distinc 
 tion between those who have acquired or inher 
 ited political and civil rights, and the stranger 
 who comes among them. He cannot be suppo 
 sed to feel the same attachment to the soil, the 
 people, and the government, with those who are 
 familiarized to them from their birth ; nor can he 
 be relied on as their defender, until he has identified 
 himself with the interests of his adopted country, 
 by the acquisition of property. Even then he is 
 scarcely to be trusted in a contest with his native 
 
274 SLAVERY. 
 
 land. By the law of England, as declared of late 
 years, a slave becomes free the moment he lands 
 in that country. If, however, two or three millions 
 of slaves were suddenly to make their appearance 
 in a body, it is, we think, somewhat more than 
 doubtful whether my Lord Mansfield s decision 
 would not be speedily reversed. What may be 
 safely done with the few, is often either dangerous 
 or impracticable with the many. It might answer 
 for a boast, but would not do to practise too exten 
 sively on the flourish of Counsellor Curran, that 
 the moment a man " touches the sacred soil of 
 Britain," &c., <; he stands redeemed, regenerated, 
 and disinthralled," &c., &c., lest the operatives in 
 the manufactories, the Irish peasantry, and other 
 white-skinned slaves, might mistake, and think 
 they were included in the general denomination 
 of men. The maxim is only intended for the 
 negroes. 
 
 In the third place, the lower orders of England 
 and Europe can only acquire equal rights with the 
 higher, by their own exertions, which presupposes 
 a degree of intelligence that in a great measure 
 fits them for the enjoyment of freedom. They 
 are prepared for this by gradual advances in 
 knowledge ; whereas the plan of the abolitionists 
 is to free the slaves of the South at once, with- 
 
SLAVERY. 275 
 
 out any preparatory steps to enable them to sustain 
 their new duties, or enjoy their new acquisition. 
 
 Again; we acknowledge the situation of the 
 peasantry and working classes of England, and 
 the greater portion of Europe, to be bad enough, 
 when compared with that of our own people of the 
 same classes. Still, however, there are striking 
 differences between them and our African bond 
 men, although, beyond doubt, on the whole, the 
 state of the latter is preferable. The white men 
 of Europe, whatever situation they may occupy, 
 are not designated on their very faces as separate 
 and distinct races by the great Creator of man 
 kind. They may easily and naturally, without force 
 or persuasion, and by gradual approaches, become 
 one and the same, as in the United States, where 
 there is no distinction of ranks. Their enfranchise 
 ment will lead to an equality in so far as is com 
 patible with the system of Providence, without at 
 once uprooting and destroying the whole frame of 
 society, revolutionizing all the domestic relations, 
 and producing two equal hostile parties, for ever 
 separated by impassable barriers. 
 
 The people, more especially of England, are not 
 only gradually becoming qualified for freedom by 
 the progress of intelligence, but are already con 
 versant with those habits which enable men to 
 
276 SLAVERY. 
 
 direct their own conduct and that of their chil 
 dren. Although they may work like our slaves, 
 and fare worse than they do, still they are 
 accustomed to superintend their families; to 
 purchase and sell ; to provide for themselves ; 
 and to cope with that hydra-headed monster 
 called the world, without which experience a free 
 man is little else than a prey to roguery, in all its 
 numberless forms and disguises. They have also, 
 many of them, if not all, at some time or other, held 
 property, real or personal, and accustomed them 
 selves to its management. They are likewise sup 
 ported by the habitual feeling, that notwithstanding 
 the usurpations of aristocracy, they are and always 
 have been equal as men, though their rights are 
 unequal. On the contrary, the bondman is in a 
 great measure destitute of this preparatory experi 
 ence, as well as habitual feeling of equality. He 
 cannot divest himself of the sense of inferiority, 
 unless by an effort which makes him insolent 
 and ungovernable. Hence, in the States of Penn 
 sylvania and New- York, where thousands of ne 
 groes, either runaways or voluntarily emancipated, 
 are admitted to all the privileges of freemen, a 
 melancholy course of experience has shown that 
 scarcely one in a hundred is capable of rationally 
 using the blessing. They have abused, not enjoy- 
 
SLAVERY. 277 
 
 ed it. A large portion has died miserably ; equal 
 numbers have become the habitual inmates of 
 bridewells, penitentiaries, hospitals, and state pris 
 ons ; and of the remainder, few, very few, are 
 either moral in their conduct, decent in their 
 manners, or respectable in their situation. The 
 great mass remain sad monuments of hopes which 
 can never be realized ; victims to the grand ex 
 periment of severing the relations between master 
 and slave, without investigating the capacity of the 
 latter to provide for himself and family, acting the 
 part of a good neighbour and useful citizen, or sus 
 taining any one single duty thus cast upon him by 
 the misguided zeal of hot-brained fanaticism, or 
 assumed by his own temerity. In short, to set the 
 slaves of the South at once, or at any time, free, must 
 inevitably produce similar consequences to those 
 which would result from suddenly withdrawing 
 children from under the wing of the parent, and 
 setting them adrift on the ocean of the world, 
 without experience and without protection. 
 
 We might enumerate various other important 
 points of difference, which would go to overthrow 
 the position that there is a violent and glaring in 
 consistency in boasting of the freedom of our insti 
 tutions, while holding the Africans in bondage, and 
 asserting equal rights in the face of such glaring 
 
 A A 
 
278 SLAVERY. 
 
 inequalities. The apprehension of extending this 
 inquiry to a tedious length, prevents our enlarging 
 further on this head. It is believed enough has 
 been said to satisfy all impartial inquirers, that the 
 good people of the United States are not " blas 
 phemers and hypocrites," " two-legged wolves," 
 " ruthless tigers," " man-stealers and murderers," 
 because one portion will not consent to a measure 
 equally unpracticable and mischievous, as fatal to 
 the existence of that union which is the main pil 
 lar of our prosperity, happiness, and glory; and 
 the other voluntarily and at once not only relinquish 
 a large portion of their property, but, at the same 
 time, render the remainder, as well as their own 
 lives and those of their families, the sport of mill 
 ions of manumitted paupers, destitute of property, 
 and as ignorant of their rights and their duties as 
 they are incapable of maintaining an independent 
 existence. Almost the only argument those who 
 oppose the emancipation of the lower orders in 
 Europe now venture to urge against such a meas 
 ure, is, that they are utterly unfit for the enjoyment 
 of liberty. How much more forcibly does this ap 
 ply to the slaves of the United States, who, in their 
 present state, are still more disqualified, and whom 
 the enjoyment of freedom, as well as the oppor 
 tunities of gaining knowledge, serve only thus far, 
 
SLAVERY. 279 
 
 at least, to demonstrate their incapacity to make 
 a proper use of the one, or to acquire the other. 
 
 That we are not speaking at random, or under 
 the influence of prejudice, when we maintain 
 the natural and incurable inferiority of the woolly- 
 headed race, will appear from the following ex 
 tract of a letter from one of the " visiters" whose 
 duty it is to attend the examination of the com 
 mon schools of this city, where the black chil 
 dren, though not actually amalgamated with the 
 white, receive precisely the same instruction. 
 Nay, they are even more particularly attended to, 
 from being the subjects of a philanthropic experi 
 ment. 
 
 " In answer to your inquiry what my obser 
 vations have been in relation to the comparative 
 intellect of white and coloured children, I will 
 remark, that I have visited the Public and African 
 schools in this city, and frequently examined 
 the scholars, of both sexes and of different ages, 
 and I have uniformly found them inferior to the 
 whites, possessing the same advantages of instruc 
 tion, in every branch of education which required 
 mental effort. In writing and painting, they bear a 
 tolerable comparison ; but in reading, grammar, 
 geography, and, more particularly, arithmetic, re- 
 
280 SLAVERY. 
 
 quiring the greatest mental effort, they are vastly 
 below the level of a comparison. 
 
 " My candid opinion is, that the coloured or 
 African population cannot, by any code of laws, by 
 any system of education, or by any habits, customs, 
 or manners, be raised to an equality with the whites, 
 either in general knowledge, or those particular 
 branches which are essential to the ordinary pur 
 suits of life, and the prosperity of individuals." 
 
 Not even Sir Robert Filmer, who maintains that 
 the desire of liberty caused the fall of Adam, has 
 ventured to insinuate such an incurable incapacity 
 in any order of white men. All history and ex 
 perience would have contradicted him, by citing a 
 thousand illustrious examples to prove, that nothing 
 is required but equal opportunities to level all the 
 distinctions of rank and birth. But history will be 
 searched in vain for similar triumphs of the woolly- 
 headed race. They seem equally wanting in the 
 powers of the mind, and in the energy to exert 
 them ; and not all the discouragements under which 
 they labour can account for this contrast, without 
 the aid of a radical inferiority. It is therefore not 
 without ample reason, that anatomists and physiolo 
 gists have classed the negro as the lowest in the 
 scale of rational beings. 
 
SLAVERY. 281 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the Fanaticism of the Abolitionists, and its hos 
 tility to Religion, Morals, Liberty, Patriotism, 
 and the Social Virtues. 
 
 WE shall finish our task by attempting an analy 
 sis of the nature, spirit, and consequences of that 
 reckless spirit of fanaticism, which, instigated and 
 directed, there is too much reason to suspect, by the 
 cool, deliberate cunning of interested hypocrisy, is 
 now waging intestine war against the laws, the con 
 stitution, and the rights of property in the United 
 States. Scorning all decency of discussion, all re 
 gard to public decorum and the feelings of those who 
 chance to stand in the way of their impracticable 
 philanthropy ; deriding all social duties and sympa 
 thies, all feelings of patriotism ; instigating an 
 ignorant population of millions of blacks to insur 
 rection ; sowing the seeds of a servile war ; and 
 last and worst of all, converting the precepts of 
 Holy Writ into an excuse for violating its spirit 
 and doctrines, it, as it were, snatches a burning 
 brand from the throne of God, to set fire to our in- 
 
 AA2 
 
282 SLAVERY. 
 
 stitutions and consume our Union to ashes. Still 
 worse than this, if possible. By thus prostituting 
 the Old and New Testaments to sanction its mis 
 chievous purposes, and by using them as the 
 sponsors of its war against our social institutions 
 as well as constitutional safeguards, it is ma 
 king religion itself so odious in the eyes of rational 
 and temperate men, that it is to be feared they may 
 be wrought upon to abjure a faith thus at war with 
 the laws and institutions of society, and seek refuge 
 from the red-hot fires of fanaticism in the chill, 
 dark caverns of frozen unbelief. 
 
 The Bible, as understood and acted upon for 
 ages, is no longer the settled rule of faith to those 
 marauders and moss-troopers of religion, who pay 
 no respect whatever to venerable interpretations 
 grown gray in the lapse of time. Its morals are 
 not sufficiently sublimated for the exquisite squeam- 
 ishness of modern philanthropy ; and it would ap 
 pear that God himself has changed, since he stood 
 on Mount Sinai in all the majesty of Omnipotence, 
 and gave laws to the universe. The sect of fa 
 natics has no rule of faith ; no standard authority ; 
 no teacher, whose lessons are hallowed by the be 
 lief of ages ; no pastor, who seems to have any 
 guide but his own wild vagaries, or any other re 
 straint but that of his own consummate arrogance. 
 
SLAVERY. 283 
 
 Every day the path of our duties is beset with new 
 thorns and briers, and becomes more difficult to 
 pursue. The yoke of religion is waxing more 
 heavy and galling, and, as a natural and inevitable 
 result, men are beginning to cast it off as too in 
 tolerable to be borne, or resorting to hypocrisy to 
 cloak their apostacy. It is much to be feared, that 
 if the tyranny of fanaticism continues much longer, 
 the Christian world will be divided into two sects, 
 namely, fanatics, who believe every thing, and infi 
 dels, who believe nothing. Let us once more re 
 turn to the good old fold, where the shepherd was 
 not the tyrant, but the teacher of his flock ; where 
 the sheep were permitted to indulge their inno 
 cent gambols, and where, if sheared at all, it was 
 only once a year. It is time, and high time, 
 that there should be some strong effort among 
 rational and pious men to restore the prostrated 
 landmarks of our rights and our duties ; to rein 
 state the God of Moses and the Saviour of man 
 kind in their ancient dignities as the Lawgivers 
 of Christians, and to rescue our people, most espe 
 cially our mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters, 
 from the delusions of fanaticism. It is for this 
 purpose we have come forth to give our humble 
 aid, in pointing out the consequences of these 
 daring and licentious innovations on the ancient 
 
284 SLAVERY. 
 
 rules of our faith, and the established principles of 
 our government. 
 
 Of all the forms under which fanaticism has 
 appeared, that assumed by the abolitionists is the 
 most dangerous to the existence of civil govern 
 ment and the principles of liberty, in their enlarged 
 and liberal construction. Having, at a meeting in 
 the city of London, denounced the Colonization So 
 ciety as a cheat and a hypocrite, they commenced 
 their operations in the United States, in the city 
 of Philadelphia, by organizing a National Anti- 
 Slavery Society, which began its career with a 
 declaration of exterminating warfare against the 
 people of the South, the rights of property, the ma 
 jesty of the law, and the Constitution of the United 
 States. That our readers, who perhaps have 
 never seen this celebrated manifesto, may judge 
 of the tone, temper, and objects of the society, we 
 here insert it at full length. Its positions, it will be 
 perceived, are as little encumbered by argument 
 as they are embarrassed by modesty; and the lan 
 guage is such as only arrogant, conceited, ignorant, 
 and impudent impostors, or foaming madmen would 
 dare to address to their countrymen. 
 
 ** We maintain* that in view of the civil and re 
 ligious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its 
 oppression is unequalled by any other on the face 
 
SLAVERY. 285 
 
 of the earth ; and, therefore, that it is bound to 
 repent instantly, to undo the heavy burden, to break 
 every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. 
 
 "We further maintain, that every man has a 
 right to his own body, to the products of his 
 own labour, to the protection of law, and to the 
 common advantages of society. It is piracy to 
 buy or steal an African, and subject him to servi 
 tude. Surely the sin is as great to enslave an 
 American as an African. That every American 
 citizen who retains a single human being in invol 
 untary bondage is, according to the Scripture, a 
 man-stealer ; that the slaves ought to be instantly 
 set free, and brought under the protection of law ; 
 that all those laws which are now in force, admit 
 ting the right of slavery, are, therefore, before 
 God, utterly null and void ; being an audacious usur 
 pation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringe 
 ment on the law of nature, a base overthrow of the 
 very foundations of the social compact, a com 
 plete extinction of all the social relations, endear 
 ments, and obligations of mankind, and a presump 
 tuous transgression of the holy commandments ; 
 and that, therefore, they ought to be instantly abro 
 gated. 
 
 " We further affirm, that all persons of colour 
 who possess the necessary qualifications which 
 
286 SLAVERY. 
 
 are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forth 
 with to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and 
 the exercise of the same prerogatives, as others ; 
 and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and 
 of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them 
 as to persons of a white complexion. 
 
 " We maintain that no compensation should be 
 given to the planters emancipating their slaves. 
 We regard as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, any 
 scheme of expatriation which pretends to aid, either 
 directly or indirectly, in the emancipation of the 
 slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and 
 total abolition of slavery. This relation to sla 
 very is criminal and full of danger ; it must be 
 broken up. 
 
 " We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if 
 possible, in every city, town, and village of our 
 land. We shall send forth agents to lift up the 
 voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty, 
 and rebuke. We shall circulate, unsparingly and 
 extensively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. 
 We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the 
 cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall 
 aim at a purification of the churches from all par 
 ticipation in the guilt of slavery. We shall en 
 courage the labour of freemen over that of slaves, 
 by giving a preference to their productions, and we 
 
SLAVERY. 287 
 
 shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the 
 whole to a speedy repentance. 
 
 " These are our views and principles these 
 our designs and measures. With entire confidence 
 in the overruling justice of God, we plant our 
 selves upon the truths of divine revelation as upon 
 the everlasting rock." 
 
 Here is an exterminating warfare declared 
 against the people, the civil institutions, the laws, 
 and the Constitution of the United States. The en 
 tire white population of a large portion of the coun 
 try are denounced as " man-stealers," the punish 
 ment of whose crime is death by the law of God, 
 unless they "instantly" emancipate their slaves,who. 
 by a direct and irresistible inference, are authorized 
 to inflict the penalty. Next, a peremptory demand, 
 that each and every one of these slaves shall be 
 " instantly" set free, and admitted to " the same 
 privileges and exercise the same prerogatives" as 
 their masters ; " that the path of preferment, of 
 wealth, and of intelligence, shall be opened as 
 widely to them as to persons of a white complex 
 ion." Next, that the owners of a species of prop 
 erty, guarantied by the constitution and the laws, 
 shall receive no compensation for being despoiled 
 of it. Next, that all means will be resorted to in 
 order to discourage the sale and purchase of such 
 
288 SLAVERY. 
 
 productions of the southern states as are the fruits 
 of slave-labour. Finally, this worshipful society 
 threatens to " organize anti-slavery societies in 
 every city, town, and village of the land ;" " to 
 send forth agents ;" " to circulate unsparingly and 
 extensively anti-slavery tracts and periodicals," 
 advocating and enforcing these wholesome doc 
 trines ; to " enlist the pulpit and the press" in the 
 cause ; and, finally, to " aim at the purification of 
 the churches from all participation in the guilt of 
 slavery." 
 
 Surely the most superficial reader cannot but 
 perceive that here is a declaration of war against 
 the entire frame of society as it exists in the 
 United States. Our constitution and laws are no 
 longer binding, for they come in conflict with the 
 law of God. The slaves of the United States are 
 of course absolved from all obligation to obey their 
 masters, and authorized, if not incited, to insurrec 
 tion, murder, and every species of resistance. The 
 law of God, it seems, in like manner calls upon all 
 just and pious men to assist in robbing our fellow- 
 citizens of a property secured to them by the pro 
 visions of the constitution ; and, finally, all com 
 mercial intercourse is to be discouraged with the 
 people of the South, unless they * instantly" ac- 
 
SLAVERY. 289 
 
 cede to the moderate and rational demands of these 
 new expounders of the law and the prophets. 
 
 In charity, we would willingly believe that the 
 propounders of these extravagances were totally 
 ignorant of their consequences, if carried into 
 practical operation ; and it shall therefore be our 
 task, as we consider it our bounden duty to our 
 country, to enlighten them on the subject. They 
 contain the condensed venom of fanaticism, and 
 deserve a critical analysis. Let us see how they 
 operate on religion. 
 
 In the first place, the society denounces an in 
 stitution, sanctioned by the authority of the Su 
 preme Being, from his seat on Mount Sinai, as 
 41 before God utterly null and void, being an auda 
 cious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a da 
 ring infringement on the law of nature, a base 
 overthrow of the very foundations of the social 
 compact, a complete extinction of all the social 
 relations, endearments, and obligations of man 
 kind, and a presumptuous transgression of the holy 
 commandments ; and that, therefore, it ought IN 
 STANTLY to be abrogated." 
 
 "And the Lord spake unto Moses on Mount 
 Sinai, saying, Both thy bondmen and thy bond 
 maids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen 
 that are round about you ; of them shall ye buy 
 B B 
 
290 SLAVERY. 
 
 bondmen and bondmaids. Moreover, of the chil 
 dren of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of 
 them shall ye buy, and of their families that are 
 with you, which they begot in your land ; and they 
 shall be your possession. And ye shall take them 
 as an inheritance for your children after you, to 
 inherit them for a possession ; they shall be your 
 bondmen for ever." 
 
 Either Moses or the abolitionists must be liars, 
 or the Bible has here given its sanction to an in 
 stitution " before God utterly null and void ;" " an 
 audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative ;" 
 " and a presumptuous transgression of the holy 
 commandments." We turn with unqualified dis 
 gust from such blasphemous presumption as is 
 here so dogmatically exhibited by the abolitionists. 
 It might have been hoped that they would stop at 
 this extreme of impious arrogance. They, how 
 ever, go still farther, and assert, that " all who re 
 tain slaves in bondage are man-stealers, according 
 to the Scriptures." 
 
 The patriarch Abraham, who signalized his de 
 votion to the will of the Most High by a willing 
 offering of his son Isaac, and who is emphatically 
 called " the friend of God," was, according to the 
 dictum of these expounders of the Scriptures, a 
 " man-stealer," and ought to have suffered death 
 
SLAVERY. 291 
 
 for the crime: He possessed three hundred and 
 eighteen slaves, for all commentators agree that the 
 word doulos, which has been rendered servant, sig 
 nifies slave. " The word doulos," says Dr. Clark, 
 " which we translate servant, means a slave, one 
 who is the entire property of his master." Having 
 already considered the subject of slavery in refer 
 ence to its opposition to the law of God, we shall 
 content ourselves with these striking examples of 
 the respect of fanaticism for the examples and 
 authority of the Old Testament. In relation to 
 the New, it will appear that they are equally dis 
 tinguished. 
 
 The Saviour of mankind, in propounding that 
 pure, rational, practical, and perfect system of mor 
 als and religion under which we live, refrained 
 from all innovation on the civil institutions of the 
 nations to whom he addressed himself. He soared 
 into a higher sphere of obligations and duties, and 
 never meddled with the subject of private rights. 
 His principles are of universal application ; and 
 his precepts can never, without the most im 
 pudent perversion, be made to sanction viola 
 tions of private property or public law. It 
 might be well for the abolitionists to remember 
 and respect his example, since it applies directly 
 to the present case. Their proceedings are 
 at war with the civil and social institutions of the 
 
292 SLAVERY. 
 
 United States, with the laws, and the constitution. 
 They menace the peace of the confederation, and 
 strike at the root of that union which is the basis 
 of public happiness. Above all, they operate most 
 disastrously on the diffusion of Christianity among 
 millions of slaves in .the South, by producing a 
 necessity on the part of the master to curtail their 
 opportunities of attending public worship, and to 
 exclude, as far as practicable, all those white 
 preachers who heretofore were permitted to in 
 struct them in the principles of their faith. 
 
 That this is now almost universally the case, 
 appears from the letters heretofore introduced to 
 illustrate the social relations between the master 
 and the slave ; from the language of all the chief 
 magistrates of the Southern states in their com 
 munications to the legislative bodies, enforcing the 
 necessity of new restraints to prevent the conta 
 gion of abolition principles, and by a complete 
 exclusion of every means or instrument of in 
 struction, because they have been perverted to the 
 most dangerous purposes. Presentments similar 
 to the following are now frequently seen at the 
 South, and distinctly indicate the state of public 
 feeling : 
 
 " We, the grand jury, being deeply impressed 
 with the state of things around us, cannot close 
 
SLAVERY. 293 
 
 our session without reminding all officers of the 
 peace, magistrates and others, of the great neces 
 sity that exists, by reason of the combined efforts 
 of the abolition societies of the North, in dissemi 
 nating their incendiary publications among us, and 
 do most earnestly request of all such officers dili 
 gently to enforce the various acts of the legislature 
 passed in reference to free negroes and slaves of 
 the commonwealth ; and we do also further urge 
 them hereafter to order out patrols in the different 
 sections of the county, to ensure in these critical 
 times the peace and safety of the good people of 
 the county. 
 
 JAMES G. FICKLIN, Foreman. 
 & copy. Test, J. KEAN, Clerk. 
 
 To these may be added the testimony of the 
 candid and intelligent author of " The South 
 "West" Professor Ingraham who says 
 
 " Negro preaching has obtained here formerly, 
 but the injudicious course taken at the North by 
 those who are friendly to the cause of emancipa 
 tion, but who do not evince their good feelings in 
 the wisest manner, has led planters to keep a 
 tighter rein upon their slaves. And negro preach 
 ing, among the removal of other privileges which 
 they once enjoyed, is now interdicted. It is cer- 
 
 B B 2 
 
294 SLAVERY. 
 
 tainly to be regretted, that the steps taken by 
 those who desire to do away slavery should have 
 militated against their views, through their own 
 unadvised measures, and placed the subject of their 
 philanthropic efforts in a less desirable state than 
 formerly." 
 
 Influenced by a just apprehension of the conse 
 quences of the rash and intemperate interference 
 of the abolitionists, and their perservering attempts 
 to instigate the slaves to violence and insurrection, 
 it thus appears that the people of the South are 
 compelled, in self-defence, to close up to them 
 every avenue of religious knowledge, and to adopt 
 all the rigorous measures of a jealous policy. 
 They will no longer wear their chains so lightly 
 as scarce to feel them ; they will no longer be per 
 mitted the indulgences which ever result from a 
 generous confidence that they will not be abused 
 to bad purposes, nor allowed the freedom of action 
 which was gradually becoming more and more ex 
 tensive. The free blacks are still greater sufferers 
 by the efforts of their over zealous friends, for it is 
 proposed to repeal almost all the laws conferring 
 on them any of the privileges of freemen. They 
 have become objects of the most rigid and severe 
 scrutiny ; and there can be no doubt that the slight 
 est suspicion will draw down on their heads addi- 
 
SLAVERY. 295 
 
 tional penalties. The master cannot trust his 
 slave the slave hates his master : on one hand is 
 seen a watchful jealousy, ever the precursor of 
 severity to the dependant ; on the other, a spirit 
 of stubborn refractory pride, mingled with one of 
 a still more dangerous and malignant nature. 
 Thus, on the one side confidence, on the other, 
 gratitude and affection, are irretrievably lost. All 
 that contributed to render the relations of master 
 and slave a reciprocity of mutual benefits, and 
 gave the institution of slavery in the South the 
 leading features of the patriarchal state, in which, 
 as the head of the tribe possessed all the property, 
 so was he under the solemn obligation of maintain 
 ing and protecting all his dependants ; all these 
 will give place to a contest of jealous apprehen 
 sion and secret revenge. The master will be 
 obliged to act the tyrant in his own defence, and 
 the slave will resort to the only weapons of weak 
 ness; deception, fraud, conspiracy, and covert acts 
 of vengeance. 
 
 Thus fanaticism, which is the leading influence 
 actuating the proceedings of the abolitionists, is 
 directly at war with the Scriptures, as well as 
 with the progress of religion among the slaves in 
 the South. But this is not all. It takes a wider 
 range of mischief. It is the most fatal enemy of 
 
396 SLAVERY. 
 
 the great and true principles of religion every 
 where and at all times. The excesses committed 
 by its votaries, and the mischiefs which in every 
 age they have brought down on the heads of man 
 kind, under the sanction of religion, are such, that 
 nothing but its being upheld by an Almighty arm, 
 could have prevented the human race from repudi 
 ating a faith coming, not in the semblance of a bright 
 celestial influence descending like the dove from 
 heaven with the olive in its grasp and peace 
 nestling under its wings, but rising from the im 
 penetrable darkness of error and delusion like a 
 destroying fiend, smiting the blessings of the earth 
 with blight and mildew, tracking its course with 
 blood and fire, and offering up thousands of heca 
 tombs to the God of mercy and forgiveness. It 
 is this perversion of the most mild, forgiving, 
 and merciful code ever propounded to mankind, 
 that has driven more sheep from the fold of 
 the divine Shepherd, and made more infidels, than 
 the mission of Mohammed, or the progress of free 
 principles, which the supporters of monarchy are 
 pleased to represent as the most dangerous ene 
 mies to true religion. 
 
 Happily for us, the fanatics cannot as yet resort 
 to the stake and the fagot in this country. It is 
 boasted that the mild and tolerant spirit of this 
 
SLAVERY. 297 
 
 wonderful age has banished those persecutions 
 which disgraced the earlier periods of Christi 
 anity. But, like much of the vapourings of the 
 times, the vaunt is rather unsubstantial. It is 
 true that it is no longer the fashion to pass laws 
 " preventing all diversity in religious opinions,"* 
 nor bring about a conformity, as Procrustes did, 
 in the length of his victims by stretching them on 
 a bed of torture. But the fanatical zealots can and 
 do let slip the spirit of bitter persecution, in the 
 shape of slanderous libels, denouncing whole com 
 munities, states, and sections of country, contain 
 ing millions of people, as " man-stealers and mur 
 derers," living in the daily violation of the precepts 
 of humanity and the laws of God. They can and 
 do undermine their happiness ; destroy the security 
 of their domestic fireside ; stimulate their depend 
 ants to insurrection and murder ; pervert the pre 
 cepts of religion to the purposes of defamation, 
 and under the sanction of its name rush into direct 
 opposition to its spirit. Such a course can be 
 called by no other name than persecution, and that 
 of the bitterest kind, equally at war with the attri 
 butes of the Supreme Being, as the welfare of his 
 creatures. It brings religion into disrepute, dis- 
 
 * Such a law existed in the reign of Henry VIII. of England 
 
298 SLA.VERY. 
 
 gusts the more mild and rational class of believers ; 
 and hence the axiom which all past experience veri 
 fies, that "An age of fanaticism is always succeeded 
 by one of unbelief." 
 
 Nor is the influence of fanaticism on morals less 
 pernicious. It makes war on the social and 
 moral duties, and erects its own mad theories into 
 a despotic code, equally independent of the behests 
 of the law, and the restraints of reason. With a 
 wild, venomous asperity it persecutes all opposing 
 influences, and denounces everything in the way 
 of its whirlwind career. Reaching with a daring 
 and impious audacity at the high and inscrutable 
 purposes of Heaven, it usurps the sole prerogative 
 of interpreting them to mankind, and of enforcing 
 obedience. If the established principles of moral 
 ity, justice, or equity stand in its way, it dashes 
 them aside ; if the laws of the land interfere with 
 its dogmas, it denounces them as impious violations 
 of the declared will of Heaven ; if the social insti 
 tutions offer obstacles to its furious career, they 
 must be ploughed up by the roots and harrowed 
 into atoms. Nothing is too hallowed for its touch, 
 and nothing secure from its daring intrusion. 
 
 When it has succeeded in the work of desola 
 tion, and stands in the midst of the ruins of society ; 
 when it has prostrated all the great landmarks of 
 
SLAVERY. 299 
 
 our rights and our duties, it is incapable of substi 
 tuting anything in their place, but arbitrary inter 
 pretations of texts, beatified visions of abstrac 
 tion engendered by superstition and ignorance, or 
 wilful and pernicious errors. Our duties to God, 
 and our duties to man, are divorced as wide as the 
 poles, and made totally incompatible ; religion and 
 morality, twin sisters in loveliness, descending 
 alike from the skies, walking hand in hand through 
 the world, and blessing mankind, are rudely sepa 
 rated into opposite incongruities, one to be prosti 
 tuted to fanaticism, the other to find votaries where 
 she may. A mystical, incomprehensible perfecti 
 bility, abstract and independent of all practical 
 exemplification, at least in deeds, supersedes the 
 plain and simple lessons of duty which all compre 
 hend ; and instead of riding by the sheet anchor 
 in safety, we are left to drift at random, without 
 rudder, compass, or pilot, at the mercy of the 
 whirlpool and the whirlwind. 
 
 Fanaticism is in like manner the most dangerous 
 enemy to all rational, civil, and political freedom. 
 We mean that freedom which is guarantied by the 
 faith of constitutions, and administered through the 
 medium of laws emanating from the people, and 
 therefore challenging their respectful obedience. 
 What has it long been about; and what is it now 
 
300 SLAVERY. 
 
 doing among the free people of the United States ? 
 Denouncing with senseless violence that constitu 
 tion which is the great guarantee of their rights and 
 property ; demanding of congress to disregard that 
 sacred compact which knits us together, and pre 
 vents the United States from becoming rivals and 
 enemies, instead of members of one great and be 
 neficent confederation, under whose protecting 
 auspices we have distanced even our own hopes, 
 and more than realized the fears of others ; ex 
 citing and stimulating millions of ignorant blacks 
 to a war with society itself, by promulgating the 
 pernicious doctrine, that " slavery absolves them 
 from all obligations to mankind," thus realizing 
 the prophecy concerning the children of Ishmael, 
 whose hands were to be against all men, and the 
 hands of all men against them. It sees but one 
 object in the world ; it has but one good ; and 
 whether it be real or imaginary, for that it will 
 sacrifice everything but its own safety, which is too 
 indispensable to the approaching millennium to 
 be placed in jeopardy. See what they say of the 
 charter of our rights, the constitution, and the ark 
 of our safety, the union : 
 
 " We are for union, but not with slavery. We 
 will give the union for the abolition of slavery, if 
 nothing else will gain it ; but if we cannot gain it 
 
SLAVERY. 301 
 
 
 
 at aZZ, then the South is welcome to a dissolution 
 the sooner the better. The slaveholders may as 
 well understand first as last, that The Union 
 may have other uses for them than that of a lash 
 to shake over the heads of northern freemen." 
 
 Another of these pious incendiaries maintains the 
 right and duty of the slave to cut the throats, or 
 poison, or consume with fire, his master and all his 
 family, if by so doing he can free himself from 
 bondage. A third, in a sermon delivered from the 
 pulpit, calls upon him " in the name of the LIVING 
 GOD, and of his only Son, the LORD JESUS CHRIST, 
 to assert his freedom by every means ;" of course 
 by conspiracy, murder, and indiscriminate massa 
 cre. A fourth organ, in the shape of a convention 
 of abolitionists, lays it down as a principle, that 
 " the condition of slavery absolves us from all tJie 
 obligations of mankind" thus giving the slave the 
 right of a wild beast to prey upon its fellows, 
 and cutting up by the roots the entire social system 
 of the United States. There is no end to these 
 wild and wicked extravagances, which, addressed 
 to enlightened men, would excite no other feeling 
 but indignant contempt ; but which, intended as 
 they are to operate upon the feelings of ignorant 
 slaves, are firebrands cast into the harvest field 
 just ready for the reaper. 
 
302 SLAVERY. 
 
 
 
 The conduct and sentiments of the abolitionists 
 are marked by an utter disregard, a ferocious hos 
 tility to those laws and institutions which stand in 
 the way of their mad schemes, and under whose 
 salutary influence the people of the United States 
 exhibit a spectacle of happiness and prosperity 
 without a parallel. In the pretended pursuit of the 
 rights of human beings, they trample on all the 
 feelings of humanity, and immolate the laws of 
 their country on the altar of a wilful misrepresent 
 ation of the law of God. Some of their defenders 
 have denied the language that has come forth under 
 the auspices of their own acknowledged organs, and 
 the inferences which have been drawn from their 
 own declarations. But it will not do : we impeach 
 them as enemies of the law of the land, the constitu 
 tion of the government, the union of the states, the 
 common courtesies of life, the precepts of religion, 
 and the rights and lives of millions of our country 
 men. We charge them with using every exertion, 
 straining every nerve, and resorting to every device, 
 open and underhand, to produce, to foster, and to 
 inflame feelings between the master and the slave, 
 the South and the North, that cannot but be produc 
 tive of consequences as fatal to the happiness of 
 the former, as to the friendly relations and salutary 
 
SLAVERY. 303 
 
 union of the latter. The proofs are their own dec 
 larations, their words and their actions ; and to 
 these we appeal. 
 
 Where shall we find barriers to defend us against 
 the consequences of the doctrine, that human laws, 
 sanctioned by an independent people, and sanctified 
 in their happy consequences, may, nay, must be dis 
 regarded, on the authority of a text of Scripture,* 
 interpreted by fanatics to suit their own purposes ? 
 Where shall we look for security to our rights, or sta 
 bility to our institutions, if they are thus to be sacri 
 ficed to a presumptuous interpretation of the law of 
 God and the rights of nature ? No constitution de 
 claring and defining the principles on which nations 
 choose to repose their rights and liberties ; no laws 
 for restraining wrong or maintaining right ; no in 
 stitutions, however productive of the general hap 
 piness of those who alone had a right to create 
 them, can stand against such a system of daring 
 innovation. Every knot of mad or malignant fa 
 natics, foaming at the mouth with a ferocious abhor 
 rence of the civil institutions of a free people, or 
 writhing with envy at their own innate insignifi 
 cance, and sighing for notoriety ; every such asso 
 ciation may thus overturn the whole fabric of hu 
 man rights, and destroy all personal liberty, all 
 freedom of action or mind, by the instrumentality 
 
304 SLAVERY. 
 
 of a text interpreted to suit their purposes, or a 
 dogma which they cannot sustain but by a perver 
 sion of the Scriptures. 
 
 This is the way in which the duplicity of cun 
 ning has always assailed the credulity of ignorance, 
 and brought it to crouch at its footstool. Such 
 were the systems of government which prevailed 
 among mankind in the darkest ages of the world. 
 They were the sport of priests and oracles, declar 
 ing the will of God just as it suited their interests, or 
 as they were swayed by presents of golden tripods, 
 or talents of silver. All civil rights were at the 
 mercy of these arbitrary interpreters of the will of 
 the gods, who one day pronounced one thing con 
 trary to that will, the next day something else, un 
 til, at last, mankind retained no rights except what 
 their oracles were pleased to allow them. 
 
 It is thus with the sect of fanatics which has 
 rallied under pretence of vindicating the rights of 
 the slave. Their whole proceedings are in direct 
 hostility to all freedom of person and property ; 
 for if they can find one text of Scripture which 
 renders it imperative on the master " instantly" 
 as they maintain in their great manifesto to rnanu- 
 mit his slaves, there is no knowing but that in 
 good time they may detect in the dream of Isaiah, 
 
SLAVERY. 305 
 
 or the Song of Solomon, another, which commands 
 us to restore to the Indians the lands which they 
 once held within the limits of the United States. 
 And what security have we against a law of the 
 Most High, enveloped in the vague obscurity of 
 some inspired mystification, but which may one 
 day be interpreted by these learned commentators 
 into a solemn injunction to restore the kings of 
 Israel and the Jewish hierarchy, under penalty of 
 everlasting condemnation ? There is no mischiev 
 ous absurdity that may not be imposed upon us, 
 where the code is a text, and its interpreters mad 
 men or impostors. 
 
 Fanaticism, when assuming the garb of univer 
 sal philanthropy, is equally opposed to all patriot 
 ism, and all the social relations of life. It has no 
 fireside, no home, no centre. The equal lover of 
 " the entire human race," such as Mr. Garrison 
 and his associates, is in effect a traitor to his 
 country, a bad citizen, a coldhearted friend, a 
 worthless husband, and an unnatural father, if he 
 acts up to his principles. He is false to his native 
 land, to the nearest and dearest ties and duties, 
 moral, social, and political, for he stands ready to 
 sacrifice them all for the benefit of strangers, 
 aliens, and enemies. He will not fight for his 
 c c 2 
 
306 SLAVERY. 
 
 country, for all countries are alike to him ; he will 
 not devote his time, his talents, his labours, and 
 affections to the happiness of his wife, his chil 
 dren, and his household friends, for he equally 
 loves the whole family of mankind, and leaves 
 them to the fostering care of the " entire human 
 race," while he wanders away to the uttermost 
 parts of the earth to overturn the social relations 
 of nations, and establish a universal brotherhood. 
 He scorns the sordid interchange of reciprocal du 
 ties, and disinterestedly devotes himself to those 
 who are equally beyond the reach of benefiting 
 by or returning his good offices. 
 
 His heart is never at home. The centripetal 
 force never operates on him. He is for ever re 
 ceding from the centre to the circumference, and 
 his sphere of action is the whole universe. No 
 thing less than the great human family can awaken 
 his sympathies. Wives, children, relations, friends, 
 and country, are not half so near and dear to him as 
 the negroes of Africa, or the Indians of Polynesia ; 
 and as to all the little insignificant ties and asso 
 ciations that form the cement of families, neigh 
 bourhoods, and communities, the solace of human 
 life, they are as burnt flax, scorching, smoking, and 
 finally consuming in the fiery furnace of red-hot 
 
SLAVERY. 307 
 
 fanaticism. Nothing will content him but the sac 
 rifice of his country to a world or a dogma. 
 
 Hence, beyond all question, arises that gradual 
 decay of real piety and practical religion which, 
 notwithstanding all the cant and pretence of 
 the age, cannot but be palpable to every calm 
 observer. We seem to be exporting so much of 
 our zeal and religion to distant countries, that there 
 is scarcely enough left for our own consump 
 tion ; and like the old woman whom Rhadamanthus 
 beckoned to the left hand, claim the rewards of 
 Heaven, not on the score of our own reformation, 
 but the pains we take to reform others. Such is 
 fanaticism, which, setting itself above the restraints 
 of law, and the supervision of earthly tribunals, 
 arrogates the sanction of Heaven for all its ex 
 cesses, and is consequently as deaf to argument 
 as it is blind to the dictates of common sense. It 
 neither reasons nor listens to reason. We there 
 fore do not address ourselves to the fanatics, but to 
 the rational, reflecting citizens of the United States, 
 a vast majority of whom are always on the side of 
 their country and their constitution. We shall as 
 little heed their reproaches as we respect their 
 principles, or the course by which they are illus 
 trated. Their sincerity, even if conceded, is no 
 apology for madness. The madman who shot at 
 
308 SLAVERY. 
 
 the president was unquestionably sincere, yet is 
 now expiating his error by a seclusion from that 
 society of which he was the enemy. It is only 
 persons afflicted with a harmless distortion of the 
 mind that we allow to go at large, and we cannot 
 include the abolitionists among this fortunate class. 
 
 It is difficult to discover to what denomination 
 of Christians the clergymen who have taken the 
 lead in this crusade, or given their sanction to the 
 declarations and proceedings of the abolitionists, 
 belong. A convention of the Methodist church of 
 Ohio, one of the most numerous and respectable 
 in the United States, not long since disavowed 
 their proceedings in an admirable report, expressly 
 stating that their discipline recognised and en 
 forced submission to the civil power. A con 
 vention of the Presbyterian church of Pennsyl 
 vania, which assembled in Philadelphia a few 
 weeks since, in like manner disclaimed all affinity 
 or co-operation. . The Baptists, as we are informed, 
 are opposed to their whole course, and have dis 
 sented from them ; the Episcopal church has given 
 no sanction ; and the Catholic is strongly opposed 
 to their dangerous designs. 
 
 To what Christian church, then, do these brawl 
 ing disturbers of the public peace appertain ? By 
 what authority, other than a perversion of the Scrip- 
 
SLAVERY. 309 
 
 tures, do they presume to speak, in their holy call 
 ing, in opposition to those numerous and respecta 
 ble sects, which comprise almost the entire people 
 of the United States ? Are they supported by the 
 canons, creed, doctrines, or discipline of any known 
 church ? or have they cast away all communion 
 with them, and set up for themselves ? Do they 
 affect superior piety or orthodoxy ? or have they 
 attained to a greater degree of perfectibility, that 
 places them above the restraint of all religious, as 
 well as of all moral and legal codes ? If so, it 
 would seem full time for the humble, oldfashioned 
 followers of the Scriptures to proclaim to the 
 world that they do not aspire to this sublime eleva 
 tion above the restraints of the law, and the institu 
 tions of society, and will no longer be responsible 
 for these daring eccentricities. They will then 
 stand alone in the imbecility of their glory, and 
 may justly lay claim to all the honours of imme 
 diate abolition, as well as its twin cherub, amalga 
 mation. 
 
 From various notices we have seen of abolition 
 meetings in Boston and elsewhere, it would appear 
 that the abolition societies consist principally of 
 females. If such be really the case, we would 
 take this occasion with all that respectful deference 
 to the sex, which is the distinguishing character- 
 
310 SLAVERY. 
 
 istic of freemen, gently to remind them that the 
 appropriate sphere of women is their home, and 
 their appropriate duties at the cradle or the 
 fireside. It is there they best fulfil their most 
 high and honourable destiny. It is there they 
 become what they were intended to be, bless 
 ings to man and blessed by him. Surely they 
 cannot be aware of the direct inference which 
 must and will be drawn from their support of the 
 disgusting doctrine of amalgamation, namely, that 
 they stand ready and willing to surrender them 
 selves to the embraces of ignorance and barbarity, 
 and to become the mothers of a degraded race of 
 wooly headed mulattoes. If they are sincere in 
 their adhesion to these societies ; if they are wil 
 ling to carry out their principles, such must be 
 their practice. Gracious heaven ! what a prosti 
 tution ! 
 
 Though Martha was gently reproached by the 
 Saviour for her exclusive attention to domestic oc 
 cupations, we do not find that Mary, though praised 
 for her pious devotion, ever so far forgot the deli 
 cacy of her sex, or the timidity of a virgin, as to 
 become the dupe or the instrument of false proph 
 ets and impudent impostors ; or that she abetted 
 conspiracies against the dignity of woman and the 
 peace of society. Nothing is said of her assuming 
 
SLAVERY. 311 
 
 the character of a man ; exposing herself to in 
 sults and violence in order to become the protector 
 of a thief pardoned, not like him on the cross by 
 the Saviour of mankind, but by a worldly master. 
 Still less did we ever hear of her contributing her 
 money and her influence in furtherance of a con 
 spiracy to debase the race to which she belonged, 
 and scatter the land of her birth into contending 
 atoms. She never became the disciple of a Mat 
 thias, or the follower of a Thompson. 
 
 Her example cannot therefore be pleaded in jus 
 tification of a neglect of female duties, nor a deg 
 radation of the female character. Still less does it 
 sanction the women of the United States in their 
 co-operation with impostors and fugitives from 
 crime in a war against the civil institutions of their 
 country. Neither is it by thus becoming the 
 dupes of ignorant or mischievous deluders, that 
 they can find respectability and happiness, or ad 
 minister to that of the other sex. It is not at mid 
 night meetings of conspirators against the repose 
 and integrity of the United States ; nor in listening 
 to the brawling declamations of sublimated incen 
 diaries, advocating violations of the laws of man 
 as well as the decorums of woman, that she can 
 qualify herself for the fulfilment of those sa 
 cred duties, the performance of which makes 
 
312 SLAVERY. 
 
 her the guardian angel of the happiness of man ; 
 his protector and mentor in childhood ; his divinity 
 in youth ; his companion and solace in manhood ; 
 his benign and gentle nurse in old age. Thus is 
 she twice his mother; once in the cradle, and 
 again on the verge of the grave ; and thus while 
 supporting the fabric of man s happiness, she lays 
 the surest basis for her own, in the bosom of HOME. 
 
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