IRLF 
 
 EflE D7M 
 
GIFT OF 
 EVGENE MEYER, Jit 
 
SYNOPSIS 
 
 THE AMERICA? WAR. 
 
 BALME, 
 
 AN AMERICAN CLERGYMAN, AUTHOR OF THE 
 
 LEVER OF THE GOSPEL," "MIRROR OF THE GOSPEL," MAGNET OF THE GOSPEI<," 
 
 "TELEGRAPH OF THE GOSPEL." "TELESCOPE OF THE GOSPEL," 
 
 "TEMPERANCE AUXILIARY TO THE GOSPEL," "AMERICAN WAR CRUSADE," AND 
 
 " LETTERS ON THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC." 
 
 * * " What I have written is no idle fictioned rhyme. 
 I paint the shadow of the cuise of our country s blasting crime- 
 A curse upon whose blackness a wall of solid night 
 Comes a scroll of MENE, MENE, in lines of lurid light." 
 
 .FOFRT J EDITION., 
 
 LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO. 
 
 THE AUTHOR, WILSDEN, NEAR BINGLEY, YORKSHIRE. 
 
 1866. 
 
- 
 
PKEFACE. 
 
 THE writer of this volume and his excellent and 
 devoted partner have been borne down by an aval 
 anche of deadly hate let loose on them by negro- 
 hating professors of Christianity in our Northern 
 States of America, and before being extricated from 
 peril, another has come thundering down upon them, 
 put in motion by men who make their gospel one 
 of rifles, like Garibaldi, and the Rev. Henry Ward 
 Beecher, contemplate with fiendish satisfaction the 
 horrible carnage and blood associated with the late 
 Federal war, and aspire to exalt and glorify with 
 the crown of martyrdom the late arch-rebel and 
 traitor Mr Gordon. Far down, therefore, aye, at the 
 bottom of the abyss of calamity, utterly helpless, 
 we lay in the midst of the wrecks of friendship 
 and property, and hopeless, save from the cheering 
 ray that comes over heaven s jasper walls, arid 
 leaps into the deep chasm around us, reminding us 
 of our early motto, Nil desperandum, auspice Deo. 
 " Hush, hush !" exclaim our enemies, who are not 
 only numerous but formidable. "Hush, hush! lest 
 
 297744 
 
11 PREFACE. 
 
 we send down another avalanche to bury and ex 
 tinguish you for ever." 
 
 We are quite aware that in our position it is not 
 unusual to regard our confidence in God as a de 
 lusion and presumption, and, therefore, should not 
 be surprised if some be so coivardly as to pray at 
 us in their prayers, rather than to shew their 
 Christianity by praying for us. 
 
 This is a strange world, and there are times 
 when some Christian professors act more strangely 
 than men of the world, or we should not find 
 amongst our enemies those on whom we have been 
 
 O 
 
 wont to rely, or towards whom we have cherished 
 the highest veneration and esteem. 
 
 The Rev. C. H. Spurgeon, in his "Sword and 
 Trowel " has let drop concerning us an ambiguous 
 expression in the shape of " wounded feelings," 
 which does us great injustice, and whilst he speaks 
 of our " letters " as " a bold and skilful analysis 
 of the whole case in America," he draws an infer 
 ence from them which demonstrates that the best 
 of men are but men at the best, and consequently 
 liable to err. 
 
 The editors of the British Quarterly have 
 recently avowed that " we have an hatred to 
 America and all Americans." If this were the case, 
 we should not have put all our eggs in the 
 American basket, in the shape of property, or have 
 mada such vigorous though ill-requited efforts to 
 lift Americans out of the deep rut of expediency 
 
PREFACE. Ill 
 
 where they have been so long bemired, or tried to 
 bring them bcack to first principles a mission 
 often pronounced to be Quixotic even in our 
 Northern States, despite the gorgeous pictures 
 drawn of them by men who have run wild with 
 delusion, and one most assuredly that brought us 
 more kicks and blows than halfpence, when by 
 doing evil for a good purpose, we could have been 
 both popular and wealthy. 
 
 What different results there would have been, if 
 deep, calm, rational progress had been the order of 
 the day in America ; but our Northern States and 
 people, who were the chief instruments in sustain 
 ing the blood-cemented fabric of slavery when it 
 suited their purpose, went from one extreme of 
 guilt to another, in honour of their favourite sys 
 tem of protective tariffs and their beloved idol the 
 Union, to promote which they subjected them 
 selves to the scorn of men and demons, by making 
 slavery a stalking horse to cover their ulterior ob 
 jects, aims, and motives. 
 
 " Who fired the first shot?" enquired a Professor 
 at Oxford the other day. The reply given was 
 " Southerners." " Were not they the aggressors ?" 
 " No, since our Northern people were the invaders. * 
 " But did not the forts in the South belong to the 
 United States Government ?" " No." " How so ?" 
 Because the contract on which the Union was 
 based had been broken by presidents, states, and 
 churches in our entire history, as shown in the ob- 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 jects for which the Union was created, and specified 
 in the preamble to the constitution, and the per 
 jured oaths of our American people ; consequently, 
 the Union was null and void, and the forts reverted 
 to the states to which they belonged prior to their 
 admission into the Union. Besides, each state 
 reserved to itself the sovereign right to manage its 
 own affairs, and to exercise supreme jurisdiction 
 over its own dominions, which was ignored when 
 the Federals marched their armies through the 
 sovereign state of Maryland to invade the Southern 
 States, in defiance of the Governor, whilst all who 
 resisted were driven into exile or thrust into prison. 
 The Southerns showed noble pluck and daring 
 throughout the entire bloody and devastating war, 
 whilst they were being girdled with our Northern 
 Anaconda, which ultimately smoothed its jaws in 
 their final overthrow and defeat, but not before the 
 Southerns had won imperishable honours on many 
 a well-contested battle-field, and caused the names 
 of General Lee and the late Stonewall Jackson to 
 be inscribed on the page of history, as the noblest 
 and bravest generals made conspicuous in the 
 bloody drama. 
 
 Our Northern States and people having conduct 
 ed the war to a triumphant end, all worshippers of 
 success have had a lively time of it in the blowing 
 of trumpets amidst what are called the " shoutings 
 of the free," but the fearful mortality which has ob 
 tained amongst liberated slaves, the hostility and 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 discontent which still remain amongst the white 
 population of the Southern States, who continue to 
 think it hard that they should have suffered wrong 
 fully, despite the advice of the Hon. Neal Dowe, 
 not to do so under the circumstances; the accumu 
 lated debt which must be a heavy drag on the 
 wheels of industrial progress for some time to 
 come; the resolutions adopted in Congress during 
 the second year of the war, to receive the Southern 
 States and people into the Union with slavery if 
 they would come back ; the letter of the late Presi 
 dent Lincoln to the Hon. Horace Greely, to restore 
 the Union with slavery if he could, or in part, etc., 
 and his advice to the coloured delegates who waited 
 on him at the White House, to go to Abbeokuta or 
 Liberia; the after thoughts which associated free 
 dom to the slave with penal consequences to enforce 
 obedience to Federal authority and power; the 
 amendment to the Constitution which proclaims 
 their own dishonour, and makes the names of pa 
 triot, traitor, and treason, a mockery and delusion 
 on the lips of Federals and their abettors and pro 
 moters ; the continued imprisonment of Jefferson 
 Davis, and the present irrepressible conflict still 
 going on in America in connection with the negro, 
 coupled with the prospect of another outbursting 
 volcano, or a long history of penal legislation, civil 
 disabilities, oaths, tests, discord, agitation, anr] re 
 form, to be repeated in the New World these 
 things must of necessity abate the enthusiasm and 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 sober somewhat the imaginations of these worship 
 pers of Federal success, as well as interfere with 
 their overdrawn pictures and feverish dreams, that 
 " England ought to envy America/ as the Rev. Mr 
 Brock is said to have avowed recently at a Baptist 
 Convention held in Liverpool. 
 
 Desperate is the necessity when Mrs Stowe, the 
 late Mr Cobden, and others had to speak of the 
 war as an atonement, and freedom as a compensa 
 tion for all its horrors and calamities. 
 
 When a h re breaks out on a prairie, and the de 
 vouring flame sweeps along, all kinds of reptiles 
 come out of their holes. Even so, as the war pas 
 sions have been kindled and swept from east to 
 west and from north to south, it has made us more 
 acquainted with the dispositions, habits, and dis 
 tinctive characters of our neighbours. 
 
 Some, to all human appearance, like George 
 Stewart, Esq., of Philadelphia, and Bishop Janes, an, 
 official dignitary in the Northern branch of the 
 Methodist Episcopal Church, would have died in 
 their holes or well-feathered nests of pro-slavery 
 proclivity without finding an use for their tongues 
 to express their condemnation and horror of slavery, 
 but for the stern and absolute necessity to which the 
 Federal executive was driven in the late war (viz.) 
 to use freedom as a war measure to conquer the 
 South. 
 
 Such men are very emphatic in their avowals 
 that freedom could not be achieved without the 
 
PREFACE. Vll 
 
 dread arbitrament of the sword. Like John Bright, 
 M.P., these men hold it to be as clear as the trump 
 ets of the revelator s angels, that " it is no more 
 immoral for a people to use force in the last resort 
 for the obtaining and securing of freedom than it is 
 for a government by force to suppress and deny 
 that freedom/ Our government in the United 
 States did do this latter very strange and wicked 
 thing ; and yet, would he or his friends avow that 
 it was not as immoral on the part of the Federal 
 executive and the people who sustained it to do 
 the wrong thing in regard to those who held pro 
 perty in man, as it was to help them to create a 
 property in human chattels so called. 
 
 Moreover, war would have been utterly impos 
 sible in America, and also slavery and negro-hating, 
 if the grand, vital, essential elements of Christianity 
 had been faithfully diffused and practically recognised 
 by our five millions of. avowed disciples of Christ 
 in that land. This is a process which would have 
 left no stains of guilt or shame, no plague spots of 
 blood or crop of heart-burnings behind it, and yet, 
 this grand remedial process was either ignored or 
 tampered with, so as to neutralise its mighty power 
 and efficacy, whilst those who professed to hold a 
 commission to make it known were first and fore 
 most to cry, " war to the knife," " war to the bitter 
 end." 
 
 Some resort to strange assumptions and to deep 
 strategy, to mask their true position and to justify 
 
Viii PREFACE. 
 
 their irrationality and blood-thirstiness. One of 
 these is to be found in the person of the Hon. Neale 
 Dowe, one of the latest arrivals from our American 
 Golgotha of human skulls, bones, and blood. 
 
 In a speech recorded in the Alliance News, Oct. 
 27th, Mr Dowe says, "that in the early stages of 
 the anti-slavery conflict, it was announced to be so 
 irrepressible that it must go on to a physical issue." 
 By the use of this language he designs to convey 
 the impression, that the anti-slavery conflict was a 
 progressive one in America on moral grounds, than 
 which no statement or assumption can be more false, 
 as at no period of our anti-slavery conflict was the 
 great cause of freedom at a lower ebb on moral 
 grounds than at the period when the war broke out. 
 John Brown was put to death, Dr Cheever driven 
 to the necessity of passing his hat round in England, 
 and others of us driven into exile, whilst the Rev. 
 Henry Ward Beecher was painting our Northern 
 States and people in the blackest colours, as shown 
 in his Harper s Ferry sermon, which the Revs. 
 Brock, Chown, and Federal visionaries would do 
 well to read and ponder. 
 
 Methinks I see them, however, pointing to the 
 sentiments contained in the late President Lincoln s 
 oft-repeated predictions at Springfield, Illinois, June 
 17, 1858. 
 
 The paragraph reads as follows : " If we could 
 first know where we are. and whither we are tend 
 ing, we could better judge what to do and how to 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a 
 policy was initiated with the avowed object and con 
 fident promise of putting an end to slavery agita 
 tion. Under the operation of that policy, that agi 
 tation has not only not ceased, but has constantly 
 augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until 
 a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A 
 house divided against itself cannot stand/ I be 
 lieve that this government cannot endure perma 
 nently half slave and half free. I do not expect 
 the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the 
 house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be 
 divided. It will become all one thing, or all the 
 other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest 
 the further spread of it, and place it where the 
 public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the 
 course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will 
 push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in 
 all the states, old as well as new North as well as 
 South." After quoting this paragraph, methinks I 
 hear a flourish of trumpets on the part of Northern 
 special pleaders, but it is only of short duration, as 
 on page 77 of Lincoln s Campaign Book, Lincoln, 
 says, " When I made my speech at Springfield, of 
 which Judge Douglas complained, and from which 
 he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things 
 which he ascribes to me at all. I had no thought 
 in the world that I was doing any thing to bring 
 about a war between the free and slave states. I 
 had no thought that I was doing any thing to bring 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 about a political and social equality of the black 
 and white races ; but I must say, in all fairness to 
 him, if he thinks I am doing something which leads 
 to these bad results, it is none the better I did not 
 mean it. It is just as fatal to the country if I have 
 any influence in producing it, whether I intend it 
 or not." Such anti-slavery progress needs no com 
 ment. 
 
 We have said that deep strategy was also resorted 
 to. This is seen in the word physical, introduced 
 by Mr Dowe, not contained in the original and re 
 pudiated by implication or otherwise by Lincoln 
 himself. Why, then, should Mr Dowe resort to 
 such an artifice ? He probably wished to impress 
 the British < public with a sense of the absolute 
 necessity and justice of the late war. Hence the 
 trick. To what desperate expedients and shifts 
 men are reduced sometimes to cover up and defend 
 what they know to be wrong. 
 
 We cannot therefore unite with Neale Dowe in 
 his commendation of the late Federal war, or follow 
 him with complacency into these terrific scenes, 
 where fathers, brothers, sons, lay rotting in their 
 bloody shrouds. 
 
 In an address recently given in the Friend s 
 Meeting House, Bishopsgate Street, the Rev. C. H. 
 Spurgeon. said that " the Baptists and Presbyterians, 
 becoming alive to the fact that they might put their 
 hands on the carnal sword, grasped it and fell from 
 their right place." If this be so, have our war 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 Christians, so called in America, lifted themselves 
 into their right place by the use of the sword, or 
 Spurgeon s intimate and chosen friends who abet 
 them, maintained their right place in the presence 
 of God or man ? 
 
 A paragraph which savours of unaccountable 
 eccentricity has been brought under our notice, in a 
 lecture on George Fox by the Rev. C. H. Spurgeon. 
 It reads as follows, "I have a notion that all deno 
 minations of Christians have in their time persecu 
 ted except the Society of Friends and the Baptists, 
 and it has been shrewdly hinted that we Baptists 
 have never done so because we have never had the 
 chance, but this is scarcely correct, for Roger 
 Williams certainly had an opportunity in Rhode 
 Island to have set up a Baptist state religion, but 
 he spurned the thought. We have both of us a 
 very clear history to look back upon with regard to 
 that." We have no state religion in America, but 
 the thickening leaves in our eventful history, re 
 veal some dark pages where those sections of the 
 Christian Church claiming to be the most favoured 
 and honoured, have displayed a spirit of intolerance 
 which made them more heathen than Christian, and 
 more savage than human. As, however, our testi 
 mony may be rejected by some who have put them 
 selves into the hands of " clearly beloved brethren" 
 possessing " great reputations," and are influenced 
 thereby to show the carnal spirit and arm, we will 
 call the reader s attention to a lecture published by 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 Wm. Loyd Garrison, called the " Infidelity of Aboli 
 tionism," in which he says, when referring to a 
 period not very remote, " we perceive by the 
 revelations of the hour, that the religious forces on 
 which we have relied, were all arrayed on the side 
 of the oppressor," and amongst these he enumer 
 ates Baptists as well as orthodox and Hicksite 
 Quakers. And when presenting the abolitionist in 
 his relationship to those who adopted the science of 
 exigency, better known as the damnable doctrine of 
 expediency, he sums up their indictment against him 
 as follows, " He cannot be a good citizen, for he 
 refuses to be law abiding, and treads public opinion, 
 legislative enactment, and governmental edict alike 
 under his foot. He cannot be sane, for he arraigns, 
 tries, and condemns as the greatest sinners and the 
 worst criminals, the most reputable, elevated, re 
 vered, and powerful members of the body politic. 
 He cannot love his country, for he declares it to 
 be laden with iniquity and liable to the retribu 
 tive judgments of Heaven. He cannot possess 
 humility, for he pajs no regard to usage, precedent, 
 authority, or public sentiment, but defies them all. 
 He cannot be disinterested, for it is not supposable 
 that he is not actuated by any higher motive than 
 the love of notoriety, a disposition to be factious, 
 or the consummation of some ulterior design. He 
 cannot be virtuous, for he is seen in the company of 
 publicans and sinners, and is shunned by the chief 
 priests, scribes, and Pharisees. He cannot be reli- 
 
PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 giously sound in the faith, for he impeaches what 
 ever is popularly accounted piety, as but an empty 
 observance, a lifeless tradition, a sanctified villany, 
 or a miserable delusion. He ought not to live for 
 " it is better that one man should die than that a 
 whole nation should perish." What an indictment 
 against the abolitionist, by men who made the sun 
 dark with the arrows of persecution shot against 
 him! We might, however, bring Mr Spurgeon 
 nearer home and refer him to the spirit of prosecu 
 tion and persecution evoked amongst the Baptists 
 and Quakers against Governor Eyre ; and also to 
 the carnality which now and then crops out from 
 beneath what is spiritual in his own nature, but we 
 forbear. 
 
 Is it any wonder there should be such a labyrinth 
 in connection with American questions or subjects, 
 when great and good men should make such 
 egregious blunders, and lamentable mistakes ? 
 On no topics have the press, pulpit, or platform 
 reeked with greater falsehood, or been associated 
 with wilder or stronger delusions, all of which, had 
 the moral and civil tests been applied, would have 
 brought out the real character of our people, the 
 true condition of Society, the causes of the late war, 
 and the present difficulties connected with re-con 
 struction. 
 
 When pointing out the contrast between those 
 who had cast their war clubs and spears away, and 
 renounced them in honour of King Jesus, and those 
 who had made Christianity a means of inciting men 
 
XIV PEEFACE. 
 
 to let loose their passions against each other, and 
 of turning a beautiful country, almost resembling a 
 blooming paradise, into an aceldema, when bring 
 ing before a venerable minister the above contrast, 
 " Ah !" said he, " they will live to regret this." 
 
 The editors of the Daily News, Nov. 7, 1866, 
 say that Gen. Wade Hampton, who was an officer 
 in the Confederate army, ought to be thankful that 
 he has not an old world government to deal with, 
 as they would soon make short work of him. Un 
 fortunately for these men, there is no analogy be 
 tween the governments suggested or referred to 
 since European governments were based on supre 
 macy ; but not so our Congressional, since all states 
 respectively reserved their sovereignty when they 
 gave in their adhesion to the Union ; and it has 
 also been exceedingly unfortunate for the Federals 
 to have to amend a constitution to which they had 
 pledged their lives, fortunes, arid sacred honour to 
 maintain. 
 
 It has been said that the black flag is flying on 
 all sorts of enterprises at present, with the excep 
 tion of our monetary ones in America, which are 
 being described to be in a healthy, prosperous cou- 
 dition. But how is the market rigged to give us 
 our sudden riches in America ? When the late war 
 commenced paper money was made legal. The 
 government turned banker, put vast sums of their 
 paper currency into circulation, and depreciated their 
 value. Another law was passed to make the legal 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 paper currency illegal when presented at the custom 
 house. This practice brought one hundred million 
 dollars of money into the Federal Exchequer in 
 gold per annum. Can a nation ultimately prosper 
 with such " hanky panky " processes, so called in 
 high quarters ? Private bankers entering such a 
 " blue mist of fraud/ by such deceptive financial 
 practices, would be openly branded as dishonour 
 able men ; but such men, when they make their 
 appearance, sink into diminutive proportions, when 
 placed side by side with our Titanic official knaves 
 at Washington. 
 
 Of all the stings of bitterness left behind by the 
 late war in America, none are so deep, or are adapted 
 to create a stronger revulsion in the public rnirid 
 than the continued imprisonment of Jefferson Davis, 
 the chieftain of the late Confederate States. 
 
 What a disgrace to our so-called civilization ! 
 And what a stain it leaves on the character of men 
 who claim to be descendants of the Anglo-saxon 
 race. 
 
 The attempt made to connect Jefferson Davis 
 with the assassination of the late President Lincoln 
 has miserably failed, and strange revelations have 
 been brought to light, leaving deep stains of infamy 
 behind to all concerned. 
 
 A tremendous reaction has taken place in the 
 Southern states since their subjugation, which is 
 shown in the advice unanimously given by the 
 governors of those states to the state governments 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 and people to reject the amendment to the Consti 
 tution introduced into Congress by the Hon. Charles 
 H. Simmer, so-called and adopted by it. 
 
 The extreme radicals have returned their repre 
 sentatives in increasing number and power to Con 
 gress, to relay the foundations of the United States 
 government, which have been so much drenched in 
 blood. The difficulties before them are of the most 
 stupendous character, and we fear that such men as 
 Butler, Stephens, and Sunmer will not be able to 
 lessen them or contribute to their removal. 
 
 The prospect in America is anything but bright 
 and cheering ; arid how could it be otherwise except 
 we had some of that stern, solid thing called moral 
 stamina, underlying the character and institutions 
 of the masses of the people like some huge granite 
 rock? 
 
 This is the great desideratum required, without 
 which we can have no sound religious history, or 
 stable foundations on which any political institu 
 tions can repose. 
 
 JOSHUA R. BALME, 
 
 American Clergyman, 114 Gt. Dover Street, 
 Borough, London, Jan. 1st, 1867. 
 
SYNOPSIS OF THE WHOLE. 
 
 ON THE AMERICAN UNION. 
 
 THE above was simply arid solely a Limited 
 Liability Company. When the disruption took 
 place it was composed of thirty-four states ; each 
 of which possessed all the powers of sovereignty 
 that belong and appertain to free and independent 
 states. The constitution made provision for equal 
 rights and privileges, specified the object for which 
 the Union was created, defined the duties of the 
 president and administrators, and was made the 
 bond or treaty which bound them together, whereof 
 each was to be its own interpreter, reserving to 
 itself the power to withdraw- from the Union at 
 pleasure on the encroachments of its rights, or the 
 violation of its law of compact ; and form such 
 alliances as should seem to it desirable. And in 
 the above concern the president and representatives 
 of the different states were their servants ; elected 
 by them to execute their sovereign mandate or will ; 
 and held responsible for the trust reposed in them. 
 The end contemplated in the formation of the 
 Union was preservation from common danger. Its 
 adoption was for economic purposes as well as pru 
 dential reasons. All the powers delegated to it were 
 derived from the States. Its specific work was 
 accurately and minutely described. The boundary 
 line of its operations was fixed, labelled with the 
 inscription, "hither shalt thou go, but no farther." 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OR LAW. 
 
 And to the sovereignty of the States it was indebted 
 for the ground on which its halls of Congress and 
 forts were built, as well as for its maintenance 
 and existence. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OR LAW. 
 
 THE great connecting link which united the 
 States together in the Union the central 01 
 fundamental principle which constituted its ground 
 work the essential, vital element of its existence, 
 so grandly and broadly developed in the Constitu 
 tion, was equal rights to each state and to all men. 
 This principle had been inaugurated into their 
 councils in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, pro 
 claimed to the world in the Declaration of Indepen 
 dence, and afterwards embodied in all the grand 
 clauses of the Constitution. The entire fabric of 
 our institutions was made to rest on the above 
 basis at the commencement of our history as a 
 people. Its development or growth was to create 
 a mighty power in America that would make the 
 " despots " of Europe, so called, tremble, and " defy 
 the world," transfer not only the balance of power, 
 but also of trade, from the old world to the new ; 
 when " Mark Lane would cease to fix the prices 
 of American farmers, and Wales and Staffordshire 
 those of iron." And as the masters of the world 
 and commerce we were then to repose on the lap 
 of peace and harmony, surrounded with an elysium 
 
ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARTERS OF FREEDOM. 
 
 of comfort, a paradise of delight, the envy of the 
 world. These bright visions and golden hopes, 
 however, have not yet been realized. " America " 
 has not become "the ]and of which angels might 
 dream," as John Bright has described it. It is 
 very far from that at present, and likely to be for 
 some time to come. 
 
 -WHY AND WHEREFORE. 
 
 WE have noticed some causes in a preceding chapter 
 as to the above which has produced such an over 
 cast in our American sky, and caused the hurricane 
 storms of God s wrath to sweep across our land and 
 produce scenes of lamentation, mourning, and woe, 
 in the contemplation of which the head turns 
 sick, and the heart faint. When we come to 
 examine our history as a people, we do not wonder 
 that the hand-writing should appear on the walls 
 against us, or that the voice of .God should thunder 
 in the ears of Southerns or Northerns, of each and 
 all,- " ye are weighed in the balances, and fount 1 
 wanting." 
 
 ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARTERS OF FREEDOM. 
 
 THE Constitution and Declaration of Independence, 
 to which the Fathers and Founders of our govern 
 ment had so solemnly pledged their lives, fortunes 
 and sacred honour to maintain, and which they had 
 
) ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARTERS OF FREEDOM. 
 
 constituted the palladium or citadel of human 
 rights, were soon abandoned and treated as obsolete, 
 or made the instruments of treachery, trickery, and 
 fraud. What was meant for good has resulted in 
 unmitigated evil. Throwing aside the parchments, 
 the administrators of the government proclaimed 
 themselves to be the law, or rather by a tremen 
 dous feat of jugglery used the instruments of justice 
 to foster the theory of protection and the slave-hold 
 ing interest, that they might oppress each other and 
 multiply the victims of their cruelty instead of 
 diminishing them. Speaking with the voice of a 
 Jacob, they stretched out the hands of an Esau. 
 Proclaiming their belief in the "preternatural philo 
 sophy" of the Union for the benefit of the world, 
 like the Davenports, they slipped the constitutional 
 ropes which were to bind them fast, that they might 
 use them for purposes of fraud. 
 
 One of the breaches made in the fundamental 
 law of the Union was created by the adoption of 
 the theory of protection. Franklin was one of the 
 first to plant the noxious weed. In a letter written 
 from England in 1771, he wrote as follows: 
 " Every manufacturer encouraged in our country 
 makes part of a market for provisions within our 
 selves, and saves so much money to the country as 
 must otherwise be exported to pay for the manu 
 factures he supplies. Here in England it is well 
 known and understood that wherever a manufactory 
 is established which employs a number of hands, it 
 
ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARTERS OF FREEDOM. 
 
 raises the value of lands in the neighbouring country 
 all around it, partly by the greater demand near at 
 hand for the produce of the land, and partly from 
 the plenty of money drawn by the manufacturers 
 to that part of the country. It seems, therefore, the 
 interest of all our farmers and owners of lands, to 
 encourage our young manufactures in preference to 
 foreign ones imported among us from foreign 
 countries." 
 
 Franklin s desideratum, therefore, was to bring 
 the manufacturer and agriculturist side by side to 
 be the entire producers and consumers ; a world 
 within themselves, independent of the rest of man 
 kind. 
 
 These views were adopted by Washington and 
 Jefferson, and took deep root in all the Northern 
 States. In a series of articles published in the 
 New York Tribwne, in 1 8 5 4, on the " North and 
 South," we find the following paragraph :- " The 
 vast majority of the people north of Mason and 
 Dixon s line have always believed with Franklin, 
 Washington, and Jefferson, that protection tended 
 to increase the value of labour and land, and to 
 enrich both labourer and land-owner. Whether 
 right or wrong in this, the votes of their representa 
 tives have on all occasions proved that the belief 
 existed, and it does certainly exist to so great an 
 extent, that were a vote now to be taken on the 
 question, whether the question should be main 
 tained or abandoned, apart from all other issues, 
 
. ABANDONMENT OF THE CHARTERS OF FREEDOM. 
 
 an overwhelming majority would be found favour 
 able to its maintenance. Such being their belief, it 
 would seem to be right and proper that they should 
 be enabled to act in accordance with it, and yet, 
 although almost thrice as numerous as the whites 
 of the slave states, they have rarely been allowed 
 to exercise the slightest influence upon the action 
 of government in reference to this most important 
 subject." The reader, therefore, will do well to 
 weigh the following facts. 
 
 " The vast majority north of Mason and Dixon s 
 line have always believed in protection." North of 
 the above line they are protectionists. South, free 
 traders. Their interests, therefore, are as wide as 
 the poles asunder. 
 
 "The votes of Northern representatives on all 
 occasions proved the belief of this." 
 
 In 1824 the tariff of that year was passed with 
 the following vote : 
 
 Northern States for protection, 88 Against it, 32 
 
 Southern do., 19 Do. 70 
 
 For protection, 107 Against, 102 
 
 In 1828 the vote was as follows : 
 
 Northern States for protection, 88 Against it, 29 
 
 Southern do., 19 Do., 70 
 
 For, 105 Against, 94 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS PRO AND 
 CON ON THE NORTH. 
 
 WHEN the tariff was high it was associated with 
 glorious days in the opinion of the Northerns. 
 " Public debts were paid off, emigration promoted, 
 mills and furnaces built, the prosperity of the 
 country was raised to a higher point than ever 
 before known, whilst Nova Scotia, New Brunswick 
 and the Canadas were ready to allay themselves in 
 free gift with the North." But when the influence 
 of the Southern belief in free trade was predominant 
 in 1836, 40, 48 and 52, the writer in the articles 
 referred to says : " bankruptcy and ruin, rarely 
 exceeded in any country, was the consequence ; the 
 government became burdened with debt, its agents 
 knocked at the doors of all the banking houses of 
 London and Paris, Hamburg and Amsterdam, for a 
 loan at six per cent in vain ; the losses of the 
 people in those awful days we need scarcely state ; 
 mills and furnaces were everywhere closed ; labourers 
 were reduced to the weakness, ignorance, and 
 stagnation of bondage, and for the first time was 
 heard in the streets of our cities the cry of sober, 
 industrious, orderly men, give me work, only give 
 me work ; make your own terms myself and family 
 have nothing to eat." 
 
 " Such being their belief it would seem to be 
 right and proper that the Northerns," says the writer 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 referred to, " should be enabled to act in accordance 
 with it ; and, yet, although thrice as numerous as 
 the whites of slave states, they have rarely been 
 allowed to exercise the slightest influence upon the 
 action of government in reference to this most 
 important subject." And why ? Because the 
 Southerns designated the tariff laws "abominations," 
 and South Carolina threatened to secede from the 
 Union in consequence of what she called " Black 
 Tariffs," and regarded as an infraction of her rights 
 as a sovereign state. And now we see since the 
 disruption how the " enabling power " of the 
 Northerns has been used in the adoption of 
 stringent tariff laws both on the ad valorem and 
 specific principle. How gladsome in heart and 
 lightsome of foot they must be in the enjoyment of 
 their rights as protectionists. The laws, however, 
 are a violation of the fundamental law of the Con 
 stitution ; a removal of one of its great landmarks; 
 the abrogation of their charter ; the destruction of 
 the citadel in which was treasured up and guarded 
 their equality of right. 
 
 Another breach made in the Constitution was the 
 subversion and extinction of the principle of equality 
 towards all men. Commenting on a discourse 
 delivered by a Rev. Mr. Parker, the Charleston 
 Courier says, " The truth is, that our government, 
 although hostile in its incipiency to domestic slavery, 
 and starting into political being with a strong bent 
 towards abolition ; yet afterwards so changed its 
 
HIGH AND LOW TAK1FFS. 
 
 policy that its action for the most part, and with 
 only a few exceptions, has fostered the slaveholding- 
 interest, and swelled it from six to fifteen states;" 
 and we may add, also increased its victims from six 
 hundred and forty-seven thousand to four millions. 
 And in the removal of this landmark there was no 
 opposition, from any political or orthodox religious 
 party in the North amongst the principal denomina 
 tions at any period of our history, from the com 
 mencement until the outbreak of the present war. 
 When referring to this sad change amongst the 
 administrators of the government, and the over 
 whelming mass of people in the churches and states, 
 the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, in a sermon preached 
 on the occasion of the reinforcement of Fort Sumter, 
 from the text, " Go forward," reported in the New 
 York Times, said, " There could be no disputing the 
 fact, thatfor commercial causes, an element of slavery 
 which had temporary refuge with us, granted by the 
 unsuspecting fathers, has swollen to an unexpected, 
 and unforseen power, and for the last fifty years has 
 held the administrative power of the country in its 
 hands, controlled patronage, and distributed appoint 
 ments." This it did not only in the Capitols of the 
 States and halls of Congress, but also in the churches 
 whose prudential Committees, and conventional 
 wire-pullers, maintained a sleepless vigilance, and 
 were unremitting in their endeavours to propitiate 
 the "obscene goddess" of slavery. The churches 
 had become so menial and abject in their bondage 
 
\0 
 
 HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 to the slave power, that pro-slavery men every 
 where found their way to the possession of their 
 choicest gifts, and had assigned to them the greatest 
 posts of honour. To obtain promotion the candi 
 date must be inducted into the American theory 
 of blood distinction and blood equals, burn incense 
 to Washington and Judson, and be the bearer of 
 letters from men who have acquired some degree 
 of pre-eminence amongst the corrupters and denlers 
 of God s heritage, or he may go on a long pilgrimage 
 and travel in vain to obtain the humblest office in 
 the gift of the churches ; whilst on the other hand 
 the slightest suspicion of possessing the smallest 
 taint of abolition would cause church officials to 
 tear up every root of friendship, scatter every 
 vestige of his reputation to the winds, and heap on 
 him calumny and abuse ; for up to the beginning 
 of the present war the abolitionist in the Northern 
 States of America, as w r ell as the Southern, was 
 everywhere at discount in the churches and States, 
 and in that place which lies outside the sphere of 
 sovereignty, called the district of Columbia. Pulpit 
 doors and church doors were almost universally 
 slammed in his face. Ostracised, calumniated and 
 despised, he was considered a proper target to shoot 
 at. Cut off from social intercourse, and almost 
 ordinary business, he was doomed to be their law 
 ful prey. Elijah Lovejoy made his appearance 
 single-handed to break a lance with the slave power 
 in the Churches and States, but was shot down like 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 a dog in the street. John Brown sets out on a 
 sublime mission to rescue a number of slaves from 
 the galling ycke of their bondage in the Southern 
 States, that he might place them beyond the reach 
 of the eagle s claws in Canada, but himself was 
 caught up into the eagle s beak, and dropt into the 
 hungry jaws of Virginia, which were smoothed in 
 his destruction. Others were separated from loved 
 ones, and driven from position, property and home 
 into exile, where amidst years of deep anxiety and 
 sorrow, days and hours were turned into weeks, 
 months and years, associated with the cry from 
 under the altar, " How long, Lord, how long ? " 
 This course of degeneracy in its origin is fixed by 
 the articles referred to in the New York Tribune in 
 1833, but we trace its existence to the period in 
 our history when Washington, Jefferson, and Madi 
 son spoke of the "compromises of the Constitution." 
 It was the sad want of principle then, that after 
 wards became so fatal to individuals, churches, 
 States, and the Union. The chief instruments in 
 promoting it have been Northern politicians and 
 divines, since one-third of the people in the South 
 could not have ruled two-thirds of the people in 
 the North without their consent, controlled their 
 patronage, or distributed appointments in the 
 churches, States or Congress. Besides, a large 
 proport on of the Southern people received their 
 education in Northern seminaries and Universities, 
 and if they went to their homes with evil principles 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 instilled into their minds by Northern teachers an< 
 professors, can we blame the pupils so much as th 
 teachers or instructors ? Moreover, the vast pre 
 ponderance of talent and genius has ever been associ 
 ated with the North, but made useless to a grea 
 extent and mischievous by assumption, asseveratior 
 distortion, cunning, artifice, deception, fraud and lies 
 both in the churches and States, so that wickednes 
 was regarded as cleverness, and the man who wa 
 the most successful in overreaching his neighbou 
 was almost everywhere considered a smart mar 
 This was so manifest to the Southerns that th 
 Charleston Mercury, one of their principal organ? 
 branded them in the churches and States as "huck 
 sters in politics;" represented them as men wn 
 " knocked themselves down to the highest bidder, 
 arid looked on them with supreme pity and sovereig 
 contempt, in their adoption of a course of policy 
 which it says " was marked with cupidity, truck 
 ling and subserviency to the South." It is urgec 
 however, that a change has come over the Nortl; 
 ern people. A change, indeed, but for the wors< 
 when President Lincoln proclaims to the world tha 
 he is an anti-slavery man, and yet takes the oat 
 to the Constitution as a slave document, and avow 
 that " he would save the Union with slavery if li 
 could." When Secretary Seward, in order to inak 
 a bid for the Presidency, declares in the senat 
 chamber at Washington, " there have been time 
 when we have surrendered the safeguards of fre< 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 dom, not that we love freedom less, but the Union 
 more ; " when the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, to 
 shew his love to the Union, " protests," in his Harper 
 Ferry sermon, " against any counsels that lead to 
 insurrection, servile war, and bloodshed ; " and, 
 then incites the Northerns to an invasion of the 
 South, and advocates servile "insurrection," and 
 " war redder than blood and fiercer than fire." shout 
 ing until he is hoarse, "fight or die/ When Presi 
 dent Lincoln, the Congress, and the Northern States, 
 perform the part of " Low Comedians " in a new 
 comedy, called the " Constitutional Amendment 
 Act ; " in order to cast out imaginary clauses, called 
 the " Compromises of the Constitution," which Ward 
 Beecher in his Fort Sumter sermon avowed did not 
 exist, declaring "There is no fact susceptible of 
 proof in history, if it be not true that this Federal 
 government was created for the purpose of justice 
 and liberty. The instruments which accompanied 
 it, and preceded it, and the known opinions of the 
 men who framed it, prove this beyond the perad- 
 venture of a doubt," demonstrating to the world 
 that they were co-partners with the Southerns in the 
 guilt and shame of slavery, thus publishing their own 
 shame; and when the hope is expressed by leading 
 abolitionists that " the war may be continued long 
 enough to make the Northern people men ;" such 
 a change cannot be regarded with complacency, or 
 viewed with delight, but with detestation and 
 horror. " But," say Northern advocates, " wherever 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 Christianity lives and flourishes there must grow 
 up from it necessarily a conscience which is hostile 
 to any oppression and wrong." This is quite true, 
 so far as real Christianity is concerned ; but not 
 so in regard to the spurious system, so named, which 
 has been so widely diffused in America, as taught 
 by a Vandyke in New York, a Nehemiah Adams 
 of Boston, a Stuart of Andover, a Lord of Dartmouth, 
 a Professor Hoge of Princeton College, a Right Rev. 
 Dr. Hopkins, or Bishop Hedding ; or as practised 
 by Ward Beech er, Drs. Cheever, Nathan Brown, 
 Eddy, Tyng and Mrs Stowe, who have stood in 
 slaveholding relationships, or fellowships, appar 
 ently unconscious that Christian duty demanded 
 that the} " should come out from the ranks of what 
 Mrs. Stowe complacently calls "Lady pious slave 
 holders," " Christian slave-traders," and might have 
 added revival negro-haters. It is still urged that 
 "a great and powerful anti-slavery party resolved 
 at last, upon the restraining and control of slavery 
 in the North." If so, the above party were very 
 unfortunate in the selection of their candidate to 
 represent them, since Lincoln, in a speech made at 
 Freeport, Illinois, August 7, 1858, and published 
 in his Campaign Book, avowed, " If any territory 
 uninfluenced by the actual presence of slavery came 
 to adopt a slave Constitution, I see no alternative, if 
 we own the country, but to admit them into the 
 Union." To call such a party anti-slavery is a 
 misnomer, a figment of the brain, a myth. Be- 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 sides, Wendell Philips, Esq., the highest authority 
 in the North in such matters, in a speech made at 
 the New England Antislavery Convention, May 30, 
 1860, said, "there is no political antislavery exist 
 ing at this moment. There is no movement in the 
 political arena that calls itself anti-slavery. Of 
 course you know there is none in the church. 
 You know very well that unfortunately the ballot 
 box is a great deal ahead of the communion table 
 in its knowledge of ethics ; and as we find no anti- 
 slavery at the ballot box we cannot expect to find 
 any at the communion table." 
 
 In the above sketch of the relations and condi 
 tions of North and South, we see that both have 
 violated the fundamental law of the Constitution, 
 and subverted the greafc charters of freedom ; but 
 bad as the South is, and black as it is with guilt, 
 it has had some redeeming qualities in connexion 
 with it, which the North has never possessed, or 
 cherished as free-traders ; and in regard to slavery, 
 no men bowed their knees with profounder homage 
 or burned sweeter incense to this national idol than 
 Webster, Everet, Hallet, Gushing, Choate, or Win. 
 E. Dodge, the great revivalist, so-called, all leading 
 and influential Northern men, whilst the over 
 whelming mass of biblical interpreters and divines 
 who made the word doulos to support what they 
 called " the humanity and divinity of slavery filled 
 Northern chairs in the Universites and pulpits, 
 producing such deep rooted pro-slavery proclivity 
 2 N 
 
HIGH AND LOW TARIFFS. 
 
 amongst the people that Mr. Beecher in his Harper 
 Ferry Sermon, professes to lift up his hands in 
 horror, exclaiming, " When the love of liberty is at 
 so low an ebb that churches dread the sound ; 
 ministers shrink from the topic ; book publishers 
 dare not publish or republish a word on the subject 
 of slavery, cut out every living word from school 
 books, expurgate life passages from Humboldt, 
 Spurgeon, and all foreign authors and teachers, and 
 w r hen great religious publication societies, endowed 
 for the very purpose of speaking fearlessly the 
 truths which interest would let perish, pervert 
 their trust, and are dumb, first and chiefly, and 
 articulate only in things that thousands of others 
 could publish as well as they ; what chance is there 
 that public sentiment in such a community will 
 have any power with the South ?" And when 
 contrasting the North with the South he gives, 
 in the same sermon, deeper and blacker shades of 
 guilt and shame to the North where he says, " We 
 heap on the coloured people obloquy more atrocious 
 than that which the master heaps on the slave. 
 They love their property. We do not own them 
 so we do not love them at all." How black the 
 picture of misery ! How dangerous the elements 
 contained within the Union ! How both parties 
 have dug and charged mines, which by any current 
 of events, or freak in the chapter of accidents might 
 explode in disastrous ruin! To maintain that such 
 a Union has " health in it," or is " dear to the 
 
GOD S AVENGING HAND. 
 
 lovers of freedom throughout the world," is one of 
 the most insulting mockeries and blasting burlesques 
 that can be conceived. It outrages beyond possible 
 endurance the common sense of creation. In 1 86 1, 
 the New England abolition chieftains said, " the 
 only relief they could find in contemplating a thing 
 so devilish and disgraceful, was to cherish the hope 
 that God or some other power would ere long dash 
 it in pieces like a potter s vessel." 
 
 GOD S AVENGING HAND. 
 
 Could the old puritans rise from the dead, they 
 would not be able to recognise those who claim to 
 be their descendants in America, so opposed have 
 they become to themselves in principle and practice, 
 and if required to give their opinions concerning 
 them, they would put the deepest and broadest 
 emphasis on the passage of Holy writ, which reads, 
 " children that are corrupters, a seed of evil doers." 
 In America the reaping time comes very quickly 
 after the sowing time. This is being vividly 
 realised in our unfortunate country at the present 
 time. What seeds of calamity and ruin have 
 been broadcast in our land, and now what a harvest 
 of misery and shame. How stupidly ignorant, and 
 obstinately and wilfully blind those must be who 
 shut their eyes to the fact, " that there is a God 
 who judgeth in the earth." Some there are how 
 ever who acknowledge God s retributive providences 
 
GOD S AVENGING HAND. 
 
 so far as the South is concerned, but raise a shield 
 to protect the more guilty North, whose guiding 
 policy was expediency and necessity to promote the 
 ends of unity, thereby prostituting the principles of 
 liberty, social rights, common honesty, the sacred 
 virtues of Christianity, and the laws of the infinite 
 God to the influence of the almighty dollar, and 
 subjecting themselves to the direst displeasure of 
 the Almighty, who has now come out of his place 
 to make inquisition for blood. The above course 
 is exceedingly wicked and foolish as well as pre 
 judicial to society, since it creates animosity and 
 strife, and produces feelings of alienation as well as 
 those of rancorous malignity. But were there no 
 means of averting so terrible a catas trophy, or miti 
 gating the severity of the divine proceedure ? 
 
 SEPARATION. 
 
 Yes. These were the one to go to the right of 
 Mason and Dixon s line ; and the other to the left. 
 There was plenty of land to be possessed, millions 
 of acres inhabited only by Indians and buffaloes, 
 where each might develope their resources, and 
 fulfil their "manifest destiny," without encroaching 
 upon each other s rights. 
 
 The objects sought to be attained by the Northern 
 and Southern peeple were, as already shewn, 
 antagonistfcal in their free trade and protectionist 
 policies and theories. As an able writer in the 
 
INVIDIOUS COMPARISONS. 
 
 New York Tribune declared in 1854, " the 
 Northern portion of the Union seeking for pro 
 tection against the cheap labour system of Europe, 
 and the Southern portion clinging to the British 
 free trade system," 
 
 Invidious comparisons were instituted, namely, 
 that each bore each other on their " shoulders." The 
 Southerns maintaining in a pamphlet called the 
 " Union past and present/ published at Charleston 
 in 1850, "that the Northerns had the use of 
 one hundred and forty millions of Southern capital; 
 and the disbursement of twenty millions of Southern 
 taxes ;" so that once separated from the North, the 
 writer in the pamphlet referred to declares " Southern 
 trade would revive and grow like a field of young 
 corn when the long expected showers descend after 
 a withering drought ; their ports be crowded with 
 shipping and their warehouses crammed with 
 merchandise ; also that the use and command of 
 the above large capital would enable them to cut 
 canals, make roads, tunnel mountains, and drive 
 the iron horse through the remotest valleys till the 
 desert should blossom like the rose/ The Northerns, 
 in reply, according to the articles referred to in the 
 New York Tribune, avowed that " North of Mason 
 and Dixon s line of the Ohio ; and of thirty-six 
 thirty, we have land sufficient for hundreds of 
 millions of inhabitants. We need population, and 
 the surest way to bring it is to afford to the people 
 of Europe reason for believing that by coming here 
 
f 
 
 NORTHERN POLICY. 
 
 they will be enabled to earn higher wages than they 
 can obtain at home ; and enjoy in greater perfection 
 the advantages of freedom. Every person that 
 comes here is worth to the community all he costs 
 to raise ; and the average cost of the men, women, 
 and children we import is certainly not less than a 
 thousand dollars. Northern policy, even as it is 
 now carried out, attracts nearly 400,000 emigrants 
 annually, few or none of whom would come under 
 an entire Southern policy ; and to this vast 
 immigration is to a great extent due the fact that 
 in Illinois, the increase in the value of property in 
 the year 1853 over that of 1852 was fifty-eight 
 millions of dollars ; or more than five times as much 
 as the annual value of that portion of our trade 
 with the South. Had the Northern policy been 
 fully carried out we should now be importing 
 double our present rate, and every man so imported 
 would be adding to the value of Southern products 
 by consuming thrice, and perhaps five times as much 
 cotton and sugar as he consumed at home. At the 
 same time they would be adding to the value of 
 Northern land and labour to the extent at least the 
 sum we have named, or an amount of four hundred 
 millions of dollars, being more than twenty dollars 
 per head of the present population of the States we 
 have assigned to a Northern Union. Adding this 
 quantity to those already obtained, we feel disposed 
 to place the loss of the North from the continuance 
 of the Union at about forty dollars per head." 
 
EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Emigration, therefore, in its relationship to protec 
 tion as the means of working it out, is well under 
 stood in America by Chambers of Commerce and 
 manufacturers ; and also by the Rev. Henry Ward 
 Beecher, as shewn in the following letter addressed 
 by him to Thomas Bayley Potter, Esq., Manchester, 
 England, and published in the Examiner and Times, 
 March 7, 1865, along with an introductory letter 
 from Mr. Potter. 
 
 " EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 " To the Editor of the Examiner and Times 
 "Pitnacree, Dunkeld, March 4, 1865. 
 
 " MY DEAR SIR, I have this day received the 
 enclosed letter from the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, 
 which I shall be glad if you will publish in your 
 valuable paper. 
 
 " The high character of Mr Beecher, and the un 
 doubted standing of many of the gentlemen con 
 nected with the American Emigrant Company, 
 justify me in laying before my fellow-countrymen 
 this letter with the fullest confidence. 
 
 "I wish the ruling class in this country would 
 take timely warning and do full justice to labour at 
 home, both socially and politically, rather than per 
 mit it to be diverted to other lands. Apply the 
 principle of free trade, which simply means im 
 partial justice and unrestricted competition, to land, 
 
EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and the laws and customs which regulate its tenure 
 here, as well as to every department of church and 
 state, and we should not then see many of the best 
 of our labouring class expatriated from their native 
 country. All privileges held by the few which 
 can be proved to be detrimental to the many are as 
 unsafe as they are unjust. I am, my dear sir, yours 
 truly, THOMAS B. POTTER. 
 
 "Brooklyn, New York, Jan. 16, 1865. 
 
 " Dear Sir, I believe I am rendering a service, 
 not merely to a very trustworthy and honourable 
 association, but to the depressed labouring classes 
 of great Britain, in commending the American Emi 
 grant Company to your confidence, and that of the 
 British public. 
 
 " This company is composed of gentlemen of the 
 highest social and pecuniary standing ; many of 
 whom I know personally, and some of whom are 
 among my best friends. It has been organised for 
 the purpose of supplying the demand for labour in 
 this country (so great that it has sometimes been 
 spoken of as a labour famine) with the over-abun 
 dant labour of Europe ; thus rendering a service of 
 great value to employers here, and of still greater 
 value to the ill-paid and ill-fed labourers there. 
 No undertaking was ever based upon a more legiti 
 mate demand for it, and the machinery employed 
 by the company is admirably adapted to its end. 
 
 It receives orders from manufacturers, arid others 
 
EMTGEATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 in want of labourers, for a certain number and de 
 scription of men. This order is by the next mail 
 sent to one of their numerous agents in Great 
 Britain or Europe, and by an early steamer the men 
 are brought to New York, and by the company 
 transported to the place where they are to be em 
 ployed. The employer ordering the men advances 
 the expenses of their emigration, and they bind 
 themselves to labour for him for a year, and repay 
 the advances from their wages. 
 
 " Thus, the European labourer, who has not the 
 means of improving his condition by emigration, has 
 the means supplied, and when he comes over, he 
 does so, not as has generally heretofore been the 
 case, upon an uncertainty as to employment and 
 destination, but with the certainty of a home and 
 good wages. In addition to this the company 
 assumes the protection and care of all emigrants 
 who choose to come at their own expense to its 
 care, and finds them employment in the interior of 
 the country, removing them at once from the many 
 evils inseparable from a detention in New York. 
 And all this the company does without charge to 
 the emigrant, but looking wholly to the employer 
 for its compensation. 
 
 " The company does not profess to be a purely 
 philanthropic one, but while doing a great and truly 
 philanthropic work, has undertaken it wholly on 
 business principles. The gentlemen composing the 
 company are among our best business men, and the 
 
EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 assurance of its success lies, as I think, in its busi 
 ness character. 
 
 " I learn that the operations of the company abroad 
 have been embarassed by a suspicion, quite general, 
 that the agents are engaged, either directly or 
 indirectly, in obtaining recruits for the United 
 States Army. Let me assure you that the suspicion 
 is wholly unfounded. 
 
 " I speak from my personal knowledge of the 
 active managers of the company, and from particu 
 lar inquiry made on the subject. The legitimate 
 object of the company, which is one of too great 
 importance to be needlessly hazarded, would be 
 wholly defeated by engaging in such a business. 
 
 " I understand from them that they would be glad 
 of a most rigid investigation of any particular case 
 that may seem suspicious. Whatever may have 
 been done by others, you may rest assured that this 
 company has nothing to do with obtaining 
 emigrants for any other purpose than that of 
 labourers in the ordinary industrial pursuits. 
 
 " The Chamber of Commerce of the city of New 
 York, whose opinion commands respect everywhere, 
 has just adopted, by a unanimous vote, a report of 
 a committee on immigration, setting forth the great 
 demand for labour here, and the special induce 
 ments presented to foreign labourers to emigrate to 
 this country, and commending in direct terms both 
 the object and the character of the American 
 
SECTIONAL JEALOUSIES. 
 
 Emigrant Company. Very respectfully and truly 
 yours, H. W. BEECHER." 
 
 " Thomas Bayley Potter, Esq., Manchester, 
 England. 
 
 Thus it is we see how Mr. Beech er, an avowed 
 freetrader when in this country, lends himself to 
 promote the vast schemes of the Northern protec 
 tionists, and to build up America at the expense of, 
 and to the injury of other nations whilst Mr. T. 
 B. Potter s remedy is like Dame Partington s mop 
 to dry up the Atlantic. 
 
 Sectional jealousies and bitterness were created 
 by the two policies which obtained between the 
 North and South. This was very natural, as both 
 desired to rise in the scale of prosperity, but when 
 high tariffs prevailed Southern interests went down, 
 and Northern ones rose higher ; but when tariffs 
 were low, the Southern interests rose higher, and 
 Northern ones went down. " Hence," says the 
 Charleston Mercury, "the Northerns live upon us, 
 and the South affords them the double gratification 
 of an object for hatred, and a field for plunder." 
 
 When, therefore, Northern and Southern repre 
 sentatives met each other in Congress and introduced 
 their different schemes, whether on the tariff quest ion, 
 or the extension of territory, or the improvement 
 of rivers, or the building of railways by land grants, 
 each tried to intimidate and frustrate the designs of 
 each other ; so that each believing that the other 
 
SEPARATION, PROTECTION, 
 
 was a dead weight on the wheels of progress, it 
 would have been much better for them to have 
 separated in peace, and each to have formed them 
 selves into a new confederacy. "But how was this 
 to be accomplished," exclaims an advocate of the 
 Federals? Was not the preservation of the Union 
 to the North an imperial, imperious, and over 
 mastering necessity to which every thing else must 
 bow ? if the North could not conquer the South, 
 must not the South conquer the North ? It was 
 quite necessary for the North to subdue the South 
 to carry out her protectionist theories and policy, as 
 between the low tariffs of Canada and the free trade 
 policy which would have been adopted in the South, 
 the high tariffs of the North would have been 
 " crumpled up," which it dreaded, although such a 
 result would ultimately have conferred immense 
 advantages on themselves and on the whole world. 
 On the other hand the slaveholding interest which 
 has been fostered by both sections of the country 
 would have received its death-blow. Instead of 
 being able to extend the nefarious system to new 
 territories, it would have been crippled in the old 
 States where it had so long taken root, exerted its 
 baleful influence, and destroyed the interests of men 
 for both worlds. From the period separation took 
 place, a process would have commenced which would 
 have inevitably changed slave into free labour. 
 The frontier line between the two is so long that it 
 would have been impossible for the Southern States 
 
AND FREEDOM. 
 
 or government to have found men or means to have 
 prevented slaves escaping into the North ; and 
 whilst the Northerns would no longer have pursued 
 their vocation as man-hunters for the Southerns, 
 every slave escaping would have helped to create a 
 demand for labour in the South, so that as the 
 slaves came out, free labourers would have gone in, 
 and this process would have brought with it the 
 destruction of slavery without bloodshed. Much 
 has been said about geographical boundary lines, a 
 line of custom houses, and military out-posts. The 
 writer attaches far more importance to lines of 
 political affinity than those which are geographical 
 or natural ; it will give him joy when all custom 
 houses are swept away as a world nuisance, if he 
 should ever li ve to see such an eventful day, and 
 military outpost systems and standing armies are 
 fast giving place to the volunteer system which 
 forms the basis for the most efficient means of de 
 fence any country can possess. Canada is a source 
 of anxiety and trouble to the British government at 
 the present time in these respects, but we have 
 reason to believe that this would not be the case if 
 volunteer bands were organized and as thoroughly 
 drilled and exercised in Canada and the British 
 colonies as they are in England and the States. In 
 such a case the old flag would continue to be a 
 terror to the evil doers amongst the nations, as well 
 as the praise of them that do well, with the light 
 men to steer the national ship ; and the right 
 principles and policy to control them. 
 
RIGHTS OF SELF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 RIGHTS OF SELF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 These are founded on the sovereignty of each 
 State, and the declaration of Independence. 
 
 State sovereignty is a doctrine or principle in 
 America which the people have been taught to 
 admire and respect both by education and tradition. 
 It is upon this basis that the foundation of the 
 Government and the liberties of the people rest as 
 their chief corner stone. " Destroy it," said Gover 
 nor Brown of Georgia, and the whole fabric falls to 
 the ground ; and centralised despotic power takes 
 the place of constitutional liberty." 
 
 Some avow that as the preamble of the Constitu 
 tion commences, " We, the people of the United 
 States, in order to form a more perfect Union," &c., 
 the local individual sovereignties were merged into 
 one united national sovereignty ; or it would have 
 been made to read " We, the several States ;" or 
 the " people of the respective States," &c. The 
 great centralised power of a national sovereignty 
 exercising supreme power, and wielding unlimited 
 sway over all the States is entirely subverted in 
 the tenth article of the amendment to the Consti 
 tution, which says, "The powers not delegated to 
 the United States by the Constitution, nor prohi 
 bited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
 respectively, or to the people." Believing in this 
 doctrine, South Carolina threatened to use her pre- 
 
NEW NORTHERN CONFEDERACY. 
 
 rogative in her war with the "Black Tariff" so- 
 called. Influenced by the same belief, Massachusetts 
 discovered an evident intention to do the same 
 thing. The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, who is now 
 denouncing the doctrine of State sovereignty as a 
 heresy, in a sermon preached October 30, 1859, 
 proclaimed, as with the voice of a trumpet, "That 
 these sovereign States are not united by any federal 
 ligament, but by vital interests ; by a common 
 national life ;" that "a people had a right to change 
 their rulers, their government, their whole political 
 condition ;" and that " it belonged to all men on the 
 face of the globe without regard to complexion." 
 On January 31, 1 861, in Association Hall, Albany, 
 New York, at the Annual Anti-slavery Convention, 
 the following resolution was adopted : 
 
 6. Resolved, therefore, That it is the solemn and 
 imperative duty of the Senators and Representatives 
 of the non-slaveholding States and Territories to 
 return at once to their respective constituencies 
 and take immediate measures for the formation of 
 a new Northern Confederacy that shall be indeed 
 free ! the asylum of the oppressed of all nations ; 
 uncursed by the presence of slaveholders, unstained 
 by blood of slaves. 
 
 Surely abolitionists or emancipationists cannot 
 complain when others claim the same rights and 
 privileges as themselves. 
 
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 THIS forms another basis of self-government in 
 America; as it embodies the "rights of 1776, 
 when both North and South threw off their allegi 
 ance to England, and proclaimed as sacred and 
 supreme the sovereignty of the people, created by 
 the following self-evident truths, viz., " that all 
 men are created free and equal ; are endowed by 
 their Creator with inalienable rights such as life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to 
 secure these rights governments are instituted 
 among men, deriving their just powers from the con 
 sent of the governed ; that when any form of govern 
 ment becomes destructive of these ends it is the 
 right of the people to alter, or abolish, and institute 
 a new government laying its foundation on such 
 principles, and organizing its powers in such form 
 as to them shall seem most likely to effect their 
 safety and happiness." In honour of these truths 
 every fourth of July is ushered in, and celebrated 
 by a magnificent display of bunting, peals of merry 
 bells, arches of evergreens and flowers, processions, 
 orations, the firing of cannon, bonfires, illuminations, 
 fireworks, the blowing of trumpets, and the 
 shoutings of the " free." 
 
 On the above basis the Southern States claimed 
 an equal right with any of the Northern States to 
 secede from the Union ; and exercising it, passed 
 the following ordinances of secession. 
 
TEXAS ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 TEXAS ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 
 [Passed Feb. 1, 1561.] 
 
 Sec. 1. Whereas, the Federal government has 
 failed to accomplish the purposes of the compact of 
 union between these States in giving protection 
 either to the persons of our people upon an exposed 
 frontier, or to the property of our citizens ; and 
 whereas, the action of the Northern States is 
 violative of the compact between the States and the 
 guarantees of the constitution ; and whereas, the 
 recent development in Federal affairs make it evi 
 dent that the power of the Federal Government is 
 sought to be made a weapon with which to strike 
 down the interests and property of the people of 
 Texas and her sister slaveholding States, instead of 
 permitting it to be, as was intended, our shield 
 against outrage and aggression : Therefore, we, the 
 people of the State of Texas, by delegates in the 
 Convention assembled, do declare and ordain that 
 the ordinance adopted by our convention of dele 
 gates on the 4th day of July A.D., 1845, and after 
 wards ratified by us, under which the Republic of 
 Texas was admitted into the Union with other 
 States, and became a party to the compact styled, 
 "The Constitution of the United States of America," 
 be and is hereby repealed and annulled. 
 2 o 
 
VIRGINIA ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 
 VIRGINIA ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 [Passed April 17, 1861.] 
 
 The people of Virginia in the ratification of the 
 Constitution of the United States of America, 
 adopted by them in Convention on the 25th day of 
 June I788,having declared that the powers granted 
 under the said constitution were derived from the 
 people of the United States, and might be resumed 
 whensoever the same should be perverted to their 
 injury and oppression, and the Federal government 
 having perverted said powers, not only to the 
 injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppres 
 sion of the Southern slaveholding States. 
 
 Now, therefore we, the people of Virginia, do 
 declare and ordain, that the ordinance adopted by 
 the people of this State in Convention on the 25th 
 day of June 1788, whereby the Constitution of the 
 United States of America was ratified, and all acts 
 of the General Assembly of this State ratifying or 
 adopting amendments to said Constitution, are 
 hereby repealed and abrogated ; that the Union 
 between the State of Virginia and the other States 
 under the Constitution aforesaid is hereby dissolved, 
 and that the State of Virginia is in the full possession 
 and exercise of all the rights of sovereignty which 
 belong and appertain to a free and independent 
 State. And they do further declare that said Con 
 stitution of the United States of America is no 
 longer binding on any of the citizens of this State. 
 
ALABAMA OKDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 
 SECESSION OF THE STATE OF SOUTH CAEOL1NA. 
 
 [Passed Dec. 20th, I860, after Mr. Lincoln s 
 election, but before his inauguration.] 
 
 An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between South 
 Carolina and the other States united with 
 her under the compact entitled the Constitu 
 tion of the United States of America. 
 We, the people of the State of South Carolina, 
 in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, 
 and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the 
 ordinance adopted by us in Convention, on the 
 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, 
 whereby the Constitution of the United States of 
 America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of 
 Acts of the General Assembly of this State ratefying 
 the amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby 
 repealed, and that the Union now subsisting be 
 tween South Carolina and other States, under the 
 name of the United States of America, is hereby 
 dissolved. 
 
 ALABAMA ORDINANCE OF SECESSION. 
 [Passed Jan. 11, 1861.] 
 
 Whereas, the election of Abraham Lincoln and 
 Hannibal Hamlin to the offices of President and 
 Vice-President of the United States of America by 
 a sectional party avowedly hostile to the domestic 
 
DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 institutions, and peace and security of the people 
 of the State of Alabama, following upon the heels 
 of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitu 
 tion of the United States, by many of the States 
 and people of the Northern section, is a political 
 wrong of so insulting and menacing a character, as 
 to justify the people of the State of Alabama in the 
 adoption of prompt and decided measures for their 
 future peace and security. 
 
 Therefore, be it declared and ordained, by the 
 people of the State of Alabama, in Convention 
 assembled, that the State of Alabama now with 
 draws from the Union, known as the United States 
 of America, and henceforth ceases to be one of the 
 said United States, and is, and of right ought to be 
 a sovereign independent State. 
 
 Bills of grievances were made out, and published, 
 as in the case of South Carolina. 
 
 DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 " And now the State of South Carolina having 
 resumed her separate and equal place among 
 nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining 
 United States of America, and to the nations of the 
 world, that she should declare the immediate causes 
 which have led to this act. .... 
 
 We hold that the Government thus established (the 
 United States Government) is subject to the two 
 great principles asserted in the declaration of hide- 
 
DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 pendence ; and we hold further, that the mode of 
 its formation subjects it to a third fundamental 
 principle, namely, the law of compact. We main 
 tain that in every compact between two or more 
 parties, the obligation is mutual ; that the failure of 
 one of the contracting parties to perform a material 
 part of the agreement, entirely releases the obliga 
 tion of the other ; and that, where no arbiter is 
 provided, each party is remitted to his own judg 
 ment to determine the fact of failure, with all its 
 consequences. 
 
 In the present case, the fact is established with 
 certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States 
 have deliberately refused for years past to fulfil 
 their constitutional obligations, and we refer to 
 their own statutes for the proof. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States, in its 
 fourth article, provides as following : 
 
 " No person held to service or labour in one State 
 tinder the laws thereof escaping into another, shall, 
 in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
 discharged from such service or labour, but shall be 
 delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such 
 service or labour may be due." 
 
 This stipulation was so material to the compact 
 that without it that compact would not have been 
 made. The greater number of the contracting parties 
 held slaves, and they had previously evinced their 
 estimate of the value of such a stipulation by 
 making it a condition in the ordinance for the 
 
DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 government of the territory ceded by Virginia, 
 which obligations, and the laws of the General 
 Governments, have ceased to effect the objects of 
 the Constitution. The States of Maine, New 
 Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
 Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, 
 Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have 
 enacted laws which either nullify the Acts of Con 
 gress, or render useless any attempts to execute 
 them. In many of these States the fugitive is dis 
 charged from the service of labour claimed, and in 
 none of them has the State Government complied 
 with the stipulation made in the Constitution. 
 
 Thus the constitutional compact has been deliber 
 ately broken and disregarded by the non-slavehold- 
 ing States ; and the consequence follows that South 
 Carolina is released from her obligation. 
 
 The ends for which this Constitution was framed 
 are declared by itself to be to form a more perfect 
 union, to establish justice, insure domestic tran 
 quillity, provide for the common defence, promote 
 the general welfare, and secure the blessings of 
 liberty to ourselves and our posterity. 
 
 These ends it endeavoured to accomplish by a 
 Federal Government, in which each State was 
 recognised as an equal, and had separate control 
 over its own institutions. The right of property in 
 slaves was recognised by giving to free persons 
 distinct political rights : by giving them the right 
 to represent, and burden them with direct taxes for, 
 
DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 three-fifths of their slaves ; by authorising the im 
 portation of slaves for 20 years ; and by stipulating 
 for the rendition of fugitives from labour. 
 
 We affirm that these ends for which this Govern 
 ment was instituted have been defeated, and the 
 Government itself has been destructive of them by 
 the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those 
 States have assumed the right of deciding upon the 
 propriety of our domestic institutions ; and have 
 denied the rights of property established in fifteen 
 of the States and recognised by the Constitutions ; 
 they have denounced as sinful the institution of 
 slavery ; they have permitted the open establish 
 ment among them of societies, whose avowed object 
 is to disturb the peace of and eloin the property of 
 the citizens of the other States. They have encour 
 aged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave 
 their homes ; and those who remain have been 
 incited by emissaries, books, and pictures, to servile 
 insurrection. 
 
 For twenty-five years this agitation has been 
 steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its 
 aid the power of the common Government. Ob 
 serving the forms of the Constitution, a sectional 
 party has found within that article establishing the 
 Executive Department the means of subverting the 
 Constitution itself. A geographical line has been 
 drawn across the Union, and all the States north 
 of that line have united in the election of a man 
 to the high office of President of the United States, 
 
DECLARATION OF CAUSES. 
 
 whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. 
 He is to be entrusted with the administration of 
 the common Government, because he has declared 
 that that " Government cannot endure permanently 
 half slave and half free," and that the public mind 
 must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course 
 of ultimate extinction. 
 
 On the fourth of March next this party will take 
 possession of the Government. It has announced 
 that the South shall be excluded from the common 
 territory, that the Judicial tribunal shall be made 
 sectional, and that a war must be waged against 
 slavery until it shall cease throughout the United 
 States. 
 
 The guarantees of the Constitution will then no 
 longer exist ; the equal rights of the States will be 
 lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have 
 the power of self-government, or self-protection, 
 and the Federal Government will have become their 
 enemy. 
 
 Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the 
 irritation ; and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, 
 by the fact that the public opinion at the North 
 has invested a great political error with the sanction 
 of a more erroneous religious belief. 
 
 We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by 
 our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing 
 to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude 
 of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the 
 Union heretofore existing between this State and 
 
A NEW CONFEDERACY. 
 
 the other States of North America is dissolved, and 
 that the State of South Carolina has resumed her 
 position among the nations of the world, as a separate 
 and independent State, with full power to levy war, 
 conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, 
 and to do all other acts and things which indepen 
 dent States may of right do." 
 
 When the Union was made slaves were governed 
 by laws made by slaveholders in all the Slave 
 States. These laws were recognised as a fact in the 
 Constitution, but never intended to be enforced by 
 the Federal Government, or they would not so care 
 fully have excluded the idea of property in man 
 from all its grand clauses. Had they, however, 
 have been left entirely to State Government con 
 trol, as they were intended, when the Union was 
 formed, the original charters might have been pre 
 served intact for freedom ; but they were taken up 
 and enforced by the Federal Government, thus 
 introducing a wedge of compromise, and making 
 the Government at Washington a slaveholding 
 oligarchy and responsible for the calamities which 
 have befallen us. 
 
 The unconstitutional acts referred to are the 
 speech made by Lincoln at Springfield, Illinois, 
 Personal Liberty Bills made in five of the Free 
 States, so called, which conflicted with the Con 
 gressional Fugitive Slave Law, &c. 
 
 A number of Southern States formed themselves 
 into a new Confederacy, determined to stand or fall 
 
GEN. SHERMAN AND GOV. BROWN. 
 
 together; and when an attempt was made by 
 General Sherman to detach Georgia from her sister 
 states, we see from the following article published 
 in the Confederate Union, how he most signally 
 failed : 
 
 "As much has been said about the informal 
 message sent by General Sherman to Governor 
 Brown, Vice-President Stephens and Senator John 
 ston, inviting them to visit the General at Atlanta, 
 for a conference in reference to the state of the 
 country, with a view to negotiations for peace, 
 and as the public mind has been much excited upon 
 the subject, some saying that it is the duty of these 
 gentlemen to accept the general s invitation and 
 make an effort to settle our difficulties by negotia 
 tion ; others contending that it was the duty of 
 the governor to have seized the general s messenger 
 and to have ordered him to be hung as a traitor, 
 we have, for the gratification of our own and the 
 curiosity of our readers, called upon the governor 
 and inquired after the facts. 
 
 "The Governor, in reply to our inquiries, stated 
 that Mr. William King, who represented himself 
 as the bearer of a message from General Sherman, 
 called upon him and stated, in substance, that 
 General Sherman had requested him to say to the 
 Governor that he would be pleased to receive a visit 
 from him and other distinguished Georgians, with a 
 view to a conference upon the state of the country 
 and the settlement of our difficulties ; that he 
 
BROWN S REPLY TO SHERMAN. 
 
 would give the governor a passport through his 
 lines, with an escort, if desired, to go and return at 
 such time as might be agreeable to him ; that he 
 (Gen. Sherman) recognized him (Governor Brown) 
 as the governor of the whole state, and as over one 
 hundred miles of the territory of the state is now 
 behind his line, he (Gen, Sherman) would allow 
 the governor to go and visit his people in the rear if 
 he desired to look after their condition, and return 
 at his pleasure that he would receive him and 
 other distinguished Georgians at his headquarters, 
 and treat them with the respect and consideration 
 due their positions during the conference which 
 he invited that he did not wish to be compelled 
 to overrun and desolate more of the territory of 
 the state, &c. 
 
 Governor Brown s Reply. 
 
 " After hearing the statements of Mr. King, the 
 Governor replied : 
 
 " Please to make General Sherman an acknow 
 ledgment of obligation for the personal courtesies 
 which you say he proposes to extend to me. But 
 as he is only a general commanding an army, and 
 I the governor of a state, neither the constitution 
 of his country nor of my own country confers upon 
 us any power to negotiate a treaty of peace. We 
 probably held but few sentiments in common ; but 
 if we should agree in every particular, we would 
 have power to bind no one by any compact we 
 might make. As our interview could therefore 
 
BROWN S REPLY TO SHERMAN. 
 
 result in nothing practical, I must decline the 
 invitation. While the portion of the state now in 
 the rear of General Sherman s army is held by him, 
 and the execution of laws of the state suspended by 
 armed force, I know of no service which I could ren 
 der to the people of that section by a personal visit. 
 If I could better their condition or mitigate their 
 sufferings, I would, on their account, cheerfully go 
 at the expense of any inconvenience or personal 
 sacrifice which the trip might cost me. 
 
 " To the remark that General Sherman does not 
 wish to be compelled to overrun and desolate more 
 of the territory of Georgia, I reply that no compul 
 sion rests upon him to attempt this, unless it be the 
 cruel orders of his government. If he makes the 
 effort, he will find much greater difficulties in the 
 way of his advance for the next hundred miles than 
 those encountered during his march from Dalton to 
 Atlanta. Georgia may possibly be overrun, but 
 can never be subjugated, and her people will never 
 treat with a conqueror upon her soil. As a sove 
 reign state she had the undoubted right to dissolve 
 her connection with the government of the United 
 States, when the compact had been violated by the 
 other States of the Confederacy, and to form a new 
 compact, which she has done. She is as sovereign 
 to-day as the day she seceded from the Old Union, 
 and has the same power, by a convention of her 
 people, which she then had, to resume all delegated 
 powers and all the attributes of sovereignty, and 
 
BROWN S REPLY TO SHERMAN. 
 
 then to declare war, negotiate treaties of peace, and 
 do all other acts which a sovereign state may do. 
 While this power rests upon her people, who are 
 the original source of all sovereignty, her constitu 
 tion, formed by them, has conferred no such power 
 upon her governor. 
 
 " The fact must not be overlooked, however, that 
 while Georgia possesses the sovereign power to act 
 separately, her faith, which never has, and I trust 
 never w r ill be violated, is pledged by strong implica 
 tion to her Southern sisters, that she will not 
 exercise this power without consent on their part, 
 and concert of action with them. In league with 
 her Southern sister states, she entered into this con 
 test with full knowledge of all the responsibilities 
 which attached to the act ; and come weal or woe, 
 she will never withdraw from it in dishonour. 
 However unequal may be the proportion of suffer 
 ing or sacrifice which her people may have to en 
 dure, she will never make separate terms with the 
 enemy which may free her territory from invasion, 
 and leave her confederates in a lurch. Whatever 
 may be the opinion of her people as to the injustice 
 done her by the Confederate administration, she 
 will triumph with her Confederate sisters, or she 
 will sink with them in common ruin. The intelli 
 gent people of Georgia already understand, and our 
 enemy will soon learn, that the independent ex 
 pression of condemnation of the administration is 
 one thing, and disloyalty to our sacred cause is 
 
SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 another and quite a different thing. While the 
 people of Georgia think for themselves, and will not 
 blindly applaud the mismanagement of their rulers, 
 they will never violate principle for expediency, nor 
 accept dishonour for reward." 
 
 SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 THESE were appointed and commissioned by the 
 administrators of the Southern Confederacy to pro 
 ceed to Washington, open negociations with the 
 Federal government, and seek to obtain a peaceable 
 settlement of all questions involved in the separa 
 tion which had taken place. Lincoln promised to 
 hear what they had got to say, but denied them 
 the privilege of making known the objects of their 
 mission. 
 
 Seward opened up an intercourse with them 
 through Judge Campbell, one of the judges of the 
 Supreme Court, and promised him that no attempt 
 should be made to relieve Fort Sumter, while 
 negociations were going on, but to the surprise and 
 consternation of the Judge, he was informed, mean 
 while, that such an attempt was made, which im 
 mediately suspended all communication between 
 him and Seward, and caused the Commissioners to 
 return to their homes. The magnetic wires were 
 put in motion, and the treachery and insult of 
 Seward was spread with the lightning s speed all 
 over the South. Fired with resentment the 
 
SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 Southerns flew to arms, made an attack on Fort 
 Sumter, and captured it. When the news reached 
 Boston, Wendell Phillips, Esq., announced that "a 
 large body of people, sufficient to make a nation, 
 have come to the conclusion that they will have a 
 government of a certain form. Who denies them 
 the right? I maintain that on the principles of 
 1776, Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier 
 in Fort Sumter." Why, then, were not the 
 Southerns allowed to "go in peace/ as the Hon. 
 Horace Greely and General Scott demanded ? It 
 was because Lincoln and his cabinet had resolved 
 on war. "While the inaugural address," says 
 Lincoln, "was being delivered from this place, de 
 voted altogether to saving the Union without war, 
 the insurgent agents were in the city seeking to 
 destroy it without war ; seeking to dissolve the 
 Union, and to divide the effects, by negotiating. 
 Both parties deprecated war ; but one of them 
 would make war rather than let it perish ; and war 
 came." Yes, came from wanton insult and insidious 
 treachery ; came from unwilling hands and hearts ; 
 yet " would make war " on those who " dreaded it, 
 and sought to avoid it;" and at the same trme 
 declared to the world concerning those who depre 
 cated it, " the government will not assail you ; you 
 can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
 aggressors." 
 
REVOLUTION. 
 
 REVOLUTION. 
 
 ALL was now warlike. The Kubicon was passed. 
 Bayonets bristled on every side. Commissions in 
 the Federal army and navy were resigned, and 
 new officers appointed to fill their places. The 
 combatants arranged themselves pro and con. The 
 air appeared to be scented with fire and brimstone ; 
 whilst to the sound of drum and fife the tramp of 
 armed soldiers beat time whilst on their way to the 
 scenes of battle. But why these revolutionary 
 scenes? Who originated them? And by what 
 freak in the chapter of accidents did the great and 
 terrible explosion come which has produced such 
 appalling calamities ? If the original landmarks 
 had been observed and faithfully guarded by the 
 administrators of the government at Washington, 
 golden ages of peace might have dawned on our 
 land ; but both North and South made haste to re 
 move them, when, for the profit that waits on 
 crime they joined hands together to adopt what are 
 called the " compromises of the constitution." Hence 
 the danger and difficulty of their future course. 
 
 The South saw this, and openly and manfully 
 said, < let us agree to separate." " No," said the 
 North, " we are quite willing to take you and your 
 sins to our arms and hearts, but if you go out 
 of the Union we will make you return." " But 
 look at the justice of the case," said the South. " It 
 
WAR CHRISTIANS. 
 
 is quite true/ said the North, " that, like you, we 
 have been great transgressors, and have broken the 
 two tables of our law ; but, being the biggest sin 
 ners in having broken the compromises, in the 
 adoption of the Missouri Compromise, and the so- 
 called Personal Liberty Bills, we have the right to 
 the biggest share of the spoils ; and as we are the 
 strongest of the two, our right is might." " But 
 frhen," said the South, "there is the honour and 
 brotherhood known and practised amongst thieves ? " 
 Yes," said the North, 
 
 "When thieves fall out, the proverb runs, 
 
 Honest men may expect their own ; 
 But how, when thieves fall in with guns, 
 Sabres and trumpets though unblown?" 
 
 There might have been, however, some probability 
 of an adjustment of the difficulty but for the religious 
 fanaticism which was at the bottom of it. This 
 brings us to the real originators of the war ; the 
 men who shout the Northern cause is ours ; " if 
 ours, tis God s, and that s sufficient." 
 
 WAR CHRISTIANS. 
 
 How sad, and yet how true it is that a party 
 answering to the above description has sprung into 
 being in America, men who use religion not to 
 soften the fierce conflicts of human passion, or to 
 bid men remember that they are fellow-citizens and 
 2 P 
 
WAR CHRISTIANS. 
 
 brothers, but to swell the chorus of fratricidal hate, 
 let out deluges of blood in order, as they say, to 
 purify the land ; and after the fashion of Artemus 
 Ward present their " wife s relations," or the model 
 of Henry Ward Beecher, set apart their children, 
 as sacrifices for the redemption of the land from the 
 manifold evils of slaverv. 
 
 w 
 
 Their growth is of recent origin ; and it is some 
 what remarkable that the writer first conceived and 
 developed the necessity of their being organized into 
 a society on a moral force basis, which was taken 
 up and acted upon at the commencement of their 
 official existence as shewn in the following clause 
 contained in their declaration of principles : " The 
 word of God our charter for freedom, and armoury 
 against slavery." To the sword of the Lord they 
 soon called the sword of the President of America. 
 The first was not sufficient for them. With the 
 latter they hoped to do wonders, as in a circular 
 issued by them at their annual meeting in the 
 spring of 1861, they expressed the hope tl by 
 another year they might lay down their trust, and 
 advise the dissolution of a society whose work 
 should have been done." Their work, therefore, 
 was to be short, sharp, and decisive ; grim, terrible, 
 and very bloody. On the abrogation or perversion 
 of their fundamental principles, like Washington, 
 Jefferson, and Madison, they must have a compro 
 mise to their constitution, that they might claim for 
 the President supreme power over all the states ; 
 
WAR CHRISTIANS. 
 
 define the Union to be one of law, to be upheld by 
 force ; and demand that all resistance to the autho 
 rity of the President, and to the so-called "binding 
 power " of the Union, which General Sherman calls 
 " common law," should be put down as rebellion. 
 
 These views and policies were first promul 
 gated in August 1859, at the extraordinary church 
 meeting already referred to. The Rev. Dr. Cheever 
 added to them the doctrine of servile insurrection, 
 in his thanksgiving sermon, preached in the Church 
 of the Puritans, New York, during the same year. 
 With the above party the commercial men of the 
 North, and also the idolaters of the Union, allied 
 themselves ; the former dreading the abrogation of 
 the navigation laws by the South, and a direct 
 trade with England ; and the latter filled with the 
 gorgeous phantom of an empire stretching from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific, gathering in its embrace 
 one hundred millions of inhabitants, whose presi 
 dent should dictate terms of peace to the world. 
 At length the Beecherites joined their ranks, and 
 then the Garrisonians, and last of all the Quakers, 
 represented by Whittier, Coffin, and others ; so that 
 by a combination of circumstances the " War 
 Christians " acquired an immense power, which 
 they did not fail to bring to bear on the President 
 and Congress. 
 
 The late President Buchanan was deaf to their 
 entreaties ; but Lincoln, being a man of easy virtue, 
 and fond of power, having " adopted for his creed," 
 
WAR CHRISTIANS. 
 
 according to Frederick Douglas, one of his menials, 
 " evil from choice, and good from necessity," readily 
 acquiesced in their will to form a centralized power 
 from which imperious mandates should, be issued, 
 and bells of absolute and despotic power touched 
 on the right hand, and on the left ; and also to 
 draw on the " war power " for the invasion of the 
 sovereign states of the South in defiance of state 
 sovereignty doctrines, and the " rights of 1776 ;" 
 that he might cripple their ancient allies, and use 
 slavery, if necessary, for that purpose ; but refused to 
 apply the freedom power of the Constitution, which 
 by sharp practice on the part of both North and South 
 had been turned into a slave power in our whole 
 history, and given the Constitution through usage 
 and custom all the force of a law to uphold, pro 
 tect, and foster the slaveholding interest. The 
 war Christians were disappointed in the rejection 
 of their favourite theory regarding the Constitution ; 
 but elated with their partial success, they resolved 
 to be on the look out for chances to press the ap 
 plication of the constitution for freedom. The fir 
 ing on Fort Sumter by the Southerns, in conse 
 quence of Seward s indignity and wanton insult, 
 formed a grand pretext to be used in favour of 
 urging their pleas with renewed power and vigour. 
 On the occasion the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher was 
 preaching a sermon on the " Crisis," to incite the 
 people to war. By arrangement, a telegram was 
 handed to him on the pulpit platform, which he 
 
WAK CHRISTIANS. 
 
 read to the people, declaring " that Sumter is rein 
 forced, and Moultrie lies in ruins." 
 
 " To describe the scene which ensued/ says the 
 reporter of the New York Times, " surpasses our 
 ability it beggars description cheers, hurrahs, 
 and shouts made the building ring the waving of 
 hats and handkerchiefs, and the simultaneous upris 
 ing of many hundreds of people made the scene one 
 of the most remarkable and solemnly impressive 
 that has ever been witnessed in that church of well 
 denned opinion. Mr. Beecher appeared about six 
 inches taller than usual, arid his eye flashed fire as 
 he looked on the enthusiasm of his charge." The 
 reporter adds that "the audience sat spell-bound 
 by the eloquence of the preacher, and woke from 
 their trance only to sing the magnificent anthem, 
 commencing 
 
 * My country, tis of thee, 
 Sweet land of liberty, 
 Of thee I sing, 
 
 which was given with such a pronounced emphasis 
 as to startle the neighbourhood for blocks around, 
 and cause the very blood of the listener to leap 
 with patriotic fervour." A "majestic uprising of 
 Northern sentiment " for war, it is said, followed the 
 fall of Fort Sumter ; although it would have been 
 more majestic to let the "wayward sisters go in 
 peace." Such are the men who have originated the 
 war. 
 
FREAKS IN THE CHAPTER OF ACCIDENTS. 
 
 FREAKS IN THE CHAPTER OF ACCIDENTS. 
 
 Passing over the "War of Tariffs" in South 
 Carolina, and what Massachusetts called the " War 
 of Commerce" in 1812, when each threatened to 
 secede, we come to the more recent incidents which 
 have threatened an explosion. There had been a 
 considerable encroachment on the rights of the 
 South by the North, on the acknowledged basis of 
 the " Compromises " of the Constitution. The 
 Missouri Compromise had been adopted for the sake 
 of peace. This act said to the Southerns, beyond 
 a certain line you shall not bring what both North 
 and South call property, into the common territory 
 which belonged equally to both ; and to which 
 both were entitled on their own terms and arrange 
 ment. The repeal of this act opened up a race for 
 the settlement of Kansas and Nebraska ; brought 
 into existence Ward Beecher s " Holy Rifles," and 
 the mightier and purer heroism of John Brown, 
 who saved Kansas for freedom, in opposition to 
 both North and South tearing to pieces before 
 their faces the " Black Compromises " of the Con 
 stitution, in defiance of, and expressing his utter 
 contempt for, the Union. 
 
 Lincoln and Seward each in turn threatened a 
 war on the Southern states themselves, by an in 
 vasion of their acknowledged claims on which the 
 " Compromises " were based, in order to make a bid 
 
DIFFICULTIES IN THE PATHWAY OF WAR. 
 
 for the presidency. This is shewn in what the 
 Southerns called Seward s " bloody Kochester 
 speech ;" and in the speech which Lincoln made at 
 Springfield, Illinois speeches which so enraged the 
 Southerns that it was quite evident to the most 
 cursory observer, if either were elected, the 
 Southerns would secede. Each explained away the 
 offensive paragraphs, or retracted them to appease 
 the South ; but their cunning tricks or artifices did 
 not succeed. When Lincoln was elected, the 
 Southerns withdrew ; and on the indignity stu 
 diously and deliberately put on the Southern Com 
 missioners by Secretary Wm. H. Seward, the sub 
 servient tool of Lincoln, the war commenced. 
 
 DIFFICULTIES IN THE PATHWAY OF WAR. 
 
 ONE of these was the infraction of all treaties which 
 the Federal government had made with foreign 
 nations. When the Southern States seceded and 
 fell back on the rights of self-government, solemnly 
 and sacredly guaranteed to them in our charters of 
 freedom, every treaty which the Federal govern 
 ment had previously made with other nations be 
 came invalid ; and if the ambassadors of those 
 nations commissioned by their governments had 
 thundered at the door of the Secretary of State 
 with their broken treaties or bonds, our war, with 
 all its frightful tragedies and diabolical atrocities, 
 as well as fearful calamities and wide-spread ruin, 
 
DIFFICULTIES IN THE PATHWAY OF WAR. 
 
 might probably have been averted. It would at 
 once have been self-evident to our administrators at 
 Washington that, in the presence of those- broken 
 treaties and the ambassadors behind them to enforce 
 them, they could not have attempted the blockade 
 of the Southern coast ; and, consequently, would 
 have had less prospect or hope of subduing the 
 South ; but, Disraeli-like, neither those govern 
 ments nor their ambassadors ever called in question 
 the validity of their treaties, or "impugned the 
 conduct of the government of the United States in 
 regard to them." Surely those governments did 
 not know that the States of America were sovereigns, 
 and that the President was subject to their authority 
 as their servant ; or can WQ suppose that, knowing 
 their rights, they dared not maintain them ; or that 
 it was not to their interest to preserve their treaty 
 rights intact ? There must have been either great 
 ignorance, or timidity, or negligence somewhere. 
 However this may be, whatever the motive, policy, 
 or example that guided the nations in their conduct 
 towards America at the commencement of our un 
 happy strife, there can be no doubt that our keen- 
 sighted and sharp-witted lawyers at Washington 
 must have been thrilled with emotions of joy when 
 they found they were to be regarded by the nations 
 as an absolute government, exercising jurisdiction 
 over the Southern as well as the Northern States, 
 and claiming the right to use supreme power on the 
 sea as well as the land, to force not rebellious sub- 
 
DESOLATE HOMES. 
 
 jects but sovereign states to an unwilling obedience. 
 Our " Great Armada/ so-called, was consequently 
 got ready, and despatched with all haste to blockade 
 Southern harbours and ports. One of the first con 
 sequences of this policy was the " cotton famine." 
 
 AMERICAN BATTLEFIELDS AND DESOLATE BRITISH 
 HOMES. 
 
 Booming o er the broad Atlantic, breaking on old England s shore, 
 With the waves sad sounds are mingling, sadder than the surges 
 
 roar 
 
 A great Continent of brothers, heard wildly o er the flood, 
 Mutual desolation working, quenching brotherhood in blood. 
 
 And England s hosts of Industry listen eager to the strife, 
 For to them, as to yon armies, is the struggle Death or Life : 
 Not on the battlefield itself is battle s power more dread, 
 Than when it steals from helpless Want its scanty daily bread. 
 
 And willing hands are idle, and the wheels of Labour still, 
 And the swift machines are rusting in the grim deserted mill ; 
 For thousands there s no Saturday there s now no " wage " to 
 
 come, 
 And the wives and the dear little ones must want and weep at 
 
 home. 
 
 Methinks that nobler battlefields the Poets song may claim, 
 Than those in which, through seas of blood, the victor rides to 
 
 fame, 
 Where no eye but God s may mark the tight fought faithfully 
 
 and long, 
 By many a poor heroic soul mid the unregarded throng. 
 
 Where Famine finds gaunt women, and lean and haggard men, 
 Patiently, with dim hope, waiting till the good days come again 
 
DESOLATE HOMES. 
 
 There not where War s loud trumpet peals its tierce inspiring 
 
 breath, 
 The heroes fight, where fight is worse than front to front with 
 
 Death. 
 
 With garments thin, and black hearthstone, and the humble cup 
 board bare, 
 
 What wonder if, mid frost and snow, the stoutest might despair ! 
 But still they grandly rule their souls ; no murmurings are found ; 
 I bless my God for England the great heart of England s sound. 
 
 If the great heart of the nations were sound, 
 and not blind to their interests, why was a 
 door left open for the wolf of famine to come in 
 and prey upon themselves, but more especially 
 upon England; for such were the scenes of dis 
 tress created by the illegal blockade of the southern 
 ports, that even the late Richard Cobden, M.P., in 
 his speech at Midhurst, said, "We were suffering 
 more than they were in America ; for except the 
 actual strife in the battle-field, there were no towns 
 in America suffering like Blackburn, Preston, Roch 
 dale, and other towns in Lancashire ? It was con 
 trary to natural justice that two commercial com 
 munities should fight in such a way, that in the 
 process of fighting they inflicted greater injuries on 
 communities at peace than upon each other." 
 Another effect of this policy pursued by the nations 
 was to tie up one arm of the South ; so that, being 
 subject to an unequal combat, she has bravely 
 struggled at fearful odds against superior numbers 
 recruited from almost every nation, and possessing 
 
FEAR OF NORTHERN INSURRECTION. 
 
 superior resources, with free access to all the world 
 to replenish their stores. 
 
 There was yet another difficulty to be overcome 
 by the administrators at Washington before the 
 course could be considered clear to wage war with 
 the South, in order to put down what the "war 
 Christians" called "rebellion." This was the fear 
 of a Northern insurrection. Lincoln had been 
 elected by a minority of the people in consequence 
 of a division amongst the democrats. The latter, 
 however, had a majority of members in both houses 
 of Congress, and were unitedly in favour of the 
 Union " as it was." To introduce emancipation 
 would dislocate the wheels of Congress, and smash 
 up the whole concern. Lincoln, therefore, stoops 
 to rise. He reads himself into the Presidency, and 
 takes the oaths of office, swearing to maintain the 
 constitution as a slave document. The late Judge 
 Douglas, then, the leader of the Northern Demo 
 crats, gave a significant nod of assent. Liberty was 
 to be crucified, and, like Pontius Pilate and Herod, 
 the Republicans and Democrats joined hands 
 together. Douglas was to be rewarded by a major- 
 generalship in the army, but died. Lincoln, how 
 ever, lived ; and for a season faithfully carried out 
 his part of the bargain. Seward was so full of joy 
 that he telegraphed to the Chamber of Commerce, 
 Milwaukie, as follows : " I tell you, my friends, 
 slavery is not to be taken into account. We are 
 to save the Union first, and then save everything 
 
DIFFICULTIES IN THE PATHWAY OF WAR. 
 
 else that is worth saving." Amalgamating and 
 consolidating the great political parties of the North 
 on the above basis, the Union became the harp of 
 a thousand strings to thrill their emotions, and 
 awake their enthusiasm. But what of the religious 
 principles and habits of the people flowing out of 
 our extraordinary revivals of religion? Surely 
 these will create insurmountable obstacles and 
 make war a myth a phantom of the imagination, 
 a creation of the fancy, a mere figment of the 
 brain in a land described to be so " dear to the 
 lovers of freedom throughout the world ;" and 
 which, according to Bishop Simpson s theory, " the 
 Almighty could not do without." 
 
 If we are to believe such men as Caughey, the 
 American revivalist, who deserved the doom of 
 Jonah when he left his country to perish, and came 
 over the Atlantic, abandoning the stern post of 
 duty that he might enjoy the gourd of a temporal 
 prosperity and popularity, Caughey in his " Let 
 ters " said, " Our extraordinary revivals of religion 
 will be a preservative against w r ar ;" and the Rev. 
 Henry Ward Beecher in his sermon called " Sum 
 mer in the Soul," declared " war to be impossible 
 in America;" so that where there was no "summer 
 in the soul," there was to be the constant summer 
 of peace around the persons of those who reposed 
 under their vines and fig-trees in our so-called 
 " Happy Land/ How harsh and dissonant the 
 sounds of the war-whoop must be amidst such a 
 
ON THE WAR. 
 
 poetic scene ! And yet our Americtan " summer of 
 peace " has received into its bosom a war which is 
 on so gigantic a scale that no intellect however 
 colossal can grasp it, whilst those who have been 
 the most active in our revivals of religion are 
 urging " war to the knife, and the knife to the 
 handle," with a brutality and ferocity that would 
 have made the old Turks and Saracens blush for 
 shame. 
 
 ON THE WAR. 
 
 The course being clear, Lincoln and his cabinet 
 resolved on war; and being sanguine in their ex 
 pectations of speedy success, were quite eager for 
 the bloody strife. Estimating their numerical 
 strength, vast resources of wealth, power to block 
 ade the Southern ports, freedom of access to all 
 nations to obtain hirelings to fight their battles, 
 some of the Northern soldiers provided themselves 
 with halters to hang up Jeff! Davis, the Southern 
 president, and his administrators, whilst Seward 
 announced that it would only be a " ninety days 
 wonder," but the opening campaign was against 
 them at Fort Sumter, and also at the battle of Bull 
 Run, when the grand army of the North was seized 
 with a panic, rushed headlong from the field of 
 battle, one disorganised mass, throwing away their 
 halters and swords in a tremendous race towards 
 Canada for their own dear lives, fearful lest they 
 
ON THE WAR. 
 
 should fall a prey to the men whom they intended 
 so ignominiously to destroy. Fort Sumter,, however, 
 was to be revenged, not one stone was to be left piled 
 on another to mark the spot where the city of Charles 
 ton stood, and after its foundations were ploughed up, 
 it was to be sown with salt for four successive years. 
 However, it has been defended by a brave and 
 chivalrous people, and to all human probability 
 would never have yielded to the enemy, had not 
 Gen. Sherman threatened them in the rear, which 
 caused its brave defenders to abandon their fortifi 
 cations and leave Charleston to its fate. 
 
 Richmond also was to be made an example of, 
 and Gen. Lee and his brave army were to be anni 
 hilated, but Northern generals and soldiers have 
 hitherto been unable to accomplish this mighty and 
 formidable task. Under M Clellan, Burnside, 
 Hooker, Meade, and Grant, bloody battles have been 
 fought, rivers of blood shed, an army of cripples 
 created, the valley of the Shenandoah turned into 
 the shadow of death, and the pathway to Richmond 
 marked by the graves of soldiers who have fallen 
 in battle ; but Gen. Lee, notwithstanding his 
 tremendous losses in men, and his great loss of the 
 brave Stonewall Jackson, still makes the doomed 
 city with his heroic soldiers a place of refuge and a 
 tower of strength whence he hurls destruction on 
 his foes. Vast armies, however, are gathering 
 around Richmond on all sides to make its hills and 
 valleys one vast camp, and cover its rivers with an 
 
COMFORT FOR THE SOUTH 
 
 immense flotilla of armed men. Gen. Grant elated 
 with the prospect telegraphs that " in a few more 
 days Richmond will be hemmed in, and its fate 
 sealed." Portentous shadows, therefore, exclaim 
 Federal advocates are beginning to stretch them 
 selves over the above city. A great carnival is 
 approaching, in which the angel of death is to cut 
 down Lee and his scarred and sun-tanned veterans, 
 or they are to be formed into a line to await the 
 executive clemency at Washington with halters 
 around their necks for defending their rights of self 
 government which they had been taught to believe 
 encircled their fires, altars, and homes. How fearful 
 the destiny that now seems poised over them in the 
 darkening air around Richmond, the scales of which 
 our Northern invaders claim are to decide the future 
 of the vast continent of America in their own favour. 
 Amidst the rejoicings, however, created by Gen. 
 Grant s telegram in the North, a warning voice is 
 heard, which shewed that Southern sympathizers 
 clung to hope against hope, as they proclaimed 
 comfort for the South. 
 
 A HISTORICAL PARALLEL. 
 
 The New York Daily News thus cautions those 
 ardent men among the Federals who suppose that 
 the end of the rebellion has come : 
 
 The opposing armies of the South and of the 
 North are now manoeuvring on classic ground ; 
 and although the analogies of the past prove 
 
COMFORT FOR THE SOUTH. 
 
 nothing, they are sufficiently impressive to be worth 
 recalling. The irregular triangle of South Carolina, 
 from the Savannah River to the Northern boundary, 
 long ago was watered with blood and trodden by 
 armed feet. A "rebel" army was once hemmed in 
 close to the mountain range, cut off from every sea 
 port, and yet came off victorious. Let us, bearing in 
 mind the relative positions and probable strategy 
 of the adverse forces now, briefly retrace the past. 
 At the end of 1778, Savannah was taken by the 
 British almost without a struggle. In March, 1779, 
 Augusta was captured, and not very long afterwards 
 Charleston, which had successfully resisted assault 
 and siege, was surrendered to Sir Henry Clinton. 
 In succession fell Wilmington and Newbern, and 
 later still, Richmond ; so that literally not a foot 
 hold on the coast was in the possession of the 
 " rebels" of those days. 
 
 Then began the triumphant march of Cornwallis, 
 almost on the track which Sherman is now pursu 
 ing. He advanced on Camden, and defeated the 
 " rebels" under Gates. They fled in disorder to 
 North Carolina, as far as Hillsborough ; and a re 
 cent historian thus describes the desperate state 
 of things ; " The three most Southern States," 
 says Mr Hildreth, " had not a single battalion in 
 the field, nor were the next three better pro 
 vided. The Virginia line had been mostly captured 
 at Charleston, or dispersed in subsequent engage 
 ments. The same was the case with North 
 Carolina regiments. The recent battle of Camden 
 
COMFORT FOR THE SOUTH. 
 
 had reduced the Maryland line to a single regiment, 
 the Delaware line to a single company." Then it 
 was that General Greene was put in command, his 
 right hand man and main reliance being Henry 
 Lee of Virginia, Washington s friend and Robert E. 
 Lee s illustrious father. And what did such men 
 say and think ? It was an hour of gloom but not 
 of despair. The same serene faith shone in their 
 words as now brightens in the heroic language of 
 the Confederate leaders. But we repeat, it was a 
 day of sharp trial. "Unless this army," wrote 
 General Greene, " is better supported than I see 
 any prospect of, the country is lost beyond redemp 
 tion, for it is impossible to struggle much longer 
 under present difficulties." " If the French," he 
 said again, " cannot afford assistance to the South 
 ern States, in my opinion there will be no opposi 
 tion this side Virginia ; and I expect the enemy 
 will possess all the lower country. , We must take 
 possession and fight on the rivers above." Thus 
 desperate was this " rebel " cause in May, 1781. 
 
 Then came the reflux of the tide. The assailino; 
 
 & 
 
 army advanced as far as Salisbury in North 
 Carolina one hundred and fifty miles further north 
 than Sherman is now. Lord Rawdon and Tarleton 
 were raiding in the rear. Richmond was given up 
 to Arnold. But the energy of a brave people was 
 aroused in the defence of home even in the moment 
 of discomfiture and dismay. A great flank move 
 ment was conceived and executed. The lines of 
 
 2 Q 
 
COAST ATTACKS, AND BLOCKADE. 
 
 the invader were threatened both in front and 
 laterally, and the battles of Ninety-six and King s 
 Mountain, the Gowpens, Guildford, and Eutaw 
 were fought and won. South Carolina was 
 abandoned to the rebels, and Cornwallis, crossing to 
 the sea at Wilmington, and then fighting his way 
 by another route to the James, met his doom, and 
 the war ended. These are impressive incidents of 
 ancient days, on which in the flush of apparent 
 success it may be well to meditate. 
 
 COAST ATTACKS, AND BLOCKADE. 
 
 The blockade by our " Great Armada " so called, 
 has almost shut out the Southern States from the 
 outside world, and must have sadly interfered with 
 their luxuries and necessaries. Our Northern 
 people bitterly complained when the British govern 
 ment recognised the belligerent rights of the South. 
 It, however, could not have performed an act of 
 greater or more signal service to the Federal govern 
 ment, because as Lord Russell in a speech made in 
 the British House of Commons, March 23rd 1865, 
 said, " If we had not acknowledged those rights, 
 the government of the United States would have had 
 110 right to interfere with neutral commerce to the 
 ports of the Southern States." In such a case there 
 would have been no " Cotton Famine," or desolate 
 British homes in Lancashire ; and the Southern 
 people would not have been so embarassed in their 
 
COAST ATTACKS, AND BLOCKADE. 
 
 efforts to raise the means to defend themselves from 
 their invaders. The advantages to England and 
 to the Confederacy of the Southern States, there 
 fore, would have been manifold by the non-recogni 
 tion of the Southern States as belligerents ; although 
 they had a claim not only for belligerent rights, but 
 for recognition as sovereign states, entitled to be 
 free and independent nations. It would have been 
 far better for the South to have been treated as 
 pirates, than to have been subject to the rigours of 
 an illegal blockade. This has been a terrific instru 
 ment in the hands of the North with which to 
 punish the South ; and, indirectly, England. Next 
 to the establishment of the blockade, naval attacks 
 were planned on the James river, at Newbern, 
 Charleston, Wilmington, Mobile, Savannah, New 
 Orleans, Galveston and other places. 
 
 New Orleans was captured at an early period of 
 the war by Admiral Farragut, and placed under the 
 governorship of General Butler, whom Professor Gold- 
 win Smith calls "his model of a revolutionary chief," 
 and afterwards of General Banks men who, like 
 many others to whom we have referred, will occupy 
 an odious page in the melancholy annals of the war 
 for walking straight on in their wild way unre 
 strained in their passions for revenge or plunder. 
 Already Butler has been dismissed, not for insult 
 ing " ladies as women of the town" not for acquir 
 ing sudden wealth in connexion with his extra 
 ordinary " trade permits," or " tickets of leave," 
 
COAST ATTACKS, AND BLOCKADE. 
 
 not for his gigantic blunder in making the 
 " Dutch Gap Canal," but for his supposed coward 
 ice in not assaulting Fort Fisher. 
 
 To all appearance General Banks has come to 
 grief, also, not for issuing an address which com 
 mences, "in order to prepare the negroes for liberty," 
 and continues, " the negro is not allowed to make 
 a contract," whilst under his " beautiful " organiza 
 tion of labour, according to Col. Mackay s report, 
 "whipping was undoubtedly practised." No, his 
 grief arises in consequence of an expedition to the 
 Red River which General Banks fitted out, not for 
 military objects and purposes, but according to the 
 testimony of Admiral Porter before a Committee at 
 Washington " to steal cotton/ The result was, that 
 the Confederates inflicted the severest punishment, 
 and all but annihilated them, whilst Secretary 
 Chase, the new Federal judge, has decided that the 
 cotton stolen by them cannot be awarded as "prize 
 money." Newborn, and more recently Wilmington, 
 were captured by the Federal marines. The latter 
 was the principal port for blockade running ; and 
 consequently was of the most importance to the 
 South in their present fearful struggle for independ 
 ence. Charleston has been made immortal in 
 history by its long and stubborn resistance to the 
 iron hail of the Federals ; and, but for Sherman s 
 approach from the interior, would still have pre 
 sented an effectual resistance to the Federal navy. 
 On being evacuated immense property was destroyed 
 bv the Confederates. 
 
IMPROVEMENT IN THE NORTH. 
 
 Savannah fell from the same cause as Charleston. 
 Mobile has been captured by a combined force on 
 sea and land. 
 
 These crushing calamities which have befallen 
 the South have made the Northern people as 
 "merry as a marriage bell," and inspired them with 
 the hope that the end of the war is near. Bright 
 visions, therefore, are floating before the eyes of the 
 Federals, some of which are being transcribed to 
 paper as a reality. Take the following as a speci 
 men : 
 
 IMPROVEMENT IN THE NORTH. 
 
 The Daily Neivs New York correspondent, 
 writing on March 16th, says : Owing to the gen 
 eral impression that the end is very near, there is 
 now little or no difficulty in raising as many men 
 as may be needed without resorting to compulsory 
 measures ; and the subscriptions to the seven thirty 
 loan continue to come in on such an enormous scale, 
 coupled with the accession of Mr. M Culloch to the 
 Treasury department, that the financial situation 
 seems to have moderated. Which ever way one 
 looks, in short, one sees nothing but unbounded 
 hope and confidence, and I may add, all the ordinary 
 indications of unbounded prosperity. Trade in the 
 great towns is suffering from the suspense caused by 
 the military operations, but the work of production 
 goes on with a vigour and rapidity that no famili- 
 
IMPROVEMENT IN THE NORTH. 
 
 arity with it seems to render less impressive. One 
 hears of nothing but the enormous yield of petroleum 
 wells, of gold and copper, and coal mines, of the 
 teeming harvests, which horses and machinery only 
 are able to extract from the virgin soil of the West, 
 of railroads breaking down under the weight of 
 their goods traffic, of the increase of comfort, and 
 even of luxury amongst all classes and conditions of 
 the people. The scum of the European immigration 
 is to be found, no doubt, miserable as ever, in the 
 alleys and lanes of New York and Boston, but no 
 where else do I hear of or see signs of poverty. 
 Everybody I know anything about is, to all appear 
 ance, better off than he was three or four years ago. 
 The hotels> are crowded, the railways are crowded ; 
 the great newspaper proprietors are making large 
 fortunes, though the high price of paper has ruined 
 the smaller ones ; the schools are crowded, and books 
 never seemed to sell better, though fewer of course, 
 are imported from Europe. Ticknor and Field, of 
 Boston, have just sold 75,000 copies of " Enoch 
 Arden !" You may shake your head over all this, 
 and say that " there will be a grand crash" yet ; you 
 will get nobody to believe you or heed you. Every 
 man you meet will tell you, with glowing eyes, that 
 they will pay this debt with an ease that will astonish 
 the world, and resume specie payments with a rapid 
 ity that every political economist in Europe will 
 declare impossible. The anti-slavery men are pre 
 paring to enfranchise the negro, simply imposing a 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 light educational test, with a confidence in the elevat 
 ing and enlightening power of political privileges, 
 which to most European statesmen must seem appal 
 ling. " All men up," says a friend writing to me 
 a few days ago, a man of fortune and culture, " is 
 our motto." 
 
 What a specious plea by which to obtain men, 
 and means, to carry on the present diabolical war in 
 America ! The great big plaster generally used to 
 cover up the atrocities and infamy of the war has 
 been the "plaster of freedom," but now that it is 
 failing them, prosperity with its luscious fruits and 
 golden baits is hung before the world to tempt men 
 to enlist, and to invest in Federal " securities." 
 
 THE WESTERN, OR MILITARY DIVISION OF THE 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 THIS has been a most successful department of 
 the Federals. At first Gen. Buell made slow pro 
 gress with his army. The Rev. Henry Ward 
 Beecher said, that " he crawled like a turtle, when 
 he ought to have flown like an eagle." Under 
 Gen. Grant it achieved successes which obtained the 
 thanks of the President, Congress, and the Northern 
 people, but the greatest victories were reserved for 
 it under Gen. Sherman. On assuming the com 
 mand of the Western Federal army, he undertook 
 an expedition into Georgia. The place of his 
 destination was Atlanta, the "Gate City," so called, 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 of the State, where were located its foundries, 
 arsenals, and workshops, deemed secure by their 
 distance, from the Northern base of operations, and 
 the apparent impregnable obstacles intervening. 
 His pathway, therefore, was through a country 
 which was full of natural barriers, as well as fortified 
 places. Discarding the old policy of sitting down 
 before them and taking them by assault or tiring 
 them out by siege, which has always been associated 
 with a fearful loss of life, and made military move 
 ments slow, solemn, and difficult, Gen. Sherman 
 adopted the process of flanking, which compelled 
 the Confederates to abandon one fortified place 
 after another in rapid succession, until he reached 
 Atlanta, the goal of his aspirations, and contem 
 plated operations when he set out on his march into 
 Georgia. 
 
 In a " Congratulatory Order" to his soldiers, 
 dated Atlanta, Sunday, Sep. 11, 1864, Gen. Sherman 
 says : 
 
 " On the first day of May we were lying in 
 garrison, seemingly quiet, from Knoxville to Hunts- 
 ville, and our enemy lay behind his rocky-faced 
 barrier at Dalton, proud, defiant, and exulting. 
 He had had time since Christmas to recover from 
 his discomfiture on the Mission Ridge, with his 
 ranks filled, and a new Commander-in-chief, second 
 to none of the Confederacy in reputation for skill, 
 sagacity, and extreme popularity. 
 
 "All at once our armies assumed life and action, 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 and appeared before Dalton : threatening Rocky 
 Face we threw ourselves upon Resaca, and the rebel 
 army only escaped by the rapidity of its retreat, 
 aided by the numerous roads with which he was 
 familiar, and which were strange to us. 
 
 " Again he took post at Altoona, but we gave him 
 no rest, and by a circuit toward Dallas, and a sub 
 sequent movement to Ackworth, we gained the 
 Altoona Pass. Then followed the eventful battles 
 about Kenesaw, and the escape of the enemy across 
 the Chattahoochee River. 
 
 " The crossing of the Chattahoochee, and breaking 
 of the Augusta road, were most handsomely executed 
 by us, and will be studied as an example in the art 
 of war. At this stage of our game, our enemies 
 became dissatisfied with their old and skilful com 
 mander, and selected one more bold and rash. 
 New tactics were adopted. Hood first boldly and 
 rapidly, on the 20th of July, fell on our right at 
 Peach Tree Creek, and lost. 
 
 "Again, on the 22d, he struck our extreme left, 
 and was severely punished ; and finally again, on 
 the 28th, he repeated the attempt on our right, and 
 that time must have been satisfied, for since that 
 date he has remained on the defensive. We slowly 
 and gradually drew our lines about Atlanta, feeling 
 for the railroads which supplied the Rebel army and 
 made Atlanta a place of importance. 
 
 " We must concede to our enemy that he met these 
 efforts patiently and skilfully, but at last he made 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 the mistake we had waited for so long, and sent 
 his cavalry to our rear, far beyond the reach of 
 recall. Instantly our cavalry was on his only re 
 maining road, and we followed quickly with our 
 principal army, and Atlanta fell into our possession 
 as the fruit of well-concerted measures, backed by 
 a brave and confident army. 
 
 " This completed the grand task which had been 
 assigned us by our Government, and your General 
 again repeats his personal and official thanks to all 
 the officers and men composing this army, for the 
 indomitable courage and perseverance which alone 
 could give success." 
 
 It was fully expected, however, that a desperate 
 conflict awaited Sherman before he could march his 
 columns into the above named city, as the Southerns 
 had vowed that the Yankees should never press its 
 pavement with their feet ; but on approaching the 
 city, a negro, named " Julius," first announced its 
 evacuation by Gen. Hood, the commander of the 
 Southern army, in the following extraordinary 
 mariner, " For Gor Amighty, Massa, de debil is dar 
 sure enuif," referring to the miniature earthquakes 
 occasioned by the blowing up of magazines, the ex 
 plosion of ammunition, the bursting of bombshells 
 and guns to prevent them falling into the hands of 
 the enemy. The ne.ws spread from tent to tent, 
 and from regiment to regiment with the utmost 
 rapidity, until it permeated the whole army, and even 
 to the hospitals, where the mortally wounded rose 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI 
 
 from their couches of pain to listen to the intelli 
 gence which was on every lip, " Atlanta is ours." 
 
 The soldiers now claimed rest after their long 
 weary marches and severe skirmishes, and battles, 
 consequently, the defenceless inhabitants were 
 driven out to accommodate them under the plea of 
 military necessity, but as Gen. Hood got upon 
 Sherman s rear with his army and broke up his 
 communications, Gen. Sherman was compelled to 
 relax his hold on Atlanta to the inconceivable joy 
 of those who, a short time previously, had been made 
 houseless, homeless wanderers, and exposed to 
 privation, suffering, and want, by his studied and 
 ingenious cruelty, an act which Gen. Hood in a 
 letter to Sherman, said " transcends all acts ever 
 brought to his notice in the history of war." Being 
 in the midst of an hostile country, and without a 
 base of supplies, the Confederates considered that 
 the time had come " to strike the greatest blow for 
 their deliverance that had been dealt by the Con 
 federate armies since the war began." An effective 
 blow, therefore, was to be given to the Federal 
 army which should make a signal example of them 
 for their temerity to all coming time, but the code 
 of tactics which Gen. Sherman adopted com 
 pletely bewildered and defeated them ; and also 
 made desolate the country through which he passed 
 and left many of the Southern cities a heap of 
 smoking ruins. Driven to a game of chances, and 
 entirely subject to the force of circumstances, he 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 marched his army through South Carolina in two 
 columns towards the sea-board, laying under tribute 
 the resources of the country through which he and 
 his army passed, creating the wildest consternation 
 amongst the people by their rioting amidst a 
 carnival of destructiveness, destroying often by the 
 torch of the incendiary what the hand of the spoiler 
 could not appropriate or turn to profitable or useful 
 account. The Confederates, therefore, were at a 
 loss to conceive by Gen. Sherman s double move 
 what place he would try to reach first, and as many 
 important places were threatened at the same time, 
 they had to divide their forces to try to keep him 
 in check, which rendered them powerless and help 
 less. When they sought to impede one column in 
 its advance the other was always near enough to 
 concentrate, should a large force threaten either. 
 The greatest difficulties of Sherman were in the 
 neighbourhood of great rivers, whose sedgy oozy 
 banks were flooded for miles with dismal swamps. 
 
 Across these swamps and rivers Sherman s 
 columns had either to build roads, or to advance on 
 a single causeway barely sufficient for four men 
 abreast, whilst the head of it in many cases was 
 strongly guarded and entrenched. 
 
 In a speech made by Wendell Phillips, Esq., at 
 Boston, January 26th, 1865, we learn that one of 
 these causeways is associated with one of the most 
 infamous acts that ever disgraced a nation or 
 people. Phillips says, " Gen. Sherman paused at 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 the end of a causeway a mile long, let the ichite 
 men pass, and held back the negroes, who had 
 brought him horses, food, and information ; he then 
 tore up the bridge and stood by while the rebel 
 cavalry shot down that mass of friends as they 
 would a herd of buffaloes." In his onward march, 
 General Sherman destroyed the network of railroads 
 which connected Charleston with Richmond, 
 Augusta, Columbia, and other important places. 
 This caused the evacuation of Charleston, and 
 rendered of no avail in a military point of view 
 other strongholds of the Confederates. Meanwhile 
 the flames of destruction curled upwards in Sher 
 man s pathway, extending over a length of four 
 hundred and fifty and covering a breadth of thirty- 
 five or forty miles. This is what the New York 
 Herald calls " Scotching the Secession snake in its 
 nest." " Hunting fire-eaters at home and burning 
 them out of their dens ; " and then, without de 
 tailing these achievements, sums up these horrors of 
 General Sherman as follows, " Fourteen cities, hun 
 dreds of miles of railroad, and thousands of bales of 
 cotton burned." One of the correspondents of a New 
 York newspaper writes, " During the first part of 
 the march houses were burned as they were found. 
 Whenever a view could be had from high ground, 
 black columns of smoke could be seen for a 
 circuit. Solid chimneys were the only relics of 
 plantation houses after the fearful blast had swept 
 by. The destruction was almost universal. 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 Refugeeing was taken as an evidence that the 
 refugees were rebels and the property was destroyed. 
 Think of this black swath extending from Barn- 
 well to the coast, and figure upon it the value of 
 South Carolina at the present day. Even the 
 negroes were wary ; afraid in some instances to 
 trust themselves amongst the men who made this 
 fearful work on the country. White table-cloths 
 were suspended from the windows with Have 
 mercy on me for a legend ; and the fiery spirit 
 of South Carolina was tamed effectually." 
 
 The Richmond papers publish the following cor 
 respondence between Generals Sherman and Wade 
 Hampton, which shews conclusively that the " fiery 
 spirits" of the Southerns cannot be "tamed" by 
 a process like the above : 
 
 " Head-quarters, Military Division of the Mississippi 
 In the Field, Feb. 24th, 18G5. 
 
 " Lieutenant General Wade Hampton commanding 
 cavalry force C. S. A. 
 
 " General, It is officially reported to me that 
 our foraging parties are murdered after capture, and 
 labelled Death to all foragers. One instance of a 
 lieutenant and seven men near Chesterfield, and 
 another of 20 men near a ravine 80 rods from the 
 main road, about three miles from Feasterbille. I 
 have ordered a similar number of prisoners in our 
 hands to be disposed of in like manner. 
 
 "I hold about 1000 prisoners captured in 
 various ways, and can stand it as long as you ; but 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 I hardly think these murders are committed with 
 your knowledge, and would suggest that you give 
 notice to the people at large that every life taken 
 by them simply results in the death of one of your 
 Confederates. 
 
 " Of course you cannot question my right to 
 forage on the country. It is a war right as old as 
 history. The manner of exercising it varies with 
 circumstances, and if the civil authorities will 
 supply my requisitions I will forbid all foraging. 
 But I find no civil authorities who can respond to 
 calls for forage or provisions, and therefore must 
 collect directly of the people. I have no doubt 
 this is the occasion of much misbehaviour on the 
 part of our men, but I cannot permit an enemy to 
 judge or punish with wholesale murder. 
 
 "Personally I regret the bitter feelings engendered 
 by this war ; but they were to be expected, and I 
 simply allege that those who struck the first blow 
 and made war inevitably ought not in fairness 
 to reproach us for the natural consequences. I 
 simply assert our war right to forage, and my resolve 
 to protect my foragers to the extent of life for life. 
 I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 " W. T. SHERMAN, Major General, U.S.A." 
 " Head-quarters in the Field, 
 
 Feb. 27, 1365. 
 " Major General W. T. Sherman, U.S. Army. 
 
 "General, your communication of the 24th inst. 
 reached me to-day. In it you state that it has 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 been officially reported that your foraging parties 
 were murdered after capture, and you go on to 
 say that you had ordered a similar number of 
 prisoners to be disposed of in like manner. That 
 is to say, you have ordered a number of Confederate 
 soldiers to be murdered/ 
 
 "You characterise your order in proper terms, 
 for the public voice even in your own country, 
 where it seldom dares to express itself in vindica 
 tion of truth, honour, or justice, will surely agree 
 with you in pronouncing you guilty of murder if 
 your order is carried out. Before dismissing this 
 portion of your letter I beg to assure you that for 
 every soldier of mine murdered by you, I shall 
 have executed at once two of yours, giving, in all 
 cases, preference to any officers who may be in my 
 hands. 
 
 " In reference to the statement you made re 
 garding the death of your foragers, I have only to 
 say that I know nothing of it ; that no order given 
 by me authorised the killing of prisoners after 
 capture, and I do not believe that my men killed 
 any of yours except under circumstances in which 
 it was perfectly legitimate and proper that they 
 should kill them. 
 
 " It is a part of the system of the thieves, whom 
 you designate as your foragers, to fire the dwellings 
 of those citizens whom they have robbed. To 
 check this inhuman system, which is justly exe 
 crated by every civilised nation, I have directed my 
 
THE MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 men to shoot down all of your men who are caught 
 burning houses. This order shall remain in force as 
 long as you disgrace the profession of arms by 
 allowing your men to destroy private dwellings. 
 
 " You say that I cannot question your right to 
 forage on the country. It is a right as old as 
 history/ I do not, sir, question this right. But 
 there is a right older even than this, and one more 
 inalienable the right that every man has to defend 
 his home, and to protect those who are dependent 
 upon him ; and from my heart I wish that every 
 man and boy of our country, who could fire a gun, 
 would shoot down as he would a wild beast, the 
 men who are desolating their land, burning their 
 houses, and insulting their women. 
 
 "You are particular in defining and claiming 
 war rights. May I ask if you enumerate among 
 them the right to fire upon a defenceless city with 
 out notice? to burn that city to the ground after it 
 had been surrendered by the authorities, who claimed, 
 though in vain, that protection which is always 
 accorded in civilized warfare to non-combatants? 
 to fire the dwellings of citizens after robbing 
 them, arid to perpetrate even darker crimes than 
 these crimes too black to be mentioned. 
 
 "You have permitted, if you have not ordered, 
 the commission of these offences against humanity 
 and the rules of war. You fired into the city of 
 Columbia without a word of warning. After its 
 surrender by the mayor, who demanded protection 
 2 R 
 
THE EASTERN MILITARY DIVISION. 
 
 to private property, you laid the whole city in ashes, 
 leaving amid its ruins thousands of old men and 
 helpless women and children who are likely to perish 
 of starvation and exposure. Your line of march 
 can be traced by the lurid light of burning houses, 
 and in more than one household there is an agony 
 far more bitter than that of death. 
 
 " The Indians scalped his victims regardless of 
 age or sex ; but with all his barbarity he always 
 respected the persons of his female captives. Your 
 soldiers, more savage than the Indian, insult those 
 whose natural protectors are absent. 
 
 " In conclusion, I have only to request that 
 whenever you have any of my men disposed of/ 
 or murdered/ for the terms appear to be synony 
 mous with you, you will let me hear of it, in order 
 that I may know what action to take in the matter. 
 In the meantime I shall hold 56 of your men as 
 hostages for those whom you have ordered to be 
 executed. I am yours, &c., 
 
 " WADE HAMPTON, Lieutenant General." 
 
 THE EASTERN MILITARY DIVISION, OR THE FEDERAL 
 CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 In this department of military enterprise the in 
 vasion of the South commenced, but we put it last 
 because the decisive victory was gained by the Fe 
 derals over the South in the last battle which was 
 fought by General Grant with General Lee at 
 
SOUTHERN UNIONISTS. 
 
 Petersburg!], which caused him to evacuate Rich 
 mond. This department has been a severe school 
 of discipline to Northern armies, government and 
 people. 
 
 SOUTHERN UNIONISTS. 
 
 When the grand army of the North entered 
 Virginia, European nations and governments were 
 gravely informed in a memorable despatch, issued 
 by Secretary Seward, that the subjugation of 
 the South formed no part of their plans or 
 intentions, that the attempt would be wicked 
 and inconsistent with republican institutions and 
 government. The one grand object which was 
 to absorb their attention, and concentrate their 
 energies, according to the above named official, 
 was, "to deliver a unionist people from the 
 toils of a factious and despotic minority." Since 
 then, curtain after curtain has fallen in the tragedial 
 scenes of the war, but no unionists have been found 
 in the South amongst the white people, with the 
 exception of a few solitary, isolated cases, such as 
 Barbara Frietchie, and " Andy Johnson " so called, 
 recently made vice-president of the United States. 
 The pluck and daring of Barbara for the Federal 
 flag, won the admiration of Stonewall Jackson, and 
 called forth his respect for her grey hairs. General 
 Lee with his brave army had crossed the mountains 
 which overlooked Fredericktown, where Federal 
 
SOUTHERN UNIONISTS. 
 
 flags with their " silver stars and golden bars " had 
 flapped in the morning wind, but had all disap 
 peared on the approach of the Confederates. The 
 following incident then took place, which has been 
 so graphically described by Whittier, the " Federal 
 Military Quaker Peace Poet." 
 
 Up rose old Barbara Frietchie then, 
 Bowed with her fourscore years and ten 
 Bravest of all in Frederick-town, 
 She took up the flag the men hauled down ; 
 In her attic-window the staff she set, 
 To show that one heart was loyal yet- 
 Up the street came the rebel tread, 
 Stonewall Jackson riding ahead. 
 Under his slouched hat left and right 
 He glanced : the old flag met his sight. 
 " Halt !" the dust-brown ranks stood fast. 
 "Fire!" out blazed the rifle-blast. 
 It shivered the Avindow, pane and sash ; 
 It rent the banner with seam and gash. 
 Quick as it fell from the broken staff 
 Dame Barbara snatched the silken scarf ; 
 She leaned far out on the window-sill, 
 And shook it forth with a royal will. 
 "Shoot, if you must this gray old head, 
 But spare your country s flag," she said. 
 The nobler nature within him stirred, 
 To life at that woman s deed and word ; 
 " Who touches a hair of yon gray head 
 Dies like a dog ! March on ! " he said. 
 
 The case of " Andy Johnson," now President 
 of the Union, is not quite so creditable to the 
 
SOUTHERN UNIONISTS. 
 
 Federals as that of "Dame Barbara Frietcliie." 
 At his recent inauguration, this distinguished 
 American Vice- President shewed that he was all 
 the worse for " liquoring up," and made the assem 
 bled crowd of senators, legislators, diplomatists 
 and civilians hang down their heads and blush for 
 shame. On Mr. Hamlin taking his official farewell 
 of the body over whose deliberations he had pre 
 sided for the last four years, he concluded by intro 
 ducing his successor, the Hon. Andrew Johnson of 
 Tenessee, Vice-President elect. All eyes being 
 turned on Mr. Johnson as he rose from his chair, 
 and with wild gesticulations and shrieks strangely 
 intermingled with audible stage whispers, began to 
 address the auditory around and above him. " I 
 am going for to tell yeoo here to-day, yes, I am 
 going for to tell yeoo all that I am a plebeian. I 
 glory in it. I am a plebeian. The people, yes, the 
 people of the United States ; the great people have 
 made me what I am ; and I am a-going for to tell 
 yeoo here to-day, yes to-day, in this place, that the 
 people are everything. We owe all to them. If 
 it be not too presumptuous, I will tell the foreign 
 ministers sitting there, that I am one of the people. 
 I will say to senators and others before me, I will 
 say to the Supreme Court which sits before me, 
 that you all get yeoor power and place from the 
 people ; and Mr. Chase yeoor position depends on 
 the people, and "yeoom? Mr. Stanton, and "yeoorn" 
 Mr. Secretary ." Here he hesitated for a name, 
 
SOUTHERN UNIONISTS. 
 
 but bending down to Mr. Hamlin, he asked him 
 who was the Secretary of the navy, and on receiving 
 the requisite information he continued, "And to 
 yeoo, Secretary Wells, yeoo derive your power from 
 the people." During the delivery of the above 
 address, he alternately whispered and roared in a 
 manner that it would have been ludicrous, if it had 
 not been disgusting. He had not uttered two sen 
 tences when every person saw that something was 
 wrong. "He is drunk," said one. "He is crazy," 
 cried another. " This is disgraceful," exclaimed a 
 third. The members of the Cabinet looked on the 
 ground or moved uneasily in their seats. The 
 judges of the Supreme Court shewed pain and sur 
 prise. All were bewildered and astonished, but 
 "Andy" was so proud of the dignity into which 
 the people had thrust him, that he boasted of it in 
 the language of a clown, and the manners of a 
 costermonger. 
 
 With the exception, therefore, of a few isolated 
 cases like the above, the Federal armies have found 
 nothing in front, and left nothing behind them but 
 what they call "rebels." Even in Louisiana and 
 South Carolina where the Federal flag waves, 
 Wendell Phillips Esq. says, " there is not a loyal 
 man amongst the whites." This discovery makes 
 the astounding declaration of Seward vanish into 
 "airy nothingness," calls down upon him the bitterest 
 invectives, and subjects him to the most blasting 
 irony and scorn. 
 
EFFECT OF BULLS EUN. 
 EFFECTS OF BULL RUN AND M CLELLAN S DISASTERS. 
 
 The disgrace which covered the Federal arms at 
 
 o 
 
 Bull Run, and the terrible diasters which befel the 
 Grand Army under General M Clellan, brought a 
 hurricane storm of reproach from the " War Chris 
 tians " against the administrators of the Federal 
 government, who avowed " the whole cause of their 
 disasters to be in their continued complicity with 
 the crime of human slavery." 
 
 In a memorial adopted by the " War Christians " 
 Dec. 22, 1862, and sent to Washington, the memo 
 rialists say, 
 
 " Had we withdrawn ourselves from that compli 
 city, by obeying the command of God at the out 
 set, the justice and mercy of heaven were pledged 
 for our protection and success, the Divine frown 
 would have been upon our enemies, we would have 
 secured the blessing of God, and commanded the 
 sympathy and respect of all nations. 
 
 " But the moment we ourselves re-entered into 
 complicit}^ with the very wickedness which was the 
 foundation of the rebellion, we threw away the 
 immense superiority of our moral position, de 
 scended to a level with that of the rebels, deprived 
 ourselves of the possibility of appealing, as our 
 fathers did in the war of the Revolution, to the 
 Judge of all the earth for the justice of our cause 
 and the rectitude of our intentions ; and went so 
 far as to inform foreign nations that no moral prin- 
 
THE FEDERAL MAGICAL ROD. 
 
 ciple was involved in our quarrel, and that the 
 position of every state and all persons should be the 
 same as before. This announcement was sufficient 
 to set both God and man against us. 
 
 " We chose war without emancipation, and God 
 gave us our request with disaster and defeat as the 
 consequence. We have ourselves deliberately built 
 up and prolonged the confederate treason, by the 
 determination to avoid striking at its cause. We 
 have provoked the indignation and challenged the 
 avenging justice of the Almighty, by resolving 
 that we would not decree the deliverance of the 
 enslaved till this measure should become a necessity 
 indispensable to the existence of our own govern 
 ment." 
 
 When the Union "as it was" mask or cover 
 adopted by the administrators at Washington failed 
 them, another was adopted which was to produce 
 marvels. 
 
 THE FEDERAL MAGICAL ROD. 
 
 THIS was the proclamation of freedom. "God," 
 said the advocates of the Federal cause : " God had 
 put an instrument into their hands which would 
 shoot out the heart of rebellion, and call up a new 
 Union party from the vasty depths of the South, 
 that would pronounce ten thousand blessings on 
 their names, and make the South reflect almost the 
 hues of paradise." Never were there such responsi- 
 
LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 bilities resting on one man before since time began, 
 according to the above theorists. "0 that he would 
 take this rod, and in the exercise of his prerogative 
 stretch it over the land !" " But," said Lincoln, " it 
 will only be like a Pope s Bull against a comet." 
 Surprised at his apathy and unconcern, or con 
 founded stupidity and obstinacy when so much was 
 in his power, long pilgrimages were undertaken to 
 Washington to try to rouse him from his stupor, or 
 make the scales fall from his eyes. Generals Hunter 
 and Fremont tried to rob him of his glory, which 
 he claimed belonged solely to the functions of his 
 office as Commander in Chief of the Federal armies, 
 consequently he suppressed the order of Hunter, and 
 dismissed Fremont for his audacity and imperti 
 nence. At length the scales fell from his vision, 
 or, waking up suddenly like a man who had been 
 in a trance, he took the matter in hand, and waved 
 his Federal magical rod or, in other words, issued 
 his proclamation. 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 The following is the full text of President 
 Lincoln s proclamation : 
 
 By the President of the United States of America. 
 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 "Whereas on the twenty-second day of September, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 
LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PEOCLAMATION. 
 
 and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the 
 President of the United States, containing among 
 other things, the following, to wit : 
 
 " That, on the first day of January, in the year 
 of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
 three, all persons held as slaves within any State, 
 or designated part of a State, the people whereof 
 shall then be in rebellion against the United States, 
 shall be then, thenceforth, and for ever free, and the 
 Executive Government of the United States, in 
 cluding the military and naval authority thereof, 
 will recognise and maintain the freedom of such 
 persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such 
 persons, or any of them in any effort they may 
 make for their actual freedom. 
 
 " That the Executive will, on the first day of 
 January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the 
 States and parts of States, if any, in which the 
 people therein respectively shall then be in rebellion 
 against the United States ; and the fact that any 
 State or the people thereof shall on that day be in 
 good faith represented in the Congress of the 
 United States by members chosen thereto at elections 
 wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such 
 State shall have participated, shall, in the absence 
 of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed con 
 clusive evidence that such State and the people 
 thereof are not then in rebellion against the United 
 States." 
 
 Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of 
 
LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 the United States, by virtue of the power in me 
 vested as Commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
 of the United States, in time of actual armed 
 rebellion against the authority and Government of 
 the United States, and as a fit and necessary war 
 measure for suppressing said rebellion, do on this 
 first day of January in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in 
 accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro 
 claimed for the full period of one hundred days from 
 the day of the first above mentioned order, and 
 designate as the States and parts of States wherein 
 the people thereof respectively are this day in 
 rebellion against the United States, the following, 
 to wit : 
 
 Arkansas. 
 
 Texas. 
 
 Louisiana. except the parishes of St. Bernard, 
 Placquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. 
 Charles, St. James, Ascension, As 
 sumption, Terre Bone, Lafourche., St. 
 Mary, St Martin and Orleans, includ 
 ing the city of New Orleans. 
 
 Mississippi. 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 Florida. 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 South Carolina. 
 
 North Carolina, and 
 
 Virginia except the forty-eight counties, desig- 
 
LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 nated as West Virginia, and also the 
 counties of Berkeley, Accomac, North 
 ampton, Elizabeth City, York, Prin 
 cess Ann, and Norfolk, including the 
 the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, 
 and which accepted parts are, for the 
 present, left precisely as if this pro 
 clamation were not issued. 
 
 And, by virtue of the power and for the purpose 
 aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons 
 held as slaves within said designated States and 
 parts of States are and henceforward shall be 
 free ; and that the Executive Government of the 
 United States, including the military and naval 
 authorities thereof, will recognise and maintain the 
 freedom of said persons. 
 
 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared 
 to be free to abstain from all violence unless in 
 necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to them 
 that in all cases, when allowed, they labour faith 
 fully for reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make known that 
 such persons, of suitable condition, will be received 
 into the armed service of the United States, to gar 
 rison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and 
 to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 
 And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of 
 justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon mili 
 tary necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment 
 of mankind and the gracious favour of Almighty 
 God. 
 
LINCOLN S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 In witness whereof 1 have hereunto set my hand 
 and caused the seal of the United States to be 
 affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this first day of 
 January, in the year of our Lord, one thou 
 sand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the 
 independence of the United States of America, 
 the eighty- seventh. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 By the President 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. 
 
 Such a proclamation from the great " Big Sove 
 reign " who was to swallow up all the little 
 " State sovereigns " was a " nine days wonder." 
 Young and old, rich and poor, high and low, learned 
 and illiterate, devoured its contents and discussed 
 its merits. Some were elated with joy ; others 
 were disappointed and looked on it with sovereign 
 pity and contempt. A first there was a ground 
 swell of complacency and delight, not only with 
 the assumption of his extraordinary powers, but 
 the exercise of them ; this, however, was only of 
 short duration, as the conjuror s trick soon became 
 manifest. The discovery that the proclamation 
 was issued not as a righteous and noble act, but as 
 a mere act of vengeance, in association with a new 
 mode of warfare to be used as a brutum fulmen to 
 the so-called " disloyal " slaveholder, but as a shield 
 to protect the " loyal " ones, turned our modern 
 
ENLISTMENT OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 " Moses " into a butt or target to be shot at, as 
 the object of the world s merriment and scorn. 
 On the strength of it, however, the violent parti 
 sans of the war raised the cry higher and higher 
 that the " South was fighting for slavery and the 
 North against it ;" but as the mass of the Northern 
 people declared that they were fighting for the 
 Union and not for the negro, even so the South 
 shewed that it cared but little for slavery, whilst it 
 was mainly and chiefly anxious for its independence. 
 This unmasked the Jesuitical policy of the Federal 
 administrators, and as General Lee and the late 
 Stonewall Jackson took off the wheels of the North 
 ern war chariots, and made them drag heavily, the 
 Federal administrators were compelled to adopt 
 another move to cover their real object in the 
 war, and to try to compass their wicked aims or 
 designs. 
 
 THE ENLISTMENT AND IMPRESSMENT OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 This was the next move ; and, as we had already 
 predicted years before, and published to the world, 
 it brought its counter-move in the adoption by the 
 Southerners of freedom as the basis of their inde 
 pendence, as shown in the united resolve of the 
 governors of the Confederate States, the decree of 
 both houses of the Southern Congress, the tele 
 gram of General Grant, that " General Lee had 
 picketed in front of his army coloured soldiers who 
 
ENLISTMENT OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 were formerly slaves," and in the affirmation of 
 Wendell Phillips, Esq., that " if Jefferson Davis kept 
 his saddle, he would continue the war, free every 
 black, and give him a patent of nobility before he 
 would yield to the Yankee." This latter move, 
 however, was too late to be of any service to the 
 Southerns. 
 
 By Federal advocates we are informed that this 
 scheme not only shows their determination to win 
 their independence, but also their desperation. We 
 are gravely informed " that the ruined gambler, 
 who, having staked his last farthing, pulls the ring 
 off his finger and the pin from his neck tie to 
 pledge them upon the fatal table, proves not only 
 his resolution to win, but the terrible straits to 
 which he is brought by his losses. We may be 
 sure he would not part with these while there was 
 a solitary piece of gold or silver left in his purse, 
 or to be begged or borrowed from his friends. So, 
 too, with the South. It is in the position of a 
 ruined gambler. It has thrown and lost. Time 
 after time it has put down its stake, and time after 
 time it has seen it swept away into the remorseless 
 bank. State after state has been invaded, fortress 
 after fortress has been lost, army after army has 
 dwindled away before the ever recurring attacks of 
 the Federal forces, and now it has nothing more to 
 risk save one desperate stake. Those negroes whom 
 it has so abused ; those negroes whom it has mas 
 sacred wherever it has found them in arms ; those 
 
ENLISTMENT OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 negroes whom it has refused to recognise as sol 
 diers, and whose officers it has publicly declared to 
 be liable to an ignominious death wherever they 
 were captured ; those negroes who fly to the Fede 
 ral camp wherever the flag of the Union is reared, 
 are to be mustered in camp and trained to fight 
 for the salvation of their masters and the degrada 
 tion of their race. Is it possible to imagine a posi 
 tion of more utter humiliation, a more helpless 
 confession of weakness, a more abject abdication of 
 dignity and honour?" Yes, special pleaders, this 
 is possible, and more ihan probable when twenty 
 millions of Northern white men who have spurned 
 the negro from their embrace and treated him like 
 a dog ; nay, more, have taken the lion s share of 
 the profit that has been derived from the crime of 
 slavery, and maintained intact their partnership in 
 its tremendous guilt with the Southern people, and 
 even now are only making the attempt in the fourth 
 year of the war to amend the Constitution, so as 
 to cast out what they cah 1 the " slave clauses." 
 When twenty millions who have grown fat out of 
 the spoils and plunder of such a nefarious system, 
 and ground the negro to powder under their heels, 
 and looked down upon him with haughty and con 
 temptuous disdain, saying, Stand by, for I am 
 whiter than you. When twenty millions go down 
 upon their knees in the presence of eight millions 
 of their former copartners in guilt and shame, the 
 whole world looking on, and in that abject posture 
 
GOD AND THE NEGRO. 
 
 are the first and foremost to beseech the negro, 
 nay, to compel him to come and help them, who 
 are the largest party, to thrash the Southerns, who 
 are the smaller one, in their death-grapple with them 
 for refusing to hold to their part of the bargain, 
 whilst the Northern people break theirs. How 
 " weak in the knees, unsound in the heart, milk- 
 white in the liver, and soft in the head," to 
 use the language of a Federal writer, when twenty 
 millions are reduced to the terrible strait, in the 
 presence of six millions, of issuing the following 
 naming manifesto from the pen of the Rev. Henry 
 Ward Beecher : 
 
 GOD AND THE NEGRO. 
 
 " THE interval between the destruction and the 
 salvation of the Republic is measured by two steps 
 one is emancipation, the other is military success. 
 The first is taken, the other delays. How is it to 
 be achieved? There is but one answer by the 
 negro ! 
 
 " They (the negroes) are the forlorn hope of the 
 Republic. They are the last safe-keepers of the 
 good cause. We must make alliance with them, or 
 our final success is imperilled. . 
 
 " Congress is in a dispute over a Bill to arm and 
 
 equip 150,000 negroes to serve in the war. Let 
 
 it stop the debate ! The case is settled ; the 
 
 problem solved ; the argument is done. Let the 1 
 
 2 S 
 
GOD ASD THK NEGRO. 
 
 recruiting sergeants beat their drums ! The next 
 levy of troops must not be made in the North, but 
 on the plantations. Marshall them into lines by 
 regiments and brigades ! The men that have picked 
 cotton, must now pick flint ! Gather the great 
 third army ! For two years Government has been 
 searching in an enemy s country for a path for 
 victory, only the negro can find it ! Give him a 
 a gun and bayonet, and let him point the way ! The 
 future is fair, God and the negro are to save the 
 Republic/ 
 
 What a confession of utter helplessness and 
 hopelessness in their own resources and ability ! 
 God and the negro are to save the Republic 
 Negroes are the forlorn hope of the Republic ! 
 The safe-keepers of the good cause ! We must 
 make alliance with them, or our final success is 
 imperilled ! Are these the men that Lincoln said 
 " must not be permitted to live with white men, 
 and must go to live somewhere else?" Yes. How 
 humiliating ! Are these the men whom Lincoln asked 
 to turn against their masters, and fire their hate 
 against them, and when he had attained peace pro 
 posed to hand them back to their political power 
 without a single element to shield themselves 
 from the vindictive spirit sure to be aroused 
 against those who have abandoned their master s 
 cause ? Yes. Are these the men who were 
 enlisted and conscripted into the Federal army 
 under the promise of equal compensation and pro- 
 
MILITARY JUGGERNAUT IN MOTION. 
 
 tection the same as white soldiers, and made to 
 carry the ladder of forlorn hope as at Petersburg ; 
 and yet swindled out of their pay, and abandoned 
 to their fate as prisoners of war ? Yes. This is not 
 only humiliating, but infamous. 
 
 It has been said that the world has written 
 " Repudiator " on the forehead of Jeiferson Davis, 
 the head of the Confederacy, for repudiating the 
 debts of the state of Mississippi. " Even so," says 
 Wendell Phillips, Esq., " history will write repudia- 
 tor on the forehead of the United States for 
 repudiating a debt infinitely more binding, the debt 
 of honour to the men whom it had covered with its 
 uniform, and summoned toits side with halters round 
 their necks and then deserted." 
 
 MILITARY JUGGERNAUT IN MOTION. 
 
 Whilst these changes were made by the admini 
 strators of the Federal government fierce and furious, 
 desperate, and bloody battles were fought at 
 Antietam, Gettysburg, and Spotsylvania. Although 
 the odds were largely against the Confederates, 
 both in supplies of men, food, mechanical resources, 
 ammunition, and money, yet they went into battle 
 under the eye of the ablest General the war has pro 
 duced, and fought with a desperation and valour 
 that despoiled rights and burning homesteads only 
 could create. 
 
 Sometimes victory perched on the eagles of Ge- 
 
MISERIES OF WAR, 
 
 neral Lee, and then again on those of his opponent, 
 neither army being able to follow up the advan 
 tages gained by the other, either from exhaustion, 
 or from the sable mantle of night concealing the 
 victors and vanquished from each other, whilst the 
 light of returning day found the defeated army 
 behind new entrenchments thrown up with the 
 spade, or far away from the field of battle on the 
 march to take a new position, or fall back on some 
 stronghold previously prepared. Meanwhile mul 
 titudes of the slain lay unburied, and the wounded 
 were weltering in their blood. 
 
 MISERIES OF WAR. 
 
 An able writer has recently said, that " Those 
 who are unacquainted with the horrors of w^ar can 
 not realise the fearful sufferings which it entails on 
 mankind. They read of it in papers and books, 
 gilded over with all its false glare and strange fas 
 cinations as a splendid game of glorious battles and 
 triumphs, but close their eyes to its fearful horrors. 
 The battlefield to them is a field of honour a field 
 of glory where men resign their lives amidst the 
 joys of conquest which hallow the soldier s gory 
 couch, and light up his death-features with a smile." 
 This sounds well in heroic fiction, but how different 
 the reality. Take, for instance, the battle of Spot- 
 sylvania, where the Federals lost ten thousand men 
 in killed and wounded. On the morning of the 
 
MISERIES OF WAR. 
 
 battle, General Lee arid his army were entrenched 
 behind a number of breastworks. An assault was 
 made on their position, when the storming party 
 rushed over the ramparts and drove the Confede 
 rates for a mile, when they rallied, and made five 
 successive and fierce assaults to retake their lost 
 position ; and so terrific was the death-grapple, that 
 at different times of the day, the Confederate colours 
 were planted on one side of the works and the 
 Federals on the other, the men fighting across the 
 parapet. In the whole war it has been said that 
 nothing has exceeded the savage desperation of this 
 struggle ; and an eye-witness writes, that the scene 
 of the conflict at the close presented such a spectacle 
 of horror, that the exclamation of every man who 
 beheld it was, " God forbid that I should ever gaze 
 upon such a sight again." At one angle of the 
 works the dead and wounded lay literally in piles 
 friend and foe together in the agonies of death, 
 groaning beneath the dead bodies of their comrades, 
 who had literally been torn to shreds by hundreds 
 of balls, or thrust through and through in their 
 bodies with the bayonet. Could fireside heroes 
 have witnessed the abovenamed battlefield, with its 
 bruised and mangled bodies, its dying and wounded, 
 writhing in agonising tortures ; or witness the poor 
 victims under the surgeon s knife, with the field 
 hospital clotted with human gore, and full of the 
 maimed bodies and dissected limbs of their fellow- 
 creatures, war would lose its false charms, and be 
 
MISERIES OF WAR. 
 
 stript of its tinsel or glory. How fearful to con 
 template scenes like the above ; and yet, war has 
 horrors greater than the battlefield presents. The 
 deatli wound is mercy compared to the slow torture 
 of lying on the damp cold ground, or in the dreary 
 wards of the hospital, uncared for and unpitied, 
 without one kind hand to stay the welling blood, 
 or wipe the death-damp from the brow, or of 
 lingering in prisons, those charnel-houses of slow 
 putrefaction, where pale, and spiritless, the pri 
 soners of war gasp and groan away their lives in 
 hopeless misery. Could the tender mother see her 
 darling child amidst such scenes as those, and under 
 such circumstances, how her heart would break in one 
 wild wail of anguish." And then think of the sacked 
 and burned city; think of helpless women and 
 children fleeing in terror before the devouring ele 
 ments, without a home to shelter them, without 
 bread to feed them ; think of the widows and or 
 phans that water their scant bread with the tears of 
 sorrow ; think of all the sufferings, misery, ruin, 
 death, war entails on mankind, and you will curse 
 its authors and wish that God had otherwise chas 
 tised His people. Though war may enrich the Shy- 
 lock shoddies, paymasters, contractors, and specula 
 tive politicians, who sport gorgeous equipages and 
 rich palaces out of the blood of their countrymen, 
 it crushes the people under its wheels, like the car 
 of Juggernaut, and oppresses the millions with tax 
 ation. 
 
THE FEDERAL POSITION. 
 
 THE THIRD GREAT ARMY OF FEDERALS. 
 
 This was gathered from amongst the negro popu 
 lation and sent to reinforce General Grant, who, 
 with the aid of General Sheridan and his division 
 from the valley of the Shenancloah, turned the de 
 cisive victorv of the campaign in his favour at 
 Petersburg, which caused General Lee to evacuate 
 Richmond, sounded the death knell to Southern 
 hopes of success, and dried up their sources of 
 comfort in the historical parallel already given. 
 
 THE FEDERAL POSITION, 
 
 The Herald s army correspondent writing from 
 before Petersburg on April 2, says : Although 
 severe fighting has taken place on the extreme left 
 of our line nearly the whole of the past week, yet 
 the Gth corps was ready when the word "move" 
 went forth, and nobly has it sustained the confi 
 dence reposed in it by General Grant. Before giv 
 ing a detailed account of the important operations 
 of to-day, it will be necessary to explain the posi 
 tion held by the rebels before the attack. Our 
 line of entrenchments, forts, and batteries runs from 
 the Appomattox river in a circular form to within 
 about two miles of the South Side railroad, on the 
 north side of Petersburg. The line is then re 
 versed, arid runs back for a considerable distance, 
 forming what is known as our rear line. At the 
 
THE PLAN OF ATTACK. 
 
 angle where the line is reversed we have a heavy 
 fort called Fort Welch. To the right of this is 
 a still heavier fort, called Fort Fisher. The line 
 at this point is almost a straight one for some 
 distance. 
 
 THE PLAN OF ATTACK. 
 
 The main rebel line was about three-quarters of 
 a mile off, and in front of it there were two en 
 trenched picket lines. One of these we took from 
 them last Saturday, and from what was learned on 
 that occasion, General Wright felt convinced that 
 by massing a strong body of troops under cover of 
 night, a breach could be made and the South Side 
 railroad reached. The plan was laid before the 
 commanding generals, who took the matter into 
 consideration, and had it acted on at daybreak this 
 morning. The object Generals Grant and Meade 
 had in view on giving their concurrence to the plan 
 was twofold. The first was to create a diversion 
 in favour of General Sheridan ; and secondly, to cut 
 the rebel army in two and destroy the far-famed 
 South Side railroad. All these were, of course, but 
 subordinate parts of one grand plan to crush the re 
 bellion. Our first notice of the intended movement 
 was received about ten o clock last night. General 
 Meade directed that, for the purpose of further faci 
 litating the operations of General Sheridan, the 6th 
 corps should be massed at four o clock this morning 
 
THE PLAN OF ATTACK. 
 
 opposite the left angle of our works, and charge over 
 the rebel line. The batteries on our entire front 
 were ordered to open immediately on the rebels. 
 For several hours our guns were pouring solid shot 
 and shell into the rebel works, and they made bub 
 a feeble response to this unusual demonstration on 
 our part. The picket lines in front of the different 
 divisions were also ordered to advance and feel the 
 enemy s strength ; but it did not succeed in annoy 
 ing them very much, and, in some instances, the 
 rebels showed how far they were from suspecting 
 any serious demonstration on our part by calling 
 out to know whether we were celebrating All Fools 
 Day in that noisy manner. The order given for 
 the assault was carried out punctually at four 
 o clock. The troops were formed en echelon by 
 divisions, the first being on the right, the second 
 in the centre, and the third on the left. Owing to 
 the fact that the greater the surprise the greater 
 would be our chances of success, the troops began 
 to move outside the works by about two o clock. 
 The moon had gone down, and the night was an 
 intensely dark one. A thin chilly mist arose from 
 the ground, which served still further to conceal 
 our movements from the enemy. The result proved 
 that the attack was a complete surprise to the 
 enemy. The troops were formed and in position 
 by half-past three, and no disturbance had awak 
 ened the suspicions of the rebels in our front. In 
 making the above formation it was General Wright s 
 
THE ATTACK. 
 
 idea to attack in such overwhelming numbers that 
 failure would be impossible. Then when the column 
 had made good its entrance into the rebel works, 
 he believed that the divisions on the right and left 
 might deploy in both these directions, and drive the 
 enemy from their works almost as effectually as 
 if a fresh corps had attacked simultaneously. To 
 co-operate with this attacking column, General Parke 
 was also to attack the rebels on the right, and 
 General Ord was to do the same on the left, while 
 Sheridan, far away to the left, was thundering on 
 their flank. 
 
 THE ATTACK. 
 
 Suddenly, at four o clock, a bright flash leaped 
 out in the darkness from Fort Fisher, and the loud 
 report from a twelve-pounder rolled on the air. A 
 minute elapsed and a similar sound came from the 
 right, some six miles away, telling that the signal 
 was understood and the Ninth corps ready. Again 
 a short space of time elapsed, and the sound of a 
 score firing was heard. But this time it came from 
 a score of pieces, not from a single gun. The shrill 
 scream and sharp report of shells alternated with 
 the savage whirring sound made by round shot 
 from rifled pieces. The sounds crept gradually up 
 from our right, and soon the sharp crack of muskets 
 told that Getty s magnificent division had found 
 and were pressing the rebels. The sounds increased 
 in volume, and mingled with them were heard the 
 
THE ATTACK. 
 
 cheers of our men. General Wheaton had already 
 pushed his division forward, when from the rebel 
 lines opposite Fort Welsh hostile batteries com 
 menced hurling shot and shell at random in the 
 darkness, or having only the flashes of musketry to 
 guide them. General Seymour, full of courage and 
 chivalry, urged forward his veterans of the third 
 division against these batteries, and then all was 
 chaos, smoke, and darkness, pierced by innumer 
 able tongues of liquid fire, the thunder of artillery 
 and the crack of musketry, mingling with which 
 were the cheers of the combatants. Daylight 
 dawned but slowly to the anxious spectators, whose 
 hearts had however, already been relieved by 
 noticing that one by one the rebel guns ceased fir 
 ing, and the musketry receded, while the cheering, 
 often swelling up into one long and loud triumph 
 ant shout, died away. General Wright s assertion 
 that he " would go through them like a knife" was 
 fulfilled, for the main line of works was ours, 
 together with hundreds of prisoners, numerous 
 pieces of artillery, many battle flags, and other pro 
 perty. It was the most complete and triumphant 
 achievement of the kind this war has witnessed, and 
 the first rays of the morning sun fell on the flags 
 of the divisions as they waved on the ramparts of 
 the captured forts. It is probably a loose estimate 
 when I state that this corps alone, since four o clock 
 this morning, captured 5000 prisoners and between 
 twenty and thirty pieces of artillery. This decided 
 the fate of Petersburg. 
 
CONFEDERATE ATTACK ON SHERIDAN. 
 
 CONFEDERATE ATTACK ON SHERIDAN. 
 
 A correspondent of the World, in narrating 
 Sheridan s splendid achievements at Five Forks, 
 which resulted in the capture of 6000 prisoners and 
 the final victory, relates the following : A rebel 
 colonel, with a shattered regiment, came down upon 
 us in a charge. The bayonets were fixed ; the men 
 came on with a yell ; their grey uniforms seemed 
 black amid the smoke ; their preserved colours, 
 torn by grape and ball, waved defiantly. Twice 
 they halted, and poured in volleys, but came on 
 again like the surge from the fog, depleted, but 
 determined ; yet, in the hot faces of the carbineers, 
 they read a purpose as resolute, but more calm, and 
 while they pressed along, swept all the while by 
 scathing volleys, a group of horsemen took them in 
 flank. It was an awful moment : the horses re 
 coiled ; the charging column trembled like a single 
 thing ; but at once the rebels, with rare organisa 
 tion, fell into a hollow square, and with solid sheets 
 of steel defied our centaurs. The horsemen rode 
 around them in vain ; no charge could break the 
 shining squares until our dismounted carbineers 
 poured in their volleys afresh, making gaps in the 
 spent ranks, and then in their wavering time the 
 cavalry thundered down. 
 
CONFEDERATE REPULSE. 
 CONFEDERATE REPULSE. 
 
 The rebels could stand no more ; they reeled and 
 swayed, and fell back broken and beaten ; and on 
 the ground their Colonel lay, sealing his devotion 
 with his life. Through wood, and brake, and swamp, 
 across field and trench, we pushed the fighting de 
 fenders steadily. For a part of the time Sheridan 
 was there, short, and broad, and active, waving his 
 hat, giving orders, seldom out of fire, but never 
 stationary ; and close by fell the long, yellow locks 
 of Ouster, sabre extended, fighting like a Viking, 
 though he was worn and haggard with much work. 
 At four o clock the rebels were behind their wooden 
 walls at Five Forks, and still the cavalry pressed 
 them hard, in feint rather than solemn effort, while 
 a battalion dismounted charged squarely upon the 
 face of their breastworks which lay in the main on 
 the north side of the White Oak road. Then while 
 the cavalry worked round toward the rear, the 
 infantry of Warren, though commanded by Sheridan, 
 prepared to take part in the battle. We were 
 already on the rebel right in force and thinly in 
 their rear. Our carbineers were making feint to 
 charge in direct front, and our infantry, four deep, 
 hemmed in their entire left. All this they did not 
 for an instant note, so thorough was their confusion, 
 but seeing it directly, they, so far from giving up, 
 concentrated all their energy and fought like fiends. 
 They had a battery in position, which belched in 
 cessantly down the breastworks ; their musketry 
 
SHERIDAN S ATTACK. 
 
 made one unbroken roll, while Sheridan s prowlers 
 on their left by skirmish and sortie, they stuck to 
 their sinking fortunes so as to win unwilling 
 applause from mouths of wisest censure. 
 
 SHERIDAN S ATTACK. 
 
 It was just at the corning up of the infantry that 
 Sheridan s little band was pushed the hardest. At 
 one time, indeed, they seemed about to undergo ex 
 termination ; not that they wavered, but that they 
 were so vastly overpowered. It will remain to the 
 latest time a matter of marvel, that so paltry a 
 cavalry force could press back ] 6,000 infantry ; 
 but when the infantry blew like a great barn door 
 the simile best applicable upon the enemy s left, 
 the victory that was to come had passed the region 
 of strategy, and resolved to an affair of personal 
 courage. We had met the enemy ; were they to 
 be ours ? To expedite this consummation, every 
 officer fought as if he were the forlorn hope. 
 Mounted on his black pony, the same which he rode 
 at Winchester, Sheridan galloped everywhere, his 
 face flushed all the redder, and his plethoric but 
 nervous figure all the more ubiquitous. He gal 
 loped once down to the rebel front with but an 
 handful of his staff. A dozen bullets whistled for 
 him together ; one grazed his arm, at which a 
 faithful orderly rode, the black pony leaped high in 
 fright, and Sheridan was untouched, but the orderly 
 lay dead, and the saddle dashed afar empty. 
 
THE CONFEDERATE DEFEAT. 
 THE CONFEDERATE DEFEAT. 
 
 At seven o clock the rebels came to the conclusion 
 that they were outflanked and whipped. Wearied 
 with persistent assaults in front, they fell back to 
 the left, only to see four close lines of battle waiting 
 to drive them off the field decimated. At the right 
 
 o 
 
 the horsemen charged them in their vain attempt to 
 right out, arid in the rear, struggling foot and 
 cavalry began also to assemble. Slant and cross 
 fire by file and volley rolled in perpetually, cutting 
 down their bravest officers, and strewing the fields 
 with bleeding men, and to add to their terror and 
 despair, their own captured artillery threw grape 
 and canister into their ranks, enfiladed their breast 
 works, and at lust, bodies of cavalry fairly mounted 
 their intrench men ts and charged down the parapet, 
 slashing and trampling them and producing inex 
 tricable confusion. They had no commanders, at 
 least no orders, and looked in vain for some guiding- 
 hand to lead them out of a toil into which they had 
 fallen so bravely and so blindly. A few more 
 volleys, a new and irresistible charge, a shrill and 
 warning command to die or surrender, and with a 
 sudden and tearful impulse, five thousand muskets 
 are flung upon the ground, and five thousand hot, 
 exhausted, and impotent men are Sheridan s prisoners 
 of war. 
 
 Acting with his usual decision, Sheridan placed 
 his captives in the care of a provost guard, and 
 
REJOICINGS IN THE NORTH. 
 
 sent them to the rear. Those who escaped, he 
 ordered the fiery Ouster to pursue with brand and 
 vengeance, and they were pressed far into the forest, 
 many falling by the way from wounds and exhaus 
 tion, others pressed down by hoof or sabre stroke, 
 arid many picked up in mercy and sent back to re 
 join their brethren in bonds. We captured in all 
 fully six thousand prisoners. 
 
 REJOICINGS AT WASHINGTON AND NEW YOSK. 
 
 The wildest enthusiasm prevailed at Washington 
 and New York, on the receipt of the intelligence of 
 the fall of Richmond. Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton 
 both made speeches. The former said : To Lord 
 John Russell I will say, that British merchants will 
 find cotton exported from our ports under treaty 
 with the United States, cheaper than cotton obtained 
 by running the blockade. As for Earl Russell, I 
 need not tell him that this is a war for freedom and 
 national independence, and not for empire, and that 
 if Great Britain should only be just to the United 
 States, Canada will remain undisturbed by us so 
 long as she prefers the authority of the noble Queen 
 to voluntary incorporation with the United States. 
 (Cheers, and cries of " That s the talk !") Secretary 
 Stanton said : In this great hour of triumph my 
 heart, as well as yours, is penetrated with gratitude 
 to Almighty God for his deliverance of the nation. 
 (Tremendous cheering.) Let us humbly offer up 
 
REJOICINGS IN THE NORTH. 
 
 our thanks to Divine Providence for His care over 
 us, and beseech Him to guide and govern us in our 
 duties hereafter, as He has carried us forward to 
 victory ; to teach us how to be humble in the midst 
 of triumph, how to be just in the hour of victory, 
 and to help us to secure the foundations of this 
 republic, soaked as they have been in blood, so 
 that it shall live for ever and ever. (Enthusiastic 
 cheers.) 
 
 "The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the 
 strong," said an inspired writer in olden times ; 
 and this holds good now, or the millions who have 
 harnessed themselves to the war chariots of "Abe 
 Lincoln " would long since have subjugated the 
 South. At first, when the Federal hosts set out 
 for Richmond, they believed that they had nothing 
 to do but march straight on to their destination, 
 never dreaming that a Confederate army would rise 
 up in their pathway to strike terror to the centre 
 of their hearts as they sent them back, again and 
 again, quivering with fear towards Washington, and 
 subjecting them to terrible disaster and mortifying 
 defeat ; so that what they expected to achieve in a 
 few days has taken as many years to accomplish. Of 
 course unprecedented enthusiasm has filled our 
 Northern cities, and the people have run riot in a 
 carnival of joy over the fall of Richmond, a place 
 now made famous in history like Charleston by 
 its brave defenders. Had President Davis and the 
 Confederate government adopted the counter- 
 2 T 
 
EEJOICINGS IN THE NORTH. 
 
 move which we put on record in 1862, when we 
 wrote the former part of this book, Southern 
 generals and armies would not have been trampled 
 down by superior numbers, or driven from one 
 stronghold after another in consequence of the 
 pressure of Northern armies, or the terrific strain 
 on their resources which they have been called to 
 endure. From the first we have freely avowed that 
 Southern independence and slavery was impossible, 
 but that if it was linked with the bright jewel of 
 freedom to the slave, it was not only possible, but 
 probable. In such a case, however, it required 
 quickness to perceive it, and promptitude to embrace 
 and act upon it, or the precious pearl of their in 
 dependence would be imperilled and their own 
 vassalage secured. 
 
 We trace all the fearful disasters which have be 
 fallen the South to their attempt to secure their 
 independence with slavery as their black heritage, 
 and to their delay in changing what was an element 
 of weakness into one of colossal strength in their 
 favour by the proclamation of freedom. Look at the 
 relative position of the combatants The North 
 had not only twenty millions to six in the South, 
 but the adult male population of Europe at their 
 back to fill up their depleted ranks by the casualties 
 of war, and quick to perceive that slavery was the 
 weak point in the South, the Federal government 
 resolved to break the shell of the Confederacy, if 
 possible, at this point ; hence Lincoln s proclamation 
 
REJOICINGS IN THE NORTH. 
 
 of freedom, not as a measure of justice to the slave, 
 but a brutum fulmen to punish the Confederates ; 
 but as this measure only made them more fierce and 
 furious, and led them to perform greater prodigies 
 of valour, as well as to draw down upon the 
 Federals the world s satire and scorn ; Frederick 
 Douglas, the philanthropist so called, was made the 
 head or chief of a new department for conscripting 
 and enlisting negroes, and forming them into 
 " Black Kegiments " to help to turn the scales of 
 victory in favour of the North. All this time no 
 offset was attempted by the Confederate government 
 until they were beset with appalling difficulties, 
 and well-nigh overwhelmed with disasters, when an 
 act was passed to arm the slaves on the basis of 
 freedom from iron-handed necessity, which ought 
 to have been done from joyous anticipation of 
 coming events which cast their shadows beforehand. 
 A paragraph is being freely circulated that this 
 act contained a proviso that "the negroes were 
 to be returned to their masters at the end of the 
 war." This statement, however, breaks down 
 under the weight of its absurdity, and shews to 
 what a tremendous tension mendacious falsehood is 
 stretched to draw upon the credulity of mankind, 
 and make capital for the Federal cause. With the 
 fall of Richmond the curtain has fallen on the 
 closing scenes of the American war. Federal ad 
 vocates are shouting " the head and the backbone 
 of the rebellion is smashed," the " Confederacy is 
 at an end. 5 
 
THE END OF THE WAR. 
 
 THE END OF THE WAR. 
 
 The word victory is a powerful talisman to in 
 fluence all true soldiers on the field of battle, but 
 the final victory on the termination of a long and 
 perilous campaign, fills them with an enthusiasm 
 and joy that knows no bounds. Federal advocates 
 are now very busy, like the late Mr. Cobden prior 
 to his death, laying tremendous stress on what he 
 called " the unmistakeable signs of exhaustion " in 
 the Confederacy, and on the prediction which he 
 made that " the famous ninety days will witness 
 very decisive events in the progress of the war," 
 backed up with the plea that " if Lee was obliged 
 to evacuate Richmond, there would not be a town left 
 in the Confederacy with twenty thousand white 
 inhabitants," and, consequently, not be able " to 
 maintain permanently large armies in the interior 
 of the Slave States amid scattered plantations and 
 unpaved villages," as it requires the "base of large 
 cities to concentrate the means of subsistence, and 
 furnish the necessary equipment for an army." 
 
 Federal telegrams, also, were actively employed in 
 proclaiming to the world that the hour was at hand 
 when they would consummate their final victory over 
 the South, since General Grant, by the disposi 
 tion of his forces and vigorous pursuit of General 
 Lee, had made it impossible for him to keep the 
 field in the presence of such overwhelming num 
 bers. This was self-evident to* General Sheridan, 
 
THE SURRENDER OF GENERAL LEE, 
 
 as shewn in one of his telegrams. Hence the 
 anxiety which was felt to obtain the intelligence, 
 when the following despatch from the field of battle 
 sealed the fate of the South : 
 
 SURRENDER OF GENERAL LEE. 
 
 NEW YORK, April 11, Evening. 
 
 Grant wrote to Lee on the 7th as follows : 
 The result of last week must convince you of the 
 hopelessness of further resistance. I ask the sur 
 render of your army." 
 
 Lee replied, that though not entirely of Grant s 
 opinion of the hopelessness of further resistance, he 
 reciprocated his desire to avoid the useless effusion 
 of blood ; therefore, before considering Grant s pro 
 position, he asked what terms were offered for 
 surrender. 
 
 Grant replied that peace had been his first de 
 sire, and that he insisted upon only one condition 
 namely, that the men surrendered should be dis 
 qualified again to take up arms against the Govern 
 ment until properly exchanged. He would meet 
 Lee or his representative at any point and arrange 
 the surrender. 
 
 Lee rejoined that he did not propose the surren 
 der of his army, but to ask the terms of Grant s 
 proposition. He did not think the emergency had 
 arisen to call for surrender, but as the restoration 
 
THE SURRENDER OF GENERAL LEE. 
 
 of peace should be the sole object of all, he desired 
 to know whether Grant s proposals would tend to 
 that end. He, therefore, could not meet Grant with 
 the view of surrendering his army, but as far as 
 Grant s proposition might affect the forces under 
 Lee s command and tend to restore peace Lee would 
 be pleased to meet Grant. 
 
 Grant replied, that having no authority to treat 
 on the subject of peace, the meeting proposed by 
 Lee could lead to no good. Grant expressed him 
 self equally desirous with Lee for peace, while the 
 North entertained the same feeling. The terms 
 upon which peace could be had were well under 
 stood by the South by laying down their arms 
 they would hasten peace, and save thousands of 
 lives and millions of property. He hoped that all 
 difficulties might be settled without the loss of an 
 other life. 
 
 Lee replied, requesting an interview, in accord 
 ance with the offer contained in Grant s letter, in 
 which it was stated that the men who surrendered 
 should be disqualified to take up arms against the 
 Government until exchanged. 
 
 Grant then wrote to Lee on the 9th, proposing 
 the following terms of surrender : 
 
 " The rolls of all officers and men to be made in 
 duplicate, one copy for the officer designated by 
 Grant, the other for the officer designated by Lee. 
 
 " The officers to give their individual paroles not 
 to take up arms against the Government until ex- 
 
GENERAL LEE S FAREWELL ORDER. 
 
 changed. Each company or regimental commander 
 to sign a like parole for the men. 
 
 " The arms, artillery, and public property to be 
 parked and stacked and turned over to officers ap 
 pointed by Grant. This would not embrace the 
 officers side arms, private horses, or luggage. 
 
 " Each officer and man to be allowed to return 
 home, and not to be disturbed so long as they 
 observe their parole and the laws in force where 
 they reside." 
 
 Lee accepted these terms on the same day. 
 
 The officers and men were at once paroled and 
 allowed to return home, the officers retaining their 
 side arms. 
 
 Correspondents estimate that Lee surrendered 
 with 25,000 men. 
 
 GENERAL LEE*S FAREWELL ORDER. 
 
 General Lee, on the 1 Oth inst., issued the follow 
 ing farewell order to his army: 
 
 After four years of arduous service, marked by 
 unsurpassed courage and fortitude, the army of 
 Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to 
 overwhelming numbers and resources. I need not 
 tell the brave survivors of so many hard-fought 
 battles who have remained steadfast to the last, 
 that I have consented to this result from no dis 
 trust in them, but feeling that valour and devotion 
 could accomplish nothing that would compensate 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 for the loss that would have attended a continuance 
 of the c6ntest, I have determined to avoid the use 
 less sacrifice of those whose past services have en 
 deared them to their countrymen. By the terms 
 of the agreement, officers and men can return to 
 their homes and remain until exchanged. You 
 will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds 
 from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed, 
 and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will ex 
 tend to you His blessing and protection. With 
 unceasing admiration of your constancy and devo 
 tion to your country, and a grateful remembrance 
 of your kind and generous consideration for myself, 
 I bid you all an affectionate farewell. 
 
 R E. LEE, General. 
 
 ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 Events crowd upon us in rapid succession. 
 Whilst a thrill of joy was passing through the 
 hearts of Northern victors and their abettors and 
 promoters in consequence of their great success, 
 Abraham Lincoln has been sent, by the hand of an 
 assassin, to a tribunal beyond the reach of human 
 criticism, where the motives are scrutinised, as well 
 as the actions of men, uninfluenced by rank or 
 station, wealth or learning, and the reward is be 
 stowed on the principles of immutable equity, 
 according to the deeds committed, whether good or 
 bad. The destruction of life is a solemn, fearful 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 act. The late Richard Cobden once said in the 
 British House of Commons, that "no man was 
 justified in taking away one human life, except he 
 could restore it," what fearful guilt, therefore, must 
 attach to those who sacrifice the lives of millions 
 or abet them ? 
 
 During the present war in America one million of 
 lives has been destroyed, besides an immense mul 
 titude who have been made cripples, widows, and 
 orphans ; but fearful and horrible as it is to con 
 template the scenes of battle and its direful results, 
 assassination is a crime of the foulest character and 
 deepest dye. Saddening and mournful as it may 
 be to contemplate the scenes of war, the tragedies 
 of the assassin not only outrage humanity, but shock 
 the common sense of mankind. No fouler crime is 
 chronicled in history than the murder which has 
 just been committed at Washington. When the 
 intelligence reached Liverpool, a tremendous rush 
 took place to the " News Room " on the Exchange. 
 All was deep and profound silence whilst the 
 Secretary read the telegram, but as soon as he an 
 nounced the death of Lincoln, by an assassin, the 
 feeling of horror which it created was general, with 
 the exception of one dissentient, who had the tem 
 erity to shout " Hurrah." His presence in the 
 room was of short duration. He was instantly 
 seized by the collar, and summarily ejected by as 
 strong a Southern as there is in Liverpool, who 
 shouted in his ears, " Be off. you incarnate fiend ! 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 You are an assassin at heart." The news is so sud 
 den and startling, that we can hardly bring our 
 selves to calmly reflect that he who " put his foot 
 down " on the rights and powers of the sovereign 
 states, and " pegged away " with his armies through 
 seas of blood, that he might compel an unwilling 
 obedience from the Southern States is now the 
 victim of an assassin, and fills an untimely grave. 
 There are those who elevate the late President 
 Lincoln to the dignity of a martyr in the foul, de 
 testable, and cruel fate to which he has been sub 
 jected, exclaiming, " Upon death s purple altar now 
 see where the victor martyr bleeds/ No, not 
 martyr but victim. He had suddenly wrenched 
 the rights of millions from their hands ; and now 
 he has succumbed to a fate which threatens all who 
 are elevated to despotic power. 
 
 Official Report. 
 NEW YOEK, April 15th, J865. 
 
 THE following official telegram from Mr. Secretary 
 Stanton has been furnished by the United States 
 Legation in London : 
 
 Sir, It has become my distressing duty to 
 announce to you that last night his Excellency 
 Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
 was assassinated, about the hour of half-past ten 
 o clock, in his private box, at Ford s Theatre, in 
 this city. The President about eight o clock, 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 accompanied Mrs Lincoln to the theatre. Another 
 lady and gentlemen were with them in the box. 
 About half-past ten, during a pause in the perform 
 ance, the assassin entered the box, the door of 
 which was unguarded, hastily approached the 
 President from behind and discharged a pistol at 
 his head. The bullet entered the back of his 
 head, and penetrated nearly through. The assas- 
 san then leaped from the box upon the stage, 
 brandishing a large knife or dagger, and exclaiming, 
 " Sic semper tyrannis" and escaped in the rear of 
 the theatre. Immediately upon the discharge the 
 President fell to the floor insensible, and continued 
 in that state until twenty minutes past seven 
 o clock this morning, when he breathed his last. 
 About the same time the murder was being 
 committed at the theatre another assassin pre 
 sented himself at the door of Mr. Seward s residence, 
 gained admission by representing he had a prescrip 
 tion from Mr. Seward s physician, which he was 
 directed to see administered, and hurried up to the 
 third- storey chamber, where Mr. Seward was lying. 
 He here discovered Mr. Frederick Seward, struck 
 him over the head, inflicting several wounds, and 
 fracturing the skull in two places, inflicting it is feared 
 mortal wounds. He then rushed into the room 
 where Mr. Seward was in bed, attended by a young 
 daughter and a male nurse. The male attendant 
 was stabbed through the lungs, and it is believed 
 will die. The assassin then struck Mr. Seward with 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN. 
 
 a knife or dagger twice in the throat and twice in 
 the face, inflicting terrible wounds. By this time 
 Major Seward, eldest son of the secretary, and 
 another attendant reached the room, and rushed to 
 the rescue of the secretary; they were also wounded 
 in the conflict, and the assassin escaped. No 
 artery or important blood-vessel was severed by any 
 of the wounds inflicted upon him, but he was for 
 a long time insensible from the loss of blood. Some 
 hope of his possible recovery is entertained. Im 
 mediately upon the death of the President notice 
 was given to Vice- President Johnson, who happened 
 to be in the city, and upon whom the office of 
 President now devolves. He will take the office 
 and assume the functions of President to-day. The 
 murderer of the President has been discovered, and 
 evidence obtained that these horrible crimes were 
 committed in execution of a conspiracy deliberately 
 planned, and set on foot by rebels under pretence 
 of avenging the South and aiding the rebel cause ; 
 but it is hoped that the immediate perpetrators will 
 be caught. The feeling occasioned by these atrocious 
 crimes is so great, sudden, and overwhelming, that 
 I cannot at present do more than communicate 
 them to you. At the earliest moment yesterday 
 the President called a Cabinet meeting, at which 
 General Grant was present. He was more cheerful 
 and happy than I had ever seen him, rejoiced at the 
 near prospect of firm and durable peace at home and 
 abroad, manifested in marked degree the kindness 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 and humanity of his disposition, and the tender 
 and forgiving spirit that so eminently distinguished 
 him. Public notice had been given that he and 
 General Grant would be present at the theatre, and 
 the opportunity of adding the lieutenant-general to 
 the number of victims to be murdered was no doubt 
 seized for the fitting occasion of executing the plans 
 that appear to have been in preparation for some 
 weeks, but General Grant was compelled to be 
 absent, and thus escaped the designs upon him. 
 It is needless for me to say anything in regard of 
 the influence which this atrocious murder of the 
 President may exercise upon the affairs of this 
 country ; but I will only add that, horrible as are 
 the atrocities that have been resorted to by the 
 enemies of the country, they are not likely in any 
 degree to impair the public spirit or postpone the 
 complete final overthrow of the rebellion. In profound 
 grief for the events which it has become my duty 
 to communicate to you, I have the honour to be 
 very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 EDWIN M. STANTON. 
 
 THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 A man named Sura, of Maryland, who suddenly 
 disappeared from his home at Washington, has been 
 suspected as being the assassin of Mr. Seward. 
 The female members of his family were arrested on 
 Monday night. While the officers were in the 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 house, a man disguised and covered with mud entered, 
 and he was also seized. Upon being confronted by 
 Major Seward and the domestics, he was recognised 
 by them as the man who committed the assassina 
 tion. 
 
 John Wilkes Booth, the murderer of Mr. Lincoln, 
 is an actor, the son of Mr. Junius Brutus Booth, who 
 failed in his attempt more than a quarter of a century 
 ago to rival Edmund Kean as a tragedian. He has 
 been one of the leading stars in the Northern States, 
 where he has resided since the commencement of the 
 war. His mother and the rest of the family reside 
 at Baltimore. He has always been known to have 
 " secesh " principles, but has hitherto borne an 
 honourable character, and indeed was regarded 
 everywhere as a young man of very superior 
 abilities and bright prospects. It may be men 
 tioned that his brother, Edwin Booth, is one of the 
 leading actors in New York. Some four or five 
 years ago he was in London, and was well received. 
 The only charge ever heretofore brought against 
 John W. Booth was that of dissipation. He is of 
 a slight build, but wiry and strong, and of prepos 
 sessing countenance. His connection with the stage 
 would make him perfectly familiar with Ford s 
 theatre, at which he has sometimes performed. In 
 order to understand the manner in which the mur 
 der may have been effected, it is necessary to explain 
 that the private box spoken of is close to one end 
 of the stage, and raised about six feet above it. 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 Hence the assassin could quite easily enter the box, 
 and having delivered the shot, leap on to the stage 
 and thus make his escape. 
 
 At a little after twelve o clock on Friday last, 
 John Wilkes Booth, by profession an actor, well 
 and heretofore favourably known in our theatrical 
 world, sauntered slowly into Ford s Theatre, in 
 Frith-street, Washington, and engaged in desultory 
 conversation with the box-keeper, with whom he 
 was well acquainted. Incidently he learned that 
 the President, with his family and one or two 
 friends, would witness the play that evening from 
 their box. After some further conversation, Booth 
 withdrew and passed down the street to Pennsyl 
 vania-avenue, stopping at the Kirkwood House, 
 at which hotel Andrew Johnson (now President) 
 then occupied rooms. Entering the bar-room, he 
 saluted one or two friends, and drank a glass of 
 liquor ; then, proceeding to the office, he called for 
 a card and a sheet of note paper. Standing at the 
 counter he wrote upon the card these words : 
 " For Mr. Andrew Johnson : I don t wish to dis 
 turb you. Are you at home ? " This message 
 having been sent to Mr. Johnson, that gentleman 
 returned word by the servant that he was very 
 busily engaged, and could see no one at that time. 
 Booth then passed around behind the counter, and 
 seated himself at the clerk s desk a familiarity 
 frequently permitted on the part of persons intim 
 ately acquainted in and about our hotels. Here he 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 began writing, but had indited but one or two 
 words, when he turned to the clerk and said, " What 
 year is it 1864 or 1865?" After a moment s 
 pause he added, " I don t know actually." He was 
 furnished with the desired information, and shortly 
 after finished his letter, which he sealed with great 
 care. Then passing out again toward the street, he 
 met one or two acquaintances, to whom he bowed 
 in his usually courteous manner. Before leaving 
 the hotel finally, however, he returned to the office 
 and said to the clerk, " Are you going to Ford s to 
 night ? There ll be some splendid acting there;" 
 and receiving a negative answer, he slowly left the 
 house. Going thence immediately to a well-known 
 livery stable, he hired a very fast, handsome, strong 
 bay mare, informing the proprietor that he would 
 call for her toward night. Here all actual trace of 
 him is temporarily lost, but with the information 
 now at hand it is easy to conjecture, with almost 
 absolute certainty, what his movements were. 
 Leaving the livery stable he proceeded (without a 
 doubt) to the theatre he had visited in the morning, 
 and which was to be attended by the President at 
 night. From his familiarity with the premises, he 
 doubtless gained access to the auditorium and dress- 
 circle over the stage, without difficulty. Passing 
 from the dress-circle into the Presidential box, he 
 first carefully removed the screws which held the 
 spring-hasp of one of the doors, cutting out the 
 thread made by the screws in the wood, and re- 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 inserting them in their proper places. Thus he 
 prepared the door, so that a very slight push from 
 the outside would force off the hasp and allow free 
 ingress. Going to the outer door of the narrow 
 private passage way in the rear of the box, out of 
 which passage way the two box doors opened, he 
 made an indentation in the plaster of the wall suffi 
 ciently deep to admit the insertion of a small 
 wooden bar, one end of which placed in this orifice 
 and the other against the moulding of the door 
 panel would prevent, for a time at any rate, any 
 entrance from without. These affairs completed, 
 Booth arranged the chairs in the box in such a way 
 that the President at the right would sit with his 
 head in a line with a certain point on the panel of 
 the box door nearest the stage. He then left the 
 theatre and returned to the livery stables, it being 
 now about four o clock, P.M. Here he took the 
 mare which he had hired, and, mounting her, he 
 rode up Fifteenth-street to Tenth, turning into an 
 alley which led directly to the rear of the theatre. 
 Fronting the alley is a small stable in which Booth 
 had kept his own horse for several weeks, and in 
 this stable he left the mare. From this time until 
 after eight o clock in the evening he passed the time 
 in sauntering from bar-room to bar-room, drinking 
 frequently. The last time he appeared in this way 
 was in a drinking shop near the theatre, which he 
 entered in company with three or four unknown 
 persons. After imbibing, each member of the party 
 2 u 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 shook hands with Booth and then with each other, 
 each bidding the other " good bye" in a formal and 
 impressive manner. 
 
 Let us now turn for a few moments to the exe 
 cutive mansion. In one of the parlours were Mr. 
 and Mrs. Lincoln, Speaker Colfax, Miss Harris, and 
 Major Rathbone. General Grant had promised to 
 join the party at the theatre, but having finally 
 decided to go to Burlington, he left for that city, in 
 company with his wife, during the afternoon. The 
 Presidential carriage was in waiting, and Mrs. Lin 
 coln, speaking to her husband, in a half-jesting, half- 
 serious manner, said, " Well, Mr Lincoln, are you 
 going with me or not ? The President turned to 
 Mr. Colfax (whose visit was of a purely private 
 nature), and answered to him, " I suppose T shall 
 have to go, Colfax ;" upon which the latter gentle 
 man departed, and the Presidential party was shortly 
 afterwards driven to the theatre. At the door he 
 met Booth, between whom and himself the usual 
 salutation passed. Entering the box, the President 
 took his seat in the chair designed for his use, and 
 peculiarly located by Booth, occupying the outer 
 corner of the box most remote from the stage. To 
 his left sat Mrs Lincoln ; next her, and nearest the 
 stage, Miss Harris ; in the rear of all, Major Eath- 
 bone. The box, which was lined with crimson 
 paper, and contained a sofa covered with crimson 
 velvet, three armed chairs covered in like manner, 
 and six common cane-bottomed chairs, w r as curtained 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 in front with two silken United States flags, one 
 of which, as will be hereafter seen, was destined to 
 play no unimportant part in the fearful drama about 
 to be enacted. When the Presidential party en 
 tered the box, the audience rose and cheered enthu 
 siastically, which compliment Mr. Lincoln returned 
 by a bow. 
 
 The curtain rose and the play began. Mr. Lin 
 coln paid considerable attention to the comedy 
 enacted before him. This play, OUT American 
 Cousin, has enjoyed even greater success in England 
 than in this country, owing to Mr Soth era s imper 
 sonation of Lord Dundreary. The actors improved 
 the opportunity afforded them by the presence of 
 Mr Lincoln, and interpolated many sentences, hav 
 ing a bearing upon recent events, or upon the 
 peculiarities of the President. At several of these 
 innovations known in theatrical idiom as * gags " 
 Mr Lincoln laughed audibly, particularly at one 
 introducing his favourite saying, " That reminds 
 me of a little story." The President s countenance 
 was peculiarly sombre during the greater part of 
 the evening, however ; he seemed to be in deep 
 thought, and once, without any apparent reason, he 
 went to the rear of the box, and put on his over 
 coat. 
 
 Booth entered the theatre at a little after eight 
 o clock, and passed into the dress circle. Here he 
 remained, leaning against the wall, and occupying 
 a secluded position during the whole of the first 
 
f 
 
 THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 act. Always famous for remarkable perfection in 
 dress, he was, upon this occasion, even more ele 
 gantly attired than usual. His eyes, it was noticed, 
 wandered nervously about the house, and were 
 frequently fixed upon the President s box. Just 
 before the beginning of the second act he left the 
 theatre, went to the stable in the rear of the build 
 ing, and saddled and bridled his horse, leading the 
 animal to the stage-door, or door for the entrance 
 of actors, and placed her in the charge of a young 
 man employed in a subordinate capacity in the 
 theatre. Then he returned to the dress circle, and 
 began working his way through the crowd stand 
 ing in the rear of the seats in the dress circle to 
 ward the box, and his unconcealed nervousness, 
 and the singular ghastliness of his countenancee at 
 tracted the attention of many persons in the body 
 of the theatre. Slowly pushing forward, he had 
 arrived within a few feet of the box doors, when 
 the curtain rose on the third act. Here he halted 
 for a while, waiting until the second scene of the 
 act had opened, when he again advanced, and 
 placing his knee against the outer door, at the same 
 time pressing with his left hand, he pushed it open. 
 At the same instant he was checked by the Presi 
 dent s servant, and to this person he said that he 
 was a senator, visiting Mr. Lincoln by invitation. 
 He did not tarry, however, but immediately entered 
 the small passage or hallway, running behind the 
 box, out of which the box doors open. He at once 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 placed the wooden bar, for the reception of which 
 he had previously prepared, across the door of this 
 hallway, thus effectually shutting out the servant 
 and all others, and preventing chance intrusion. 
 He then stepped into the box. He was at once 
 confronted by Major Rathbone, who said, " Do you 
 know upon whom you are intruding, sir?" Bow 
 ing gracefully, he retired, stepping back to the 
 outer door of the box. Standing in this doorway, 
 concealed from the audience, and unnoticed by 
 the Presidential party, who supposed that he had 
 entirely withdrawn, he discharged a pistol with his 
 left hand, and without taking aim across the barrel. 
 The ball from this pistol passed through the closed 
 inner door of the box, the door nearest the stage, 
 and in a direct line with that in which Booth 
 stood, and struck Mr Lincoln on the left side of 
 the head behind, on a line with and three inches 
 from the left ear. The President s head immedi 
 ately dropped forward a little, the eyes closed, and 
 he became at once unconscious. Booth sprang into 
 the box, and as he did so, Major Rathbone grappled 
 with him. The assassin immediately struck him 
 with a knife, ripping open his right arm from elbow 
 to shoulder. Dashing Rathbone aside, as he re 
 leased his hold, Booth, with one leap, mounted the 
 outer railing of the box, passing between Mrs. Lin 
 coln and Miss Harris. With another leap he 
 cleared the box and struck the floor of the stage. 
 As he sprang from the box, his spurred heel caught 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 a fold in one of the canopying nags, by means of 
 which the spur was wrenched off ; and dropped on 
 the floor beneath. The distance from the railing 
 of the box to the floor of the stage is nine feet. 
 As Booth struck the floor the shock was such as to 
 throw him into a crouching position, from which, 
 however, he at once recovered himself. Swinging 
 around, so as to confront the audience, he shouted 
 out, " sic semper tyrannis" and dashed across the 
 stage to the passage way on the right, thence to the 
 rear behind the scenes, overturning an actor and 
 actress in his course, and thence through what is 
 known as the stage-door to the alley in the rear of 
 the theatre. From the box to the stage-door the 
 distance is just 64 feet; and it is estimated that 
 not 30 seconds elapsed between the time of the 
 firing of the shot and the time at which Booth 
 reached the alley. Rushing into this alley, which 
 runs at right angles with that in which is situated 
 the stable, whence he had left his horse, he took the 
 animal from the boy in whose charge he had but 
 a few minute.s previously left it, and, mounting it, 
 dashed off into the darkness. From that moment 
 to the present no trace of him has been found, so 
 far as the public can discover. 
 
 For a full minute after the firing of the shot, 
 silence reigned in the house. Those w T ho saw the 
 sudden dash of the assassin, and heard his excla 
 mation, supposed it, at first, either a part of the 
 play or the antic of a drunken man. But the 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 screams of Mrs. Lincoln and Miss Harris, and the 
 cries of Major Rathbone for assistance, announced 
 the fatal truth that the President of the United 
 States had been murdered. Then a general rush 
 to the doors took place ; but when the pursuers 
 reached the rear of the theatre, Booth had disap 
 peared, and not even the sound of his retreating 
 horse s hoofs struck upon their ears. The excite 
 ment which sprang up there surged over the whole 
 continent before daybreak, and the scene in Wash 
 ington during the remainder of that bloody night 
 was indescribably fearful. With regard to that 
 matter, however, it is not necessary to speak at 
 present. 
 
 The " leading lady " of the theatre, Miss Laura 
 Keene, who stood at the side of the stage when 
 Booth sprang from the box, as soon as the awful 
 fact made itself known, proceeded to the fatal box, 
 and endeavoured in vain to restore consciousness 
 to the dying President. It was a strange spec 
 tacle the head and the ruler of 30 millions of 
 people lying insensible in the lap of an actress, 
 the mingled brain and blood oozing out and stain 
 ing her gaudy robe. In a few minutes Mr. 
 Lincoln s unconscious form was removed to a 
 house across the street, and here the soul of the 
 President took its final departure. The room to 
 which Mr. Lincoln was taken is fifteen feet square, 
 ordinarily furnished, the walls being hung with 
 a few cheap lithographs and photographs. In an 
 
THE ASSASSINS. 
 
 adjoining room the members of Mr. Lincoln s 
 family were in a short time gathered, and from 
 time to time they passed into the death chamber 
 to look upon the distorted features of the husband 
 and father. Mrs. Lincoln several times fainted, 
 and was borne out. Once she approached the 
 bedside, and, embracing the insensible form of 
 her husband exclaimed, " Live ! live ! if but for 
 a moment to bless your children." Again, she 
 accused herself of having tempted him to attend 
 the theatre. Her agony was overpowering, and 
 most distressing to the sympathizing friends 
 gathered in that solemn chamber. No one in the 
 room but showed the deepest signs of emotion ; 
 the stern Secretary of war sobbed like a child, 
 Cabinet Ministers and governors, generals, and 
 secretaries wept in concert no one found it 
 possible to restrain tears at the woeful spectacle. 
 During the whole night the intimate friends of the 
 President were gathered about his bedside, and 
 the attendant minister offered up frequent prayers 
 for the dying man and the afflicted relatives. At 
 22 minutes past seven the President breathed his 
 last. At this moment were gathered about the 
 blood-stained bed Captain Robert Lincoln, Secre 
 taries Stantoii, Usher, and Welles ; Attorney General 
 Speed ; Postmaster General Dennison ; Assistant 
 Secretary of the Treasury Field ; Judge Otto, 
 General Meigs, General Halleck, Senator Sumner, 
 Governor Oglesby, Mrs. and Miss Harris, and 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 several other well-known or official persons. At 
 nine o clock in the morning the remains were taken 
 to the White House. 
 
 LETTER FROM THE ASSASSIN OF MR. LINCOLN. 
 
 The following letter from Wilkes Booth has been 
 discovered. It was doubtless written sometime in 
 the month of January last, and carefully sealed up 
 in an envelope, directed thus " J. Wilkes Booth." 
 This package Booth left with his brother-in-law, 
 Mr. J. S. Clarke, a resident of Philadelphia, asking 
 Mr. Clarke to take good care of it, as it contained 
 valuable oil stocks and bonds. The envelope has 
 remained since January in the possession of Mr. 
 Clarke, unopened, until the fearful tragedy had 
 occurred in Washington. The brother-in-law of 
 Mr. Booth then opened the package, in which he 
 found some United States bonds, oil stocks, and 
 this letter. Mr. Clarke gave the letter to the 
 United States Marshal Millward, who furnished a 
 copy to the Philadelphia Press. It is as fol 
 lows : 
 
 " 1864. 
 
 " My dear Sir, You may use this as you think 
 best. But as some may wish to know when, who, 
 and why, and as I know not how to direct, I give 
 it (in the words of your master) 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 " To whom it may concern. 
 
 " Eight or wrong, God judge me, not man. For 
 be my motive good or bad, of one thing I am sure 
 the lasting condemnation of the North. 
 
 " I love peace more than life. Have loved the 
 Union beyond expression. For four years have I 
 waited, hoped, and prayed for the dark clouds to 
 break, and for a restoration of our former sunshine. 
 To wait longer would be a crime. All hope for 
 peace is dead. My prayers have proved as idle as 
 my hopes. God s will be done. I go to see and 
 share the bitter end. 
 
 " I have ever held the South were right. The 
 very nomination of Abraham Lincoln four years 
 ago, spoke plainly war war upon Southern 
 rights and institutions. His election proved it. 
 Await an overt act. Yes, till you are bound and 
 plundered. What folly ! The South were wise. 
 Who thinks of argument and patience when the 
 finger of his enemy presses on the trigger ? In a 
 foreign war, I, too, could say, Country, right 
 wrong/ But in a struggle such as ours (where the 
 brother tries to pierce the brother s heart), for God s 
 sake choose the right. When a country like this 
 spurns justice from her side she forfeits the allegi 
 ance of every honest freeman, and should leave him 
 untrammelled by any fealty soever to act as his 
 conscience may approve. 
 
 "People of the North, to hate tyranny, to love 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 liberty and justice, to strike at wrong and oppres 
 sion was the teaching of our fathers. The study of 
 our early history will not let me forget it, and may 
 it never. 
 
 " This country was formed for the white, and not 
 for the black man ; and looking upon African 
 slavery from the same standpoint held by the noble 
 framers of our Constitution, I, for one, have ever- 
 considered it one of the greatest blessings, both for 
 themselves and us, that God ever bestowed upon a 
 favoured nation. Witness heretofore our wealth 
 and power ; witness their elevation and enlight- 
 ment, above their race elsewhere. I have lived 
 among it most of my life, and have seen less harsh 
 treatment from master to man than I have beheld 
 in the North from father to son. Yet, heaven 
 knows, no one would be willing to do more for the 
 negro race than I, could I but see a way to still 
 better their condition. 
 
 " But Lincoln s policy is only preparing the way 
 for their total annihilation. The South are not, 
 nor have they been, fighting for the continuance 
 of slavery. The first battle of Bull Run did away 
 with that idea. Their causes since for war have 
 been as noble and greater far than those that 
 urged our fathers on. Even should we allow they 
 were wrong at the beginning of this contest, cruelty 
 and injustice have made the wrong become the 
 right, and they stand now (before the wonder and 
 admiration of the world) as a noble band of patri- 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 otic heroes. Hereafter, reading of their deeds, Ther 
 mopylae will be forgotten. 
 
 " When I aided in the capture arid execution of 
 John Brown (who was a murderer on our western 
 border, and who was fairly tried and convicted be 
 fore an impartial judge and jury of treason, and 
 who, by the way, has since been made a god), I was 
 proud of my little share in the transaction, for I 
 deemed it my duty, and that I was helping our 
 common country to perform an act of justice. But 
 what was a crime in poor John Brown is now con 
 sidered, by themselves, as the greatest and only virtue 
 of the whole Republican party. Strange transmi 
 gration ! Vice to become a virtue simply because 
 more indulge in it. 
 
 " I thought then, as now, that the Abolitionists 
 were the only traitors in the land, and that the 
 entire party deserved the same fate as poor old 
 Brown, not because they wished to abolish slavery, 
 but on account of the means they have ever endea 
 voured to use to effect that abolition. If Brown 
 were living I doubt whether he himself would set 
 slavery against the Union. Most or many in the 
 North do, and openly curse the Union, if the South 
 are to return and retain a single right guaranteed 
 to them by every tie which we once revered as 
 sacred. The South can make no choice. It is 
 either extermination or slavery for themselves 
 (worse than death) to draw from. I know my 
 choice. 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 " I have also studied to discover upon what 
 ground the right of a State to secede has been denied, 
 when our very name, United States, and the Decla 
 ration of Independence both proved for secession. 
 But there is no time for words. I write in haste. 
 I know how foolish I shall be deemed for under 
 taking such a step as this, where, on the one side, 
 I have many friends and everything to make me 
 happy, where my profession alone has gained me an 
 income of more than 20,000 dollars a year, and 
 where my great personal ambition in my profession 
 has such a great field for labour. On the other 
 hand, the South has never bestowed upon me one 
 kind word ; a place now where I have no friends, 
 except beneath the sod; a place where I must 
 either become a private soldier or a beggar. To 
 give up all of the former for the latter, besides my 
 mother and sisters, whom I love so dearly (although 
 they so widely differ with me in opinion), seems 
 insane ; but God is my judge. I love justice more 
 than I do a country that disowns it, more than 
 fame and wealth, more (Heaven pardon me if 
 wrong) than a happy home. I have never been 
 upon a battlefield, but oh ! my countrymen, could 
 you all but see the reality or effects of this horrid 
 war, as I ha,ve seen them in every State, save Vir 
 ginia, I know you would think like me, and pray 
 the Almighty to create in the Northern mind a sense 
 of right and justice (even should it possess no 
 seasoning of mercy), and that He would dry up the 
 
LETTER FROM LINCOLN S ASSASSIN. 
 
 sea of blood between us which is daily growing 
 wider. Alas ! poor country, is she to meet her 
 threatened doom ? Four years ago I would have 
 given a thousand lives to see her remain as I had 
 always known her powerful and unbroken. And 
 even now I would hold my life as naught to see 
 her what she was. ! my friends, if the fearful 
 scenes of the past four years never had been enacted, 
 or if what has been, had been but a frightful dream 
 from which we could now awake, with what over 
 flowing hearts could we bless our God and pray for 
 His continued favour ! How I have loved the old 
 flag can never now be known. A few years since, 
 and the entire world could boast of none so pure 
 and spotless, But I have of late been seeing and 
 hearing of the bloody deeds of which she has been 
 made the emblem, and would shudder to think how 
 changed she had grown. Oh ! how I have longed 
 to see her break from the mist of blood and death 
 that circles round her folds, spoiling her beauty and 
 tarnishing her honour. But no ; day by day she 
 has been dragged deeper and deeper into cruelty 
 and oppression, till now (in my eyes) her once bright 
 red stripes look like bloody gashes on the face of 
 heaven. I look now upon my early admiration of 
 her glories as a dream. My love, (as things stand 
 to-day), is for the South alone. Nor do I deem it 
 a dishonour in attempting to make for her a 
 prisoner of this man, to whom she owes so much 
 misery. If success attend me, I go penniless to her 
 
WILKES BOOTH SHOT. 
 
 side. They say she has found that last ditch 
 which the North has so long derided, and been en 
 deavouring to force her in, forgetting they are our 
 brothers, and that it is impolitic to goad an enemy 
 to madness. Should I reach her in safety and find 
 it true, I will proudly beg permission to triumph or 
 die in that same ditch by her side. 
 
 "A Confederate doing duty upon his own re 
 sponsibility. 
 
 " J. WILKES BOOTH." 
 
 WILKES BOOTH SHOT. 
 
 NEW YORK, April 28. 
 
 Mr. Stanton reports to-day that Booth and Har- 
 rold, his accomplice, were chased from a swamp in 
 St Mary s County, Maryland, to Garrett s farm, near 
 Port Koyal, on the Rappahannock, by Colonel 
 Baker s detectives. The barn in which they took 
 refuge was fired. Booth was shot and killed. Har- 
 rold are now at Washington. 
 
 The following further particulars have been re 
 ceived. It appears that Booth and Harrold, dressed 
 in Confederate uniforms, reached Garrett s farm 
 several days ago. Booth was wounded. In con 
 versation he denounced Lincoln s assassination, and 
 said that the rewards offered would doubtless be 
 increased to half a million. The Garret ts, when 
 arrested, asserted that they did not suspect it was 
 Booth. Canadian bills for a large amount were 
 
ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 found upon him. Harrold remains uncommunica 
 tive. 
 
 Booth was shot through the head. He lingered 
 for three hours. His foot also was injured, and he 
 used crutches. The cavalry who surrounded the 
 barn summoned Booth and Harrold to surrender. 
 The latter seemed inclined to acquiesce, but Booth 
 accused him of cowardice. After the barn was 
 fired Harrold surrendered, but Booth shot at the 
 cavalry serjeant, who returned the fire and killed 
 him. It is supposed that Harrold is an accomplice 
 of the assassin who attacked Seward. Dr. Mudd, 
 of Maryland, set Booth s leg, and supplied him with 
 crutches. Mudd lias been arrested. 
 
 ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 Insinuations have been freely made use of that 
 Southern "rebels" have conspired to take away Lin 
 coln s life. To such we commend the following 
 article, from the Standard, April 27th, 1865. 
 
 " The slanderous malignity of certain persons 
 who, for obvious ends, would fasten the stigma of 
 assassination upon the enemies who have so often, 
 and so gallantly, met, and beaten the Federal armies 
 on the Field of battle, is simply beneath rebuke or 
 refutation. There is no nation in the world so 
 perfectly free from the stain of murderous cowardice 
 as the people of the Confederate States. Subjected, 
 as they have been, to atrocities forbidden by the 
 
ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 common code of Christian nations ; having seen 
 defenceless districts given up to pillage and outrage, 
 unresisting cities fired, women systematically aban 
 doned to the licence of the soldiery, prisoners of war 
 assassinated in cold blood, citizens butchered on 
 their own thresholds by the invaders, they have 
 never allowed themselves to be provoked to use the 
 utmost rigours of warfare, far less to exceed them. 
 The cruelties practised on Confederate prisoners 
 have never, even when the exchange was suspended, 
 been retaliated on the numerous captives in Con 
 federate prisons. Never have they even taken life 
 for life. No Northern town has been burnt ; only 
 once, by way of formal retribution for a thousand 
 such crimes, some of the public buildings of 
 Chambersburg were fired. No Northern woman 
 has ever received the slightest affront from Confe 
 derate soldiers. The worst ruffians among Mr. Lin 
 coln s generals have never been in the lepst personal 
 danger. Butler himself quitted New Orleans un 
 harmed and unthreatened, after refusing a challenge 
 from a countryman of the ladies, to whom he 
 had offered the foul and cowardly outrage which 
 has affixed everlasting infamy to his name. We 
 do not mean to say that it is impossible that some 
 Southern hand may have mingled in the plot. 
 Some husband or father, whose nearest and 
 dearest have suffered the last indignity at the 
 hands of Lincoln s soldiery ; some near relative 
 of those who were butchered at Palmyra with the 
 2 X 
 
ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 sanction and approval of the commander-in-chief 
 of all the Federal armies ; some dear friends of 
 the gallant Captain Beal, so lately murdered by 
 the immediate order of the President may 
 have been maddened by brooding over these 
 wrongs into this criminal act of personal vengeance. 
 But if the assassin was moved by merely political 
 motives, it is quite as likely that he was not as that 
 he was a Southern partisan. The person charged 
 with this foul crime is the son of an Englishman, 
 well known as an actor ; an actor himself as might 
 have been supposed from the melo-dramatic air he 
 assumed, and the familiarity with theatrical 
 arrangements which facilitated perhaps his entrance 
 and certainly his escape. If we are to judge by 
 the fact that he appeared on the stage at New 
 Orleans during the reign of Butler we must believe 
 that he is no very earnest Secessionist. And the 
 selection of the helpless Seward as the second victim 
 the useless murder of the member of the Cabinet 
 least bittter in his hatred against the South 
 appears to suggest similar suspicions/ 
 
 That these men were instruments in the hands of 
 Southern leaders or people to assassinate Lincoln 
 we hope and trust will be found to be without found 
 ation, since the manner in which they have demeaned 
 themselves on the field of battle, and in connection 
 wit the history of the war demonstrates that they are 
 not a race of assassins, and consequently we feel per 
 suaded that the military chieftains and people will 
 
ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 most earnestly and indignantly repudiate the grave 
 charge of Secretary Stanton against the Southerns, 
 who doubtless wrote his report under the first 
 shock of the intelligence of the assassination of his 
 chief, without much consideration, and upon imper 
 fect information. 
 
 Mr. Mason, writing to the Index on the subject 
 of the assassination of Mr. Lincoln says : " As to 
 the crime which has been committed, none will 
 view it with more abhorrence than the people of 
 the South, but they will know, as will equally all 
 well balanced minds, that it is the necessary off 
 spring of those scenes of bloodshed and murder in 
 every form of unbridled license which have signalised 
 the invasion of the South by Northern armies, 
 unrebuked certainly, and therefore instigated by 
 their leaders and those over them." 
 
 The following letter was written by Mr. Slidell, 
 in reply to an invitation from the Rev. Archer 
 Gurney, to attend a funeral service on account of 
 the death of President Lincoln, in the Protestant 
 church, Paris : 
 
 "Paris, April 28. 
 
 " My dear Sir, No one could have heard with 
 greater horror and regret than I, the intelligence 
 of the atrocious crimes perpetrated at Washington. 
 No one could repudiate with sterner indignation 
 the idea that the assassins had received prompting 
 or encouragement from friends of the Confederate 
 
ASSASSINS AND THE CONFEDERATES. 
 
 cause. Perhaps no two prominent persons of the 
 Federal government could have been selected who 
 excited in a less degree feelings of personal hostility 
 and vindictiveness than President Lincoln and his 
 Secretary of State. I am much obliged to you for 
 inviting me and my family to assist at the solemn 
 service which you propose to hold to-morrow at 
 your chapel, and could we be present simply to 
 manifest the feelings which I have briefly expressed 
 we would not hesitate. But reflection will, I am 
 sure, satisfy you, that our presence on the melan 
 choly occasion would be subject to various and not 
 unnatural misconstructions, received on the part of 
 some as a hypocritical display of regret we did not 
 feel, by others, as a virtual acknowledgment of the 
 injustice of the cause in defence of which so many 
 noble martyrs have fallen, and as a tacitly implied 
 acquiescence in the course of policy pursued by Mr. 
 Lincoln since his accession to power on the 4th of 
 March, 1861. I will take pleasure in compliance 
 with your request, to let any Confederate friends 
 whom I may see to-day know of the intended 
 ceremony. Believe me, very sincerely, your friend 
 and servant, JOHN SLIDELL. 
 
 No honourable Confederate attempts to palliate 
 or excuse this crime, or to exult at its commission. 
 When General Lee was informed of the murder he 
 exclaimed " Horrible ! horrible !" refused to listen to 
 the dreadful details, and shut himself up in his 
 
ABRAEfAAf LINCOLN. 
 
 house. The Confederates confined at Richmond 
 held meetings and adopted resolutions, in which they 
 declared they were " soldiers, not assassins." 
 
 On the basis of Stanton s report a popular cry of 
 indignation has been aroused against the South, and 
 a demand has been made for severe measures against 
 the Confederates, which has led to the arrest of 
 Judge Campbell and the Confederate officers on 
 parole at Richmond, pending the investigation of 
 the murder of Lincoln. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 LINCOLN S remains have been laid out in state at 
 Washington, Philadelphia, New York, and in the 
 principal cities through which they have been taken 
 to his place of interment at Springfield, Illinois, 
 the city where he spent the principal portion of his 
 life. Many sketches have been given of his life. 
 From these we learn that he was born in Hardin 
 County, Kentucky, Feb. 12, 1809, in humble life, 
 and when a child was removed with his father s 
 family to Spencer County, Indiana. When a youth 
 he was sent to school in a log cabin, where his 
 limited opportunities were only sufficient to pick 
 up the rudiments of a common education, and there 
 fore he was mainly indebted through life to his 
 natural ability, shrewd foresight, adroitness, prompt 
 ness of action, self-confidence, and experience of 
 men and things, which mark the "rough and ready" 
 
ABRAfTAM LINCOLN. 
 
 American. In 1830 he removed with his father to 
 Decatur, Illinois, where he was engaged in building 
 a log hut and splitting rails. Here he commenced 
 life for himself, first as a field labourer, and then as 
 a shopman. When the war with the Indians broke 
 out in 1832, commonly called the Black Hawk 
 War, he enlisted as a volunteer in the New Salem 
 Company, and whilst engaged in fighting Black 
 Hawk, Billy Bow Legs, or some other desperate 
 Indian chief determined to defend their hunting 
 grounds, he was raised to the rank of captain. 
 
 When the war was over " Abe" returned to 
 Springfield, the capital of Illinois, and in the follow 
 ing year became a candidate for a seat in the Legis 
 lature on Whig principles, but was unsuccessful. 
 He then turned his attention in another direction, 
 and became a storekeeper, with which he subse 
 quently combined the postmastership of Salem. He 
 now resolved to try his hand at law, but studied it 
 under great disadvantages, owing to his circum 
 stances, which rendered it impossible for him to 
 procure the necessary supply of books for the 
 purpose. 
 
 In 1834 he succeeded in what had been the 
 ambition of his maturer years, and obtained a seat 
 in the Legislature, which he had the good fortune 
 to hold for some four or five years ; securing his re 
 election on three or four separate occasions between 
 that date and the year 1840. During this time he 
 had been admitted as an advocate, and practised 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 with some success at Springfield. He had now be 
 come an ardent politician, and w T hen Henry Clay 
 was a candidate for the Presidency Mr. Lincoln was 
 one of his most enthusiastic supporters. In 1846 
 he was returned to Congress, where he sat three 
 years, voted for the Wilmot Proviso, and against 
 territorial aggrandizement ; resisted Douglas, and 
 opposed the Mexican war as unconstitutional. In 
 1854, Mr. Lincoln was an unsuccessful candidate 
 for Illinois. In 1856 he took an active part in 
 supporting Fremont against Buchanan in the con 
 test for the Presidency. In 1858 he was the 
 Republican candidate for Illinois for the U.S. Senate, 
 but was defeated by Douglas. Two years later he 
 was put forward by his party as the Republican 
 candidate for the Presidentship ; and partly in con 
 sequence of divisions in the Democratic camp, and 
 partly owing to the Vote of the Democratic State 
 of Pennsylvania, secured by a prospective high 
 tariff, he was elected in November, 1860, against 
 such formidable rivals as Douglas, Breckenridge, and 
 Bell. Mr. Lincoln polled a majority of votes in 
 every Northern State except New Jersey ; but he 
 did not receive a majority of the popular votes 
 throughout the entire Union. He was thus elected 
 President under the forms of the constitution, with 
 a majority of nearly a million votes against him. 
 Being the son of a working man, he commenced 
 life as a rail splitter, and afterwards became a rafts 
 man, storekeeper, soldier, surveyor, farmer, lawyer, 
 
A? 
 
 n 
 
 EULOGIUMS. 
 
 legislator, and then the President of the United 
 States. 
 
 " Honour and shame from no condition rise 
 Act well your part, tis there the honour lies." 
 
 The lower a man s position and the higher he 
 rises, and the more creditable to himself when his 
 principles, character, and conduct, are worthy of 
 himself. 
 
 EULOGIUMS. 
 
 Deeply as we regret his violent death, we cannot 
 unite with those who make him an apostle of free 
 dom or a martyr. In a former place we have 
 placed before the reader the antagonistical positions 
 which he assumed to himself in order to curry 
 favour with opposing parties, and as desperately 
 onesided efforts are now being made to claim for 
 him an enviable as well as conspicuous place in 
 history, we ask the reader to ponder over the fol 
 lowing paragraphs : 
 
 PRO AND CON. 
 
 June 12th, 1858, Lincoln said: Aug. 21st, 1858, Lincoln said: 
 
 "In my opinion, the slavery " When I made my speech at 
 
 agitation will not cease until a Springfield, of which Judge 
 
 crisis shall have been reached Douglas complains, I really was 
 
 and passed. A house divided not thinking of the things he 
 
 against itself cannot stand. I ascribes to me at all. I had no 
 
 believe this Government cannot thought in the world that I was 
 
PRO AND CON. 
 
 endure permanently half-slave 
 and half-free. I do not expect 
 the Union to be dissolved, I do 
 not expect the house to fall ; but 
 I do expect it will cease to be 
 divided. It will become all one 
 thing or all the other. Either 
 the opponents of slavery will 
 arrest the further spread of it 
 place it where the public mind 
 shall rest in the belief that it is 
 in the course of ultimate extinc 
 tion or its advocates will push 
 it forward, till it shall become 
 alike lawful in all the States, old 
 as well as new, North as well as 
 South." These words were 
 spoken in 1858, and looking back 
 over the seven years which have 
 elapsed, we can appreciate the 
 political foresight of the man. 
 Morning Star. 
 
 April 27, 1865. The editor of 
 the same paper says : " On 
 another occasion, after most 
 eloquently urging that the 
 authors of the Declaration of 
 Independence meant its prin 
 ciples to apply to the whole great 
 family of man, and that it was 
 their belief that nothing stamped 
 with the Divine image and like 
 ness was sent into the world to 
 be trodden on, and degraded, 
 and embruted by its fellows. 
 He continued You may do 
 anything with me you choose, if 
 you will but heed these sacred 
 principles. You may not only 
 defeat me for the Senate, but 
 you may take me and put me to 
 death. While pretending no in 
 difference to earthly honours, I 
 do claim to be actuated in this 
 contest by something higher 
 than an anxiety for office. I 
 
 doing anything to bring about 
 a political and social equality of 
 the black and white races. But 
 I must say, in all fairness to him, 
 if he thinks I am doing some 
 thing which leads to these bad 
 results, it is none the better I 
 did not mean it ; it is just as 
 fatal to the country if I have 
 any influence in producing it, 
 whether I intend it or not." 
 
 A few days after he raised the 
 flag referred to, he surrendered 
 the principle contained in that im 
 mortal emblem of humanity, the 
 Declaration of Independence, as 
 shewn in the following para 
 graph in his Inaugural Address, 
 March 4, 1861, when he took the 
 oaths of fidelity to the Union, 
 and swore to protect, maintain, 
 and defend the Constitution as 
 a slave document. 
 
 "There is much controversy 
 about the delivering up of fugi 
 tive slaves from service or la 
 bour. The rendition clause is 
 as plainly written as any other 
 of its provisions. It is scarcely 
 questioned that this provision 
 was intended by those who made 
 it for the reclaiming of what we 
 call fugitive slaves. And the 
 intention of the lawgiver is the 
 law. All members of Congress 
 
PRO AND CON. 
 
 charge you to drop every paltry 
 and insignificant thought for any 
 man s success. It is nothing ; I 
 am nothing; Judge Douglas is 
 nothing. But do not destroy 
 that immortal emblem of hu 
 manity. the Declaration of 
 American Independence." When 
 raising a flag in Philadelphia, 
 when on his way to Washing 
 ton in 1861, he asked whether 
 the Union could be saA r ed upon 
 the Declaration of Independ 
 ence, and in answering his own 
 question, uttered words which 
 sound prophetically after the 
 occurrence which has so troubled 
 the country "If this country 
 cannot be saved without giving 
 up that principle, I was about to 
 say, 1 would rather be assassi 
 nated on this spot than surrender 
 it" and his last words on the 
 occasion were "I have said no 
 thing but what I am willing to 
 live by, and, if it be the pleasure 
 of Almighty God, die by." 
 
 April, 27, 1865. The Morn 
 ing Star says "Mr. Lincoln 
 believed that slavery ought to 
 be excluded from the territories, 
 although he did not see his way 
 to interfere with slavery in those 
 States where it existed. He 
 most happily thus described the 
 difficulties of the position : If, 
 he said, I saw a venomous 
 snake crawling in the road, any 
 man would say I might seize the 
 nearest stick and kill it ; but if 
 I found that snake in bed with 
 my children, it would be another 
 question. I might hurt the 
 children more than the snake, 
 and the snake might bite them. 
 But if there is a bed newly made 
 up, to which the children are to 
 
 swear to support the whole Con 
 stitution, and to this provision 
 as much as any other. To the 
 above proposition their oaths are 
 unanimous," &c. 
 
 In a speech made at Freeport, 
 Illinois, August 27, 1858, Lin 
 coln said " I should be glad to 
 know there would never be an 
 other slave state admitted into 
 the Union ; but I must add, that 
 if slavery shall be kept out of 
 the territories during the terri 
 torial existence of any one given 
 territory, and then the people 
 shall, having a fair chance, and 
 a clear field when they shall 
 come to adopt the Constitution, 
 do such an extraordinary thing 
 as to adopt a slave constitution, 
 uninfluenced by the actual pre 
 sence of the institution among 
 them, I see no alternative, if we 
 own the country, but to admit 
 them into the Union." 
 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 
 
 be taken, and it was proposed At the outbreak of the war a 
 to take a batch of young snakes Peace Convention met at Wash- 
 and put in with them, I take it ingt on under the sanction of Lin- 
 no man would say there was a coin, and offered all territory 
 question how I ought to decide, south of 36 deg. 30 min. to the 
 That is just the case. The new Southern states and people for 
 territories are the newly made new slave states, if they would 
 bed to which our children are to come back into the Union, 
 go, and it lies with the nation to 
 say whether they shall have the 
 snakes mixed up with them or 
 not. It does not seem as if there 
 could be much hesitation what 
 our policy should be. " 
 
 Partisans in the presence of the above revelations 
 may shout that Mr. Lincoln was the " vanguard of 
 freedom, civilization and justice," and that u he 
 stood by these principles during his life," referred 
 to in the left hand column, and "completed the 
 most triumphant defence of them when called to 
 die ;" but the paragraphs of Lincoln in the right 
 hand column knock down the pedestal on which 
 the admirers of Lincoln centre his fame, and wither 
 every leaf in his so-called " chapter of glory." No 
 greater satire can be put upon Lincoln than to 
 maintain that "-he was the martyr of justice or 
 freedom s cause." 
 
 PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON. 
 
 Andrew Johnson was sworn in as President, by 
 Chief Justice Chase, at eleven o clock this morning. 
 Secretary M Cullock, Attorney General Speed, and 
 others were present. 
 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 
 
 Johnson said "The duties are at present mine. 
 I shall perform them. The consequences are with 
 God. Gentlemen, I shall lean upon you. I feel I 
 shall need your support. I am deeply impressed 
 with the solemnity of the occasion, and the respon 
 sibility of the duties of the office I am assuming." 
 
 Andrew Johnson, a United States senator from 
 Tennessee, was born in Raleigh, N. Carolina, Decem 
 ber 29, 1808. When he was four years of age he 
 lost his father, w r ho died from the effect of exertions 
 to save a friend from drowning. At the age of ten 
 he was apprenticed to a tailor in his native city, 
 with whom he served seven years. His mother 
 was unable to afford him any educational advan 
 tages, and he never attended school a day in his 
 life. While learning his trade, however, he resolved 
 to make an effort to educate himself. By persever 
 ance he soon learned to read, and the hours which 
 he devoted to his education were at night after he 
 was through his daily labour upon the shop-board. 
 He now applied himself to books from two to three 
 hours every night, after working from ten to twelve 
 hours at bis trade. Having completed his appren 
 ticeship in the autumn of 1 824?, he went to Laurens 
 Courthouse, South Carolina, where he worked as a 
 journeyman for nearly two years. In May 1826 
 he returned to Raleigh, where he remained until 
 September. He then set out to seek his fortune 
 in the West, carrying with him his mother, who 
 was dependent upon him for support. He stopped 
 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 
 
 at Granville, Tennessee, and commenced work as a 
 journeyman. He remained there about twelve 
 months, married, and soon afterwards went still 
 farther westward, but failing to find a suitable place 
 to settle he returned to Granville and commenced 
 business. Up to this time his education was 
 limited to reading, as he had never had an oppor 
 tunity of learning to write or cipher, but under the 
 instructions of his wife he learned these and other 
 branches. The only time, however, he could devote 
 to them was in the dead of the night. The first 
 office which he ever held was that of alderman of 
 the village, to which he was elected in 1828. He 
 was re-elected to the same position in 1829, and 
 again in 1830. In that year he was chosen mayor, 
 which position he held for three years. In 1835 
 he was elected to the Legislature. In 1840 he 
 served as Presidential elector for the State at large 
 on the Democratic ticket. He canvassed a large 
 portion of the State, meeting upon the stump several 
 of the leading Whig orators. In 1841 he was 
 elected to the State Senate. In 1843 he was 
 elected to Congress, where, by successive elections, 
 he served until 1853. In 1853 he was elected 
 Governor of Tennessee after an exciting canvass. He 
 was re-elected in 1855 after an active contest. At 
 the expiration of his second period as Governor, in 
 1857, he was elected United States senator for a 
 full term, ending March 3, 1863. 
 
 The following address is ominous from the new 
 President : 
 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 
 
 " No one can say that if the perpetrator of this 
 fiendish deed be arrested, he should not undergo 
 the extremest penalty the law knows for crime ; 
 none will say that mercy should interpose. But is 
 he alone guilty ? Here, gentlemen, you perhaps 
 expect me to present some indication of my future 
 policy. One thing I will say. Every era teaches 
 its lesson. The times we live in are not without 
 instruction. The American people must be taught 
 if they do not already feel that treason is a 
 crime and must be punished (applause) that the 
 Government will not always bear with its enemies ; 
 that it is strong not only to protect, but to punish. 
 (Applause.) When we turn to the criminal code 
 and examine the catalogue of crimes, we there find 
 arson laid down as a crime with its appropriate 
 penalty ; we find there theft, and robbery, and 
 murder given as crimes ; and there, too, we find 
 the last and highest of crimes treason. (Applause.) 
 With other and inferior offences our people are 
 familiar, but in our peaceful history treason has 
 been almost unknown. The people must under 
 stand that it is the blackest of crimes, and will be 
 surely punished. (Applause.) I make this allusion, 
 not to excite the already exasperated feelings of the 
 public, but to point out the principles of public jus 
 tice which should guide our action at this particular 
 juncture, and which accord with sound public morals. 
 Let it be engraven on every heart that treason is 
 a crime, and traitors shall suffer its penalty. (Ap- 
 
PRESIDENT JOHNSON. 
 
 plause.) While we are appalled, overwhelmed at 
 the fall of one man in our midst by the hand of a 
 traitor, shall we allow men I care not by what 
 weapons to attempt the life of the State with im 
 punity ? While we strain our minds to compre 
 hend the enormity of this assassination, shall we allow 
 the nation to be assassinated? (Applause.) I speak in 
 no spirit of unkindness. I leave the events of the 
 future to be disposed of as they arise, regarding 
 myself as the humble instrument of the American 
 people. In this, as in all things, justice and judg 
 ment shall be determined by them. I do not har 
 bour bitter or revengeful feelings towards any. In 
 general terms, I would say that public morals and 
 public opinion should be established upon the sure 
 and inflexible principles of justice. (Applause.) 
 W T hen the question of exercising mercy comes be 
 fore me, it will be considered calmly, judicially, 
 remembering that I am the Executive of the nation. 
 I know that men love to have their names spoken 
 of in connection with acts of mercy, and how easy 
 it is to yield to this impulse. But we must not 
 forget that what may be mercy to the individual 
 is cruelty to the State. The life of the sovereign 
 states having been assassinated by the felon hands 
 of Federal administrators, those who have sought to 
 defend them are now to be assassinated in turn. 
 Assassination, therefore, is to be the order of the 
 day if President Johnson s views and wishes are to 
 be carried out, but as such tremendous difficulties 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 lay before him in the reconstruction of the Union, 
 we are of opinion that he will not add to them by 
 political assassination and murder ; but in this we 
 are mistaken, as shown in the case of Mrs. Surat. 
 
 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN GENERAL SHERMAN 
 AND GENERAL JOHNSTON, AND THEIR REPUDIA 
 TION BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 A courier reached Washington on Friday, April 
 21st, announcing that Sherman had agreed upon a 
 temporary suspension of hostilities, and had arranged 
 terms of peace on the 18th with Johnston, Brec- 
 kenridge being present. A Cabinet meeting was 
 immediately held. President Johnson, General 
 Grant, and the Cabinet unanimously disapproved of 
 Sherman s action, and ordered him to resume hos 
 tilities. Sherman was informed that Mr. Lincoln s 
 instructions to Grant on the 3d March, had been to 
 hold no conference with Lee, except as a preliminary 
 to surrender, and these instructions were approved 
 and reiterated by President Johnson to govern the 
 action of the military commanders. Grant immedi 
 ately left for North Carolina to direct the operations 
 against Johnston. The terms arranged between 
 Johnston and Sherman, subject to the ratification of 
 their respective Governments,, were as follows : 
 Forty-eight hours notice to be given of the renewal 
 of hostilities ; the Confederate armies to be dis 
 banded and deposit their arms and public property 
 in the state capitals, and to be subject to the action 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 of the State and Federal authorities ; the I 1 euerai 
 Executive to recognise the State Government ; the 
 Supreme Court to decide upon the legitimacy of the 
 conflicting State Governments caused by the war ; 
 the Federal authorities to guarantee to the people 
 civil and political rights so long as they obey the 
 laws ; finally, a general amnesty to be proclaimed 
 and the war to cease. 
 
 The Federal Government disapproved of Sher 
 man s proceedings as an improper assumption of 
 authority. His agreement, it was considered, 
 practically acknowledged the Rebel Government, 
 prevented confiscation and the punishment of rebels, 
 and would enable the rebels to re-establish State 
 Governments with slavery. It might also render 
 the Government responsible for the rebel debt, 
 formed no basis for a lasting peace, and would en 
 able the rebels to renew the war when their strength 
 was recruited. 
 
 Mr. Stan ton apprehends that Sherman s suspen 
 sion of hostilities will enable Davis to escape to 
 Mexico or Europe with the plunder of the Richmond 
 banks and other accumulations. 
 
 Sherman issued an order to his army on the 1 6th 
 announcing the suspension of hostilities, and stating 
 that the agreement with Johnston, when ratified, 
 would make peace from the Potomac to the Rio 
 Grande. He hoped soon to conduct the soldiers 
 home. 
 
 2 Y 
 
CHARACTER OF THE AGREEMENT. 
 
 Memorandum on basis of agreement made this 
 18th day of April 1865, near Durham s Station, 
 and in the State of North Carolina, by and between 
 General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding the Con 
 federate army, and Major-General Wm. T. Sherman, 
 commanding the army of the United States in North 
 Carolina, both present : 
 
 1. The contending armies now in the field to 
 maintain their statu quo until notice is given by the 
 commanding general of either one to its opponent, 
 and reasonable time (say 48 hours) allowed. 
 
 2. The Confederate armies now in existence to be 
 disbanded and conducted to their several state capi 
 tals, there to deposit their arms and public property 
 in the State arsenal, and. each officer and man to 
 execute and fill an agreement to cease from acts 
 of war, and abide the action of both State and 
 Federal authorities. The number of arms and mu 
 nitions of war to be reported to the Chief of Ord 
 nance at Washington city, and to be subject to 
 future action of the Congress of the United States, 
 and in the meantime to be used solely to maintain 
 peace and order within the borders of the States 
 respectively. 
 
 3. The recognition by the executive of the 
 United States of several state governments, on their 
 officers and legislatures taking the oath proscribed 
 by the constitution of the United States; and where 
 conflicting state governments have resulted from the 
 war, the legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the 
 Suoreme Court of the United States. 
 
CHARACTER OF THE AGREEMENT. 
 
 4. The re-establishment of all Federal courts in 
 the several States with powers as denned by the 
 constitution and laws of Congress. 
 
 5. The people and inhabitants of all States to be 
 guaranteed, so far as the Executive can, their poli 
 tical rights and franchise, as well as their rights of 
 person and property, as denned by the constitution 
 of the United States and of States respectively. 
 
 6. The Executive authority of the Government 
 of the United States not to disturb any of the people 
 by reason of the late war, so long as they live in 
 peace arid quiet, and abstain from acts of armed 
 hostility, and obey the laws in existence at any 
 place of their residence. 
 
 7. In general terms war to cease ; a general am 
 nesty, so far as the executive power of the United 
 States can command, or on the condition of the 
 disbandonment of the Confederate armies, arid the 
 distribution of arms and resumption of peaceful 
 pursuits by officers and others hitherto composing 
 the said armies. Not being fully empowered by 
 our respective principals to fulfil these terms, we 
 individually and officially pledge ourselves to 
 promptly obtain necessary authority, and to carry 
 out the above programme. 
 
 W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General Commanding 
 the Army of the United States in North 
 America. 
 
 J. E. JOHNSTON, General Commanding Confe 
 derate States Army in North Carolina. 
 
\b 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 THESE are now no longer sovereign States, but 
 dependencies on the supreme power and will now 
 established and centralised at Washington. The 
 old Union has been revolutionised ; new elements 
 of power have been introduced which will hence 
 forth subordinate the States wheels to the great 
 Federal Fly wheel which has been introduced into 
 the machinery of Congress. We shall hear no 
 more of the recognition of State sovereignties which 
 were introduced into abolition programmes in olden 
 times, and also flung in our faces by Democrats and 
 Republicans with the most haughty and con 
 temptuous disdain, when we enunciated the great 
 principles of freedom, as they exclaimed, "we have 
 no slavery here in the Northern States. If you 
 want it you must go South for it." Now the 
 white population are vassals, arid have a restric 
 tion put on the exercise of the wild license of their 
 liberty, and will not be able to " do as they have a 
 Taind to." Nobly have the Southerns fought in 
 defence of their ancient rights to govern themselves, 
 but their Northern invaders outnumbered them, 
 and trod them down under their black hoofs. If 
 our Free Republic, so called, had been subject to 
 biting sarcasm and blasting mockery and reproach 
 before the war, how can it be regarded now, that 
 millions of white men have been robbed of their 
 God-given rights and liberties, under the vain and 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 frivolous pretext of liberating the slave. Equality 
 of right, prostituted in our entire history, to keep 
 the negro race in subjection is now changed inp^ 
 equality of might to hold the brutum fulmen. over 
 the whites who have sought to maintain sacred and 
 intact their supreme rights of the sovereign States, 
 as well as the constitutional theory that governors 
 or civil rulers must have the "consent of tho 
 governed." Whatever changes may be experienced 
 by any parties in the United States, or that may 
 await us in the future, we cannot but hate the 
 elements out of which the present revolution has 
 sprung ; as well as the process through which our 
 Northern revolutionary chieftains have climbed to 
 fame and glory, in order to make once Sovereign 
 States bend to their arbitrary and despotic rule. 
 Assuming that Southerns are hopelessly defeated, 
 with M. Assolant, a distinguished Frenchman, we 
 look upon the final triumph of the North as likely 
 to be fatal to the liberty of the victors ; if not to 
 many more precious lives. Both North and South 
 were morally wrong. The South, however, was 
 politically right ; and the same arguments which 
 justified Americans in separating themselves from 
 England in 1776, fully vindicated the conduct of 
 the Southern people. Their most violent opponents 
 claim the right of the Poles, Hungarians, and 
 Italians to change their form of government ; but 
 when the case of the South is concerned, these men 
 run wild with ungovernable fury, and grow mad 
 
THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 with vulgar abuse in avowing that the "South has no 
 rights which men are bound to respect." M. Emile 
 Olivier -has designated them " Les Incorrigibles." 
 However this may be, history will pronounce the 
 Southern people to be an ill used and persecuted 
 race, for supposing that the members of the Con 
 vention who adopted and ratified the Constitution 
 of the United States on the basis of being "one and 
 inseparable, 1 the descendants of these men are not 
 bound by the compact which they entered into in 
 1776; since the first principle or rudimentary 
 maxim on which every convention, contract, or 
 compact is made is, that no man is bound by any 
 act or deed except what he has undertaken or 
 covenanted to do of his own free will ; so that, as 
 the contract of a father is not binding upon his 
 children, even so the compact entered into by 
 George Washington, Jefferson and Co. in 1811, 
 was not binding on the Southern people or Sta.tes, 
 when they threw off their allegiance to the Federal 
 government, and seceded from the Union at the 
 commencement of the war. And when we come to 
 consider that our Northern States and people have 
 been the greatest sinners of the two, in the violation 
 of the fundamental laws and principles of the 
 Constitution, their crimes and guilt assume the 
 form or colour of the deepest dye ; and of the most 
 aggravated kind. 
 
CENTRALISATION OF POWER. 
 
 REVOLUTION THE DESTRUCTION OF THE OLD UNION. 
 
 If the assumption that the South was for Union 
 at heart, the proclamation of freedom, and the enlist 
 ment and conscription of the negro were only masks 
 to cover ulterior objects, it becomes important to 
 inquire into the object contemplated by these hollow 
 pretexts ; the grand end and aim which the Federal 
 administrators have kept steadily in view, and to 
 which they have made all other things subservient 
 in the prosecution of the present horrible war. This 
 was simply and solely to grasp the reins of universal 
 sovereignty in the States by the assumption of 
 those extraordinary powers which are vested in a 
 military dictatorship. 
 
 CENTRALISATION OF POWER. 
 
 THIS was the first step to be taken by the revolu 
 tionary chieftains in the accomplishment of their 
 vast schemes of wickedness. Hitherto the Union 
 had lain beyond the sphere of sovereignty ; but 
 now it must be made the sovereign of all the 
 sovereign States ; the sun in their system of 
 government around which the different States like 
 so many satellites must revolve, and to which they 
 must pay obedience ; so that the President and 
 Congress, from being conjointly the servants of all 
 the States now assume to be their chief or master. 
 " Tis ours to rule, yours to obey." 
 
STATE-SOVEREIGNTY RIGHTS. 
 
 This usurpation of right, privilege, or power was 
 not only unconstitutional but revolutionary, and 
 involved the destruction of the absolute sove 
 reignties of all the States which were the basis on 
 which both the old " Confederation," and more 
 "perfect Union" w^ere formed, and constituted the 
 safeguard or bulwark of American constitutional 
 freedom. 
 
 STATE- SOVEREIGNTY RIGHTS. 
 
 THESE are traditionary in America, and have ever 
 been guarded with jealous care. 
 
 "In the history of the anti-slavery struggle, let 
 us never forget," exclaims Wendell Phillips, " what 
 it taught us of the limited authority and influence 
 of the Federal government. In 1831 the strongest 
 power of the nation grappled with the State of 
 Georgia and was defeated. Georgia seized a con 
 verted Cherokee in 1831, and said, I will hang him. 
 Chief Justice Marshall said, " you cannot, it is 
 unconstitutional." Orthodoxy rallied from Massa 
 chusetts Bay to the Mississippi, and said you shall 
 not. It is infamous. Where is there a stronger 
 power than the orthodox sects of the North for an 
 army, and the Supreme Court for a General ? Con 
 gress denied the legality of the proceeding. The 
 press of the country, ignorant and exultant, said, 
 it cannot be done. See if it can t, said Georgia, and 
 hung him up. Then they took Samuel Worcester 
 
STATE-SOVEREIGNTY fclGHTS. 
 
 and put him in jail. Behind him stood the 
 American Board for Foreign arid Domestic Missions. 
 In front of him the chief justice, but Georgia turned 
 the koy on him, and there he lay until in her 
 sovereign will she chose to open it." 
 
 South Carolina took our black seamen out of 
 ships and put them in jail. Winthrop was lifted 
 to manhood enough to prove that it was illegal. The 
 Secretary of State said it was unconstitutional. 
 Massachusetts protested. Congress did the same. 
 We sent Samuel Hoar to say, "Wayward sister, why 
 do you so ? Go home, or I will put you in, was the 
 answer." Texas took six of our black men and sold 
 them ten years ago, and we do not know where 
 the} 7 " are to-day. Unconstitutional all of it. Public 
 opinion on our side largely at the North, but Con 
 gress said, " we know of no means by which to 
 check a State." This history might be extended 
 to the Northern States, also, to shew the limited 
 authority and influence of the Federal government, 
 and their utter inability to restrain the powers of 
 the States, or to prevent them from adopting any 
 measures in the State legislatures which conflicted 
 with the Federal Executive at Washington, since 
 five of the Northern States at the outbreak of the 
 war had adopted Personal Liberty Bills in open 
 defiance of the laws of Congress, shewing their utter 
 contempt of the binding power of the Union and of 
 its representatives. Unconstitutional all of it, on 
 the basis of absolute power being vested in the 
 Federal government. 
 
THE EUREKA. 
 
 THE EUREKA, OR GREAT DISCOVERY OF 
 THE FEDERAL ADMINISTRATORS. 
 
 THIS was that they were the Constitution, and not 
 the written parchment. They were doubtless aware 
 that " Big Jobs " of jugglery and fraud were per 
 formed by their predecessors in office in the previous 
 history of America ; and not wishing to be outdone 
 they shouted, " we are the law," and therefore have 
 the " means " at our command, not only to " check 
 a State," but to preserve the old "Union Concern," 
 and to change it from a "Limited Liability 
 Company," to an Unlimited one. When, therefore, 
 the Southern States seceded, and set up a rival 
 establishment, they denounced it as unconstitu 
 tional, and determined to contest their claims by 
 force of arms. Hence the war to subdue and coerce 
 sovereign States which were never subjects, but 
 always free and equal partners, that they might 
 retain the people which compose those states in 
 unwilling subjection, and bend them to their own 
 iron will. Unconstitutional all of it. But stress 
 is laid on the more " perfect Union " that was 
 formed. This, however, left the Union as before, 
 with the foundation of the government of the United 
 States resting on the sovereignty of the States as 
 its instrument to do their will more perfectly and 
 harmoniously in connexion with the commercial 
 necessities of the times. When the United States 
 government was formed, each State had the power 
 
THE EUREKA. 
 
 to adopt or reject for itself the Constitution sub 
 mitted to it ; which was drawn up in the name of 
 the people of the United States. No number of 
 States adopting the Constitution could lay its bonds 
 on another State without its consent. This was 
 conceded. On forming the more "perfect Union," 
 the little State of Rhode Island stood aloof; and 
 though her conduct was reprobated, no one denied 
 her right, or presumed to question her right to 
 decide for herself. This right then was as clear as 
 the sun. All the States recognised it, and no 
 power dared to touch the priceless pearl of her 
 sovereignty in the affair. But it is claimed that 
 when the more " perfect Union " was formed, State 
 sovereignties were abolished. By what act? When 
 and where did they terminate their existence ? 
 And who were the parties that achieved the work ? 
 Who does not see, therefore, that State sovereignties 
 lay at the foundation of the government of the 
 United States ; and as they came into the Union of 
 their own free and independent choice ; even so, 
 they have a right, if they will it, to pass acts of 
 nullification and secession despite the manifestos of 
 General Jackson, the charms of Webster s eloquence, 
 or the assumption of extraordinary power claimed 
 by the Federal government and States, which 
 remain in the Union. With deep solicitude, there 
 fore Horace Greeley, the Federal historian, in an 
 article published in the Independent, New York, 
 August 18, 1864, asks the folowing questions : 
 
o 
 
 THE EUREKA. 
 
 "Are we, in truth, or are we not, a Nation ? Is 
 there, or is there not, such a thing as allegiance 
 due to, and treason possible against, the Union? 
 Suppose the legislature or convention of any state 
 to pass an ordinance of nullification or secession, 
 are the citizens of that state absolved thereby from 
 their obligations and oaths of fidelity to the Union ? 
 It is very late now to ask these and kindred ques 
 tions ; but, after spending half a million lives and 
 untold millions of property on the problem, there 
 should be an American answer to these questions 
 specific, unambiguous, decisive. We cannot 
 afford to have lavished all this blood and treasure 
 in vain. 
 
 If to secede from the Union at pleasure is the 
 constitutional or reserved right of every State, then 
 the war for the Union is aggressive, iniquitous, un 
 justifiable. If, on the other hand, there be no such 
 right, then the war against the Union is the most 
 atrocious rebellion and treason." 
 
 The above questions are of vital moment, and 
 admit of an easy solution. There can be no alle 
 giance due to, or treason possible against the United 
 States Government, except in the states or terri 
 tory comprised in the Union. When the legisla 
 ture or convention of any state passes an ordinance 
 of nullification or secession, that state and the ter 
 ritory originally belonging to, or claimed by it 
 revert to the condition they were in prior to their 
 connection with the Union ; and all obligations 
 
THE EUREKA. 
 
 and oaths of fidelity to the Union are null and 
 void in either case. And as the Union is the crea 
 tion of the sovereign states, and has been nursed 
 into life by them, it is presumptuous for any to 
 deny, however great their veneration may be for it, 
 that the States do not possess a power to abolish 
 the Union, or to renounce it in their individual or 
 united capacity, and any war to coerce or suppress 
 their inherent vitality, or any of them, is not only 
 aggressive, iniquitous, and unjustifiable, but des 
 tructive to the liberties of the people, and to life 
 and property. It also makes the President and his 
 supporters in their usurpation and exercise of mili 
 tary power to subdue Southern States justly charge 
 able with the cost and calamities of the American 
 war, and ought to be held responsible for the moun 
 tains of slain it has piled, the abyss of debt it has 
 opened, the interruption and stagnation of com 
 merce which it has created, and the precious 
 alchemy of civilization with its carnival of blessings 
 which it has turned into a wide-spread curse, amidst 
 which human groans from the wounded in battle vi 
 brate on the ear, and the miseries of helpless widows 
 and orphans spread themselves to the view of man. 
 We know not, and care less, what the " American 
 answer " may be to the questions propounded by the 
 Hon. Horace Greeley. Ours, as given above, we 
 claim to be " specific, unambiguous, decisive," and, 
 therefore, however the war terminates, whether in 
 the subjugation of the South, or in the establishment 
 
THE EUREKA. 
 
 of its independence, we maintain that no glory 
 can accrue to the Federal arms, since every scar or 
 wound received by a Federal soldier is a dishonour, 
 and every victory won by a Federal army is a de 
 feat. From the beginning until now, it has been 
 a miserable waste of human life and property, to 
 promote the ambitious schemes and wicked pro 
 jects of unscrupulous arid selfish men, and conducted 
 with a malignity and ferocity unexampled in his 
 tory, although masked with the pretexts of order 
 and liberty, and covered with the sanctity of reli 
 gion. Yet, strange to say, there are men who 
 claim to be philanthropists who can see nothing 
 in the President of America and his supporters who 
 have brought those terrible calamities on America 
 " nothing but a grand simplicity of purpose, and 
 a patriotism which knows no danger, and does not 
 falter ;" whilst the late Richard Cobden, in a letter 
 dated Midhurst, April 4, 1864, declared "if it 
 can be shown that as the result of this war four 
 millions of human beings have been elevated from 
 the condition of mere chattels to the rank of free 
 men, it will be an atonement and a consolation for 
 the horrors with which it has been accompanied, 
 such as have never yet been afforded in the annals 
 of human warfare." An atonement to whom ? A 
 consolation for whom ? Not surely to the friends 
 of order, liberty, or Christianity. " If it can be 
 shown "V Why should this have been necessary as 
 the result of war, either directly or indirectly ? 
 
THE EUKEKA. 
 
 Could not the freedom of the slave have been com 
 passed by appeals to reason and religion within the 
 domains of peaceful argument, and in a manner in 
 finitely more satisfactory to both whites and blacks ? 
 Ought we not, therefore, to enter our protests against 
 the doctrine that the good ends of Providence can 
 not be attained by moral forces, and to pity " War 
 Christians " who hold jubilees in the manner des 
 cribed in the following announcement : " A circle 
 of young ladies, attired emblematical of the States 
 that endorsed and reinstated the immortal apostle 
 of freedom, Abraham Lincoln, will appear support 
 ing the Goddess of Liberty, who will be represented 
 by a young lady. Emancipation songs will be led 
 by these daughters of liberty/ the audience join 
 ing in the choruses ;" or, as the greater apostle of 
 freedom, William Loyd Garrison has been doing in 
 Boston recently, where he ascended in grand dra 
 matic form a "pair of steps " formerly used at 
 Charleston, South Carolina, as an auction block for 
 the sale of human beings, but transmitted to Boston 
 by Federal soldiers, since the fall of that city, to 
 be used, not to commemorate the sea of blood 
 through which those steps have been reached, or 
 the Yankee rivets by which the poor slaves in 
 Charleston were made fast before that " prison of 
 hell," as Whittier calls it, " was thrown open." 
 
 But to enumerate as follows the results of the 
 war in order to make capital for its continu 
 ance and to mask its objects : 
 
THE EUREKA. 
 
 "1. Emancipation in Western Virginia. 
 
 2. Emancipation in Missouri. 
 
 3. Emancipation in the District of Columbia. 
 
 4. Emancipation in Maryland. 
 
 5. Slavery abolished and for ever prohibited in 
 all Territories. 
 
 6. Kansas admitted as a free State. 
 
 7. Provisions made to admit Colorado, Nebraska, 
 and Nevada as free States. 
 
 8. Organisation of Idaho, Montana, Dacotah, and 
 Arizona as free Territories. 
 
 9. Recognition of the Independence of Hayti 
 and Liberia. 
 
 1 0. Three millions of slaves declared free by Pro 
 clamation of the President, January 1, 1863. 
 
 11. All fugitive slave laws repealed. 
 
 12. Inter-State slave law abolished. 
 
 13. Negroes admitted to equal rights in the 
 United States Courts, as parties to suits and as 
 witnesses. 
 
 1 4. Equality of the negro recognised in the pub 
 lic conveyances of the district of Columbia. 
 
 1 5. All rebel states prohibited from returning to 
 the Union with slavery. 
 
 1 6. Free labour established on numerous planta 
 tions in South Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, Ten 
 nessee, and Arkansas. 
 
 17. Schools for the education of freed slaves in 
 South Carolina, Louisiana, Tennessee, and in East 
 ern Virginia where, till within three years, to 
 educate the negro was punishable with death. 
 
FEDERAL GEMS AND THE WAR. 
 
 18. The wives and children of all slaves em 
 ployed as freemen in military and other service of 
 the United States made free. 
 
 1 9. All negroes, bond and free, enrolled as part 
 of the military force of the nation. 
 
 20. The loyal people of Arkansas, Tennessee, 
 Louisiana, and Florida, seeking a return to the 
 Union on the basis of freedom to all, and of the 
 abolition and prohibition of slavery. 
 
 21. The abolition and prohibition of slavery by 
 an amendment of the Constitution passed in the 
 Senate by two-thirds majority, and by nearly the 
 same in the House. Lost by lack of three or 
 four votes, through the influence of Democratic 
 members. 
 
 22. The nation, through its representatives in 
 Baltimore, June 8, made the abolition and prohibi 
 tion of slavery the basis of the governmental admi 
 nistration for the future. 
 
 23. The Federal Government forbidden to employ 
 any man as a slave, in any capacity. 
 
 24. One hundred and fifty thousand negroes, 
 mostly freed slaves, in the pay and uniform of the 
 Government as soldiers." 
 
 FEDERAL GEMS AND THE WAR. 
 
 There are some who profess to look below the 
 scum and refuse which the war in America has 
 brought to the surface of society, and to have made 
 2 z 
 
FEDERAL GEMS AND THE WAR. 
 
 the discovery of persons who are rare gems of moral 
 value, worthy to be bound with them by the sac 
 rament of a common ancestr}^ a common and 
 glorious history, and a common mission, the 
 highest ever committed to man, (viz.) "that of 
 leading the van of spiritual and political progress," 
 and yet how careful they are to conceal them. This 
 is a pity, as a little curiosity has been excited to 
 know whether those gerns come from the New 
 England States, and are represented by the persons 
 whom the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher described as 
 " the picklock of society, the pickpocket of the 
 world, and the regenerators of the South without 
 the first syllable"? Whether they are associated 
 with the War Christians whose leaders pander to 
 the worst passions of the people, and take the lead 
 in expressions of ferocity like the Revs. W. J. Sloane, 
 Dr. Cheever, Parson Brownlow/ and Henry Ward 
 Beecher making Wendell Phillips Esq. to ask with 
 amazement " where is there a stronger power than 
 the orthodox sects of the North for an army ?" 
 Whether Whittier, Bryant, or Longfellow, who give 
 their boundless sympathies to the invaders of the 
 South, and hold up for imitation the rnen "who 
 smash both tables of the law to load their guns, 
 are their favourite specimens." Whether Mrs. 
 Stowe, with her spurious philanthropy which covers 
 up " Lady pious slaveholding, Christian slavetrad- 
 ing," hides the horrors of the present war, and 
 makes the children of the men whom the Northerns 
 
FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS. 
 
 have slain in battle to "rise up and call them 
 blessed," is to their heart s content ? Or whether his 
 late excellency Abraham Lincoln, who exacted blood 
 for blood as the assumed executioner of God s ven 
 geance, and coolly and deliberately put on record 
 his resolution, that " if necessary he would continue 
 the war until the wealth piled by bondsmen by 
 250 years unrequited toil should be sunk, and until 
 every drop of blood drawn with the lash should be 
 paid by another drawn with the sword," is one of the 
 gems referred to so worthy to be cherished in re 
 membrance, so endeared to the affections, whose 
 virtues or deeds shall be chaunted in song, and 
 eulogised by posterity ? Tell it not in Gath. Pub 
 lish it not in the streets of Askelon. 
 
 FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS. 
 
 DURING the progress of the war we have not only 
 seen state sovereignties trampled down beneath the 
 black hoof of military despotism, but, also, the 
 squatter sovereignty rights of citizens who have had 
 the courage to protest against the usurpation of 
 military despotic power, or have been only suspected 
 of being unfriendly to the designs or wicked 
 projects of the administrators of the Federal 
 government. In the following narrative, the 
 reader will be able to form an opinion of the white 
 man s liberty under the stars and stripes. 
 
fc FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS. 
 
 " Suspected" Persons in the Northern States. 
 
 Lately a number of persons who had been under 
 arrest for various alleged offences against the Federal 
 Government was set at liberty. One of the re 
 leased prisoners gives the following description of 
 that which a suspected person is made to endure 
 at the Old Capitol prison in Washington : " His 
 cell has one barred window. At first he has no 
 companions save the vermin. The furniture of his 
 cell is a sack of straw and a pair of blankets. He 
 is fed on prison rations, and eats without knife, 
 fork, or spoon. Turnkeys guard him who are fit 
 for such business. Such was the treatment Colonel 
 North was subjected to, and Mr. Jones, and scores 
 and hundreds of others. It is against prison rules 
 that the victim should see a lawyer or any other 
 person as to his case, until his charges shall have 
 been served, and he can neither secure nor hasten 
 his trial. Everything is at the beck of the high 
 powers of the party founded on great moral ideas/ 
 Perhaps the prison officer will permit fifteen- 
 minute interviews with wife or relatives, perhaps 
 not. The prison officer s dinner may not have 
 agreed with him, or he may be taking a nap when 
 the prisoner s w r ife arrives from New York or 
 Missouri. His letters may pass out if they contain 
 nothing that the prisoner cares most to write 
 about, viz., himself and his imprisonment. Letters 
 to him generally reach him after his trial, if he is 
 
FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS. 
 
 tried, or after his capacity is proved to pay for a 
 fifteenth or twentieth of a mess and a room just a 
 little less nasty than his cell. The victim finally 
 may be informed of his alleged crime, and then he 
 is constantly beset for a statement. Let him 
 decline to make one, let him express ignorance, and 
 in some way or another he will find the screw 
 turned down harder on him. Perhaps he is sent 
 to his cell to meditate on the trial by torture and 
 its relations to moral law as administered by the 
 Eepublican party. Perhaps he puts his head out 
 of his window for a look at the blue sky, and hears 
 the whiz of a bullet, to remind him that white men 
 have no rights which sentries are bound to respect. 
 Perhaps he is able to recollect some law, human or 
 divine, which he has broken heedlessly or wittingly. 
 The recollection is fatal. He is passed over to the 
 court organised to convict/ His statement is 
 the basis of the charges, and he is convicted. The 
 court which tries these prisoners being one for 
 which there is no authority of law, it extorts even 
 from the mouth of Thaddeus Stevens the admission 
 that it is composed principally of men ignorant 
 of law, and it makes and gives judgments accord 
 ingly. The prisoner is protected from no injustice 
 in the prosecution. These courts create crimes 
 unknown to the civil or the military law, and, there 
 being no punishment prescribed where there is no 
 law, nothing limits the severity of their judgments. 
 Personal malignity or political partisanship may 
 
FEDERAL MILITARY POWER AND SUCCESS. 
 
 sharpen the sword, and against the blow which falls 
 there is no redress for the victim. For the War 
 Department has issued an order forbidding the 
 divulging of the judgment of the military commis 
 sion in the case of a civilian until that judgment is 
 executed." 
 
 In the subjugation of the South by the Fe 
 deral government, therefore, we shall no more 
 hear of state sovereignties, except in connexion 
 with diplomatic strategy to blind ambassadors, or 
 foreign governments, as shown in the case of the 
 attorney-general of Louisiana and the Fenians in 
 New-York. The citizens, also, will no longer be 
 able to claim that their "tongues are their own," 
 and that with them they will prevail, except in the 
 interest of their Federal rulers ; and as to foreign 
 nations, a " fierce resentment," according to the 
 late Richard Cobden, is to be let loose against those 
 governments, or classes that have freely criticised 
 their actions, and thereby subjected them to a 
 damaging power and influence, and that he, the 
 late eminent statesman and philanthropist, could 
 give to those men who let out the resentment his 
 unrestrained sympathies as shewn in his avowal 
 that, " From the moment the first shot was un 
 happily fired at Fort Sumter, thence forward his 
 sympathies followed Federal commanders and sol 
 diers to the field with all the interests in their 
 terrible efforts which he had felt in the labours 
 of Mr. Sumner and the other champions of free- 
 
THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 dom, when their struggle was confined to the 
 domain of peaceful arguments." 
 
 SPECIOUS PLEAS OF THE FEDERALS. 
 
 When the war commenced, the determination 
 was announced on all occasions, and by all the 
 means in the Federal power, " as the South has 
 taken part in the election which terminated in 
 favour of Lincoln, we will fight him into the presi 
 dency in all the States." The South, however, has 
 taken no part in his second re-election ; and, there 
 fore, their former plea is no longer available ; and 
 as the constitution of the United States requires 
 that the governors should have the consent of the 
 governed, we should like to know by what pro 
 cess the advocates of the Federal government arrive 
 at the " plea now used," that the Federal Govern 
 ment has rights wherever her flag has floated." 
 The Index has the following able article on the sub 
 ject, which we introduce to the reader. 
 
 THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 " The approaching inauguration of a new govern 
 ment to conduct the affairs of 20,000,000 of men 
 and which in the days of our children s children 
 may rule over 100,000,000 of men is, one would 
 suppose, an event that must command the attention 
 of the world. And the supposition is correct. On 
 
THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 the continent of America the 4th of March next is 
 looked forward to as one of the few days in a cen 
 tury pregnant with mighty changes which in all 
 time to come will be a great landmark in history. 
 In Europe statesmen, and all those who have any 
 political intelligence, are discussing and thinking 
 about the ceremony that will be performed in 
 Washington on the 4th of March next. On that 
 day Abraham Lincoln will be inaugurated as the 
 first President of the section of the old United States 
 which still retains the old name. In vain do some 
 Federal partisans in this country try to deny this 
 position. Sophistry can weave no web that will 
 conceal the fact. The people of the Federal States, 
 if not by words, acknowledge it by their acts. 
 They may not be quite sure that Europe will, on 
 and after the 4th of March, recognise the Confeder 
 ate States, but they know that on and after that 
 day there will be no pretence for saying that the 
 government of Washington has any legal or consti 
 tutional right to claim dominion over the States of 
 the South. Hence the haste to secure, if possible, 
 an immediate peace, and hence the rumours of re 
 cognition that are rife both in Europe and America. 
 At such a juncture it may be desirable to set forth 
 the position of Europe with respect to the two 
 great Confederations of America. 
 
 " It is utterly impossible for any one to invent 
 any pretext to justify the assumption that after the 
 4th of March next Mr. Lincoln will be President of 
 
THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 the Southern as well as of the Northern States. Mr. 
 Lincoln is an elected magistrate, and has no heredi 
 tary right to rule the States of the South. He lias 
 not been elected President by the Southern States 
 or, to put it more forcibly, the Southern States 
 have taken no part in his election. What other claim, 
 then, can Mr. Lincoln urge ? Not that of conquest, 
 for the South is not conquered. There are only 
 three titles to sovereignty known amongst men 
 hereditary descent, conquest, and election. No in 
 genuity can devise a fourth title. Will any one 
 pretend that Mr. Lincoln is the hereditary ruler over 
 the South ? Will any one pretend that Mr. Lincoln 
 is the ruler over the South by virtue of conquest ? 
 Will any one pretend that Mr. Lincoln is ruler over 
 the South by the title of election ? 
 
 "In despair some Federal partisans in Europe have 
 cried out that the South might have taken part in 
 the election if she would. The Federal Congress 
 
 O 
 
 has in a most formal and solemn manner refuted 
 this feeble suggestion. The constitution of the 
 United States decrees as follows, respecting the 
 election for President, the only action in which the 
 several sovereign states of the Federation participate 
 simultaneously, and which is indeed the only 
 national act : 
 
 " Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the 
 legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors 
 equal to the whole number of senators and repre 
 sentatives to which the State may be entitled in 
 
THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 Congress. . . . The person having the greatest 
 number of votes shall be the President, if such 
 number be a majority of the whole number of 
 electors appointed. . . . If no person have a 
 majority, then, from the five highest in the list, the 
 said house (of Representatives) shall in like manner 
 (by ballot) choose the President. But, in choosing 
 the President, the votes shall be taken by States, 
 the representative from each State having one vote. 
 A quorum for this purpose shall consist of a mem 
 ber or members from two- thirds of the States, and 
 a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
 choice/ 
 
 " In January last the United States Congress de 
 creed that only 24 States should take part in the 
 November election, and as the 24 included the 
 bogus State of Western Virginia, the congressional 
 decree forbade 11 of the 34 States from taking 
 part in the election. Nor is that all. The Federal 
 House of Representatives has lately adopted a re 
 solution that the States of Virginia, Tennessee, 
 Georgia, Alabama, Florida, South Carolina, North 
 Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, 
 shall be excluded from the electoral count of the 
 votes for President and Vice-President of the United 
 States. Does not this in a most emphatic and legal 
 mariner bar the South from taking part in the Presi 
 dential election ? Does it not prove that Mr. Lincoln, 
 who is not the hereditary sovereign of the South, nor 
 the sovereign of the South by right of conquest, is 
 
THE FOURTH OF MARCH. 
 
 not the sovereign of the South by virtue of election ? 
 And since there is not a fourth title to sovereignty, 
 is not the action of the United States Congress a 
 de facto recognition of the separation of the South 
 from the North ? There is not a statesman in 
 Europe who does not give an affirmative reply to 
 these questions. 
 
 "We have maintained, and history will maintain, 
 that the South had a legal right to recognition as 
 an independent Confederacy as soon as the act of 
 secession was accomplished ; but we do not deny 
 that there was a flimsy argument against recogni 
 tion, or rather in favour of recognising the title of 
 Mr. Lincoln as supreme magistrate of 34 States, 
 because the 34 States took part in his election. 
 But after the 4th of March next the recognition of 
 Mr. Lincoln as the President of the United States 
 cannot and will not involve his recognition as the 
 chief magistrate of the Southern States. What 
 then is to be done respecting the South ? In each 
 of the Confederate States there is a regular govern 
 ment in full operation, and there is as much order 
 and law as there is in England or France. There 
 are large Confederate armies in the field, and be 
 tween the North and South there is a cartel of ex 
 change. The public loan, of the Confederate States 
 is quoted on every principal exchange in Europe. 
 The second session of the second Congress of the 
 Confederate States is sitting in Richmond. The 
 President of the United States and Mr Seward 
 
THE EETGN OF TERROR. 
 
 have gone to Virginia to confer with the Vice-Presi 
 dent of the Confederate States. Shall we say, then, 
 that there is no government in the Confederate 
 States ? Shall we say that for the first time in the 
 history of the world there is a community without 
 a government ? Shall we say that the Confederates 
 are in that respect worse off than the tribes of 
 equatorial Africa ? Shall we say in effect that the 
 Confederate States are in the position of terra in 
 cognita, of lands that are owned by nobody, not 
 even by their inhabitants, and that the said lands will 
 be the lawful prize of those who first obtain posses 
 sion ? Yet this is the necessary deduction from 
 non-recognition after the 4th of March next. The 
 government of Washington has clearly no claim to 
 rule over the Southern States ; and, if we add that 
 the Confederate government does not exist, we un 
 equivocally assert that the Confederate States con 
 stitute a territory that will lawfully belong to any 
 government which can obtain possession thereof." 
 The Federal government having taken possession of 
 them by the sword, they are now in the position of 
 conquered dependencies or provinces, and are at the 
 mercy and sovereign will of the powers that be at 
 Washington. 
 
 THE REIGN OF TERROR, 
 
 As the curtain falls on the appalling scenes of the 
 war, and the horrible tragedy at Washington in the 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 assassination of Lincoln, the electric wires thrill us 
 with the intelligence that the Federal Attorney- 
 General Speed has made a highly important deci 
 sion on the terms of the capitulation of General 
 Lee. In reply to a letter of the Secretary of War 
 relating to these points, he decides, " First, That 
 the rebel officers who surrendered to General Grant 
 have no homes in the loyal States, and have no 
 right to come to places where their homes were in 
 the loyal States prior to going into the rebellion. 
 Second, That persons in the civil service of the re 
 bellion, or who have otherwise given it support, 
 comfort, and aid, and were residents of rebel terri 
 tory, have no right to return to Washington under 
 that stipulation. Third, That rebel officers certainly 
 have no right to be wearing their uniforms in any 
 of the loyal States." The Attorney-General adds, 
 " that such rebel officers having done wrong in com 
 ing to the loyal States, are but adding insult to 
 injury in wearing their uniforms ; that they have 
 as much right to bear the traitor s flag through the 
 
 o o o 
 
 streets of a loyal city as to wear a traitor s garb ; 
 and that the stipulation of surrender permits no 
 such thing, and the wearing of such uniform is an 
 act of hostility against the Government." 
 
 A bottom was necessary for the absolutism of the 
 Federal government before a pathway could be 
 opened for the exercise of despotic power over the 
 once sovereign States of America. During the pro 
 gress of the war irresponsible power had been freely 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 made use of on the basis of military necessity, but 
 now, for the first time in the history of America, 
 civil law is evoked to sustain the supremacy of the 
 Federal government to kill what Wendell Phillips, 
 Esq. now calls "caste, dangerous state rights, arid 
 secession," the exercise of which would have sent 
 him to the scaffold, or banished him into exile at 
 every period of his public life prior to the existence 
 of the war, and even down to the second year of its 
 fearful progress. 
 
 The creation and stretch of the Federal preroga 
 tive, in connection with the usurpation of despotic 
 power, is immediately followed by an announcement 
 from President Johnson that " the rebel leaders 
 must be punished and impoverished, and their 
 social position destroyed. Union men in the Con 
 federacy should be remunerated from the pockets of 
 those who have brought suffering upon the country." 
 
 This is highly sensational, but what follows is 
 more startling and exciting still : 
 
 "NEW YORK, May 4. Morning 
 " President Johncon has issued the following pro 
 clamation : 
 
 " Whereas it appears from evidence in the 
 bureau of the Military Department, that Mr Lin 
 coln s murder and Mr Seward s attempted assassi 
 nation were incited, concerted, and procured by 
 Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, 
 Beverly Tucker, George N. Sanders, W. C. Cleary, 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 and other rebel traitors against the United States 
 Government, harboured in Canada, the following 
 rewards for the arrest of the said persons within 
 the limits of the United States are therefore of 
 fered : 100,000 dollars for Davis, 10,000 dollars 
 for Cleary, and 25,000 dollars for each of the 
 others. " 
 
 The reign of terror, therefore, is fully inaugu 
 rated, with its pains, penalties, and prison-houses. 
 Henceforth the order of the day is to be bogus 
 plots, false witnesses, and military or judicial mur 
 ders, associated with the crack of the rifle, or the 
 creak of the scaffold, except the people awake from 
 their stupor and delusion and stop these freaks of 
 the village tailor, no\v made famous by his sudden 
 elevation to the throne of democracy. 
 
 The New York Chamber of Commerce, feeling 
 the necessity of immediate action, has passed reso 
 lutions in favour of clemency and magnanimity to 
 wards the South. 
 
 On the 23d of April Wendell Phillips, Esq., also 
 delivered his " Lesson of the Hour/ which he called 
 " treason," in the Fremont Temple, Boston. Ad 
 dressing the audience as follows, Mr. Phillips said, 
 " What shall we sa^y as to the punishment of 
 rebels ? The air is thick with threats of vengeance. 
 I admire the motive which prompts these. But let 
 us remember no cause, however infamous, was ever 
 crushed by punishing its advocates and abettors. 
 All history proves this. There is no class of men 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 base and coward enough, no matter what their view r s 
 and purpose, to make the policy of vengeance suc 
 cessful. In bad causes, as wel] as good, it is 
 still true that the blood of the martyrs is the seed 
 of the Church. We cannot prevail against this 
 principle of human nature. And again, with re 
 gard to the dozen chief rebels, it will never be a 
 practical question whether we shall hang them. 
 Those not now in Europe will soon be there. In 
 deed, after parolling the bloodiest and guiltiest of 
 all, Robert Lee (loud applause) there would be 
 little fitness in hanging any lesser wretch. The 
 only punishment which ever crushes a cause is that 
 which its leaders necessarily suffer in consequence 
 of the new order of things made necessary to pre 
 vent the recurrence of their sin. It was not the 
 blood of two peers and thirty commoners which 
 England shed after the rebellion of 1715, or that 
 of five peers and twenty commoners after the rising 
 of 1745, which crushed the House of Stuart. 
 Though the fight had lasted only a few months, 
 those blocks and gibbets gave Charles his only 
 chance to recover. But the confiscated lands of his 
 adherents, arid the new political arrangement of the 
 Highlands, -just, and recognised as such, because 
 necessary, these quenched his star for ever. Our 
 rebellion has lasted four years. Government has 
 exchanged prisoners, and acknowledged its bellige 
 rent rights. After that gibbets are out of the ques 
 tion. A thousand men rule the rebellion are the 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 rebellion. A thousand men ! We cannot Lang 
 them all. We cannot hang men in regiments. 
 What ! cover the continent with gibbets ! We 
 cannot sicken the nineteenth century with such a 
 sight. It would sink our civilisation to the level 
 of Southern barbarism. It would forfeit our very 
 right to supersede the Southern system, which right 
 is based on ours being better than theirs. To make 
 its corner-stone the gibbet would degrade us to the 
 level of Davis and Lee. The structure of govern 
 ment which bore the earthquake shock of 1861 
 with hardly a jar, and which now bears the assassi 
 nation of its chief magistrate, in this crisis of civil 
 war, with even less disturbance, needs for its safety 
 no such policy of vengeance, and should use only 
 so much severity as will fully guarantee security for 
 the future. Banish every one of these thousand 
 rebel leaders, every one of them, on pain of death 
 if they ever return ! (Loud applause.) Confiscate 
 every dollar and acre they own. (Applause.) These 
 steps the world and their followers will see are ne 
 cessary to kill the seeds of caste, dangerous State 
 rights, and secession. (Applause.) Banish Lee 
 with the rest. (Applause.) No government should 
 ask of the South, which he has wasted, or of the 
 North, which he has murdered, such superabundant 
 Christian patience as to tolerate in our streets the 
 presence of a wretch whose hand upheld Libby 
 Prison and Andersonville, and whose soul is black 
 with sixty-four thousand deaths of prisoners by 
 3 A 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 starvation and torture. What of our new Presi 
 dent? His whole life is a pledge that he knows 
 and hates thoroughly that caste which is the Gib 
 raltar of secession. Caste, mailed in State rights, 
 seized slavery as its weapon to smite down the 
 Union. Said Jackson in 1833, Slavery will be 
 the next pretext for rebellion/ Pretext ! That 
 pretext and weapon we wrench from the rebel hands 
 the moment we pass the anti-slavery amendment 
 to the constitution. Now, kill Caste, the foe who 
 wields it. Andy Johnson is our natural leader for 
 this. His life has been pledged to it. He put on 
 his spurs with this vow of knighthood. He sees 
 that confiscation, land placed in the hands of the 
 masses, is the means to kill this foe. Land and the 
 ballot are the true foundations of all governments. 
 Entrust them, wherever loyalty exists, to all those, 
 black and white, who have upheld the flag. (Ap 
 plause.) Reconstruct no State without giving to 
 every loyal man in it the ballot. I scout all limita 
 tions of knowledge, property, or race. (Applause.) 
 Universal suffrage for me. That was the Revolu 
 tionary model. Every freeman voted, black or 
 white, whether he could read or not. My rule is, 
 any citizen liable to be hanged for crime is entitled 
 to vote for rulers. The ballot ensures the school. 
 Mr. Johnson has not yet uttered a word which shows 
 that he sees the need of negro suffrage to guarantee 
 the Union. The best thing he has said on this 
 point, showing a mind open to light, is thus re- 
 
THE REIGN OF TERROR. 
 
 ported by one of the most intelligent men in the 
 country the Baltimore correspondent of the Bos 
 ton Commonwealth: The Vice-President was 
 holding forth very eloquently in front of Admiral 
 Lee s dwelling, just in front of the War Office in 
 Washington. He said he was willing to send every 
 negro in the country to Africa to save the Union. 
 Nay, he was willing to cut Africa loose from Asia, 
 and sink the whole black race ten thousand fathoms 
 deep to effect this object. A loud voice sang out 
 in the crowd, Let the negro stay where he is, 
 Governor, and give him the ballot, and the Union 
 will be safe for ever/ And I am ready to do that 
 too ! (loud applause) shouted the Governor with 
 intense energy, whereat he got three times three 
 for the noble sentiment. I witnessed this scene, 
 and was pleased to hear our Vice-President take 
 this high ground ; for up to this point must the 
 nation quickly advance, or there will be no peace, 
 no rest, no prosperity, no blessing for our suffering 
 and distracted country/ The need of giving the 
 negro a ballot is what we must press upon the Pre 
 sident s attention. Beware of the mistake which 
 fastened M Clellan upon us, running too fast to 
 endorse a man while untried, determined to be 
 lieve him hero and leader at any rate. The Pre 
 sident tells us that he waits to announce his policy 
 till events call for it. A timely and statesmanlike 
 course. Let us imitate it. Assure him in return 
 that the Government shall have our support like 
 
THE REIGN OF TEKKOR 
 
 good citizens. But remind him that we will tell 
 him what we think of his policy when we learn 
 what it is. He says, Wait I shall punish ; I 
 shall confiscate ; what more I shall do you will 
 know when I do it/ Let us reply : Good ! So 
 far good ! Banish the rebels. See to it also that, 
 before you admit a single State to the Union, you 
 oblige it to give every loyal man in it the ballot, 
 the ballot, which secures education, the ballot, 
 which begets character where it lodges responsibi 
 lity, the ballot, having which no class need fear 
 injustice or contempt, the ballot, which puts the 
 helm of the Union into the hands of those who love 
 and have upheld it. Land, where every man s 
 title deed, based on confiscation, is the bond which 
 ties his interest to the Union ; ballot, the weapon 
 which enables him to defend his property and the 
 Union ; these are the motives for the white man, 
 the negro needs no motive but his instinct and 
 heart. Give him the bullet and the ballot ; he 
 needs them ; and while he holds them the Union is 
 safe/ To reconstruct now, without giving the 
 negro the suffrage, would be a greater blunder, and, 
 considering our better light, a greater sin than our 
 fathers committed in 1789 ; and we should have no 
 right to expect from such reconstruction any less 
 disastrous results. This is the lesson God teaches 
 us in the blood of Lincoln. Like Egypt, we are 
 made to read our lesson in the blood of our fi/st- 
 born, and the seats of our princes left empty. We 
 
RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 bury all false magnanimity in this fresh grave, 
 writing over it the maxim of the coming four years, 
 Treason is the greatest of crimes, and not a mere 
 difference of opinion. That is the motto of our 
 leader to-day. Thnt is the warning this atrocious 
 crime sounds throughout the land. Let us heed it, 
 and need no more such costly teaching. (Loud 
 applause.)" 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 There having been a final, speedy, and crush 
 ing defeat to the Confederates, " War Christians " 
 and the revolutionary leaders of the North are dis 
 cussing measures and preparing plans for the recon 
 struction of the States of the South. A committee 
 on the above basis has been formed in the Federal 
 Congress, and bills are before both houses on the 
 subject ; but the people in the North are unde 
 cided as yet what principle to adopt in the recon 
 struction of the Southern States. Action, there 
 fore, is the cry of the stump orators, since the 
 administrators of the Federal government have 
 evinced a strong desire to evade the manhood of 
 the negro. The State of Louisiana, for instance, 
 which is now under the military regime of Andrew 
 Johnson, tramples down the inalienable rights of the 
 negro, subjects him to the domineering infamous 
 overseer spirit that has always prevailed on the 
 slave plantations in olden times ; and yet, in a bill 
 
RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 before Congress, a proposal is made to hand over 
 the government to the Yankee Federal overseers, 
 who now occupy the places of the old plantation 
 masters, and, of course, would enter Congress as the 
 chosen representatives of Louisiana, having, as Wen 
 dell Philips says " the bowie knife for their sym 
 bol." Some of the revolutionists, like Frederick 
 Douglas, claim that the extension of the franchise 
 to the negro would meet the case ; but as this has 
 proved powerless to shield the negro from indignity 
 in Massachusetts throughout her entire history up 
 to the commencement of the war, what chance 
 would there be for him in Louisiana amongst the 
 proud overseers who work him from sun to sun 
 under the goad of the lash ? If, in the one case, 
 political, social, and religious ostracisms have made 
 the negroes an alien race, and branded them as 
 outcasts, what could we expect of the other ? Others 
 however, maintain that the enfranchisement of the 
 negro would use up the abolition capital of philan 
 thropic agitators. The Neiv York Herald says : - 
 " What we want now is a final settlement with these 
 disorganising sectional factions on the slavery ques 
 tion, and the negro question. The war has killed 
 Southern slavery. Let it be buried and put out of 
 the way as soon as possible. It ends the slavery 
 agitation. But there is yet something left for aboli 
 tion capital in the negro agitation. Against this 
 demand that as slavery is abolished, and that as the 
 African race have powerfully assisted us in putting 
 
RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 down the rebellion and in saving the life of the na 
 tion they should have a share in the political right 
 of the ballot box, what valid objection can be made ? 
 We cannot long resist this demand in view of the 
 extinction of slavery and the services of the Southern, 
 blacks during this war. With every opportunity 
 and in every way they have been our faithful allies. 
 We have had two hundred and fifty thousand of 
 them in the service of the army and navy. Their 
 battle of emancipation, involving four millions of 
 their race, has turned the scale in our favour, 
 and we must yield to the sagacity of President Lin 
 coln s emancipation edicts. It is folly to argue 
 against established facts. We adhere to the lights of 
 experience and common sense. Hence we would say 
 again to President Johnson that he has nothing to 
 fear in labouring to give the Southern blacks the 
 right of suffrage in the reconstruction of the rebel 
 lious States. Political negro exclusions, looking 
 to the safety of negro slavery, are no longer neces 
 sary, slavery being dead. Above all, we want to see 
 not only the slavery question, but the negro ques 
 tion, as a political hobby, permanently settled, so 
 that Northern and Southern negro agitators may be 
 silenced, in being deprived of the last parcel of their 
 stock in trade negro suffrage in the reconquered 
 States." 
 
EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 
 EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 This is the summum bonum of some of the re- 
 constructionists ; but what hope is there of confer 
 ring such an inestimable boon on the black man in 
 America, unless the white man, who claims to be 
 his superior or master, is properly educated as well? 
 To get the black man " up," the white man must 
 be first got up to the proper mark or standard, or 
 he will use all his instrumentalities and activities 
 to keep the negro down, as shewn in every state of 
 the North. 
 
 To begin with the blacks, therefore, is to com 
 mence at the wrong end. The right place is at the 
 White House, Washington, as, according to the 
 testimony of Frederick Douglas, published in the 
 Halifax Guardian, the rule laid down for the 
 guidance of statesmen, so-called, was, "Do evil by 
 choice, right from necessity." Then a few lessons 
 might be given to senators and legislators in 
 Congress on the violation of state sovereignties by 
 Federal administrators, through the supreme inter 
 ference of war, and the imposition of military 
 governors intruded upon New Orleans, Nashville, 
 and Newburn, which the Constitution makes trea 
 sonable, except the aid of the President and his 
 administrators was invoked by the governors or 
 executive of the states thus invaded. 
 
 A few lessons, also, would be very salutary to 
 the governors of Northern states who have coalesced 
 
EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 with the executive at Washington to trample down 
 the sovereignties of Southern states, thereby im 
 perilling their own, as the touch of Seward s "bells" 
 and Butler s mission to New York demonstrate ; 
 the former causing "suspects" to be thrown into 
 prison, where, according to the frightful details 
 given in the Edinburgh Witness and Morning 
 Herald in 1861, they have been made to fill up, in 
 their bitter experience, a chapter of horrors, com 
 pared with which Austrian despotism is white- 
 robed innocence ; and the latter throwing down 
 state sovereignties as if the "pretty theory of the 
 American Constitution was only a thing of fancy 
 or mere convenience." The editor of the London 
 Daily Telegraph, Nov. 29, 1SG4, says: "When 
 Butler went to New York, almost avowedly to use 
 the executive forces in overawing those of the State, 
 a grand landmark in the history of America was 
 established. It remained to be seen whether his 
 intervention would be resisted ; it was not ; it was 
 accepted, partly with fear, partly with satisfaction. 
 The evil precedents set by the Federals in Louisiana, 
 Tennessee, Maryland, and other states, were re 
 peated in New York. The empire city scarcely 
 murmured nay, it accepted the brusque Butler as 
 "the man for the situation;" and before he de 
 parted, to rejoin an army which he has commanded 
 without credit, the " elective affinities " had so 
 closely drawn together the buffoonery of Beecher 
 and the brutality of Butler, that the soldier who 
 
\> 
 
 EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 outrages women was nominated as President by 
 the preacher who trades upon religion." 
 
 The education might then be extended to our 
 entire Northern people on the Fourth of July 
 orations, which are condemnatory of George the 
 Third* and his brave generals, who were princes of 
 light to Johnson, Seward, & Co., Generals Sherman, 
 Grant, Banks, Sheridan, and Butler. 
 
 Some lessons might be given to advantage on 
 the unwillingness of our Northern people to sus 
 tain the public credit, which impose on Federal 
 financiers the Egyptian task of making bricks with 
 out straw. And the concluding series might with 
 propriety embrace the monstrous theories pro 
 pounded by Federal advocates, " that bloodshed and 
 strife must accompany the abolition of slavery ;" 
 that " war was a beneficent power in proportion to 
 its destructiveness," that the "longer the war was 
 protracted, the more beneficial it would be ;" and 
 that, "as the North was able to hold out the longest, 
 those advocates could await with the completest 
 satisfaction, and the profoundest resignation, the 
 period when the brave and chivalrous Southerns 
 would be hurled into the regions of exhaustion and 
 ruin ;" and also coupled with the above theories the 
 following facts might be given, as illustrations of 
 the barbarism of war : That the late President Lin 
 coln had assumed the right to punish their neigh 
 bours for their sins ; and to the extent of their 
 crimes That General Sherman by the torch had 
 
EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 
 
 used up South Carolina, which Mr. Beecher calls 
 the " rotten stave in the barrel of the Union" in op 
 position to the usages of civilized warfare That 
 General Sheridan has carried out to the letter the 
 following special order, signed " Ulyss. S. Grant, 
 which was published in the New York Papers, Oct. 6, 
 1864, and reads as follows : 
 
 Head-quarters, &c. 
 
 " Do all the damage you can to the railroad and 
 crops. Carry off all stock of all descriptions, and 
 negroes, so as to prevent further planting. If the 
 war is to continue another year, let the Shenandoah 
 Valley remain a barren waste" 
 
 And also that the Boston Recorder cites as " a 
 lesson which American Christians should not forget 
 at such a crisis as this," the example of Saul, who, 
 having been commanded by the voice of the Lord, 
 speaking through Samuel the prophet, to "go and 
 smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they 
 have, and spare them not, but slay both man and 
 woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel 
 and ass," had been " rejected from being king over 
 Israel," because he took A gag, the king of the 
 Amalekites, alive instead of killing him, and be 
 cause he allowed the soldiers of the Jeiuish army to 
 "spare the best of the sheep and oxen" under 
 pretence of reserving them for sacrifice, instead of 
 destroying them utterly, according to the literal 
 terms of the commission he had received from the 
 Almighty. 
 
PEACE AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 PEACE AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 " The nation needs peace," says the Hon. Horace 
 Greely, the editor of the Tribune : " the nation 
 needs peace and not vengeance." This is necessary 
 for the purpose of reconstruction. An abortive 
 attempt has been made to promote peace arid good 
 will on the basis of a foreign war. The object 
 contemplated was to clear the North American 
 continent from what is called "imperial usurpation." 
 The reasons specified were to cover their own shame 
 in going to war with each other. Foreign war has 
 always been a favourite object with political parties 
 in America, in order to make capital to promote 
 partizan objects. The Federal administrators have 
 also presumed on the peaceable disposition of foreign 
 nations, according to the testimony of Sir E. Head, 
 by backing up unrighteous demands with threats 
 of war ; and the avowed leaders of North and South 
 have met on the banks of the Potomac, and held a 
 conference to devise a scheme to heal up the 
 breaches of the States and people, where both parties 
 entered upon a discussion of the "extrinsic policy" 
 of war, as a means to reunite the North and South, 
 and make them fast in the bonds of the Union. 
 This cannot be very consolatory or flattering to 
 neighbouring governments or nations. Whether 
 the above policy is to be revived is not for us to 
 say, but the Editor of the New York Times. March 
 27th Eays, " Whatever may be the policy of our 
 
PEACE AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 government, sixty days will not elapse after the 
 disbandment of our armies, before Maximilian will 
 see the gleam of American bayonets. Thousands 
 of veteran soldiers in both the National and Con 
 federate armies, have contracted a taste for war that 
 would of itself draw them into any fold within their 
 reach. Other thousands who would be willing 
 under ordinary circumstances to return to peaceful 
 pursuits, would be eager to join in clearing the 
 continent from imperial usurpation. Our govern 
 ment has no power to prevent any soldier from 
 going to Mexico, and enlisting after he gets there, 
 under the republican flag. Could those who had 
 been American soldiers, fight foreign mercenaries 
 for any length of time on behalf of republicanism, 
 without so firing the American heart at home that 
 the government would have no alternative but to 
 launch into the conflict." In the Washington 
 Chronicle, May 5th, appears the following adver 
 tisement : 
 
 " MEXICO ! To ALL OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS. 
 " Now that our war is over, all who wish to 
 emigrate to Mexico, in accordance with the Mexican 
 decree, will call at 258, Pennsylvania-avenue, and 
 register their names and addresses ; or address, by 
 note, Colonel A. J. M., 380, E- street, Washington, 
 B.C. 
 
 " Offices will also be opened in New York, 
 Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other cities. 
 
 Office-hours at 258, Pennsylvania -avenue, be 
 tween Nine and Four. 
 
ALLEGIANCE AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 ALLEGIANCE AND RECONSTRUCTION, OR THE 
 APPLIANCES OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 THESE also are necessary ; but what signs are there 
 of a "hearty return to loyalty " or civilization? The 
 following letter recently addressed to Governor 
 Fletcher of Missouri, by the late President, presents 
 the most appalling picture of misery and calamity 
 next to war itself, that the human mind can con 
 template in connexion with terrestrial things. 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington. 
 February 20, 1865. 
 
 " It seems that there is now no organised 
 military force of the enemy in Missouri, and, yet, 
 that destruction of life and property is rampant 
 everywhere. Is not the cure of this within easy 
 reach of the people themselves. It cannot be but that 
 every man, not naturally a robber or a cut-throat, 
 would gladly put an end to this state of things. 
 A large majority in each locality must feel alike 
 on this subject, and if so, they only need to reach 
 an understanding one with another. Every one 
 leaving all others alone solves the problem. And 
 surely each would do this, but for his apprehension 
 that others would not leave him alone. Cannot 
 this mischievous distrust be removed ? Let neigh 
 bourhood meetings be everywhere called and held, 
 all entertaining a sincere purpose for mutual secu 
 rity in the future, whatever they may heretofore 
 
EXTERMINATION, ETC. 
 
 have thought, said, or done about the war, or about 
 any thing else. Let all such meet, and, waiving 
 all else, pledge each to cease harassing others, and 
 make common cause against whoever persists in 
 making, aiding, or encouraging farther disturbances. 
 The practical means they all best know how to adopt 
 and applv. At such meetings old friendships will 
 cross the memory, and honour and Christian charity 
 will come into help. 
 
 Please consider whether it may be well to sug 
 gest this to the now afflicted people of Missouri. 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. LINCOLN. 
 
 Here is intestine succeeding to civil war, turning a 
 whole State into lawless banditties of robbers and 
 murderers ; and the remedy prescribed to rid Mis 
 souri of these gangs of desperadoes is to put the 
 law into their own hands, with full license to use 
 the prerogatives of Judge Lynch. This is what is 
 called "free America. 
 
 EXTERMINATION, CONFISCATION, AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 This is the deepest pit in the Union Inferno ; 
 and yet, according to the testimony of the New 
 York Times, the organ of the Federal Government, 
 the Northern war chieftains are prepared to de 
 scend into this pit in order to bridge over the course 
 of events in their favour. The article is so im 
 portant that we give it in full. It is headed 
 
FIAT IS THE SOUTH FIGHTING FOR ? 
 
 " WHAT IS THE SOUTH FIGHTING FOR ?" 
 
 There is a prevalent opinion here in the North 
 that it is fighting for slavery. It is erroneous. 
 Though a passion for slavery was the immediate 
 occasion of the war, it does not now sustain the ivar. 
 The South would buy triumph to-morrow, if it 
 could, by a complete sacrifice of slavery. It would 
 not yield though it could take a bond of fate, 
 that by yielding it could save slavery. What Jef. 
 Davis told Colonel Jacques, in his confidential in- 
 terview, is perfectly true that slavery had now 
 nothing to do with the war, and that the only ques 
 tion now involved is the question of Southern in 
 dependence; that is to say, the independence of 
 the Confederacy/ There seems, then, to be sub 
 stantial agreement, both by Jeff. Davis, and his 
 opponents of every shade, that the sole object of the 
 South is to vindicate and for ever establish State 
 independence and sovereignty. It is precisely that 
 for which the South is fighting exactly the con 
 verse of this national principle for which the North 
 is fighting. We can tell the South, in all sincerity, 
 that the Northern people will carry this Avar to any 
 extremity rather than let the nationality be broken. 
 This is the unalterable determination of nine- 
 tenths of the Northern people, whether supporters 
 or opponents of President Lincoln s Administra 
 tion. They know that sooner or later they will 
 break down the fighting power of the South. They 
 
WHAT IS THE SOUTH FIGHTING FOR ? 
 
 know, too, that they can afterwards maintain the 
 national authority over the South, if not with 
 Southern acquiescence, on a basis of mutual respect 
 and good-will and civil equality, then by throwing 
 open all the lands of the enemies of the Govern 
 ment to the permanent possession of every actual 
 settler, from ivhalever quarter of the world, and 
 the repeopling of the South by a loyal population. 
 We are not willing to believe that the madness of 
 the South will be so long prolonged as to drive the 
 Government to that resort. But that resort will be 
 used, and even others sterner yet, if need be, sooner 
 than let the nation be divided and destroyed. The 
 national unity is our only safety. The South may 
 be sure that it will be maintained at all costs." 
 We entreat the reader, therefore, to mark the italics 
 in the above article, and to bear in mind that the 
 New York Times is one of the principal organs of 
 the Federal Government. The London Standard, 
 commenting on the above, said, Its language is 
 " We care nothing about slavery. That is not in 
 question. The South claims its independence, a 
 right which it enjoyed in its sovereign States before 
 the Union was formed, and claimed the privilege 
 to resume ever since, but rather than allow our 
 empire to be curtailed by the secession of eleven or 
 thirteen States, we will exterminate their people, 
 and fill them with creatures of our own." This, 
 indeed, is a Federal use of the sword without the 
 3 B 
 
GENEROSITY, KINDNESS, ETC. 
 
 hilt ; and as they tighten the grasp and deal each 
 blow, make the sword cut into their own flesh. 
 
 GENEROSITY, KINDNESS, AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 With the exception of the leaders, all rebels, so 
 called, who take the oaths of fidelity to the Union, 
 are to receive complete amnesty, be made to feel 
 that they are brethren, and admitted to communion 
 and fellowship with Northern " hearts of love." 
 The states which formed the basis of the old Union, 
 are to be a millennium where Southern wolves and 
 leopards are to dwell with Northern lambs and kids 
 in a state of greater security and happiness than 
 before the war. John Bright, M.P., in a recent 
 speech at Birmingham, described this millennium as 
 being very near, whilst the Eev. Henry Ward 
 Beecher, the "typical preacher of bloodshed and 
 war," has received a commission to inaugurate 
 it at Charleston, South Carolina. On the an 
 nouncement of this mission to the members of his 
 congregation, Mr. Beecher said, "If others went 
 with feelings of exultation over a fallen foe, for his 
 part, he went as a brother to appeal to mislead 
 brethren, from the day of their misapprehension, to 
 the day of knowledge. It would be to say to them, 
 that after four years of blood and darkness, we had 
 brought back to them the same hearts of love, that 
 they had smitten in these long four years. If there 
 be any minded in that spirit to go, praying the 
 
GENEROSITY, KINDNESS, ETC. 
 
 blessing of God to rest, not on the North alone, DUG 
 on the whole undivided country, he would welcome 
 them." 
 
 This glorious scene is to follow on the heels of a 
 forced submission by the bayonet, in a country 
 where there is no moral stamina, where the people 
 have been trained up in the belief that "wickedness 
 is cleverness," where President Lincoln had nothing 
 better to recommend than Vigilance Committees 
 and Judge Lynch, as the appliances of civilization 
 to the "now afflicted people of Missouri," shewn 
 in his letter to Governor Fletcher, and where Chris 
 tian poets, orators, philanthropists, and ministers 
 have unitedly abandoned the moral for the military, 
 and raised the cry of blood/ with savage vehe 
 mence, that they might espouse and shew their at 
 tachment to the " bigger rights of the bigger 
 people." " A fierce resentment, however, is to be 
 " let loose " on the " British upper classes," and 
 those " arch deceivers," who are represented by pro- 
 federal advocates and journals "as having misunder 
 stood every event, misread every sign of the times, 
 misinterpreted every expression of popular feeling, 
 and miscalculated every probability in the field of 
 military operations," except the immaculate New 
 York correspondent of the Daily News ; and there 
 fore, they had better bare their shoulders and ad 
 just their wrists to the triangles without delay, that 
 they may receive the chastisement which is to be 
 meted out to them. 
 
W^ PROGRESS AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 PROGRESS AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 Progress is a talismanic word with many of the 
 different classes of reformers and regenerators of the 
 age in which we live ; but real progress must take 
 up in its mighty embrace the heaven enkindled 
 torch of truth which shines the brightest when it is 
 most shaken, and is associated with peaceful blood 
 less victories. It is here where the fatal mistake 
 has been made by the leaders and chieftains of our 
 American revolutionists, both in the Churches and 
 States, for, although they may be the heroes of the 
 hour, their existence is a world-wide calamity, and 
 a matter to be deprecated in all coming time. Dis 
 carding all those glorious principles which make old 
 things new, and the calm and rational progress 
 which is inseparably linked with the use of right 
 means, as well as the attainment of the right end ; 
 or associating noble principles with the fire and 
 sword, the torch and the dagger, these men have 
 brought down upon themselves the severest censure 
 and the bitterest reproaches of mankind in conse 
 quence of the appalling calamities, wide spread 
 misery and ruin which they have produced ; the 
 cause of truth, liberty, and progress which they dis 
 honoured, and the immense difficulties and monster 
 prejudices which their religious war fanaticism will 
 cause to rise up before all good men and true, who 
 are seeking to overpower strength with weakness, 
 and to conquer hostility with love. But we are 
 
PROGRESS AND RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 now called to look at the men of blood, and to see 
 how loving and kind they are. The men whose 
 lives they have been seeking were everything that 
 was vile and infamous, so long as they thwarted 
 their vast schemes of ambition, but no sooner are 
 they subjugated than they are "brethren," and are 
 to be met with "hearts of love." First of all, the 
 lambs are turned into lions and the doves into vul 
 tures. Now again they are resuming their former 
 status, and are to astound the world with their 
 " sublime -magnanimity in the excitement of their 
 final triumph/ 
 
 There is quite as much hope that the world will 
 move onwards in the pathway of mercy and im 
 provement without the use of those means which 
 God hath provided, as by the prostitution of the 
 same to vile and selfish ends. Amidst the vast 
 changes witnessed in connexion with other systems 
 which obtain among men, there is no change in the 
 adaptation of Christianity to men or nations, or in its 
 efficiency. It is ever fresh and new ; and its power 
 to elevate and bless mankind, is as manifest now 
 as at any period of the world. The men, therefore, 
 who have robbed it of its value and impaired its 
 efficiency in America by their wilful perversion and 
 falsification, or prostitution of it in the adoption of 
 brute force, have no claim on the admiration or 
 esteem of mankind as the benefactors of the human 
 race, but deserve their severest reprobation with all 
 their abettors and promoters, and ought to be ranked 
 
THE AMERICAN WAR AND MISSIONS OF MERCY. 
 
 with the enemies of the human race, and not their 
 friends. 
 
 Such men may exert an influence for evil, but 
 not for good, and to commit the cause of order, 
 liberty, or progress into their hands is to place them 
 in villanous custody, and to reverse the order of 
 events like the American citizen, who, for the pur 
 pose of arresting attention caused his sign to be set 
 upside down. One day, while the rain was pour 
 ing down with great violence, a son of Hibernia was 
 discovered directly opposite standing with some 
 gravity upon his head, fixing his eyes steadfastly 
 upon the sign. On an enquiry being made of this 
 inverted gentleman, why he stood in so singular an 
 attitude, he answered " I am trying to read that 
 sign." Even so it is impossible to decipher intelli 
 gently and approvingly the creed or the conduct of 
 our religious War Crusaders in America ; or our 
 Federal revolutionary chieftains from any civilised 
 or Christian stand point. To achieve this task you 
 must take the blood-rusted key of past ages, and 
 tumble yourselves topsy-turvy into the midst of its 
 barbarism. 
 
 THE AMERICAN WAR AND MISSIONS OF MERCY. 
 
 AMBASSADORS of peace have been urgentty needed, 
 but never were they so scarce. The Churches of 
 Christ, whose mission ought ever to be one of 
 peace and good-will to men, have been silent and 
 
THE AMERICAN WAR AND MISSIONS OF MERCY. 
 
 inactive, both in the old world and new, -so far as 
 any organic action is concerned, to stop the effusion 
 of blood. Ambitious and selfish men lusting for 
 power have made the world weep tears of sorrow 
 and grief, and bound endless burdens on mankind 
 to accomplish their own ignoble ends ; and yet no 
 alarm has been sounded in God s holy mountain 
 no invitation extended to come to the help of the 
 Lord against the men of violence and blood, in any 
 united or concentrated form, or manner. How are 
 we to account for this ? Does it arise from the fact 
 that the churches of Christ in America have become 
 a " war power " instead of a peace power, and have 
 been the originators as well as the principal 
 sustainers of the cruel, fratricidal war that has 
 deluged our land in blood? Could the British 
 churches be ignorant of this when Mr. Beecher 
 came into their midst as the apostle of war, with 
 the language of blood on his lips, urging war to 
 the bitter end, thereby prostituting the Word of 
 God, the code of liberty, and the prices current, 
 which he so freely made use of, steeped in blood ? 
 Why, then, was there no deputation sent across the 
 Atlantic to preach peace to them, and heal the 
 breaches of the people ? When the Madaii were in 
 prison for reading the Word of God, with what in 
 dignation did the British churches ring in the ears 
 of the Duke of Tuscany, and the Pope, that in an. 
 affair of conscience men were not to be trifled with. 
 Had conscience nothing to do with the fearful atro- 
 
THE AMERICAN WAR AND MISSIONS OF MERCY. 
 
 cities arid wholesale slaughters which have polluted 
 the soil and degraded the people of America? Is 
 a whole race of people to enter upon, and prosecute 
 the mission of Cain, and no well devised schemes 
 or combined vigorous efforts be made to stop their 
 barbarous effusion of blood ? Were the churches of 
 this land blinded with the theory that if they 
 attempted to interfere with the present struggle it 
 would help to keep the slaves in bondage in the 
 Southern States, and lay the foundation for carrying 
 the slave population clear through to the Pacific 
 ocean, as has been falsely alleged ? Is it uro-ed that 
 the Americans would not receive addresses or depu 
 tations charged with the mission of peace ? Surclv 
 Federal administrators and the churches and re 
 ligious associations of America are as approachable 
 as the Russian emperors, Alexander and Nicholas, 
 the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, the Duke of 
 Tuscany and the Pope, to whom addresses or depu 
 tations were sent on former occasions ? Why, then, 
 was not the Christian obligation uro*ed of ceasing to 
 
 o o o 
 
 shed blood ? Is the plea presented that you would 
 have been misunderstood ? Those who have abetted 
 those scenes of violence have not been afraid of being 
 misunderstood, and why should you ? What a last 
 ing disgrace that no men of standing position or 
 honour have been found to go on such an er 
 rand of mercy, to embark in such a sublime mission 
 to our fellowmen. We are quite aware that the 
 Peace Society prepared an address which was duly 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE FRIENDS. 
 
 forwarded to Washington and Richmond ; but the 
 following letter will shew what has been going 
 on behind the scenes at the White House, the Pre 
 sident s Executive Mansion, in connexion with the 
 Peace-men, or the Friends : 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE FRIENDS. 
 
 The following heretofore unpublished letter, from 
 the late President, will be read with interest, par 
 ticularly by members of the Society of Friends. It 
 was written to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, the widow of 
 the late well-known Friend and philanthropist, 
 Joseph John Gurney, who was one of the wealthiest 
 bankers of London, by Mr. Lincoln, prior to his re 
 election. Mrs. Gurney is an American lady, and 
 since her husband s death has resided at Burling 
 ton, N.J. 
 
 " MY ESTEEMED FRIEND, I have not forgotten, 
 probably never shall forget, the very impressive 
 occasion when yourself and friends visited me ori a 
 Sabbath forenoon two years ago. Nor has your 
 kind letter, written a year later, ever been forgotten. 
 In all, it has been your purpose to strengthen my 
 reliance in God. I am much indebted to the good 
 Christian people of the country for their constant 
 prayers and consolations, and to none of them more 
 than to yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are 
 perfect and must prevail, though we erring mortals 
 may fail to accurately perceive them in advance. 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible 
 war long before this, but God knows best, and has 
 ruled otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge His 
 wisdom, and our own errors therein. Meanwhile we 
 must work earnestly in the best light he gives us, 
 trusting that so working still conduces to the great 
 end He ordains. 
 
 Surely, He intends some great good to follow this 
 mighty convulsion, which no mortal could make, 
 and no mortal could stay. 
 
 Your people, the Friends have had and are 
 having great trials, on principle and faith, opposed 
 to both war and oppression. They can only op 
 pose (practically) oppression by war. In this dil 
 emma some have chosen one horn and some the 
 other. 
 
 For those appealing to me on conscientious 
 grounds, I have done, and shall do the best I could 
 and can, in my own conscience under my oath to 
 the law. That you believe this I doubt not, and 
 believing it I shall still receive for our country and 
 myself your earnest prayers to our Father in heaven. 
 Your sincere friend, A. LINCOLN." 
 
 GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 In the events of Jehovah s providences we 
 learn His will. Judgment is His strange work, 
 but sometimes it is necessary. In no country of 
 the world has this been more manifest than in 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 America. God bad given the command to His 
 people in that country to go forward in their 
 sublime mission to cast out the Canaanites of evil, 
 and to destroy the works of the devil, but they 
 refused to obey His voice. In their hands there was 
 all that was requisite for their guidance, but the 
 needle of God s truth was so mixed up with, as well as 
 influenced by baser metals, that instead of pointing 
 them towards the desired haven of successful enter 
 prise which was within their reach, it sent them 
 straight on to the rocks of danger and difficulty, 
 thus demonstrating that the path of duty is pre 
 eminently the path of safety. Exhortation, per 
 suasion, warning, and remonstrance were met with 
 an air of stolid indifference, or bitter sarcasm and 
 reproach. At length the golden opportunity of 
 doing God s work in His own way by the use of 
 peaceful means passed away, and the whirlwind 
 storm of divine vengeance commenced. When 
 referring to this, Wendell Phillips, Esq., in a speech 
 delivered in the Fremont Temple, Boston, on the 23d 
 April, exclaimed: "ThejudgmentsofGodhavefound 
 us out. Years gone by chastised us with whips 
 these chastise us with scorpions. Thirty years ago 
 how strong our mountain stood, laughing prosperity 
 on all its sides ! None heeded the fire and gloom 
 which slumbered below. It was nothing that a 
 giant sin gagged our pulpits, that its mobs ruled 
 our cities, burnt men at the stake for their opinions, 
 and hunted them like wild beasts for humanity. 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 It was nothing that in the lonely quiet of the 
 plantation there fell on the unpitied person of the 
 slave every torture which hellish ingenuity could 
 devise. It was nothing that as husband and 
 father, mother and child, the negro drained to its 
 dregs all the bitterness which could be pressed into 
 his cup ; that, torn with whip and dogs, starved, 
 hunted, tortured, racked, he cried, How long ! oh 
 Lord, how long ! In vain did a thousand 
 witnesses crowd our highways, telling to the world 
 the horrors of this prison-house. None stopped to 
 consider, none believed. Trade turned away its 
 deaf ear the Church gazed on them with stony 
 brow Levites passed with mocking tongue. 
 But what the world would not look at God has 
 set to-day in a light so ghastly bright that it almost 
 dazzles us blind. What the world refused to 
 believe God has written all over the face of the 
 continent, with the sword s point, in the blood of 
 our best and most beloved. We believe the agony 
 of the slave s hovel, the mother and the husband, 
 when ifc takes its seat at our board. We realise 
 the barbarism that crushed him in the sickening 
 and brutal use of the relics of Bull s Run, in the 
 torture and starvation of Lib by Prison, where 
 idiocy was mercy, and death God s best blessing; 
 and now still more bitterly we realise it in the coward 
 spite which strikes an unarmed man, unwarned, behind 
 his back ; in the assassin fingers which dabble with 
 bloody knife at the throats of old men on sick 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 pillows. Oh, God ! let this lesson be enough ! 
 Spare us any more such costly teaching ! This 
 deed is but the result and fair representative of 
 the system in whose defence it was done. No 
 matter whether ifc was previously approved at 
 Richmond, or whether the assassin, if he reaches 
 the Confederates, be received with all honour, as 
 the wretch Brooks was, and as this bloodier wretch 
 will surely be, wherever rebels are not dumb with 
 fear of our cannon. No matter for all this, God 
 shows this terrible act to teach the nation, in. 
 unmistakeable terms, the terrible foe with which it 
 has to deal. But for this fiendish spirit, North 
 and South, which holds up the rebellion, the 
 assassin had never either wished or dared such a 
 deed. This lurid flash only shows us how black 
 and wide the cloud from which it sprang." 
 
 There are those who admit that these terrible 
 judgments of the Almighty were necessary so far 
 as the Southern people of America were concerned, 
 but claim exemption for the more guilty inhabitants 
 of the North, who traversed the Scriptures to make 
 it uphold the wild and guilty phantasy that man 
 may hold property in man, and that one man is 
 inferior to another because he wears a different 
 colour on his skin, turned the churches into 
 synagogues of Satan that they might do his work 
 more earnestly and thoroughly in seeking to exter 
 minate those pestilent fellows so called, (viz.,) the 
 abolitionists, fit out slave ships as missionary ships, 
 
>:. GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 mortgage slave plantations, build up walls of caste 
 in the creation of black schools, churches, colleges, 
 and regiments, and act as jail-keepers in the house 
 of bondage to take the poor panting fugitive slave 
 when he came up into its Northern doorway in the 
 hope of fleeing to Canada, and hurl him back into 
 its dismal dungeons, or shoot him down with the 
 revolver, but despite which terrible process forty 
 thousand of these poor fugitives ran the gauntlet 
 of bullets arid blood-hounds across Northern hunt 
 ing ground before they reached Canada. 
 
 Already we have referred to one of these violent 
 partisans in the person of the Rev. Henry Ward 
 Beecher, who in a sermon preached from Exodus 
 xiv. 15, according to the reporter of the New 
 York Times, December 15, 1860, stood in its de 
 livery " six inches taller than usual, with his 
 eyes flashing fire on Jeff. Davis and the Southerns, 
 whom he designated as Pharaoh and his hosts, 
 whilst he compared Northern soldiers to the 
 Israelitish army in olden times, when they were 
 coming out of Egypt arid stood on the banks of the 
 Red Sea." 
 
 Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, also, is another of 
 these partisans who has made her appearance with 
 a strange rhythmical chant in her hands, which 
 she says " combined the barbaric fire of the Marsel- 
 laise with the religious fervour of the old Hebrew 
 prophet." 
 
 The chant reads as follows : 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 " Oh, go down Moses, 
 
 Way down into Egypt s land I 
 
 Tell king Pharaoh 
 
 To let my people go! 
 
 Stand away derc, 
 
 Stand away dere, 
 
 And let my people go ! 
 
 "Oh, Pharaoh said he would go cross! 
 
 Let my people go! 
 Oh, Pharaoh and his host were lost! 
 
 Lst my psopla go ! 
 You may hinder me here, 
 But me can t go up dere, 
 
 Let my people go. 
 
 " Oh Moses stretch your hand across ! 
 
 Let my people go ! 
 And don t get lost in the wilderness 
 
 Let my people go. 
 He sits in de heavens 
 And answers prayers, 
 
 Let my people go ! " 
 
 Would Moses have made speeches in the Northern 
 and Southern States of Illinois like Abraham Lin 
 coln, opposed to each other as shewn in his published 
 debates with the late Judge Douglas, so that when 
 placed in juxta-position, there is nothing discovered 
 in the place of the man who uttered them, but what 
 Wendell Phillips in his review of them called " a 
 big grease spot." Would Moses like Lincoln have 
 solemnly avowed that he was as much an aboli 
 tionist as any man; that he believed the right of 
 property in a slave was not distinctly affirmed in 
 the Constitution/ and that he would wish to be 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 assassinated rather than violate the principles con 
 tained in that immortal document, the Declaration 
 of Independence, and then, have sworn by the 
 Eternal that he would maintain the Constitution as 
 a slave document as shewn in the exposition which 
 he gave of it in his Inaugural Address, March 4, 
 1861 ; and also in the special emphasis which he 
 attached to the necessity of senators and people 
 recognising and endorsing its binding powers, and 
 making good their oath ? Would Moses like Lin 
 coln have claimed to be the friend of the slave or 
 the free-coloured population, and then have declared 
 to them : " You must know that we do not love 
 you ; and the sooner you make arrangements to go 
 to Siberia or Abbeokuta the better?" 
 
 Would Moses like Lincoln have avowed to a class 
 of intelligent men that an emancipation proclama 
 tion would be " as inoperative as a bull against a 
 comet," arid then have issued the same before the 
 Convention in Chicago had time to receive the reply 
 to their request as given ? 
 
 Would Moses like Lincoln have dismissed or re 
 buked military generals friendly to freedom as in 
 the case of Fremont, Hunter, and Siegel, and ap 
 pointed pro-slavery ones for fear the Border Slave 
 States should go out of the Union like their 
 Southern sisters ? 
 
 Would Moses like Lincoln have avowed that "he 
 would save the Union with slavery if he could, or 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 in part, and destroy it if he could not save the 
 Union without ? " 
 
 What a ridiculous farce to compare Lincoln to 
 Moses. And yet it is gravely asked by one above 
 all others we had thought would have known 
 better, viz., Wendell Phillips : " Who among 
 living men may not envy him ? Suppose that, when 
 a boy, he floated on the slow current of the Missis 
 sippi, idly gazing at the slave upon its banks, some 
 angel had lifted the curtain and shown him that in 
 the prime of his manhood he should see this proud 
 empire rocked to its foundation in the effort to 
 break those chains, should himself marshal the hosts 
 of the Almighty in the grandest and holiest war 
 that Christendom ever knew, and deal, with half 
 reluctant hand, that thunderbolt of justice which 
 would smite that foul system to the dust then die 
 leaving a name immortal in the sturdy pride of one 
 race and the undying gratitude of another would 
 any credulity, however sanguine, any enthusiasm, 
 however fervid, have enablad him to believe it ? 
 Fortunate man! He has lived to do it ! (Applause.) 
 God has graciously withheld him from any fatal 
 misstep in the great advance, and withdrawn him 
 at the moment when his sv,ar touched its zenith, 
 and the nation needed a sterner hand for the work 
 God gives it to do/ 
 
 In the presence of the above disclosures we can 
 never burn incense to Abraham Lincoln ; believe 
 that the baptism of blood in America is associated 
 3c 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 with the "grandest and holiest war Christendom 
 ever knew/ or adroit that a country which has pro 
 duced such actors as Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, 
 Madison, Webster, and Henry Clay; Ward Beecher 
 and Mrs. Stowe ; Parson Brownlow, and Miss Dick- 
 enson ; Abraham Lincoln or President Johnson can 
 ever establish a claim to be "the day-star of 
 nations/ 
 
 How fearful must be the guilt of the ministers 
 and people who have connived at, and extenuated 
 the guilt of those monstrous crimes which made 
 the judgments of God necessary to bury the United 
 States in one common ruin ! We trace all the 
 calamities of the war to the door of the American 
 pulpit. If five millions of the avowed disciples of 
 Christ could not create an atmosphere where slavery, 
 colourphobia, high tariffs, a corrupt Christianity, 
 and even our late war would have been impossible, 
 by scattering the leaves of the tree of life which are 
 for the healing of the nations, we are inevitably 
 driven to the conclusion that they were not quali 
 fied for their work, had no proper conception of 
 the objects or responsibilities of their mission, and 
 have betrayed their trust. " One thousand wit 
 nesses/ exclaims Mr. Phillips, "have crowded our 
 highways, telling to the world the horrors of the 
 prison house of slavery, in vain/ Is it possible 
 that they could have been true and faithful? One 
 thousand five hundred fifty, nay, even the fa 
 mous ten that would have saved the cities of Sodom 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 and Gomorrah, if they could have been found, might 
 also have saved America from its deluge of blood, 
 and consecrated it for ever to freedom ; but out of 
 five millions of our " rifroarious" professionals, or 
 of the more select " thousand witnesses," ten men 
 could not be found that came up to the require 
 ments of God s word necessary to make real wit 
 nesses for Himself, such as He would recognise 
 and delight to honour ; and when Mr. Phillips put 
 the question restricting its application to evangelical 
 anti-slavery ministers, at the New England anti- 
 slavery anniversary, held in Boston, 1860, only 
 four names were given by two thousand people, 
 and some of these, according to the testimony of 
 Phillips, " not worth twenty-four to the dozen." 
 We are indebted solely to the events of God s pro 
 vidence for the freedom of the slave, and not to 
 man s agencies. His own right arm alone hath 
 gotten to Him the victory. No sooner, however, 
 did He take this glorious work out of man s hands, 
 than numbers of old church sinners, who frowned 
 upon us abolitionists, and added to our privations 
 and anguish, became most fiery in their zeal to 
 destroy slavery and the slaveholder as well, but 
 were as blood-guilty in regard to slavery, as they 
 have been bloodthirsty in the WAT which has justcomu 
 to a close, Some of these are now masking socie 
 ties which are auxiliaries to the Federal govern 
 ment under the name of Freedmen s Aid Societies, 
 in order to draw more effectually on the benevo- 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 lence of mankind, and are most eloquent and pa 
 thetic in their descriptions of the misery and suf 
 fering of the freed negroes, " Who/ Frederick 
 Douglas says, require justice, and not generosity," 
 at the hands of the Federal government and people 
 in the Northern States of America, and the latter 
 of whom find ample means to send agents to con 
 vey immense numbers of the ablest and best skilled 
 workmen from Europe, free of expense to America, 
 whilst they turn away from the Blacks, at their 
 door, in the Southern camps, and leave them to 
 the cold pittance of charity, or to help themselves 
 in the best way they can, when, by providing 
 them the means of conveyance, as in the case of 
 European white people, they would be able to keep 
 themselves in freedom, and those who are depen 
 dent on them, without eleemosynary aid. 
 
 How consoling to those of us, who have stood 
 on the high places of the American church, and 
 fearlessly and faithfully pointed out the dangers and 
 duty of the American churches and people, and 
 the coming storm of God s vengeance, until we 
 were driven by the brutal hand of persecution 
 from its altars, and from property and home, into 
 exile, where we have been no indifferent spectators 
 of the terrible calamities which have befallen Ame 
 rica. 
 
 It is of little moment what others may think or 
 say of us ; whether the scorner may pass by us 
 with mocking tongue ; or whether we may be left to 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 the tender mercies of an unfeeling world, ours is a 
 reward which no man can take from us. We feel 
 amply compensated in the testimony of an approv 
 ing conscience despite the dangers through which 
 we have passed, the years, of tribulation we have 
 been called to endure, and the loss of property and 
 friends. We have been violently assaulted both in 
 person and character, in America arid England, by 
 misguided zealots and partisans, but we commit our 
 selves to Him who judgeth righteously, and calmly 
 await the issue. 
 
 What a source of discomfort it must be to wicked 
 men that there is One who is higher and mightier than 
 themselves, who creates, plans, and acts alone, as 
 the great originator, the supreme controller, and 
 sovereign disposer of all events, the reasons and 
 issues of whose sovereign will and pleasure in the 
 creation, government, and disposal of all things are 
 with Himself, and therefore underived and unim- 
 parted only as He chooses to make them known. 
 Had it been otherwise, according to the London 
 Spectator, in the following comment which the editor 
 made on an article called the " Inklings of Peace," 
 we might tremble for the cause of liberty and the 
 Divine Government itself. The Spectator says 
 that the New York Tribune, Sep. 21, 1862, holds 
 out a distinct promise to the South that if it 
 will return to its obedience before Jan. 1, the 
 date at which the proclamation of freedom to the 
 slaves takes effect, on the basis of the Constitution, 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 it may rule the Union again, as of old, by the aid of 
 the Northern Democrats. A II will be forgiven, and 
 even a convention to revise the terms of the Consti 
 tution and give further guarantees to the South, 
 might be conceded. Such is the language of the 
 most earnest and the most anti-slavery of the Re 
 publican organs. It is difficult for England to 
 conceive a dereliction of principle more shameful 
 and infamous. After shedding oceans of blood in 
 the cause which the Republican leaders have always 
 asserted to be the cause of freedom, they offer to be 
 come once more, for a new cycle of shame and 
 misery, the tools of the men who have fought the 
 cause of slavery. These idolators would not hesi 
 tate to vote slavery even into a future state " on the 
 basis of the Constitution, if it would save a single 
 star or stripe to the Union flag. Had they been 
 consulted on the first great secession of archangels, 
 there would have been no disunion between Heaven 
 and Hell, and no Divine Government since. These 
 are the men who are now receiving such unquali 
 fied praise, whose pathway is to be strewn with 
 flowers, and who are to receive the world s homage 
 and esteem ! 
 
 There is an old adage, that whilst man " pro 
 poses, God disposes." Neither government in the 
 North or South intended to interfere with slavery 
 when the war commenced ; but, eventually, both 
 parties met face to face using the slave for the 
 accomplishment of their different objects on the 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 basis of freedom. All parties, therefore, so far as 
 negro emancipation is concerned, whether com 
 batants or non-combatants, actors in the fearful 
 tragedy, or only spectators in this fearful contest, 
 can take up the song of Whittier: 
 
 LAUS DEO ! 
 
 It is done 
 Clang of bell and roar of gun 
 
 Send the tidings up and down. 
 How the belfries rock and reel, 
 How the great guns, peal on peal, 
 
 Fling the joy from town to town 
 
 Ring, O bells! 
 Every tongue exulting tells 
 
 Of the burial hour of crime. 
 
 Loud and long that all may hear, 
 Ring for every listening ear, 
 
 Of Eternity and Time! 
 
 Let us kneel ! 
 God s own voice is in that peal, 
 
 And this spot is holy ground. 
 Lord forgive us ! What are we, 
 That our eyes this glory see, 
 
 That our ears have heard the sound? 
 
 For the Lord, 
 
 On the whirlwind is abroad ; 
 In the whirlwind He has spoken : 
 He has smitten with His thunder 
 The iron walls asunder. 
 
 Loud and long, 
 Lift the exulting s >ng; 
 Sing with Miriam by the sea ; 
 
GOD S OVERRULING PROVIDENCE. 
 
 He hath cast the mighty down ; 
 Horse and rider sink and drown ; 
 He hath triumphed gloriously ! 
 
 Did we dare 
 
 In our agony of prayer 
 Ask for more than He has done? 
 
 When was ever His right hand 
 
 Over any time or land 
 Stretched as now beneath the sun ! 
 
 How they pale 
 
 Ancient myth, and song, and tale, 
 In this wonder of our days, 
 
 When the cruel rod of war 
 
 Blossoms white with freedom s rights, 
 And the wrath of man is praise ! 
 
 Blotted out 
 
 All within and all about 
 Shall a fresher life begin; 
 
 Freer breathes the universe 
 
 As it rolls its heavy curse 
 On the dead and buried sin ! 
 
 It is done ! 
 In the circuit of the sun 
 
 Shall the sound thereof go forth. 
 It shall bid the sad rejoice, 
 It shall give the dumb a voice, 
 
 It shall belt with joy the earth. 
 
 Ring and swing 
 Bells of joy ! on morning s wing 
 
 Send the song of praise abroad : 
 With a sound of broken chains 
 Tell the nations that He reigns 
 
 Who alone is Lord and God !" 
 
 THE END. 
 
AMERICAN DOCUMENTS. 
 
 THE first which we introduce has ever heen a standing reproach 
 to the American States, churches, and people. Desperate indeed 
 has been the strait and terrible the necessity to which they have 
 been reduced when one of its imperishable truths had to be falsi 
 fied and perverted so as to make it read " all (white) men are born 
 free and equal." 
 
 There is another clause which must fearfully embarrass and 
 perplex all loyal leaguers in the Northern States who are now 
 exercising arbitrary and despotic power over their ancient allies, 
 heretofore known and recognised as sovereign states in the South. 
 This clause avows that the "governors must have the consent of 
 the governed." How will they smooth this down, and square it 
 with the requirements or character of a "Free Kepublic," so called 
 so as to harmonise it with the incongruous elements of a military 
 despotism ? 
 
 Then there is the bill of grievances which the old colonists pre 
 sented to the world and preferred against one King George the 
 Third, his officers and ministers a bill which must sound strangely 
 in the ears of mankind, cause the words contained in the following 
 document to turn to ashes on the lips of Federals and their par 
 tisans and subject them to blasting irony and scorn, since the pro 
 scriptions, usurpations, privations, hardships, and calamities, 
 inflicted on the old colonists of England by those who sought to 
 uphold the divine right of kings were as but the dust of the balance 
 when compared with those which are associated with a govern 
 ment professing to be founded on the divine rights of men, and 
 claiming to be the " best and freest the most equal in its rights, 
 just in its decisions, lenient in its measures, and aspiring in its 
 principles to elevate the race of men that the sun ever shone upon." 
 Could George the Third with his ministers and officers rise from 
 the dead and stand in the presence of the Federals of the present 
 day, or their partisans, would they not point to the reign of deso- 
 
 1 
 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 ation in America and its complicated woes with the finger of 
 derision and scorn, and with terrible sarcasm exclaim, "You called 
 us tyrants and usurpers, and the enemies of the human race." 
 Who are you ? In what character do you stand before the world ? 
 And who are responsible for those terrible calamities which have 
 befallen your country ? These are questions which would make the 
 ears of Federals and their admirers to tingle and their cheeks to crim 
 son with shame, if it were possible to bring them to a consciousness 
 of their guilt, as corrupters and defilers of their great charters of 
 freedom as co-partners with the Southerns in the blood-cemented 
 fabric of slavery and as being in the past history of America, the 
 main pillars to buttress up those vast schemes of oppression, rob 
 bery, and wrong which now they so suddenly affect to loathe and 
 despise. 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776. 
 
 THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for 
 one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected 
 them with one another, and to assume, among the powers of the 
 earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature 
 and of nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions 
 of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which 
 impel them to the separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are 
 created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
 inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur 
 suit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are 
 instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent 
 of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes 
 destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or 
 to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its founda 
 tion on such principles, and organising its powers in such form as 
 to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. 
 Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established 
 honld not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accord- 
 
 2 
 
DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 ingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed 
 to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by 
 abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a 
 long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same 
 object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, 
 it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and 
 to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been 
 the patient suffering of these colonies ; and such is now the 
 necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of 
 government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is 
 a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct 
 object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. 
 To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. 
 
 He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and 
 necessary for the public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and 
 pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his 
 assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly 
 neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws 
 for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless 
 those people would relinquish the right of representation in the 
 legislature a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants 
 only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual 
 uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public 
 records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance 
 with his measures. 
 
 He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing 
 with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. 
 
 He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause 
 others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of 
 annihilation, have returned to the people at large, for their exer 
 cise, the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the 
 dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states 
 for that purpose obstructing the laws for neutralisation of foreign 
 ers ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, 
 and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. 
 
 He has obstructed the administration of justice by refusing his 
 assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure 
 of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
 swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out our sub 
 stance. 
 
 3 
 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, with 
 out the consent of our legislatures. 
 
 He has affected to render the military independent of, and su 
 perior to the civil power. 
 
 He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction 
 foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws ; 
 giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for 
 any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of 
 these states: 
 
 For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: 
 
 For imposing taxes on us without our consent: 
 
 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by 
 
 J U1 T : 
 
 For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended 
 offences: 
 
 For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbour 
 ing province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and 
 enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example 
 and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into 
 these colonies: 
 
 For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable 
 laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments: 
 
 For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves 
 invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 
 
 He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his 
 protection and waging war against us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
 and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercen 
 aries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, 
 already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely 
 paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the 
 head of a civilized nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the 
 high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the exe 
 cutioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by 
 their hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has en 
 deavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless 
 Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished 
 destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for re 
 dress in the mot*t humble terms: our repeated petitions have been 
 
 4 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is 
 thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be 
 the ruler of a free people. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting inattentions to our British brethren. 
 We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their 
 legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We 
 have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and 
 settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and 
 magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our com 
 mon kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably 
 interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have 
 been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, 
 therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separa 
 tion, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind enemies in 
 war, in peace friends. 
 
 We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of 
 America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme 
 Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the 
 name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, 
 solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and 
 of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are 
 -absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all 
 political connection between them and the state of Great Britian 
 is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and inde 
 pendent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace 
 contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and 
 things which independent states may of right do. And for the 
 support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection 
 of Divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, 
 our fortunes and our sacred Honour. 
 
 Then follow the names of the leading revolutionary men of the 
 day. 
 
 The next document proclaims trumpet-tongued the sovereignty 
 of the states of America, the federation of the Union ; and defines 
 the object of the people, through their representatives, to be not 
 to usurp authority over, wage war with, oppress or rob each other 
 but to promote mutual friendship, liberty, peace, security, and 
 prosperity on the basis of equal rights towards each state and all 
 men a thing utterly impossible when Washington, Jefferson, and 
 Madison introduced the compromises into the Constitution, and a 
 sad omen of the terrible calamities which have befallen us in 
 America. 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 IN CONGRESS, JULY 8, 1778. 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFERATION AND PERPETUAL 
 UNION. 
 
 Between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 The style of this confederacy shall be " The United States of 
 America." 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence 
 and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this con 
 federation expressly delegated to the United States in congress 
 assembled. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of 
 friendship with each other for their common defence, the security 
 of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding 
 themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or 
 attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, 
 sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and 
 intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, 
 the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, 
 and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privi 
 leges and immunities of free citizens in the several states ; and the 
 people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from 
 any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of 
 trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and 
 restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that 
 
 6 
 
AETICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal 
 of property imported into an}- state to any other state of which the 
 owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties, 
 or restrictions shall be laid by any state on the property of the 
 United States, or either of them. 
 
 2. If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or 
 other high misdemeanour in any state shall flee from justice and be 
 found in any of the United States, he shall, upon the demand of 
 the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, 
 be delivered up and removed to the state having j urisdiction of his 
 offence. 
 
 3. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to 
 the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magis 
 trates of every other state. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 1. For the more convenient management of the general interests 
 of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed, in such 
 manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in con 
 gress on the first Monday in November in every year, with a power 
 reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any 
 time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the re 
 mainder of the year. 
 
 2. No state shall be represented in congress by less than two 
 nor more than seven members, and no person shall be capable of 
 being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six 
 years ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of hold 
 ing any office under the United States for which he, or any other 
 for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any 
 kind. 
 
 3. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of 
 the states, and while they act as members of the committee of 
 these states. 
 
 4. In determining questions in the United States in congress 
 assembled, each state shall have one vote. 
 
 5. Freedom of speech and debate in congress shall not be im 
 peached or questioned in any court or place out of congress, and 
 the members of congress shall be protected in their persons from 
 arrests and imprisonments during the time of their going to and 
 from and attendance on congress, except for treason, felony, or 
 breach of the peace. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 1. No state, without the consent of the United States in con- 
 
 7 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 gress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any em 
 bassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or 
 treaty, with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person hold 
 ing any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of 
 them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind 
 whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the 
 United States in congress assembled, or any of them, grant any 
 title of nobility. 
 
 2. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confedera 
 tion, or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of 
 the United States in congress assembled, specifying accurately the 
 purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it 
 shall continue. 
 
 3. No state shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere 
 with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, 
 in ^congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursu 
 ance of any treaties already proposed by congress to the courts of 
 France and Spain. 
 
 4. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any 
 state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by 
 the United States in congress assembled for the defence of such 
 state or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any 
 state in time of peace, except such number only as in the judg 
 ment of the United States in congress assembled shall be deemed 
 requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such 
 state; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and 
 disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall pro 
 vide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due 
 number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, 
 ammunition, and camp equipage. 
 
 5. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the 
 United States in congress assembled, unless such state be actually 
 invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a 
 resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such 
 state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of delay till 
 the United States in congress assembled can be consulted ; nor 
 shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, 
 nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of 
 war by the United States in congress assembled, and then only 
 against the kingdom or state and the subjects thereof against which 
 war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be 
 established by the United States in congress assembled, unless 
 such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may 
 be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall 
 
 8 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 continue, or until the United States in congress assembled shall 
 determine otherwise. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 When land forces are raised by any state for the common de 
 fence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel shall be ap 
 pointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such 
 forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, 
 and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made 
 the appointment. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. 
 
 All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred 
 for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the 
 United States in congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a 
 common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states in 
 proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or 
 surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and im 
 provements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as 
 the United States in congress assembled shall from time to time 
 direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be 
 laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of 
 the several states within the time agreed upon by the United States 
 in congress assembled. 
 
 ARTICLE IX. 
 
 1. The United States in congress assembled shall have the sole 
 and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, 
 except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article, of sending and 
 receiving ambassadors, entering into treaties and alliances, pro 
 vided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legis 
 lative power of the respective states shall be restrained from im 
 posing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people 
 are subjected to. or from prohibiting the exportation or importa 
 tion of auy species of goods or commodities whatsoever; of estab 
 lishing rules for deciding in all cases what captures on land or 
 water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or 
 naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or 
 appropriated; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times 
 of peace; appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies 
 committed on the high seas; and establishing courts for receiving 
 and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, provided 
 that no member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any of 
 the said courts. 
 
 9 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDEKATION. 
 
 2. The United States in congress assembled shall also be the 
 last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting, 
 or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning 
 boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which autho 
 rity shall always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever 
 the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any state 
 in controversy with another shall present a petition to congress, 
 stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice 
 thereof shall be given by order of congress, to the legislative or 
 executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day 
 assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, 
 who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commis 
 sioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determin 
 ing the matter in question; but if they cannot agree, congress 
 shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and 
 from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike 
 out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be 
 reduced to thirteen ; and from that number not less than seven 
 nor more than nine names, as congress shall direct, shall, in the 
 presence of congress, be drawn out by lot: and the persons whose 
 names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commis 
 sioners or judges to hear and finally determine the controversy, so 
 always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause 
 shall agree in the determination : and if either party shall neglect 
 to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which 
 congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to 
 strike, the congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of 
 each state, and the secretary of congress shall strike in behalf of 
 such party absent or refusing ; and the judgment and sentence of 
 the court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall 
 be final and conclusive ; and if any of the parties shall refuse to 
 submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their 
 claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce 
 sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and de 
 cisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in 
 either case transmitted to congress and lodged among the acts of 
 congress for the security of the parties concerned ; provided that 
 every commissioner before he sits in judgment shall take an oath, 
 to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior 
 court of the state where the cause shall be tried, " well and truly 
 to hear and determine the matter in question according to the best 
 of his judgment, without favour, affection, or hope of reward." pro 
 vided also that no state shall be deprived of territory for the bene 
 fit of the United States. 
 
 3. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed 
 
 10 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdiction as 
 they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such 
 grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the 
 same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settle 
 ment of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the 
 congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as 
 may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding 
 disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different states. 
 
 4. The United States in congress assembled shall also have the 
 sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and 
 value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the re 
 spective states ; fixing the standard of weights and measures 
 throughout the United States ; regulating the trade and managing 
 all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the states, pro 
 vided that the legislative right of any state within its ownl imits 
 be not infringed or violated ; establishing and regulating post- 
 offices from one state to another throughout all the United States, 
 and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same 
 as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office ; ap 
 pointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United 
 States, excepting regimental officers ; appointing all the officers of 
 the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the 
 service of the United States; making rules for the government 
 and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing 
 their operations, 
 
 5. The United States in congress assembled shall have authoritj 
 to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of congress, to be de 
 nominated " A Committee of the States," and to consist of one 
 delegate from each state ; and to appoint such other committees 
 and civil officers as may be necessary for mangaging the general 
 affairs of the United States under their direction ; to appoint one 
 of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to 
 serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of 
 three years ; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised 
 for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply 
 the same for defraying the public expenses ; to borrow money or 
 emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every 
 half-year to the respective states an account of the sums of money 
 so borrowed or emitted ; to build and equip a navy; to agree upon 
 the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each 
 state for its quota in proportion to the number of white inhabi 
 tants in such state, which requisitions shall be binding ; and there 
 upon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental 
 officers, raise the men, clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier 
 like manner at the expense of the United States ; and the officers 
 
 11 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place 
 appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in 
 congress assembled; but if the United States in congress assembled 
 shall on consideration of circumstances judge proper that any state 
 should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its 
 quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of 
 men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, 
 officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the 
 quota of such state, unless the legislature of such state shall judge 
 that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, 
 in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as 
 many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared, 
 and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall 
 march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by 
 the United States in congress assembled. 
 
 6. The United States in congress assembled shall never engage 
 in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, 
 nor enter in any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regu 
 late the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses neces 
 sary for the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of 
 them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United 
 States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of 
 vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or 
 sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the 
 army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same; nor shall a 
 question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to 
 day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United 
 States in congress assembled. 
 
 7. The congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn 
 to any time within the year, and to any place within the United 
 States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration 
 than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of 
 their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to 
 treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment re 
 quire secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state 
 on any question shall be entered on the joiirnal Avhen it is desired 
 by any delegate ; and the delegates of a state or any of them, at 
 his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the 
 said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay be- 
 before the legislatures of the several states. 
 
 ARTICLE X. 
 
 The committee of the states or any nine of them shall be author 
 ised to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers of 
 congress as the United States in congress assembled, by the con- 
 
 12 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 sent of nine states, shall from time to time think expedient to vest 
 them&with, provided that no power be delegated to the said com 
 mittee for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, 
 the voice of nine states in the congress of the United States 
 assembled is requisite. 
 
 ARTICLE XI. 
 
 Canada, acceding to this confederation, and joining in the 
 measures of the United States, shall be admitted into and entitled 
 to all the advantages of this union ; but no other colony shall be 
 admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed to by 
 nine states. 
 
 ARTICLE XII. 
 
 All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts con 
 tracted by or under the authority of congress, before the assem 
 bling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confedera 
 tion, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the 
 United States, for payment and satisfaction, whereof the said 
 United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. 
 
 ARTICLE XIII. 
 
 Every state shall abide by the determination of the United 
 States in congress assembled, "in all questions which by this con 
 federation are submitted to them. And the articles of this con 
 federation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the 
 union shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time 
 hereafter be made in any of them^unless such alteration be agreed 
 to in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed 
 by the legislature of every state. 
 
 And whereas it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to 
 incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in 
 congress to approve of and to authorise us to ratify the said 
 articles of confederation and perpetual union : Know ye that we, 
 the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to 
 us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and 
 in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify 
 and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation 
 and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things 
 therein contained. And we do further solemLly plight and engage 
 the faith of our respective constituents that they shall abide by the 
 determinations of the United States in congress assembled, in all 
 
 13 
 
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 questions which by the said confederation are submitted to them ; 
 and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the 
 states we respectively represent, and that the union shall be per 
 petual. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in 
 congress. 
 
 Done at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of 
 July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year of the 
 Independence of America. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Josiah Bartlett, 
 
 John Wentworth, Jun. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 
 
 John Hancock, 
 Samuel Adams, 
 Elbridge Gerry, 
 Francis Dana, 
 James Lovel, 
 Samuel Holten. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND, ETC. 
 
 William Ellery, 
 Henry Marchant, 
 John Collins. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Roger Sherman, 
 Samuel Huntington, 
 Oliver Wolcott, 
 Titus Hosmer, 
 Andrew Adams. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Jas. Duane, 
 Fra. LCAVIS, 
 Wm. Duer, 
 Guov. Morris. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Jno. Witherspoon, 
 Nath. Scudder. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Robert Morris, 
 Daniel Roberdeau, 
 
 Jona. Bayard Smith, 
 William Clingan, 
 Joseph Reed. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 Thos. M Kean, 
 John Dickinson, 
 Nicholas Van Dyke. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 John Hanson, 
 Daniel Carroll. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, 
 John Banister, 
 Thomas Adams, 
 Jno. Harvie, 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 John Penn, 
 Cons. Harriett, 
 Jno. Williams. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Henry Laurens, 
 William Henry Drayton. 
 Jno. Matthews, 
 Richard Hutson, 
 Thos. Heyward, Jun. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Jno. Walton, 
 Edwd. Telfair, 
 Edwd. Langworthy. 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The document we now introduce is the fundamental law of 
 America, but strange to say in its original meaning and intent has 
 never been desired, recognised, or acted upon by the American 
 States or people, from the period it was put upon record, down to 
 the outbreak of the late terrible war, so that, if the Federal 
 administrators or government attempt to convict any of the citi 
 zens of the States for treason, it will be on the principle of thief 
 convicting thief, since all political parties and religious sects have 
 ignored its claims, trampled down its authority, and prostituted 
 it to the vilest and basest of purposes. 
 
 By the introduction of the Compromises the Constitution had a 
 secondary meaning and application, one completely antagonis- 
 tical to its primary, which converted it into a slave document, 
 made the Federal government a slave oligarchy, and turned 
 our administrators and people into a Congress of jugglers. 
 These compromises made freedom unconstitutional in the United 
 States, gave the slaveholders a right on the basis of consti 
 tutional law, to take their slaves anywhere within the boundaries 
 of its states and territories, and made all liable to be stigmatised 
 as disunionists who sought to restrict the area of slavery, or 
 to exterminate it. 
 
 To these compromises the Northern states and people were a 
 party, bound together with the Southerns in the bonds of the same 
 black covenant, and yet, they were the first to break them in the 
 adoption of the Missouri Compromise Personal Liberty Bills, and 
 in the threats which were freely used to coerce the Southern States, 
 bringing themselves into direct antagonism with the Southerns on 
 the basis of their own agreement, and creating in them the same 
 thorough contempt for the Union, that the old abolitionists fostered 
 and proclaimed to the world, in all their councils and speeches ; 
 so that, if the Southerns had conquered our Northern States and 
 people in the absence of any concession of belligerent rights, they 
 could have hung up all Northern leaders on the basis of civil law, 
 but not so the Northerns ; for the Federal president, governors or 
 people in the Northern States to speak of treason on the basis of 
 civil law, and more especially when they conceded belligerent 
 rights to the Southern States, is the height of arrogance, madness, 
 and cruelty ; and yet, not only is treason made by them the lesson 
 of the hour, but in the amnesty proclamation of President Johnson, 
 the possession of property to the amount of twenty thousand 
 dollars by a Southern makes him a rebel, adding to the other forms 
 of despotism in America, the crowning guilt and shame which 
 may be properly designated the aristocracy of crime. 
 
 Moreover, there is nothing in the following document which 
 abrogates the sovereignty of the states, so carefully guarded and 
 
 15 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 shielded in the articles of Confederation referred to and reserved 
 by them according to the tenth article in the Amendment to the 
 Constitution; neither is there any provision made for the president 
 or governor of any state to interfere with any particular state or 
 states unless invited or requested by the governor or executive of 
 the same, and the constitution being the bond to unite them in 
 the federation of the Union, could only be binding when it was 
 honoured by the contracting parties, the action of the Northern 
 States and people, as well as the Federal government, has been 
 revolutionary and in bad faith towards their former allies, whilst 
 their insidious efforts to use slavery as a stalking horse to mask 
 their position, and their vindictive savageness in punishing what 
 they call Southern rebels, must ever subject them to the derision 
 and scorn of mankind. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
 STATES. 
 
 WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more per 
 fect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide 
 for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure 
 the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
 ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of 
 America. 
 
 ARTICLE I. SECTION 1. 
 
 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a 
 congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and 
 house of representatives. 
 
 SECTION 2. 
 
 1. The house of representatives shall be composed of members 
 chosen every second year by the people of the several states ; 
 and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications re 
 quisite for the electors of the most numerous branch of the state 
 legislature. 
 
 2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have 
 attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a 
 
 16 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
 an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
 the several states which may be included within this union accord 
 ing to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by 
 adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound 
 to service for a term of years and excluding Indians not taxed, 
 three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be 
 made within three years after the first meeting of the congress of 
 the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, 
 in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of re 
 presentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but 
 each state shall have at least one representative ; and until such 
 enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be 
 entitled to choose three: Massachusetts eight; Rhode Island and 
 Providence Plantations one ; Connecticut five ; New York six : 
 New Jersey four; Pennsylvania eight; Delaware one ; Maryland 
 six ; Virginia ten ; North Carolina five ; South Carolina five ; and 
 Georgia three. 
 
 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, 
 the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill 
 up such vacancies. 
 
 5. The house of representatives shall choose sheir speaker and 
 other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 
 
 SECTION 3. 
 
 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two 
 senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six 
 years ; and each senator shall have one vote. 
 
 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence 
 of the first election they shall be divided, as equally as may be, 
 into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall 
 be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class 
 at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the 
 expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every 
 second year ; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, 
 during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive 
 thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting 
 of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to 
 the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United 
 States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
 state for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4. The vice-president of the United States shall be president of 
 
 B 17 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 he senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally 
 divided. 
 
 5. The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a 
 president pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or 
 when he shall exercise the office of president of the United 
 States. 
 
 6. The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach 
 ments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath 
 or affirmation. When the president of the United States is 
 tried, the chief justice shall preside ; and no person shall be 
 convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members 
 present. 
 
 7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend further 
 than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and 
 enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit, under the United 
 Spates ; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and 
 subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according 
 to law. 
 
 SECTION 4. 
 
 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for sena 
 tors and representatives shall be prescribed in each state by the 
 legislature thereof ; but the congress may, at any time by law, 
 make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing 
 senators. 
 
 2. The congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and 
 such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless 
 they shall by law appoint a different day. 
 
 SECTION 5. 
 
 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
 qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall 
 constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may 
 adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the 
 attendance of absent members in such manner and under such 
 penalties as each house may provide. 
 
 2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish 
 its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of 
 two-thirds, expel a member. 
 
 3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from 
 time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in 
 their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the 
 members of either house, or any question, shall, at the desire of 
 one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 18 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 4. Neither house, during the session of congress, shall, without 
 the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to 
 any other place than that in which thejwo houses shall be sitting. 
 
 SECTION 6. 
 
 1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation 
 for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the 
 treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases except 
 treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest 
 during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, 
 and in going to or returning from the same ; and for any speech 
 or debate in either house they shall not be questioned in any 
 other place. 
 
 2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which 
 he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority 
 .of the United States which shall have been created, or the emolu 
 ments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and 
 no person holding any office under the United States shall be a 
 member of either house during his continuance in office. 
 
 SECTION 7. 
 
 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of 
 representatives ; but the senate may propose or concur with 
 amendments, as on other bills. 
 
 2. Every bill which shall have passed the house of representa 
 tives and the senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented 
 to the president of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign 
 it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house- 
 in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objection at 
 large on their journal, and proceed to re-consider it. If, after such 
 re-consideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the 
 bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other 
 house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved 
 by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all 
 such cases, the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas 
 and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the 
 bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. Jf 
 any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days 
 (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the 
 same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless 
 the congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which 
 case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of 
 
 19 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the senate and house of representatives may ba necessary (except 
 on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the president 
 of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect shall 
 be approved by him, or being disproved by him, shall be repassed 
 by two- thirds of the senate and house of representatives, according 
 to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 
 
 SECTION 8. 
 
 The congress shall have power 
 
 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay 
 the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare 
 of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be 
 uniform throughout the United States : 
 
 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States : 
 
 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the 
 several states, and with the Indian tribes : 
 
 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform 
 laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United 
 States : 
 
 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign 
 coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : 
 
 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities 
 and current coin of the United States : 
 
 7. To establish post offices and post roads. 
 
 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by secur 
 ing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right 
 to their respective writings and discoveries ; 
 
 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : To 
 define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, 
 and offences against the law of nations : 
 
 10. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and 
 make rules concerning captures on land and water : 
 
 11. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money 
 to that use shall be for a longer term than two years : 
 
 12. To provide and maintain a navy : 
 
 13. To make rules for the government and regulation of the 
 land and naval forces : 
 
 14. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws 
 of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions : 
 
 15. To provide for organising, arming, and disciplining the 
 militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed 
 in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respec 
 tively the appointment of the officers and the authority of training 
 the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress : 
 
 20 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 16. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over 
 such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession 
 of particular states and the acceptance of congress, become the seat 
 of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority 
 over all places purchased, by the consent of the legislature of the 
 State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga 
 zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings : and, 
 
 17. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
 carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
 vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, 
 or in any department or office thereof. 
 
 SECTION 9. 
 
 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the 
 states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro 
 hibited by the congress prior to the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such 
 importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 
 
 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, 
 unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety 
 may require it. 
 
 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 
 
 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in 
 proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to 
 be taken. 
 
 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any 
 state. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce 
 or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another ; nor 
 shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, 
 or pay duties in another. 
 
 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence 
 of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and 
 account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall 
 be published from time to time. 
 
 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States, and 
 no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, 
 without the consent of the congress, accept of any present, emolu 
 ment, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, 
 or foreign state. 
 
 SECTION 10. 
 
 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation : 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of 
 credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment 
 
 21 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 of debts : pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im 
 pairing the obligation of contracts : or grant any title of nobility. 
 2. No state shall, without the consent of the congress, lay any 
 imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be 
 absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the 
 net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any state on imports 
 or exports shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States, 
 and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the 
 congress. No state shall, without the consent of congress, lay 
 any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, 
 enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a 
 foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in 
 such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II. SECTION 1. 
 
 1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of the 
 United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term 
 of four years, and, together with the vice-president, chosen for the 
 same term, be elected as follows : 
 
 2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature 
 thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number 
 of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled 
 in the congress ; but no senator or representative, or person hold 
 ing an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be 
 appointed an elector. 
 
 3. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by 
 ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an in 
 habitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make 
 a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for 
 each ; which list they shall sign and certify and transmit sealed to 
 the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the 
 president of the senate. The president of the senate shall, in the 
 presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the 
 certificates and votes shall then be counted. The person having 
 the greatest number of votes shall be the president, if such number 
 be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if 
 there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal 
 number of votes, then the house of representatives shall imme 
 diately choose, by ballot, one of them for president ; and if no 
 person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the 
 said house shall, in like manner, choose the president. But, in 
 choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the re 
 presentation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this 
 purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a 
 choice. In every case, after the choice of the president, the person 
 having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the 
 vice-president. But if there should remain two or more who have 
 equal votes, the senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the vice- 
 president. 
 
 4. The congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, 
 and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall 
 be the same throughout the United States. 
 
 5. No person, except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the 
 United States at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall 
 be eligible to the office of president : neither shall any person be 
 eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of 
 thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
 United States. 
 
 6. In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his 
 death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties 
 of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice-president, and 
 the congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal, death, 
 resignation, or inability, both of the president and vice-president, 
 declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer 
 shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a presi 
 dent shall be elected. 
 
 7. The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services a 
 compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished, 
 during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he 
 shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the 
 United States, or any of them. 
 
 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take 
 the following oath or affirmation : 
 
 9. i I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 
 execute the office of president of the United States, and will, to 
 the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitu 
 tion of the United States." 
 
 SECTION 2. 
 
 1. The president shall be commander-in-chief of the army and 
 navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, 
 when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may 
 require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of 
 the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties 
 of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant 
 reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except 
 in cases of impeachment. 
 
 23 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of 
 the senate to make- treaties, provide I two-thirds of the senators 
 present concur : and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
 and consent of the senate shall appoint ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other 
 officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein 
 otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But 
 the congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior 
 officers as they think proper in the president alone, in the courts of 
 law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3. The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that 
 may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commis 
 sion which shall expire at the end of their next session. 
 
 SECTION 3. 
 
 1. He shall, from time to time, give to the congress information 
 of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration 
 such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, 
 on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, 
 and, in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the 
 time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
 shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public 
 ministers : he shall take care that the laws be faithfullv executed ; 
 and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 
 
 SECTION 4. 
 
 1. The president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the 
 United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, 
 and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis 
 demeanours. 
 
 ARTICLE III. SECTION 1. 
 
 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in 
 one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress 
 may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both 
 of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during 
 good behaviour ; and shall at stated times, receive for their services 
 a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their con 
 tinuance in office. 
 
 SECTION 2. 
 
 1 . The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity 
 arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority : to 
 all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and con 
 suls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to con 
 troversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to con 
 troversies between two or more states ; between a state and 
 citizens of another state ; between citizens of different states ; be 
 tween citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of 
 different states ; and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and 
 foreign states, citizens, or subjects. 
 
 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
 consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the supreme 
 court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases be 
 fore-mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdic 
 tion, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such 
 regulations as the congress shall make. 
 
 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall 
 be by jury, and such trial shall be held in the state where the said 
 crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within 
 any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the congress 
 may by law have directed. 
 
 SECTION 3. 
 
 1. Treason against the United States shall consist, only in levy 
 ing war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them 
 aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless 
 on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on con 
 fession in open court. 
 
 2. The congress shall have power to declare the punishment 
 of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption 
 of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person 
 attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. SECTION 1. 
 
 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public 
 acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And 
 the congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which 
 such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect 
 thereof. 
 
 SECTION 2. 
 
 1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several states. 
 
 25 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other 
 crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another state 
 shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from 
 which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having 
 jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3. No person held to service or labour in one state under the 
 laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any 
 law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or 
 labour ; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom 
 such service or labour may be due. 
 
 SECTION 3. 
 
 1. New states may be admitted by the congress into this union ; 
 but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction 
 of any other state, nor any state be formed by the junction of two 
 or more states, or parts of states, without the" consent of the legis 
 latures of the states concerned, as well as of the congress. 
 
 2. The congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all 
 needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other pro 
 perty belonging to the United States : and nothing in this consti 
 tution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the 
 United States, or of any particular state. 
 
 SECTION 4. 
 
 1. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union 
 a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them 
 against invasion ; and, on application of the legislature, or of the 
 executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against do 
 mestic violence. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 1. The congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem 
 it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution ; or, 
 on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several 
 states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which 
 in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as- part of 
 this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths 
 of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as 
 the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the 
 congress ; provided, that no amendment which may be made prior 
 to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any 
 manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
 
 26 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the first article ; and that no state, without its consent, shall be 
 deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before 
 the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the 
 United States under this constitution as under the confedera 
 tion. 
 
 2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States which 
 shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which 
 shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be 
 the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every state shall 
 be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any 
 state to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the 
 members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and 
 judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, 
 shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution ; 
 but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to 
 any office or public trust under the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 1. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be 
 sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the 
 states so ratifying the same. 
 
 Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the states pre 
 sent, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of 
 the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. 
 In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 
 President and Deputy from Virginia. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. DELAWARE. 
 
 John Langdon. George Read. 
 
 Nicholas Gilman. Gunning Bedford, jun. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. John Dickinson. 
 
 Nathaniel Gorman. Richard Bassett. 
 
 Rufus King. Jacob Broom. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. MARYLAND. 
 
 William Samuel Johnson. James M Henrv. 
 
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Roger Sherman. Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer. 
 
 NEW YORK. Daniel Carroll. 
 Alexander Hamilton. VIRGINIA. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. John Blair. 
 
 William Livingstone. James Madison, jun. 
 David Bearly. NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 William Paterson. William Blount. 
 
 Jonathan Dayton. Richard Dobbs Spaight. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. Hugh Williamson. 
 Benjamin Franklin. SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Thomas Mifflin. John Rutl-edge. 
 
 Robert Morris. C. Cotesworth, Pinckney. 
 
 George Clymer. Charles Pinckney. 
 
 Thomas Fitzsimons. Pierce Butler. 
 Jared Ingersall. GEORGIA. 
 
 James Wilson. William Few. 
 
 Governeur Morris. Abraham Baldwin. 
 
 Attest, WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
 religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the 
 freedom of speech or of the press ; or the right of the people 
 peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress 
 of grievances. 
 
 II. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a 
 free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not 
 be infringed. 
 
 III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house 
 without the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a 
 manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
 IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
 papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, 
 shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon pro 
 bable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly de 
 scribing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be 
 seized. 
 
 V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise 
 infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a, grand 
 jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
 
 28 
 
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 militia, when in actual service in time of war, or public danger ; 
 nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice 
 put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any 
 criminal case, to be a witness against himself : nor be deprived of 
 life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall 
 private property be taken for public use without just compensa 
 tion. 
 
 VI. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the 
 right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the state 
 and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which 
 district shall have been previously ascertained by law ; and to be 
 informed of the nature and cause of the accusation : to be con 
 fronted with the witnesses against him : to have compulsory pro 
 cess for obtaining witnesses in his favour; and to have the 
 assistance of council for his defence. 
 
 VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy 
 shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be pre 
 served; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined 
 in any court of the United States than according to the rules of 
 common law. 
 
 VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
 imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 IX. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights shall 
 not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
 people. 
 
 X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the con 
 stitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the 
 states respectively, or to the people. 
 
 XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be con 
 strued to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prose 
 cuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, 
 or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. 
 
 XII. (1) The electors shall meet in their respective states, and 
 vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at 
 least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; 
 they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, 
 and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-president; and 
 they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as president, 
 and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number 
 of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and trans 
 mit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, 
 directed to the president of the senate ; the president of the senate 
 shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, 
 open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the 
 person having the greatest number of votes for president shall be 
 
 29 
 
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of electois appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then 
 from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, 
 on the list of those voted for as president, the house of represen 
 tatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. But, in 
 choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the re 
 presentation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this 
 purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
 the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a 
 choice. And if the house of representatives shall not choose a 
 president whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
 before the fourth day of March next following, then the vice-presi 
 dent shall act as president, as in the case of the death or other con 
 stitutional disability of the president. 
 
 (2) The person having the greatest number of votes as vice- 
 president shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority 
 of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have 
 a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the 
 senate shall choose the vice-president ; a quorum for the purpose 
 shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a 
 majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 
 (3) But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of 
 president shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the United 
 States. 
 
 The last document which we submit makes an eternal smash up 
 of the analogies which Federals and Pro-Federals have so 
 fondly and eagerly claimed as subsisting between England and 
 America. What county in England is invested with such powers 
 as any state in America previous to the late war, or can appropriate 
 to itself such extraordinary language as that contained in the con 
 stitution of any state, or assume the right to embody resolutions 
 analogous to the following, adopted in council at Philadelphia. 
 May 21, 1782: 
 
 " Eesolved unanimously, That Congress has no power, autho 
 rity, or right to do any act, matter, or thing whatever, that may 
 have a tendency to yield or abridge the sovereignty and indepen 
 dence of this state, without its consent previously obtained. 
 
 " Kesolved unanimously, That this house will maintain, support, 
 and defend the sovereignty and independence of this state with 
 their lives and fortunes. 
 
 " Kesolved unanimously, That it be recommended to the 
 supreme executive council of this state forthwith to order the 
 militia to hold themselves in readiness to act as occasion may re 
 quire." The Hon. Gerrit Smith, in a recent speech made in New 
 
 30 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YOEK. 
 
 York, has avowed that we "have heard the last of state rights," but 
 this cannot be until the State Constitutions are abolished or 
 modified, whilst President Johnson, adding insult and mockery to 
 cruelty in his treatment of the Southern States and people, has 
 declared that " they have the same rights that they have always 
 had." 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 WE, the people of the state of New York, acknowledging with 
 gratitude the grace and beneficence of God in permitting us to 
 make choice of our form of goveinment, do establish this constitu 
 tion. 
 
 ARTICLE I. SECTION 1. 
 
 1. The legislative power of this state shall be vested in a senate 
 and an assembly. 
 
 2. The senate shall consist of thirty-two members. The senators 
 shall be chosen for four years, and shall be freeholders. The as 
 sembly shall consist of one hundred and twenty-eight members, 
 who shall be annually elected. 
 
 3. A majority of each house shall constitute a quorum to do 
 business. Each house shall determine the rules of its own pro 
 ceedings, and be the judge of the qualifications of its own members. 
 Each house shall choose its own officers; and the senate shall 
 choose a temporary president, when the lieutenant-governor shall 
 not attend as president, or shall act as governor. 
 
 4. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and 
 publish the same, except such parts as may require secrecy. The 
 doors of each house shall be kept open, except when the public 
 welfare shall require secrecy. Neither house shall, without the 
 consent of the other, adjourn for more than two days. 
 
 5. The state shall be divided into eight districts, to be called 
 senate districts, each of which shall choose four senators. 
 
 The first district shall consist of the counties of Suffolk, Queens, 
 Kings, Richmond, and New York. 
 
 The second district shall consist of the counties of West- 
 chester, Putnam, Duchess, Rockland, Orange, Ulster, and 
 Sullivan. 
 
 The third district shall consist of the counties of Green, 
 Columbia, Albany, Rensselaer, Schoharie, and Schenectady. 
 
 31 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 The fourth district shall consist of the counties of Saratoga, 
 Montgomery, Hamilton, Washington, Warren, Clinton, Essex, 
 Franklin, and St. Lawrence. 
 
 I he fifth district shall consist of the counties of Herkimer, 
 Oneida, Madison. Oswego. Lewis, and Jefferson. 
 
 The sixth district shall consist of the counties of Delaware, 
 Otsego, Chenango, Broome. Cortland, Tomkins, and Tioga. 
 
 The seventh district shall consist of the counties of Onoridago, 
 Cayuga, Seneca, and Ontario. 
 
 The eighth district shallconsist of the counties of Steuben, Living 
 ston, Monroe, Genesee, Niagara, Erie, Alleghany, Cattaraugus, and 
 Chautauque. 
 
 And as soon as the senate shall meet, after the first election to 
 be held in pursuance of this constitution, they shall cause the sen 
 ators to be divided by lot into four classes of eight in each, so that 
 every district shall have one senator of each class ; the classes to 
 be numbered one, two, three, and four. And the seats of the first 
 class shall be vacated at the end of the first year ; of the second 
 class at the end of the second year; of the third class at the end of 
 the third year ; of the fourth class at the end of the fourth year; in 
 order that one senator be annually elected in each senate district. 
 
 6. An enumeration of the inhabitants of the state shall be taken, 
 under the direction of the legislature, in the year one thousand 
 eight hundred and twenty-five, and at the end of every ten years 
 thereafter; and the said district shall be so altered by the legislature, 
 at the first session after the return of every enumeration, that each 
 senate district shall contain, as nearly as may be, an equal number 
 of inhabitants, excluding alien*, paupers, and persons of colour not 
 taxed : and shall remain unaltered until the return of another 
 enumeration, and shall at all times consist of contiguous territory ; 
 and no county shall be divided in the formation of a senate 
 district. 
 
 7. The members of the assembly shall be chosen by counties, 
 and shall be apportioned among the several counties of the state, 
 as nearly as may be, accoiding to the numbers of their respective 
 inhabitants, excluding aliens, paupers, and persons of colour, not 
 taxed. An apportionment of members of assembly shall be made 
 by the legislature, at its first session after the return of every 
 enumeration: and, when made, shall remain unaltered until another 
 enumeration shall have been taken. But an apportionment of 
 members of the assembly shall be made by the present legislature 
 according to the last enumeration, taken under the authority of the 
 United States, as nearly as may be. Every county heretofore 
 established, and separately organised, shall always be entitled to 
 one member of the assembly, and no new county shall hereafter be 
 erected, unless its population shall entitle it to a member. 
 
 32 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 8. Any bill may originate in either house of the legislature ; and 
 all bills passed by one house may be amended by the other. 
 
 9. The members of the legislature shall receive for their services 
 a compensation, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the public 
 treasury ; but no increase of the compensation shall take effect 
 during the year in which it shall have been made. And no law 
 shall be passed increasing the compensation of the members of the 
 legislature beyond the sum of three dollars a day. 
 
 10. No member of the legislature shall receive any civil appoint 
 ment from the governor and senate, or from the legislature, during 
 the term for which he shall have been elected. 
 
 11. No person being a member of congress, or holding any 
 judicial or military office under the United States, shall hold a 
 seat in the legislature. And if any person shall, while a member 
 of the legislature, be elected to congress, or appointed to any office, 
 civil or military, under the United States, his acceptance thereof 
 shall vacate his seat. 
 
 12. Every bill which shall have passed the senate and assembly, 
 shall, before it become a law, be presented to the governor ; if he 
 approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it with his 
 objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who 
 shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to 
 reconsider it : if, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of the 
 members present shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, to 
 gether with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall 
 likewise be reconsidered ; and if approved by two-thirds of the 
 members present, it shall become a law ; but in all such cases the 
 votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the 
 names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered 
 on the journal of each house respectively : if any bill shall not be 
 returned by the governor within ten days (Sundays excepted) after 
 it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in 
 like manner as if he had signed it, unless the legislature shall, by 
 their adjournment, prevent its return ; in which case it shall not 
 be a law. 
 
 13. All officers, holding their offices during good behaviour, may 
 be removed by joint resolution of the two houses of the legislature, 
 if two-thirds of all the members elected to the assembly, and 
 a majority of all the members elected to the senate, concur 
 therein. 
 
 14. The political year shall begin on the first day of January ; 
 and the legislature shall every year assemble on the first Tuesday 
 in January, unless a different day shall be appointed by law. 
 
 15. The next election for governor, lieutenant-governor, 
 senators, and members of assembly, shall commence on the first 
 
 c 33 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Monday of November, one thousand eight hundred and twenty- 
 two ; and all subsequent elections shall be held at such time in the 
 month of October or November, as the legislature shall by law 
 provide. 
 
 16. The governor, lieutenant-governor, senators, and members 
 of the assembly, first elected under this constitution, shall enter 
 on the duties of their respective offices on the first day of January, 
 one thousand eight hundred and twenty-three ; and the governor, 
 lieutenant-governor, senators, and members of assembly, now in 
 office, shall continue to hold the same until the first day of 
 January, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-three years, and 
 no longer. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 1 Every male citizen of the age of twenty-one years, who shall 
 have been an inhabitant of this state one year preceding any 
 election, and for the last six months a resident of the town or 
 county where he may offer his vote ; and shall have, within the 
 year next preceding the election, paid a tax to the state or county, 
 assessed upon his real or personal property ; or shall by law be 
 exempted from taxation ; or being armed and equipped according 
 to law, shall have performed within that year military duty in the 
 militia of the state ; or who shall be exempted from performing 
 militia duty in consequence of being a fireman in any city, town, 
 or village in this state : And also every male citizen of the age of 
 twenty-one years who shall have been, for three years next preced 
 ing such election, an inhabitant of this state ; and for the last year 
 a resident in the town or county where he may offer his vote ; and 
 shall have been within the last year assessed to labour upon the 
 public highways, and shall have performed the labour, or paid an 
 equivalent therefor, according to law ; shall be entitled to vote in 
 the town or ward where he actually resides, and not elsewhere, 
 for all officers that no ware, or hereafter may be, elective by the 
 people : but no man of colour, unless he shall have been for three 
 years a citizen of this state, and for one year next preceding any 
 election shall be seized and possessed of a freehold estate of the 
 value of two hundred and fifty dollars, over and above all debts 
 and incumbrances charged thereon, and shall have been actually 
 rated and paid a tax thereon, shall be entitled to vote at any such 
 election. And no person of colour shall be subject to direct 
 taxation unless he shall be seized and possessed of such real estate 
 as aforesaid. 
 
 2. Laws may be passed excluding from the rights of suffrage 
 persons who have been, or may be, convicted of infamous 
 crimes. 
 
 34 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 3. Laws shall be made for ascertaining by proper proofs the 
 citizens who shall be entitled to the right of suffrage hereby 
 established. 
 
 4. All elections by the citizens shall be by ballot, except for 
 such town officers as may by law be directed to be otherwise 
 chosen. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 1. The executive power shall be vested in a governor. He shall 
 hold his office for two years ; and a lieutenant-governor shall be 
 chosen at the same time and for the same term. 
 
 2. No person, except a native citizen of the United States, shall 
 be eligible to the office of governor, nor shall any person be 
 eligible to that office who shall not be a freeholder, and shall not 
 have attained the age of thirty years, and have been five years a 
 resident within the state ; unless he shall have been absent during 
 that time on public business of the United States, or of this 
 state. 
 
 3. The governor and lieutenant-governor shall be elected at the 
 times and places of choosing members of the legislature. The persons 
 respectively having the highest number of votes for governor and 
 lieutenant-governor shall be elected ; but in case two or more shall 
 have an equal and the highest number of votes for governor, or for 
 lieutenant-governor, the two houses of the legislature shall, by 
 joint ballot, choose one of the said persons, so having an equal 
 and the highest number of votes, for governor or lieutenant- 
 governor. 
 
 4. The governor shall be general and commander-in-chief of all 
 the militia, and admiral of the navy of the state. He shall have power 
 to convene the legislature (or the senate only) on extraordinary 
 occasions. He shall communicate, by message, to the legislature, 
 at every session, the condition of the state ; and recommend such 
 matters to them as he shall judge expedient. He shall transact 
 all necessary business with the officers of government, civil and 
 military. He shall expedite all such measures as may be resolved 
 upon by the legislature, and shall take care that the laws are 
 faithfully executed. He shall, at stated times, receive for his 
 services a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor 
 diminished during the term for which he shall have been 
 elected. 
 
 5. The governor shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons 
 after conviction, for all offences except treason, and cases of im 
 peachment. Upon convictions for treason he shall have power 
 to suspend the execution of the sentence until the case shall be 
 reported to the legislature at its next meeting ; when the legislature 
 
 35 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YOEK. 
 
 shall either pardon or direct the execution of the criminal, or 
 grant a further reprieve. 
 
 6. In case of the impeachment of the governor or his removal 
 from office, death, resignation, or absence from the state, the 
 powers and duties of the office shall devolve upon the lieutenant- 
 governor, for the residue of the term, or until the governor, absent 
 or impeached, shall return or be acquitted. But when the governor 
 shall, with the consent of the legislature, be out of the state 
 in time of war, at the head of a military force thereof, he shall 
 still continue commander-in-chief of all the military force of the 
 state. 
 
 7. The lieutenant-governor shall be president of the senate, but 
 shall have only a casting vote therein. If, during a vacancy of 
 the office of governor, the lieutenant-governor shall be impeached, 
 displaced, resign, die, or be absent from the state, the president of 
 the senate shall act as governor, until the vacancy shall be filled 
 or the disability shall cease. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 1. Militia officers shall be chosen, or appointed, as follows : 
 v./aptains, subalterns, and non-commissioned officers shall be 
 chosen by the written votes of the members of their respective 
 companies. Field officers of regiments and separate battalions, 
 by the written votes of the commissioned officers of the respective 
 regiments and separate battalions. Brigadier-generals, by the field 
 officers of their respective brigades. Major-generals, brigadier- 
 generals, and commanding officers of regiments or separate batta 
 lions, shall appoint the staff officers of their respective divisions, 
 brigades, regiments, or separate battalions. 
 
 2. The governor shall nominate, and, with the consent of the 
 senate, appoint all major-generals, brigade inspectors, and chiefs 
 in the staff departments, except the adjutants general and com 
 missary-general. The adjutant-general shall be appointed by the 
 governor. 
 
 3. The legislature shall, by law, direct the time and manner 
 of electing militia officers, and of certifying their elections to the 
 governor. 
 
 4. The commissioned officers of the militia shall be commis 
 sioned by the governor ; and no commissioned officer shall be 
 removed from office, unless by the senate, on the recommendation 
 of the governor, stating the grounds on which such removal is 
 recommended, or by the decision of a court martial, pursuant to 
 law. The present officers of the militia shall hold their commis 
 sions, subject to removal as before provided. 
 
 36 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 5. In case the mode of election and appointment of militia 
 officers hereby directed shall not be found conducive to the im 
 provement of the militia, the legislature may abolish the same, 
 and provide by law for their appointment and removal, if two- 
 thirds of the members present in each house shall concur 
 therein. 
 
 6. The secretary of state, comptroller, treasurer, attorney- 
 general, surveyor-general, and commissary-general, shall be ap 
 pointed as follows: The senate and assembly shall each openly 
 nominate one person for the said offices respectively : after which 
 they shall meet together, and if they shall agree in their nominations, 
 the person so nominated shall be appointed to the office for which 
 he shall be nominated. If they shall disagree, the appointment 
 shall be made by the joint ballot of the senators and members 
 of assembly. The treasurer shall be chosen annually. The 
 secretary of state, comptroller, attorney-general, surveyor-general, 
 and commissary-general, shall hold their offices for three years, 
 unless sooner removed by concurrent resolution of the senate and 
 assembly. 
 
 7. The governor shall nominate, by message, in writing, and 
 with the consent of the senate, shall appoint all judicial officers, 
 except justices of the peace, who shall be appointed in manner 
 following, that is to say : The board of supervisors in every county 
 in this state shall, at such times as the legislature may direct, 
 meet together : and they, or a majority of them so assembled, 
 shall nominate so many persons as shall be equal to the number 
 of justices of the peace to be appointed in the several towns in 
 the respective counties. And the judges of the respective county 
 courts, or a majority of them, shall also meet and nominate a like 
 number of persons : and it shall be the duty of the said board of 
 supervisors and judges of county courts to compare such nomina 
 tions at such time and place as the legislature may direct ; and if, 
 on such comparison, the said boards of supervisors and judges of 
 county courts shall agree in their nominations, in all or in part, 
 they shall file a certificate of the nominations in which they shall 
 agree in the office of the clerk of the county : and the person or 
 persons named in such certificates shall be justices of the peace ; 
 and in case of disagreement in whole or in part, it shall be the 
 farther duty of the said boards of supervisors and judges respec 
 tively to transmit their said nominations, so far as they disagree 
 in the same, to the governor, who shall select from the said 
 nominations and appoint so many justices of the peace as shall be 
 requisite to fill the vacancies. Every person appointed a justice 
 of the peace shall hold his office for four years, unless removed by 
 the county court for causes particularly assigned by the judges of 
 
 37 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 the said court. And no justice of the peace shall be removed 
 until he shall have notice of the charges made against him, and 
 an opportunity of being heard in his defence. 
 
 8. Sheriffs and clerks of counties, including the register and 
 clerks of the city and county of New York, shall be chosen by the 
 electors of the respective counties once in everythree years, and as 
 often as vacancies shall happen. Sheriffs shall hold no other office, 
 and be ineligible for the next three years after the termination of 
 their offices. They may be required by law to renew their security 
 from time to time ; and in default of giving such new security, their 
 offices shall be deemed vacant. But the county shall never be 
 made responsible for the acts of the sheriff. And the governor 
 may remove any such sheriff, clerk, or register at any time within 
 the three years for which he shall be elected, giving to such 
 sheriff, clerk, or register a copy of the charge against him, and 
 an opportunity of being heard in his defence before any removal 
 shall be made. 
 
 9. The clerks of court, except those clerks whose appoint 
 ment is provided for in the preceding section, shall be appointed 
 by the courts of which they respectively are clerks ; and district 
 attorneys by the county courts. Clerks of courts, and district 
 attorneys shall hold their offices for three years, unless sooner 
 removed by the courts appointing them. 
 
 10. The mayors of all the cities in this state shall be appointed 
 annually by the common councils of their respective cities. 
 
 11. So many coroners as the legislature may direct, not exceed 
 ing four in each county, shall be elected in the same manner as 
 sheriffs, and shall hold their offices for the same term, and be re 
 movable in like manner. 
 
 12. The governor shall nominate, and, with the consent of the 
 senate, appoint masters and examiners in chancery ; who shall 
 hold their offices for three years, unless sooner removed by the 
 senate on the recommendation of the governor. The registers, and 
 assistant-registers, shall be appointed by the chancellor, and hold 
 their offices during his pleasure. 
 
 13. The clerk of the court of oyer and terminer, and general 
 sessions of the peace, in and for the city and county of New York, 
 shall be appointed by the court of general sessions of the peace in 
 said city, and hold his office during the pleasure of said court; and 
 such clerks and other officers of courts, whose appointment is not 
 herein provided for, shall be appointed by the several courts ; or 
 by the governor, with the consent of the senate, as may be directed 
 by law. 
 
 14. The special justices, and the assistant justices and their 
 clerks, in the city of New York, shall be appointed by the com- 
 
 38 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 mon council of the said city ; and shall hold their offices for the 
 same term that the justices of the peace, in the other counties 
 of this state, hold their offices, and shall be removable in like 
 manner. 
 
 15. All officers heretofore elective by the people shall continue 
 to be elected, and all other officers whose appointment is not pro 
 vided for by this constitution, and all officers whose offices may be 
 hereafter created by law, shall be elected by the people, or ap 
 pointed, as may by law be directed. 
 
 16. Where the duration of any office is not prescribed by this 
 constitution, it may be declared by law ; and if not so declared, 
 such office shall be held during the pleasure of the authority mak 
 ing the appointment. 
 
 ARTICLE V. 
 
 1. The court for the trial of impeachments, and the correction 
 of errors, shall consist of the president of the senate, the senators, 
 the chancellors, and the justices of the supreme court, or the major 
 part of them ; but when an impeachment shall be prosecuted 
 against the chancellor, or any justice of the supreme court, the 
 person so impeached shall be suspended from exercising his office 
 until his acquital : and when an appeal from a decree in chancery 
 shall be heard, the chancellor shall inform the court of the reasons 
 for his decree, but shall have no voice in the final sentence ; and 
 when a writ of error shall be brought on a judgment of the 
 supreme court, the justices of that court shall assign *,he reasons 
 for their judgment, but shall not have a voice for its affirmance or 
 reversal. 
 
 2. The assembly shall have the power of impeaching all civil 
 officers of this state for mal and corrupt conduct in office, and high 
 crimes and misdemeanors: but a majority of all the member? 
 elected shall concur in an impeachment. Before the trial of an 
 impeachment, the members of the court shall take an oath or affir 
 mation truly and impartially to try and determine the charge in 
 question according to evidence : and no person shall be convicted 
 without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
 Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than 
 the removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any 
 office of honour, trust, or profit under this state; but the party con 
 victed shall be liable to indictment and punishment according to 
 law. 
 
 3. The chancellor and justices of the supreme court shall hold 
 their offices during good behaviour, or until they shall attain the 
 age of sixty years. 
 
 39 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 4. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and two 
 justices, any of whom may hold the court. 
 
 5. The state shall be divided, by law, into a convenient number 
 of circuits, not less than four nor exceeding eight, subject to altera 
 tion by the legislature, from time to time, as the public good may 
 require ; for each of which a circuit judge shall be appointed in 
 the same manner, and hold his office by the same tenure, as the 
 justices of the supreme court ; and who shall possess the powers of 
 a justice of the supreme court at chambers, and in the trial of 
 issues joined in the supreme court, and in courts of oyer and ter- 
 miner and gaol delivery. And such equity powers may be vested 
 in the said circuit judges, or in the county courts, or in such other 
 subordinate courts as the legislature may by law direct, subject to 
 the appellate jurisdiction of the chancellor. 
 
 6. Judges of the county courts, and recorders of cities shall 
 hold their offices for five years, but may be removed by the senate, 
 on the recommendation of the governor, for causes to be stated in 
 such recommendation. 
 
 7. Neither the chancellor, nor justices of the supreme court, 
 nor any circuit judge, shall hold any other office or public trust. 
 All votes for any elective office, given by the legislature or the 
 people, for the chancellor, or a justice of the supreme court, or 
 circuit judge, during his continuance in his judicial office, shall be 
 void. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 1. Members of the legislature, and all officers, executive and 
 judicial, except such inferior officers as may by law be exempted, 
 shall, before they enter on the duties of their respective offices, 
 take and subscribe the following oath or affirmation: 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case may be) that I will 
 support the constitution of the United States, and the constitution 
 of the state of New York, and that I will faithfully discharge the 
 duties of the office of according to the best of my ability." 
 
 And no other oath, declaration, or test, shall be required as a 
 qualification for any office or public trust. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 
 1. No member of this state shall be disfranchised, or deprived 
 of any of the rights or privileges secured to any citizen thereof, 
 unless by the law of the land or the judgment of his peers. 
 
 2. The trial by jury, in all cases in which it has been heretofore 
 used, shall remain inviolate for ever ; and no new court shall be 
 
 40 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 instituted but such as shall proceed according to the course of the 
 common law ; except such courts of equity as the legislature is 
 herein authorised to establish. 
 
 3. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and 
 worship, without discrimination or preference, shall for ever be 
 allowed in this state to all mankind ; but the liberty of conscience 
 hereby secured shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licen 
 tiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or safety 
 of this state. 
 
 4. And whereas the ministers of the gospel are, by their profes 
 sion, dedicated to the service of God, and the cure of souls, and 
 ought not to be diverted from the great duties of their functions ; 
 therefore, no minister of the gospel, or priest of any denomination 
 whatsoever, shall at any time hereafter, under any pretence or de 
 scription whatever, be eligible to or capable of holding any civil or 
 military office or place within this state. 
 
 5. The militia of this state shall, at all times hereafter, be armed 
 and disciplined and in readiness for service : but all such inhabi 
 tants of this state, of any religious denomination whatever, as from 
 scruples of conscience may be averse to bearing arms shall be ex 
 cused therefrom, by paying to the state an equivalent in money ; 
 and the legislature shall provide by law for the collection of such 
 equivalent, to be estimated according to the expense, in time and 
 money, of an ordinary able-bodied militia man. 
 
 6. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, 
 unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
 require its suspension. 
 
 7. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or other in 
 famous ci ime, [except in cases of impeachment, and in cases of 
 the militia when in actual service : and the land and naval forces 
 in time of war, or which this state may keep, with the consent of 
 the congress, in time of peace, and in cases of petit larceny, under 
 the regulation of the legislature ; unless on presentment or indict 
 ment of a grand jury; and in every trial on impeachment or indict 
 ment the party accused shall be allowed council as in civil actions. 
 No person shall be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in 
 jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he be compelled, in any criminal 
 case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, 
 liberty, or property, without due process of law : nor shall private 
 property be taken for public use without just compensation. 
 
 8. Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his senti 
 ments, on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right; 
 and no law shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of 
 speech, or of the press. In all prosecutions, or indictments for 
 libels, the truth may be given in evidence to the jury : and if it 
 
 41 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK 
 
 shall appear to the jury that the matter charged as libellous is true, 
 and was published with good motives and for justifiable ends, the 
 party shall be acquitted ; and the jury shall have the right to de 
 termine the law and the fact. 
 
 9. The assent of two-thirds of the members elected to each 
 branch of the legislature, shall be requisite to every bill appropri 
 ating the public moneys or property for local or private purposes, 
 or creating, continuing, altering, or renewing, any body politic or 
 corporate. 
 
 10. The proceeds of all lands belonging to this state, except such 
 parts thereof as may be reserved or appropriated to public use, or 
 ceded to the United States, which shall hereafter be sold or dis 
 posed of, together with the fund denominated the common school 
 fund, shall be and remain a perpetual fund, the interest of which 
 shall be inviolably appropriated and applied to the support of com 
 mon schools throughout this state. Kates of toll, not less than 
 those agreed to by the canal commissioners, and set forth in their 
 report to the legislature of the twelfth of March, one thousand 
 eight hundred and twenty-one, shall be imposed on, and collected 
 from, all parts of the navigable communication between the great 
 western and northern lakes and the Atlantic Ocean, which now are, 
 or hereafter shall be, made and completed ; and the said tolls, to 
 gether with the duties on the manufacture of all salt, as established 
 by the act of the fifteenth of April, one thousand eight hundred 
 and seventeen : and the duties on goods sold at auction, excepting 
 therefrom the sum of thirty-three thousand five hundred dollars, 
 otherwise appropriated by the said act ; and the amount of the 
 revenue established by the act of the legislature of the thirtieth of 
 March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty, in lieu of the tax 
 upon steam-boat passengers, shall be and remain inviolably appro 
 priated and applied to the completion of such navigable communi 
 cations, and to the payment of the interest and reimbursement of 
 the capital of the money already borrowed, or which hereafter 
 shall be borrowed, to make and complete the same. And neither 
 the rates of toll on the said navigable communications, nor the 
 duties on the manufacture of salt aforesaid, nor the duties on 
 goods sold at auction, as established by the act of the fifteenth of 
 April, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen ; nor the amount 
 of the revenue established by the act of March the thirtieth, one 
 thousand eight hundred and twenty, in lieu of the tax upon steam 
 boat passengers, shall be reduced or diverted, at any time, before 
 the full and complete payment of the principal and interest of the 
 money borrowed, or to be borrowed, as aforesaid. And the legis 
 lature shall never sell or dispose of the salt springs belonging to 
 this state, nor the lands contiguous thereto, which may be iieces- 
 
 42 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Bary or convenient for their use, nor the said navigable communi 
 cations or an} 7 part or section thereof, but the same shall be and 
 remain the property of this state. 
 
 11. No lottery shall hereafter be authorised in this state; and 
 the legislature shall pass laws to prevent the sale of all lottery 
 tickets within this state, except in lotteries already provided for by 
 law. 
 
 12. No purchase or contract for the sale of lands in this state, 
 made since the fourteenth day of October, one thousand seven 
 hundred and seventy-five, or which may hereafter be made, of or 
 with the Indians in this state, shall be valid, unless under the 
 authority and with the consent of the legislature. 
 
 13. Such parts of the common law, and of the acts of the legis 
 lature of the colony of New York, as together did form the law of 
 the said colony on the nineteenth day of April, one thousand seven 
 hundred and seventy-five, and the resolutions of the congress of 
 the said colony, and of the convention of the state of New York, 
 in force on the twentieth day of April, one thousand seven hundred 
 and seventy-seven, which have not since expired or been repealed 
 or altered ; and such acts of the legislature of this state, as are now 
 in force shall be and continue the law of this state, subject to such 
 alterations as the legislature shall make concerning the same. But 
 all such parts of the common law, and such of the said acts or 
 parts thereof, as are repugnant to this constitution are hereby 
 abrogated. 
 
 14. All grants of lands within this state, made by the king of 
 Great Britain, or persons acting under his authority, after the 
 fourteenth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and 
 seventy-five, shall be null and void ; but nothing contained in this 
 constitution shall affect any grants of land within this state made 
 by the authority of the said king or his predecessors, or shall annul 
 any charters to bodies politic and corporate by him or them made 
 before that day ; or shall affect any such grants or charters since 
 made by this state, or by persons acting under its authority ; or 
 shall impair the obligation of any debts contracted by the state, or 
 individuals, or bodies corporate, or any other rights of property, or 
 any suits, actions, rights of action, or "other proceedings, in courts 
 of justice. 
 
 ARTICLE VIII. 
 
 Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be 
 proposed in the senate or assembly ; and if the same shall be 
 agreed to by a majority of the members elected to each of the two 
 houses, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered 
 
 43 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 on their journals, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and 
 referred to the legislature then next to be chosen ; and shall be 
 published for three months previous to the time of making such 
 choice : and if, in the legislature next chosen as aforesaid, such 
 proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two- 
 thirds of all the members elected to each house, then it shall be 
 the duty of the legislature to submit such proposed amendment or 
 amendments to the people, in such manner, and at such time, as 
 the legislature shall prescribe; and if the people shall approve and 
 ratify such amendment or amendments by a majority of the 
 electors qualified to vote for members of the legislature voting 
 thereon, such amendment or amendments shall become part of the 
 constitution. 
 
 ARTICLE IX. 
 
 1. This constitution shall be in force from the last day of De 
 cember, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two. 
 But all those parts of the same which relate to the right of suf 
 frage, the division of the state into senate districts, the number of 
 members of the assembly to be elected in pursuance of this consti 
 tution, the appointment of members of assembly, the elections 
 hereby directed to commence on the first Monday of November, in 
 the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two, the continu 
 ance of the members of the present legislature in office until the 
 first day of January, in the year one thousand eight hundred and 
 twenty-three, and the prohibition against authorising lotteries, the 
 prohibition against appropriating the public moneys or property 
 for local or private purposes, or creating, continuing, altering, or 
 renewing, any body politic or corporate without the assent of two- 
 thirds of the members elected to each branch of the legislature, 
 shall be in force and take effect from the last day of February 
 next. The members of the present legislature shall, on the first 
 Monday of March next, take and subscribe an oath or affirmation 
 to support the constitution, so far as the same shall then be in 
 force. Sheriffs, clerks of counties, and coroners, shall be elected 
 at the election hereby directed to commence on the first Monday 
 of November, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty- 
 two ; but they shall not enter on the duties of their offices before 
 the first day of January then next following. The commissions of 
 all persons holding civils office on the last day of December, one 
 thousand eight hundred and twenty-two, shall expire on that day ; 
 but the officers then in commission may respectively continue to 
 hold their said offices until new appointments or elections shall 
 take place under this constitution. 
 
 44 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 2. The existing laws relative to the manner of notifying, hold 
 ing, and conducting elections, making returns, and canvassing 
 votes, shall be in force and observed, in respect of the elections 
 hereby directed to commence on the first Monday of November, in 
 the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty-two, so far as the 
 same are applicable. And the present legislature shall pass such 
 other and further laws as maybe requisite for the execution of the 
 provisions of this constitution in respect to elections. 
 
 Done in convention at the capitol, in the city of Albany, the tenth 
 day of November, in the year one thousand eight hundred and 
 twenty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of 
 America the forty-sixth. 
 
 In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. 
 
 DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, President. 
 JOHN F. BACON, ) 
 
 SAMUEL S. GARDINER, f Secretaries. 
 
 In these documents the following facts are clearly and fully 
 established : 
 
 1st. That each of the States in America is invested with supreme 
 power to choose its own form of government, and to manage its 
 own affairs. 
 
 2d. That Congress is the offspring of the States and amenable 
 to them ; created for nmtual protection and prosperity, and armed 
 with full power to declare war against foreign nations on the en 
 croachment of its rights or when invaded by them, but possessing 
 no po\ er or authority on constitutional grounds to make war 
 against any sovereign State or States. 
 
 3d. That the Constitution of the United States, if applied, 
 would have crushed out slavery and protective tariffs at once and 
 for ever, as being incompatible with its fundamental law of 
 equality of right towards each State and all men. 
 
 4th. That the perversion and falsification of the Constitution by 
 the administrators of the Government in both these respects, from 
 the days of Washington down to Lincoln, who solemnly took the 
 oaths of office to maintain, protect, and defend the Constitution 
 on the basis of the " Compromises," brands them and the people 
 who endorsed them as traitors to their country and enemies of the 
 human race. 
 
 5th. That as our Northern States and people were a party to 
 endorse the infamous fraud of the administrators of Congress who 
 smuggled in, by a false interpretation, but not by legislation, the 
 
 45 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Compromises of the Constitution, they were bound to amend the 
 Constitution, and to offer compensation to their former co-part 
 ners in guilt and shame ; or to separate themselves from them in 
 accordance with the principles of honour known and practised 
 amongst the brotherhood of thieves. 
 
 6th. That until these things were done, all attempts made by 
 them to restrict the area of slavery, or to exterminate it by the 
 adoption of the Missouri Compromise, or Personal Liberty Bills, 
 were unconstitutional and revolutionary. 
 
 7th. That when the Southern States and people passed acts of 
 secess-ion from the broken bonds of the Federal Government, their 
 sister States in the North ought to have hailed the news of the 
 separation with rapturous emotions of joy, as it would have 
 brought with it both the destruction of slavery and protective 
 tariffs, without violence or calamity. 
 
 8th. That the rush of our Northern States and people to arms, 
 with all their abettors and promoters, in order to coerce the sove 
 reign States of the South, and enforce their unwilling obedience 
 to the Federal Government, in the presence of its broken bonds 
 and their own bad faith to the South ; and, also, their cruel treat 
 ment of the vanquished in the long continued imprisonment of 
 Jeff Davis, arrest and trial of parolled prisoners of war, the pro 
 clamation that the possession of twenty thousand dollars makes 
 Southern men rebels, the confiscation of their property, and the 
 ominous shout in the North of Africa for Africans, as if negroes 
 born in America were not Americans, deserve the severest cen 
 sure of mankind, and turn our Federal bureaus of justice and 
 freedom into a mockery, delusion, snare. 
 
 9th. That our religious history, which brings before us and 
 makes to pass in review our churches, with their extraordinary 
 revivals and five millions of members, their vast array of authors, 
 editors, and divines, is associated with deeper criminality than the 
 civil, or it would have made impossible the political jugglery and 
 fraud, ostentatious parade of our mock virtues and privileges by 
 our Federal administrators and people, as well as sought some 
 other adjustment of our difficulties than an appeal to the arbitre- 
 ment of the sword, which has brought so horrible a termination of 
 the dreadful and manifold evils of slavery, but leaves us with the 
 black hoofs of military despotism on our necks an anomaly to 
 ourselves and to the whole world, feeling no satisfaction except 
 that the Lord reigns, who makes the wrath of man to praise Him, 
 and restrains the remainder of it. 
 
 At length we have completed our task in writing the brief his 
 tory of our American States, Churches and War. During its 
 
 46 
 
CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK. 
 
 progress we have been called all manner of hard names the 
 shafts of calumny and slander have been hurled against us with 
 all the power that can be evoked by association with fierce, ran 
 corous, and malignant hate ; but despite the inconvenience attri 
 buted to us by Mrs. Croft, the wife of the Rev. Dr. Croft, " of 
 having a slate off our roof" the charge falsely made by Fred. 
 Douglas that " we were seeking to reimburse ourselves for losses 
 sustained in America "the insinuation by the editor of the 
 " U. P. Magazine," that " our philanthropy was assumed as the 
 friend of the slave," causing the editor of the "Daily Review " to 
 dance a hornpipe before us in derision of our name the editor of 
 the "Examiner and Times," Manchester, to utter his growls in 
 the language of dark and mysterious hieroglyphs, and the editor 
 of the London "Spectator" to dash down upon us from his observ- 
 tory, a mud-storm of abuse despite this process, we have held 
 on the even tenour of our way, but not without some recognition 
 of our honesty of purpose and intensity of desire, if not of ability 
 to do good, in unfolding to the reader the tragic events and 
 scenes of the New World, and directing him to the deeper sources 
 of our criminality and calamity. 
 
 17 
 
Just Published, in Crown 8vo, cloth extra, Price 7s. 6d. 
 
 AMERICAN 
 
 STATES, CHURCHES, AND SLAVEEY. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 KEY. J. R BALME, 
 
 AN AMERICAN CLERGYMAN. 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 " Mr. Balme writes with considerable observation, some 
 humour, and a positive air of sincerity. There is a sledge 
 hammer method of oratory with which he knocks down all 
 the idols of American enthusiasm, which renders it very 
 easy to believe that he made himself a most unpleasant 
 neighbour among the idolaters of the Union. The Jesuiti 
 cal cunning of Everett, the Pharoah s hard-heartedness of 
 Lincoln, the hypocrisy of the Beechers and Mrs. Stowe, the 
 unblushing sophistry of Seward, the impious inconsistency 
 of most of the negro-hating emancipationists who are still 
 clamouring to reduce the South by war, are held up to 
 universal loathing and contempt with a fervour which 
 would probably land him in Fort Lafayette, if he were now 
 within the reach of President Lincoln s police." Satur 
 day Review, Nov. 8, 1862. 
 
 " At the present momentous epoch in American affairs 
 hardly anything can be published which does not contain 
 more or less interest. Pamphlets and volumes which may 
 have been published years ago are eagerly enquired after, 
 since they are almost certain to contain facts and allusions 
 which in some way bear on the great crisis that has suddenly 
 riven a continent in twain. Mr. Balme s work, in spite of 
 its imperfections, contains a vast amount of useful and im 
 portant facts, which are probably unknown to the great pro- 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 portion of English readers. And though much of what he 
 writes is well known to them, it is acceptable as being re 
 corded in a permanent form. His opinion of the President, 
 the Secretary of State, and other men in the government, is 
 by no means nattering, and some extracts from their writ 
 ings and speeches are peculiarly interesting. As a book 
 of reference, and containing much that is useful and curious 
 this work will, we doubt not, find many readers." Christian 
 News, Aug. 30, 1862. 
 
 " The author of this volume is British- born, but having 
 emigrated to America he acquired property, and was na 
 turalized as a subject of the United States. Taught from 
 his early years to regard slaveholding as a monstrous wrong, 
 he did not, like very many of our countrymen who emi 
 grate, lay aside his anti-slavery thoughts and feelings, im 
 bibe the prevailing prejudices against the coloured races, 
 and palliate and defend the enormities of the "institution." 
 Instead of this, the more intimate his knowledge of the sys 
 tem the more deep-rooted became his abhorrence of it. 
 Instead of speaking with bated breath upon the subject, he 
 lifted his voice like a trumpet in behalf of the down-trodden 
 negro, and vehemently denounced all who were directly or 
 indirectly engaged in the accursed traffic. The result was 
 such as might have been anticipated. He was subjected, 
 not to petty annoyances and foul reproach, but to the most 
 truculent and unrelenting persecution, being compelled, 
 after a narrow escape from Lynch-law, to sail for England, 
 in which he landed two years ago in a state of destitution. 
 True to his mission as an apostle of emancipation, we find 
 him here coming forward with unconquered spirit, telling 
 the people of this country what he thinks of the Federals 
 and the Confederates in their connection with slavery, show 
 ing the fearful extent to which the ministers of religion and 
 the Christian denominations are implicated, and declaring 
 that, in the war now raging, with its accumulated horrors, 
 there are the tokens of Heaven s vengeance on the unfaith 
 fulness of those who profess to be witnesses for Grod. The 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 writer expresses his views with no small strength of Ian 
 guage, but his character as a man of veracity is attested 
 by abundant evidence, and he is careful to support the 
 more important of his statements by documentary proof. 
 
 " At the commencement of the war the people of the 
 Free States had a golden opportunity of washing their 
 hands of all further share in the guilt of slaveholding, and 
 if they had at once taken the bold and honest step of de 
 claring all men equal before the law, recognising at the 
 same time the claim for compensation on the part of those 
 who, under the protection of legal guarantees, had acquired 
 property in slaves, they would have secured the moral sup 
 port of Europe ; but few or none had the idea of equal rights 
 to the black and the white man, and many who resisted 
 the extension of slave territory were equally prepared to 
 resist the removal of the legal brand of inferiority which 
 was stamped on the African. The Union was the idol of 
 the people, and to preserve it they were willing, not only 
 to abate their demands on the subject of extension, but to 
 fence round the vile system with new and more effectual 
 barricades. Having sown the wind they are reaping the 
 whirlwind. 
 
 " Those who are really desirous to know the position of 
 the American Churches in regard to slavery will do well to 
 procure this volume. They will find ample evidence that 
 even the Cheevers, and the Beechers, and the Stowes are 
 not absolutely free of the taint, that the anti-British feeling 
 of these is intense, and that they condescend, when it suits 
 their purpose, to pander to the worst passions of the mob. 
 We shall be glad to learn that Mr. Balme s book has a large 
 circulation." Morning Journal, Aug. 25, 1862. 
 
 " We have already given samples of this thrilling volume; 
 but we cannot withhold a general and very fervent recom 
 mendation of it. Its appearance is peculiarly seasonable, 
 and its extensive circulation can scarcely fail to give an 
 impulse to the reviving anti-slavery spirit of England. It 
 is replete with facts, many of them of the highest import- 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PUESS. 
 
 anco as touching individuals, churches and Christian com 
 munities. It is a book which may be opened anywhere 
 and read straight on, for a spirit of life pervades the whole. 
 It is quite a repertory of slavery matters, and greatly suited 
 to the eventful hour which is passing over us." British 
 Standard, Aug. 29, 1862. 
 
 " Mr. Balme may be regarded as a John Brown redivi- 
 vus, except that he has not yet sealed his testimony with 
 his blood ; and being an English Baptist, who only went 
 to America in 1852, he has entered with energy into a 
 matter of American sins and sorrows. We have said that 
 this volume is amusing, but it is also instructive. Mr. Balme 
 has gathered together a number of sayings of their leading 
 men (Americans), which tell painfully against them, and 
 illustrate the rotten state of their boasted civilization." 
 Scotsman, Aug. 16, 1862. 
 
 " Mr. Balme expounds many phases of American society, 
 and draws pictures that ought to startle those, who, like 
 John Bright, have been in the habit of lauding the institu 
 tions of the new world as vastly superior to those of the 
 old. He is unflinching in his denunciation of slavery and 
 slave-owners, but he also strongly condemns the war carried 
 on by the North against the South. He writes clearly, and 
 enunciates his opinions fearlessly. We commend his book." 
 Leed s Intelligencer, August, 27th, 1864. 
 
 "We sincerely wish that these letters could be put into the 
 hands of every person in this country, inasmuch as they 
 are calculated to correct many of those misconceptions into 
 which not a few of our countrymen have fallen, respecting 
 the great quarrel in which the States of America are now 
 engaged. The author shews himself to be perfectly familiar 
 with all the facts and circumstances connected with the 
 history of the United States." Staffordshire Sentinel, May 
 21, 1864. 
 
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 " Mr. Balnie is a very extensive author, and the work 
 before us is a very able exposure of slavery in all its forms 
 and with all its patronage. The book is well got up, and 
 will, we trust, have a rapid sale/ 1 Glasgow Examiner, 
 Sept. 13, 1862. 
 
 " His book is replete with interesting matter ; a well 
 furnished store-house of facts/ Morning Advertiser } Aug. 
 7, 1862. 
 
 " Rev. J. P. Mursell, said, Mr. Balnie had long been 
 known to him by name as one of the most unflinching 
 advocates of freedom in America, and had made it his 
 object to purify the Church of the dreadful sin of slavery. 
 He quite sympathised with his fervour and enthusiasm, and 
 honoured him for it. He had not only advocated freedom 
 but suffered for it." Report of a Public Meeting at the 
 Town Hall, Leicester, May 1861, m the Leicester Mercury, 
 

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