v\ 
 

 \ 
 
* 
 
LIFE OF GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 or 
 
 GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN, 
 
 OF THE 
 
 VIRGINIA LINE 
 
 OF THE ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 WITH PORTIONS 09 H3 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE ; 
 
 COMPILED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 
 BY JAMES GRAHAM 
 
 FAHKK* KUj FORTUNE. 1 
 
 771 " r. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 
 DERBY & JACKSON, 119 NASSAU ST 
 1859. 
 
1\ 
 
 according to Act of Congress, in the year 13M, ky 
 
 DERBY & JACKSON, 
 In \b Clerk * Office of the District Court of the United States fc the Southern Dittrict of NewTortk 
 
 W. H. TIlltON, STEREOTTPKB. OBO. RU8SW.L A CO., TS1 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 \V HEN a writer puts forth a book, the subject of which has pre-engaged 
 public sympathy, he is more than ordinarily obligated to furnish such 
 explanations regarding its origin and character, as may give it a claim to 
 public confidence. The chief, if not the only recommendations of this 
 work, will be found in the motives which suggested it, and in the truthful 
 ness of its details. However well-founded may be my fears, that I shall 
 fail of success in all other respects, I cherish the hope that in these I shall 
 prove more fortunate. Satisfaction to the reader and justice to myself, 
 equally require, then, that in presenting these sketches to the public, the 
 considerations with which they originated, and the circumstances under 
 which they were completed, should be briefly stated. 
 
 At the death of General Morgan, his papers, correspondence, &c., went 
 into the possession of his son-in-Jaw, General Presley Neville. During the 
 fifteen or twenty years which succeeded, many of these papers were lost or 
 destroyed. What remained of them at the termination of this period, how 
 ever, were collected, arranged, and bound into two large volumes, by the 
 general s grandson, Major Morgan Neville, to whom, at the death of his 
 father, they were left. When he died, these volumes became the property 
 of his widow, who submitted them to my perusal, with the object of ascer 
 taining whether the publication of a select portion of their contents would 
 be advisable or not. 
 
 This collection is a very valuable one, embracing as it does, letters hith 
 erto unpublished, from Washington, Greene, Lafayette, Wayne, Gates, 
 Jefferson, Hamilton, Henry, Rutledge, and many other distinguished men 
 of the revolutionary era. It was with no little pleasure that I perused and 
 re-perused these interesting relics of men and times associated with such 
 glorious recollections. They furnish an epistolary history of the war, from 
 the pens of its leading spirits ; and abound in facts and circumstances, 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 which the historian has either failed or feared to notice. But what chiefly 
 attracted my attention, was the additional light which they shed upon the 
 private character and military services of General Morgan, and upon the 
 details of his long and eventful career. Until I saw these papers, I labored 
 under the common error of assigning to him a position among the worthies 
 of the revolution, far below that which he not only deserved, but actually 
 occupied. My curiosity to learn all that was attainable of his history was 
 now aroused. After examining all the sources of information within my 
 reach, I became convinced that few, if any, of the heroes of that day furnished 
 larger contributions than he did to the glory of our arms, or surpassed him in 
 the amount and value of their services. Nevertheless, I found that beyond 
 a few brief, and generally incorrect sketches, and a short paragraph in a 
 biographical dictionary, almost everything regarding him, not incidental 
 to the history of the revolutionary struggle, existed only in a tradition, 
 already distorted by the operations of time, and soon to be merged into 
 an irreclaimable oblivion ; that his character and conduct had been mis 
 conceived in some cases, and misrepresented in others ; and that from 
 these causes, many of our revolutionary historians had been betrayed into 
 statements at variance with facts, and injurious to his fame. The absence 
 of full and correct information regarding a man whose name and deeds 
 furnish so rich a source fui national pride, has, besides, tempted Fiction to 
 make him the theme of her legends. But the fanciful pictures vhich she 
 has drawn, though recognizable, are not likenesses, while the} fall far 
 short of the spirit and dignity which invested the reality. 
 
 The American people hold in especial reverence the memory of those 
 whose patriotism and valor were rendered conspicuous in the revolutionary 
 war. The day is far distant, if, indeed, such a day will ever arrive, when 
 they will cease to regard with interest everything in relation to that band 
 of heroes and sages. I felt that the merit of good intentions would at 
 least be accorded him, who would essay to rescue so distinguished a name 
 from the fate with which it was threatened ; and that if he should succeed 
 in adding to the stock of correct information, regarding some of the most 
 important events of the war, he might hope for a more gratifying indica 
 tion of public approval. Yet, the original, and other sources of informa 
 tion then in my possession, furnished ample means, not only to compass 
 these ends, but to vindicate his spotless reputation, to restore him to the 
 high position which he occupied among the heroes and patriots of the war, 
 and to win him a more enduring, if not a more favorable hold upon the 
 memory of posterity. With reflections like these, originated the determi- 
 
PREFACE. Til 
 
 nation on my part, to collect and arrange all the information concerning 
 the general, that was attainable at -so late a day, and while drawing from 
 this a detailed narrative of his eventful life, to obtaia for his fame all the 
 benefit which its testimony afforded. 
 
 But ample as were the materials furnished by Gen. Morgan s MSS., and 
 the published memorials of the revolutionary war and of its leading spirits, 
 much was yet to be gathered before a complete and connected chain of 
 events could be formed. My efforts to supply this deficiency led me into 
 an extensive correspondence, and resulted in a great addition to my 
 original stock of information. And here a proper occasion presents itself to 
 make my acknowledgments to tie gentlemen who so promptly responded 
 to my calls for aid. To a large number of these, it would be but echoing 
 the suggestions of my gratitude to express my thanks in connection with 
 their names; but the fear that such a return would be distasteful to 
 them, counsels me to be silent. A few, however, have contributed so 
 largely and so valuably to my collections, as to render acknowledgments 
 a duty as well as a pleasure. The first of these is the late Dr. Win. Hill, 
 of Winchester, Virginia. This gentleman, who died about three years ago, was 
 one of Morgan s personal and intimate friends. He attended the general 
 during the illness which terminated his life, and preached the funeral sermon 
 which was delivered over his grave. To him I am indebted for a large collec 
 tion of facts, anecdotes, &c., in relation to Gen. Morgan, which run through 
 his entire career, and which are recorded from his own lips. It would be 
 difficult to estimate the advantages I derived from this valuable contribu 
 tion. Besides the intrinsic information which it yielded so largely, it 
 served as an index, whereby the reduction of a chaos of facts into order 
 was facilitated, and it explained circumstances, which, without it, would 
 have remained inexplicable. Whatever of merit may be accorded to the 
 connection of events, as displayed here and there through the work, will 
 in a great degree be owing to the assistance I received from Dr. Hill. To 
 P. II. Skipwith, Esq., a grandson of Gen. Greene s, I am greatly obliged for 
 copies of a number of letters, written by Gen. Morgan to Gen. Greene ; 
 among others, the original report of the battle of the Cowpens, and the 
 letters following that event up to the time when the American army 
 reached Guilford Court House. These contributions were exceedingly 
 valuable, as they added largely to the mass of testimony, proving that the 
 statements of many historians, in relation to the operations of the adverse 
 armies, before and after the battle of the Cowpens, are erroneous. My 
 acknowledgments are likewise due to T. M. Nightingale, Esq., also a 
 descendant of Gen. Greene, for portions of Morgan s correspondence, little 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 less valuable and interesting than those received from Mr. Skipwith. I 
 am also under obligations to Gov. Johnson, of South Carolina, not only 
 for the valuable information which he caused to be prepared and sent to 
 me, but for the lively interest which he manifested in the progress and 
 object of my labors. 
 
 In the compilation of these SKETCHES, recourse was necessarily and 
 frequently had to such published authorities as yielded the description of 
 information I sought. I have had frequent occasion to profit by the 
 details of works of this character ; but in no case have I knowingly done 
 so, without making the usual marginal reference. Should any instance to> 
 the contrary be discovered, however, I hope it will be attributed to 
 inadvertence rather than to design. From this general acknowledgment, 
 I must, however, make an exception in favor of Judge Johnson s Life of 
 Gen. Greene, to which work I am indebted for much and valuable inform 
 ation regarding Gen. Morgan s connection with the military operations in 
 the South, during the years 1780 and 1781. The assistance I derived 
 from Judge Henry s narrative, in describing Morgan s sufferings and 
 services during the memorable expedition to and assault upon Quebec, 
 and from Gen. Wilkinson s memoirs, in giving his participation in the 
 campaign which terminated with the surrender at Saratoga, also deserve 
 especial notice. 
 
 I will now close by declaring that if the result should prove in any 
 degree an acceptable offering to the memory of the man whose life and 
 services it purports to record, and whose fame it essays to preserve, I shall 
 feel myself amply rewarded. 
 
 JAMES GRAHAM. 
 
 NEW OBLEANS, J/ay, 1866. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Ancestry, parentage, and early history of General Daniel Morgan The impressions 
 created by his first appearance in Virginia His first employment Superintends a mill 
 employed as a wagoner Purchases a wagon and horses, and becomes a wagoner on 
 his own account His great and rapid improvement, physical and mental Glance at the 
 country and its population He begins to attract notice The opening of the seven years 
 war Morgan engaged as a wagoner in the train of General Braddock The army 
 advances The difficulties which it encounters in its march Morgan fights and con 
 quers a noted pugilist Braddock s defeat The retreat to Fort Cumberland Measures 
 of defence taken by the Virginia Assembly Morgan employed as a wagoner in the 
 service of the colony, IT 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Morgan is engaged in transporting supplies The attack of a band of Indians repulsed 
 He strikes an officer, and receives five hundred lashes Anecdote Inroad of the 
 French and Indians Surprise and destruction of Captain Mercer and his command 
 Morgan joins a body of militia sent to reinforce the garrison at Edward s fort In an 
 attack upon the fort, Morgan distinguishes himself Receives commission as ensign 
 Falls into an ambuscade, is desperately wounded, but escapes Remarks upon his char 
 acter, habits, &c. The meetings at Berry s tavern His fights with Bill Davis Anec 
 doteMorgan marries Establishes himself at "Soldiers Rest " Pontiac s war Mor 
 gan takes the field, and advances to Fort Cumberland At the close of the war, returns 
 home His daughters His moral and intellectual improvement Is commissioned a 
 captain, 28 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Increase of population and resources of the Virginia Valley Dissatisfaction of the Indians 
 at the encroachments of the whites The murder of Indians Preparations for war 
 The expedition to the Wappatomica towns, under Major McDonald Morgan commands 
 
I CONTENTS. 
 
 a company therein After destroying the towns, corn, &c., McDonald retreats Con 
 flict with the Indians on the march Arrival at Wheeling of Lord Dunmore with the 
 northern division of the army Is joined by Morgan The army advances towards the 
 Shawanese towns Battle of the Point Morgan marches with a detachment under 
 Major Crawford, and destroys the hostile towns Peace concluded with the Indians 
 Events preliminary to the Revolutionary struggle Pledge of the troops to support the 
 Bostonians in the event of hostilities The war commenced Morgan commissioned a 
 captain of riflemen Raises a company and marches to Boston Joins a detachment 
 commanded by Arnold, about starting on a secret expedition, 44 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Invasion of Canada Arnold s expedition to Quebec Joined by Morgan Dispute in rela 
 tion to command Letter from Washington Expedition moves up the Kennebec Its 
 progress, and the difficulties it encounters Morgan s capacity for command, illustrated 
 Difficulties encountered by the expedition It crosses the " height of land " Morgan 
 and his company attempt to descend the Chaudiere Lose all their bateaux, and narrowly 
 escape destruction in the rapids Expedition suffers dreadfully from hunger, cold and 
 fatigue Reaches the settlements at the river de Loup Subsequently advances to Point 
 Levi Reflection Sympathy of the inhabitants in the objects of the expedition Morgan 
 captures midshipman McKenzie The humanity he displayed on that occasion Prepar 
 ations for crossing the St. Lawrence, and assaulting Quebec The river crossed, . 55 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Vigorous preparations of the enemy Americans cross the St. Lawrence Morgan pro 
 poses an immediate assault upon the town Capture of Caldwell s house Demonstra 
 tion before the the town Altercation between Morgan and Arnold Americans retire 
 to Point aux Trembles On the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, they return and lay siege 
 to Quebec It is at length resolved to assault the town The dispositions with this 
 object, and the attack Arnold, struck down, is succeeded in the command by Morgan 
 His intrepid conduct during the assault Captures the first barrier Advances against 
 the second barrier Encounters a body of the enemy Morgan shoots their officer 
 Bloody encounter at the second barrier Americans repulsed Are at length sur 
 rounded by the enemy, to whom they surrender The progress of Montgomery s divi 
 sion Reflections, 82 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Governor Carleton His kind treatment of the prisoners Their efforts to escape Morgan 
 offered a colonelcy in the British service, which he rejects with indignation Arnold 
 still invests Quebec Arrival of the British fleet, with an army of twelve thousand men 
 The British rule re-established over Canada The prisoners petition Gov. Carleton for 
 permission to return to their homes on parole Their liberation Morgan visits the 
 American head-quarters At the recommendation of the commander-in-chief, he is 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 appointed colonel of the Rifle regiment Recruiting for the new army- Morgan urged 
 to push the enlistment for his regiment He inarches to Morristown Formation of the 
 regiment of Rangers The instructions of the commander-in-chief, .... 109 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The enemy advance in the direction of the Delaware The Rangers approach, and attack 
 their outposts and flanking parties The enemy retire towards Amboy Attacked by 
 Morgan, and pursued by him and Wayne as far as Piscataway The enemy march to 
 Westfield Morgan engages their advance On their retreat to Rahway, Scott and 
 Morgan attack them with effect Northern army reinforced Morgan ordered to Haver- 
 straw Uncertainty as to the enemy s designs Morgan is ordered to hasten towards 
 Philadelphia After a period of doubt, receives orders to march to the north and join 
 General Gates Extracts of letters from the commander-in-chief in relation to Morgan 
 and his corps The situation of affairs in the north Morgan arrives at Albany Letter 
 from General Gates to Morgan Arrival of the latter at head-quarters Morgan receives 
 a fluttering reception from General Gates A battalion of light infantry is added to hia 
 command, ............... 124 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The American army encamp on Behmus Heights Morgan thrown forward to observe the 
 enemy He engages a German regiment, and forces it to retire The British take a posi 
 tion nearer to the American camp The events preliminary to, and attendant upon, 
 the battle of Behmus Heights Reflections on this battle The letters of the opposing 
 generals concerning it The projected assault Burgoyne resolves to await the expected 
 junction with Sir Henry Clinton Difficulty between Gates and Arnold respecting Mor 
 gan and his command Arnold resigns his command in the army Gates refuses to be 
 reconciled to Arnold, or to restore him to his command Remarks on these cir 
 cumstances, ............... 140 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Letter from Washington to Gen. Gates, and an extract from the latter s reply Critical 
 situation of Burgoyne His advance leads to the second battle of Stillwater Morgan s 
 corps routs the British light infantry Death of Gen. Frazer Assault on the enemy s 
 camp Anecdote Cornwallis abandons his camp, and takes a new position Morgan 
 advances to impede the enemy s retreat Skirmishes with their pickets American army 
 return to their entrenched camp, when Burgoyne retreats to the north bank of Saratoga 
 creek, and encamps He is overtaken by the Americans Burgoyne meditates a retreat 
 to Fort Edward His advanced detachments driven back He resolves to abandon his 
 baggage, &c., and endeavor to escape by a night march The hopelessness of his situa 
 tion by the frustration of his scheme Contemplated assault upon the enemy s camp 
 Fortunate discovery of mistake Position of the American army Correspondence 
 regarding a capitulation Termination of the campaign General reflections Unfriendly 
 conduct of Gen. Gates to Morgan The cause of this change Anecdote Remarks on 
 the propriety of employing marksmen, ....*.... 157 
 
Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Morgan marches from Saratoga, southward Gates s unwillingness to supply the co-o- 
 mander-in-chief with reinforcements The latter s anxiety for the return of Morgau 
 The opinion of the army regarding the rifle corps and its commander Military eve <w. 
 Morgan arrives at Whitemarsh Expedition under Cornwallis Lafayette, with 
 portion of the rifle corps, engages and defeats a body of the enemy The Britcb 
 advance to Chestnut Hill Routs the Pennsylvania militia Engaged by Morgan and 
 General Gist, with Maryland militia The latter obliged to yield The riflemen, after a 
 sanguinary conflict, retire in good order The loss severe on both sides Death of 
 Major Morris Lafayette His generosity towards the widow and orphans of Morris 
 The American army goes into winter quarters Disposition of troops Foraging expe 
 dition of the enemy Morgan in observation, has repeated skirmishes with them 
 Hardships he encountered from hunger, cold and want of rest The enemy return to 
 Philadelphia The distressing situation of the American army Morgan leaves his com 
 mand on a short visit home His reception, 176 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Morgan returns to the army Opening of the new campaign Abortive attempt to 
 surprise Lafayette at Barren Hill Morgan, with 400 volunteers, pursues the enemy 
 Preparations of the latter for some important movement Consequent precautions of 
 the commander-in-chief Morgan s activity His system of commanding His aversion 
 to flogging Anecdotes The enemy evacuate Philadelphia The movements of the 
 American army which followed Morgan detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell The 
 British march to Monmouth C.H. Morgan gains their right flank Captures their 
 straggling parties Plan to ensnare him recoils on its authors Morgan and Dickinson 
 meditate an attack on the enemy s baggage Change of dispositions in the British line 
 of march Battle of Monmouth Court-house Morgan s disappointment at not having 
 had a share in the conflict. Enemy retreat to Middletown, followed by Morgan Battle 
 between his regiment and the British rear guard The enemy embark for New-York, 
 and Morgan marches for New Brunswick, 191 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Morgan commands Woodford s brigade The rifle corps Operations of the army 
 Letters from Lord Stirling Correspondence in relation to recruiting service Letter 
 from Lafayette Movements of the enemy American army goes into winter quarters 
 Morgan appointed colonel of the 7th Virginia regiment Operations of the enemy on 
 the Hudson Gen. "VVoodford resumes his command Causes operating on Morgan s 
 mind, determining him to retire from the service Letter from Washington Morgan at 
 home Regret of the army at his retirement Operations in the South Gen. Gates 
 appointed to the command of the Southern army His letter to Morgan Their recon 
 ciliation Morgan refuses to comply with the demand for his services without an 
 Increase of rank Takes the field on hearing the result of the battlo of Catnden, . 215 
 
CONTENTS. X1H 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The dispositions and operations of the opposing forces Morgan joins Gates at Hills- 
 borough The enemy advances towards North Carolina Morgan offered a command 
 in the North Carolina militia Appointed by Gates to command a legionary corps 
 Battle of King s Mountain Cornwallis retreats to Winnsborough Morgan appointed 
 a brigadier general Letter from Gen. Gates Morgan advances to vicinity of the 
 enemy Letter fron: Col. 0. H. Williams Destitution of the army Repulse of Major 
 Wernys Battle of Blackstock House Capture of Col. Rugely and his command 
 Congress determines to supersede Gen. Gates Gen. Greene His arrangements, pre 
 liminary to taking the command of the Southern army The general prospect Gen. 
 Greene s plan of action Morgan appointed to a separate command He marches to the 
 west of Broad rivei- -Greene, with the main body, moves to the Pedee Morgan s 
 instructions, 236 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Morgan marches towards the Catawba river His expectations of being joined by the 
 militia disappointed Causes of their non-appearance Letter from Gen. Davidson- 
 Morgan s arrangements Detaches Col. Washington against a body of Tories The 
 latter cut to pieces Washington destroys Fort Williams Morgan sends another 
 detachment to covc Washington s retreat Letters : from Morgan to Greene ; from 
 Gov. Rutledge to Morgan ; from Greene to Morgan ; from Col. 0. H. Williams to 
 Morgan ; from (Veene to Morgan ; from Morgan to Greene ; from Greene to 
 Morgan Cornwallis directs Tarleton to advance against Morgan Cornwallis puts his 
 army in motion, 262 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Morgan determines to take a position nearer to the fords of Broad river Tarleton 
 approaches Morgan retires to Burr s Mills Tarleton crosses the Pacolet Morgan 
 marches to the Cowpens, where he announces hid intention of awaiting the enemy 
 Letter from Morgan v r> Greene, and reply thereto Tarleton follows Morgan A com 
 parison of these officers The motives which actuated them respectively in risking a 
 battle Morgan s preparations for the expected conflict Anecdote Tarleton 
 approaches Skirmish between the enemy s advance and the American patrol The 
 Cowpens Description of the field Morgan s disposition of his forces His directions 
 and exhortations to the men The enemy s cavalry drive in the American front 
 Tarleton s disposit ons His advance to the attack The battle The enemy routed 
 Conflict between Washington and Tarleton The latter escapes capture only by a 
 mistake of his pursuers The results Official account of the battle, with a list of the 
 officers engaged therein., 281 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Reflections suggested by the battle of the Cowpens Morgan s conduct on that occasion 
 defended The news of the victory received with joy throughout the country Resolu- 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 tions of Congress and letter of President Huntington Resolutions of Virginia House of 
 Delegates, and letter from Speaker, Richard M. Lee Congratulatory letters from Gen. 
 Davidson, Gov. Rutledge, Col. 0. H. Williams and Gen. Sumter After the battle, Mor 
 gan retreats across Broad river towards the Catawba Cornwallis, deterred by the 
 result of the battle, awaits a junction with Leslie before marching in pursuit of Morgan 
 Believing that the latter intended remaining north of Broad river, Cornwallis inarches 
 in that direction Discovers his mistake His unavailing pursuit Morgan reaches the 
 east bank of the Catawba His letter to Gen. Greene Reflections upon the military 
 events just detailed Morgan resolves to defend the fords of the Catawba His letters to 
 Gen. Greene from this quarter, 313 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The disappointment of Morgan s expectations of efficient aid from the militia Joined by 
 Gen. Davidson with eight hundred men The British at length approach the Catawba 
 The river becomes suddenly impassable Gen. Greene arrives at Sherrald s ford The 
 Catawba subsides, when Morgan retreats to the Yadkin The fords of the Catawba 
 guarded by Davidson and his militia The enemy cross the river Battle at McCowan s 
 ford, and death of Davidson Tarleton s cruelty at Tarrant s tavern Morgan crosses 
 the Yadkin His rear guard attacked by the enemy, who are repulsed Cornwallis 
 advances to the Yadkin, now also become impassable He marches to the shallow 
 fords The American divisions concentrate at Guilford, C. H. Morgan becomes too 
 unwell to continue in the field His letters to Gen. Greene regarding his ill-health, and 
 signifying his wish for leave of absence Greene determines to retire still farther 
 
 Remarks on the condition, objects and prospects of the contending forces Morgan 
 offered the command of the light troops He obtains leave to retire He is solicited to 
 take command of the North Carolina militia American army retreats towards Boyd s 
 ferry Morgan proceeds to Virginia Reflections on the military events subsequent to 
 the battle of the Cowpens, and on his participation therein The misstatements regarding 
 these events, and Morgan, which have crept into history, exposed, .... 888 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Morgan determines to go home Compelled from weakness to stop on the way Extracts 
 from a letter to Gen. Greene His letter to Greene from Carter Harrison s Reaches 
 home Letter from Gen. Greene, giving an account of the battle of Guilford C. II. 
 Morgan s reply His health partially restored Is solicited by the authorities of Virginia 
 to give his aid in resisting her invaders Letter from Lafayette Resolution of the 
 House of Delegates Letter from Gov. Jefferson Morgan suppresses the Claypoole 
 insurrection Rumors of the advance of the enemy into the valley Removal of the 
 prisoners Martial spirit aroused Address of the speakers of the Virginia Legislature 
 to Morgan, soliciting his assistance He raises a force of horse and foot, and marches 
 to join Lafayette Letters from the latter Battle at Jamestown Morgan joins 
 Lafayette the day following Is invested with the command of the cavalry and the 
 light troops, . . . . . . . . .!. . " . . . 869 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Lafayette retires to Richmond Wayne and Morgan posted at Goode s bridge Cornwallis 
 inarches towards Portsmouth Tarleton dispatched to Bedford Co. Unsuccessful 
 attempt to intercept him Letter from Lafayette He encamps on Malvin Hill Letters 
 from Wayne Morgan again unwell Letter to Greene The reply Morgan returns 
 home Letter from Lafayette Letter to Washington The reply Letter to Washing 
 ton The reply removes to " Saratoga" His elder daughter married to Col. Neville 
 Morgan s health partially restored Letter to Greene His conduct on the disbandment 
 of the army The Cowpens medal Letter to J. F. Mercer The reply The soldiery 
 become the victims of speculators Morgan interferes in behalf of the former His 
 motives misrepresented by the speculators to the injury of his character Washington 
 in consequence, ceases to esteem him An explanation is followed by a reconciliation 
 Morgan s conduct under the calumnies of his enemies Extract of a letter from Col. C. 
 M. Thurston, 390 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Morgan in private life Becomes wealthy, and rises in consideration His younger daugh 
 ter married to Major Heard He obtains the Cowpens medal Indian war Defeat of 
 St. Clair, followed by preparations for a new campaign Morgan appointed a brigadier 
 general The excise law, and the consequences of its execution Gen. Neville 
 Appointed inspector Resistance to the law assumos the form of rebellion Meetings of 
 the insurgents Gen. Neville s house attacked, and destroyed by fire He and other 
 persons obnoxious to the insurgents obliged to flee Meeting at Braddock s field The 
 President resolves to maintain the laws Sends commissioners to confer with the insur 
 gents, and calls 15,000 men into service The Convention at Parkinson s ferry Mor 
 gan s opinion of the conduct of the insurgents Is appointed major general of the 
 Virginia militia His alarm for the safety of his daughter and her children Prepares to 
 go to Pittsburg, but is dissuaded therefrom Letter from Col. Neville The alacrity with 
 which the Virginians obeyed the President s call for aid Letter to the President The 
 reply Letter from Col. Hamilton The militia advance into the theatre of disturbance 
 Morgan marches to Pittsburg Termination of the "whisky insurrection" The 
 troops return home, 412 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Morgan stationed in the disaffected region Resolution of Congress A new force enlisted 
 Arrests The judicious policy adopted by Morgan Its happy results His generosity 
 Is a candidate for Congress Is defeated Bad effects of his absence from the disaf 
 fected region Letter from Washington Morgan s reply Termination of his military 
 career Is again a candidate for Congress Is successful Becomes unwell Is repor 
 ted dead Extract of a letter from Washington The eventual army Letter from 
 Washington Morgan becomes religious Remaps on this fact Anecdotes The clos 
 ing scene His death His descendants Concluding remarks, 433 
 
 APPENDIX, 45T 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Ancestry, parentage, and early history of General Daniel Morgan The impressions 
 created by his first appearance in Virginia His first employment Superintends a mill 
 employed as a wagoner Purchases a wagon and horses, and becomes a wagoner on 
 his own account His great and rapid improvement, physical and mental Glance at the 
 country and its population He begins to attract notice The opening of the seven years 
 war Morgan engaged as a wagoner in the train of General Braddock The army 
 advances The difficulties which it encounters in its march Morgan fights and con 
 quers a noted pugilist Braddock s defeat The retreat to Fort Cumberland Measures 
 of defence taken by the Virginia Assembly Morgan employed as a wagoner in the 
 service of the colony. 
 
 REGARDING the ancestry, the parentage, and even the early 
 history of GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN, but little is known. The 
 writer deeply regrets the necessity, thus imposed upon him at 
 the very outset of his labors, of disappointing, if not disgusting 
 the reader : for generally, there is no part of a great man s 
 career which is regarded with more interest than that with 
 which it commences. But the deficiency should, and we feel 
 assured will be, ascribed to the causes about to be stated, and 
 not to any want of pains or perseverance on the part of the 
 
 writer. 
 
 17 
 
~* >C ** e* 1 ^ Cr*,y*\J ^ 1 ^l 
 
 18 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The only source of information on these points was General 
 Morgan himself. Yet for reasons which remain unexplained, he 
 was studiously uncommunicative regarding them. When ques 
 tioned concerning his parents or family, or the days of his 
 childhood, he either evaded a direct answer, or replied in a 
 manner that put a stop to further inquiries of such a nature. It 
 was only at rare intervals, and in the warmth of friendly conver 
 sation, that these subjects were broached by him, and then only 
 incidentally. On such occasions he would hastily resume the 
 main thread of his discourse, evincing, even to casual observation, 
 that he had betrayed himself into an allusion to recollections 
 that were either painful or disagreeable. To these occasional 
 and involuntary revelations we are, therefore, indebted for every 
 thing that is known concerning him, previous to his first appear 
 ance in Virginia. 
 
 General Morgan was of Welsh extraction. Between the years 
 1720 and 1730, many emigrants from Wales arrived at Phila 
 delphia, and, proceeding thence up the Delaware, settled on its 
 banks. Among those emigrants were his parents. He was 
 frequently heard to declare that his father and mother were 
 Welsh, and that they had emigrated to this country about the 
 above-mentioned period.* It appears that after residing on the 
 Pennsylvania side of the Delaware for a year or two, they 
 removed to the opposite shore, in New Jersey, where they lived 
 in a small clearing, cultivated by the father, until all trace of 
 them is lost. What their circumstances were, how they lived, 
 and when and where they died, are facts that were never 
 revealed by General Morgan ; and, perhaps, after his removal tc 
 Virginia, remained unknown even to himself. Whether they 
 had any children besides the subject of this notice, is a question 
 equally involved in mystery .f lie was never heard to speak of 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
 t A biographical sketch of General Morgan, published many years since, in a work, 
 entitled, " The Glory of America," states that he had a brother. " On the northern fron- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 19 
 
 brothers or sisters, however; and the impression is, either that 
 he never had any, or that having had either or both, they 
 died before he had attained a distinguished position. 
 
 In relation to the events and circumstances of his life, up to 
 the period, when, in 1753, and at the age of seventeen years, ho 
 made his first appearance in Virginia, he was equally reserved 
 Rogers, in his Biographical Dictionary, and a few other writers, 
 state that he was a native of Durham township, Bucks County, 
 Pennsyslvania. All other authorities, however, including his 
 descendants, concur in assigning to New Jersey the honor of his 
 birth, and it is believed, correctly so. He was born in Ilunterdon 
 County, in that State, in the winter of the year 1736. 
 
 The details of the succeeding seventeen years of his life would 
 furnish little to interest the reader, even were it in our power to 
 give them. When first known in Virginia, it was but too evident 
 that he had derived but little advantage from the teachings of 
 the schoolmaster, for he could read but indifferently, wrote a 
 hand barely legible, and had but an imperfect knowledge of the 
 fundamental rules of arithmetic. His manners were rude and 
 unpolished, and his appearance and conversation did not dis 
 tinguish him from the humble order of men to which he seemingly 
 belonged. From the time he was able to labor, he must have 
 been kept actively employed by his father, in clearing land, split- 
 ing fence rails, and in performing other tasks incidental to the 
 
 tier of New Jersey," the writer goes on to say, "his brother resided, whom he had not 
 seen for many years, and who, he learned, was in extreme indigence. On his return from 
 Saratoga, he left his troops a few days, and went twenty miles out of his way to see him. 
 During this visit, he slept on the bare floor, his brother having but one bed in the house, 
 which he refused to occupy on account of the indisposition of his sister-in-law. He offered 
 his brother a good farm if he would remove with him into Virginia, which, from strong 
 local attachment, his brother declined." We have looked around in vain for a confirma 
 tion of this story; and, all the circumstances being duly considered, we cannot accord 
 to it our belief. It is much more probable that such an offer was made by a rich and 
 generous brother, than that it was declined, for the reasons assigned, by a poor one. 
 But if this statement is correct, the brother must have died soon afterward, or the fact 
 of his existence would have become generally known, as was everything else in relation 
 to General Morgan, subsequent to his brilliant exploits during the War of Independence. 
 
20 THELIFEOF 
 
 improvement of a new farm. This was the only occupation he 
 understood at that period, and in this only he sought employment. 
 Everything regarding him, in fact, gave tokea of the great dis 
 advantages which must have surrounded his boyhood.* 
 
 The cause which resulted in his abandonment of the home of 
 his parents, and his settlement in Western Virginia, was briefly 
 stated by him to be a disagreement between his father and him 
 self. His departure was without the knowledge or consent of his 
 parents. He travelled through Pennsylvania during the winter 
 of 1753, stopping for a few weeks at Carlisle, where he obtained 
 some employment. In the spring of that year he crossed into 
 Virginia, and reached a small settlement in Berkeley County 
 (since Jefferson), called Charleston. Here, soon after his arrival, 
 he obtained employment from a Mr. Roberts, who cultivated a farm 
 in the neighborhood. 
 
 Young Morgan proved to be very industrious, and capable of 
 performing a large amount of labor. The first task at which he 
 was set was to grub a piece of ground in a rough, primitive state, 
 for which he was to be paid by the acre. The work was done so 
 much to the satisfaction of his employer, that he received a suc 
 cession of jobs of the same kind, and at length was engaged to 
 superintend a saw-mill, which had just been erected by Mr. 
 Roberts.f He was employed in this manner for the greater part 
 of a year, when a Mr. Ashley, steward to Nathaniel Burwell, Esq., 
 of Frederick County, offered him a situation as a wagoner. J At 
 this period, and for many years afterward, supplies for the region 
 west of the Blue Ridge were transported in wagons, from Frede- 
 rieksburg and the older settlements east of that range of moun 
 tains. The business of the wagoner had not then to contend with 
 the rivalry of the steamboat and the railroad ; it was, in conse 
 quence, a profitable and an important one. TLc wages offered to 
 Morgan by Mr. Ashley, were much better than those he had been 
 receiving at the saw-mill. Besides, the business recommended itself 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. t M8S. of Dr. Hill. j Lee s Memoirs, 428. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 21 
 
 to Morgan, as being less continuous and confining than the labor in 
 which he had been up to that time engaged ; and moreover, it favored 
 a design he had already formed, of becoming a wagoner on his own 
 account, as soon as he could command the means of purchasing a 
 wagon and horses. He accordingly accepted the situation, and for 
 about six months drove a wagon between the estate of Mr. Burwell, 
 on the Shenandoah,and the principal market towns east of the moun 
 tains. He was subsequently employed in the same capacity by 
 John Ballantyne, Esq., the owner of a plantation on Opequon 
 Creek.* 
 
 A little more than two years had elapsed since Morgan arrived 
 in Virginia, when his accumulated earnings enabled him to pur 
 chase a wagon and team. He now became a wagoner on his 
 own account, louring this period, the favorable change which 
 had taken place in his circumstances, was not more remarkable 
 than that which, his person and manners had experienced. The 
 half-formed boy liad developed into a man ; and one, too, of such 
 proportions and vigor as are seldom to be met with, even in per 
 sons above twenty years of age. His mind had experienced a 
 corresponding improvement, and already displayed those qualities 
 which seldom fail to confer on their possessor a distinction more 
 or less marked, according to the circumstances by which he is 
 surrounded. His strength and spirit, his frank and manly bear 
 ing, his intelligence and good-humor, set off by a rich fund of 
 natural wit, which he kept in constant exercise, rendered him a 
 favorite among the people, and contributed to give him a great 
 influence over his associates. 
 
 At this period, the settlements in this as in every other part of 
 Virginia, west of the Blue Ridge, were few and far between, 
 thinly inhabited by a people who, for the most part, were as 
 rough and uncultivated as the country they occupied. Winchester 
 was a small settlement, and Berrysville was in the womb of time.f 
 Beyond Winchester, in a westerly direction, the country was 
 
 MSS. of Dr. Hffl. t Sparks s Writings of Washington, Tol. ii., pp. 151, 9. 
 
22 THE LIFE OF 
 
 uninhabited, save by the aborigines, and by a few pioneers, 
 than ordinarily adventurous and daring. The perils by which the 
 inhabitants were surrounded, and the hardships and privations 
 which they were occasionally called upon to endure, gave a dash 
 of intrepidity and recklessness to their character, and made them 
 regard courage and other soldier-like qualities as those entitled to 
 the highest praise and honor. The habits and manners, feelings 
 and impulses, of Morgan, harmonized with those of the people 
 with whom he was then in association. He therefore not only 
 assimilated readily with them, but soon became popular in their 
 eyes. It was not long after this period, when his immense 
 strength and indomitable spirit, qualifications which, above all 
 others, captivate the humbler order of minds, gave him the undis 
 puted position of a leader among them.* 
 
 Morgan was pursuing his occupation of a wagoner, when 
 important events gave a new and advantageous turn to his ener 
 gies. 
 
 The rival claims of Great Britain and France to the fertile 
 regions west of the Alleghanies having been productive of blood 
 shed, were now about resulting in war. A short time before 
 hostilities broke out, Captain Trent was obliged to surrender the 
 fort he had established at the confluence of the Alleghany and 
 Monongahela rivers. Subsequently, Col. Washington surprised 
 the detachment of French under M. Jumonville; while he, in 
 turn, was obliged to succomb to the French and Indians, at the 
 Great Meadows.f Instances of savage incursion and murder had 
 been of common occurrence. They now increased to such a fear 
 ful extent, as to threaten the depopulation of the country west of 
 the Blue Ridge. The people of the provinces, and particularly 
 those of Virginia, were in a state of great excitement ; and from 
 New York to North Carolina, the preparations for war were 
 everywhere observable in the enlistment and organization of 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. t Marshall s Washington (Second Edition), vol. i., pp. 4-6. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 23 
 
 troops, and the collection of military stores, wagons, horses, <fcc. 
 General Braddock having been sent from England with a fine 
 army for the conquest of the country west of the mountains, had 
 arrived in the Potomac, and was awaiting the opening of the 
 spring to commence operations.* 
 
 The contemplated advance of so large an army through such 
 an extent of wilderness, called for extensive means of transporta 
 tion, but it was with the greatest difficulty, that the necessary sup 
 ply of horses and wagons could be obtained.f One so full of the 
 spirit of a warrior as was Morgan, needed not offers more tempt 
 ing than those which were made him to join the expedition with 
 his wagon and horses. He relinquished his peaceful pursuits, and 
 commenced his military career in the humble capacity of a 
 teamster. 
 
 The army under Braddock, consisting of two British regiments, 
 with a train of artillery, and the necessary supplies of provisions 
 and military stores, was put in motion early in April, and concen 
 trated at Fort Cumberland, the designated base of future ope 
 rations, about the middle of May. Here it was joined by a pro 
 vincial force of about twelve hundred men, and a body of team 
 sters, camp-followers, &c., to the number of five hundred more. 
 In the beginning of this month, Morgan proceeded to Fort 
 Cumberland with a wagon-load of supplies; and there, with 
 a large number of troops, regular and provincial, and teamsters, 
 and others engaged in the service, awaited the arrival of the 
 army. The object of the British general was the capture of Fort 
 Duquesne ; and, to effect this, he intended moving forward with 
 out delay. But, from the want of a sufficient number of wagons 
 and horses to transport the artillery and supplies, it was found that 
 an immediate advance was impracticable. After three weeks 
 had been consumed in supplying this deficiency, the army wa? at 
 
 * Marshall s Washington (First Edition), vol. i., p. 884. 
 
 t Ibid, vol. i., p. 390. 
 
 $ Spark s Writings of Washington, vol. ii., p. 469. 
 
24 THELIFEOF 
 
 length put in motion. But so slow and difficult was the advance, 
 that, upon reaching the Little Meadows, it was found necessary to 
 adopt new measures to expedite the progress of the army. A 
 body of twelve hundred men, composed of the greater part of the 
 regular forces, and several companies of provincial troops, com 
 manded by Braddock in person, was accordingly pushed forward. 
 The remainder of the army, having in charge the artillery, bag 
 gage, and supplies, was left under the command of Colonel Dun- 
 bar, who had orders to follow the advance by easy marches.* 
 
 The first division moved from the camp at Little Meadows 
 on the 19th of June, leaving Colonel Dunbar and his command at 
 that place. With the latter, the nature of Morgan s duty com 
 pelled him to remain. The country through which they had to 
 advance was rugged and uneven, and the road was intersected by 
 swamps and creeks ; they consequently moved forward but very 
 slowly. The horses at length became so fatigued as to threaten a 
 stop to further progress. Among the expedients resorted to, for 
 the purpose of accelerating the advance, one was to detach from 
 one-half of the wagons and artillery-carriages the horses belonging 
 to them, and attaching double teams to the rest, to move forward 
 in this manner for half a mile or so. The horses were then 
 brought back, and attached to the remainder of the baggage- 
 train, when they again moved in advance of that already thrown 
 forward. 
 
 It was during this march that the circumstances occurred which 
 are related in the following anecdote. A difficulty arose between 
 the captain of a company of Virginia troops (to which Morgan 
 was attached in his capacity of wagoner, his wagon b^ino- laden 
 with their baggage), and a powerful fellow who accompanied 
 the army, and who had the reputation of being a skilful pugilist, 
 and a bully. It was agreed between the disputants that upon the 
 first halt the matter should be settled by a fight. As soon as the 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 891. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 25 
 
 company halted for dinner, the captain stepped out to meet 
 his antagonist, when he was accosted by Morgan 
 
 " Captain," said he, " you must not light that man." 
 
 " Why not 2" inquired the officer. 
 
 " Because," replied Morgan, " you are our captain, and if the 
 fellow was to lick you, we should be all disgraced. But, I 
 will fight him, and if he licks me, it will not hurt the credil of the 
 company." 
 
 The captain remonstrated ; but disliking the necessity of placing 
 himself on a level with a blackguard, and perceiving that his 
 antagonist was. perfectly willing to accede to the arrangement, he 
 consented. Morgan, stripping himself, at once engaged the bully, 
 and in a very short space of time, gave him so severe a beating 
 that he was unable to rise from the ground. The prowess 
 displayed by one so young, against a man of mature years 
 and vigorous frame, and who, moreover, was celebrated as a pugi 
 list, gave Morgan high consideration among his associates. 
 
 From the 19th of June, the day on which Braddock moved for 
 ward with the advance, until the 10th of July, the troops under 
 Colonel Dunbar followed slowly and with great difficulty. On the 
 evening of the 10th, while lyin encamped at a point about seven 
 miles west of the Great Meadows, the disastrous news of Brad- 
 dock s defeat reached them. During the succeeding two days, 
 fragments of the discomfited detachments continued to arrive, 
 and soon the contagion of their fears spread through the camp. 
 Numbers of the provincial troops immediately turned back 
 towards home ; and many of the wagoners, after disencumbering 
 their wagons, drove off to the settlements, leaving the helpless 
 sick and wounded to escape, as they best could, the savage 
 enemy, who, it was supposed, were in hot pursuit* 
 
 On the morning of the 12th of July, General Braddock was 
 brought into the camp upon a litter. An order was soon after 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. ii., p. 86. 
 
 2 
 
26 THE LIFE OF 
 
 given to retreat to Fort Cumberland; and on the 13th, the artil 
 lery, stores, baggage, &c., having been destroyed, the wagons 
 remaining, among which Morgan s was included, were filled with 
 the sick and wounded, and started in that direction. The troops 
 under Colonel Dunbar remained on the ground until the next 
 day, in order to check the expected pursuit of the French 
 and Indians, and to await the arrival of such of the fugitives as 
 were still behind unhurt. During the night of the 13th, and 
 when the retreating forces were within a mile of the Great 
 Meadows, General Braddock expired.* He was buried in the 
 middle of the road, to prevent the discovery of his body by the 
 Indians. Morgan s wagon drove over the grave, as did all the 
 wagons which, followed him on the route to Cumberland. On 
 the 17th, the sick and wounded, with the fugitives, arrived 
 at Cumberland. Colonel Dunbar, with the remainder of the 
 army, also, soon after, reached that place. 
 
 The news of the disastrous result of Braddock s campaign was 
 received throughout the British provinces with the greatest asto 
 nishment. On the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, it 
 created the liveliest apprehensions. The fears of the inhabitants 
 of those exposed situations, that the enemy would profit by their 
 successes, and renew their robbing and murdering incursions, 
 were speedily realized. The exigencies of the case required 
 the application of all the means of resistance which the British 
 officers, or the colonial authorities, could command. But, Colonel 
 Dunbar, notwithstanding the defenceless state of the frontier, and 
 the expected advance of the enemy, soon after put his troops in 
 motion for Philadelphia, where they went into winter quar 
 ters.! 
 
 The government of Virginia met the emergency with prompti 
 tude and vigor. It authorized an additional regiment of sixteen 
 companies to be immediately raised, and appoir <ted Washington as 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 895. 
 
G E N E E A t, DANIEL M u E G A N . 27 
 
 its commander. One of the minor consequences of this and 
 other measures, having in view the defence of the Virginia fron 
 tier, was the continuance of Morgan in the service of the colony. 
 He, with his wagon and team, was attached to the quarter-mas 
 ter s department. 
 
28 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER IT. 
 
 Morgan is engaged in transporting supplies The attack of a band of Indians repulsed 
 He strikes an officer, and receives five hundred lashes Anecdote Inroad of the 
 French and Indians Surprise and destruction of Captain Mercer and his command 
 Morgan joins a body of militia sent to reinforce the garrison at Edward s fort In an 
 attack upon the fort, Morgan distinguishes himself Receives commission as ensign 
 Falls into an ambuscade, is desperately wounded, but escapes Remarks upon his char 
 acter, habits, &c. The meetings at Berry s tavern His fights with Bill Davis Anec 
 dote Morgan marries Establishes himself at " Soldiers Rest" Pontiac s war Mor 
 gan takes the field, and advances to Fort Cumberland At the close of the war, returns 
 home His daughters His moral and intellectual improvement Is commissioned a 
 captain. 
 
 DURING the eight years which succeeded the defeat of Brad- 
 dock, we have only occasional glimpses of Morgan s career. This 
 is unfortunate, for the period was full of terrible incidents, a 
 knowledge of his participation in which, it is believed, would fur 
 nish us with instances of heroism as brilliant as those which 
 afterwards rendered him famous. There is no doubt of the fact, 
 however, that he shared in nearly all the principal military 
 events of the Avar, and that he was frequently a member of the 
 small parties of woodsmen which so often went in pursuit of pre 
 datory bands of the French and Indians. Such of these, and other 
 remarkable events of his life during this period as have survived 
 the wear of time, will now be given. 
 
 During the fall of 1755, and the winter and spring of the suc 
 ceeding year, Morgan was engaged in transporting supplies to the 
 troops which were posted at various points along the Virginia 
 frontier. In the performance of this duty, he was constantly sub- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 29 
 
 jected to the greatest danger from the lurking foe ; and on two 
 or three occasions, narrowly escaped being killed. On one of 
 these, he contributed so essentially to the repulse of a band of 
 Indians, who waylaid the small party which accompanied him 
 and some other wagoners, on the road from Fort Cumberland to 
 Winchester, as to have accorded to him the credit of the victory. 
 
 In the spring of 1756, he was sent with a wagon-load of stores 
 to Fort Chiswell, one of the posts which had been established along 
 the Virginian frontier, and situated on the head waters of New 
 River. While at this place, a terrible disaster befell him. A 
 British lieutenant, taking offence at something which Morgan had 
 said or done, abused him in violent terms, and at length struck 
 him with the flat of his sword. Morgan s indomitable spirit could 
 not brook this outrage. Forthwith clenching his fist, he struck 
 the officer so heavy a blow as to extend him senseless on the 
 ground. This was regarded as an offence so grave against military 
 law, as to call for summary and exemplary punishment. A drum 
 head court-martial sentenced Morgan to receive five hundred 
 lashes. Being immediately stripped and tied up, he received all at 
 once the allotted number of lashes, save one. When the terrible 
 punishment was over, it is said that the flesh on his back hung 
 down in tags.* None but one possessing unusual powers of 
 endurance, and an iron constitution, could have survived an act 
 of cruelty so extraordinary, even in the British army of that day. 
 But he soon recovered from its effects. The officer, sensible upon 
 reflection that he had been in the wrong, and regretting the con 
 sequences which had followed, afterwards made Morgan a public 
 apology. This was a slight atonement for so deep an injury ; yet 
 it was deemed sufficient by Morgan, who, from that moment, mag 
 nanimously discharged his mind of all resentment towards the 
 author of his sufferings and disgrace. 
 
 In the summer of 1790, at Old Fort Chiswell, the tavern-keeper 
 nt. that place pointed out to our informantf the white oak tree 
 
 * MSS of Dr. Eill. t MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
30 THELIFEOF 
 
 to which Morgan was tied when he received this unmercifi 
 lashing. 
 
 In after life, and when among his friends, Morgan frequentl" 
 alluded to this event; but seldom without humorously remarking 
 that there was one lash of his sentence remaining unpaid. As jv 
 instance of this kind, the following anecdote is related of him 
 when, in after years, he was confined by his last illness to his bed. 
 "Upon one occasion," says our informant,* "while assisting in 
 changing his linen, I discovered his back to be covered with 
 scars and ridges from the shoulders to the waist. General, said 
 I, * what has been the matter with your back ? * Ah ! replied he, 
 * that is the doings of old King George. While I was in his ser 
 vice, upon a certain occasion, he promised to give me five hundred 
 lashes. But he failed in his promise, and gave me but four hun 
 dred and ninety-nine ; so he has been owing me one lash ever since. 
 While the drummer was laying them on my back, I heard him 
 miscount one. I was counting after him at the time. I did not 
 think it worth while to tell him of his mistake, and let it go so ! " 
 
 During the spring and summer of 175*7, the French and 
 Indians, descending in great numbers into the country east of the 
 mountains, and penetrating to the base of the Blue Ridge, spread 
 death and destruction among the intermediate settlements. All 
 the minor forts were attacked, and even forts Cumberland and 
 London were menaced. Among other disasters which befell the 
 Virginians during this period, was the surprise and destruction of 
 Captain Mercer and thirty-six of his men, by a large body of 
 French and Indians. This officer, with fifty men, garrisoned 
 Edward s fort, a post situated on the south side of the Cacapehon 
 river, and at a point about twenty miles northwest of Winchester. 
 A. large body of French and Indians having committed several 
 murders in the vicinity of the fort, Captain Mercer, at the heau 
 of the greater part of his garrison, sallied out in pursuit of the 
 enemy. The latter, anticipating this step, scattered meal along 
 
 * Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 31 
 
 the line of their retreat, and adopted other expedients to draw 
 their pursuers into the ambuscade which was subsequently pre 
 pared for them, under the abrupt bank of a small stream. Mer 
 cer s men were passing the fatal spot, when the Indians opened a 
 destructive fire upon them, sixteen falling dead at the first dis 
 charge. The others, attempting to save themselves by flight, 
 were pursued and slaughtered in every direction, until, out of 
 forty men, but six reached the fort in safety.* 
 
 Edward s fort forming an important link in the chain of fron 
 tier defences, it was necessary to supply without delay the loss 
 which its garrison had sustained in the late disastrous affair. All 
 the troops at Winchester at this time were about fifty recruits, who 
 formed the garrison of Fort Loudon. None of these could be 
 spared, for even that important post was menaced by the enemy. 
 In this emergency, the militia were called out.f Among the rest 
 who promptly obeyed the call, was Morgan. With about fifty 
 others, he marched to Edward s fort, and remained there for some 
 time. 
 
 This is the first occasion that we have any knowledge of, on 
 which Morgan appeared in the ranks of an army. What his 
 position was in the garrison is unknown. It is believed, however, 
 to have been one of command. 
 
 A short time after his arrival at Edward s fort, it was attacked 
 by a formidable body of French and Indians. On the morning 
 of the second day after the fort was invested, the enemy made a 
 sudden and furious assault upon the works. But chiefly owing 
 to the brave example set the garrison by Morgan, who, it is said, 
 killed four of the savages in as many minutes, they repulsed their 
 assailants with great slaughter. As the latter were seen retiring, 
 Morgan shouted out at the height of his powerful voice, " Let us 
 follow the red devils !" The garrison sallied forth as one man, and 
 soon overtook the retreating foe. After a short, but desperate 
 
 * Kercheval s History of Virginia, p. 146. 
 
 t Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. ii., p. 142. 
 
32 TKELIFEOF 
 
 conflict, the Indians fled in every direction, leaving a large num 
 her of their killed and wounded on the field. 
 
 The courage and prowess, as well as the judgment and presence 
 of mind which Morgan displayed on this occasion, attracted 
 general notice, and won him the meed of universal applause. He 
 was no longer the obscure and unobserved wagoner or militia man, 
 but was regarded as one who had given unequivocal proofs of his 
 fitness to command. He was now fairly on the road to dis 
 tinction. His acquaintance with Washington commenced about 
 this time, and was one of the consequences of his meritorious 
 conduct. 
 
 In the spring of 1758, great preparations were made for the 
 campaign which resulted in the evacuation of Fort Duquesne, the 
 expulsion of the French from the valley of the Ohio, and the 
 extortion of a temporary peace from their Indian auxiliaries. The 
 Provincial Government exerted itself in raising and organizing 
 troops, and in otherwise aiding the efforts of the commander of 
 the British forces, General Forbes.* The soldiery qualities which 
 Morgan had so frequently exhibited, caused him to be recom 
 mended to the governor by several of the leading men of West 
 ern Virginia, for a captaincy. But from that perversity of dis 
 position which seems to have constantly influenced, if not con 
 trolled, Governor Dinwiddie s official conduct, he refused the soli 
 cited promotion. Notwithstanding it was represented to the 
 governor, that Morgan, besides his high military qualifications 
 possessed great influence among the people in Frederick, and the 
 adjoining counties, and that his advancement to a captaincy 
 would have the effect of swelling the ranks of the Provincial 
 troops ; all that could be obtained for him was an ensign s com 
 mission. This he accepted ; and in the capacity of an ensign, he 
 was stationed, first, at Edward s fort, and afterwards at other 
 forts on the western frontier of Virginia. It was while engaged 
 in this way that an event occurred, which nearly cost him his 
 
 * Marshall s Life, vol. i., pp. 488-441. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 33 
 
 life, and suspended for a time his military career. The details 
 are as follows : 
 
 He was sent with an escort of two soldiers from one of these 
 forts, with dispatches to the commanding officer at Winchester. 
 About a mile from the place where this fort formerly stood, is a 
 remarkable precipice called the Hanging Rock. A part of the 
 road, along which Morgan and his companions had to travel, lay 
 between the fort and this precipice, and the margin of a water 
 course, leaving an intervening space, just wide enough for a man 
 to pass. The place was rendered memorable from being the scene, 
 years before, of a terrible encounter between contending parties 
 of Catawba and Delaware Indians, and was admirably adapted 
 for an ambuscade. For this purpose it appears to have been 
 selected by a party of Indians and a few Frenchmen, who were 
 then prowling about, seeking an opportunity for plunder and 
 slaughter. Fully aware of the vicinity of the fort, they were not 
 disapointed in their expectations of surprising some party going 
 to, or coming from it. The enemy hid themselves among the 
 rocks above the road, and lay quietly until Morgan and his escort 
 came under them, when, taking deliberate aim, they fired, 
 killing the escort, and desperately wounding Morgan himself. 
 The men fell instantly from their horses, which the Indians had 
 taken care not to injure. The ball which struck Morgan entered in 
 at the back of the neck, grazing the left side of the neck-bone ; 
 then passing through into the mouth, near the socket of the jaw 
 bone, came out through the left cheek. In its passage, the ball 
 knocked out all of the teeth on the left side, without, however, 
 otherwise materially injuring the jaw. Although terribly 
 wounded, Morgan kept his seat. The blood ran in a stream from 
 the fearful wound, and he became helplessly weak ; yet he pre 
 served his senses until he had secured himself from further harm. 
 The animal upon which he was mounted, a fine young filley, was 
 so frightened by the unexpected discharge, that for a few moments 
 elie stood motionless, as if spellbound. At length, leaning fop 
 
 2* 
 
34: THE LIFE OF 
 
 ward, and grasping her neck \vith his arras, he urged her into 
 motion. Fortunately for her rider, she took the direction 
 back to the fort. The Indians, supposing him to be mortally 
 wounded, left him to be followed by one of their party only, and 
 turned to scalp the two who had fallen, and to catch their horses. 
 Morgan, in the mean time, feeling certain that he had but a short 
 time to live, was only anxious to get beyond the reach of h ; s pur 
 suers, before he died, that he might prevent his body from being 
 mangled. He urged on his mare with his heels, and the noble 
 animal, putting forth her utmost strength, bore him beyond the 
 reach of the Indian, never slackening her speed until she reached 
 the fort. 
 
 The late Morgan Neville, Esq. (a grandson of Morgan), in a 
 biographical sketch of the general, written by him, remarks on 
 this fortunate escape as follows: 
 
 " I well remember, when a boy, to have heard General Mor 
 gan describe, in his own powerful and graphic style, the expression 
 of the Indian s face, as he ran with open mouth and tomahawk in 
 hand, by the side of the horse, expecting every moment to see 
 his victim fall. But when the panting savage found the horse 
 was fast leaving him behind, he threw his tomahawk, without 
 effect, and abandoned the pursuit with a yell of disappoint 
 ment." 
 
 Morgan was taken from his horse perfectly insensible. For a 
 long time his case was a critical one ; but with care and judicious 
 treatment, he recovered, after a confinement of more than six 
 months. It may be remarked here, that notwithstanding the 
 numberless perils which lie encountered, as well before as after 
 this event, during his long and active military career, this was the 
 only wound he ever received. 
 
 Morgan was now about twenty-three years of age. His appear 
 ance at this time was remarkably imposing, and indicative of 
 great strength and activity. In height he was upwards of six feet ; 
 his form was symmetrically put together, muscular and massive ; 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 35 
 
 and, although unencumbered with an ounce of superfluous flesh, he 
 weighed nearly two hundred pounds. Upon his return to Frede 
 rick, he renewed his intimacy with his old associates. His fine 
 military appearance, no less than his courage, and the general 
 manliness of his conduct, gave him a high position among them ; 
 while the superior traits of character he displayed, and the suffer 
 ings he had so manfully endured, secured him the regard and 
 sympathy of a better class of people. 
 
 But his morals had suffered by the life he had been leading. 
 His associates in the army had not been of the best description, 
 and his habits had consequently experienced a change for the 
 worse. Card-playing is a common refuge of the soldier from the 
 tedium of inaction ; and, in those days, many, even of the higher 
 rank of military officers, furnished indifferent examples of sobriety 
 to the men in the ranks. Morgan had become addicted to drink 
 ing and gaming. But his strength of constitution enabled him to 
 bear excess in liquor, without appearing intoxicated : indeed, 
 in such a state he was seldom or never seen. He thus escaped 
 being regarded as a drunkard. His skill as a gamester had 
 the effect of increasing, rather than of diminishing, his resources. 
 These and kindred habits, necessarily threw him into the company 
 of the very worst description of people, and led him, besides, into 
 numberless broils and difficulties. 
 
 Yet, although for a time addicted to habits of the most demo 
 ralizing character, and which generally lead their victims to 
 destruction, the judgment and prudence which ever stood forth 
 prominently in his character, prevented them from exercising 
 more than a limited control over him. He was still industrious 
 snd saving. He longed to be above a condition of dependence ; 
 and, even amid the wild orgies which filled up so large a portion 
 of his time, he never lost sight of this laudable ambition. 
 
 When we duly consider the times in which he lived, the loose 
 code of morals which then prevailed, and the unfavorable circum 
 stances which had, from his boyhood, surrounded him, much ma v 
 
36 THE LIFE OF 
 
 be educed in extenuation of bis faults. These, bis after life 
 triumphantly proved to be fortuitous deviations from the walks 
 in life wbich bis unbiased inclinations prompted birn to follow. 
 But it must be admitted that his conduct at this period furnished 
 anything but a presage of the distinction which he was vet 
 to achieve. Would that we could draw a veil over this portion 
 of his life, without at the same time doing violence to truth and 
 justice. 
 
 It was the custom at this time for all the athletic young men 
 who resided in the country, between Winchester and the Shenan- 
 doah river, to assemble every Saturday afternoon, at a tavern, 
 about midway between the river and the town, kept by a 
 man named Benjamin Berry. Here they boxed, wrestled, and 
 practised other athletic exercises during the daylight, while drink 
 ing and gaming generally occupied the night. Morgan was 
 a constant attendant at these meetings, and in trials of strength 
 and agility, almost invariably carried off the palm of superiority 
 from his competitors. These exercises, though always commenced 
 in a friendly spirit, would sometimes produce angry feelings, and 
 end in a fight. Morgan s superior vigor drew on him the envy 
 and ill-will of many whose pride he had humbled in this way; and 
 his fiery disposition bursting into flame on sufficient provocation, 
 he had his full share of serious encounters.* 
 
 In the mountain, on the east side of the river Shenandoah, 
 resided three or four brothers by the name of Davis, all of whom 
 were men of extraordinary size and bodily strength. One of 
 these, Bill Davis, as he was called, was the strongest and most 
 active of them all. He was reputed to be the champion of 
 the neighborhood ; and he and his brothers kept the whole coun 
 try around in awe of them. It happened, at one of the Saturday 
 evening gatherings at Berry s tavern, that Morgan had a difference 
 with this champion Bill Davis, which produced a tremendous fight 
 between them. Morgan, in speaking of this battle many years 
 
 *MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 37 
 
 afterwards, acknowledged it as his belief that Davis surpassed him 
 in strength, but that he made up for this deficiency in superior 
 dexterity, tact, and management. After a long and terrible fight, 
 Davis was obliged to yield, and Morgan, amid the triumphant 
 shouts of his friends, was proclaimed the conqueror. This event 
 was a source of great joy to the neighborhood. While it gratified 
 the resentment of those whose pride had been humbled by the 
 Davises, it added much to Morgan s popularity and reputation.* 
 
 Under the chagrin of this defeat, Bill Davis threatened ven 
 geance, and announced his intention of trying conclusions with 
 Morgan again. Afraid, however, to venture on this experiment 
 single-handed, he induced his brothers, and a few other moun 
 taineer bullies, to the number of half a dozen or more, to unite 
 with him for the purpose of taking possession of the play-ground 
 at the tavern, and of driving Morgan and his friends from 
 the premises. Morgan, being apprised of this design, selected 
 from among the latter an equal number of the stoutest men 
 he could find, when he repaired with them to the tavern, and 
 awaited the arrival of his foes. Soon Davis and his friends 
 appeared, and a severe battle ensued, which resulted in the 
 discomfiture of the assailants. For a year or so afterwards, these 
 factions contended with each other; and, before the contest 
 ended, many a fierce and protracted battle was fought between 
 them. Chiefly through the skill and management of Morgan, if 
 not from his courage and strength, and his superiority as a 
 pugilist, his party always came off the conquerors. They finally 
 drove the Davises and their friends from the tavern, and kept the 
 play-ground to themselves.f 
 
 This tavern was situated at a place about ten miles east of 
 Winchester, and six miles west of the Shenandoah river. Around 
 the spot has since sprung up a thriving village, which is popu 
 larly known as Battletown a name it derived from its site being 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. t MSS. of Dr. Hill 
 
38 THELIFEOF 
 
 the scene of those numerous encounters to which we have just 
 adverted. The present inhabitants are, it is said, very anxious to 
 have the place called by its proper name, Benysville, a name which 
 was given to it by Mr. Berry, the proprietor of the tavern, and 
 the former owner of a part of the land on which it is built. It is. 
 nevertheless, called Battletown by everybody in that part of the 
 country, excepting the inhabitants of the village themselves.* 
 
 In connection with the account just given of Morgan s fight 
 with Bill Davis, the following little anecdote, communicated 
 to the writer by Dr. Wm. Hill, who attended and nursed Morgan 
 during the closing scene of his life, may appropriately be 
 introduced here : " While helping the general out of his bed," 
 observes Mr. Hill, " I discovered one of his toes lying upon the 
 top of his foot. * General, what is the matter with this toe of 
 yours ? I inquired. I got that many years ago, he replied, in 
 a fight I had with Bill Davis, and in kicking him, at Battletown. 
 I broke that toe, then, and I never could get it to lie in its right 
 place since. " 
 
 This was certainly the most unfavorable and unpromising epoch 
 of Morgan s life. The dearth of particulars regarding it is the 
 less to be regretted, from the belief that were it otherwise, an 
 unpleasant duty would devolve on his biographer. We may con 
 fidentially say, however, that his faults were those of an impru 
 dent, and not of a vicious disposition. They were the results, not 
 of an innate depravity of heart, but of a defective education, ana 
 bad associations, operating on a mind as yet unformed, and preg 
 nant with the wildest impulses. 
 
 Happily, as he advanced in years, he became more and more 
 sensible of the impropriety and folly of his conduct. Before he 
 
 * Berrysville is now the county seat of Clark County. It was established, Jan. 8, 1798, 
 on twenty acres of land, belonging to Benjamin Berry and Sarah Strebling, and the fol 
 lowing gentlemen appointed trustees: Daniel Morgan, Wm. McGuire, Archibald McGill, 
 Kawleigh Colston, John Milton, Thos. Strebling, Geo. Blackmore, Chas. Smith, and Bush- 
 rod Taylor. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 39 
 
 attained his twenty-seventh year, he had gradually reformed his 
 habits, and adopted a discreet and orderly way of living. 
 
 How far this gratifying change was contributed to, by the great 
 master-passion, Love, it would be difficult to say. Certain it is, 
 however, that about this time he became enamored with a young 
 and lovely woman, named Abigail Bailey, who soon afterwards 
 became his wife. 
 
 Mrs. Morgan, like her husband, was indebted for the distinction 
 that attended her after life, to none of those considerations which 
 the admirers of high connections and a remote ancestry always 
 include in their estimates of personal worth and respectability. 
 She was the daughter of poor parents, who resided on a small 
 farm in Berkeley County, and who cultivated the soil for a sub 
 sistence. Like thousands of the matrons of those days, the 
 mothers of our heroes, sages, and statesmen, the circumstances of 
 the times and of the country denied her the advantages of an 
 education. She possessed a person and mind that were formed 
 by nature to adorn the most brilliant circle of beauty and talent; 
 and what is of greater consequence, her heart was full of every 
 virtuous and elevating principle. Long before the period when 
 the fortunes of her husband gave them both a position in the 
 first rank of society, her susceptibility of improvement was 
 evinced in the lady-like ease and grace which she had acquired, 
 and the good sense, not to say elegance, which her conversation 
 displayed. 
 
 Some time before his marriage, Morgan purchased from a Mr. 
 Morton, a handsome two-story dwelling, and a valuable piece of 
 land, situated at a short distance from Berry s tavern, which he 
 named " Soldier s Rest." Here, with his wife, he established 
 himself, and commenced his domestic career. 
 
 Shortly after Morgan s marriage and settlement at " Soldier s 
 Rest," peace was concluded between the French and English 
 governments. This event was almost immediately followed bjf 
 
40 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the combined and terrible onslaught on the forts and the inhabi 
 tants along the whole Western frontier, from the Lakes to North 
 Carolina, rendered memorable as Pontiac s War. To give any 
 thing like an adequate idea of the fearful ravages which were 
 committed by the Indians on this occasion, would occupy a space 
 greater than can be spared to events which are fully detailed in 
 history, and which have but a partial relation to the subject ot 
 this work. The surprise and massacre of the settlements at 
 Muddy Creek, and Big Levels, aroused the Governor and Council 
 of Virginia to the necessity of prompt measures of defence, if 
 they would save the region west of the Blue Ridge from being laid 
 waste and depopulated. One thousand of the militia were, accord 
 ingly, called into service, in aid of the regular forces already on 
 the frontier. 1 * Of these, five hundred were draughted from the 
 Northwestern counties, and placed under the command of Colonel 
 Stevens. Morgan took the field on this occasion, and held the 
 post tof lieutenant in one of the companies of this regiment. 
 
 A short time after the organization of this body of men. 
 Colonel Stevens advanced a number of small detachments in sup 
 port of those points which most needed defence. It was found, 
 however, that the savage enemy had suddenly decamped. This 
 unexpected and imnccountable movement was subsequently 
 explained by the fierce and protracted attack which was made by 
 the Indians on the forces under Colonel Bouquet, while on their 
 march to Fort Pitt. This officer was dispatched, with five hun 
 dred men and a supply of military stores, for the relief of that 
 fort. The Indians, on hearing of his march, concentrated from 
 every quarter, in the hope of surprising and destroying him. They 
 attacked his troops, on the 5th of August, in a defile near the 
 head waters of Turtle Creek. But after a bloody encounter, 
 which lasted the greater part of one day and the morning of the 
 next, Colonel Bouquet practised a stratagem which secured him 
 
 * Sparks g Writings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 841. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 the victory.* He was then permitted to proceed to Fort Pitt 
 without further molestation. On finding- that the Indians had 
 disappeared, Colonel Stevens, suspecting some such design as that 
 which they had in view, advanced to Fort Cumberland with two 
 hundred and fifty of his command. The remainder were stationed 
 in the vicinity of Winchester. Morgan, with a detachment from 
 this latter force, was posted for some weeks at a place since 
 known as Pugh s Town. But after the defeat sustained by the 
 Indians in their encounter with Colonel Bouquet, they did not 
 give the militia an opportunity of engaging them, but soon after 
 retired to their towns, north and west of the Ohio. The subse 
 quent advance into their country of General Bradstreet and 
 Colonel Bouquet, forced them to conclude a peace, the terms of 
 which were afterwards arranged at the " Treaty of the German 
 Flats." The militia were accordingly disbanded, and Morgan 
 returned to his home. 
 
 Here, with his wife, and the two daughters with which she 
 subsequently presented him, he passed the succeeding nine years in 
 domestic pursuits. A life of this kind seldom affords many inte 
 resting incidents, nor does it tend to develop distinguishing 
 traits of character. During this period he was diligently employed 
 in the cultivation of his farm, and the extension of its limits, and 
 in adding the usual appurtenances of a complete country residence. 
 He paid considerable attention to the raising of stock, in which 
 he was very successful. By his military grants for the services he 
 had rendered during the previous wars, he had acquired a con 
 siderable quantity of valuable land. The result of all this was, 
 that about the year 1771, his resources were very much increased, 
 and he began to be regarded among his neighbors as a man of 
 substance. He had long since abandoned his former loose asso 
 ciates, and was now exclusively the companion of the worthy and 
 intelligent Mrs. Morgan, who was a very pious lady, and exercised 
 a happy influence over him. The^e is no doubt that she contribu- 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. ii, p. 834. 
 
42 THELIFEOF 
 
 ted largely to 1lie amendment which his manners and morals dis 
 played about this period.* 
 
 Morgan s mind had in the meantime experienced a correspond 
 ing improvement. For some time previously, and during his after 
 life, his leisure hours were chiefly occupied in reading, and in 
 otherwise improving his defective education. He took a lively 
 interest in public affairs, and his discussions on this subject indi 
 cated an independent mind and a sound judgment. On those 
 vital questions, which already arrayed the people against their 
 rulers, and which eventually set the ball of revolution in motion, 
 the opinions he held and avowed were equally indicative of the 
 freeman and the patriot. 
 
 Their two daughters profited by the pious training of the 
 mother, and the solicitude of the father for their education. 
 N"one are so conscious of the advantages of mental culture as 
 those who experience the daily mortifications arising from a want 
 of it. The children of such people are generally as well educated 
 as the means of their parents will admit. 
 
 Between the years 1764 and 1774, we have but one incident 
 of a military nature to record, having reference to the subject of 
 this work. In the year 1771, he received a commission! from 
 Wm. Nelson, Esq., the acting Governor of Virginia at the time, as 
 Captain of the militia of Frederick County. 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
 t WILLIAM NELSON, ESQ., PRESIDENT OF HIS MAJESTY S COUNCIL, AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF 
 THE COLONY AND DOMINION OF VIRGINIA, 
 
 To DANIEL MORGAN, GENT, 
 
 By virtue of the power and authority to me given, as President of His Majesty s 
 Council, and Commander in Chief in and over this Colony and Dominion of Virginia, with 
 full power and authority to appoint officers, both civil and military, within the same, I, 
 reposing especial trust in your loyalty, courage, and good conduct, do, by these presents, 
 appoint you, the said Daniel Morgan, Captain of the militia of the county of Frederick, 
 whereof Adam Stephen, Esq., is Lieutenant and Chief Commander: You are therefore to 
 act as Captain, by duly exercising the officers and soldiers under your command, taking 
 particular care that they be provided with arms and ammunition, as the laws of the colony 
 direct; and you are to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time, 
 
GENEKAo J> A N I E L MORGAN. 43 
 
 as you shall receive from me, or any other superior officers, according to the rules and 
 discipline of war, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. 
 
 Given at Williamsburgh, under my hand, and the seal of the Colony, 
 this fourth , and in the eleventh year of His Majesty s reign, 
 
 Anno Dooini, 1771. 
 
 "WILLIAM NELSON. 
 
41 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Increase of population and resources of the Virginia Valley Dissatisfaction of the Indians 
 at the encroachments of the whites The murder of Indians Preparations for war 
 The expedition to the Wappatomica towns, under Major McDonald Morgan commands 
 a company therein After destroying the towns, corn, Ac., McDonald retreats Con 
 flict with the Indians on the march Arrival at Wheeling of Lord Dunmore with the 
 northern division of the army Is joined by Morgan The army advances towards the 
 Shawanese towns Battle of the Point Morgan marches with a detachment under 
 Major Crawford, and destroys the hostile towns Peace concluded with the Indians 
 Events preliminary to the Revolutionary struggle Pledge of the troops to support the 
 Bostonians in the event of hostilities The war commenced Morgan commissioned a 
 captain of riflemen Raises a company and marches to Boston Joins a detachment 
 commanded by Arnold, about starting on a secret expedition. 
 
 FOR several years after the termination of Pontiac s War, 
 but little occurred, in the Valley of Virginia, at least, to check 
 or interrupt the advancement of the peaceful arts, or to call into 
 action the arms of the province. The chief features of the times, 
 and of those which followed, in this quarter, until the commence 
 ment of what has been called "Lord Dunmore s War," were, 
 the rapid increase of the population and resources of the country ; 
 the immense tide of emigration which flowed thither, and to the 
 region beyond, a far even as the backs of the Ohio river ; and 
 the rage for speculating in public lands. These circumstances 
 were regarded by the Indians with undisguised dissatisfaction; 
 they had already caused much bloodshed in Kentucky ; and it 
 was easy to perceive that sooner or later, they must produce simi 
 lar results in Virginia. 
 
 The crisis at length arrived. Under iipprt^ension (whether 
 real or feigned is still a question in disvv- x - \Vxt f .l> 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 45 
 
 were about commencing a general massac/V- of the frontier 
 inhabitants, a party of land speculators, headed by Captain 
 Michael Cresap, shot two Indians, while the latter were descend 
 ing the Ohio in a canoe, a few miles above Wheeling. The same 
 party, learning on their return that a number of Indians were 
 encamped at Captina Creek, a small stream which emptied into 
 the Ohio, a short distance below Wheeling, at once proceeded 
 thither, and killed arid wounded several of the band. But the 
 crowning act of atrocity was yet to be perpetrated. A party of 
 thirty- two men, headed by a man named Daniel Greathouse, pro 
 ceeded to an Indian camp, near Yellow Creek, and under circum 
 stances of the grossest treachery, murdered all the Indians that 
 could be decoyed across the stream from their camp, by the 
 temptation of liquor. The murders perpetrated at Captina and 
 Yellow Creeks, included the whole family of the generous and 
 unfortunate Chief Logan, who became famous in the war which 
 followed.* 
 
 Hostilities immediately commenced. The Shawanese were the 
 first to take up the hatchet; they were soon after joined by the 
 warriors of the Northern and Western tribes. Most of the traders 
 and white men who were found within the Indian territory were 
 murdered ; and all the innocent families on the frontier, from the 
 sources of the Monongahela to the Kanhawa, were obliged to flee 
 towards the mountains or to the forts, to escape the general 
 massacre. 
 
 Intelligence of these disastrous events reaching Williamsburg, 
 Lord Dun more at once took measures for the d3fence of the fron 
 tier, and the invasion of the Indian country west of the Ohio. 
 He issued orders for the organization of a large force from among 
 the inhabitants of the Northern counties west of Blue Ridge, to 
 be led by himself in person. General Andrew Lewis was ordered 
 to raise four regiments of volunteers and militia from the South- 
 
 * American Pioneer, vol. i< p. 8.. Doddridge s Notes, pp. 226 229. Butler sHistory of 
 Kentucky, pp. 53, 54. 
 
46 THELIFEOF 
 
 western counties. While these forces were in process of organi 
 zation, for the purpose of invading the Indian country, steps were 
 taken for the immediate defence of the frontier. Major Angus 
 M Donald was directed to raise, as speedily as possible, a body of 
 four or five hundred men, and with this force to throw himself 
 between the settlements and the Indians.* Under directions]- 
 from this officer, Morgan took the field. In a very short space of 
 time, he raised the necessary complement of men to form a com 
 pany, and with it, and one or two other companies, which were 
 raised under similar circumstances, he marched to Wheeling 
 Creek, the point of rendevous for McDonald s command. Towards 
 the end of June, a force of upwards of four hundred volunteers 
 assembled at this point. 
 
 Finding that the Indians had not appeared in any considerable 
 numbers on the Virginia side of the Ohio, Major McDonald now 
 resolved to abandon the defensive operations he had been directed 
 to carry on, arid to invade the Indian territory. lie accordingly 
 embarked his forces, and descending to the mouth of Captina 
 Creek, landed there, and advanced westward to the Indian towns 
 on the head waters of the Muskingham River. After a few days 
 
 * Doddridge s Notes, pp. 243-244. 
 
 ^"ntliJune, 1774. 
 
 "DEAR SIR: I have received accounts from the Ohio that there are eight persons 
 killed. I think that you ought to get fifty or sixty men, in order to set out next week. There 
 fore, get what you can of your own company, and send or go to the other companies to 
 get and make up your number ; for I expect orders from the Governor about Monday, 
 or Tuesday next, and I do not want to draught any, but to get volunteers. As the pay 
 will be very good, you can get good men ; and I beg you to take none but such as can be 
 depended upon, that we may do service to our country and gain honor for ourselves. 
 
 " I have sent to Captain Alexander and Captain Lewis, and will send to Captain Allan 
 this day, to call a muster and to know what men can be got. I have no expectations 
 from the town companies, therefore you must exert yourselves in the country. 
 
 " I am, Sir, 
 
 " Your obedient servAnt, 
 
 " ANGUS MCDONALD. 
 " GAFTAIH DANIEL MORGAN, Frederick Co. * 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 47 
 
 march, and when within six miles of the Wappatomica Town, the 
 advance, commanded by Captain (afterwards General) Wood, fell 
 into an ambuscade which had been laid for the invading forces, 
 by about fifty Indian warriors. When the fire of the Indians 
 opened upon the troops, they were marching forward without the 
 caution necessary on such occasions, not apprehending an attack. 
 For a moment they were disconcerted; Wood s company fell 
 back; but, being quickly joined by Morgan s the next in 
 the line of march the Indians were speedily driven from their 
 lurking-place, leaving behind them one warrior killed and several 
 wounded. McDonald s forces sustained a loss on this occasion 
 of two killed and eight wounded. 
 
 They now advanced with more circumspection towards the 
 Indian town, which, on their arrival, they found abandoned. The 
 Indians, deeming it useless to attempt defending their town, 
 and rightly judging that their invaders intended crossing the 
 river towards the next town, retired to the opposite shore, 
 and there lay in wait for their approach. This scheme was 
 fortunately discovered in time to prevent McDonald from thereby 
 suffering a severe loss, if not a complete defeat. Small parties 
 were hereupon sent along the river bank, above and below 
 the town, to observe the Indians, and to give notice should 
 they attempt to come across.* 
 
 Some days thus elapsed, during which a few skirmishes took 
 place, when the Indians sued for peace. This was promised them 
 by McDonald, on condition that they should surrender to him 
 live of their chiefs as hostages. The chiefs were accordingly 
 placed in his hands. But it was represented by the latter, that 
 peace could not be made without the presence of the chiefs of the 
 other towns. Two of the hostages were successively sent to 
 bring in those chiefs ; but not returning, after a considerable 
 lapse of time, McDonald moved against the upper town, which, 
 after a slight skirmish, was taken by his troops. 
 
 * Butler s Kentucky, Introduction, p. 57. 
 
4:8 THELIFEOF 
 
 It was then discovered that the Indians had employed the time 
 which was vainly spent in the negotiation, in removing their 
 women and children, old people and effects from the upper towns, 
 and in concentrating their forces. It became plain that their pro 
 fessions of desire for a peace were insincere, and that they would 
 resume hostilities the moment they could do so with the hope of 
 advantage. McDonald, observing this, and finding, besides, that 
 his provisions were running short, resolved upon a retreat. After 
 burning the towns which he had taken, and destroying all the 
 corn which he could not carry away for the use of his troops, he 
 took up his line of march for Captina Creek, on his route to 
 Wheeling. 
 
 As soon as the retreat became known to the Indians, they 
 assembled in large numbers, and burning with the desire of 
 revenge, soon overtook the Virginians. Along the whole line of 
 march, from the Muskingum to the Ohio, an almost unceasing 
 conflict -was maintained between the adverse parties. In this pro 
 tracted contest, the Indians suffered severe losses ; but numbers of 
 the Virginians were killed and wounded, and several who were 
 captured were reserved for a terrible fate.* For several days 
 before McDonald reached the Ohio, his troops were forced to sub 
 sist on one ear of corn each per day. Although Morgan and his 
 company took a prominent part in the contest with the Indians 
 during the retreat, he lost but few of his men. 
 
 A snort time after the return of McDonald s regiment to 
 Wheeling, Lord Dunmore, \vith the northern division of the main 
 army, arrived at that place. The plan of the campaign first 
 determined on, contemplated a junction of the forces under Lord 
 Dunmore and General Andrew Lewis at the mouth of the 
 Kanawha. His lordship here announced a change in his plan of 
 operations. He had now determined to descend the Ohio to the 
 mouth of the Hockhocking, and ascending that river to the falls, 
 to cross thence to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto. Messen- 
 
 * Doddridge s Notes, pp. 241-248. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 4:9 
 
 gers were accordingly sent to General Lewis, who with much 
 difficulty had reached the appointed place, with his command, 
 announcing to him the change of plan, and directing him to join 
 the main army with his division, near the lower Shawanese towns 
 on the Scioto. 
 
 The motives of Lord Dunmore, in taking measures which 
 threatened not only the success of the campaign, but the very 
 existence of the division under General Lewis, have never been 
 satisfactorily explained. They were generally believed at the 
 time to have originated with the royal government, and to con 
 template the speedy effectuation of such a peace with the Indians 
 as would secure their co-operation with the British authorities, 
 should the existing difficulties with the colonies ultimately require 
 an appeal to forco. 
 
 A few days were spent at Wheeling in making some final 
 arrangements for the campaign, when Lord Dunmore embarked 
 his forces in a fleet of keel-boats, pirogues and canoes, and des 
 cended the Ohio to the mouth of the Hockhocking. His army, 
 which had been augmented by Morgan s and other companies of 
 Colonel McDonald s regiment, numbered at this time over twelve 
 hundred men. Having erected a stockade fort at this point for 
 the protection of his sick, and as a depot for his stores, he 
 ascended the Hockhocking to the falls, and thence marched across 
 the country westward towards the Scioto.* 
 
 In the mean time, a fierce and bloody battle had taken place 
 near the mouth of the Kanawha, between the forces under 
 General Lewis and the Indians. In obedience to Lord Dunmoie s 
 orders, General Lewis was about advancing towards the Scioto, 
 when he was attacked in his camp by a large force of Indians, 
 under the leadership of Cornstalk, the great sachem of the Shaw 
 anese. The battle was obstinately contested for ten hours, when 
 by a skilful manoeuvre on the part of General Lewis, which 
 induced the Indians to believe that an attack, which, by a diver- 
 
 * Atwater s Hist. Ohio, p. 115. 
 
 3 
 
50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sion, lie made on their rear, proceeded from a reinforcement sent 
 by Lord Duninore, they retired from the conflict, and crossing the 
 Ohio soon after, retreated to their towns on the Scioto. This is 
 generally admitted to have been one of the most sanguinary and 
 well-fought battles which mark the annals of Indian warfare in 
 the West, On the part of the Virginians, twelve commissioned 
 officers were killed and wounded, seventy-five men were killed, 
 and one hundred and forty-one were wounded. What the force 
 of the Indians was, and what their loss in this battle, have never 
 been ascertained. It is believed, however, that they had a great 
 superiority in numbers, and it is highly probable that their loss 
 was little inferior to that of their opponents.* 
 
 While Lord Dunmore was on his march to the Scioto, and 
 before the result of Cornstalk s designs against Gen. Lewis 
 became known, the Indians met his lordship s offers of peace 
 with delays and evasions. But as soon as they discovered that 
 they had sustained a defeat at " the Point," and that the chances 
 of war were against them, they made repeated overtures to his 
 lordship to put an end to the contest, He continued, however, to 
 advance, and at length established himself at "Camp Charlotte."]" 
 
 The division under Lewis, desirous of revenging the loss it had 
 sustained, was now rapidly approaching Lord Dunmore s camp. 
 The Indians, hopeless of success against the united forces of 
 an army, one division of which had already beaten them with 
 great loss, and apprehensive of the consequences of another contest 
 with their late opponents, renewed their solicitations for peace. 
 At. length, when a number of their towns had been destroyed, his 
 lordship consented to an armistice, preparatory to a treaty of 
 peace. 
 
 Messengers were hereupon sent to Gen. Lewis, announcing the 
 armistice, and directing him to halt. It w r as with great 
 difficulty that the General and his troops could be restrained 
 from disregarding measures, which they considered as not only 
 
 * Doddridge s Notes, 231. t Atwater s Ohio, p. 115. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 51 
 
 defrauding them of their revenge on the Indians, but as having 
 that very object specially in view. It was only when the order to 
 halt was given for the third time, and by Lord Dumnore in 
 person, that it was reluctantly obeyed by the indignant Lewis 
 and his command/" 
 
 Lord Dunmore having sio-nified his willingness to treat, runners 
 
 O & O 
 
 were accordingly sent to all the Indian towns, to summon the 
 chiefs, most of whom* appeared in due time. The chiefs of two 
 or three of the towns higher up the country not appearing, 
 however, and his lordship having predetermined to crush every 
 manifestation of Indian hostility or resistance, it was resolved 
 to send a force against these places, and to destroy them. 
 Major Crawford, with a body of about four hundred men, 
 which included Morgan and his company, advanced against 
 the hostile towns, which they destroyed without opposition, 
 the inhabitants having fled at their approach.] 1 
 
 The terms of peace were soon afterwards satisfactorily arranged. 
 The Indians stipulated, among other things, to observe peace and 
 amity towards the whites, to deliver up all the prisoners held by 
 them, and to recognize the Ohio river as the boundary between 
 the contracting parties. The brave and magnanimous, but 
 unfortunate Logan kept aloof, and took no part in the treaty. 
 It was on this occasion that his speech, so celebrated as a model 
 of eloquence, was delivered. 
 
 Thus terminated " Lord Dunmore s war," After the Indians 
 had delivered their prisoners, and presents were distributed 
 among them, the army was put in motion for Fort Pitt. 
 
 When the division to which Morgan was attached reached the 
 mouth of the Hockhocking, they were there informed of those 
 startling public events which had taken place during their 
 absence in the campaign ; and which, it was manifest to the 
 dullest of comprehension among them, threatened to lead to 
 hostilities between the colonies and the mother country. Here 
 
 * Butler s Kentucky, Introduction, p. 63. tlbid. 
 
52 THE LIFE OF 
 
 they learned, among other exciting incidents in the progress of 
 public affairs, that by act of Parliament, the port of Boston had 
 been closed, and other disabilities inflicted on the inhabitants 
 of that city ; that the House of Burgesses of Virginia had, in 
 consequence, passed an order, deprecating this despotic measure, 
 and appointing a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer; and 
 that a congress of delegates from the different colonies had 
 assembled at Philadelphia, with the object of taking measures 
 to resist the tyrannical encroachments of the British government 
 on the liberties of the American people. " Upon learning these 
 things," Morgan remarks, in a sketch of a portion of his military 
 career, written by himself, "we, as an army victorious, formed 
 ourselves into a society, pledging our words of honor to each 
 other to assist our brethren of Boston in case hostilities should 
 commence." Faithfully did they fulfil their pledge.* 
 
 The winter and spring of the year 1775 was spent by Morgan 
 at home with his family, and in attending to his domestic con 
 cerns. He was, however, an attentive observer of the great poli 
 tical movements then going forward. In the difficulties between 
 the colonists and their rulers, he was a firm and zealous supporter 
 of the cause of the former. He made no secret of his opinions 
 upon this subject, nor of his readiness, should the result be au 
 appeal to force, to take up arms in defence of his country. The 
 bold and decided tone in which he denounced the tyrannical pro 
 ceedings of the British government, had a salutary effect in bring 
 ing many of his neighbors to his own way of thinking. 
 
 The difficulties between Great Britain and the colonies were now 
 rapidly approaching a crisis. On the 19th of April, the first 
 blood of the war was spilled at Lexington. On the 17th of June, 
 the glorious struggle on Breed s Hill occurred. On the 10th of 
 June, the second Continental Congress assembled ; and on the 
 14th of the same month, it made provision for raising and equip- 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 53 
 
 ping an array of twenty thousand men, and appointed Washington 
 the commander in chief of its forces. 
 
 Among other results of these proceedings of Congress, was one 
 calling into its service ten companies of riflemen, to be raised in the 
 States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia.* Of the two com 
 panies for which Virginia was called upon, Morgan was selected 
 as the captain of one, by the unanimous vote of the committee of 
 Frederick County .f 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iii., p. 100. 
 
 t FREDERICK COUNTY : 
 In Committee, June 22, 1775. 
 
 In obedience to a resolve of the Continental Congress, dated 14th of June, 1775, viz.: 
 " That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Mary 
 land, and two in Virginia; that each company, as soon as completed, shall march and 
 join the army near Boston; to be there employed as light infantry, under the command of 
 the chief officer of that army " this committee, reposing a special trust in the courage, 
 conduct, and reverence for liberty under the spirit of the British constitution, of Daniel 
 Morgan, Esq., do hereby certify that we have unanimously appointed him to command ft 
 Virginia company of riflemen, to march from this county. 
 
 lie is hereby directed to act, by exercising the officers and soldiers under his command, 
 taking particular care to provide them with the necessaries, as the 1st Resolve of Con 
 gress directs ; and that he is from time to time to follow such directions as he shall receive 
 from the commander-in-chief, or any other of his superior officers of the continental 
 army. 
 
 Signed by order of the Committee, 
 
 CHARLES MYERS THURSTON, Ch. F. C. 
 
 The above was confirmed by the following commission from Congress: 
 IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New Castle, 
 Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, to 
 Daniel Morgan, Esquire: 
 
 We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and 
 fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be Captain of a company of 
 riflemen *******#**#***# 
 in the army of the United Colon es, raised for the defence of American Liberty, and for 
 repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are, therefore, carefully and diligently to 
 discharge the duty of captain * * * by doing and performing all manner of 
 things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers and 
 soldiers under your command to be obedient to your orders as captain. 
 
 And you are to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as 
 you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the United Colonies or Committee of 
 Congress for that purpose appointed, or Commauder-in-Chief, for the time being, of the 
 
54: THE LIP EOF 
 
 Morgan, burning with ardor, lost no time in delay. In le& 
 than ten days after the receipt of liis commission, he raised a com 
 pany of ninety-six young, hardy woodsmen, full of spirit an< - 
 enthusiasm, and practised marksmen with the rifle. John Hum 
 phreys, who was killed in the assault on Quebec, was his fir 
 lieutenant. William ileth, afterwards a colonel, who greath 
 distinguished himself in the subsequent events of the war, was hi-, 
 second lieutenant. His ensign was Charles Porterfield, afterwards 
 a colonel, and an officer, who, by his many brilliant and daring 
 achievements, had earned a proud name among the defenders of 
 his country, and was rapidly rising to distinction when he fell on 
 the bloody field of Camden. A finer body of men than those 
 who composed the company were seldom seen. One that ren 
 dered better service, or that shed a brighter lustre on the arms 
 of their country, never had existence. 
 
 Early in July, Morgan started from Winchester at the head of 
 his company, and in twenty-one days reached Boston, having 
 travelled a distance of six hundred miles without losing a man by 
 sickness or desertion on the route. 
 
 The rifle companies were the first which were ordered to be 
 raised by Congress ; they were the first to obey the summons of 
 their country ; and Morgan s company was one of the first, if not 
 the very first, of the number to reach Boston. 
 
 When Morgan arrived in the vicinity of Boston, he found the 
 British army, under General Howe, occupying the city, Bunker s 
 Hill, Cope s Hill, an entrenchment on Koxbury Neck, and other 
 minor positions. A strong naval force was also stationed at com 
 manding points. The American army lay on both sides of 
 Charles river, on the left to the Mystic, and on the right to 
 
 army of the United Colonies, or any other, your superior officer, according to the rules 
 and discipline of War, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. This commission to 
 continue in force until revoked by this or a future Congress. 
 
 June 22, 1775. By order of the Congress, 
 
 JOHN UANCOCK, President. 
 
 Attest, Charles Thompson, Secretary. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 55 
 
 Dorchester, closely investing - Boston on the land side.* Wash 
 ington had taken the command about a month previously, and 
 was then busily engaged in organizing his forces. Since the 
 battle on Breed s Hill, no conflict of a nature more important than 
 one between small parties of the opposing forces had taken place. 
 Both armies were sedulously occupied in strengthening their 
 respective positions, and in making provision for an attack which 
 was mutually expected. 
 
 Before the month of August expired, all the companies of rifle 
 men had arrived, and were encamped at Cambridge. For six 
 weeks Morgan s company remained inactive at this place, save in 
 perfecting itself in discipline, and in occasionally assisting in the 
 construction of the works. This state of inglorious repose was 
 becoming very irksome to Morgan and his men, when an oppor 
 tunity for service at length presented itself. It was intimated by 
 the commander-in-chief, that he had in contemplation an expedi 
 tion, the nature of which could not be revealed, which would require 
 the services of three of the rifle companies. Morgan, at his own 
 earnest request, was detached with his company, as a part of this 
 expedition. The offers to join it of Captains Smith and Ilen- 
 dricks, each commanding a company of the Pennsylvania rifle 
 men, were also accepted. 
 
 The nature of this expedition, the events which attended it, 
 and its result, will form the subject of the succeeding chapter. 
 
 * Spark s Writings of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 26-28. 
 
56 THE L I FE OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Invasion of Canada Arnold s expedition to Quebec Joined by Morgan Dispute in rela 
 tion to command Letter from Washington Expedition moves up the Kennebec Its 
 progress, and the difficulties it encounters Morgan s capacity for command, illustrated 
 Difficulties encountered by the expedition It crosses the " height of land " Morgan 
 and his company attempt to descend the Chaudiere Lose all their bateaux, and narrowly 
 escape destruction in the rapids Expedition suffers dreadfully from hunger, cold and 
 fatigue Reaches the settlements at the river de Loup Subsequently advances to Point 
 Levi Reflection Sympathy of the inhabitants in the objects of the expedition Morgan 
 captures midshipman McKenzie The humanity he displayed on that occasion Prepar 
 ations for crossing the St. Lawrence, and assaulting Quebec The river crossed. 
 
 IN the month of June, 1775, Congress took measures for the 
 invasion of Canada. A resolution was passed, appointing General 
 Schuyler commander of the projected expedition against that 
 province, and directing 1/im to take the steps necessary to promote 
 its success. Three thousand men from New England and I" r aw 
 York were designed for this service, to the expenses of wh.ch, 
 fifty thousand dollars in specie were voted. Attached to this 
 command were Generals Wooster and Montgomery. 
 
 General Schuyler repaired to Ticonderoga, where the succeeding 
 two months were spent in collecting and organizing his forces, 
 and in preparing for a general movement. In the month of 
 September, the army moved, and after an ineffectual attempt to 
 capture St. Johns, took a position on the Isle Aux Noix. Here 
 General Schuyler, who had been for some time much indisposed, 
 became so ill as to be unable to leave his bed. His recovery 
 being very slow, the command devolved upon General Mont 
 gomery. Under the direction of this officer, Fort Chambli*- and 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 57 
 
 the town of St. Johns were successively taken ; Governor Carleton, 
 with about one thousand men, was defeated by Colonel Warner at 
 Longueisle ; and this event was succeeded by the surrender of 
 Montreal. The British fleet, consisting of eleven sail, with a 
 large quantity of military stores were captured. General Prescott 
 and a number of his officers and men were taken prisoners ; 
 Governor Carleton, and about two hundred men, with difficulty 
 escaping to Quebec.* 
 
 While these operations were in progress, General Washington, 
 at the instance of Arnold, f set on foot an expedition, designed as 
 a scheme of co-operation with the army under Montgomery, 
 which was as remarkable for its novelty and boldness, as for the 
 dangers and difficulties which it involved. These overcome, how 
 ever, and a brilliant and speedy issue to the struggle in Canada 
 was rendered almost certain. As Morgan occupied a prominent 
 position in this expedition ; and as the result, although disastrous, 
 enabled him to display on a broader field of action, those great 
 military qualities which lie possessed, and to win, even in defeat, 
 the applause and admiration of his countrymen ; we may count 
 upon pardon in dwelling with some minuteness over its thrilling 
 details. 
 
 The subject of this expedition was first broached by Washington 
 in a letter addressed by him to General Schuyler, dated at 
 Cambridge, 20th of August, 1775. "The design of this express," 
 the general goes on to say, " is to communicate to you a plan of 
 an expedition, which has engaged my thoughts for several days. 
 It is* to penetrate to Canada, by way of the Kennebec river, arid 
 so to Quebec, by a route ninety-six miles below Montreal. I can 
 very well spare a detachment for this purpose of one thousand, or 
 twelve hundred men, and the land carriage by the route proposed 
 is too inconsiderable to make an objection. If you are resolved 
 to proceed, as I gather from your last letter is your intention, it 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol ii., pp. 301-313. 
 t Maine Historical Society, vol i., p. 341. 
 
58 THE LIFE OF 
 
 would make a diversion that would distract Oavleton, and facili 
 tate your views. He must either break up and follow this party 
 to Quebec, by which he will leave you a free passage, or he must 
 suffer that important place to fall into our hands, an event that 
 would have a decisive effect, and influence on the public interests. 
 There may be some danger that such a sudden incursion might 
 alarm the Canadians, and detach them from that neutrality which 
 they have hitherto observed ; but I should hope that, with suitable 
 precautions, and a strict discipline, any apprehensions and jealousies 
 might be removed. The few \\hom I have consulted upon it, 
 approve it much ; but the final determination is deferred until I 
 hear from you. You will therefore, by the return of this mes 
 senger, inform me of your ultimate resolution. If you mean to 
 proceed, acquaint me as particularly as you can with the time 
 and force, what late accounts you have had from Canada, and 
 your opinion as to the sentiments of the inhabitants, as well as 
 those of the Indians, upon a penetration into their country ; what 
 number of troops are at Quebec, and whether any men-of-war, 
 with all other circumstances which may be material in the con 
 sideration of a step of such importance. Not a moment s time is 
 to be lost in the preparations for this enterprise, if the advices 
 from you favor it. With the utmost expedition, the season will 
 be considerably advanced, so that you will dismiss the express as 
 soon as possible.* 
 
 The scheme having met the approval of General Schuyler, 
 
 measures were at once taken by the commander-in chief to put it 
 
 
 into operation. 
 
 The active and fearless spirit which Benedict Arnold had 
 evinced, particularly in the taking of Ticonderoga, had attracted 
 towards him the notice of Washington ; and pointed him out as 
 one eminently fitted to conduct an expedition, so daring and 
 adventurous as that determined upon. The command was accord 
 ingly given to him, and with it, a commission as colonel in the 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol iii., p. 63. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 59 
 
 continental line. The force detached on this service consisted of 
 about eleven hundred men, divided into ten companies of infantry, 
 three of riflemen, and one of artillery. Attached to the com 
 mand were Lieutenant Colonels Christopher Green, and Roger 
 Enos, and Majors Timothy Bigelow and Return J. Meigs. The 
 rifle companies were commanded, that from Virginia by Morgan, 
 and the other two from Pennsylvania by Captains William 
 Hendricks and Matthew Smith. The artillery company was 
 under the orders of Captain Lamb. The staff consisted of Christian 
 Febriger, adjutant; David Hyde, quarter-master; Dr. Senter, and 
 another gentleman, whose name is not recollected, doctors ; and 
 Mr. Samuel Spring, chaplain. Several enterprising individuals, 
 among others, Colonel Aaron Burr, Matthew Ogden, and John 
 McGuyer, joined the expedition as volunteers.* The wives of. 
 two of the Pennsylvania*! riflemen, Mrs. Grier and Mrs. Warner, 
 accompanied their husbands, and even assisted them during the 
 toilsome and difficult march. Although these poor women had 
 their full share of the sufferings, from hunger, cold, and fatigue, 
 which were experienced alike by officers and men, and from the 
 effects of which a number died on the way, they displayed as 
 much fortitude, and as great powers of endurance, as the 
 strongest of the army, with which they ultimately arrived, safe 
 and in good health, at the St. Lawrence.f 
 
 The necessary preparations for the expedition had all been 
 made. Arnold had received his instructions from the commander- 
 in-chief. These enjoined him, after assuming his command, to 
 exercise the utmost diligence and prudence in prosecuting the 
 march to a speedy and successful termination ; upon all occasion? 
 to treat the Canadians as friends, and by every means in his power 
 to conciliate the good will of the Indians.. He was commanded 
 to protect the property, and to respect the religion and customs 
 of the people through whose country he passed, and to repress 
 
 * Collection Maine Historical Society, vol. i., 388. 
 
 * Judge Henry s Account, 65-66. 
 
GO THELIFEOF 
 
 violence and plundering under the severest penalties. The details 
 of his instructions were carefully drawn up, and nothing calcu 
 lated to contribute towards a fortunate issue of the expedition was 
 left unnoticed.* A letter to Arnold accompanied these instruc 
 tions, charging him to regard the Canadians as fiiends, and to 
 conduct himself towards them accordingly ; directing him to 
 punish every violation of this command with the utmost severity ; 
 and repeating in more emphatic terms all the principal points in 
 the instructions. He was also furnished with a large number of 
 manifestoes, intended for distribution among the people of Canada, 
 which explained the nature of the contest between Great Britain 
 and the colonies, and urged them to co-operate with the latter in 
 resisting the comon oppressor of both. About one thousand 
 pounds in specie were placed in his hands to defray contingent 
 expenses.f 
 
 Everything w^as now in readiness for a movement. A general 
 knowledge of the route had been acquired by Arnold, from the 
 journal of a British officer, who had travelled over the ground 
 some fifteen years before. The expedition was suggested by a 
 perusal of this journal.^ Intelligence had likewise been derived 
 from, several St. Francis Indians, who had recently visited Wash 
 ington s camp, and who were familiar with those interior regions. 
 Arnold had likewise been furnished with a manuscript map of 
 the country watered by the Kennebec, and the journal of a tour 
 through that region, by a gentleman long a resident in its vici 
 nity^ Two persons had been sent forward to explore the 
 country to be traversed, and to ascertain the disposition of the 
 inhabitants. Eleven transports were then lying at Newburyport, 
 ready to convey ^ the troops thence up the Kennebec river to 
 the town of Gardiner, where two hundred bateaux had been 
 constructed for the further transportation of the army. The 
 provisions, baggage, ammunition, &c., had all been provided, 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iii., 86-89. t Ibid. 90-91. 
 
 $ Maine Historical Society, 341. Spavin s Arnold, 28, 29. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 61 
 
 and nothing remained undone which might facilitate the 
 operations of the detachment, or add to its efficiency and confi 
 dence. 
 
 The troops left Cambridge on the 13th of September. Having 
 marched to Newburyport, where they encamped and remained for 
 three days, they embarked on board the transports and sailed for 
 the Kennebec on the 19th. In compliance with the directions of 
 the commander-in-chief, several vessels had been previously dis 
 patched eastward, to ascertain if the coast in that quarter was 
 clear of British cruisers. The next day the fleet reached the 
 mouth of the Kennebec without accident or molestation, and the 
 wind being fair, it found no difficulty in sailing up to Gardiner, 
 the point of debarkation.* 
 
 The arms, ammunition, baggage, and provisions, having been 
 removed from the transports to the bateaux, the detachment 
 moved up the river, and, on the 23d, rendezvoused at Fort Wes 
 tern, a place opposite to that where the town of Augusta 
 now stands. 
 
 Five or six days were spent at this place, in completing 
 the necessary preparations. A party of eleven men, including 
 their commander, Lieutenant Steel, and two guides, were sent 
 forward from this point, to explore and mark the Indian paths at 
 the carrying places along the route ; and to cross the high lands 
 to the Chaudiere river, and ascertain its course.f 
 
 While the army lay at this point, a misunderstanding occurred 
 between the field-officers, subordinate to Arnold, and Morgan, 
 in relation to a claim of command which they asserted over him 
 and his division. Morgan contended that the rifle companies, 
 having been raised by a special act of Congress, and being, more 
 over, intended as the advance of the expedition, were subject 
 to the command of Col. Arnold only. In this opinion he was 
 sustained by Captains Smith and Hendricks, the officers coin- 
 
 * Sparks s Arnold, 27. Maine Historical Society, vol. i., 390. 
 t Judge Henry s Account, p. 17. 
 
62 THE LIFE OF 
 
 manding the other two rifle companies. The difficulty was at 
 length referred to the commander-in-chief, who decided in favor 
 of the field-officers. As the letter on this subject is the first of 
 the long series which subsequently passed between Washing-tor 
 and Morgan, and which evince to the close a progressive increase 
 in the friendly feelings with which they mutually regarded each 
 other, it is invested with no common interest, and may be very 
 appropriately introduced here : 
 
 " CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE, Oct. 4, 1775. 
 
 " SIR : I write to you in consequence of information I have received, 
 that you and the captains of the rifle companies on the detachment against 
 Quebec, claim an exemption from the command of all the field officers, 
 except Col. Arnold. I understand this claim is founded upon some expres 
 sions of mine ; but, if you understood me in this way, you are much mis 
 taken in my meaning. My intention is, and ever was, that every officer 
 should command according to his rank. To do otherwise would subvert 
 all military order and authority, which, I am sure, you could not wish or 
 expect. 
 
 " Now the mistake is rectified, I trust you will exert yourself to support 
 my intentions, ever remembering that by the same rule by which you 
 claim an independent command, and break in upon military authority, 
 others will do the same in regard to you, and, of consequence, the expedi 
 tion must terminate in shame and disgrace to yourselves, and the reproach 
 and detriment of your country. To a man of true spirit and military cha 
 racter, further argument is unnecessary. I shall, therefore, recommend to 
 you to preserve the utmost harmony among yourselves, to which a due 
 subordination will much contribute ; and wishing you health and success, 
 " I remain, your very humble servant, 
 
 " GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To CAPTAIN DANIEL MORGAN."* 
 
 In relation to the difficulty thus decided, it is worthy of 
 remark, that notwithstanding the earnest and somewhat unneces 
 sary desire which the field officers referred to displayed at this 
 time, to extend their control over Morgan and his command 
 
 Sparks s Writings of Washington. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 63 
 
 an emergency subsequently arose, as will be seen in the sequel, 
 wherein they felt it expedient, not only to yield the point in 
 dispute, but to place themselves and their commands under his 
 direction. 
 
 The season being far advanced too far, indeed, as the event 
 proved to allow of a successful issue to the expedition ; and 
 an essential element of success beino the secrecv of the move- 
 
 O v 
 
 ment, which was endangered by delay, but little time was lost 
 in making the necessary dispositions. Colonel Arnold formed 
 his forces into four divisions. The riflemen, being the first, were 
 to lead the van. Morgan was appointed their commander. His 
 duty was, u to follow the footsteps of the exploring party, and to 
 examine the country along the route ; to free the streams to 
 be ascended from all impediments to their navigation, and to 
 remove all obstructions from the road ; to ascertain all the fords 
 which intersected the line of march ; to examine the numerous 
 portages over which it would be necessary to move, and to take 
 such measures as would facilitate their passage." Besides these, 
 his position imposed on him the duties incidental to an advanced 
 guard. For, although the expedition experienced no opposition 
 until it arrived on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, the dispo 
 sition of the Indians who inhabited the country between the head 
 waters of the Kennebec and the Chaudiere, was stated by the 
 scouts to be hostile; it certainly "was but partially known. And 
 even were the representations regarding their sentiments ever so 
 favorable, the proverbial fickleness and treachery of the Indian 
 character must have led an old Indian fighter like Morgan to 
 consider an attack from them as a probable contingency. Thus 
 was imposed upon him the necessity of an untiring vigilance 
 in guarding against the chance of a surprise a duty which 
 added heavily to those already enumerated, which his corps was 
 required to perform. 
 
 His men were armed, each with a rifle, a tomahawk, and a long 
 knife. They were dressed with flannel shirts, cloth or buckskin 
 
64: THE LIFE OF 
 
 breeches, buckskin leggins, and moccasins. Over these clothes 
 they wore hunting-shirts, made, for the most part, of brown linen, 
 some of buckskin, and a few of linsey woolsey. These shirts 
 were confined to the waist by belts, in which they carried their 
 knives and tomahawks. Morgan s company wore caps, on which 
 appeared the words " liberty or death." For himself, he appears 
 to have adopted the Indian dress on this expedition. When met 
 by the exploring party on their return from the head waters of 
 the Chaudiere, he wore leggins, and a cloth in the Indian style. 
 His thighs, which were exposed to view on that occasion, 
 appeared to have been lacerated by the thorns and bushes.* 
 
 The second division was composed of three companies of infan 
 try, under Lieutenant Colonel Green and Major Bigelow. The 
 third consisted of three companies of infantry, and Captain Lamb s 
 artillery company, with one piece, commanded by Major Meigs. 
 The rear guard, under Lieutenant Colonel Evans, was formed of 
 the remainder of the infantry, consisting also of three companies, 
 and a body of teamsters, carpenters, &c. 
 
 These dispositions having been made, on the 25th of September, 
 Morgan s command embarked in bateaux and canoes, with orders 
 to proceed with all speed to the Great Carrying Place. The next 
 day, Colonel Green and Major Bigelow, with the second division, 
 were sent forward. The third and fourth divisions, under Major 
 Meigs and Colonel Enos, respectively, were put in motion, each a 
 day after that which preceded it.f 
 
 On the fifth day after leaving Fort Western, Morgan and his 
 corps reached the falls of Norridgewock. During this part of the 
 journey, the riflemen experienced great fatigue and discomfort. 
 As the bateaux had to be pushed forward against a strong cur 
 rent, the men were almost continually mid-deep in water. Two 
 portages on the route were crossed with much labor. Upon 
 arriving at Norridgewock, many of the bateaux were found to be 
 
 * Judge Henry s Campaign, p. 15-51. 
 
 t Collections of Maine Hist. Soc. vol.i, p. 39T. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 65 
 
 so leaky, as to have already destroyed a considerable part of the 
 stores, and to require repairing before proceeding further. They 
 were, however, speedily discharged, the necessary repairs made, 
 and the toilsome and difficult task of transporting them and the 
 baggage over the rough and difficult portage above the falls, a dis 
 tance of a mile and a quarter, was at length effected. These 
 operations, and a halt, to enable the rear to come up and cross the 
 falls, occupied a week s time, during which all but the rear division 
 had collected at and about this place. 
 
 On the 6th of October, Morgan again moved forward, and 
 towards the close of the next day, reached the Carratunc Falls. 
 These having been passed without any unnecessary delay or 
 accident, he pushed ahead against a rapid *current, and on the 
 evening of the 9th, arrived at the Great Carrying Place. 
 
 The divisions of Green and Meigs arrived the next day. A few 
 hours after their arrival, Colonel Arnold, with an Indian guide 
 and a few followers, in canoes, reached this point. He had seen 
 the last division embark from Fort Western, when he pushed for 
 ward to the front of the line.* 
 
 The difficulties which had thus far been encountered were 
 great indeed. The men had been nearly half the time in water ; 
 and this, together with the hardships and fatigues which they 
 had undergone in bearing their bateaux and effects across the 
 numerous portages, had seriously dispirited them. Already their 
 numbers had experienced a heavy reduction by sickness and 
 desertion. They were cheered somewhat by the delusive belief 
 that the principal obstacles in their way had already been sur 
 mounted. But formidable as these obstacles had proved to be, 
 they were as nothing to those yet to be encountered. 
 
 On the morning of the 10th of October, Morgan and his com 
 mand commenced crossing the Great Carrying Place. From the 
 point of starting to that on the Dead river where they intended, 
 to re-embark, was fifteen miles, with three small lakes intervening. 
 
 * Sparks s Arnold, p. 32. 
 
60 THELIFEOF 
 
 Over this extensive space, which embraced precipitous ascents, 
 yawning ravines, thick, entangling woods, swamps, and water 
 courses, the riflemen were obliged to carry the bateaux, bago-ao-e, 
 provisions and arms. Numerous were the journeys from one end 
 of the Carrying Place to the other, before their herculean task 
 was accomplished. By dint of the greatest labor and perseverance, 
 the bateaux were transported on the men s shoulders, over the 
 different portages and intervals of land, from lake to lake, laden 
 and unladen, until at length, on the 19th, they were once m^re 
 afloat on the w r aters of the Dead river, the effects embarked, and 
 everything ready for a fresh start. 
 
 As the troops advanced, their difficulties, perils, and hardships 
 constantly increased. In the despondency which thus became 
 general, their ignorance of the country yet to be traversed served 
 but to magnify its actual terrors. While crossing the Great Carry 
 ing Place, they were met by Lieutenant Steel and his exploring 
 party, on their return from the head waters of the Chaudiere.* 
 The representations of the difficulties and dangers of the route 
 which were made by these men, found ample corroboration in 
 their haggard appearance and helpless condition.! Indeed, the 
 prospect at this time was well calculated to shake the resolu 
 tion of any man, less determined and adventurous than was 
 Arnold, and to palsy the efforts of any corps, less brave and hardy 
 than that he commanded. 
 
 During the succeeding three days, Morgan and his command 
 lay encamped on the Dead river, recruiting the men, and waiting 
 for the rear divisions to come up. At this time the commands 
 of Green and Meigs were well advanced. That of Enos, however, 
 had only proceeded a short distance across the Great Carrying 
 Place. In the meantime, a block-house was erected at the second 
 portage, for the reception of the sick and disabled, which had 
 
 * Collections of Maine Hist. Soc., vol. v. p. 
 t Judge Henry s Campaign, p. 50. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 67 
 
 now become fearfully numerous. The commissary of iNorridg- 
 wock was directed to send one hundred barrels of provisions to 
 the Great Carrying Place, near the Kennebec, where another 
 block-house was erected to receive them. 
 
 Morgan s high qualifications for command were fully displayed 
 on this celebrated march. He is described by a member of the 
 expedition as " a large, strong-bodied personage," with a " stento 
 rian voice," and one, " whose appearance gave the idea history 
 has left us of Belisarius." " His manners " were characterized as 
 " severe," but " activity, spirit, and courage in a soldier procured 
 his good will and esteem," and " where he became attached, he 
 was truly kind and affectionate." * The rules which he adopted 
 for the safety and guidance of his men, were marked by that 
 judgment and prudence which distinguished his after career. 
 Although he met with much opposition from the refractory spirit 
 of a portion of his command, the energy of his will enabled him 
 generally to enforce obedience to his orders. With .the men 
 composing his own company, he was popular as a commander, 
 and beloved as a friend. Confiding implicitly in his judgment and 
 discretion, they obeyed with alacrity his directions, regardless of 
 the labor or the self-denial which they involved. With the Penn 
 sylvania companies, however, the case was somewhat different. 
 Although it would be difficult at any time to collect a finer body 
 of men than that these companies composed, yet, in common 
 with almost all newly organized bodies of troops, they were 
 opposed to the restraints, as they were insensible to the advan 
 tages of discipline, and a due subordination. The local prejudices 
 which existed at this time between Pennsylvanians and Virgi 
 nians, and the belief among the Pennsylvania riflemen that one 
 of their captains, Hendricks, was entitled by rank to the position 
 which Arnold had conferred upon Morgan, contributed to the 
 difficulties with which the latter had to contend in exercising the 
 command.f 
 
 * Judge Henry s Campaign, p. 16. t Ibid., p. 196. 
 
68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The principal of Morgan s rules were, that there should bt o 
 straggling from the camp, and that no one should fire off his p ece 
 without permission. Reasonable as these orders were, they met vith 
 opposition from the men of the Pennsylvania companies under 
 the countenance which their officers afforded them. While the 
 riflemen were encamped on Dead river, a man named Chamberlain, 
 belonging to Captain Smith s company, proceeded a short dis 
 tance from the camp, and discharged his piece. On approaching 
 the camp, gun in hand, he was confronted by Morgan, who 
 accused him of the breach of orders in firing. Chamberlain, 
 who is represented as " an arrant liar," promptly denied the 
 charge. Morgan, convinced that he was correct, and provoked at 
 the cool mendacity of the man, sprang to a pile of wood, snatched 
 up a stick, and turning upon Chamberlain, declared that he would 
 knock him down, unless he confessed the fact. At this juncture, 
 Captain Smith, who .was present during the altercation, inter 
 posed ; and picking up another stick, swore he would strike 
 Morgan, if he attempted to put his threat into execution. Sensi 
 ble that the step he was about to take was not strictly military ; 
 apprehensive, besides, that by pushing the matter further, a diffi 
 culty about rank might grow out of a quarrel among the officers 
 of the riflemen, Morgan receded from his purpose, and walked 
 away. Morgan s life furnishes few instances of such forbearance 
 as he displayed on this occasion. Among the motives which 
 induced him to relinquish his purpose, and to disregard Captain 
 Smith s threat, fear of that officer cannot be included a man of 
 whom it is said, that " this was the only spirited act known of 
 him during the campaign.* 
 
 On the 21st of October, Morgan advanced, followed by the 
 commands of Colonel Green and Major Meigs. At this lime, 
 Colonel Enos was approaching the Great Carrying Place. The 
 boats, which were heavily laden with the baggage, provisions, <fec., 
 
 * For further particulars of Captain Smith, see Henry s account of the Expedition to 
 Canada, pp. 221-222. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 69 
 
 had on board only the men necessary to navigate them. The 
 main bodies of the different divisions inarched by land, following 
 the meanderings of the river. 
 
 Among the difficulties with which the troops had to contend, 
 was that arising from their ignorance of the country. The 
 bateaux were frequently led away from the main stream into its 
 branches, proceeding sometimes for miles before the mistake 
 would be discovered. The troops on shore, guided by the boats, 
 generally fell into the same error. Thus, in some instances, an 
 entire day was consumed in moving up and returning on a wrong 
 course. One instance of this kind may be mentioned. A short 
 distance above the place where the cabin of the Indian chief 
 Natalis stood, a stream from the westward empties into the Dead 
 river. All of Morgan s boats and men proceeded up this stream 
 about seven miles, before they were apprised of their mistake by 
 the boat which was sent after them for. that purpose. In the 
 mean time, they discovered an Indian settlement, which proved to 
 be that of the chief Sabatis and his family. The Indians were 
 all absent. Their property, consisting of venison, corn, kettles, 
 &c., were enclosed in a species of cages, made of birch bark, 
 which were placed in the forks of some trees in the vicinity. 
 Sabatis and his adherents being considered at this time as the 
 friends of the British, their effects were considered the rightful 
 spoils of war. Such of them as were not made subservient to 
 the wants of the riflemen, were destroyed; after which, they 
 returned to the Dead river.* 
 
 The country along the Dead river was more favorable to an 
 advance than any through which the troops had hitherto passed ; 
 and for many miles that stream presented a smooth surface and a 
 gentle current, interrupted at intervals, however, by falls, over 
 which it was necessary to " carry." The troops pushed forward 
 with accelerated pace. At this time, it was confidently believed 
 that the Chaudiere would be reached in two or three days. 
 
 t Henry s Campaign, p. 34. Maine Historical Society, p. 398. 
 
70 THELIFEOF 
 
 But these expectations were doomed to a fearful disappoint 
 ment. During the preceding two or three days, much rain Lad 
 fallen. On the evening of the 22d, the riflemen encamped on the 
 bank of the river, in the neighborhood of a lofty mountain, since 
 called Mount Bigelow. The stream had already commenced 
 swelling; and before daylight the next morning, it had inundated 
 the encampment, which was abandoned in haste for higher 
 ground. When morning came, the river presented a frightful 
 aspect. It had risen during the previous night eight or nine feet, 
 and flowed with great rapidity. 
 
 These circumstances, however discouraging, were not permitted 
 to delay the advance. The boats, having been placed in charge 
 of the most active and skilful of the men, were put in motion ; 
 the main body of the troops, in the mean time, proceeded by 
 land up the south bank of the river. The meandering of the 
 stream, with the inundation of the low lands in its vicinity, and 
 the rapidity of the current, prevented both boats and troops from 
 making much progress. After a -very fatiguing march, they 
 arrived on the evening of the 23d at a fall of four feet, where 
 they encamped for the night. 
 
 This was a day fraught with more disasters than any one which 
 had preceded it. With great difficulty the boats had been brought 
 up to the neighborhood of the four-feet fall. The central current 
 at this point ran with immense velocity, forming eddies of corres 
 ponding swiftness on each side of the river. As the boats 
 approached, they were caught by the eddies, the strength of 
 which rendered them entirely unmanageable. Ascending the 
 stream with great rapidity, a number of them were forced against 
 the shore, where, with much difficulty, they were secured. Seven 
 of them, however, were caught by the current, which speedily 
 engulfed two or three, and dashed the remainder to pieces 
 against the shore below. Unfortunately, these boats contained 
 the greater part of the remaining provisions, all of which, together 
 with a considerable sum of money, a quantity of baggage, and the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 71 
 
 arms of the boatmen, were lost, the men with great difficult* 
 escaping with their lives. 
 
 To the causes of distress and discouragement which had pre 
 viously been experienced, a scarcity of food was now added. This 
 threw such a gloom over the future, that the bravest among then? 
 were almost ready to despond.* The advance was still thirty 
 miles from the head of the Chaudiere river. Short as that dis 
 tance was, comparatively, it was uncertain, from the difficulties 
 presented by the swollen river and the inundated land, in what 
 time it could be accomplished. The number of sick and disabled 
 had greatly increased during the last few days ; and the remain 
 der were rendered incapable of ordinary exertions from hunger, 
 cold, and fatigue. A council of war took the state of affairs under 
 consideration, at which it was resolved to continue the advance, to 
 send all the sick and disabled back, and to bring forward from the 
 rear a fresh supply of provisions ; and that while one strong party 
 would return to carry these resolutions into effect, another would 
 proceed with all speed to Canada, and send thence supplies to 
 meet the advance. 
 
 Accordingly, a party of ninety men of Major Meigs s command, 
 under Major Bigelow, were sent with the sick and disabled to the 
 rear, from which they were to bring the required provisions, then 
 in charge of Col. Enos. This officer and Col. Greene received 
 directions at the same time to advance with as many of the best 
 men of their divisions as they could furnish with fifteen days pro 
 vision ; and to send the remainder, with the sick and disabled 
 from the front, to the post at Norridgewock.f Arnold soon after 
 wards embarked with seventeen men in five bateaux, and pro 
 ceeded towards Canada. 
 
 At this time, Col. Greene was crossing the Great Carrying 
 Place, and Col. Enos had reached that point on the Kennebec. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th, the troops moved forward. The 
 
 *3parks s Arnold, p. 86. 
 
 tCollections of Maine Hist. Soc., p. 864; Sparks s Arnold, pp. 36, 37. 
 
2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 succeeding two days passed without the occurrence of anything 
 remarkable. Yet such were the embarrassments which impeded 
 their progress, that during this time, they advanced only twenty 
 miles. 
 
 On the 28th, the eyes of the adventurous band were gladdened with 
 a sight of the elevated ground which interposes between the waters 
 of the Kennebec and the Chaudiere. Cheered by an object which 
 seemed to promise a speedy termination of their toils and suffer 
 ings, they pushed manfully on. The bateaux remaining were 
 transported across two wide portages this day ; and at night-fall, 
 the troops in advance, which at this and all other times included 
 Morgan and his riflemen, encamped on the bank of the pond, where 
 the portage across the "height of land," commenced.* 
 
 The succeeding day was employed in transporting the boats 
 and baggage across the portage, a space of four miles and a quar 
 ter, to the waters on the other side, which emptied into the 
 Chaudiere. In the absence of accurate information regarding this 
 river. Morgan supposed that it would prove as favorable to naviga 
 tion as the streams which had been ascended. In this event, the 
 transportation of all their boats across the portage was recommended 
 by many reasons. The advantage afforded by the current would 
 greatly facilitate the progress of the troops ; and, while saving them 
 from the fatigue of marching, enable them in some measure to 
 recruit their exhausted strength. The measure, besides, would com 
 pensate for the great labor necessary to carrying it into effect, by 
 furnishing the prompt and certain means of transporting the troops 
 across the St. Lawrence, on their arrival at that river. Accord 
 ingly, Morgan gave orders to this effect. But Captains Smith and 
 Hendricks refused to take over the carrying-place more than one 
 boat for each of their companies. Morgan determined to carry 
 over all the bateaux belonging to his company. With incredible 
 labor the task was performed, and on the morning of the 29th, the 
 advance of the army was in readiness to descend.f 
 
 * Judge Henry s campaign, p. 62. flbid 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 76 
 
 At tliis point, it became known that Col. Enos, with the whole 
 of his division, a large quantity of provisions, and the medicine 
 chest, had abandoned the expedition at the Twelve Mile Carrying 
 Place, and returned to the Kennebec. 
 
 The provisions were now nearly exhausted. There was no 
 meat of any kind left. The flour, which alone remained, was 
 divided among the men. It yielded five pints to each, which 
 were baked the same day into as many cakes. Upon this scanty 
 amount of food they were to subsist until they reached the settle 
 ments at Sertigan, then distant nearly ninety miles.* 
 
 So gloomy was the prospect at this time, that were it not much more 
 hazardous to retreat than to advance, the former alternative would 
 have been adopted. Before a* movement took place from this 
 point, however, fresh encouragement was derived by intelligence 
 from Arnold. This officer, having proceeded with his party to 
 the head of the Chaudiere, wrote back to the officers of the 
 detachment, that the French inhabitants were rejoiced to hear they 
 were coming, and were ready and willing to assist them ; that 
 there were few or no regular soldiers at Quebec, and that the 
 place could be easily taken ; that he would advance without delay, 
 and send back provisions as soon as possible ; and that the troops 
 could go most of the way by water.f 
 
 On the morning of the 30th, the riflemen set forward, Hendricks 
 and Smith s companies on foot, along the margin of the lake, and 
 Morgan s in their bateaux. The advantage which, by extraordi 
 nary labor, Morgan had thus secured his company, made a deep 
 impression upon the men whom he now left behind. In the 
 course of this day, he entered Lake Megantick, and pushing for 
 ward, in the evening encamped for the night on its eastern 
 shore. 
 
 The rain, which had fallen during the whole of the 30th, was suc 
 ceeded at night by snow, which on the following morning, lay on the 
 ground to the depth of several inches. Though suffering greatly from 
 
 * Judge Henry s campaign, p. 63. t Collections of Maine Hist. Soe. vol. 5., p. 367. 
 
 4 
 
74 THELIFEOF 
 
 the effects of cold, hunger, and fatigue, the men did not despond, but, 
 cheered by the example of their commander, exerted themselves 
 with resolution. Early on the 31st, they embarked, and pushed for 
 the outlet of the lake, which forms the head of the Chaudiere 
 river, reaching that point in the evening of the same day. 
 
 The next morning, they commenced descending the Chaudiere. 
 For some time after entering this river, they proceeded gently on 
 without any accident. But as they descended, the current con 
 stantly increased, until at length it carried them along with great 
 rapidity. Soon, every succeeding minute added to the difficulties 
 and dangers of their situation. First one, and then another of 
 their bateaux were sunk and swept away, the men with difficulty 
 reaching the land. Morgan now determined to make for the 
 shore and land his men ; and to examine the river for some miles 
 below, before proceeding further in the bateaux. But before this 
 determination could be carried into effect, the bateaux entered & 
 series of rapids, and became entirely uncontrollable. In the lapse 
 of a few minutes, all the remaining boats were dashed to pieces, 
 and their contents scattered over the boiling tide. The men with 
 difficulty struggled to the shore with their arms all but one, who 
 was drowned. Morgan s life was in imminent peril for some time ; 
 but he succeeded at length in reaching the shore, and in preserving 
 the money which Arnold had placed in his hands for the use of 
 his men.* Lieutenant McClelland, of Captain Hendricks s com 
 pany, being sick, had embarked in a boat which his men brought 
 over the " height of land," and accompanied Morgan and his com 
 pany when they started on the lake. He and his boatmen were 
 providentially saved from destruction, by their boat lodging against 
 a rock, n short distance above a perpendicular fall of from twelve 
 to twenty feet.f 
 
 Here Morgan and his riflemen, weary, wet, cold, and hungry, 
 encamped for the night. By this last disaster, they had lost the 
 remains of their clothing, provisions, everything, in fact, which 
 
 *MSS. Henry s* Campaign, p. 67, tlbid, p. 69. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 75 
 
 might have served to mitigate their sufferings. With a few 
 exceptions, they had saved their arms and ammunition. The 
 pangs of hunger were too keen to be resisted ; yet there was 
 nothing to appease them. A dog that followed the company 
 was killed and devoured, not even excepting the entrails. Moc 
 casins, leather breeches, and cartouch-boxes, were minced up and 
 boiled, and eaten with voracity. 
 
 On the morning following, the men scattered abroad for a mile 
 or so from the camp, some in the hope of meeting with game, and 
 others to gather such roots and berries as the country afforded. 
 Their success was very meagre. Previously to this, the riflemen, 
 being for the most part practised hunters, frequently killed moose, 
 deer, and other animals, on the line of march. They thus 
 enjoyed an advantage over their fellow soldiers, the infantry, 
 which frequently made amends for the unsavoriness or scantiness 
 of their rations. Early in the day, and when about moving for 
 ward, they were joined by the Pennsylvanians. These companies 
 had lost, by starvation and fatigue, three or four men in the pre 
 ceding three days. They were in a famishing condition. The 
 rifle companies, now reunited, resumed their march along the 
 bank of the river. 
 
 The distress of the men at this time was too great for descrip 
 tion. Another day s suffering must have deprived them of 
 all power to proceed. But during the afternoon, a boat was dis 
 covered ascending the stream ; and, soon after, several head 
 of cattle were perceived coming up the shore. This proved to be 
 the supply promised by Arnold, who, having reached Sertigan on 
 the 31st, immediately sent back all the provisions that could be 
 obtained there at the moment. The joy of the men was evinced 
 in feeble huzzas, and in their advance with a quickened pace. 
 Towards evening they reached the wished for supply. This con 
 sisted of a quantity of flour and oatmeal, and two small oxen, 
 which had already been killed and cut into pieces for instant use. 
 The remainder of the provisions had been dispatched to the 
 
76 THELIFEOF 
 
 relief of those who were still behind. Such was the voracity 
 of the hungry men, that in an inconceivably short space of time, 
 all the meat was consumed. Even the entrails of the bullocks 
 were eaten by those who arrived too late to obtain a less objec 
 tionable portion of the animals. Some who came up at the close 
 of the feast, consoled themselves with a mixture of flour or meal, 
 and water, which they ate with evident satisfaction. The troops 
 encamped at this place for the night. 
 
 On the morning of the 4th, they started . early. Having tra 
 velled some miles, they at length reached the river de Loup, 
 a stream which empties into the Chaudiere from the eastward. 
 A few hundred yards beyond this river, stood " the first house " in 
 Canada. Crossing the river in bateaux which had been left 
 there for the purpose, they approached the house with the rapture 
 of men, now assured that they should not perish by famine.* 
 
 Here the hungry soldiers found a plentiful supply of beef, fowls, 
 butter, and vegetables. Wild with the desire to stay the gnaw- 
 ings of a hunger, which, with most of them, was intolerable, they 
 instantly fell upon the provisions. The consequences which 
 would certainly follow excess, were foreseen by most of the 
 officers, and a number of the more prudent of the men ; and, 
 as far as their influence and example would go, were guarded 
 against. But to a large number, the pleadings in behalf of mode 
 ration were unheeded. Hunger had rendered them furious, vora 
 cious, insatiable, deaf to every consideration. Death itself was 
 defied in the enjoyments of the moment. Morgan s company 
 avoided a course so imprudent. Most of his men had served their 
 military novitiate on the Virginia frontier, where they had 
 frequently experienced the want of food for days together. Such 
 men needed no admonitions to guard them against an over-indul 
 gence of their appetites. Those of them, however, who were so 
 disposed, were checked by the authoritative interference of Mor 
 gan and his officers. A considerable number of the infantry and 
 
 * Collections of Maine His. Soc., vol. i., p. 401 ; Judge Henry s Campaign, p. 72-73. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 77 
 
 the Pennsylvania riflemen, died from the effects of their impru 
 dence on this occasion.* 
 
 Here were found Natalia, Sabatis, and about forty other 
 Indians, whom Arnold had induced to co-operate with him. 
 They subsequently marched with the army, and fought at the 
 assault on Quebec. 
 
 On the 5th of November, those of the army who were in 
 a condition to move, advanced still further down the country. 
 Among these, and still in the front, was Morgan s company. 
 More accustomed to the toils of war than their fellow soldiers, 
 and being under the command of an officer of much experience, 
 who had husbanded all their resources, the men of this company, 
 notwithstanding the march imposed on them, an equal share of 
 its hardships, and more than a share of its labors, were less 
 fatigued at its termination, than any other company in the expe 
 dition. But one man was lost during the march, and he was 
 drowned when the rapids of the Chaudiere engulfed their boats. 
 The other companies lost large numbers by sickness, desertion, 
 starvation, and repletion. Let it not be understood by what has 
 been said here, however, regarding Morgan s men, that their con 
 dition, upon arriving at Sertigan, was anything less than distress 
 ing in the extreme. 
 
 The troops, advancing as fast as their feeble state would permit, 
 arrived on the 7th at St. Henry s, four leagues from the St. Law 
 rence. Before night, the detachment, to the number of nearly 
 six hundred men, reached this place and encamped. 
 
 On the 8th, the entire force marched in compact order to a 
 small hamlet, situated about a mile from Point Levi, in which 
 they quartered themselves. They were joined on the march, 
 and at this place, by a number of armed Canadians. 
 
 Thus terminated one of the most extraordinary marches on record. 
 In the course of eight weeks, a journey of six hundred miles was 
 performed, much the greater part through an unexplored wilder- 
 nnss, which presented nature in her roughest and most forbidding 
 
 * Collections of Maine His. Soc. p. 102; Judge Henry s Campaign, p. 7374. 
 
78 THELIFJEOF 
 
 aspect. Civilization has has since done much to soften the features 
 of this rugged region. At the time in question, however, the 
 terrors of the scene were unrelieved by the presence of a civilized 
 being, and but few of the aborigines were willing to dwell in a 
 region so inhospitable. Exertions almost superhuman were 
 required to overcome the difficulties of the route. Powers of 
 endurance, beyond those usually vouchsafed to man, were taxed 
 to the uttermost. It is true, the health and strength of this 
 gallant body of men yielded beneath their toils and suffer] ngs. 
 But their courage remained uncooled, even by the rigors of a 
 Canadian winter, which added its terrors to their manifold distress. 
 Pressing on with a fortitude superior to every obstacle, not famine 
 staring them in the face, nor the desertion of faithless friends, nor 
 the uncertainties attending their advance into an enemy s country 
 with numbers so reduced, could check their progress. Inspired by 
 a love of their country, and of the glorious cause in which they 
 were engaged, death alone could have put a period to their 
 exertions. 
 
 The march at length performed, the sufferings of the past 
 served but to inspire them with a greater reliance on the future. 
 And, in truth, the appearances of the moment were auspicious of 
 a brilliant termination of their efforts. From the first the inhabi 
 tants received them with kindness, and evinced a friendly eager 
 ness to supply their wants. They were open in the expression of 
 their hatred of the British rule ; and while many of them joined 
 the expedition in arms, nearly all the remainder evinced a warm 
 sympathy in its objects. The troops in Quebec were few in num 
 ber, and short of provisions ; while the inhabitants of the city 
 and the vicinity were generally disaffected. News had been 
 received by Arnold of the advance of Montgomery into Canada, 
 and his capture of Fort Chamblee.* These encouraging circum 
 stances, and a few days repose, soon restored to the Americans 
 their wonted courage and confidence. 
 
 The Canadians regarded with wonder and awe, a body 3f men 
 
 * Collections of Maine Hist. Soc., vol. !, p. 372. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 7U 
 
 who had descended into their country through a wilderness, which 
 they had hitherto considered impassable. They could not realize 
 to their satisfaction the accomplishment of an undertaking so 
 desperate. The strength and courage which could overcome such 
 fearful obstacles, were, in the estimation of these people, equal to 
 the achievement of almost any undertaking. An event which so 
 severely shocked their notions of probabilities, gave rein to their 
 imagination. Among other reports regarding the riflemen which 
 spread abroad soon after their arrival, it was said that they were 
 encased in iron. This arose from a mistake, originating in the 
 sound of a word. The Canadians who first saw the riflemen, in 
 their peculiar costume, noticed particularly their linen hunting 
 shirts ; and afterwards spoke of them as vetus en toile. As the 
 intelligence spread, the word toile (linen} was changed into idle 
 (sheet iron).* 
 
 On the morning of the llth, a report reached head quarters, 
 that the British w r ere landing at a mill on the bank of the river, 
 about a mile distant. The riflemen, seizing their arms, instantly 
 proceeded at a run towards the point indicated. Morgan and the 
 Indians were foremost in the race. Upon reaching the brow of 
 the precipice which overlooks the river, they observed a boat 
 belonging to a frigate lying at anchor about a mile below, 
 approaching the shore. The boat soon struck the bank, and a 
 midshipman, a lad named McKenzie, brother to the captain of the 
 frigate, sprung ashore. The tide ebbing at the time, the boat s 
 crew were ordered to shove off, and go higher up to a deeper 
 landing-place. While obeying this order, they discovered the 
 Americans on the bank above, and immediately pulled off shore, 
 leaving their officer to his fate. Morgan, frustrated in the 
 design he had formed to surprise and capture the boat s crew, now 
 opened a fire upon them. The midshipman, comprehending at 
 once his situation, plunged into the river, in the hope of being able 
 to regain his boat. But being deserted by the boat s crew, who 
 
 * Sparks Arnold, p. 46-4T. 
 
80 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pulled out, still further from the reach of danger, and noticing tin 
 balls which now struck the water around him in fearful proximity 
 to his head, he turned towards the shore, and otherwise signified 
 his willingness to surrender. The firing hereupon ceased, and the 
 midshipman approached the shore, when the Indian Sabatis, scalp 
 ing knife in hand, suddenly sprang forward, with the evident 
 intention of murdering and scalping the prisoner. Morgan and 
 Humphreys, from the impulses of a humanity common to both, 
 instantly flew to the rescue. Morgan s superior strength and 
 activity enabled him, not only to outstrip his lieutenant, but to 
 overtake and pass the Indian. Rushing into the river where the 
 boy stood, observing the scene just described in a state of irreso 
 lution, Morgan brought him to the shore, and assured him of his 
 protection. The Indian, with a menacing look, was ordered to 
 relinquish his purpose, which he did, but evidently with an ill 
 grace. 
 
 The troops, wet and hungry, now returned to their quarters. 
 Marching along the shore, a sloop of war, which had warped up 
 the river while the events just described were occurring, suddenly 
 opened a fire of ball and grape-shot upon them. Although the 
 fire was very heavy, and at a short distance ; and although, it took 
 the men a considerable time to ascend the steep and craggy bank 
 beyond the reach of danger, no one was injured.* 
 
 During the five days which the Americans .spent at Point Levi, 
 Arnold was actively employed in conciliating the good will of 
 the inhabitants, and in making preparations for an early move 
 ment against Quebec. The manifesto to the Canadian people, 
 with copies of which Washington had furnished Arnold, was pub 
 lished. The bolder portion of the people were encouraged to arm 
 and embody themselves ; and the alarm which was manifested by 
 a few upon the advance of the army, speedily yielded to the 
 assurances that it came to protect and not to plunder them. The 
 troops were engaged, some in putting their arms and equipments 
 
 * Henry s Campaign, p. 80-83. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 81 
 
 in order, and others in making scaling-ladders. About forty 
 canoes and skiffs had been collected for the transportation of the 
 troops across the St. Lawrence. But before these necessary pre 
 parations were completed, a violent gale arose, which continued 
 for nearly three days, rendering the river impassable during this 
 time for skiffs and canoes, such as Arnold had obtained. Two 
 days passed after the troops were in readiness for action, before 
 the storm abated. At length, on the 13th, the wished for moment 
 arrived, the events subsequent to which will form the subject of 
 the succeeding chapter. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Vigorous preparations of the enemy Americans cross the St. Lawrence Morgan pro 
 poses an immediate assault upon the town Capture of Caldwell s house Demonstra 
 tion before the the town Altercation between Morgan and Arnold Americans retire 
 to Point aux Trembles On the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, they return and lay siege 
 to Quebec It is at length resolved to assault the town The dispositions with this 
 object, and the attack Arnold, struck down, is succeeded in the command by Morgan 
 His intrepid conduct duringthe assault Captures the first barrier Advances against 
 the second barrier Encounters a body of the enemy Morgan shoots their officer- 
 Bloody encounter at the second barrier Americans repulsed Are at length sur 
 rounded by the enemy, to whom they surrender The progress of Montgomery s divi 
 sion Reflections. 
 
 WHEN the advance of the expedition had reached Dead river, 
 Arnold dispatched two Indians from that point to Canada, with 
 letters, one to Gen. Schuyler, apprising that officer of the progress 
 which had been made, and the probable time it would take 
 to reach the St. Lawrence ; and the other to Mr. Mercier, a gen 
 tleman in Quebec, favorable to the cause of the colonists. These 
 Indians are believed to have been in the interest of the Canadian 
 authorities, for the letters never reached the persons to whom 
 they were addressed, and were, probably, delivered, the one 
 for Gen. Schuyler to Col. McLean, at the Sorel ; and that for 
 Mr. Mercier, to Lieut.-Gov. Cramahe, commanding at Quebec, 
 in the absence of Sir Guy Carleton. Certain it is, that about the 
 time when the Indians could have reached their respective desti 
 nations, the authorities of Canada became apprised of their dan 
 ger, and took instant measures to avert it. To this unfortunate 
 step on the part of Arnold, may, with justice, be attributed 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 83 
 
 the failures which attended the efforts to accomplish the main 
 object of the expedition.* 
 
 No sooner was Col. McLean apprised of the movement against 
 Quebec, than he determined to descend the river in all haste, 
 to the defence of that place. On the third day after the Ameri 
 cans had reached the St. Lawrence, and while they were waiting 
 for the storm to subside, to enable them to cross the river, Col. 
 McLean, with one hundred and seventy men of his regiment of 
 emigrants, passed down and entered Quebec. Lieut.-Gov. Cra- 
 mahe had been equally prompt and energetic. When the 
 approach of the expedition was announced to him, there was not 
 a single soldier in the town. On the 5th of November, a vessel 
 arrived from Newfoundland, bringing one hundred and fifty men, 
 chiefly carpenters. These men were instantly employed in repair 
 ing the defences, and in making platforms for the cannon. A 
 frigate, two sloops-of-war, and one or two smaller armed vessels, 
 were lying at Quebec at the time. These vessels were anchored 
 opposite the town, in positions to guard the river for some 
 distance above Wolf s Cove, while between four hundred and five 
 hundred of their crews were landed to man the defences. Armed 
 boats were kept constantly on the move, to guard against a pas 
 sage of the river ; the more effectually to prevent which, all the 
 bateaux, boats, and canoes, found on the south bank of the river, 
 had been withdrawn to the opposite shore. The inhabitants were 
 invited to embody themselves, and to assist in repelling the 
 threatened attack. About one hundred and seventy residents, 
 chiefly English and Scotch, responded to the call ; but the Cana 
 dians evinced no inclination to follow their example. It was only 
 upon the threat of being expelled, with their families, from the 
 town, that about six hundred of them reluctantly took up arms. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 13th, the storm having subsided, 
 Arnold gave orders to prepare for a movement. At nine o clock 
 that night, the troops paraded on the beach of the St. Lawrence, 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, v<*.. ii., p. 819 ; Sparks * Arnold, p. 84. 
 
84 THE LIFE OF 
 
 where the canoes lay ready to convey them across the river, 
 Morgan and his command of riflemen were the first to embark. 
 The river at this point is about two miles wide, and the current, 
 at ebb tide, very rapid. The course of the boats lay between the 
 frigate and one of the sloops-of-war. Had they been discovered, 
 the guns of the ships could have blown them out of the water. 
 But, favored by the darkness of the night, they fortunately slipped 
 through unperceived, and, in about an hour, landed at Wolf s 
 Cove.* 
 
 Immediately on reaching the shore, Morgan dispatched Lieut. 
 Heth, with a few men, towards the town, to reconnoitre. Pickets 
 and sentries were sent to the plains above, and along the shore 
 above and below the landing place, to guard against surprise. 
 The remainder of the troops, finding a large uninhabited house on 
 the spot, entered, and having lit a fire, awaited the arrival of the 
 rnain body. 
 
 About one o clock, the boats reached the place of rendezvous a 
 a second time, bringing over Colonels Arnold and Green, and 
 about one hundred and sixty men. Immediately returning, the 
 boats again approached the shore about four o clock, freighted 
 with another division of the men, when they were discovered 
 by one of the enemy s guard-boats. A fire immediately opened 
 on both sides. It continued, however, only a few minutes ; at 
 the lapse of which the enemy rowed off, with a loss of three men 
 killed. 
 
 At this time, about one hundred and fifty men of the detach 
 ment, and all the scaling-ladders, still remained to be brought 
 across the river. But, the discovery which had just been made 
 the light of the moon, which, having risen, now shone brightly 
 and the difficulties presented by the tide, which ran out with 
 gread rapidity, altogether rendered the passage of the river again, 
 on that occasion, a measure too hazardous to be attempted. A 
 boat was, however, sent to the men, informing them of what had 
 
 * Collection of Maine His. Soc., vol. i. p. 403-4 ; MSS. Henry s Expedition, y. 88. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 85 
 
 occurred, and directing them to await a more favorable oc. *sion 
 for crossing. 
 
 During the period between the departure of the boats and their 
 arrival for the third time, Morgan s party returned from their 
 reconnoissance, and reported that everything was quiet nejr the 
 city.* It became evident, then, that the enemy were not aware 
 of the passage of the river by the Americans ; and, consequently, 
 that they were unprepared for any hostile measures which might 
 now be taken against them. A state of things so favorable to the 
 capture of Quebec, suggested to the active mind of Morgan the 
 propriety of an immediate advance with that object, as soon as 
 the detachment, then crossing the river, had landed. On making 
 known his views in a council of the officers, only those of the 
 riflemen, and a few others of subordinate rank, gave them any 
 countenance. From the time Arnold learned that his advance 
 against Quebec had been discovered by the enemy, he gave up all 
 design of taking the place by surprise or assault. At this time, 
 he contemplated nothing beyond investing the town, and cutting 
 oft its communications with the country, until the co-operation 
 of Montgomery could be had.f The bold proposition was, there 
 fore, coldly received both by himself and the principal officers 
 present. It was, however, still under consideration, when the dis 
 covery by the British guard-boat and the firing took place. 
 It being naturally supposed, after these events, that the alarm 
 thus occasioned would speedily spread to the town, an advance to 
 the assault found few advocates, and was generally condemned. 
 Notwithstanding the numerous reasons which existed for believ 
 ing that the enemy were on the alert, it appeared the next day, 
 that they had been entirely unconscious of the passage of the 
 river by the Americans, and of the conflict with the guard-boat, 
 until several hours elapsed after the occurrence of these events. 
 The entrance to the town, called St. John s Gate, had been 
 open during the whole night, the only defence of which was a 
 
 * Judge Hepry g Expedition, p. 86. t Collections of Maine His. Soc., p. 8T1-872. 
 
86 THELIFEOF 
 
 gun, guarded by a drowsy watch.* The impression soon became 
 fixed, that had they, upon landing, marched immediately against 
 the town, they might haye captured it with the greatest ease. 
 
 Under the belief that there was nothing to gain by further 
 concealment, Morgan was ordered to advance towards the town, 
 and to make observations. At the head of his company, he pro 
 ceeded about half a mile to a large pile of wooden buildings, with 
 numerous out-houses, the property of Lieut. Gov. Caldwell. On 
 approaching nearer, it was found that the premises were guarded 
 by a body of soldiers. Advancing towards the main entrance, he 
 was discovered by the guard, challenged, and fired upon ; but, 
 rushing forward, he entered the house at the head of his com 
 pany, and captured the guard without loss or injury. 
 
 The main body had, in the mean time, ascended from the bank 
 of the river, and advanced in the direction of the town. Most of 
 them took up their quarters in Cald well s house, and the rest in 
 some buildings in the vicinity. 
 
 During the morning, Arnold received information that Colonel 
 McLean, with six hundred men, and some field-pieces, was com 
 ing out that day to attack him.f Preparations were accordingly 
 made to receive the enemy. Pickets and sentries were posted at 
 all the approaches, while the main body was held in readiness for 
 instant action. One of Morgan s men, named George Merchant, 
 having been placed on guard in a thicket near the suburb of St. 
 John, was surprised and captured in the afternoon, by a party of 
 the garrison, who sallied from the town for the purpose. By the 
 time the alarm reached the American quarters, the occurrence 
 had magnified into the expected approach of the enemy. The 
 men were instantly under arms, eager to meet the threatened 
 attack. But the British did not appear. Arnold now deter 
 mined to approach the town, and to invite a conflict. Should the 
 garrison decline the challenge, he was not without hope that hia 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, p. 85. 
 
 t Collection of Maine Historical Society, vol. p. 874. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 87 
 
 advance would evoke a demonstration in his favor by the inhabi 
 tants. As the troops drew near, hundreds of citizens were 
 observed on the parapet. A loud huzza arose from the citizens, 
 which was responded to by the Americans with three cheers. But 
 the hoped-for movement, either by the soldiery or the inhabitants, 
 did not take place. The time had not arrived for the people to 
 take a decisive part in the struggle ; and if the British commander 
 ever felt an inclination to imitate the conduct of Montcalm, 
 on the same ground, and under similiar circumstances, the fate of 
 that gallant officer and his command furnished a salutary warning 
 against unnecessary risk, and, doubtless, quickly repressed the 
 feeling. The only response which he vouchsafed to the demon 
 strations of the* Americans, was discharges of cannon from the 
 batteries. This scene lasted for about an hour, when the 
 Americans at length withdrew from the ground, and retired to 
 their quarters. 
 
 As the British party returned with their prisoner to the town, 
 they were pursued by the American guard into the suburb St. 
 Johns, where, the party being reinforced by the garrison, an ani 
 mated contest commenced and was maintained for some time. 
 Fearing that the Americans might effect a lodgment in the 
 suburb, the enemy at length set fire to the houses, and retired 
 within their works. 
 
 The events of this day terminated with the transmission, by 
 Arnold, of a letter with an officer and a flag, to Lieutenant Gov 
 ernor Cramahe, summoning him to surrender the town. This 
 officer, deeming it prudent to avoid all communication with the 
 Americans, fired upon the flag as it approached. 
 
 The circumstance under which Merchant was captured, reflected 
 less upon the vigilance of the soldier than upon the judgment of 
 the officer of the day, who placed the man in a situation, unfavor 
 able for observation, but well calculated to lead to such an event 
 as that which occurred. Merchant was a tall, handsome man, 
 and from his bravery and good conduct, a favorite with Morgan. 
 
88 THELIFEOF 
 
 He was sent, a few days after, hunting-shirt, leggins, moccasins 
 and all, to England, probably as a finished specimen of the rifle 
 men of the colonies.* 
 
 It appears that Morgan was much dissatisfied with the progress 
 of affairs up to this time. From information received during the 
 day, it became apparent, that had his advice been followed, tho 
 town might have been surprised and taken. He was exceedingly 
 angry at the capture of Merchant, and inveighed in a character 
 istic style at the officer, whose " stupidity " caused him the loss 
 of a valuable man. The disappointment of his expectations of a 
 conflict on the Plains, and the occurrence of what he conceived 
 to be the senseless parade before the walls of the town, did not 
 contribute to restore his good humor. He was in this state of 
 mind when his men complained to him, that notwithstanding the 
 large supplies of flour which had recently been received, they 
 were still kept on the short allowance of a pint a day, which had 
 been observed in the latter part of the march to the head waters 
 of the Kennebec. Accompanied by Captains Hendricks and 
 Smith, he waited on Arnold, and after representing the facts of 
 the case, demanded redress. If the matter complained of could 
 have been traced to its source, it probably would have proved a 
 part of that system of peculation, which Arnold seldom lost an 
 opportunity of practising. At first he evaded, and at length, 
 bluntly refused a compliance with Morgan s request. A violent 
 altercation ensued, during which Morgan appeared to be on the 
 point of striking Arnold. Language of defiance passed from 
 Morgan as he and his officers left head quarters. The next day, 
 and thereafter, however, the riflemen were served with a full 
 allowance of provisions.! 
 
 Nothing worthy of notice transpired during the 15th, save the 
 transmission of another flag to Quebec, summoning the town 
 to surrender. The bearer was treated as on the previous occasion 
 of the kind, and narrowly escaped with his life. 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, pp. 86-87. t Henry s Expedition, p. 98. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. S# 
 
 On the day following, the troops were disposed between the 
 St. Lawrence and the St. Charles, so as to interrupt communica 
 tion between the city and the country. The riflemen removed 
 from Caldwell s house to one about half a mile in the rear, where 
 they obtained excellent quarters. The nunnery near the St. 
 Charles was occupied as an hospital. A large log-house between 
 the nunnery and the city was taken possession of by the riflemen 
 as a guard-house and post of defence. On this day, Sergeant 
 Dixon, of Smith s company, while crossing the St. Charles 
 with a few men in a ferry-boat, had his leg taken off by a 
 cannon ball, fired from one of the guns at Palace Gate. He 
 died the next day.* This was the first man of the expedition 
 who fell by the hands of the enemy. Merchant was the first 
 man captured.f 
 
 During the two days which succeeded, the troops, their arms, 
 ammunition, &c., underwent an inspection. To Arnold s surprise, 
 it was discovered, that nearly all the cartridges were spoiled, there 
 not remaining, fit for use, more than five rounds to a man ; that 
 the rifle powder had also suffered damage ; and that nearly one 
 fourth of the muskets and rifles were unserviceable. All of the 
 troops were deficient in the clothing necessary for the rigor of the 
 season, and some of them were nearly naked.J Many of the men 
 were sick, and the list was rapidly increasing. News was 
 received on the 18th, that Montgomery had entered Montreal. 
 But this cheering intelligence was qualified by the information, 
 that Carleton, with two hundred men, had escaped, and was then 
 descending the river to Quebec. At the same time, the rumor 
 
 * Although but a sergeant in the expedition, Dixon was a gentleman of education 
 and good property. In illustration of the spirit which actuated the men of these times, 
 an anecdote is related of this patriotic soldier, which is worth repeating. No American 
 need be informed that a tax on tea contributed largely towards bringing about an appeal 
 to arms between the colonies and Great Britain. The lady who ministered to the wants 
 and comforts of the dying man, presented him, among other things, with a bowl of tea. 
 The beverage was respectfully but finally declined, with the observation, " No, madam ; 
 it is the ruin of my country." Henry s Expedition, p. 93. 
 
 t Henry s Expedition, pp. 90-92. 
 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. ii., p. 323. Sparks s Arnold, p. 47. 
 
90 T H E L^ F E O F 
 
 of an intended attack from the town was renewed, with increased 
 probabilities of its truth. Under these circumstances, Arnold 
 resolved to retire to Point aux Trembles, a position beyond 
 striking distance of the city, and where he could safely await the 
 promised co-operation of the victorious Montgomery.* 
 
 On the 19th, the main body marched towards Point aux Trem 
 bles. The detachment which was left on the south bank of the 
 river on the morning of the 14th, had crossed the day before, and 
 now marched with their companions. Morgan and his riflemen 
 remained on the ground for an hour after the main body had 
 been in motion, when they also set forward, covering the retreat. 
 About mid-day, as the troops were marching along the bank of 
 the river, a large boat with sails, and soon afterwards, a scow were 
 observed descending the stream under a press of sail. On their 
 arrival at Point aux Trembles, they were informed that these 
 vessels bore Gov. Carleton and his men to Quebec, and that they 
 had left that place but a few hours before. The statement 
 received an unusual confirmation, shortly afterwards, from the 
 cannon which welcomed Carleton s arrival at Quebec, the reports 
 of which were plainly heard at Point aux Trembles. 
 
 Here comfortable quarters for the troops were obtained. Tight 
 houses and warm fires compensated in a degree for want of 
 clothing, and good provisions were in plenty. The succeeding ten 
 days were passed without the occurrence of any remarkable inci 
 dent, when, on the first of December, General Montgomery arrived. 
 This officer, having garrisoned Montreal, marched without delay 
 with the residue of his army, amounting only to three hundred 
 men, to join Arnold. Three armed schooners, laden with artillery, 
 ammunition, provisions, and clothing for Arnold s command, left 
 Montreal when the General moved towards Quebec, with directions 
 to follow him down the river.f 
 
 The troops were paraded to receive the general, who addressed 
 them with a brief but impressive speech, in which he praised the 
 spirit they had displayed on the march through the wilderness ; 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, p. 94. t Henry s Expedition, p. 98. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 91 
 
 expressed the hope that this spirit would continue ; and concluded 
 by observing that he had ordered them a supply of warm clothing, 
 which he expected to arrive in a few days. A new life was 
 infused into the whole corps by this spirit-stirring speech, which 
 was responded to by loud cheers. 
 
 The next morning, Morgan, with the riflemen, was ordered to 
 advance towards Quebec. The main body followed the day after. 
 Although the walking was exceedingly fatiguing, from the large 
 quantity of snow which had fallen during the preceding week, the 
 riflemen pushed forward with such activity, that before sunset," 
 they reached a settlement in the parish of St. Foix, about three 
 miles from Quebec, where they quartered for the night. The next 
 morning, Morgan advanced, and took a position nearer to the city, 
 where he remained until joined by the army.* The return of 
 the Americans so soon was unexpected by the enemy; and in 
 consequence, one of their picket guards and a number of straggling 
 soldiers were surprised and taken prisoners. 
 
 On the 5th, General Montgomery, with the army, arrived before 
 Quebec. At this time, his whole effective force did not exceed 
 nine hundred and seventy-five men. But, confident in himself and 
 in the intrepidity of his men reckoning, too, upon the fears or 
 the privations of the garrison, and upon the disaffection of the 
 inhabitants, he made immediate preparations for investing the 
 town. Some days elapsed before the vessels, laden with the 
 artillery, stores, and clothing, arrived. During this time, the 
 garrison was summoned to surrender. The governor answered 
 by firing on the bearer of the summons. A message of similar 
 import, introduced through the agency of an inhabitant of the 
 town, proved equally ineffectual. But the expected vessels at 
 length arriving, their cargoes landed, and the troops supplied with 
 warm clothing, the operations against Quebec were pushed with 
 vigor. 
 
 The American lines extended across the peninsula on which the 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, p. 99. 
 
92 THE LIFE OF 
 
 town stands : the right, with Montgomery s troops, on the St. 
 Lawrence ; the centre, with Arnold s New England infantry ; and 
 the left, with Morgan s riflemen, on the St. Charles. At first, the 
 riflemen took post in a large stone house. But being within 
 range of the enemy s guns, it was speedily battered about their 
 heads. They changed their position the next morning to one 
 more secure, though nearer to the enemy s works. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th, Captain Lamb, with his artillery 
 company and a strong fatigue party, had succeeded in constructing 
 on the plains, distant from St. John s Gate about six hundred 
 yards, a battery of snow, in which were mounted five nine- 
 pounders and a howitzer. The work had been performed the 
 night previous. The earth was frozen so hard, that it was found 
 to be impossible to pierce it with the entrenching tools. The only 
 resort was snow, which, having been fashioned into the required 
 shape, was rendered comparatively solid by the addition of water. 
 The guns had opened on the city but a short time, however, before 
 the battery was pierced several times by the weightier metal of 
 the enemy. Yet the efforts of the Americans were persisted in 
 with manly resolution, although it was perceptible that the effect 
 of their fire was feeble. About two hundred shells were thrown 
 into the town at different times. At length a ball pierced the 
 battery, killing three men, when a further prosecution of the 
 bombardment was relinquished. 
 
 Every day, a skirmish, more or less serious, took place between 
 the riflemen and that portion of the garrison who were stationed 
 in the neighborhood of Palace Gate. In these encounters, the 
 riflemen did not escape loss ; neither did they suffer unavenged. 
 They harassed the enemy constantly, few of the latter making 
 their appearance within gun-shot, that were not either killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 The affairs of the Americans had now reached a crisis, which 
 required, either an abandonment of the siege, or the adoption of 
 measures more prompt and vigorous. The men began to regard 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 93 
 
 the prospect of success as exceedingly gloomy. The snow was 
 continually falling, and the weather grew colder as the season 
 advanced. The hardships and fatigues which the troops were 
 obliged to encounter, surpass belief, as they defy description. From 
 these causes, a large number were in the general hospital. That 
 nothing might be wanting to fill the measure of their afflictions 
 to the brim, the small-pox broke out in the camp, and spread with 
 great rapidity. An order was subsequently issued, that those who 
 had contracted the disease, should wear a sprig of hemlock in 
 their hats, that others might recognize and avoid them.* In spite 
 of the patriotic feelings which warmed their hearts and nerved their 
 arms, many of them looked forward with impatience for the period, 
 then near at hand, when by the expiration of their term of ser 
 vice, they could escape such an accumulation of hardships and 
 horrors. Many of those who remained for a longer period, looked 
 with composure at death, if no other means availed to free them 
 from their sufferings. Vain were the efforts of the officers tc 
 induce men to re-enlist. The patriotism of 1775 seemed almost 
 extinguished amid the snows of 177G. The riflemen consented to 
 remain with the general, even though he should be deserted by 
 the Eastern men. But this praiseworthy example found few or no 
 imitators among the latter .f 
 
 Under these circumstances, a council of war took into con 
 sideration the propriety of an early attempt to carry the town by 
 assault. A number of the officers were opposed to such an attempt. 
 But a majority of them, and among the rest, Montgomery, Arnold, 
 Morgan, Febriger and the captains of the rifle companies, were 
 warmly in favor of giving it a trial. Morgan, who was ever the 
 advocate of decisive measures, spoke with warmth and force in 
 favor of an assault. He reminded the officers of the opportunity 
 which the first night of their landing afforded them of taking the 
 city, had they but resolved to make the attempt. After adverting 
 to the prospects of success which the circumstances of the adverse 
 
 * De Botta, vol. i., p. 124. t Henry s Expedition, p. 113. 
 
THELIFEOF 
 
 forces afforded them, he concluded by remarking upon the great 
 amount of government property which was stored in Quebec, and 
 upon the rights which the usages of war conferred upon those 
 who storm a fortified town. These latter considerations had their 
 due weight; and the proposition was at length unanimously 
 assented to. 
 
 The plan of attack first adopted, contemplated 7. simultaneous 
 assault, by four divisions, upon the upper a:rj( lower towns. 
 Through the communicativeness of some of the -fleers, this plan 
 soon became generally known to the men, one c/ whom deserted, 
 and imparted it to the enemy. The general, prudently giving out 
 that the man had gone under his instructions, to gain Intelligence, 
 conferred with his principal officers in forming a juew plan of 
 attack. It was now resolved, that two light division^ should make 
 a feigned attack on St. Johns and Cape Diamond, the two impor 
 tant points on the upper town ; while the main body, divided into 
 two columns, were to make the real assault on opposite points of 
 the lower town. It was further agreed, that the attack should be 
 made by night, and on the occurrence of the first snow storm.* 
 
 It was not until the night of the 30th of December, that such 
 weather occurred as was required in making the assault. The 
 early part of this night was mild and clear, while the moon shed 
 a bright light upon the snow-clad scene. But about midnight, 
 the heavens became suddenly overcast, and soon after, snow began 
 to descend upon the wings of a fierce and bitingly cold northeast 
 wind. At the well-known signal, the troops silently assembled ; 
 and by two o clock, they were accoutered and ready to advance to 
 their respective positions.f 
 
 Colonel Livingston, with one hundred and sixty Canadians, and 
 Major Brown, with a small detachment of Massachusetts troops, 
 received directions to march against the upper town, the Colonel 
 at St. Johns Gate, and the Major at Cape Diamond ; and at the 
 signal for a general movement, to advance and attract the atten- 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, p. 119. t Henry s Expedition, pp. 118-114. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN 95 
 
 tion of the enemy in that quarter by noisy demonstrations. 
 Arnold s command, divided into two battalions, assembled at the 
 guard-house, at St. Roch. In front was the colonel, and Brigade 
 Major Ogden, with a storming party of thirty men. Captain 
 Lamb s artillery company, with a gun mounted on a sled, sue 
 ceeded in the line ; and next in order were the riflemen, with 
 Morgan at their head. This force constituted the first battalion. 
 The second, composed of the New England infantry, under Colonel 
 Green and Major Meigs, brought up the rear. The riflemen were 
 furnished with scaling-ladders,* and each man of Morgan s com 
 pany carried a spontoon in addition to his rifle. Arnold was to 
 advance along the river St. Charles, and to assault the barriers 
 at the northern and western extremidesof the lower town. Mont 
 gomery, with four battalions of New York troops, and a part of 
 Colonel Easton s regiment, formed on the plains near the St. 
 Lawrence. He was to proceed along the margin of the St. Law 
 rence, by the way of Anse des Meres, around the base of Cape 
 Diamond, near which was a strong defence. The general was 
 accompanied at the head of his storming party by Captain Cheese- 
 man, Major McPherson, and Mr. Aaron Burr.* 
 
 The preconcerted signal having been given, at 5 o clock on the 
 morning of the 31st, and in the midst of a terrific snow storm, the 
 divisions advanced intrepidly to the assault. 
 
 Col. Livingston and Major Brown executed the duties respect 
 ively assigned them with promptitude. Owing, however, to the 
 nature of their orders and to the smallness of their forces, they 
 were unable to produce such an effect as, under the first plan of 
 attack, and with a force sufficiently strong, it became apparent 
 was practicable. Relying with too much confidence on the simple 
 appearance of the strong works on these points, or divining the 
 true character of the assault, the garrison left them almost entirely 
 defenceless, and concentrated in the lower town. Half an hour 
 had elapsed after Colonel Livingston had arrived opposite Cape 
 
 * Collections of Maine Hist. Boc.,vol. i., pp. 406-407. 
 
96 THE LIB EOF 
 
 Diamond ; yet with all the noise which his men could produce, he 
 was unable to attract the slightest notice from the enemy, so com 
 pletely unprepared were they to resist an assault at this point. 
 
 Arnold s division moved forward along the road through St. 
 Koch. Before the head of the division passed Palace Gate, the 
 garrison became aware of their danger, as was evidenced by the 
 ringing of the bells of the town, and the furious cannonade which was 
 opened from the works above, in the direction of the assailants. The 
 latter, however, with their arms secured under the skirts of their 
 coats, from the effects of the snow, advanced in single file along 
 the narrow and difficult way between the precipice and the frozen 
 shore of the Bay of St. Charles. But for the impossibility of dis 
 tinguishing objects at any^listance, from the darkness of the night, 
 and the heaviness of the snow-storm, the Americans could have 
 been easily destroyed by the fire of the batteries. As it was, they 
 lost a number of men from the random discharges of cannon and 
 musketry. Proceeding rapidly, they at length arrived at the first 
 barrier, from which, as they approached, was opened on them a 
 smart discharge of musketry. Instead of rushing forward in dis 
 regard of this fire, the American storming party halted, and com 
 menced a useless fusillade against the barrier. Before Arnold 
 could correct the error, and put the front in motion again, he 
 received a ball in the leg, which, shattering the bone, brought him 
 to the ground. The momentary confusion caused by these events, 
 brought Morgan to the front, just as Arnold was struck down. It 
 was at this crisis in the conflict, that Morgan, at the instance and 
 in. compliance with the express wishes of all the field officers of 
 the division who were present, assumed the direction of the 
 assault. " They would not take the command," he observes, in a 
 short sketch written by himself, of his early military career, 
 " alleging that I had seen service and they had not, which reflected 
 credit on their judgment." Morgan now raised his voice, always 
 terrible in the hour of battle, and which was heard above the din 
 of arms, ordering his riflemen to the front. They obeyed the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 97 
 
 summons with a cheer, and without a moment s hesitation or delay, 
 rushed over the barrier, driving before them like chaft the enemy 
 posted there. A short distance beyond the barrier, was a battery 
 extending across the road, and flanked by the houses on either side, 
 on which was mounted two twelve-pounders. As the riflemen 
 advanced against this battery, the guns, charged with grape and 
 canister, opened on them. The first gun was elevated too high, 
 and did no injury; the other flashed without discharging, when 
 the riflemen reached the wall, and planted their ladders. Morgan 
 ordered a man near him to ascend one of the ladders. Perceiving 
 that the soldier reluctantly obeyed, Morgan pulled him down, and 
 stepping on the ladder himself, shouted to his men, " Now, boys, 
 follow me !" The ladders were instantly manned. As soon as 
 Morgan s head appeared above the wall, a platoon of musketry 
 was fired at him from within. So close was the discharge, that 
 the fire scorched his hair, and grains of powder were imbedded in 
 his face. But this was the only injury he sustained, although one 
 ball passed through the top of his cap, and another grazed the 
 left side of his face, cutting oft a lock of his hair. The concussion 
 was so great, however, as to knock him from the top of the ladder 
 down into the snow below. For a moment the ascent was checked, 
 in the belief that he was killed. But he was instantly on his feet 
 again, and had recommenced ascending the ladder. Another cheer 
 rose from his men as they followed his example. Keeping his 
 head down until he reached a step near the top of the ladder, he 
 made a spring and bounded over the wall among the enemy. He 
 was instantly followed by his men, among the foremost of whom 
 were Cadet Porterfield and Lieutenant Heth. Morgan, in his 
 descent, alighted on one of the cannon, under the muzzle of which 
 he fell, severely hurt by a contusion on the knee. A dozen bayo 
 nets were instantly levelled at him ; but the situation in which he 
 fell created a delay, sufficiently long to enable his men, who now 
 came pouring over the wall, to rescue him and attack his assailants.* 
 
 * Dr. Hill. 
 
98 THE LIFE OP 
 
 The enemy, daunted by the impetuosity of the assault, made but a 
 feeble resistance, and at length fled into a building flanking the bat 
 tery, from the windows of which, however, they renewed the conflict. 
 They were speedily dislodged by the riflemen, who, by Morgan s 
 orders, fired a volley into the house, which was followed by a 
 charofe with their spontoons. The enemy were driven through 
 the building, and out at the rear into a neighboring street. Mor 
 gan ran through a sally port at one end of the battery, and thence 
 round the corner of a building. Here, as he anticipated, he met 
 the retreating British, whom he ordered, in a menacing tone, to 
 surrender, if they expected quarter. Captain McCloud and about 
 30 of his men were thus made prisoners. 
 
 In the capture of this post, an important advantage had been 
 gained ; and had the main body of the division but followed and sup 
 ported the riflemen, its united strength could have easily made head 
 against the panic-stricken foe, and captured the lower town. Oi.ly 
 Morgan s company, a part of Captain Smith s under command of 
 Lieutenant Steel, and a few bold spirits from different parts of the 
 division, had advanced thus far. The remainder had either halted 
 on the road, or lost their way. Morgan, nevertheless, pressed for 
 ward in the streets within the captured defences, and to the neigh 
 borhood of the second barrier and battery. But the darkness and 
 his ignorance of the course to be pursued, and the defences to be 
 encountered, rendered a further advance with so small a force, too 
 hazardous to be attempted. He was now joined by Captain Hen- 
 dricks and the remainder of the riflemen. But the force was still 
 too weak in the opinion of most of the officers, to justify an imme 
 diate advance. " Here," Morgan observes in the sketch already 
 quoted, " I was ordered to wait for General Montgomery : and a 
 fatal order it was. It prevented me from taking the garrison, as 
 I had already captured half the town. The sally port through the 
 (second) barrier," he continues, " was standing open ; the guard 
 had left it, and the people were running from the upper town in 
 whole platoons, giving therrfselves up as prisoners, to get out of 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 99 
 
 the way of the confusion which might shortly ensue. I went up 
 to the edge of the upper town incog., with an interpreter, to see 
 what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no person 
 in arras at all, I returned and called a council of what! few officers 
 I had with me ; for the greater part of our force had missed their 
 way, and had not got into the town. Here I was overruled by 
 sound judgment and good reasoning. It was said, in the first 
 place, that if I went on, I should break orders ; in the next, that I 
 had more prisoners than I had men ; and that if I left them, they 
 might break out, retake the battery we had just captured, and cut 
 off our retreat. It was further urged, that Gen. Montgomery was 
 certainly coming down along the shore of the St. Lawrence, and 
 would join us in a few minutes ; and that we were sure of conquest, 
 if we acted with caution and prudence. To these good reasons, I 
 gave up rny own opinion, and lost the town." 
 
 The situation of affairs with Morgan grew every moment more 
 critical. The main body of the division had not joined him. 
 Nothing had as yet been heard from Montgomery. The firing 
 had ceased in every quarter ; and this circumstance added to the 
 uncertainty which prevailed regarding the movements either of 
 friends or enemies, rendered the men uneasy, and filled their 
 minds with undefinable apprehensions. The piercing cold of the 
 weather was aggravated by the blinding snow ; and standing 
 inactive, exposed to the rigors of the storm, they soon became 
 chilled to the bone ; while from the same cause, their fire-arms 
 were rendered almost entirely unserviceable. Their situation was 
 one well calculated to make the boldest quail. Morgan was 
 among the few who resisted the growing panic. He revived the 
 drooping courage of his men by a few spirit-stirring remarks, 
 assuring them of complete success if they would but be firm. 
 He now hastened back on the route of the advance, to find and 
 spur on those who still remained behind. On the outskirts of 
 the town he found Colonel Green and Major Meigs, with about 
 two hundred of the New England troops, who immediately 
 p ished forward under his guidance to the first barrier. 
 
100 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * 
 
 It was here resolved, after a short consultation, to penetrate 
 still further into the town, the riflemen in advance, supported hy 
 the infantry. Day began to dawn, as Morgan with his men 
 moved towards the enemy s second defensive position. At this 
 point was a barrier, eight or ten feet high, erected across, and 
 near the termination of a narrow street, which led by a steep 
 ascent into the Centre of the lower town. Behind this some 
 yards, and upon ground on a level with the top of the barrier, had 
 been constructed a platform, on which were planted two twelve 
 pounders. The position and strength of these defences were 
 noted an hour before by Morgan, when he passed them to recon 
 noitre the upper town. They were then left defenceless, having 
 been abandoned when the first barrier and battery were taken. 
 But, in the meantime, Gen. Montgomery s division had been 
 repulsed ; and the garrison in this quarter having been reinforced 
 by the victors, they took heart again, and re-manned their works, 
 which, unfortunately, had not been occupied by the assailants. 
 Growing more confident, a party of the garrison, under Lieut. 
 Anderson, sallied through the barrier, for the purpose of attack 
 ing the Americans, whom they expected to find dispersed, and 
 probably plundering the town. They had just issued through 
 the sally port into the street, when they suddenly encountered 
 Morgan, advancing at the head of his men. Anderson, stepping 
 forward, commanded the Americans to lay down their arms. 
 Snatching a rifle from the hands of one of his men, Morgan 
 replied by shooting him through the head, stretching him lifeless 
 on the ground. The British hereupon hastily retreated within 
 the barrier, when a fierce and bloody conflict commenced. From 
 the windows of the houses on both sides of the street, and through 
 the loop-holes in the barrier, was opened a murderous fire upon 
 the Americans, who, cooped up in a street not more than thirty 
 feet wide, hardly left space for a shot to fall harmless. Unshaken 
 by the difficulties opposed to their progress, and by the loss they 
 had already sustained, the riflemen prepared to assault the bar 
 rier. The few scaling-ladders which Morgan s company aloiK 
 
GENERAL DANIEI/ MORGAN. lOl 
 
 had brought thus far, were placed against the wall. On these, 
 and on a mound which Lieut. Humphreys and a few men had 
 hastily erected, a body of the men, headed by Morgan, Hendricks, 
 Steel, Humphreys, Heth, and Porterfield, made a desperate 
 attempt to scale the barrier. Their appearance above the wall 
 was followed by a discharge of grape from the guns of the bat 
 tery, and a heavy fire from the windows on each side ; while 
 beneath they beheld a double row of bayonets, ready to receive 
 them should they descend. It was impossible, from the want of 
 a sufficiency of ladders, for the few hardy spirits who had gone 
 thus far, to proceed against such terrible obstacles, and the 
 attempt was relinquished. The riflemen, and others who sup 
 ported the storming party, had not been idle in the meantime. 
 The accuracy of their aim compelled the enemy to desert their 
 battery before they had fired three rounds. But the fire from 
 the windows and loopholes could not be so easily checked or 
 counteracted, while it was constantly adding to the number 
 of their killed and wounded. It was about this period of the 
 strife that Humphreys fell, mortally wounded. A large number 
 of the men had also fallen. The survivors, dispirited by their 
 want of success, now threw themselves into the houses on each 
 side, which afforded them a shelter both from the storm and the 
 enemy. From the windows of these houses, they renewed the 
 contest; and it was during this time that the enemy suffered 
 most severely. But, even here, some valuable lives were lost on 
 the part of the Americans. Capt. Hendricks, while aiming his 
 rifle at an object, was pierced through the heart by a random 
 shot. Their fire, however, had caused the enemy at the barrier, 
 as well as those in the battery, to retire under cover. Morgan, 
 furious at his repulse, refused to retire into the houses ; and, with 
 a few of his bravest officers and soldiers, remained opposite the 
 barrier. Perceiving that the moment was favorable for renew 
 ing the attack, he called, in a voice louder than the tempest, 
 on those in the houses to come forth and scale the barrier. But 
 
102 THE LIFE OF 
 
 he called in vaip. Neither exhortations nor reproaches could 
 produce the desired effect. The repulse, the loss, the severity 
 of the storm, and weariness, with a hopelessness of success, had 
 disheartened the most audacious. Being, at length, compelled to 
 relinquish all present designs against the barrier, he ordered the 
 few brave men who still stood by him to join their comrades in 
 the houses, while he, accompanied only by Lieut. Heth, returned 
 towards the first barrier, in order to concert with the field 
 officers, some plan for drawing off the troops. At this point 
 were Majors Bigelow and Meigs, who concurred with him in the 
 expediency of an immediate retreat. A preliminary step in car 
 rying this resolution into effect, being the withdrawal of the 
 troops from the houses near the second barrier, Lieut. Heth was 
 dispatched to perform this duty. Great as were the hazards to 
 be encountered in proceeding to the troops in the face of the 
 enemy, Heth met them manfully. But, notwithstanding all his 
 efforts, only a few of the men could be prevailed on to expose 
 themselves to the tempest of shot which must necessarily be 
 encountered, in gaining the bend in the street, a short distance in 
 front of the barrier. Once beyond this bend, there was no longer 
 any danger ; and, could they have shaken off the despondency 
 which deterred them from promptly following Lieut. Heth, they 
 and their companions at the first barrier might have effected 
 their retreat. But, while the precious moments left them for 
 escape were wasted in indecision, Captain Law, with two hundred 
 of the garrison, and two field- pieces, sallied from Palace Gate ; 
 and Captain Dearborn, who, with his company, was held in 
 reserve near this place, having surrendered, all retreat in that 
 direction was completely cut off. 
 
 The Americans now found themselves encircled by enemies, far 
 their superior in numbers, and confident from the favorable turn 
 which their affairs had taken. Morgan s unconquerable spirit 
 rose with the emergency. In a council of the officers then pre 
 sent, which took into consideration the desperate state of their 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 103 
 
 affairs, he proposed to assemble immediately as many officers and 
 men as could be collected, and to cut their way back out of the 
 town. They were prevented from adopting- this daring* proposal, 
 only by the hope that Montgomery, of whose fate they were still 
 in ignorance, would succeed in his attack ; and that in this event 
 their co-operation would be invaluable, while a premature retreat 
 might subject one or both of the divisions to destruction, and the 
 assault to a failure. They accordingly resolved to maintain their 
 position for a short time longer. 
 
 A desultory fire was, in the meantime, kept up between the 
 opposing forces. Time, however, brought no hope to the belea 
 guered Americans. Being now evidently the sole object of attack, 
 the whole disposable force of the garrison having gathered around 
 them, they at length perceived that they were no longer masters 
 of their own destiny, and on being summoned, surrendered them 
 selves prisoners of war. 
 
 Such was Morgan s vexation upon realizing the hopelessness of 
 his situation, that he wept like a child. On being summoned by 
 some of the enemy s soldiery to deliver up his sword, he peremp 
 torily refused a compliance, but placing his back against a wall, 
 with the weapon in his hand, he dared any one of their number 
 to come and take it. He persisted in this determination, notwith 
 standing the threats of the soldiers to shoot him, and the exhor 
 tations of his men, not to sacrifice his life in useless opposition. 
 At length perceiving a man near at hand, whom he took by his 
 dress to be a clergyman, he asked him if he was not a priest. 
 Being answered in the affirmative, Morgan delivered his sword to 
 the clergyman, observing, * Then I give my sword to you ; but 
 not a scoundrel of those cowards shall take it out of my hands."* 
 
 Most of the accounts of this battle concur in stating the Ame 
 rican loss at about sixty men killed and wounded. Arnold, in one 
 of his letters, says, that "About three hundred were taken 
 prisoners, and, as near as he could judge, about sixty killed and 
 
 * Dr. Hill. 
 
104: THE LIFE OF 
 
 wounded." Carleton, in his official account of the action, stated 
 that u the rebels lost six or seven hundred men, and forty or fifty 
 officers, while his loss was only one lieutenant and 17 men."* 
 Both these statements, and more particulary the latter one, are 
 believed to be very incorrect. The proneness of military men to 
 magnify their advantages, and to diminish their losses, .renders 
 them questionable sources of information on such topics. Judge 
 Henry, in his interesting account of this assault, is probably as 
 far beyond the mark, in stating that the Americans lost, of non 
 commissioned officers and privates, one hundred and fifty killed, 
 and fifty or sixty wounded. On the same authority, the enemy 
 had forty or fifty killed, and many more wounded, a statement 
 founded on information derived from the British soldiery them 
 selves, on corroborating circumstances.] A medium between these 
 varying statements would probably approximate the truth, and in 
 the absence of further information, at once definite and reliable, we 
 are disposed to rest on this conclusion. Captain Hendricks, of the 
 Pennsylvania riflemen ; Lieutenant Humphreys, Morgan s first lieu 
 tenant, and Lieutenant Cooper of Connecticut, were among the killed. 
 Captain Lamb, Major Ogden, Captain Hubbard, and Lieutenants 
 Steel and Tisdale, were wounded. When Morgan s company landed 
 on the north side of St. Lawrence, it numbered nearly eighty men. 
 Yet from death in battle and by sickness, not more than twenty-five 
 of its members ever reached their homes.]; Hendricks s and 
 Smith s companies, though each originally as strong in numbers 
 as Morgan s, were reduced in a like fearful ratio. When the 
 Americans advanced to the assault, they numbered over twelve 
 hundred men, including ,the Canadians and Indians. After the 
 repulse no more than seven hundred men re-assembled under 
 Arnold. This would leave five hundred to be accounted for 
 among the killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing. Of the Ame 
 rican wounded, very few recovered. Fal ing in the deep snow, 
 
 * Collections of Maine Hist. Soc., vol. L, p. 410. 
 
 t Henry s Expedition, p. 120. $ Ibid., p. 144 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 105 
 
 and being unable to extricate themselves, they soon fe l victims to 
 the intensity of the cold, unless rescued from such a fate by some 
 prompt and friendly hand. After the Americans surrendered, a 
 number of their wounded were thus preserved by the humane 
 activity of Governor Carleton. 
 
 The captives were not kept long in ignorance of the fate of the 
 gallant Montgomery. He had advanced at the head of his column, 
 accompanied by Captains Cheeseman and McPherson, and Mr. 
 Burr, along tha margin of the St. Lawrence, towards the enemy s 
 defences at Anse des Meres under Cape Diamond. These con 
 sisted of two rows of pickets, planted a short distance apart, 
 beyond which was erected a block-house. This was a square two- 
 story log-building, with loop-holes for musketry below, and port 
 holes above, at which two twelve pounders, charged- with grape 
 and cannister, were pointed towards the narrow avenue by which 
 an enemy must approach. The position was defended by a body of 
 seamen and Canadians. The Americans were not discovered until 
 they had penetrated through the first row of pickets, when the 
 Canadians, delivering an ineffectual fire, abandoned the defences, 
 and fled towards the town. The fugitives communicated their 
 fears to the seamen, who manned the guns in the block-house, and 
 they also fled. It afterwards appeared that for a considerable 
 time, this important position was abandoned. Could the Ameri 
 cans have promptly advanced at this juncture in sufficient force > 
 an entrance into the lower town would have been rendered com 
 paratively easy. But the difficulties of ascending the hill, and of 
 penetrating through the pickets, had greatly impeded their pro 
 gress, and the precious moment was lost^in waiting for the rear 
 to come up. About two hundred men having at length collected, 
 Montgomery moved forward at their head towards the block-house, 
 exclaiming, " Push on, brave boys, Quebec is ours." These were 
 his last words. When the column had advanced within forty 
 paces of the block-house, one of the Cannon was discharged by a 
 sailor, who, having returned to see what it was that delayed the 
 
106 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Americans, and observing them approaching, picked up a match, 
 and before he again fled, fired the gun. By this discharge Mont 
 gomery fell, and with him Captains Cheeseman and McPherson, an 
 orderly sergeant, and a private. Unfortunately for the issue of 
 the assault, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell succeeded to the com 
 mand. This officer has been justly described as one, quite defi 
 cient in the qualities necessary for such an emergency as had arisen. 
 Instead of emulating the conduct of Morgan, under precisely 
 similar circumstances, he delayed the advance in useless consulta 
 tion, until the enemy returned to their works, when he ordered a 
 retreat. The soldiery, disheartened by the death of their general, 
 immediately retired at a pace which soon degenerated into a 
 flight. Mr. Burr, placing Montgomery s body on his shoulders 
 hurried through the deep snow in the line of the retreat. The 
 enemy sallied from their works after the fugitives. The pursuit 
 became so hot, that Burr was forced to abandon his noble 
 burden, which was found the next day, enveloped in the newly 
 fallen snow, on the shore of the St. Lawrence. It was subsequently 
 brought into the town, and buried with the honors of war. 
 
 Thus terminated the celebrated expedition to Quebec. This 
 part of our subject will appropriately close with a few reflections, 
 suggested by its thrilling details. The scheme of taking Quebec 
 by assault was neither rash in design, nor hopeless of execution. 
 The great strength and extent of the works of the city, which, if 
 fully manned, could perhaps have been maintained against any 
 force whatever furnished embarrassments rather than advantages, 
 to the small garrison which defended them. The forced coopera 
 tion of some 600 Canadians could not be regarded as adding 
 materially to the means of defence. These, and the remainder 
 of the inhabitants of French origin, were ripe for revolt, and 
 ready to join the assailants, the moment they safely could. 
 Leaving these people out of account, then, the strength of the 
 Americans, both as it regards numbers and efficiency, was much 
 superior to that of the garrison. The capture of Quebec would 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 107 
 
 t 
 
 have completed the conquest of Canada?* and a result so all- 
 important, called for the adoption of any step, however hazardous, 
 that furnished the remotest hope of its accomplishment. Many 
 other considerations of weight were added, prompting, if not 
 compelling, the American general to a resort to decisive meas 
 ures. The resolution, then, to assault Quebec, appears to have 
 been fully justified by all the circumstances under which it was 
 taken. 
 
 The preliminary arrangements for the assault, although compli 
 cated, appear to have all been carried into effect without accident 
 or mistake. The troops marched to the attack, cheerful and con 
 fident. In the early stages of the assault, the enemy yielded on 
 every hand. Nothing, it seemed, was wanting to crown the effort 
 with complete success, but an ordinary share of courage and 
 determination. It is here that we must look for the causes of the 
 failure. While some of the troops exhibited a valor and perse 
 verance, seldom, if ever, equalled, others, it must be admitted, 
 betrayed a want of those ennobling qualities. Had the efforts of 
 Morgan s riflemen, and of the few brave men who rushed with 
 them over the enemy s works, been supported by the rear of the 
 column, the lower town would have been taken by Arnold s divi 
 sion alone. Had Montgomery not fallen, or having fallen, had 
 he been as ably succeeded by Campbell as Arnold was by Mor 
 gan, his division would, doubtless, have been equally successful. 
 With the united American forces in the lower town, embracing 
 as it did the bulk of the city s wealth, the inhabitants, either from 
 a desire to secure their property, or from disaffection to the 
 British rule, would have cooperated with them in compelling the 
 garrison, if necessary, to surrender. 
 
 Never, perhaps, was the discharge of a single gun followed by 
 such important consequences, as the one which, though fired at 
 random, struck down Montgomery at the moment of victory. It 
 secured to Great Britain a province, greater in extent than all her 
 other possessions together, and which was on the point of being 
 
108 THE LIFE OF 
 
 
 
 wrested from her for ever. It gave a disastrous termination to a 
 campaign, which, on the part of the Americans, had hitherto been 
 a succession of triumphs. While the British government were 
 thus encouraged to persevere in their efforts to bring the colonists 
 to unconditional submission, the latter were proportionably dis 
 pirited at results, so contrary to their expectations, and so unfavor 
 able to their cause. Thenceforward, the tide of war reacted on 
 the Americans in this quarter, until at length, from being the 
 invaders, they were made the objects of invasion. It may be 
 safely asserted, that the consequences of this single discharge of 
 grape were not wholly neutralized, even by the subsequent cap 
 ture of Burgoyne at Saratoga. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 109 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Governor Carleton His kind treatment of the prisoners Their efforts to escape Morgan 
 offered a colonelcy in the British service, which he rejects with indignation Arnold 
 still invests Quebec Arrival of the British fleet, with an army of twelve thousand men 
 The British rule re-established over Canada The prisoners petition Gov. Carletoufor 
 permissions to return to their homes on parole Their liberation Morgan visits tho 
 American head-quarters At the recommendation of the commander-in-chief, he is 
 appointed colonel of the Rifle regiment Recruiting for the new army Morgan urged 
 to push the enlistment for his regiment He marches to Morristown Formation of the 
 regiment of Rangers The instructions of the commander-in-chief. 
 
 THE Americans having surrendered, the officers were con 
 ducted to the Seminary, and the non-commissioned officers and 
 privates to the Jesuits College, or Recollets, where they were 
 confined. Of this division, only about one hundred men suc 
 ceeded in escaping.* 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of Canada, was as much dis 
 tinguished for courtesy and generosity, as he was for talents 
 and courage. Whether it was from policy, or from the sug 
 gestions of those better feelings which we have ascribed to him, 
 certain it is, that he caused the gallant band which the chances 
 of battle had thrown into his hands, to be treated with much 
 more kindness, than it was usual for British officers, either before 
 or after the affair at Quebec, to extend to American prisoners. 
 This kindness was observed to the privates as well as to the 
 officers, and induced the general belief, that a desire to alienate 
 them from the cause in which they had been engaged, if not 
 to draw them into that of their captors, would be found among 
 
 * Collections of Maine His. Soc., vol. I., p. 410. 
 
110 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the motives for its adoption. Subsequent events established 
 the correctness of this impression. 
 
 Among the prisoners, a number were of English and Irish 
 birth. These were left the alternative, either to enlist in Colonel 
 McLean s regiment of emigrants, or to be sent to England to 
 be tried for treason. Those born in America were offered their 
 liberty upon enlisting. Accordingly, a large number, chiefly 
 natives of Great Britain, entered the British service, with the 
 intention of seizing the first opportunity which might offer to 
 desert. A short time afterwards, several succeeded in escaping, 
 some by descending the almost perpendicular sides of the snow- 
 clad rock on which Quebec stands, others by jumping from 
 the top of fortifications thirty or forty feet high, into snow from 
 ten to fifteen feet deep, and a few by running the gauntlet 
 through a fire of grapeshot and musketry. What remained 
 of this class of recruits, after the lapse of a few weeks, being 
 regarded as hopeless cases for conversion, were remanded to 
 prison.* 
 
 About the beginning of March, the prisoners were removed 
 from the college to Dauphin jail, an old French building, about 
 three hundred yards from St. John s Gate. During this month, 
 a formidable plot which they had formed, not only to escape, but 
 to seize the works a-t St. John s Gate, and to admit Arnold and 
 his force into the town, was discovered by the garrison, just in 
 time to prevent it from being carried into effect. From some 
 hoop iron, found in one of the rooms of the building", they manu 
 factured swords and spear heads, handles for which were fur 
 nished by the fir planks, which formed the bottoms of their 
 berths. By an ingenious device, cartridges were obtained from 
 the soldiery without exciting suspicion. These were converted 
 into matches, with which it was intended to fire the guns of 
 the works upon the city. Joseph Aston, a private in Capt. 
 Lamb s company, succeeded, by the aid of his companions, 
 
 * Sparks s Life of Arnold, p. 65. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. Ill 
 
 in effecting his escape. He was to inform Arnold of the intended 
 movement, and to obtain his co-operation. Everything was 
 arranged, and the time for action fixed, when the imprudence 
 of two of their number aroused suspicion. The partial inves 
 tigation which followed would have failed to make any discovery, 
 when, by the treachery of an English deserter, also a prisoner, the 
 whole plot was betrayed. The prisoners were immediately 
 loaded with chains, which they were compelled to bear for 
 the succeeding two months. During this time, they suffered 
 extreme misery from scurvy, and from a diarrhoea, occasioned by 
 the water.* It was not until the arrival of the British army from 
 England, and the retreat of the Americans from before Quebec, 
 that the irons were struck from their limbs.f 
 
 All the captured officers were treated with marked kindness 
 and consideration; but to none was this treatment displayed 
 in so great a degree as to Morgan. The following anecdote, 
 related by himself, will serve to illustrate, not only the impli 
 cation of a design on the part of the British commander to 
 seduce his prisoners from the cause of their country, but the 
 high opinion which this officer had formed of Morgan s mili 
 tary talents, from the conduct of the latter during the assault. 
 He was visited occasionally by a British officer, to him unknown, 
 but, from his uniform, he appeared to belong to the navy, and to 
 be an officer of distinction. During one of his visits, after 
 conversing upon many topics, he asked Morgan if he did not 
 begin to be convinced that the resistance of America was 
 visionary. He endeavored to impress upon Morgan the disas 
 trous consequences which must infallibly ensue, if the idle attempt 
 were persevered in, and earnestly exhorted him to renounce 
 the ill-advised undertaking. He declared, with seeming sincerity 
 and warmth, his admiration of Morgan s spirit and enterprise, 
 which he said were worthy of nobler employment, and told him, 
 
 * Collections of Maine His. Soc., vol. i., p. 410-411. 
 t Henry s Expedition, p. 146-163. 
 
112 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that if lie would consent to withdraw from the American 
 and join the British standard, he was authorized to offer him 
 the commission, rank, and emoluments, of a colonel in the royal 
 army. Morgan rejected the proposal with disdain, and concluded 
 his reply by observing : " I hope, sir, you will never again insult 
 me in my present distressed and unfortunate situation, by making 
 me offers which plainly imply that you think me a scoundrel !"* 
 
 Notwithstanding the failure of the assault, and its unfortunate 
 results, Morgan and his fellow captives were not without hope 
 that their friends, who still menaced Quebec, would yet restore 
 them to liberty. Arnold, who had succeeded to the command, 
 encamped with the remains of the army before the town, and by 
 cutting off all communication between it and the surrounding 
 country, reduced it to great distress. He intercepted ;:nd cap 
 tured all supplies intended for the garrison, cut oft* its detach 
 ments whenever they ventured abroad, and by repeated and bold 
 attacks, rendered its situation extremely harassing and precarious. 
 Congress had authorized the raising of nine regiments, and at the 
 request of the commander-in-chief, the New England govern 
 ments made provision for adding materially to this force, the 
 whole being intended to operate in Canada, early in the spring. 
 Encouraged by these and other indications of a determination to 
 prosecute the war with vigor in that quarter, the assailants held 
 their ground, awaiting only the arrival of the promised reinforce 
 ments, again to attack the town. These came in so slowly, how 
 ever, as hardly to add anything to the effective strength of the 
 army, the arrival of one body of men being generally neutralized 
 by the departure of another. Sickness, and particularly the 
 small pox, had, besides, reduced the nominal force nearly one 
 half. Thus three months passed without producing anything 
 decisive ; yet the season was rapidly approaching when the ice 
 would break up, and the promised reinforcements from England 
 might be expected to arrive. Under these circumstances, Arnold 
 
 * Lee s Memoirs, p. 429. Dr. Hill, Major Neville. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 113 
 
 determined to resume the siege. Batteries were erected against 
 the town, and upon the shores of the river, which opened their 
 fire on the 2d of April.* His troops gained the suburbs, ^where 
 they set fire to several houses, and obliged the garrison to pull 
 down others to prevent the fire from spreading. Here, however, 
 they were obliged to pause ; but they succeeded in withdrawing 
 without sustaining any considerable loss. The attempts to burn 
 the shipping in the harbor, by means of red hot shot and fire 
 ships, were not more successful, although prosecuted with all the 
 energy of which the numbers and the circumstances of the besiegers 
 admitted. 
 
 These events, which marked the passage of the month of April, 
 were regarded by the prisoners with no common interest. Besides 
 keeping them in a constant state of restless anxiety, they produced 
 on their minds rapid alternations of hope and fear. But their 
 prospects were soon destined to assume a fixed and gloomy color 
 ing. On the morning of the 6th May> the frigates Isis and Sur 
 prise, with three transports, arrived at Quebec. These were a 
 part of the expected British fleet, which, it was now announced, 
 were working up the river, having on board 12,000 German and 
 English troops, with Generals Burgoyne, Phillips, and Riedesel. 
 The troops brought by the transports having been quickly landed, 
 CarLeton, at the head of one thousand men, with six pieces of 
 artillery, sallied forth against the besiegers. At a council of war, 
 held the day previously, in the American camp, it was the unani 
 mous opinion of the officers present, that the army was too feeble 
 to hope for success from an assault of the town. It was accord 
 ingly resolved to remove the sick, the artillery and the stores, 
 higher up the river, preparatory to a movement of the troops in 
 the same direction. While engaged in carrying these designs 
 into execution, Carleton appeared. General Thomas, who had 
 succeeded Arnold in command of the American forces, ordered a 
 -etreat, which soon became a flight. He left behind him all his 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 81. 
 
114 THE LIFE OF 
 
 artillery and baggage, which, with a considerable number of his 
 men, fell into the enemy s hands.* 
 
 From this time forth, our affairs in Canada were nothing but a 
 series of disasters, relieved, it is true, by instances of courage and 
 address, worthy of success, and which even gave glory to defeat. 
 We therefore willingly take leave of matters no longer incidental 
 to the object of our labors. Suffice it to say, that Gov. Carleton, 
 having completely reestablished the British rule over Canada, 
 returned to Quebec about the middle of June. 
 
 The prisoners had long since given up all hopes of a speedy 
 liberation, save through the success of our arms in capturing the 
 enemy, thus offering facilities for their exchange; OY, through the 
 clemency of Gov. Garleton. Ignorant of the progress of events to 
 the southward, their expections of being exchanged were faint and 
 uncertain ; and while the contest was yet undecided in Canada, 
 the supposition that Carleton would comply with their desires, 
 was out of the question. His return, however, elated with 
 victory, induced Morgan, Green, and others among the prisoners, 
 to believe that the favorable moment had at length arrived, when 
 the magnanimity conspicuous in his general conduct might be suc 
 cessfully appealed to. Their confidence was strengthened by the 
 fact, that the restraints which had previously been imposed on 
 them were then somewhat slackened, the officers having recently 
 received permission to walk in a large garden adjoining their 
 quarters. A petitionf was accordingly drawn up, and having 
 been signed by the officers, was laid before the governor. 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 62. 
 
 tTO HIS EXCELLENCY, THE HONORABLE UUY CARLETON, ESQ., CAPTAIN GENERAL AND COMMANDER 
 
 IN CHIEF OF ALL HIS MAJESTY S FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA, ETC., ETC. 
 MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY : 
 
 Impressed with a just sense of your Excellency s humanity and benevolence, and 
 urged by the peculiarity of our present disagreeable situation, being destitute of both 
 friends and money, we beg leave to request that your Excellency will condescend to take 
 our case into consideration, and grant us relief, by permitting us to return to our res 
 pective homes, on our parole, which we shall ever deem sacred, assuring your Excellency 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 115 
 
 Although no immediate answer was returned to this petition, it 
 i believed that it had the desired effect. On the seventh of 
 A-gust following, all the prisoners in Quebec, then amounting to 
 frfyy-one commissioned officers, and three hundred and seventy- 
 three non-commissioned officers and privates, were discharged on 
 their parole. 
 
 The generosity of Carleton s character displayed itself on this 
 occasion. The men thus discharged being mostly in a destitute 
 condition, were furnished by him with clothing and such other 
 necessaries as they stood in need of. An act of such extraordi 
 nary kindness towards enemies having drawn some expressions of 
 surprise from his officers, he is said to have replied: "Since we 
 have tried in vain to make them acknowledge us as brothers, let 
 us at least send them away, disposed to regard us as first cousins."* 
 
 On the 10th of August, the prisoners were embarked on board 
 of five transports, which sailed the next day for New York, under 
 convoy of the Pearl frigate. On the llth of September, they 
 reached their destination. After being detained for some time in 
 the harbor of New York, they were landed at Elizabethtown 
 Point. It was ten or eleven o clock at night, the moon shining 
 brightly, when Morgan, standing on the bow of the boat as it 
 approached the land, sprang to the shore, and throwing himself 
 on the ground, as if to embrace it, cried out in a burst of patriotic 
 feeling "Oh, my country !" They all seemed delirious with joy, 
 
 that we shall make it a point to surrender ourselves to any of his Majesty s officers, when 
 and where your Excellency may think proper to direct. 
 
 Being likewise sensibly touchjed with the deplorable state of our men, who remain 
 prisoners at present, we take the liberty to recommend them to your Excellency s con 
 sideration, earnestly soliciting that some measures may be taken for their relief, and we 
 should be extremely happy if they could possibly return to their families, many of whom 
 must be reduced to the greatest distress, 
 
 Your Excellency s compliance will be esteemed a singular favor, and ever gratefully 
 acknowledged by 
 
 Your Excellency s most obedient and very humble servants 
 
 Seminary, Quebec, June 7th, 1776. [Here followed thirty-four names-] 
 
 *Pparks s Writings of Washington, vol. Hi., p. 268. 
 
116 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and the night was passed in singing, dancing, hallooing, and every 
 wild expression of pleasure.* 
 
 Morgan repaired without delay to the American head-quarters, 
 ?.nd communicated to the commander-in-chief the desire he felt 
 to enter again into the service of his country, as soon as his 
 liberation from his parole would permit. It is proper to observe 
 here, that Washington had not been an inattentive observer of the 
 events of the Canadian war, and particularly of those which 
 marked the glorious but unfortunate career of the detachments he 
 had sent thither from Cambridge. Nor was h<? unmindful of the 
 rights of those who {survived the struggle in that quarter. Con 
 gress having passed a resolution, directing the exchange of 
 prisoners which had been agreed upon between the respective 
 commanders of the contending armies, to be made from the officers 
 and soldiers taken on Long Island, Washington remonstrated 
 against the injustice which would thereby be done the troops 
 captured in Canada, f and succeeded in getting that body to 
 direct, that in the exchange, the latter should have the preference. 
 He also counteracted the inclination evinced by General Howe, 
 in negotiating an exchange, to pass over the prisoners in Canada. 
 His correspondence with the President of Congress and the 
 governors of the States, showed that the claims to remembrance 
 and reward of the officers who served in Canada, had not been 
 forgotten by him.J In the organization of the new army, he 
 was enabled to carry out his just and generous inclinations 
 towards those brave but unfortunate men. 
 
 Morgan met with a flattering reception from the comn inder- 
 in-chief. The assault on Quebec had spread his name tl /ough- 
 out the country, and in the estimation of Washington, plar ed him 
 among the foremost of those who had so greatly distinguished 
 themselves on that memorable occasion. Before Morgan left the 
 camp for his home in Virginia, the views and wishes of the com 
 
 * Henry s Expedition, p. 183-186. Collections Maine Historical Society, vol. 1., 418. 
 t Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv, pp. 140-141. $ Ibi^. p. 150. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 117 
 
 mander-in-chief regarding him, were transmitted to the President 
 of Congress in the following letter : 
 
 HEIGHTS OK HARLEM, 2Gth Sept. 1176. 
 
 SIR : As Colonel Hugh Stephcnson, of the rifle regiment, lately ordered 
 to be raised, is dead, according to the information I have received, I would 
 beg leave to recommend to the particular notice of Congress Captain 
 Daniel Morgan, just returned among the prisoners from Canada, as a fit 
 and proper person to succeed to the vacancy occasioned by his death. 
 The present field officers in the regiment cannot claim any right in pre 
 ference to him, because he ranked above them, and as a captain, when 
 he entered the service. His condifct as an officer, ov the expedition with 
 General Arnold last fall, his intrepid behavior in the assault upon Quebec, 
 when the brave Montgomery fell, the inflexible attachment he professed to 
 our cause during his imprisonment, and which he perseveres in, and, added 
 to these, his residence in the place Colonel Stephenson came from, and his 
 interest and influence in the same circle, and with such men as are to com 
 pose such a regiment, all, in my opinion, entitle him to the favor of Con 
 gress, and lead me to believe that in his promotion, the States will gain a 
 good and valuable officer^ for the sort of troops he is particularly recom 
 mended to command. 
 
 Should Congress be pleased to appoint Captain Morgan in the instance 
 I have mentioned, I would still beg leave to suggest the propriety and 
 necessity of keeping the matter close, and not suffering it to transpire 
 until he is exonerated from the parole he is under. His acceptance of a 
 commission under his present eircumstam <* might be construed as a vio 
 lation of his engagement ; and if not, the difficulty attending his exchange 
 might be increased. The enemy, perhaps, would consider him as a field- 
 officer, of which we have but very few in our hands, and none, that I 
 recollect, of that rank. 
 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON.* 
 
 Morgan s return once more to home and friends was sig 
 nalized by the display towards him of an affection and regard, 
 which went far in repaying him for the toils, the perils, and the 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., pp. 124-125. 
 
118 THE LIFE OF 
 
 sufferings he had experienced. He found his wife and children 
 in good health ; and, thanks to the forecast, which, even amid the 
 excesses of his earlier career, made him provide for the future, 
 learned, that they had suffered no privation nor unhappiness, save 
 that arising from the absence of their best friend and natural 
 protector. His old associates and neighbors gathered around him, 
 and in return for their hearty congratulations upon his re- appear 
 ance among them, safe and uninjured, made him repeat, again ana 
 again, the adventures which had marked the period of his 
 absence. A month was speedily passed in recruiting his health 
 and strength, and in arranging and bringing up his private affairs. 
 But he was destined soon to return to a nobler field of action. 
 Towards the close of November, he was informed that Congress 
 had determined to act upon the suggestion of the commander-in- 
 chief, and confer upon him a colonel s commission.* He was 
 also advised, that in a short time he might expect to be exchanged, 
 when he would be required at once to take the field. Before the 
 year closed, he was notified of his release from his parole, had 
 
 * I N CONGRESS. 
 
 The Delegates of the United States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Hay, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. To Daniel Morgan, Esq.: 
 
 We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct and 
 fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of the Eleventh 
 Regiment of Virginia in the army of the United States, raised for the defence of Ameri 
 can Liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are, therefore, care 
 fully and diligently to discharge the duty of colonel, by doing and performing all manner 
 of things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers and 
 soldiers under your command to be obedient to your orders as colonel. And you are to 
 observe and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as you si all receive 
 from this or a future Congress of the United States, or committee of Congress l\,r i l.at purpose 
 appointed, or commander-in-chief for the time being of the army of the Luited States, 
 or any other your superior officer according to the rules and discipline of war, iu pursu 
 ance of the trust resposed in you. This commission to continue in force until revoked by 
 tliis or a future Congress. 
 
 Dated the Twelth day of November, 1776, seventy-six. By order of the Congress. 
 
 Attest, CHABLKS THOMPSON, JOHX HANCOCK, 
 
 Sec. Pr. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 119 
 
 
 
 received his commission, and was instructed to commence recruit 
 ing for the ranks of his regiment. 
 
 Congress had now made arrangements for raising an army on a 
 more permanent footing ; and the commander-in-chief was making 
 the greatest exertions to carry out their designs. The untoward turn 
 which affairs had taken had dispirited the people. The recruiting 
 service progressed so languidly, and yielded results so unexpectedly 
 small, as to excite the most alarming fears for the future. From 
 the outset of the struggle, Washington had been unceasing in his 
 exertions to induce Congress to adopt this course ; and his pre 
 dictions of the fearful crisis in the public affairs which otherwise 
 would sooner or later ensue, were but too faithfully verified. 
 " Reinforcements come up so extremely slow," he says, in a letter 
 to the President of Congress, written about this time, " that I am 
 afraid I shall be left without any men before they arrive. The 
 enemy must be ignorant of our numbers, or they have not horses 
 to move their artillery, or they would not suffer us to remain 
 undisturbed. I have repeatedly written to all the recruiting 
 officers, to forward on their men as fast as they could arm and 
 clothe them ; but they are so extremely averse to turning out of 
 comfortable quarters, that I cannot get a man to come near me, 
 though I hear from all parts that the recruiting service goes on 
 with great success. It would be well if the board of war, in whoso 
 department it is, would issue orders for all officers to equip and for 
 ward their recruits to head-quarters with the greatest expedition."* 
 
 Morgan had entered earnestly into the business of recruiting. 
 Yet, even with his general acquaintance among the people, 
 and his popularity as a commander to aid his efforts, they were 
 but partially successful. Some time before his discharge from 
 his parole, the officers, then scattered all over the country 
 on recruiting service, had picked up every available man ; and, 
 as he required those who were accustomed to the woods, and to 
 the use of the rifle, his difficulties were increased. While thus 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. IT., p. 80-802 . 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 
 
 employed, lie received a letter from Richard Peters, Esq., at that 
 time Secretary of the Board of War, inclosing a resolution 
 of Congress, adopted in conformity with the suggestions of 
 the commander-in-chief. The resolution and letter are sub 
 joined : 
 
 In Congress, February 24, 1777. 
 
 Resolved That the Board of War be directed to send letters to express 
 to the colonels or other commanding officers of the several regiments now 
 raising and recruiting in the States of Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, 
 and Virginia, ordering them immediately to march the troops enlisted 
 under their command, by companies and parts of companies, to join the 
 army under General Washington; proper officers being left behind 
 to recruit the companies or corps that are not yet complete, and to bring 
 
 up the recruits. 
 
 Extract from the minutes, 
 
 CHAS. THOMPSON, Secretary. 
 
 . WAR OFFICE, Baltimore, Feb. 24, 1T77. 
 
 SIR : Congress having received intelligence of the enemy s being rein 
 forced in New Jersey very considerably, it becomes absolutely necessary, 
 both for the preservation of the army under General Washington, and to 
 check the progress of our cruel and remorseless invaders, that he be joined 
 immediately by all the forces which can possibly be procured. You have 
 the resolve of Congress on that head enclosed, by the direction of the 
 Board of War, with which they request you will instantly comply, by send 
 ing all the men raised in your regiment. Let them bring what arms, 
 blankets, and clothes they have, or can by any means obtain, and the defi 
 ciency will either be supplied at Philadelphia or at head-quarters. Let 
 nothing delay your immediate march, either by companies or parts of com 
 panies, as you can get them together, as the safety of our country much 
 depends upon the exertions of its army at this trying period ; and it 
 is hoped no care or pains of yours will be wanting, when all we hold dear 
 and valuable demands them. 
 
 I have the honor to be, your very obedient servant, 
 
 RICHARD PETERS, Secretary. 
 To COL. MORGAN, Winchester, Va. 
 
 Although Morgan had succeeded in enlisting a number of 
 such men as he desired, they were yet too few, in his opinion, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 121 
 
 to come under the directions of the resolution and letter just 
 quoted. These men besides, were scattered about at different 
 points, embracing an extent of more than forty miles of country ; 
 and some further time would be required to collect and organize 
 them, before they could be sent forward as directed. The 
 urgency of the case, no doubt, was great, and few, perhaps, were 
 more strongly impressed with this fact than Morgan himself. 
 He had some time before been addressed by Governor Henry, 
 who called upon him to lose no time in filling the ranks of 
 his regiment, and marching to New Jersey. A fewdavs elapsed, 
 and another letter from the same quarter was received. This 
 letter, although not material to the matter in hand, is yet so cha 
 racteristic of its distinguished author, that we cannot resist 
 the temptation to give it a place in our narrative : 
 
 WILLUMSBURG, March 15, 1777. 
 
 SIK : I must once more address you on the subject of marching your 
 regiment to join Gen. Washington. There is a more pushing necessity for 
 vour aid than you are acquainted with, or I can with propriety explain in 
 detail. You will, therefore, surmount every obstacle, and lose not a 
 moment, lest America receive a wound that may prove mortal. 
 
 I am, sir, &c., 
 
 P. HENRY. 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
 Long before the glorious struggle terminated, Patrick Henry 
 learned to appreciate Morgan as a man, who, in the labors 
 of patriotism, needed no spur " to prick the sides of his intent," 
 and to regard him as one in whose breast dwelt a spirit kindred 
 to his own. 
 
 Having raised a force of about one hundred and eigh men, 
 Morgan took up his line of march, and reached the camp at 
 Morristown about the beginning of April. Up to this period, 
 with the exception of a few hundreds from Pennsylvania, New 
 Jersey, and Virginia, there was nothing in the American camp to 
 indicate that Congress, months before, had made provision for the 
 
122 THE LIFE OF 
 
 enlistment and organization of a new army. Of the sixteen regi 
 ments ordered to be raised the preceding December, but five 
 or six hundred had arrived at head-quarters. The commander-in- 
 chief was bitterly disappointed. He found himself not only 
 unable to carry into effect the offensive operations he had medi 
 tated, but unequal even to defensive warfare. Nay, more, he was 
 indebted to his preservation from destruction, either to the supine- 
 ness or the want of information of his opponent.* But, affairs 
 assumed a more promising aspect during the succeeding two 
 months. Recruits having corne in pretty rapidly, preparations 
 were made for opening the campaign with a vigor proportionate 
 to the means supplied to carry it on. The camp at Morristown 
 was broken up, the detachments called in, and the army moved 
 to Middlebrook. The effective force at this time was only five 
 thousand, seven hundred and seventy-eight men. 
 
 On Morgan s arrival at head-quarters, he was received by 
 the commander-in-chief with marked kindness and consideration. 
 He entered at once on the duties of his station. But, the situa 
 tion of affairs in the camp at this time, when one army was about 
 disbanding, to be succeeded by another not yet assembled, much 
 less organized, imposed on him an inaction but ill-suited to 
 his temperament. This was, however, destined to be short lived. 
 The early military career of the commander-in-chief had taught 
 him the value which might properly attach to a select corps of 
 eharp-shooters, composed of hardy, active men, accustomed to the 
 ~oods, and skillful in the use of the rifle. The preceding 
 ^mpaigns had presented many occasions, forcibly suggesting the 
 want of such a corps, when its presence might have turned 
 the tide of battle. He determined no longer to defer its forma 
 tion. A body of five hundred picked men was accordingly 
 formed from the different regiments composing the army. The 
 command of this corps was given to Col. Morgan ; Richard But 
 Jer, of Pennsylvania, an officer admirably qualified for the post, 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 802. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 123 
 
 received the lieutenant-colonelcy ; and the gallant but unfortunate 
 Morris, of New Jersey, who fell gloriously a short time afterwards 
 at Chestnut Hill, was appointed major. The captains for the 
 eight companies, into which the regiment was divided, were 
 appointed by Morgan. His selections displayed that knowledge 
 of human nature, and that soundness of judgment, which formed 
 such conspicuous features in his character. They were Captains 
 Cobel, Posey, Knox, Long, Swearingen, Parr, Boone, and Hender 
 son. Amidst all the severe tests to which these officers were 
 subsequently subjected, not one of them failed to realize the 
 expectations of his commander, nor to distinguish himself on one 
 or more occasions. 
 
 On the 13th June, the corps being completely organized 
 and ready for service, as the events of a few days signally proved, 
 the following letter of instructions was received by Morgan : 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 To COL. MORGAN 
 
 SIR : The corps of Rangers newly formed, and under your command, 
 are to be considered as a body of Light Infantry, and are to act as such, 
 for which reason they will be exempted from the common duties of 
 the line. 
 
 At present you are to take post at Yan Yechten s Bridge, and watch, 
 with very small scouting parties (to avoid fatiguing your men too much 
 under the present appearance of things), the enemy s left flank, and parti 
 cularly the roads leading from Brunswick towards Millstone, Princeton, &c. 
 
 In case of any movement of the enemy, you are instantly to fall upon 
 their flanks, and gall them as much as possible, taking especial care not to 
 be surrounded, or have your retreat to the army cut off. 
 
 I have sent for spears, which I expect shortly to receive and deliver 
 to you, as a defence against horse. Till you are furnished with these, take 
 care not to be caught in such a situation, as to give them any advantage 
 over you. 
 
 Given under my hand at head-quarters, Middlebrook, the 13th of 
 June, 1777. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
124 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The enemy advance in the direction of the Delaware The Rangers approach, and attack 
 their outposts and flanking parties The enemy retire towards Amboy Attacked by 
 Morgan, and pursued by him and AVayne as far as Piscataway The enemy march to 
 Westfield Morgan engages their advance On their retreat to Rahway, Scott and 
 Morgan attack them with effect Northern army reinforced Morgan ordered to Haver- 
 straw Uncertainty as to the enemy s designs Morgan is ordered to hasten towards 
 Philadelphia After a period of doubt, receives orders to march to the north and join 
 General Gates Extracts of letters from the commander-in-chief in relation to Morgan 
 and his corps The situation of affairs in the north Morgan arrives at Albany Letter 
 from General Gates to Morgan Arrival of the latter at head-quarters Morgan receives 
 a flattering reception from General Gates A battalion of light infantry is added to his 
 command. 
 
 ON the morning of the 13th of June, the day on which Morgan 
 assumed the command of his regiment, Sir William Howe, leaving 
 2,000 men at New Brunswick, sent two strong columns of his 
 forces, under Generals Cornwallis and De Heister, in the direction 
 of the Delaware. The purpose of this movement was to induce 
 Washington to quit his fortified camp at Middlebrook, and risk 
 an engagement in defence of the quarter threatened. The front 
 of Cornwallis s column reached Somerset Court House by the 
 dawn of day, when it was discovered by one of Morgan s detached 
 parties.* Intelligence of this movement of the enemy having been 
 communicated to head-quarters by Morgan, he at once advanced 
 with his regiment to the neighborhood of Somerset. 
 
 Being secured on their flanks by the Raritan and Millstone, the 
 enemy were found too strongly posted to be approached without 
 danger. But during the five or six days that they occupied this 
 
 * Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 468. 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 125 
 
 position, several spirited encounters took place between small 
 parties of their force and detachments of the Rangers, in which 
 the latter were invariably victorious. Finding that Washington 
 was not to be drawn into a disadvantageous engagement, and not 
 daring to prosecute his seeming purpose of crossing the Delaware, 
 the British general returned to New Brunswick on the 19th of 
 June.* 
 
 Morgan, in conformity with the instructions! he had received 
 from head-quarters, kept a vigilant eye upon the enemy. Their 
 return to New Brunswick was signalized by several spirited 
 attacks on their flanking parties by the Rangers. 
 
 On the morning of the 22d, General Howe evacuated New 
 Brunswick, and retired towards Amboy, setting fire to every 
 building on his line of march. Washington, on being apprised 
 of the retreat, detached three brigades (one of which was 
 Wayne s), under Gen. Green, to fall on the enemy s rear, while 
 Sullivan and Maxwell were ordered to co-operate upon their 
 flank. The main body, in the meantime, paraded on the heights, 
 ready to act as occasion might require. 
 
 As Morgan was posted in the immediate neighborhood of the 
 enemy, he was first apprised of their movements, and thereupon 
 he immediately pushed forward to annoy them. He first encoun 
 tered a strong picket of Hessians, who were soon driven in upon 
 the main body. The latter were at this moment in full retreat 
 across the bridge, a strong division of their forces being drawn up 
 to cover the movement. Against this body, Morgan immediately 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. I., pp. 14T, 148. 
 
 t HEAD-QUARTERS, 15th June, 1777. 
 SIR: 
 
 His Excellency desires you will continue to keep out your active parties carefully 
 watching every motion of the enemy; and have your whole body in readiness to move 
 without confusion, and free from danger. He likewise requests that you make your men 
 be particularly careful of their provision, or they must often suffer. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 , \ t Your most obedient servant, 
 
 4 RICHABD R. MEADE, A. D. (I 
 
 OQL. D, MORGAN. 
 
126 THE LIFE OF 
 
 directed the fire of his regiment ; and after a fierce struggle of a 
 few minutes, the enemy were forced to give way, and to seek the 
 shelter afforded by some redoubts which they had previously con 
 structed on that side of the river.* The advantage afforded them 
 by the redoubts subjected Morgan to a momentary check; but 
 Gen. Wayne s brigade arriving at this juncture, the contest was 
 renewed with greater spirit than ever. After a short struggle, 
 the British abandoned their redoubts, and retreated precipitately 
 along the Amboy road. 
 
 Morgan, followed by Wayne, kept close to the heels of 
 the enemy; and before he gave up the pursuit, forced their 
 rear guard, on several occasions, to face about, and exchange 
 several sharp fires with his riflemen. For more than an hour, 
 the contest was maintained with severe loss on both sides ; and it 
 was not until Wayne and Morgan had advanced in the pursuit as 
 far as Piscataway, that they ordered a halt.f They had reckoned 
 with confidence on the co-operation of Sullivan and Maxwell, in 
 which event they felt assured, that the day would prove a disas 
 trous one to General Howe. But this not being obtained, they 
 paused awhile at Piscataway, to refresh their men, and then 
 returned to New Brunswick. The opinion prevailed in the army 
 after this battle, that had Maxwell arrived at the post assigned 
 him, in time to take a part in the contest, the enemy s rear guard 
 of 1500 men would have been cut off and captured. 
 
 In this action, Morgan greatly distinguished himself. His 
 corps had fought with extraordinary valor ; and, although it suf 
 fered severely in its repeated encounters with the enemy during 
 the preceding few days, the loss of the latter was far greater 
 Morgan and Wayne, as well as their officers and men, were made 
 the subject of very commendatory remarks in the letter which 
 Washington addressed to the President of Congress, after the 
 action. Honorable mention was made of "their conduct and 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 471. t Ibid 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 127 
 
 bravery on this occasion," and the fact was specially noted, that 
 " they constantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to them 
 in numbers, and well secured behind strong redoubts."* 
 
 The new and somewhat exposed situation of the main body of 
 the American army, in its advanced position at Quibbletown, 
 offered temptations to the British commander to make a fresh 
 attack. The object of his first movement was to draw Washing 
 ton from his entrenched camp, and bring on a general action. 
 He ROW thought that a rapid movement of his force might enable 
 him to turn the American left, and gain the heights in its 
 rear, thus forcing Washington to fight at a disadvantage. 
 Accordingly, on the night of the 25th, he recalled the troops 
 which had crossed to Staten Island, and early next morning 
 made a rapid movement, in two columns, towards Westfield. 
 The right, under Cornwallis, took the route by Woodbridge 
 to Scotch Plains ; and the left, led by Howe, marched by 
 Metucking meeting-house. In addition, four battalions, with 
 six pieces of cannon, were detached to Bonhamstown, in order to 
 cover Amboy. Howe was to attack the left of the American 
 army at Quibbletown, while Cornwallis was to gain the heights 
 on the left of the camp at Middlebrook.f 
 
 After the action of the 22d, Morgan took post in advance 
 of the main body, and in the neighborhood of Woodbridge. 
 On the morning of the 26th, the advance of Cornwallis was 
 discovered, and soon after vigorously attacked. The conflict 
 was maintained with spirit for half an hour, and with a severe 
 loss on the part of the enemy. But, their main body coming 
 up to the support of the advance, Morgan commenced retiring 
 towards the camp. Washington, as soon as he heard the firing, 
 comprehended how matters stood. He ordered a retreat to 
 Middlebrook, after having detached a strong corps under Ster 
 ling, to secure the mountain passes on his left. Cornwallis 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 4T2. 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. I., p. 149. 
 
128 THE LIFE OF 
 
 continued to advance, and at length encountered Stealing, 
 who, after a warm engagement, was obliged to give way witL the 
 loss of three pieces of cannon. Cornvvallis then pressed forward 
 as far as Westfield. Here finding that his object had been 
 foreseen, and provided against, he halted for two days, and 
 then commenced a retreat to Amboy.* 
 
 When it became known that Cornwallis had halted at West- 
 field, Gen Scott s brigade and Morgan s corps were thrown 
 forward to observe and annoy him. As soon as the retreat 
 commenced, he was immediately attacked by these officers. 
 Along the whole way to Rah way, a continued skirmish was kept 
 up with the flanks and rear of the enemy, who lost a largo 
 number of their force in killed and wounded.f They marched, 
 however, in a compact body, and, leaving no opening for a 
 serious attack, kept their assailants at bay. They reached 
 Amboy, and crossed over to Staten Island by the 30th of June. 
 
 For some time previous to this period, the designs of the enemy 
 baffled conjecture, and had been a source of great disquietude 
 to Washington. It was now believed that a junction between 
 Burgoyne and Howe was contemplated. Measures were at once 
 taken by the commander-in-chief to counteract such a scheme. 
 Nixon s brigade was sent to reinforce the northern army under 
 Schuyler ; Generals Parsons and Varnum were ordered to march 
 with their brigades to Peekskill ; the division under General 
 Sullivan was pushed forward to Pompton ; and^the head-quarters, 
 with the remainder of the army, were successively removed 
 nearer to the Highlands and to the Hudson ; first to Morristown, 
 then to Pompton, and afterwards to the Clove.J 
 
 Morgan, who, since the retreat of the British to Staten Island, 
 had been posted at Chatham, was early advised of the move 
 ments of the army, and had received the necessary instructions 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 149. 
 
 t Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 475. 
 
 JSparks s Writings of Washington, vol. i., p. 149-150. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 129 
 
 to guide him.* He remained at this place for about a Aveek ; 
 when the impression gaining ground that the enemy were about 
 moving up the North river, he received orders| to march north 
 ward. He accordingly pushed forward as directed, and reached 
 Hackensack on the second or third day following. 
 
 Everything, at this time, indicated that a conflict was at hand ; 
 and Morgan and his corps were eager for a better opportunity 
 than had yet offered to distinguish themselves. But, again 
 all was doubt and uncertainty as to the real object of the enemy s 
 active and extensive preparations. Their fleet, having taken 
 on board a large number of troops and stores, had dropped down 
 the bay, encouraging the presumption that it was about putting 
 to sea. The orders, which originated in a belief that the enemy 
 intended moving up the Hudson, were accordingly counter- 
 
 * MR. LOTT S FARM, \\th July, 1777. 
 
 DEAR SIR : Upon a presumption that the enemy intend to move either up the North 
 or East river, our army marched this morning from Morristown, and will proceed leisurely 
 towards the Clove, unless we have some certain intelligence that they intend southward. 
 Colonel Dayton, who is at Elizabethtown, watching the motions of the fleet, will give 
 you immediate information which way they go. If up the East or North river, you will 
 follow directly, keeping upon the right flank of the main army. The road is rather better 
 than the one we march. You need not harass your men, but come on leisurely : if therff 
 is any occasion to hurry, we will send an express to you. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 TENCH TILGHMAN, A.D.C. 
 COLONEL MORGAN, at Chatham. 
 
 t HEAD QUARTERS, NEAR CLOVE, 19th July, 9 o clock, P.M., 1777. 
 DEAR SIR: We have received your letter of this date. From the intelligence received 
 this afternoon, we have every reason to believe that the enemy are about to move up the 
 North river. It is, therefore, his excellency s orders, that upon receipt of this, you 
 march your corps to the bridge, at the great falls, from thence to Paramus, thence 
 to Kakegate, and thence to Haverstraw ; there to observe the motions of the enemy; and, 
 if they land on the west side of the river, below the Highlands, you are to take possession 
 of the road to the forest of Dean Furnace, and oppose their penetrating that way. J>ut, 
 if the enemy push up the river, you are to get over the mountains to Fort Montgomery, 
 and there wait for further order. Your baggage (except what you think necessary for the 
 men to carry), is to be sent by the nearest route towards this place, and from here 
 to whatever place the army is, under a small guard. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN FITZGERALD, A.D.C. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
130 THE LIFE OF 
 
 manded ; and Morgan, on reaching Hackensack, received direc 
 tions* to halt until further orders. 
 
 He, accordingly, halted at this place for a few days. The 
 intentions of the enemy still remained unknown, yet their great 
 preparations rendered it certain that they meditated some impor 
 tant expedition. The only resource left the commander-in-chief 
 in this emergency, was to dispose of his force in such a manner as 
 to be in some measure prepared for the enemy in whatever quar 
 ter they might appear. In the meanwhile, he exercised an untir 
 ing vigilance in watching their movements, and in guarding 
 against a surprise. 
 
 A few days elapsed, when news was received, which, for a 
 time, seemed to furnish a certain clue to the enemy s designs. 
 The fleet had left New York, with a very large force on board, 
 and stood out to sea. Apprehending now that Philadelphia was 
 the point threatened, as it subsequently proved to be, the com 
 mander-in-chief put the greater part of his army at once in 
 motion towards that city. The orders which reached Morgan on 
 this occasion, were as follows : 
 
 CAMP AT KAMAPAUGH, July 24, 1777. 
 
 SIR : The enemy s fleet having left Sandy Hook and gone to sea, you 
 are immediately, on receipt of this, to march with the corps under your 
 command to the city of Philadelphia, and there receive orders from the 
 
 * CLOVE, July 21, 1777, 7 o clock, A.M. 
 
 DEAR SIR : Since I wrote to you the night before last, we found out that the intelli 
 gence which occasioned the order to you, was premature. His excellency, therefore, 
 orders me to direct, that if you have marched to the northward of Paramus, you return 
 and take post there. If you have not got so far on receipt of this, you are to occupy some 
 place near you which you may find most convenient for the reception of your men. If 
 your baggage has not got far from you, you had better order it back immediately. 
 I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN FITZGERALD, A.D.C. 
 
 P.S. You will let us know where you are as soon as you have fixed upon a place. As 
 it may be probable that the enemy may make an incursion from Staten Island, you wiL 
 require no instructions from head-quarters to march and oppose them. 
 
 J.F. 
 
 COLONEL MORGAN, Rifle Corpt. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 131 
 
 commanding officer. You will proceed as expeditiously as you can by 
 the shortest routes : you will take no heavy baggage with you, but leave it 
 to follow with an officer, and a proper guard. 
 I am, sir, &c., 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
 In less than an hour after the above order was received, Mor 
 gan and his corps were on the march to Philadelphia. On 
 arriving at Trenton, he halted for a few days at that place, in 
 obedience to orders* to that effect. The mind of the com- 
 mander-in-chief was not yet altogether clear of doubt as to 
 the real object of the enemy. But, another day seemed to render 
 this unmistakable. The fleet had appeared off the capes of Dela 
 ware, standing in. Morgan was advised of this fact by a notef 
 from Col. Naylor, and, in anticipation of orders, he crossed 
 the Delaware, and pushed on without delay towards Philadelphia. 
 
 The several divisions of the army were now rapidly approach 
 ing the neighborhood of Philadelphia. The militia of Pennsyl 
 vania, and of the adjoining States, immediately took the field. 
 The approach of the enemy was rendered seemingly certain, and 
 every preparation was made to meet them. But, once again the 
 commander-in-chief was involved in a state of uncertainty. The 
 fleet, after hovering about the mouth of Delaware bay for a 
 
 * CONNELL S FERRT, July 28, 1777. 
 
 SIB : Should this reach you before you arrive at Trenton, it is his Excellency s desire 
 that you make a halt there until further orders. Should you hare passed it, you are to 
 stop at Bristol, there to remain until you hear from him. 
 
 I am, your most humble servant, 
 
 R. R. MEADE, A.D.C. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
 t TRENTON, July 31, 1777. 
 
 SIR : A letter from Mr. Hancock informs that the enemy s fleet were yesterday in the 
 offing, and desires that all the troops here should advance immediately. I think you had 
 best get over your regiment as soon as you possibly can. 
 
 I am, sir, your humble servant, 
 
 STEPHEN NATLOR, Colonel ft. D. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
132 THE LIFE OF 
 
 day or two, stood out to sea in an easterly direction. Appre 
 hending that the enemy s extraordinary movements might tend, 
 after all, towards the Highlands, he at once took measures to 
 strengthen the force in that quarter, by bodies of militia from 
 New York and Connecticut.* 
 
 To add to his perplexities, the intelligence of the fall of Ticon- 
 deroga, and of Burgoyne s advance, reached him about this time, 
 accompanied by clamorous demands for large detachments from 
 his army to reinforce that in the north. Feeling certain that 
 General Howe s designs had reference to the section of country 
 occupied by his army ; reflecting, besides, that the defence of this 
 section against the main army of the enemy was an object, supe 
 rior in importance to any other existing, he felt reluctant to 
 weaken his force in aid of the northern army, until these designs 
 should be fully developed. 
 
 In the belief that the fleet had gone eastward, the army was 
 put in motion towards the Hudson. A day or two previous 
 to this movement, Morgan received orders to advance with his 
 corps to Maidenhead.f He had accordingly marched, and was 
 about crossing the Delaware, in the neighborhood of Trenton, 
 when counter orders! were sent to him. The army had not 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. iv., p. 476. 
 
 t CAMP NEAR GERMASTOWN, Aug. 9, 177T. 
 
 SIR: You will march, to-morrow morning, the corps under your command, for 
 Maidenhead, in the State of Jersey, and there halt till you receive further orders. In 
 your march, as during your stay at that place, you will take every possible care in your 
 power to restrain every species of licentiousness in the soldiery, .ind to prevent them 
 doing the least injury to the inhabitants or their property; as nothing can be moredisser- 
 viceable to our cause, or more unworthy of the character we profess, to say nothing of the 
 injustice of the measure. 
 
 I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 COLONEL MORQAM. 
 
 % CAMP AT THE CROSS ROADS, Bucks Co , 
 
 Simday,lQth Aug.,\lll, 10 o clock, P.M. 
 
 I have just received an express from Philadelphia, informing me that a large fleet was 
 seen off Sinepuxent Inlet on the 7th inst. You are, therefore, directed to halt wherevel 
 this finds you, and wait till we hear further of the matter. Let me knov, by return of th 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 133 
 
 in motion more than a day, when intelligence was received 
 that the fleet had again appeared on the 7th, oft Sinepuxent 
 Inlet, a place about fifty miles south of the Capes of Delaware. 
 An immediate halt was hereupon ordered, with the determination 
 to await the development of the enemy s plans. 
 
 The rapid advance of Burgoyne, now attracted the serious 
 attention of Washington towards the north, whither the scene of 
 of our narrative is about to change. Two regiments had been 
 already ordered from Peekskill in aid of the northern army ; and 
 more were speedily to follow. Among others, it was determined 
 that Morgan s corps should be sent to that quarter. The terror 
 which Burgoyne s Indian auxiliaries had spread among the 
 people, by the murder and rapine which marked their path, 
 required counteraction ; and it was, not without reason, believed 
 by the commander-in-chief, that in Morgan and his corps, such a 
 counteraction would be found. He felt assured that they would 
 prove more than a match for the Indians, and soon reassure the 
 affrighted people. Still, the valuable services which they had 
 performed, made him extremely reluctant to part with them. 
 Nothing but the appeal to his benevolent impulses, which was 
 coupled with the desire for the aid of this corps that an inhuman 
 and merciless system of warfare might meet with merited chas 
 tisement induced him to detach them on this service. Orders 
 were accordingly issued, as follows : 
 
 NESHAMINI CAMP, August 16, 177T. 
 
 SIR : After you receive this, you will march, as soon as possible, with 
 the corps under your command, to Peekskill, taking with you all the bag 
 gage belonging to it. When you arrive there, you will take directions 
 
 express, where you are, that I may know how to direct for you when I have occasion to 
 send you orders. 
 
 I am, sir, your most humble servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 P.S. By ordering you to halt where thia shall find you, I mean upon the most conye- 
 cient ground near the place. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
134: THE LIFE OF 
 
 from General Putnam, who, I expect, will have vessels provided to carry 
 you to Albany. The approach of the enemy in that quarter has made a 
 further reinforcement necessary, and I know of no corps so likely to check 
 their progress, in proportion to its number, as that under your command. 
 I have great dependence on you, your officers and men, and I am per 
 suaded you will do honor to yourselves, and essential services to your 
 country. 
 
 I expect that your corps has been paid to the last of June ; but, 
 as you are going on this command, and they may have occasion for more 
 money, you will make out an estimate, as well as you can, for the sum due 
 them for the month of July, and send an officer with it, to whom the 
 amount shall be paid. I do not mean to exclude the corps from their pay 
 in June. If that has not been paid, include it in the estimate. 
 
 I have nothing more to add, than my wishes for your success. 
 I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
 In obedience to these orders, Morgan put liis corps in motion 
 for the North, where he was destined to add so greatly to the 
 laurels he had already won. The corps was in high spirits at the 
 prospect of being speedily in a quarter where their lighting pro 
 pensities might find full exercise. 
 
 While on the march, they were overtaken by further orders,* 
 not on this occasion countermanding those preceding, but supple 
 mentary to them. In obedience to these orders the march was 
 hastened in the direction of Peekskill. 
 
 About a week after Morgan s departure for the North, and when 
 
 * HEAD-QUARTERS, Aug. 18, 1777. 
 
 DEAR SIR: In addition to the orders already sent to you by his Excellency, I have 
 H in orders from him to request, that you will march your corps with all possible dispatch 
 to join the army under command of Major General Gates, and when there, you will take 
 orders from him and act accordingly. 
 
 I am, for his Excellency, 
 
 Your most obed t serv t, 
 
 JOHN FITZGERALD, 
 
 Aide-de- Camp. 
 COLONEL MOROAH, 
 Colonel of rifle corps on tht march for Albany. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 135 
 
 he had proceeded too far to be recalled, intelligence was received 
 that the British fleet had arrived in Chesapeake Bay, and that 
 Howe, with sixteen thousand men, had landed, and was marching 
 towards Philadelphia.* 
 
 Washington, in the meantime, had advised General Gates of 
 Morgan s advance to join him. "From various representations 
 made to me," he observes, " of the disadvantages the army lay 
 under, particularly the militia, from an apprehension of the Indian 
 mode of righting, I have dispatched Colonel Morgan, with his 
 corps of riflemen, to your assistance, and expect that they will 
 be with you in eight or ten days from this date. This corps I 
 have great dependence on, and have no doubt but they will be 
 exceedingly useful to you ; as a check given to the savages, and 
 keeping them within proper bounds, will prevent General Bur- 
 goyne from getting intelligence as formerly, and animate your 
 other troops, from a sense of their being more on an equality with 
 the euemy."f 
 
 On the same subject, the commander-in-chief wrote to General 
 Putnam on the 16th: 
 
 "The people in the Northern army seem so intimidated by the 
 Indians, that I have determined to send up Colonel Morgan s corps 
 of riflemen, who will fight them in their own way. They will 
 march from Trenton to-morrow morning, and reach Peekskill with 
 all expedition. You will please to have sloops ready to transport 
 them, and provisions laid in, that they may not wait a moment. 
 The corps consists of five hundred men."J; 
 
 To Governor Clinton, in a letter of the same date, he 
 observes : 
 
 " In addition to the two regiments which are gone from Peeks- 
 kill, I am forwarding as fast as possible, to join the Northern army, 
 Colonel Morgan s corps of riflemen, amounting to about five hun 
 dred. These are all chosen men, selected from the army at large 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 153. 
 
 t Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 8T. $ Ibid., p. 88. 
 
136 THE LIFE OF 
 
 well acquainted with the use of rifles, and with that mode of fight 
 ing, which is necessary to make them a good counterpoise to the 
 Indians ; and they have distinguished themselves on a variety of 
 occasions, since the formation of the corps, in skirmishes with the 
 enemy. I expect the most eminent services from them, and I 
 shall be mistaken if their presence does not go far towards pro 
 ducing a general desertion among the savages."* 
 
 Morgan, at the head of his corps, proceeded without delay to 
 Peekskill. Here, having embarked his troops in the vessels which 
 had been prepared for their reception, he started by a more expe 
 ditious method of travelling to Albany, leaving Lieutenant Colonel 
 Butler to command during the passage. 
 
 Until a short time previous to this date, the operations in thii 
 quarter had resulted in a succession of disasters to the American 
 cause. The reconquest of Canada was followed by the fall of 
 Ticonderoga, and all the other American posts on that frontier. 
 Burgoyne, at the head of a powerful army and an auxiliary force 
 of Indians and Canadians, had penetrated deep into the country, 
 spreading death and desolation among its inhabitants, and was 
 now encamped near the Hudson. Here his career was destined 
 to terminate. Those severe reverses which he experienced at 
 Bennington and in Tryon county, must have warned him of the 
 fate which awaited him, even before the arrival of Gates and a 
 large reinforcement. This officer succeeded General Schuyler in 
 the command of the Northern army on the 19th of August. In 
 leply to the letter of the commander-in-chief, Gates took in 
 review the state of affairs in the North at that time. He like 
 wise expressed his thanks for being permitted to obtain the 
 valuable aid of Morgan and his corps. From the important 
 relation which Morgan bore to these affairs, a cursory glance at 
 them is called for. As this will be best performed by the letter 
 itself, its introduction here may be pardoned the more readily, 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 80, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 137 
 
 inasmuch as its remarks regarding Morgan and his corps bring it 
 within the ecope of our legitimate labors. 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, Aug. 22, 1777. 
 
 SIR : Upon my arrival in this department, I found the main body of the 
 army encamped upon Van Schaick s Island, which is made by the sprouts 
 of the Mohawk river joining with Hudson s river, nine miles north of 
 Albany. A brigade under General Poor encamped at Loudon s Ferry, on 
 the south bank of the Mohawk river, five miles from hence ; a brigade 
 under General Lincoln had joined General Stark at Bennington, and a 
 brigade under General Arnold, marched the loth inst., to join the militia of 
 Tryon County, to raise the siege of Fort Stanwix. Upon leaving Philadel 
 phia, the prospect this way appeared very gloomy ; but the severe checks 
 the enemy have met with at Bennington and Tryon County, has given a 
 more pleasing view to public affairs. Particular accounts of the signal 
 victory gained by General Stark, and the severe blow General Herkimer 
 gave Sir John Johnston and the scalpers under his command, have been 
 transmitted to your Excellency by General Schuyler. I anxiously expect 
 the arrival of an express from General Arnold, with an account of the 
 total defeat of the enemy in that quarter. By my calculation he reached 
 Fort Stanwix the day before yesterday. Colonel Livingston and Court- 
 land s regiments arrived yesterday, and immediately joined General Poor s 
 division. I shall also order General Arnold, upon his return, to march to 
 that fort. 
 
 I cannot sufficiently thank your Excellency for sending Colonel 
 Morgan s corps to this army ; they will be of the greatest service to 
 it, for until the late successes this way, I am told the army were quite 
 panic-struck by their Indians, and their Tory and Canadian assassins 
 in Indian dresses. Horrible, indeed, have been the cruelties they have 
 wantonly committed upon many of the miserable inhabitants ; insomuch, 
 that all is now fair for General Burgoyne, even if the bloody hatchet he 
 has so barbarously used should find its way into his own head. 
 
 Governor Clinton will be here to-day. Upon his arrival, I shall consult 
 with him and General Lincoln, upon the best plan to distress, and I hope, 
 finally defeat the enemy. 
 
 I am sorry to be necessitated to acquaint your Excellency how neglect 
 fully your orders have been executed at Springfield. Few of the 
 militia demanded are yet arrived, but I hear of great numbers upon th 
 march. 
 
138 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Your Excellency s advice in regard to Morgan s corps, &c., &c., shall be 
 carefully observed. 
 
 My scouts and spies inform me, that the enemy s head-quarters and 
 main body are at Saratoga, and that they have lately been repairing the 
 bridges between that place and Stillwater.* 
 
 As soon as time and circumstances will adma, I will send your Excel 
 lency a general return of this army. 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your Excellency s most 
 
 Obedient humble servant, 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 His Excellency, GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
 IVJorgan, upon his arrival at Albany, found that preparations 
 had already been made for the reception of his troops, and the 
 transportation of their baggage to the scene of action. As may 
 be inferred from the annexed letter which awaited his arrival, 
 General Gates was anxious to avail himself of his services at as 
 early an hour as possible : 
 
 HEAD-QUARTERS, Aug. 29, 1777. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I had much satisfaction in being acquainted by General 
 Washington of your marching for this department. I have by this con 
 veyance ordered Colonel Lewis, D. Q. M. General at Albany, to provide 
 you, immediately upon your landing, with carriages for your baggage, 
 and whatever may be necessary ; tents, and a camp equipage, I conclude 
 you have brought with you. I could wish you to march as soon as pos 
 sible to London s Ferry, where the ground is marked for your present 
 encampment. I have draughted one subaltern, one sergeant, one corporal, 
 and fifteen picked men from each regiment of this army to serve with 
 your corps and to be under your command. When you have seen youi 
 regiment to their ground, I desire you will come to head-quarters. 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your affectionate, 
 
 Humble servant, 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 COLONEL MORGAN, 
 
 Commanding rifle corps, Albany. 
 
 * Wilkinson s Memoir*. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 139 
 
 arriving at head-quarters, Morgan met with a cordial 
 eeting from General Gates. Among other tokens of the regard 
 4 which he was held, his corps was designated as the advance of 
 the army, and he was directed to receive orders only from the 
 general-in-chief. So flattering a reception could not fail to make 
 a due impression on Morgan, w r ho now longed for a speedy oppor 
 tunity of justifying the general in his favorable opinions. 
 
 la a few days his men arrived, and soon afterwards took post at 
 the position assigned them. They were joined at that place by 
 the promised reinforcement of their numbers, which was orga 
 nized into a battalion of light infantry under Major (afterwards 
 General ) Dearborn. The men of this battalion numhering two hun 
 dred and fifty, were selected from the line of the army, with careful 
 reference to their bodily vigor and their acquaintance with bush- 
 fighting. Their commander was as gallant a soldier as ever wore 
 a sword.* He was doubly acceptable to Morgan, inasmuch as 
 they had together shared in the toils, misfortunes, and glories of 
 Arnold s expedition against Quebec, during which a warm friend 
 ship had been cemented between them. 
 
 * Wilkinson s Memoirs, p. 280. 
 
140 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The American ariny encamp on Behmus Heights Morgan thrown forward to cbserve the 
 enemy He engages a German regiment, and forces it to retire The British take a posi 
 tion nearer to the American camp The events preliminary to, and attendant upon, 
 the battle of Behmus Heights Reflections on this battle The letters of the opposing 
 generals concerning it The projected assault Burgoyne resolves to await the expected 
 junction with Sir Henry Clinton Difficulty between Gates and Arnold respecting Mor 
 gan and his command Arnold resigns his command in the army Gates refuses to be 
 reconciled to Arnold, or to restore him to his command Remarks on these cir 
 cumstances. 
 
 MORGAN was not destined to remain long inactive. The events 
 of the preceding month had produced a great change in the 
 prospects of the contending armies. The confidence which ani 
 mated the British during the early stages of the campaign, had 
 been transferred to the Americans, and the terror and despondency 
 which the latter had experienced, had taken possession of the 
 enemy. The withdrawal of Schuyler from the command, and the 
 appointment thereto of Gates, had produced a favorable influence 
 upon the militia, who now turned out with alacrity. The large 
 reinforcements which had been sent forward were on the ground, 
 ready for action. The time had at length arrived, when the Ame 
 rican arms in this quarter might safely count on a triumph. 
 
 On the 8th of September, the army under General G;ifs. num 
 bering at that time about six thousand men, struck their tents at 
 the encampment at Sunset, and advanced towards Stillwater.* 
 The day previous, Morgan was advised of the intended movement,! 
 
 * Wilkinson s, vol. i., p. 282. 
 
 t HEAD QUARTERS, sunset, S^pt. 7, 1777. 
 BIB: You are to assemble the corps under your command upon the heights abova 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 141 
 
 and received the instructions by which his conduct was to be 
 guided. It was thought, at the time, that the enemy had crossed 
 the Hudson, and that the advance of the army would certainly 
 produce an action. The rifle corps was in high spirits at the 
 prospect. But, these expectations were, however, disappointed, as 
 nothing of moment occured during the march to Behmus Heights, 
 which place, having been selected for an encampment, was occu 
 pied by the American army on the 12th. 
 
 Measures were at once taken to ascertain the position, strength, 
 and objects of the enemy. Spies and reconnoitering parties were 
 sent forward to gain the desired information. The rifle corps was 
 ordered to take a position some distance in front of the American 
 left, the quarter most likely to be assailed. Morgan was directed 
 to observe the enemy closely, and to give early notice should they 
 attempt a forward movement. 
 
 In a few days it was ascertained, that Burgoyne, having 
 assembled his whole force at Saratoga, and collected thirty days 
 provisions, had determined to push forward to Albany, and was 
 then marching towards the American camp.f 
 
 General Gates determined to oppose the enemy s advance. The 
 American army had been actively employed in erecting field- 
 works, and otherwise strengthening the camp. Their exertions 
 were now redoubled. Expresses were sent in every direction, 
 spreading the intelligence, and calling out the militia. Morgan 
 
 Half Moon, to-morrow morning, at gun-firing ; you will direct the officer of your rear 
 guard to be attentive to the march of the columns upon the right and left of your corps ; 
 and you will dispatch intelligence to me and to General Arnold, of all extraordinary 
 motions of the enemy; and everything you think it is necessary we should be informed of. 
 You cannot be too careful in reconnoitering your front, and gaining every possible know 
 ledge of the ground, and the surrounding country. 
 
 Reposing especial trust and confidence in your experience and capacity, I rest satis 
 fied you will exert all your endeavors for the good of the public service. You will hear 
 from me frequently in the course of the day s operations, which makes it unnecessary 1 1 
 add more at present, than that I am, with affection and esteem, 
 
 Dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 HORATIO GATKS. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
 * Wilkinson s Memoirs, vol. i., p. 232. t Ibid. p. 233. 
 
142 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was kept far in advance, watching the movements of the enemy ; 
 with the privilege of attacking them whenever an opportunity 
 offered. The terror inspired by his name among the Canadians 
 and Indians, had induced a general desertion of these branches 
 of the British force, while their regulars could not make a move 
 ment beyond the precincts of their camp, without receiving a vol 
 ley of rifle balls. Thus, the American army now enjoyed, in 
 Morgan s corps, all the advantages which the enemy had derived 
 at the opening of the campaign, from a legion of Canadians and 
 savages. 
 
 On the 13th and 14th of September, the British army crossed 
 the Hudson. This step was a bold, but not a judicious one. It 
 proved a Rubi . .on of gloomy omen to Burgoyne. Advancing with 
 caution, however, his army arrived within three miles of the 
 American camp on the morning of the 18th. A detachment of 
 one thousand five hundred men, composed of Morgan s corps and 
 a part of General Poor s brigade, under General Arnold, was here 
 upon thrown forward. The enemy were in motion when this 
 detachment came within view of them. They marched in such 
 compact bodies, however, and with so much circumspection, as to 
 render it hazardous to attempt anything decisive against them. 
 But, Morgan fell in with and engaged a German regiment ; and, 
 after a short encounter, in which a few men were killed and 
 wounded on both sides, and about a dozen Germans made pri 
 soners, the enemy retired, and the detachment returned to camp. 
 
 The British advanced in the afternoon to a position on the 
 banks of the Hudson, about two miles from that occupied by the 
 American army on Behraus Heights, and formed their encamp 
 ment. The intermediate space between the adverse armies was 
 partly cleared and partly woodland. The land along the margin 
 of the river was under cultivation ; while that higher up was 
 covered with its native forest, with the exception of three or four 
 small, newly opened, and deserted farms, separated at intervals by 
 woodland, and interposing between the flanks of the opposing 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 143 
 
 armies most remote from the river. The ground intervening 
 between the centre of both armies was very rugged, and covered 
 with an impenetrable thicket.* Morgan s corps was stationed 
 in advance of the American left wing, among these alternations 
 of woods and clearing, having the impassable ground occupying 
 the centre on its right. It was, consequently, in a position 
 where, if the enemy approached, it could fight to the best advan 
 tage. The oucasion was not long wanting. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th, a body of the British army was 
 discovered moving from the bank of the river, and ascending the 
 high ground opposite to the American left wing. General Gates 
 immediately sent orders to Morgan to advance with his corps, 
 directing Jiim, should the enemy be found approaching, to hang 
 on their front and flanks, retard their march, and cripple them as 
 much as possible. The corps accordingly formed into two lines. 
 The first was composed of two companies of the riflemen, headed 
 by Major Morris, followed by Major Dearborn s light infantry, the 
 whole commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Butler. The second, 
 formed of the main body of the corps, was directed by Morgan 
 himself. The front line advanced for about half an hour, when 
 it suddenly came upon a strong picket of the enemy, about three 
 hundred in number, drawn up on one of the deserted clearings 
 before mentioned, and occupying a log-house erected on the 
 ground. A general and deadly volley was the first intimation 
 the picket had of the proximity of such unpleasant neighbors ; 
 and this was so quickly followed by a vigorous charge by the 
 light infantry, that the British fled in the greatest disorder. Our 
 troops pushed on with ardor after the fugitives. They had passed 
 the clearing and entered some distance into ihe woods beyond, 
 when they suddenly and unexpectedly found themselves within a 
 few paces of a large body of the enemy. The next instant, a 
 heavy fire from the latter killed and wounded a number of the 
 ? .ght infantry and riflemen, and admonished the remainder of the 
 
 * Wilkinson s Memoirs, vol. i., p. 236. 
 
144 THE LIFE OF 
 
 necessity of an immediate retreat. This was not effected without 
 the additional loss of Captain Swearingen, Lieutenant Moore, and 
 a number of men who were taken prisoners.* Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Butler and Major Dearborn were enabled to avoid a similar fate 
 without much difficulty. But Major Morris, with characteristic 
 impetuosity, was foremost in the pursuit, and the first intimation 
 he had of the neighborhood of the enemy in such strength was 
 to find himself in their midst. Nevertheless he gallantly dashed 
 his horse through their ranks, riding over half a dozen men, and 
 succeeded amid a shower of balls in effecting his escape and rejoining 
 his command. The remainder of the corps was scattered in every 
 direction, soon to be reunited, however, for to collect, disperse, 
 rlee and pursue, were parts of the tactics of this celebrated corps ; 
 and although few were slower in retiring before the e*nemy, none 
 were more active in their pursuit. The frequent encounters which 
 they had had with the enemy s pickets and scouting parties, gene 
 rally resulted in a capture of a number of the latter. The heavily 
 encumbered English or German soldier was no match for the 
 lightly equipped and active backwoodsman in a trial of speed. 
 
 On hearing the fire in front, Morgan pressed forward in all 
 haste with the second line to take part in the engagement, when 
 he was met by a number of the fugitives. If Morgan was dis 
 tinguished for any quality more than that of courage, it was for 
 prudence and circumspection when in the neighborhood of an 
 enemy, with the strength and disposition of whose force he was 
 unacquainted. But once having ascertained what he had to con 
 tend against, and believing that he could overcome it, nothing 
 could exceed the impetuosity of his assault. Indignation and 
 alarm now by turns took possession of his feelings, under the 
 impression that by the recklessness of his officers in rushing for 
 ward the first divison had been destroyed. Colonel Wilkinson 
 relates in his memoirs,* that, " tempted by the firing, he found a 
 pretext to visit the scene of strife, although forbidden by General 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 246. t Ibid., vol. i., 137-188. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 145 
 
 Gate* to leave head-quarters." He arrived soon after the occur 
 rence of the event just described. 
 
 " The first officer I fell in with," he says, " was Major Dearborn, 
 who, with great animation and not a little warmth, was forming 
 thirty or forty file of his infantry. I exchanged a few words with 
 nim, passed on, and met Major Morris, who was never so sprightly 
 as under a hot fire." 
 
 After receiving a description of the events of the action from 
 the major, and being cautioned against exposing himself to the 
 enemies sharpshooters, Wilkinson proceeds: 
 
 " I crossed the angle of the field, leaped the fence, and just before 
 me on a ridge, discovered Lieutenant-Colonel Butler with three men, 
 all treed. From him I learned that they had caught a Scotch prize : 
 that having forced the picket, they had closed with the British line, 
 had been instantly routed, and from the suddenness of the shock 
 and the nature of the ground, were broken and scattered in all 
 directions. Returning to the camp to report to the general," 
 Wilkinson continues, " my ears were saluted by an uncommon 
 noise, when I approached, and perceived Colonel Morgan, attended 
 by two men only, and who, with a turkey-call (an instrument made 
 from a turkey-bone for decoying the wild turkey), was collecting 
 his dispersed troops. The moment I came up to him, he burst 
 into tears, and exclaimed, I am ruined, by God! Major Morris 
 ran on so rapidly with his front, that they were beaten before I 
 could get up with the rear, and my men are scattered God knows 
 where. " 
 
 Remarking upon Morgan s almost invariable rule when march 
 ing to action, of bringing up the rear of his corps, Wilkinson 
 observes in a note to a passage in the foregoing extract : 
 
 " I took occasion to inquire into his motives, and he answered 
 me briefly, * that they were to see that every man did his duty, 
 and that cowards did not lag behind while brave men were fight- 
 ing. " 
 
 Partly from discipline, and partly from the direct-ing sounds of 
 
 7 
 
146 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the turkey call, a brief time sufficed to bring the dispersed division 
 of the corps tog-ether again. This being effected, the whole regiment 
 advanced in a body towards the scene of the recent conflict. 
 Approaching the clearing, a large body of the enemy were found 
 occupying the ground. The attack which immediately ensued was 
 pushed with such vigor, as speedily to force the British to retire, 
 until they reached an eminence fronting an open piece of ground 
 called "Freeman s Fields." Here, through the vigorous exertions 
 of their officers, and the encouragement afforded them by a rein 
 forcement, they made a stand. A fierce and deadly struggle ensued. 
 But the advantages which the enemy held in a superiority of num 
 bers and in artillery, at length yielded them a temporary triumph, 
 and Morgan was compelled to retire under cover of the woods. 
 This movement was the more necessary, as a large body of the ene 
 my was perceived advancing to attack him in flank. At this mo 
 ment two regiments of New Hampshire troops, commanded by Cols^ 
 Scammel and Cilley, appeared and formed on the left of the Rifle 
 corps, and engaged the advancing body of the enemy. Thus secure 
 on both flanks, that on the ri^ht being covered by impenetrable 
 thickets and a marshy ravine, Morgan renewed the action with 
 those in his front with redoubled vigor. The severe loss which his 
 corps had sustained, served only to inspire officers and men with 
 greater ardor, and a keener desire for revenge. The well directed 
 fire of six hundred marksmen soon forced the enemy once more to 
 seek safety on the woody eminence, not, however, before the ground 
 was covered with their killed and wounded. In retiring, they were 
 compelled to abandon their artillery; but they took the precaution 
 to carry away with them their linstocks.* In consequence, the 
 guns could not be immediately used by their captors ; it was deter 
 mined however, to carry them off. The nature of the ground did 
 not admit of their speedy removal; and the enemy, under cover of the 
 woods on the hill, rallied in their defence. The attempt to bear 
 off the valuable prize was met by a destructive fire ; and it was not 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. 1., p. 241. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 147 
 
 until a great many valuable lives had been sacrificed in the effort, 
 that it was relinquished. The positions respectively occupied at 
 this time by Morgan and his opponents gave the latter an advan 
 tage which had once already forced him to retire. His troops 
 were exposed to the fire of an enemy, for the most part, under 
 cover. Could the guns have been made use of, the scale would 
 have turned in his favor. But under existing circumstances, there 
 was no alternative but to retreat to his late position. This step 
 was not taken, however, until repeated efforts had been made to 
 drive the enemy from their stronghold efforts which were attended 
 with much bloodshed on both sides. 
 
 At this period of the action, the strength of the adverse forces 
 engaged had been greatly augmented. Soon after the arrival of 
 Scammel s and Cilley s regiments, they were followed by those of 
 Hale, Van Courtlandt, Livingston, Cook, and Latimer, composing 
 the whole of Gen. Poor s brigade. As these regiments succes 
 sively arrived, they formed to the left, extending the line in that 
 direction. The enemy, in the mean time, had sent forward reinforce 
 ments to an equal, if not a greater extent, and forming on the 
 right of their troops engaged, took position in front of the regi 
 ments just named. The American force now in the field amounted 
 to about 2,500 men, while that of the enemy was considerably 
 more. The latter were aided by several pieces of artillery ; but 
 the former had none. 
 
 About 3 o clock, the action became general from right to left. 
 At the centre, and particularly at the right, where Morgan was 
 posted, it was warm and sanguinary ; and along the whole line the 
 firing did not cease till darkness closed upon the combatants. 
 Again and again had Morgan driven the British troops opposed to 
 him back on the eminence beyond Freeman s clearing . Their 
 cannon had become almost useless from the want of men to serve 
 them. Freed from the advantage which this powerful arm of war 
 afforded his opponents, he made the most desperate efforts to drive 
 them over the hill, and thus turn the left flank of the enemy. But 
 
148 THE LIFE OF 
 
 as often was lie forced to retire before the great odds which were 
 brought to bear upon him whenever his advance threatened the , 
 accomplishment of his object. 
 
 The battle raged for upwards of five hours, with an obstinacy 
 never before witnessed in America. Victory seemed hovering 
 over the contending armies, undecided, as it were, in whose favor 
 she would declare herself. At one moment, the enemy seemed 
 on the point of achieving a complete triumph ; but the next 
 evinced a change in the tide of battle, which rendered their dis 
 comfiture apparently inevitable. While one body of Americans, 
 too hardly pressed, might be seen retiring before their immediate 
 adversaries, another might be noticed gallantly driving their 
 opponents before them. The triumphant shouts of friends and 
 enemies were often heard at the same moment, coming from dif 
 ferent parts of the field, and blending together in a strange and 
 terrible dissonance. The unceasing rattle of musketry, accompa 
 nied by the roar of artillery, and the rapid alternations of forward and 
 retrograde movements, left no respite for excitement to subside, or 
 courage to cool ; while the protraction of the conflict familiarized 
 the men with death, blunted their sense of danger, and rendered 
 them anxious to encounter every peril which promised to lead to a 
 victorious result. 
 
 The sun was about setting when the American ranks were 
 further reinforced by Gen. Learned and his entire brigade, and 
 one regiment from Gen. Patterson s brigade. A body of German 
 and British troops had been sent from their camp, and were then 
 occupying the right of the British line, in a position to outflank 
 the American left. The fresh reinforcement brought these troops 
 to action ; but the fire was feeble on both sides, and soon ceased 
 altogether. 
 
 While there was light to perceive objects, there seemed to be 
 no abatement of the fire. Darkness at length put an end to the 
 obstinate conflict. The opposing armies retired from the field 
 together. The Americans returned to their camp but the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 149 
 
 British, apprehensive of a renewal of the contest before the next 
 morning, slept on their arms in front of their camp, a short dis 
 tance from the field. 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this action, as appears by the offi 
 cial returns, was eighty killed, two hundred and eighteen wounded, 
 and twenty-three missing. Among the killed, were Lieut.-Col. 
 Adams, of Bale s regiment, and Lieut.-Col. Colburn^of ScammePs 
 regiment. The killed and wounded of the enemy amounted to 
 nearly six hundred men, to which may be added the loss of a 
 large body of Indians, Canadians, and Tories, who, on the termi 
 nation of the action, immediately deserted the British camp. 
 Morgan s corps bore the brunt of the day s perils, and reaped the 
 greater share of its glories. As may be supposed, it suffered 
 severely, having had fifty men killed, sixty-two wounded, and six 
 missing. The sixty-second regiment of Hamilton s brigade, 
 against which Morgan s regiment contended, lost one hundred and 
 fifty of its men ; the troops sent to its assistance on one or two 
 critical occasions, suffered to the extent of twenty or thirty more ; 
 and of the forty-eight men who composed the artillery corps when 
 the action commenced, and who were likewise arrayed against 
 Morgan, but twelve left the field uninjured.* 
 
 The force of the Americans engaged was nearly three thousand 
 men. About one thousand more arrived on the field at an hour 
 too late to take a part in the action. That of the British was at 
 all times during the day superior in number, and when the action 
 closed, must have amounted to nearly four thousand men. 
 
 The reflections to which this memorable battle give rise, have 
 too often engaged the pen of history to call for their repetition 
 here, excepting so far as they relate to the subject of our labors. 
 
 In this connection, a few remarks are necessary. The motives 
 or causes to which this engagement is ascribed, are differently 
 interpreted by various authors. There is one point, however, on 
 which all American, and a number of foreign writers agree, that 
 the result gave our arms an indisputable claim to victory. From 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 289. 
 
150 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the preceding 14th of the month, the British had been advanc 
 ing; and the battle of the 18th was unquestionably the effect of 
 their attempt to advance still further. It was the business of the 
 Americans to check the progress of the British towards Albany, 
 the point aimed at by the latter ; and the effort with this end in 
 view, was attended with complete success. It may be true, as has 
 been asserted, that during the early part of the day, neither of the 
 opposing Generals anticipated such important events as those 
 which attended its close. But whatever may have been the origi 
 nal intentions of General Burgoyne, in making a demonstration 
 on the American left, whether important or trivial, they must have 
 been subservient to any and every opportunity which might be 
 afforded him for injuring his opponents and carrying out his 
 plans ; or he did not deserve the high reputation for resolution 
 and tact which was generally accorded to him. That General 
 Gates did not regard the affair in a serious light at its commence 
 ment, admits of a very strong presumption, notwithstanding all 
 that has been said to the contrary. But if he did, it was the ten 
 dency of the attack, more than the attack itself, regarding which 
 he was solicitous. He was so absorbed in apprehensions for his 
 right, which covered the road to Albany, and the command of 
 which especially devolved on himself, that he could not believe 
 anything of consequence was meditated or occurring elsewhere. 
 This will be taken for granted when the fact is made known, that 
 during one of the most obstinately-contested actions of the war, in 
 which nearly seven thousand men were engaged, not a single 
 officer above the rank of a colonel appeared upon the ground 
 until night began to close upon the combatants, when General 
 Learned arrived with his brigade. Although the whole of Gen. 
 Arnold s division took an active part in the strife, that officer 
 never appeared in the action. Gen. Wilkinson informs us that 
 Arnold was forbidden by Gates to visit the field, and direct the 
 operations of his command.* Our object in stating these well 
 authenticated facts, is to show, that the credit of this glorious 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., pp. 245, 246. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 15l 
 
 action, so generally accorded either to Arnold or to Gates, or to 
 both, properly belongs to neither. It should go to enrich the 
 memory of those gallant men, who, unassisted by the directing 
 hand of either of their commanders, but cooperating in purpose 
 from the impulses of a courage common to all, fought the battle 
 and won the day. Historic truth requires this explanation, and 
 public justice will give the laurels to those who won them. 
 
 And among this glorious band of heroes it is no injustice 
 to the memory of any one of them to assert Morgan *wa? 
 pre-eminently distinguished. His regiment was the first in the 
 field, and the last out of it. Where it was engaged, the strife 
 was more deadly and less interrupted, than in any other 
 position. Its loss was greater in proportion to its numbers, 
 than that of any other regiment engaged, while the number 
 of the enemy which fell by its hands, was nearly one-half of that 
 admitted by General Burgoyne to have fallen in the battle. 
 Thouo-h Morgan \vas denied the merited mention in Gates com 
 munications to Congress regarding this battle, justice claims for 
 him the foremost position among those who had a share in 
 the glories of the day. Posterity will freely- accord him this, and 
 hail him as did his friends and neighbors on his return home a 
 few months after as " the hero of Stillwater." 
 
 The news of this victory was received throughout the coun- 
 
 I O 
 
 try with demonstrations of joy. It was correctly regarded 
 as the precursor of those more important events which were 
 speedily to follow, and Gates and Arnold reaped a rich harvest 
 of undeserved honors and applause. The militia came flocking 
 into the camp, and evinced a commendable disposition to be 
 brought into action. A large number of Indians, also, joined the 
 army. Everything bid fair for the speedy capture of Burgoyne, 
 although it was some time after the battle of the 7th of Decem 
 ber, before Gates contemplated anything beyond driving him 
 back to Canada. 
 
 The letters from the respective commanders, which follow, will 
 
152 THE LIFE OF 
 
 show the light in which the result of this battle was regarded by 
 each. They likewise aptly illustrate the danger of receiving with 
 too much confidence the ex parte statements of parties regarding 
 events, in which their interest or their honor is concerned : 
 
 General Burgoyne to Brigadier- General Powell.* 
 
 CAMP NEAR STILLWATER, September 20, 177T. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I take the first opportunity to inform you, that we have 
 had a very smart and honorable action, and are now encamped in front of 
 the field, which must demonstrate our victory beyond the power of even 
 an American news writer to explain away. 
 
 The loss on each side cannot be particularly ascertained." 
 Be so good as to give Sir Guy Cavleton an account of this event, 
 with my respects to him, till I can have an opportunity of sending him the 
 particulars by a safe conveyance. I am, dear sir, with great esteem, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 J. BuRGOYNE.f 
 
 \ Extract of a letter from Major-General Gates to the Hon. J. HancocA, 
 President of Congress, dated, 
 
 CAMP, HEIGHTS ABOVE BEHMAN S, September- 22, 17T7. 
 
 Friday morning I was informed by my reconnoitering parties, that tho 
 enemy had struck their camp, and were removing towards our left. I 
 immediately detached Colonel Morgan s corps, consisting of the rifle regi 
 ment and the light infantry of the army, to observe their direction and 
 harass their advance. This party, at half-past twelve, fell in with a picket 
 of the enemy, which they immediately drove ; but, the enemy being rein- 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. L, p. 242. 
 
 t The above letter was found in the shot-pouch of an Indian, who was killed by Lieu 
 tenant John Hardin, of Morgan s regiment, two or three days after the action to which it 
 refers. Hardin had been detached with a party of riflemen to the rear of the British 
 army, to gain intelligence. On his return, near Saratoga, he suddenly met the Indian at 
 the summit of a sharp ridge. Both presented and fired at the same instant. The Indian 
 fell ; Hardin escaped with a slight wound on his left side. The letter, with others, was 
 delivered at head-quarters. After the war, Hardin removed to Kentucky, where he rose 
 to the rank of a general. Having encountered numberless dangers in the service of his 
 country, he was murdered near Sandusky, in 1791, by a party of Indians, while bearing 
 a flag of truce, and a talk from General Washington. Wilkinson s Mem., vol. i.,p. 238. 
 $ Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 243, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 153 
 
 forced, after a brisk conflict they were in turn obliged to retire. This 
 skirmish drew the main body of the enemy, and a brigade from my left, to 
 support the action, which, after a short cessation, was renewed with 
 great warmth and violence. At this instant, hearing from prisoners that 
 the whole British force and a division of foreigners had engaged our 
 party, I reinforced with four more regiments. This continued the action 
 till the close of the day, when both armies retired from the field. Enclosed 
 is a return of our loss ; and I am well assured, by the concurrent testi 
 mony of prisoners and deserters of various characters, that General Bur- 
 goyne, who commanded in person, received a wound in his left shoulder, 
 that the sixty-second regiment was cut to pieces, and that the enemy suf 
 fered extremely in every quarter where they were engaged. The general 
 good behavior of the troops on this important occasion, cannot be sur 
 passed by the most veteran army ; to discriminate in praise of the offi 
 cers would be injustice, as they all deserved the honor and applause of 
 Congress. Lieutenant-Colonel Colburn, and Lieutenant-Colonel Adams, 
 with the rest of the unfortunate bravo who fell in their country s cause, 
 leave a lasting memorial to their glory. The armies remain encamped 
 within two miles of each other. 
 
 On the morning* after the action, a deserter from the British 
 army arrived in camp, and communicated the information, that 
 their whole force was under arms, and that in a few minutes more 
 they would advance, and under cover of the heavy fog which pre 
 vailed at the time, assault the American entrenchments from 
 right to left. The lines were immediately manned, and for more 
 than an hour the army waited the threatened attack. It never 
 came, however ; although subsequent developments proved that 
 the information received was strictly correct. Under the circum 
 stances of the case, had the design been carried into execution, it 
 was the opinion of those well qualified to judge, that the result 
 might have been disastrous to the Americans. The ammunition 
 of a large portion of the army, particularly that now chiefly 
 menaced, had been exhausted in the action of the preceding day ; 
 and, owing to the fatigue of men and officers, a fresh supply had 
 not been obtained. The prevailing fog was remarkably dense, so 
 much so as to render objects un distinguishable at the distance of 
 
 7* 
 
154 THE LIFE OF 
 
 thirty yards. The chief reliance in such a case would be the 
 bayonet ; yet, but about one-third of the American force were 
 furnished with that weapon. Remarking upon this thrilling occa 
 sion, Wilkinson observes : " We passed an awful hour of expecta 
 tion and suspense, during which, hope, fear, and anxiety, played 
 upon the imagination. Many could hear the movement of 
 the enemy, and others could discern through the floating mist 
 the advance of their column. But, between eight and nine o clock 
 the sun dispersed the vapor, and we had no enemy in view. The 
 report of the deserter was discredited, and the troops dismissed." 
 
 It afterwards appeared that General Burgoyne had made every 
 preparation for attacking, with his whole force, the American left 
 on that morning. But, it being represented to him that the gre 
 nadiers and light infantry, who were to lead the attack, appeared 
 fatigued, he deferred the prosecution of the design till the day 
 following. During the same day, a letter from Sir Henry Clin 
 ton reached Burgoyne. By this, the latter was informed that the 
 troops from New York were already far in advance northward, 
 that Fort Montgomery would be attacked about the 20th Septem 
 ber, and. that thereafter he should receive speedy assistance. 
 Burgoyne replied, that he was placed in a situation of extreme 
 difficulty ; but that he could wait for the promised aid till the 
 12th of October. Having now determined to assume a defensive 
 attitude until the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton, he abandoned the 
 meditated assault upon the American camp, and commenced 
 strengthening the defences of his camp, fortifying his right, and 
 extending his left to the river.* 
 
 A few days after these events, Morgan and his corps became 
 the subject of a serious difference between General Gates and 
 General Arnold. It will be recollected that upon the establish 
 ment of this corps, the commander-in-chief, in consideration of the 
 arduous duties it would be constantly called upon to perform, 
 exempted it from the common duties of the line. The letters 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 250-252. 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 155 
 
 which passed between the comraander-in-chief and Morgan, up to 
 the time when the corps left Peekskill for the northern army, 
 show, besides, that it received its orders from, and was held 
 responsible only to, the former. Upon the arrival of Morgan and 
 his corps at General Gates s camp, they were not only granted the 
 privileges which they had hitherto enjoyed,* but their numbers 
 were augmented by Major Dearborn s battalion of light infantry, 
 and they were the recipients, besides, of other distinguishing 
 marks of favor. Arnold, under the impression that they were 
 included in his command, occasionally exercised a control over 
 their movements, which at length attracting the notice of General 
 Gates, elicited the following general order : 
 
 " Colonel Morgan s corps, not being attached to any brigade or 
 division of the army, he is to make returns and reports to head 
 quarters only, from whence alone he is to receive orders." 
 
 A violent altercation immediately ensued between Gates and 
 Arnold. This was followed by a long and acrimonious cor 
 respondence, in which Arnold tendered the resignation of his 
 command in the army, and asked permission to go to Philadel 
 phia. Much to his surprise and chagrin, Gates immediately 
 accepted the resignation, and granted the required leave. Arnold, 
 fearing the consequences to his reputation which might follow 
 his desertion of the army at so critical a period of the campaign, 
 soon after made some advances towards reconciling the difficulty, 
 in the hope of being reinstated in his command. It was, how 
 ever, all in vain. The command of the left wing was assumed by 
 Gates himself, and that of the right conferred upon General Lin 
 coln, who arrived in camp with a body of militia from the eastern 
 States, while the quarrel was pending.* 
 
 The services which Arnold had performed, and the courage 
 and military talents which he had displayed, had spread his name 
 throughout the country, as one of its ablest defenders. His remo 
 val from command was, therefore, a subject of general regret, but 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 258-261. 
 
156 THE LIFE OF 
 
 particularly so with the army, by whom he was greatly admired 
 for his genius, boldness, and activity. This was especially the 
 case as regarded the rifle corps, with many of the members 
 of which, including its commander and a number of its oifieers, 
 he had shared in the sufferings and dangers of the Canadian expe 
 dition. It was, perhaps, to these high characteristics of a soldier, 
 that he was indebted for the ungenerous course which Gates per 
 severed in pursuing towards him. The certainty of a glorious 
 issue to the campaign, rendered Gates avaricious of its honors, 
 while envy of an officer, at that time much more distinguished 
 than himself, may have contributed its share. How far the 
 refusal to restore Arnold to his command may have con 
 trolled his subsequent career down to its infamous termination, is 
 known only to the great Director of human affairs. Yet it is 
 easy to perceive, that but for this circumstance, such a direction 
 might have been given to his energies, as to have led him to the 
 acquisition of additional honors ; and thus, in spite of a heart dead 
 to every honorable impulse but courage, he might have won for 
 himself a name proud among the proudest. The severe wound, 
 received a few days after, which disabled him for active service 
 his transfer to Philadelphia the connexions he formed, and the 
 excesses he fell into, at that place, with the embarrassments and 
 mortifications which they brought upon him his appointment to 
 West Point and his treason may all be traced to this source 
 without straining a probability. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 157 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Letter from Washington to Gen. Gates, and an extract from the latter s reply -Critical 
 situation of Burgoyne His advance leads to the second battle of Stilhvater- Morgan s 
 corps routs the British light infantry Death of Gen. Frazer Assault on the enemy s 
 camp Anecdote Cornwallis abandons his camp, and takes a new position Morgan 
 advances to impede the enemy s retreat Skirmishes with their pickets American army 
 return to their entrenched camp, when Burgoyne retreats to the north bank of Saratoga 
 creek, and encamps He is overtaken by the Americans Burgoyne meditales a retreat 
 to Fort Edward His advanced detachments driven back He resolves to abandon his 
 baggage, &c., and endeavor to escape by a night march The hopelessness jf his situa 
 tion by the frustration of his scheme Contemplated assault upon the ene./ny s camp 
 Fortunate discovery of mistake Position of the American army Correspondence 
 regarding a capitulation Termination of the campaign General reflection Unfriendly 
 conduct of Gen. Gates to Morgan The cause of this change Anecdot -Remarks on 
 the propriety of employing marksmen. 
 
 IT is believed that Washington did not anticipate the difficulties 
 with which, shortly after the rifle corps had been detached to the 
 North, he was called on to contend, or he never would have parted 
 with it. The important services it had rendered, had taught him 
 its value ; and sorely pressed as he was, by an overwhelming 
 force at this time, he keenly felt its absence, and ardently wished 
 for its return. To this end, he addressed the following letter* to 
 Gates, which was received three days before the action of the 7th 
 of October. 
 
 CAMP NEAR POTTSGROVE, Sept. 1Ath, 1777. 
 SIR, 
 
 This army has not been able to oppose General Howe with the success 
 that I wished, and needs a reinforcement. I therefore request, if you have 
 been so fortunate as to oblige Gen. Burgoyne to retreat to Ticonderoga, or 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., page 265. Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 74. 
 
158 THE LIFE OF 
 
 if you have not, and circumstances will admit, that you will order Col. 
 Morgan to join me again with his corps. I sent him up when I thought 
 you materially wanted him ; and if his services can be dispensed with now 
 you will direct him to return immediately. You will perceive I do not 
 mention this by way of command, but leave you to determine upon if: 
 according to your situation. If they come, they should proceed by water 
 from Albany as low down as Peekskill ; in such case you will give Col. 
 Morgan the necessary orders to join me with dispatch. 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 MAJOR GEN. GATES. 
 
 To this Gates replied immediately. The extract which follows 
 is all of the letter* relating to Col. Morgan and his command. 
 The anxiety of the commander-in-chief for their return was fully 
 equalled by that of General Gates to retain them. 
 
 CAMP, BEHMUS HEIGHTS, Oct. 5th. 1T7T. 
 SIR, 
 
 Since the action of the 19th ult., the enemy have kept the ground 
 they occupied the morning of that day, and fortified their camp. The 
 advanced sentries of my picket are posted within shot of and opposite to 
 the enemy s; neither side have given ground an inch. In this situation, 
 your Excellency would not wish me to part with the corps the army of 
 General Burgoyne are most afraid of. From the best intelligence, he has 
 not more than three weeks provisions in store ; it will take him at least 
 eight days to get back to Ticonderoga ; so that in a fortnight at, furthest, 
 he must decide whether he will really risk, at infinite disadvantage, to 
 force my camp or retreat to his den ; in either case, I must have the fairest 
 prospect of being able to reinforce your Excellency in a more considerable 
 manner than by a single regiment. 
 
 I have the honor so be, &c., 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 His EXCELLENCY, GEN. WASHINGTON. 
 
 Another battle was now approaching, the results of which rendered 
 it the closing struggle of this eventful campaign. General Burgoyne 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. !., p. 266. . ,- 
 
G E N E K A L DANIEL MORGAN. 159 
 
 was anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton ; yet up to the 
 memorable 7th of October, he had received no tidings of that officer, 
 and fearful misgivings now began to gather round his heart. His force 
 had sensibly diminished by sickness and desertion, as well as by battle, 
 while that of his opponent had greatly increased. Provisions were 
 rapidly failing in his camp, and without a fortunate turn in his 
 affairs in the course of four or five days, his supply would be 
 entirely exhausted. Critical as was his situation, his pride and 
 his judgment united in rejecting the idea of a retreat. He cor 
 rectly believed that such a step, under the circumstances then 
 existing, with enemies on all sides, and being far from the reach 
 of supplies, would be attended with as many difficulties as 
 advancing. The time for the adoption of decisive measures had 
 arrived, how r ever ; and regarding a vigorous forward movement as 
 the only course left him, he took his measures accordingly. 
 
 About 3 o clock on the afternoon of the 7th, the advanced 
 guard of Col. Morgan s regiment, posted some distance in front of 
 the line, discovered a large body of the enemy in motion. The 
 alarm was immediately given, the drums beat to arms, find the 
 troops quickly formed and took their ground. This body, being 
 the advance of the intended general movement of the enemy, was 
 commanded by Gen. Burgoyne in person, assisted by Generals 
 Frazer, Phillips and Reidesel.* It was accompanied by ten pieces 
 of artillery. A body of tories and Indians, under Captain Fra 
 zer, had been pushed forward in advance, with directions to pene 
 trate to the rear of the American left, and threaten that rlank. 
 Information was soon after received, that the enemy had entered a 
 wheat field, about one mile and a half from the American lines, 
 fronting the left wing ; that they had formed in battle array ; and 
 that, while a party was cutting the forage which the field afforded, 
 the officers were making a reconnoissance of the American camp 
 from the top of the house on the ground.f The light infantry, 
 commanded by the Earl of Balcarras, occupied the right ; the 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. 1., p. 203. t Wilkinson, vol i., p. 207. 
 
1GO THE LIFE OF 
 
 grenadiers, under Major Ackland, formed the left ; and severa". 
 battalions of English and German infantry, led by Major Breyman, 
 formed the centre. The artillery, under the direction of Major 
 Williams, were placed between the divisions, and at other posi^ 
 tions along the line. The enemy s right rested on a worm fence, 
 beyond which the ground, thickly covered with wood, abruptly 
 ascended, forming a hill. Their left was covered, in flank by 
 woodland, and in front by a ravine, through which ran a small 
 stream. The centre occupied the clearing.* 
 
 Gen. Gates, having learned these particulars, made instant 
 preparations for battle. Morgan received orders to "begin the 
 game," by pushing forward his corps and commencing a skirmish. 
 But having previously made himself acquainted with the ground, 
 occupied by the enemy, and learning the disposition they had 
 made of their force, he thought his corps could act much more 
 advantageously, if sent, under cover of the woods, to the hill 
 flanking their right. From that point, he said, he could effectu 
 ally co-operate with the troops sent against them in front, and at 
 all events, be enabled to render better service than could possibly 
 be effected by the mode directed. These views were communi 
 cated to General Gates, who at once adopted them ; and to this 
 circumstance may, with perfect propriety, be attributed much of 
 the decisive result which the day produced. The rifle corps, 
 having received instructions to reserve fire until the action com 
 menced in front, was put in motion, and passing beyond the 
 American left, pushed forward through the woods, in the direction 
 of the hill. General Poor s brigade was now ordered to advance 
 against the enemy s centre and left, with directions to commence 
 the action, immediately after they arrived on the ground. Other 
 dispositions were made to add, if necessary, to the forces sent 
 forward. Precautions were also taken against any movement 
 which might be contemplated against the right of the American 
 camp. Gen. Lincoln s division, posted in this quarter, was kept 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 26T. 
 
GENERAL DANIKL MORGAN. 161 
 
 under arms, and held ready for any emergency ; and a strong 
 body of New York militia, which had recently assembled, was 
 ordered forward from its position in the rear, to cover the left of 
 the lines. 
 
 Morgan speedily arrived at the hill which overlooked the British 
 detachment. A glance at its disposition confirmed the correct 
 ness of the previous description, and gave him the assurance of a 
 speedy triumph. He quickly arranged his men in order of battle, 
 and gave the necessary directions. Dearborn s light infantry, 
 supported by a body of riflemen, were ordered to incline to the 
 right, with the object of assailing the enemy s right in front. The 
 main body of the corps was to attack them at the same time in 
 flank and rear. These divisions had barely reached the positions 
 assigned them for action, when the fire of Gen. Poor s brigade 
 was opened upon the British left. This being the signal for com 
 mencing the attack on the right, the British light infantry were 
 ins antly assailed in flank by the riflemen, who, rushing forward 
 at the word from Morgan, poured into their ranks a heavy and 
 destructive fire. They were evidently taken by surprise, and for a 
 minute or so, in contemplation of the number of dead and 
 wounded already around them, seemed shaken. This was but 
 momentary, however, for with soldier-like precision, they had 
 already commenced a manoeuvre generally resorted to in meeting 
 a flank attack, when Morgan promptly ordered the light infantry 
 under Dearborn to seize the advantage afforded by the movement, 
 and charge. This body advanced to within sixty paces of the 
 enemy; delivered its fire with fearful precision; and then ? 
 crossing the fence, with loud cheers, gave them the bayonet. The 
 riflemen on their flank had in the mean time been actively and 
 effectively engaged. The British, forced to give way, were pushed 
 with redoubled ardor by both of Morgan s divisions, and at length 
 obliged to flee in the greatest disorder. By the exertions of their 
 officers, they were rallied about four hundred yards in the rear of 
 their first position, and, for a short time, renewed the contest. So 
 
162 THELIFEOF 
 
 vigorously, however, were they assailed, that they were again 
 obliged to give ground. They were retiring, in the greatest con 
 fusion, when Gen. Frazer, at the head of a body of infantry, 
 advanced to their relief. Burgoyne, upon noticing the danger 
 which threatened his right, had dispatched this officer with a 
 strong body of troops to reinforce that wing, or cover its retreat, 
 as circumstances might direct. Frazer met the whole wing flying 
 in the utmost disorder, fiercely followed by Morgan and his men. 
 Throwing his troops between the victors and the vanquished, 
 Frazer attempted to stem the tide of battle. His efforts, though 
 heroic, were vain. After an obstinate and bloody conflict, in 
 which a free use of the bayonet alternated with discharges of 
 musketry and rifles, at thirty yards distance, this body of the 
 enemy also fled, bearing with them their general, mortally 
 wounded. 
 
 The circumstances of General Frazer s death demand especial 
 notice here, from the direct agency which Morgan had in that 
 event. On many occasions during the conflict, Morgan s attention 
 was attracted towards a noble-looking officer of the enemy, who, 
 mounted upon a splendid black charger, dashed from one end of 
 the line to the other, appearing wherever the danger was greatest, 
 and by his courage, judgment and activity, frequently restoring 
 tc his troops the fortunes of the day, when all seemed on the 
 point of being lost. He recollected having seen this officer in the 
 battle of the 19th of September, and having on that occasion 
 admired him for the skill and bravery which he displayed. While 
 he lived, Morgan considered the issue of the contest a doubt 
 ful one ; he therefore, sternly resolved to seek for victory in his 
 death. Selecting twelve of his best marksmen, he led them to u 
 suitable position, when, having pointed out to them the doomed 
 officer, he told them to kill him when next he came within reach 
 of their rifles. "He is a brave man; but he must die" the 
 only observation which fell from Morgan s lips besides his direc 
 tions to his men betrayed the struggle of generosity with duty 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 163 
 
 in his breast. He afterwards said, that he attentively and some 
 what anxiously observed his marksmen, when, a few minutes having 
 elapsed, and Frazer re-appearing within gun-shot of them, he 
 s?w them all raise their rifles and, taking deliberate aim, fire. 
 Thus fell General Frazer ; and a more efficient and accomplished 
 officer than he, the British had not in their army. 
 
 The defeat and dispersion of the British right was soon followed 
 by the precipitate retreat of their centre and left, leaving behind 
 them eight pieces of cannon. The battle had been hotly contested 
 by these divisions, and although they had a much larger force to 
 contend against, than that which overthrew the rio ht, they did 
 not yield their ground until some time after the latter had fled. 
 Generals Phillips and Reidesel, at the head of a reserve force, had 
 endeavored to cover the retreat in this quarter; but they were 
 also obliged to give way. 
 
 The whole of the British forces which had been engaged were 
 now fleeing to the protection of their fortified camp, and thither 
 they were closely followed by the victors. Morgan had pursued 
 the defeated right division, until they reached their entrenchments, 
 when his advance was checked for a time by a furious discharge of 
 cannon and musketry. Fortunately, the woodland was withir 
 one hundred and fifty yards of the British defences. Shelterec. 
 by the trees, the riflemen returned the enemy s fire with effect 
 letting few of those escape who exposed themselves while serving 
 the artillery. The remainder of the fugitives had no sooner 
 reached their camp, than their pursuers appeared. The battle, 
 now transferred to a new field, recommenced with great vigor 
 along the whole line of the British encampment. For an hour or 
 more, the discharge of cannon and musketry was uninterrupted, 
 during which the encampment was fiercely assaulted at several 
 points, in the face of a severe fire of grape-shot and small arms. 
 At length, the ardor of the rifle corps no longer brooking restraint, 
 and impatient for something decisive, they rushed tumultuously 
 forward, headed by Morgan, and charged upon the entrenchments 
 
164 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of Balcarris s ligbt infantry. A desperate hand-to-hand struggle 
 hereupon ensued within the enemy s works. The light infantry 
 were about giving way, when a large body of the enemy advanced 
 to their aid with fixed bayonets. Morgan was consequently forced 
 to retire or meet certain destruction. Here General Arnold, who, 
 although without command, had rendered himself very conspicu 
 ous during the day, plunging recklessly into every danger, as if 
 courting death, received a severe wound in the leg, and had his 
 horse shot under him. 
 
 The efforts of the American troops were more successful in other 
 quarters. Colonel Brooks s regiment, having gained the rear of 
 the enemy early in the action, had advanced, and assaulted the 
 defences of the German corps, under Colonel Breyman. At the 
 same moment, General Learned led his brigade against the Cana 
 dians, posted at the left of the Germans. Success crowned the 
 effort of both these officers. The Canadians, after a slight resist 
 ance, broke and fled ; and the Germans, now attacked on all sides, 
 were soon obliged to abandon their works, leaving behind them, 
 besides a large number of killed and wounded, their tents, bag 
 gage, and artillery, and the body of their commander, who was 
 killed in the contest. General Burgoyne, finding that the Ger 
 mans had abandoned their position, ordered the works to be 
 recovered ; but either from the approach of night, or the discour 
 agement of his troops, the order was not obeyed. Colonel Brooks 
 and General Learned established themselves within the enemy s 
 camp.* 
 
 Darkness at length put an end to the struggle. But the Ameri; 
 can army had won a glorious victory; one, besides, that yielded so id 
 advantages. Among these, was the possession of a portion of the 
 enemy s camp, affording an opening to their right and rear. 
 
 During the night, the Americans lay upon the ground, about 
 half a mile from the British camp, in readiness to renew the Con 
 test on the return of day. 
 
 * Wilkinson, yol. i., p. 122. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 165 
 
 The loss in this action was great on both sides ; but especially 
 so on the part of the British, whose killed, wounded and captured, 
 amounted to upwards of four hundred men. General Frazer, Sir 
 Francis Clark, and Colonel Breyman were killed, and Majors 
 Ackland and Williams, and Quarter-master-genej-al Money were 
 wounded and taken prisoners. The killed and wounded of the 
 Americans amounted to about two hundred and fifty in all. Of 
 the former, none were of a higher rank than a subaltern, and of 
 the latter, a few only of the officers, among the rest, General 
 Arnold. Besides the spoils of the German camp, and the artil 
 lery, a large quantity of ammunition had been obtained, the want 
 of which had been seriously felt in the American camp for some 
 time previously. 
 
 Morgan, upon his return to head-quarters the same night, was 
 met by Gates, who immediately embraced him, saying, 
 
 "Morgan, you have done wonders this day. You have immor 
 talized yourself, and honored your country ; if you are not pro 
 moted immediately, I will not serve another day 1" 
 
 Feeling at the moment a preference for pudding over praise, 
 Morgan merely replied, 
 
 " For God s sake, general, forbear this stuff, and give me some 
 thing to eat and drink, for I am ready to die with hunger, fatigue 
 and exhaustion."* 
 
 The expectations entertained by the American army of com 
 pleting the ruin of their opponents on the next morning, were dis 
 appointed. The British had silently abandoned their camps dur- 
 ng the night, and removed to a position running parallel with the 
 river, their wings being displayed on commanding eminences. 
 For some distance in front of this position, the ground was low 
 and very uneven, and intersected by a number of small streams, 
 the banks of which were covered with a thick undergrowth. 
 Advancing towards the lines, the land ascended, became clear of 
 underbrush, and was thinly covered with trees- The position was 
 
 * MSS. of Dr. Hill. 
 
166 THE LIFE OF 
 
 judiciously chosen, and well calculated to resist an attack, even 
 of the whole American force. Burgoyne saw the impossibility 
 of maintaining his old camp, a portion of which was already in 
 the hands of his assailants.* He hoped, besides, by a change of 
 front, to force the Americans to dispositions of their forces less 
 advantageous than those already made. Conjecturing that they 
 would continue to press him closely, the strength of the new posi 
 tion might safely promise him successful defence, if not a victory, 
 in case of an assault. General Gates partook of the general dis 
 appointment ; but he was too cautious to realize the expectations 
 of his opponent, He declined the battle proffered him ; but he 
 took more certain, if not more speedy measures, to bring about 
 the overthrow of the enemy. 
 
 The next morning the American army took possession of the 
 deserted British camp. In anticipation of the enemy s retreat, 
 Gen. Fellowes s brigade had been thrown across the river the day 
 previously, with orders to proceed to Saratoga, and to take such 
 a position in the vicinity of that place, as would check such a 
 movement if attempted. Morgan was now ordered to advance 
 with his corps, in the same direction, on the west side of the 
 river, fronting the enemy s lines, and endeavor to turn their right. 
 In the execution of this order, his flanking parties fell in with a 
 body of British provincials, who had been thrown forward tc 
 make a reconnoissance. These, after a short encounter, were put 
 to flight, and driven under the protection of the cannon in their 
 camp.f 
 
 No provisions had been served out to the American forces few 
 two days, and it became necessary that they should return to their 
 entrenched camp, to obtain a fresh supply. They accordingly 
 marched in that direction on the evening of the 8th. Burgoyne, 
 in the mean time, had determined upon a retreat, and at about 
 the same hour that the Americans returned to their camp, he put 
 his troops in motion for Saratoga. He left behind him a number 
 
 * Wilkinson, yol. i., p. 279. f Ibid., vol. i., pp. 279281. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL M O K G A N . 167 
 
 of bateaux, laden with military stores, besides his hospital, con 
 taining 300 sick, who were recommended to Gat.es s care and 
 protection.* He reached Dove-Cote the next morning, and 
 halting at this point for a short time, proceeded on, and arrived 
 at Saratoga on the evening of the 9th. Upon reaching this 
 place, he found Gen. Fellowes s brigade on the opposite side of the 
 river, strongly entrenched, and ready to dispute his passage ; 
 while, hovering upon his left, was the rifle regiment and its 
 redoubtable leader, observing his movements, and ready to seize 
 any advantage which might be afforded them. Remaining at 
 Saratoga during the night, the next morning he crossed Saratoga 
 Creek, a small stream emptying into the Hudson, and commenced 
 the formation of an entrenched camp on the heights above the 
 village. In this camp the English infantry were placed ; the 
 grenadiers and the Germans occupying a line of entrenchments 
 upon the heights running parallel with the river.f 
 
 The main part of the American army having recovered from 
 their fatigues, and prepared themselves for fresh encounters, 
 advanced from their camp on Behmus Heights for Saratoga on 
 the 10th, and reached the vicinity of that place the same after 
 noon. A party of the enemy was busily engaged at this time in 
 unloading the bateaux which were lying at the mouth of 
 Saratoga Creek, and transporting their contents into th^ camp. 
 A couple of pieces of artillery were brought to bear on thi? party, 
 the fire of which, seconded by that of a body of militia, forced it 
 to retire, and a number of bateaux were captured. Tb^se 
 measures drew a heavy fire from the British camp, which 
 compelled the assailants to relinquish their prizes, and return to 
 the main body. 
 
 The American army took post along the south bank of Sarat^g^ 
 Creek, Lincoln s command on the right, and Gates s on the left. 
 Morgan s corps was thrown forward in observation J 
 
 * Wilkinson, p. 282. 
 
 t Ibid, vol. I., p. 288. Marshall s Wash., vol i., p. 205. 
 Wilkinson, vol. i., p. 285. 
 
168 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Burgoyne at length meditated a general retreat. He sent a 
 body of artificers forward, under a strong guard, to repair the 
 bridges and open the road to Fort Edward, on the west side of 
 the river. No sooner had this body left the camp, than it was 
 menaced by Morgan with an attack ; and it was ultimately forced 
 to return without effecting anything. This and other circum 
 stances convinced Burgoyne, that to effect a retreat with his 
 baggage and stores, in the face of the American army, was 
 impossible. Hereupon he resolved on a night march to Fort 
 Edward, leaving everything behind but his arms and provisions. 
 Could he succeed in crossing the ford near the fort, or that a few 
 miles above, he thought he might yet extricate himself from the 
 perils which environed him, and reach Fort George. A council 
 of officers approved of this scheme, and the necessary prepara 
 tions were made for putting it into execution, when it became 
 known that the Americans had gathered in force at these fords 
 and entrenched themselves, and that they, moreover, possessed a 
 strong camp on the high ground, between Fort George and Fort 
 Edward, with several pieces of cannon.* 
 
 The condition of the British army was now hopeless beyond 
 expression. All thoughts of effecting a retreat were hence 
 forward abandoned ; and most unwillingly, Burgoyne was forced 
 to look capture in the face. 
 
 On the morning of the llth, a movement was made against 
 the British entrenchments, which might have been followed by 
 disastrous consequences to the Americans, had not the mistake in 
 which it originated, been discovered in time. General Gates, 
 believing either that the scheme of retreat, which had come to his 
 ears, was a oout being carried into effect, or that the small British 
 detachments which had been sent forward to reconnoitre, were 
 really the main body of the British army, determined to storm 
 their camp, and then push rapidly forward early the next day. 
 With this intention, the left and centre of the array were ordered 
 
 * Marshall s Wash., vol. i., p. 206. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 169 
 
 to cross the creek, and advance on the Albany road, while 
 Morgan s regiment, followed by the brigades of Learned and 
 Patterson, received directions to keep to the left along the 
 heights. The riflemen had advanced some distance in the 
 direction of the British camp, groping through a thick fog, when 
 they were discovered by one of the enemy s pickets, which fired 
 upon them, and immediately retired out of view. By this 
 discharge, Lieut. Harrison and two men were killed, and three 
 more wounded. Uncertain as to his position, and doubting the 
 supposed retreat of the British, Morgan determined to await the 
 arrival of the brigades in his rear, before he advanced any further. 
 The desired junction had already been effected, when a heavy 
 firing was heard in the direction of the Albany road. One of the 
 s!anding orders of the army being to fall on the enemy at all 
 points, in the event of their making a demonstration in any 
 quarter, Morgan, Learned and Patterson, immediately advanced 
 with their respective commands, towards the enemy s fortified 
 camp. They had approached within two hundred yards of this 
 point, when Col. Wilkinson galloped up, and declaring that the 
 enemy s movements had been mistaken, begged them to halt. 
 While hesitating as to the steps to be taken, the fog suddenly 
 rose, and disclosed the enemy in battle array, waiting to receive 
 them. They instantly retired to the protection of the woods, 
 before reaching which, the enemy opened a heavy fire, killing and 
 wounding several officers and men. 
 
 The contest on the right revealed Gates s error. The troops 
 were in the act of crossing the creek, when they were received by 
 the enemy with such firmness and in such numbers, as, taken 
 with other circumstances, to leave no doubt that the latler still 
 held their ground. 
 
 The American army resumed its position on the south bank of 
 Saratoga Creek r all excepting Patterson s and Learned s brigades, 
 and Morgan s corps. Patterson and Learned took strong posi 
 tions on the the north bank of the Creek, in the rear of the 
 
 8 
 
170 THE LIFE OF 
 
 British entrenched camp, threatening at the same time the 
 Germans and grenadiers. Morgan was posted on the left of 
 these brigades, menacing the enemy s retreat, and observing the 
 Albany road.* 
 
 We are now rapidly approaching the denouement of this mem 
 orable campaign. The few days which preceded the capitulation, 
 passed without the occurrence of any thing remarkable. The fire 
 on the British was unceasing, however. The roar of cannon 
 followed their appearance in every quarter, and musket balls were 
 continually showered into all parts of their camp. 
 
 On the 13th, General Burgoyne opened a correspondence 
 with General Gates, with the object of settling the terms of a 
 capitulation. It was proposed, in reply, that the British army 
 should surrender as prisoners of war, and that they should ground 
 their arms in their encampment. Burgoyne refused to comply 
 with these demands, and intimated to Gates that if they were per 
 sisted in, the treaty was to end, and hostilities to recommence 
 immediately. It was at length agreed, among other less impor 
 tant stipulations, that the British army, after marching out of 
 their encampment with all the honors of war, should lay down 
 their arms ; that they should not serve against the United States 
 until exchanged ; and that they were to be permitted to return to 
 England as soon as the necessary preparations to convey them 
 thither were made. 
 
 Matters had progressed thus far, w r hen Burgoyne received such 
 favorable accounts of Sir Henry Clinton s operations on the 
 Hudson, as to revive hope in his breast, and to tempt him to delay 
 the ratification of the convention, or to recede from it altogether. 
 But General Gates promptly met the emergency. On the 
 morning of the 17th, the army was placed under arms, and 
 General Burgoyne was notified, that as the time had arrived 
 when he must either ratify or dissolve the agreement, an imme 
 diate and decisive answer was required. The articles were at 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., pp. 285-289. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 171 
 
 length returned to Gates, bearing the signature of the British 
 commander.* 
 
 On the day of the capitulation, the effective force of the Ameri 
 can army amounted to about twelve thousand men. The number 
 of the British who surrendered, was five thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety-one. Thirty-five pieces of brass artillery, five thousand 
 stand of arms, and a large quantity of ammunition and military 
 stores were hereby acquired. 
 
 On the next morning, the prisoners, accompanied by a guard, 
 took up their march for Boston.f 
 
 Thus terminated a campaign, from which the British govern 
 ment anticipated the most decisive results. Thus fell an army, 
 which, confident even to recklessness in its strength, overthrew or 
 disregarded the impediments of its early career, spread death and 
 desolation in its path, and impressed the minds of all patriots 
 with fearful misgivings of the result. But a brighter destiny was 
 reserved for the country, then struggling to defend itself against 
 what must have been ever after a degrading vassalage ; and to 
 purchase with the blood of its bravest a place among the nations 
 of earth. A better recompense was in store for the noble band 
 who survived the fearful struggle, when a free and grateful people 
 would honor the graves and perpetuate the memory of those who 
 fell in their defence. It was not until this period in the history 
 of the American war, that the British government or people could 
 be brought to believe that the Americans possessed any warlike 
 qualities. It never entered into their minds that their best and 
 bravest could find themselves overmatched by these despised colo 
 nists ; and that whether in the woods or on the plain, all claims to 
 superiority must be relinquished, from the evidence of stern, and 
 to them, humiliating results. This severe lesson was taught them 
 at length, and by one, too, whose competency to judge, few 
 would be willing to dispute. Gen. Burgoyne, in his "Review of 
 the evidence taken before the House of Commons," in relation to 
 
 * Wilkinson, vol. i., pp. 29S-317. til-idem. 
 
172 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his surrender at Saratoga, and referring to the fact that Morgan s 
 regiment drove the British light infantry from the field, and sub 
 sequently attacked them in their entrenchments, observes. If 
 there can be any person who, after considering that circumstance ; 
 and the positive proof of the subsequent obstinacy in the attack 
 on the post of Lord Balcarras, and various other actions of the 
 day, continue to doubt that the Americans possess the quality 
 and faculty of fighting (call it by whatever term they please) 
 they are of a prejudice, that it would be very absurd longer to 
 contend with." 
 
 When it is considered that the glory of this campaign was 
 largely shared in, by a number of gallant leaders and their com 
 mands, most of whom found frequent opportunities during the 
 struggle to distinguish themselves ; so honorable a testimony as 
 this from Gen. Burgoyne, in reference to Col. Morgan and his 
 corps, speaks volumes in their praise, and is significant of the 
 superiority which he assigned them. But we are not left to 
 inferences regarding his opinion of this corps. On his intro 
 duction to Morgan, after the capitulation, he took him warmly by 
 the hand, with the observation, "Sir, you command the finest 
 regiment in the world." 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding the important services which Col. Mor 
 gan rendered in this campaign services which won him the 
 praises of the army, and made his name familiar with friends and 
 foes, throughout the country they were not deemed worthy of 
 more than a cursory notice in the general s dispatches. His 
 name was not even mentioned in the official account of the 
 surrender, to the accomplishment of which he had contributed so 
 largely. This was the more extraordinary, from the fact that the 
 General s conduct towards Col. Morgan, from his first arrival at 
 camp, to the surrender, evinced a high degree of confidence in his 
 military character, and a friendly regard for him personally. 
 Before a week elapsed, after the closing scene of the campaign, 
 however, this conduct had undergone a total change. Gates not 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 173 
 
 only denied Morgan common justice in his communications to 
 Congress, but in their official and personal intercourse, treated 
 him with marked reserve. 
 
 The clue to this otherwise inexplicable circumstance is probably 
 furnished in the following anecdote, related by Morgan himself. 
 Immediately after the surrender, Morgan visited Gates on busi 
 ness, when he was taken aside by the general, and confidentially 
 told that the main army was extremely dissatisfied with the con 
 duct of the war by the commander-in-chief, and that several of 
 the best officers threatened to resign, unless a change took place. 
 Morgan perfectly understood the views of Gates, in this conference, 
 although he was then a stranger to the correspondence which he 
 had held with Con way and others, and sternly replied, " I have 
 one favor to ask of you, sir, which is, never to mention that detes 
 table subject to rue again ; for under no other man than Washing 
 ton, as commander-in-chief, would I ever serve."* 
 
 Gates, at this time, entertained strong hopes of being enabled 
 to supplant General Washington in the chief command of the 
 American armies. The combination among a number of mem 
 bers of Congress, and a few officers of the army, known as the 
 " Conway Cabal," from the active part which Gen. Conway took 
 in its machinations, had made considerable progress towards the 
 accomplishment of their designs. But Washington was beloved 
 by the whole army ; and who so well acquainted with his worth, 
 and with the worthlessness of his calumniators? The approaches 
 of the conspirators in this .quarter met with as prompt and indig 
 nant a repulse, as that which Gates experienced from Morgan. 
 
 From this time, until the spring of 1781, all intimacy between 
 Gates and Morgan ceased. A day or two after the foregoing 
 interchange of views, General Gates gave a dinner to the princi 
 pal officers of the British army. A large number of American 
 officers were also invited ; but Morgan was not among the num 
 ber. So signal a mark of Gates s unfriendliness to Morgan, could 
 
 *Dr. Hill. Lee s Memoirs, 428.. 
 
174: THE LIFE OF 
 
 not pass unobserved, either by himself, or by his brother officers. 
 The cause was buried in the bosoms of the parties themselves, 
 and conjecture, though wide spread, was at^a loss to account for 
 it. Before the entertainment was over, however, the petty indig 
 nity recoiled with seventy upon its author. Morgan had occasion 
 during the evening to seek an interview with General Gates, on 
 business connected with his command. He was ushered into 
 the dining-room, and having arranged the matter in hand, 
 was permitted by the general to withdraw, without even the 
 empty ceremony of an introduction to the British officers present. 
 A number of the latter, struck by the commanding figure and 
 noble mien of the colonel, and noticing that he was a field officer, 
 inquired his name, as soon as he had retired. On learning that 
 it was Colonel Morgan, they instantly rose to a man from the 
 table, overtook him in the road, and severally taking him by the 
 hand, made themselves known to him, frankly declaring, at 
 the same time, that they had felt him severely in the field.* 
 
 British officers had good reason to know him. He frequently 
 told his men, whom he familiarly called his boys, to shoot at 
 those who wore epaulettes, rather than the poor fellows who 
 fought for sixpence a day, and the sequel proved that he was 
 obeyed to the letter. At the first glance, many would condemn 
 a practice of this kind, as adding unnecessarily to the sanguinary 
 features of war. But this constitutes one of the principal argu 
 ments in its defence. Every additional horror which war acquires, 
 lessens in a corresponding degree the likelihood of a resort to it, 
 and thus tends to perpetuate the blessings of peace. The primary 
 object of battles being the defeat of an opponent, few means 
 necessary to its accomplishment are considered illegitimate. 
 Among these, is certainly not included that whereby an adversary 
 is struck in the most vital part, else why employ marksmen, 
 whose business it is to exercise their skill against particular 
 objects ? Even veteran soldiers have been thrown into confusion, 
 
 * Lee s Memoirs, p. 430. Major Neville. Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 175 
 
 and become little more efficient than an undisciplined mob, by 
 the loss of their officers. Past and daily experience shows, that 
 when the way to victory lies over the dead bodies of those who 
 give unity and efficiency to opposition, there are few commanders 
 who decline the opportunity of pursuing it. 
 
 General Burgoyne, in the review already quoted, noticed this 
 practice, and acknowledged its effects ; and the absence of all 
 asperity in his remarks thereupon, justifies the presumption that 
 he regarded it as comprehended among the legitimate usages of 
 war. Indeed, he employed marksmen himself, to a very consider 
 able extent, during the campaign. " The enemy," he remarks, 
 " had with their army great numbers of marksmen, armed with 
 rifle-barrelled pieces. These, during an engagement, hovered 
 upon the flanks in small detachments, and were very expert in 
 securing themselves, and in shifting their ground. In this action 
 (that of the 19th September), many placed themselves in high 
 trees, in the rear of their own line ; and there was seldom a 
 minute s interval of smoke in any part of our line, without officers 
 being taken off by single shot." Indeed, the general himself 
 escaped being shci by one of those riflemen, only from being mis 
 taken for another, who received the ball. Capt. Green, an aide 
 to Gen. Phillips, was in the act of handing a letter to Gen. 
 Burgoyne, when he fell from his horse, having at the moment 
 received a severe wound in the arm. The rich furniture of the 
 aide s saddle, led the rifleman to believe that the rider was 
 the general. In connection with this anecdote, it is worthy 
 of remark, that as the officer was seen to fall from his horse, it 
 was, for some time, believed in the American camp, that Bur 
 goyne had been killed. 
 
176 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Morgan marches from Saratoga, southward Gates s unwillingness to supply the com- 
 mander-in-chief with reinforcements The latter s anxiety for the return of Morgan 
 The opinion of the army regarding the rifle corps and its commander Military events 
 Morgan arrives at Whitemarsh Expedition under Cornwallis Lafayette, with a 
 portion of the rifle corps, engages and defeats a body of the enemy The British 
 advance to Chestnut Hill Routs the Pennsylvania militia Engaged by Morgan and 
 General Gist, with Maryland militia The latter obliged to yield The riflemen, after a 
 sanguinary conflict, retire in good order The loss severe on both sides Death of 
 Major Morris Lafayette His generosity towards the widow and orphans of Morris 
 The American army goes into winter quarters Disposition of troops Foraging expe 
 dition of the enemy Morgan in observation, has repeated skirmishes with them 
 Hardships he encountered from hunger, cold and want of rest The enemy return to 
 Philadelphia The distressing situation of the American army Morgan leaves his com 
 mand on a short visit home His reception. 
 
 ON the 1st of November, Colonel Morgan received orders to 
 march with his regiment southward, and to lose no time in join 
 ing the commander-in -chief, in compliance with the express 
 directions of the latter. As the rifle corps had been in readiness 
 to move for some days previously, it started immediately. It was 
 soon after followed by the brigades of Generals Poor, Warner, 
 Patterson and Learned, and the regiment of Colonel Van Schaick. 
 These forces amounted to about five thousand five hundred men, 
 which, when added to those already, or about, operating on 
 the Hudson, and in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, would make 
 the army under the commander-in-chief about ten thousand 
 strong. 
 
 Although, by the capture of Burgoyne, the war had terminated 
 in the north, General Gates evinced a great disinclination to com- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 177 
 
 ply with the urgent demands of the commander-in-chief, for rein 
 forcements. The army under Gates s command, at the time of 
 the surrender, was three times greater than that with which 
 Washington was contending against a superior force in Pennsyl 
 vania and New Jersey. It was vitally important that a portion, 
 at least, of this large force, now no longer employed, should be 
 brought to the aid of the commander-in-chief, that he might be 
 enabled to make head against the enemy, arid to carry out the 
 plan of operations which had been determined on. Col. Hamil 
 ton was accordingly sent from head-quarters to Gen. Gates, with 
 directions to explain to that officer the nature of this plan, and to 
 facilitate the forwarding of the required reinforcements. The 
 troops already mentioned had started southward some days before 
 the arrival of Col. Hamilton. But the force they composed was 
 much below that which the commander-in-chief had a right to 
 expect ; and even of this, the term of service of a large proportion 
 would soon expire. .It was not until Hamilton invoked the high 
 authority with which he was invested, that Gates consented to 
 augment the reinforcements already sent forward, with the brigade 
 of Gen. Glover, which thereupon received orders to march south 
 ward.* 
 
 Washington, in his letter of instructions to Col. Hamilton on 
 this occasion, exhibits much anxiety for the return of his favorite 
 rifle regiment. "I expect," he says, "you will meet Col. Morgan 
 and his corps upon the way down. If you do, let them know 
 how essential their services are to us, and desire the Colonel, or 
 commanding officer, to hasten his march as much as is consistent 
 with the health of his men, after their late fatigues. ! 
 
 In nearly all the letters which Morgan received while at the 
 North, from his friends in the main army, congratulations on his 
 successes were coupled with regrets for his absence. In a letter 
 from Captain (afterwards Colonel) Heth, dated 30th September, 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 176. 
 tSparks a Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 128, 124. 
 
 8* 
 
178 THE LIFE OF 
 
 1777. the writer observes: "You have been greatly wished for 
 since the enemy s landing at the head of the Elk." In another 
 letter, from Col. Febriger, written shortly after, occurs the follow 
 ing passage : " It is generally believed that some of the severest 
 reverses we have lately experienced might have been obviated, 
 could we have had the co-operation of yourself and your gallant 
 corps." 
 
 Short as was the lapse of time since Morgan departed for the 
 North, it had given birth to a number of events, amid the scenes 
 of his previous operations, most of them disastrous, and all of 
 them important. The battle of Brandywine had been fought ; 
 Wayne suffered a surprise from the " no flint General " Gray, and 
 lost three hundred men. The battle of Germantown succeeded, 
 the enemy having previously entered Philadelphia. The attempt 
 which was made to take the fort at Red Bank, was nobly repulsed 
 by Col. Green, Morgan s old companion in arms, with a loss to 
 the assailants, of four hundred men and their commander, Count 
 Donop. This fort, however, as well as the one erected on Mud 
 Island, was subsequently evacuated ; and thus, a free communica 
 tion by the Delaware was at length established between the 
 British army and navy. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, with between three thousand and four thou 
 sand men, had commenced operations on the Hudson, with the 
 intention of reducing the posts on its banks, and of forming a 
 junction with Burgoyne. He out-generaled the brave old Put 
 nam, and captured forts Montgomery and Clinton. Forts Inde 
 pendence and Constitution were thereupon evacuated by the 
 Americans. Esopus and Continental Village were wantonly burned 
 by the British. Sir Henry, was still movino- forward, when on the 
 26th October, he received intelligence of Burgoyne s surrender. 
 He immediately beat a retreat. The same day, forts Montgomery 
 arid Clinton were evacuated, and the British army soon after 
 embarked, and proceeded down the river towards New York. 
 
 The withdrawal of the enemy from the fortifications on the 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 179 
 
 Hudson was followed by a distribution of the American forces 
 which had concentrated at Peekskill. A large body moved 
 down the west bank of the river, and took post at Haverstraw ; 
 one thousand men were stationed in the Highlands, to guard the 
 country and repair the works; and the remainder marched down 
 on the east side of the river towards Kingsbridge. The object 
 proposed by these dispositions was to hold in check the enemy in 
 New York, and prevent a reinforcement from being sent to Gen. 
 Howe. It was also an ulterior purpose to attack that city, should 
 a favorable opportunity present itself.* 
 
 Morgan, in the meantime, was advancing with his corps in all 
 haste towards the head-quarters of the commander-in-chief, then 
 at Whitemarsh. He had marched to Albany, where, having 
 embarked his men, their baggage, &c., in a number of sloops, he 
 arrived in a few days at Peekskill. From this point he advanced 
 without delay, and arrived at Whitemarsh about the 18th of 
 November. 
 
 The fatigues of the preceding campaign, when, added to those 
 of the long-forced march which had just been performed, had 
 caused much sickness in the regiment, and rendered most of its 
 members unable immediately to perform duty. The men were 
 generally without the clothing, shoes, blankets, and other essen 
 tials to their taking the field on the opening of a northern winter. 
 But the rifle corps was composed of no common materials. 
 
 A few days were passed by the troops in recruiting their 
 strength, and in having their want of clothing as far as possible 
 supplied, when they evinced a readiness to take a part in the 
 momentous operations then going forward. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th of November, Cornwallis, at the 
 head of two thousand men, left Philadelphia, with the object, 
 after forming a junction with a body of troops from New York, 
 then at Chester, of reducing Fort Mercer. Upon receiving intelli 
 gence of this movement, the commander-in-chief communicated it 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. V., p. 124. 
 
180 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to Gen. Varnurn, who commanded the fort, with orders to thai 
 officer, to hold out to the last extremity. Gen. Hunting-ton s bri 
 gade was immediately detached to reinforce Gen. Yarn urn ; an 
 express was sent to Gen. Glover, then marching with his brigade 
 through New Jersey from the north, to file oft to the left for the 
 same purpose ; and Gen. Green, upon whom the command of the 
 expedition devolved, crossed the Delaware at the head of his 
 division. 
 
 The Marquis de Lafayette accompanied this expedition, at the 
 head of a force composed of a body of militia, and about 170 of 
 Morgan s riflemen, being all of the corps who were fit for service 
 at this time ; the rest being unavailable from the want of shoes.* 
 
 It was hoped, by this movement, not only that the fort would 
 be defended, but that Cornwallis would be forced to fight 
 a superior force, under disadvantageous circumstances. Before a 
 junction of these different bodies of troops was effected, however, 
 Cornwallis, at the head of a force much larger than that which 
 had been reckoned upon, advanced against the fort, which was 
 thereupon evacuated. He then took post at Gloucester Point, 
 and under cover of the guns of the men-of-war, transported his 
 baggage, and the provisions he had collected, up the Delaware for 
 Philadelphia, previously to embarking his army for the same 
 point. 
 
 Before the departure of the British, however, Morgan s rifle 
 men had an opportunity of adding to their enviable reputation, 
 which was fully improved. Lafayette had obtained permission 
 from General Green, to advance with his command, to recon 
 noitre Cornwallis s position. He was likewise left at liberty to 
 make an attack, if circumstances seemed to warrant it. Cornwallis 
 was at this time transporting his troops across the river from the. 
 Point. The marquis, accompanied by two or three officers and a 
 guide, rode down to a point which projected some distance into 
 the river, and commenced his observations. Being discovered by 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 167. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 181 
 
 the enemy, a party of dragoons were sent to intercept him on his 
 return. By good fortune, but not without some risk, he suc 
 ceeded in rejoining his command. Thirsting for opportunities to 
 distinguish himself, and as was remarked of him by Washington, 
 " determined to be in the way of danger," he resolved to have a 
 brush with the enemy before he returned to camp. A scouting 
 party was accordingly pushed forward towards the British camp 
 on the Point, to make observations. This party speedily 
 returned with the information, that a picket guard of three 
 hundred and fifty Hessians, with three field pieces, was posted at 
 a position a sLort distance in front, and about two miles and 
 a half from the British camp. The marquis immediately led his 
 men against the picket, which after a few minutes hard fighting, 
 was forced to fly. He followed the enemy closely, and, as 
 remarked by himself in hits, account of the affair to the com- 
 mander-in-chiel, " made them run very fast." " British reinforce 
 ments came twice to their aid," he added, "but very far from 
 recovering their ground, they always repeated." In this engage 
 ment the enemy lost from twenty to thirty killed, and had about 
 forty wounded. The pursuit did not cease till they had gained 
 their camp, on*? or two of their men having fallen within its 
 precincts. The loss of the Americans was but one man killed? 
 and six wounded. The marquis represented the conduct of the 
 riflemen as abc v e all praise. "I never saw men," he declared, 
 "so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to go on to the enemy, 
 whatever force tuey might have, as that small party in this little 
 fight." * 
 
 A few days elapsed, when it became known that General Howe 
 meditated an attack upon the American camp. On the night of 
 the 5th of December, this officer moved from Philadelphia with 
 all his forces, excepting a very inconsiderable portion, which was 
 left in his lines and redoubts. Capt. McLane, who had been sent 
 forward with one hundred chosen men to watch the enemy, dis 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, -ol. v., pp. 171, 172. 
 
182 THELIFEOF 
 
 covered them on the advance, at a place called Three Mile Rum 
 and compelled their front division to change their line of inarch. 
 They passed forward, however, and appeared the next morning on 
 Chestnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from, the 
 right wing of the American army. As soon as the position of 
 the enemy was ascertained, the Pennsylvania militia, posted on 
 the right of the American lines, were ordered to move forward 
 and skirmish with the enemy s light parties. The militia 
 advanced as directed ; but after a slight engagement, they fled 
 the field in disorder, leaving behind them, wounded and a 
 prisoner, their commander, Gen. Irvine. The enemy changed 
 their ground during the night, appearing on the next morning, 
 advantageously posted, upon the left and within a mile of the 
 American lines. They remained in this position during the 
 whole of the 7th. The next day they inclined further to the left, 
 and in doing so, approached still closer to the American left.* 
 
 Appearances favored the belief that the enemy were determined 
 upon an action. The commander-in-chief, being equally ready to 
 meet them, if his inferiority in strength could be made up by 
 advantage of position, took his measures accordingly. Morgan 
 was ordered to move forward with his regiment, and attack the 
 advanced and flanking parties of the enemy. Similar orders were 
 given to Colonel Gist, who commanded the Maryland militia. A 
 few minutes elapsed, after Morgan had disposed his troops for 
 action, and put them in motion, when a considerable body of the 
 enemy were discovered marching down the side of a gentle slope. 
 At the same moment a fire was heard a short distance to the right, 
 which indicated that the Maryland militia were engaged. The 
 riflemen needed no stimulus, of words or example, to urge them 
 on to the attack. Never yet had they failed in driving before 
 them an opponent who was not vastly their superior in numbers. 
 They rushed on with their accustomed impetuosity and disregard 
 of peril. Delivering a general and well-directed fire, which spread 
 
 * Marshall s Washington. Tol. 1., p. 188 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 183 
 
 death broadcast in the ranks of the British column, they rapidly 
 advanced to a closer encounter. Before the enemy could recover 
 from the surprise, occasioned by an exhibition of such extraordinary 
 vigor, another volley, which fell with crushing effect upon their 
 ranks, filled them with dismay, when, after an ineffectual discharge 
 or two, they broke into disorder and fled. Regardless of conse 
 quences, and wild with the excitement of battle, Morgan and his 
 men fiercely pursued the fugitives. The latter had crossed the 
 slope, when they were met by a column of British infantry, 
 which was hastily advancing in the direction of the fire. The 
 discomfited British immediately rallied, and the contest was now 
 renewed with great spirit. The riflemen, nothing daunted by the 
 presence of twice their numbers, returned the heavy fire of the 
 enemy with the utmost resolution. Taking cover from the trees 
 which occupied the ground rather thickly, they were screened 
 from the enemy s shot which was showered upon them like rain ; 
 while, on the other hand, the unerring rifle seldom failed to speed 
 a messenger of death. But the militia under Colonel Gist, who 
 had fallen in with, and engaged a body of, the enemy, at about 
 the same moment when the action commenced in this quarter, 
 had been obliged to fly. Their victorious opponent, now advanc 
 ing, threatened Morgan s flank and rear. Thus at the moment 
 when victory was about to declare itself in his favor, Morgan was 
 .forced to order a retreat. The troops were drawn off in perfect 
 order, and without experiencing any additional loss. So severely 
 had the enemy suffered, that they did not advance a single step in 
 pui-suit. 
 
 The severe reception which the British received in this affair, 
 probably admonished their commander of the danger of too far 
 tempting a general engagement, and he returned to Philadelphia 
 the next day. If the American army had exhibited a degree of 
 resolution, at all comparable to that which was displayed by the 
 rifle corps, it would have enabled the commander-in-chief to place 
 General Howe in quarters far less agreeable than those to which 
 that officer retired. 
 
184: THE LIFE OF 
 
 In this engagement, the slaughter of the enemy was unparalleled, 
 considering the strength of the respective forces engaged. The 
 precise amount of their loss has never been ascertained, however. 
 One account from Philadelphia, soon after received, stated the 
 number of wounded who were brought to that city, at five hun 
 dred ; and another represented that eighty-two wagons had 
 arrived there, filled with dying and disabled men.* Although 
 these accounts may have been somewhat exaggerated, it is never 
 theless susceptible of proof, that during the period between the 
 appearance of the enemy at three Mile Run, and their return to 
 Philadelphia, they incurred a loss of three hundred and fifty 
 killed and wounded. As the encounter just described was the 
 only one, during this incursion of the enemy, in which the loss 
 on either side was considerable, it is fair to presume, that, at least, 
 two hundred of their numbers fell on this occasion, by the rifles 
 of Morgan s regiment. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the rifle corps had suffered severely. 
 Twenty-seven of their number were either killed or wounded ; and 
 among the latter, but beyond all hope of recovery, was the noble- 
 hearted and intrepid Major Morris. This officer, from the soldier 
 like qualities displayed by him on a variety of occasions, had 
 attracted the attention and favor of the commander-in-chief ; and 
 upon the organization of the rifle corps, he was appointed its 
 major. He possessed a disposition the most kind and generous, 
 and a courage which no danger could shake, no misfortune could 
 diminish. He enjoyed the confidence and regard of all who 
 knew him ; and by the officers and men of the corps, with whom he 
 had so often shared in the dangers and the glories of the war, he 
 Avas deeply beloved. His death, which occurred a short time 
 after this encounter, excited universal sorrow throughout the camp, 
 and was tfie occasion of an act of generosity on the part of 
 Lafayette, which is well worthy of being recorded here. 
 
 Upon the return of the rifle corps, from the North, Lafayette, 
 brave himself, and admiring bravery in others, sought the 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., rP- 182-182. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 185 
 
 acquaintance of its officers. They met his advances with cordi 
 ality, and he was soon regarded by them all with warm affection. 
 Between Morgan and Lafayette, the intimacy rapidly ripened into 
 friendship, which existed during their lives, and even survived the 
 grave, for it was cherished by their descendants with an ardor 
 little abated by time or distance. A feeling equally generous had 
 sprung up between the marquis and Major Morris ; and the death 
 of the major, when considered in connection with the distresses 
 which his bereaved wife and children must now encounter, thrown 
 on the world, unprotected and penniless, gave Lafayette extreme 
 pain. It soon occurred to him, that the most acceptable offering 
 which could be made to the memory of his departed friend, would 
 be to mitigate the sorrows of the unfortunate widow and orphans. 
 Filled with this idea, he addressed the following letter to Morgan, 
 every sentence of which was dictated by the generous and elevated 
 impulses which habitually swelled his truly noble heart. 
 
 * * * 1777. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I just now received your favor concerning our late friend 
 Major Morris, and I need not repeat to you how much I am concerned in 
 the interests of his family. I spoke the other day to his Excellency on 
 the subject, and I shall write to Congress a very particular letter, where 
 you will be mentioned. I intend to speak as in your name, and that of all 
 your corps, and as being myself honored with their confidence. It is my 
 opinion that a decent estate might be given to the family, as a mark of 
 gratefulness from their country, and that his son must be promoted as 
 soon as possible. But, my dear sir, you know how long Congress waive 
 any matter whatsoever before a decision ; and, as Mrs. Morris may be in 
 some want before that time, I am going to trouble you with a commission 
 which I beg you will execute with the greatest secrecy. If she wanted to 
 borrow any sum of money in expecting the arrangements of Congress, it 
 would not become a stranger, unknown to her, to offer himself for that 
 purpose. But you could (as from yourself) tell her that you had friends, 
 who, being in the army, don t know what to do with their money, and as 
 they are not in the mercantile or husbandry way, would willingly let her 
 have one or many thousand dollars, which she might give again in three 
 or four years, &c., &c., 
 
186 THE LIFE OF 
 
 One other way could be to let her believe that you have got or 
 borrowed the money from any town or body you will be pleased to 
 mention ; or it would be needless to mention where it comes from. 
 
 In a word, my dear sir, if with the greatest secrecy, and the most 
 minute regard for that lady s delicacy, you may find a manner of being 
 useful to her, I beg you would communicate to me immediately. 
 
 I shall, as soon as possible, let you know the answer of Congress, 
 whenever an answer will be got, and in expecting the pleasure to hear 
 from you, I have the honor to be, very sincerely, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 
 
 COL. MORGAN, of the Rifle Corps. 
 
 It will, doubtless, please the readers to be informed that Lafa 
 yette s benevolent intentions were fully carried into effect. The 
 sorrows of the widow were relieved from the superaddition of 
 want, and the orphans felt less sensibly their bereavement, from 
 the munificence of their father s friend. 
 
 The vacancy in the regiment created by the death of Major 
 Morris, was filled by Captain Posey, who was promoted to a 
 majority. 
 
 A few days after the action at Chestnut Hill, the American 
 army moved from their camp at Whitemarsh, and went into 
 winter quarters at Valley Forge. The position of the new camp 
 was admirably calculated to keep the enemy in check, and to 
 afford the garrison the utmost security against danger. It 
 greatly obstructed the intercourse between the city and the 
 country, threatened the British army with the want of subsistence, 
 and rendered their foragings to supply their necessities, extremely 
 hazardous. Lastly, it guarded the country against the incursions 
 of a ruthless enemy, and stayed the hand of the despoiler. 
 
 The more effectually to carry out these objects, several bodies 
 of troops were detached from the camp to distant points in 
 various directions. General Smallwood marched with his division 
 and took post at Wilmington ; and General Armstrong, with the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 187 
 
 Pennsylvania militia, was stationed near the old camp at White- 
 marsh. Major Jameson, with two troops of cavalry, and the 
 infantry under Captain McLane, guarded the east; and Captain 
 ]>e with his corps of horse, the west side^of the Schuylkill. 
 Morgan and his corps were placed in advance on the lines, on the 
 west side of the Schuylkill, with the directions to intercept all 
 supplies going to the city, and to keep a close eye on the 
 movements of the enemy.* 
 
 A. week had scarcely elapsed, after these arrangements had 
 been made, when a strong body of the enemy left Philadelphia, 
 and advanced towards Derby, with the intention, as it afterwards 
 appeared, of removing a large quantity of forage which had been 
 collected on the island, above the mouth of Derby Creek. Intel 
 ligence of this movement first reached Colonel Morgan, then 
 posted with the main body of his regiment in the neighborhood 
 of Derby. Having sent an express to Head Quarters with the 
 information,! Morgan advanced with his regiment to observe the 
 enemy, and, if circumstances warranted an attack, to make it. 
 But they were found to be so strong, and to conduct their march 
 with so much circumspection, as to render it hazardous to assault 
 them with an inferior force. These facts having been communi 
 cated to head-quarters, Morgan was soon after joined by Captain 
 Lee s cavalry, a troop of Count Pulaski s horse, and a number 
 of small detachments from the main army. He now determined 
 to approach the enemy, and, if possible, to strike them a blow. 
 Having appointed Eadnor Meeting, as a place of rendezvous, in 
 case of a repulse, he sent out a number of small parties to scout 
 around the detachment of the enemy. But the severe losses 
 which the latter had recently sustained, in petty encounters, had 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol i., p. 218. 
 
 t In a letter from Col. Morgan to General Washington, dated 23d December, 1777, the 
 Col. observes : - 
 
 " An honest looking Quaker just now came to me and informed me that he was up and 
 saw the number of the enemy that is now out. He thinks of the light infantry there was 
 about a thousand, with four field pieces. He thinks there is more of the battalions out 
 than has been before. They were going out from four o clock yesterday morning;, till 
 eleven." 
 
188 THE LIFE OF 
 
 taught them caution, and convinced them that any indiscretion 
 on their part would not pass unobserved, or unimproved, by 
 Morgan. The troops which covered the foraging parties were in 
 such numbers and so compactly arrayed aided, besides, by 
 several pieces of artillery as to afford little or no opportunity 
 for an attack, except at a great disadvantage. 
 
 But although the main body of the enemy kept him at bay, his 
 scouting parties encountered similar bodies of the enemy in the 
 woods, posted in observation, which in every instance were either 
 driven in or captured, with more or less loss in killed and 
 wounded. Lieut. Col. Butler, who commanded one of these 
 parties, fell in with a troop of the enemy s horse. He succeeded, 
 after a short encounter, in taking ten men and twelve horses, 
 besides retaking a man belonging to Capt. Lee s company, who 
 had been made prisoner, an hour or two before. Two of the 
 enemy were killed ; the rest, among whom several were 
 wounded, narrowly escaped.* 
 
 The British, having effected their object, returned to Philadel 
 phia. They were followed some distance by our troops ; but the 
 same degree of caution which marked their movements, at first, 
 continued to be observed, until they reached the city; conse 
 quently nothing of moment was attempted against them during 
 the march. 
 
 During the few days which were spent in the events just 
 detailed, the riflemen and the other troops, sent to observe the 
 enemy, suffered severely from exposure and the want of food and 
 rest. The weather was intensely cold. Yet the troops, posted 
 here and there in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, did not 
 dare to have fires at night, lest they might thereby be subjected 
 to surprise. In consequence of this, and their distance from every 
 place furnishing at once shelter and security, they could not 
 sleep ; and they saved themselves from perishing with cold only 
 by keeping in constant motion.f 
 
 * Letter, 23d December, 1777. 
 
 t MSS. Life of Gen. Hull, pp. 119, 120. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 189 
 
 It was the intention of the commander-in- chief, on being 
 apprised of this incursion of the enemy, to advance on them in 
 force, and if circumstances were favorable, to bring on a general 
 engagement. The necessary directions with this end in view 
 were given ; when it appeared that the army was unable to leave 
 the encampment for the want of provisions, and that from this 
 cause, the seeds of a dangerous mutiny had been sown among 
 the soldiery. This alarming state of affairs was made the subject 
 of a letter to the President of Congress, wherein the commander- 
 in-chief declared, "I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that 
 unless some great and capital change takes place in that [the 
 commissary] line, this army must be inevitably reduced to one or 
 the other of these three things starve, dissolve, or disperse, in 
 order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can.* 
 
 A short time after this event, Morgan turned his steps 
 homeward, with the intention of spending a few weeks of the 
 winter in the society of his family. Lieut. Col. Butler had 
 recently been -promoted to the command of a regiment in the 
 Pennsylvania line. The command of the riflemen, therefore, 
 devolved upon Major Posey. Morgan s absence was partly owing 
 to ill health. The fatigues and sufferings experienced by him in 
 the Canadian campaign, had seriously impaired a constitution, 
 naturally very robust. He r.ow, for the first time, felt their 
 effects in those ailments which eventually compelled him to retire 
 from the service of his country, and which, having embittered his 
 after existence, ultimately brought him to a premature grave. 
 
 He remained at home during the winter, recruiting his health, 
 and arranging his private affairs. Both had suffered from his 
 devotedness to the public good ; yet he cheerfully made, not only 
 this sacrifice, but that involved in the separation from wife, 
 children, friends, and all the endearing associations of home. 
 But he found a recompense, among other things, in the general 
 respect and admiration with which his neighbors regarded him. 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. r , p. 197. 
 
190 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The words of the venerable Isaac Lane, expressed in a letter 
 to Morgan, just before he returned to the scene of warlike opera 
 tions, gave language to the prevailing sentiment with which, at 
 this period, he was regarded by the people of Western 
 Virginia: "A man that has so often left all that is dear to 
 him, as tliou hast, to serve thy country, must create a sympathetic 
 feeling in every patriotic heart." 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 191 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Morgan returns to the army Opening of the new campaign Abortive attempt to 
 surprise Lafayette at Barren Hill Morgan, with 400 volunteers, pursues the enemy 
 Preparations of the latter for some important movement Consequent precautions of 
 the commander-in-chief Morgan s activity His system of commanding His aversion 
 to flogging Anecdotes The enemy evacuate Philadelphia The movements of the 
 American army which followed Morgan detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell The 
 British march to Monmouth C.H. Morgan gains their right flank Captures their 
 straggling parties Plan to ensnare him recoils on its authors Morgan and Dickinson 
 meditate an attack on the enemy s baggage Change of dispositions in the British line 
 of march Battle of Monmouth Court-house Morgan s disappointment at not having 
 had a share in the conflict Enemy retreat to Middletown, followed by Morgan Battle 
 between his regiment and the British rear guard The enemy embark for New-York, 
 and Morgan marches for New Brunswick. 
 
 EARLY in the spring, Col. Morgan left home and rejoined his 
 regiment. The winter had furnished few occasions for a brush 
 with the enemy. The activity of his command, and that of the 
 other troops stationed on the lines, effectually cut off all commu 
 nication between the city and the country, and the enemy were 
 at times greatly distressed for the want of fuel, provisions, and 
 other necessaries.* 
 
 But a new and stirring epoch in the war was about opening, 
 wherein Morgan was destined to gather fresh laurels. Already, 
 indications of the opening of a new campaign were observable. 
 The enemy, early in May, were very active in making arrange 
 ments for what afterwards proved to be the evacuation of Phila 
 delphia, while the American army, blessed at length with a 
 supply of everything necessary to their comfort and efficiency, 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. 1., p. 327. 
 
192 THE LIFE OF 
 
 forgot their past sufferings in the joyous anticipations of a 
 glorious future. 
 
 At the opening of the campaign of 1778, the strength of the 
 opposing armies was nearly equal. The enemy s force was 
 estimated at somewhat more than 16,000 men, besides cavalry 
 and artillery. Of these, about 10,000 men were in Philadelphia, 
 4,000 in New-York, and 2,000 in Rhode Island. The American 
 force amounted to about 15,000 men, besides horse and artillery 
 Of these, 11,800 were at Valley Forge, and at points in the 
 vicinity of that placse, 1,400 at Wilmington, and 1,800 on the 
 North river. When the recruits and reinforcements, then on the 
 way to join the army, arrived, its strength was about 20,000 men.* 
 
 For some time after Morgan s arrival at Radnor, where his 
 regiment was posted, the enemy remained quiet within the city, 
 and nothing of moment transpired to disturb the repose of either 
 army until the 20th of May, when an unsuccessful attempt was 
 made to surprise Lafayette, and disperse the force under his 
 command at Barren Hill. Two days previous to this affair, the 
 marquis was appointed to the command of a considerable force, 
 with orders to march to the enemy s lines, between the Delaware 
 and the Schuylkill. The objects of this movement were to furnish 
 additional security to the American camp, to interrupt the com 
 munications with Philadelphia, to obstruct the incursions of parties 
 of the enemy, and to obtain intelligence of their movements and 
 designs. The detachment was composed of choice troops, and 
 numbered upwards of two thousand men."f- 
 
 In obedience to directions J from head-quarters, Morgan 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 860. t Ibid., p. 863. 
 
 J HKAD-QCARTERS, Valley Forge, May 17, 1778. 
 
 SIR: His excellency is sending a considerable detachment towards the enemy s lines, 
 which will march to-morrow morning. He desires you to select fifty men of your corps, 
 under good officers, and send them to join that detachment. It will be at Whitemarsh 
 to-morrow afternoon, when your party will be expected. A party of Indians will join 
 the party to be sent from your corps, at Whitemarsh, and act with them. 
 
 I am, sir, your most ob t servant, 
 
 ALEX. HAMILTON. 
 Col. MORGAN, Radnor. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 193 
 
 detached Capt. Parr and fifty chosen men from his regiment to 
 join the marquis s command at Whitemarsh. He was likewise 
 instructed * to redouble his vigilance in guarding against a move 
 ment of the enemy, and to keep in communication with the other 
 detachments stationed along the lines. It soon after appeared 
 that there was good reason for these extraordinary precautions. 
 
 The marquis advanced without delay, and on the 18th, took 
 post on Barren Hill, a commanding eminence near the west bank 
 of the Schuylkill, and midway between Matson s ford and another 
 ford of the Schuylkill, some four miles below. On the night fol 
 lowing, General Grant, at the head of five thousand men, and 
 Gen. Grey, with about fifteen hundred, moved in different direc 
 tions from Philadelphia and advanced on the marquis s posi 
 tion, with the intention of intercepting his retreat to the Ameri 
 can camp, and, through their great superiority in numbers, of 
 either capturing or destroying his command.! This design was 
 happily frustrated by the vigilance of a party of observation, com 
 posed of Captain McLane s company, Captain Parr s detachment 
 of the rifle corps, and a body of Indians, the whole commanded 
 by Captain McLane. This force was posted in advance of 
 Lafayette s position about one mile. At night, however, it usually 
 advanced towards the enemy s lines. On the morning of the 
 19th, Captain McLane fell in with two British soldiers, who, after 
 representing themselves to be deserters, informed him that Gens. 
 Grant and Grey had marched the evening previous, from Phila- 
 
 * HEAD QUARTERS, May 18, 1778. 
 
 SIR: I am commanded by his excellency to desire that you will now keep the most 
 vigilant watch over the motions of the enemy, with both foot and horse. It is particularly 
 requisite at this time, as a considerable detachment marched this day towards the lines, 
 on the other side of the river, which may, perhaps, induce the enemy to make a move 
 out on this side. 
 
 I am, sir, your most ob t servant, 
 
 R. R. MEADE, A.D.C. 
 Col. MORGAN, Radnor. 
 
 P.S. You will please to consult with Col. Jackson at the Gulf, that your parties may 
 not fall in with each other. 
 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 246. 
 
194 THE LIFE OF 
 
 delphia ; the first, with the grenadiers and light infantry, on the 
 old York road, and the last, with a body of Germans, on the 
 Ridge road, along the Schuylkill. These combined movements, 
 and their direction, left no doubt on the mind of Captain 
 McLane, that the marquis was their object.* He accordingly 
 hastened back to Barren Hill, to communicate the intelligence. 
 In the meantime, Captain Parr, at the head of his command of 
 riflemen, and the Indians, advanced towards the enemy. When 
 McLane arrived at Barren Hill, the marquis had just been 
 apprised of the dangerous proximity of Grant, and was taking 
 measures to meet the emergency. 
 
 Although the enemy s attempt was skillfully planned, and 
 boldly executed, the address which Lafayette displayed in extrica 
 ting himself was far more praiseworthy, and won for him the 
 commendations of the whole army. Promptly availing himself 
 of the only avenue of escape which remained open to him, he 
 ordered a rapid retreat to Matron s ford, and happily succeeded 
 in crossing the river, with all his baggage and artillery, before the 
 enemy arrived. In the performance of this movement, General 
 Grant was betrayed into a delay, which proved fatal to the object 
 of his expedition. As the rear of Lafayette s force filed off in 
 haste towards the ford, the front made demonstrations as if about 
 giving battle to the enemy. Grant hereupon halted his forces, 
 and made preparations to meet the expected attack. In a short 
 time, he discovered the ruse which had been practised on him, 
 and hastened towards the ford. On arriving there, however, he 
 found the marquis so advantageously posted on the opposite 
 bank, as to render an attack too hazardous to be attempted.f 
 
 In the meantime, a very animated contest had been maintained 
 between Captain Parr s riflemen and Indians, and the British 
 detachment under Gen. Grey. Advancing down the Ridge road, 
 upon the news of the enemy s approach being made known, Parr 
 
 * Wilkinson s Memoirs, vol. i., p. 831. 
 
 tSparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 545-547. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 195 
 
 soon after encountered their advanced guard, which he immediately 
 attacked. The enemy, promptly deploying into line, returned the 
 fire of Parr s party ; and for some minutes, the conflict was warm 
 and bloody, several being killed and wounded on both sides. At 
 length, hearing a fire at some distance in his rear, and perceiving 
 the main body of Grey s troops coming up to the support of its 
 advance guard, Parr and his command commenced a rapid 
 retreat, and reached Matron s ford in time to take part in the 
 encounter which occurred there between the rear of the Ameri 
 cans and the van of the British. Morgan had been early advised 
 of this incursion of the enemy,* and in the expectation of falling 
 in with one of their parties, had marched with the main body of 
 his corps from Radnor, for some distance down the east side of 
 the Schuylkill. Failing to meet an opponent, he retraced his 
 steps, and was approaching Radnor, when he was informed of the 
 object of the movement, and of its defeat. Before the subjoined 
 order reached him, he had marched with all haste in the direction 
 of the marquis, whom he found encamped a few miles from 
 Matron s ford, on the road to Valley Forge. 
 
 Here he received a notef from head-quarters, directing him to 
 
 *HEAD QUARTERS, May 20th, 17TS. 
 DEAR SIR: 
 
 The enemy are out in considerable force on the other side of the Schuylkill. Their 
 intentions are not known. His Excellency, therefore, desires that you would send out 
 patrols towards the bridge, to see whether there is any movement that way, and march 
 the main body of your detachment towards camp. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 TENCH TILGHMAN, Aid-de- Camp. 
 COLONEL MORGAK, Kadnor 
 
 , 17T8. 
 DEAR SIR : 
 
 It appears that the enemy came out with an intention to surprise the marquis ; but 
 he has crossed the river, and will be between this and the gulf this evening. His Excel 
 lency desires you will march your party and join his, and then concert a plan to cross 
 the Schuylkill this evening, with a party of active volunteers, from two hundred to five 
 hundred, as they may turn out, of which you are to take command. The enemy marched 
 all the last night, and mist be much fatigued, and therefore, will probably halt. If they 
 
196 THE LIFE OF 
 
 raise a body of from two to five hundred volunteers, and at their 
 head to pursue the enemy. The latter, foiled in their attempt on 
 the marquis, had commenced an immediate retreat towards 
 Philadelphia. It was believed, however, that from the fatigues 
 which they had undergone in their march to Barren Hill, they 
 would probably halt or loiter on their return, and in this event, 
 an active party might be enabled to overtake, and seriously injure 
 them. Accordingly, Morgan s demand for volunteers having 
 been immediately responded to by all of his regiment then on the 
 ground, and by about one hundred more, which included some 
 forty Indians, a body of nearly four hundred men started with 
 him in pursuit of the retreating foe. But after an absence of two 
 days, they returned without having been able to effect anything, 
 the enemy, contrary to all expectations, having used the utmost 
 expedition in returning to Philadelphia. 
 
 The active preparations of the enemy, for some object as yet 
 unknown, now engaged the attention of the commander-in- 
 chief ; and no exertions, calculated to lead to the discovery of 
 their intentions, were spared by him. From the first, he 
 correctly divined this object to be the evacuation of Philadel 
 phia; but while a doubt remained, regarding their designs, he 
 wisely confined his action to such measures as would increase the 
 security of his forces, and guard them against a misfortune.* 
 The utmost vigilance was accordingly required of the officers 
 commanding detachments in advance and on the lines, illustra 
 tions of which are furnished in the case of Col. Morgan by t> e 
 number of letters to this effect, which were addressed to him 
 
 do, you may perhaps plague them, and pick up some stragglers. If any of the Indians 
 will go over, they may be of some service. 
 
 I am your most obedient servant, 
 
 TENCH TILGHMAN, Aid-de-Camp. 
 COLONEL MORGAN, at Radnor. 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 366, 377. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 197 
 
 from head-quarters about this time.* These officers and their 
 commands were therefore kept constantly on the alert, in the 
 hourly expectation of some important development. 
 
 * The following are selected from a number of letters, written with the object above 
 stated, during the exciting period just preceding the evacuation of Philadelphia. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, 23cf May, 1778. 
 
 SIR : His Excellency has this instant received intelligence that the enemy means very 
 shortly to move your way. You are therefore desired to keep the most vigilant watch, 
 and that as near their bridge and other places as you possibly can. Should you make 
 discoveries opposite the Fort, you will give the very earliest notice of it. This you will 
 please to communicate to Colonel Smith, at the Gulf, and also to Col. Van Schaick. 
 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 R. R. MEADK, A.D.C. 
 COL. MORGAN, at Radnor. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, 29tt May, 1778. ) 
 3 o clock, P. M. f 
 
 DEAR SIR: We have fresh reason to believe that the enemy are prepared to move, 
 perhaps this night. If they come out in force, General Sinallwood will expect to have the 
 Intelligence from you. You are therefore to keep two of your best horse ready mounted, 
 and dispatch them to him, one a little while after the other, for fear of accident. 
 I am your most obedient servant, 
 
 TENCH TILGHMAN. 
 COL. MORGAN, at Radnor. 
 
 COL. JAMES MC HENRT TO COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, Valley Forge, VWi May, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR : His Excellency is much obliged to you for your information. There 
 is little room, from a concurrence of circumstances, all coming different ways, to doubt 
 of their intentions to evacuate tie city. 
 
 The Indians (about forty) will be either immediately put under your command, or 
 employed on the other side of the Schuylkill. 
 
 I am sir, with much respect, 
 
 Your very humble servant. 
 
 JAKES MOHENRT. 
 COLONEL MORGAN, at Radnor. 
 
198 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Morgan s regiment observed the country east of Radnor, 
 between the Schuylkill and Derby Creek to the Delaware. 
 While the intermediate space was covered by his numerous 
 patrolling parties of horse and foot, the main body moved from 
 point to point, as circumstances required ; and the party was 
 fortunate indeed who passed unobserved through the line occu 
 pied by him to or from Philadelphia. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the numerous instances of his vigi 
 lance and activity during the three months preceding the evacua 
 tion of that city by the British, should remain unrecorded. 
 Their value may be attested by the frequent and flattering 
 acknowledgments which they elicited from the commander-in- 
 chief one who, be it remarked, was never prodigal of his 
 praise. Suffice it to say, that he performed well the duty which 
 devolved upon him, proving, besides, that, whether in the field of 
 battle, where courage and judgment are chiefly required, or in 
 the discharge of those military duties which call for the exercise 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, 29th May, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR: His Excellency commands me to inform you that, as soon as ever you 
 shall have received certain intelligence of the enemy s having evacuated Philadelphia, 
 you are to return with the whole of your command to camp, and not to suffer a single 
 soldier to enter the city. 
 
 I am, with great respect, Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN LAURENS, A.D.C. 
 COL. MORGAN, at Radnor. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, BQlh May, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR : Colonel Meade being under the necessity of going out, I have to inform 
 you that your letter respecting Sir Henry Clinton, is received. His Excellency is highly 
 pleased with your conduct upon this occasion. I expect you will hear, by the time this 
 reaches you, that the troops are evacuating Philadelphia. 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN FITZGERALD, A.D.C. 
 COLONEL MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 199 
 
 of vigilance, prudence, and perseverance, his claims to the char 
 acter of an accomplished soldier were alike indisputable. 
 
 The high estimation in which the rifle regiment was regarded 
 by the eommander-in-chief and the army, has been sufficiently 
 instanced. Throughout the country it was considered the elite 
 of the American forces, a reputation which it had earned, not 
 merely from its prowess in the field, but from its patience and 
 fortitude under privations ; its prompt obedience to every order, 
 however disagreeable ; its discipline ; and the general good char 
 acter arid patriotism of its members. 
 
 Much of this was owing to the great capacity for commanding, 
 which Morgan undoubtedly possessed ; to the example which his 
 own conduct presented for the imitation of his men ; and to the 
 great, the almost fatherly, regard with which he inspired them. 
 In the government of his regiment, the stern and severe system 
 invariably followed in the management of the other regiments in 
 the continental establishment, was unknown. He appealed to the 
 pride, rather than to the fears of his men, in obtaining from them 
 a prompt performance of all the requirements of duty ; and thus 
 a system of government for soldiery which had so often failed in 
 other hands, became preeminently successful in his. 
 
 He held himself accessible to his men on all suitable occasions, 
 and encouraged them to come to him whenever they had any 
 just cause of complaint. He knew what every soldier was enti 
 tled to, and would never suffer them to be wronged or imposed 
 on. He took great pains to have them provided, at all times, 
 w r ith a sufficiency of provisions, clothing, and everything neces 
 sary to their comfort ; and the wounded and sick experienced his 
 constant attention and care. One of the effects of this policy was, 
 that the officers and men, from the influence and example of 
 their commander, regarded themselves as one great family, or as 
 a band of brothers, among whom none of the Ifusterities of the 
 strict disciplinarian were observed. The affection with which 
 Morgan was regarded by his men, is instanced by the fact that 
 
200 THE LIFE OF 
 
 almost every one of those who marched under his command to 
 Quebec, and who survived that disastrous expedition, was now to 
 be found in the ranks of his regiment.* 
 
 He never permitted any of them to be brought before a 
 court martial, or to be punished by whipping. "When one of 
 them was charged with an offence which called for punishment, 
 the accused, if guilty, was taken by Morgan to some secluded 
 place, where no one could witness what might occur, and there, 
 after a lecture on the impropriety of his conduct, would receive a 
 thumping, more or less severe, according to the nature of his 
 offence. 
 
 It once happened, when Morgan was away from his camp, that 
 one of his favorite riflemen, who had committed some misde 
 meanor, was brought before a court martial, condemned, and 
 whipped in the face of the whole regiment. When Morgan 
 returned, and was informed of what had taken place, he was so 
 chagrined, that it is said he shed tears, and declared that he 
 would not have had the offender whipped on any consideration 
 whatever that the man belonged to one of the most respectable 
 families in his neighborhood, and was, withal, a high spirited and 
 efficient soldier but that he must now be so lowered in his own 
 esteem, as to be unable ever to recover his former self-respect 
 and pride of feeling.f 
 
 Another instance of his manner of governing may be given. 
 There was a rough piece of road which it was necessary to have 
 repaired ; a party of his men were accordingly sent, under the 
 command of an ensign, to execute the work. While they were 
 thus engaged, Morgan rode up, and saw two of them heaving at a 
 large rock, the removal of which was evidently beyond their 
 strength, the ensign at the same time looking on, without giving 
 them his assistance. " Why don t you lay hold and help these 
 men?" inquirecf Morgan, addressing the ensign. "Sir," replied 
 the latter, " I am an officer !" " I beg your pardon," responded 
 
 * MSS. Dr. Hill. t MSS. Dr Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 201 
 
 Morgan. " I did not think of that !" Instantly alighting from his 
 horse, he approached the rock, seizing hold of which, he 
 exclaimed to the men whom he was assisting, " Now ! heave hard 
 mv boys !" The rock was soon removed, when Morgan, without 
 another word, mounted his horse, and rode off.* 
 
 Such was the affection with which, by these means, Morgan 
 inspired his men for himself, and such was the confidence which 
 they had in his judgment and bravery, that they never hesitated 
 to engage in any enterprise, however hazardous, when he gave 
 the order. To resume, however, our narrative. 
 
 It became apparent about the beginning of June, that the 
 enemy intended to evacuate Philadelphia. Sir Henry Clinton 
 had succeeded General Howe in the command of the British 
 army in that city, when it soon became known that an early 
 movement was determined on. Indeed, the expected arrival of 
 D Estaing, with a large land and naval force, rendered Sir Henry s 
 sojourn much longer in that quarter exceedingly hazardous. It 
 afterwards appeared that orders for the evacuation of Philadel 
 phia had been previously issued from the British government. It 
 likewise became known that the destination of Sir Henry Clinton s 
 forces was New York ; but whether they would proceed thither 
 by land or sea, was still a matter of uncertainty. The British 
 fleet, still lying in the Delaware, could, it was believed, readily 
 take the troops and their artillery, baggage, &c., on board. But 
 Washington, reckoning upon the fears which the British general 
 must naturally entertain of encountering a superior French fleet 
 on his passage, inclined to the belief that the movement would 
 be effected across New Jersey. The correctness of this belief was 
 subsequently confirmed by the movements of the British army. 
 
 On the morning of the 18th June, Sir Henry Clinton broke up 
 his quarters at Philadelphia, and crossing the Delaware, 
 advanced with his forces slowly up its northern bank. As soon 
 
 * MSS. Dr. Hill. 
 
 9* 
 
202 THE LIFE OF 
 
 as the intelligence of this event* was confirmed, the commander- 
 in-chief called in all his advanced detachments, including 
 Morgan s regiment, and made instant preparations for a rapid 
 forward movement of his whole force into Jersey. Anticipating 
 that Sir Henry Clinton would cross New Jersey, Washington had 
 previously sent General Dickinson into that State, to raise the 
 militia, and to break down the bridges, fell trees, and adopt every 
 other expedient calculated to retard the enemy s march. 
 General Maxwell, with the New Jersey brigade, was soon after 
 directed to join General Dickinson. General Lee was now 
 ordered to advance towards the Delaware, and, crossing at 
 Con-yell s Ferry, to halt upon the first strong ground he met, 
 until further orders. Gen. Wayne, with the first and second 
 Pennsylvania regiments, and the brigade lately commanded by 
 General Conway, moved in the same direction. The commander- 
 in-chief, with the main body of the army, followed. In his train 
 marched Morgan and his corps.f 
 
 On the 22d, the army crossed the Delaware at Corryell s ferry, 
 when measures were taken to increase the enemy s embarrassment. 
 Col. Morgan, with his regiment and a body of volunteers, in all 
 600 men, were detached in aid of Gen. Maxwell. 
 
 The main body advanced towards Princetown. On the 24th 
 June, it lay in Hopewell township. From this point, Gen. Scott, 
 with 1,500 men, and a detachment of Col. White s cavalry, and 
 Gen. Cadwallader, with a body of continental troops and Penn 
 sylvania volunteers, were sent to co-operate with Gens. Maxwell 
 and Dickinson, against the enemy s left flank and rear.| 
 
 * HEAD QUARTERS, Valley Forge, ISth June, 1778. 
 
 SIR : I am informed this morning, that the enemy s rear are evacuating the city. You 
 will immediately send down a small party of horse under a good officer, on this side, in 
 order to ascertain the matter, or to gain intelligence. The result of his inquiry you will 
 transmit as soon as possible, and hold yourself in readiness to join this army on the first 
 orders. I am, sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 COLONEL MORGAN, at Radnor. GEORGK WASHINGTON. 
 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. i., pp. 248-251. 
 
 $ Sparks s Writings of Washington, Tol. v., p. 417. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 203 
 
 The British, since their departure from Philadelphia, had 
 progressed slowly up the right bank of the Delaware, the heat of 
 the weather, their immense baggage train, and the impediments 
 thrown in their path by Dickinson and Maxwell, having greatly 
 retarded their progress. They encamped on the 24th of June in 
 the neighborhood of Allentown. 
 
 But they had now reached a point, once beyond which, their 
 course would be divested of all uncertainty, when it was the 
 determination of the American chief to take vigorous measures 
 against them. Of the three routes to New York which here 
 presented themselves to Sir Henry Clinton, those by way of New 
 Brunswick and South Amboy to Staten Island, and that leading 
 to Sandy Hook, across the strong ground about Middletown, he 
 wisely, and to the American army, very unexpectedly, chose the 
 latter. The slowness with which he had advanced, favored the 
 belief that he wished for battle, and that to bring a conflict on, he 
 would run some hazard in taking the usual, but more dangerous, 
 route towards New Brunswick. He would then be advancing on, 
 instead of filing off, from his antagonist, as was the nature of his 
 movement after leaving Allentown. Another effect of this 
 manoeuvre was, relatively to change the advanced and command 
 ing position which the American army previously occupied on Sir 
 Henry Clinton s left, into one at some distance in his rear. His 
 decision created much disappointment among the Americans, and 
 no doubt greatly marred the plans which had been formed against 
 him. Had he determined otherwise, they felt assured of conse 
 quences which comprehended even the capture or dispersion of 
 his forces. 
 
 On receiving this intelligence, the commander-in-chief imme 
 diately dispatched one thousand select men under Gen. Wayne, to 
 einforce the detachments in advance, and sent Gen. Lafayette 
 forward to take the command of all the advanced parties, with 
 orders to seize the first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy s 
 rear. In the evening of the same day, the main body of the 
 
204 THE LIFE OF 
 
 army, after leaving their baggage behind, marched from Kingston, 
 and arrived at Cranberry the next morning. 
 
 On the day previous, duplicates of the following note \vere sent 
 to Morgan through Gens. Dickinson and Maxwell : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, Ilopewell Township, June 24, 1T78. 
 
 SIR : You are, upon the receipt of this, to take the most effectual 
 means for gaining the enemy s right flank, and giving them as much 
 annoyance as possible in that quarter. Among the militia annexed to 
 your corps, Gen. Dickinson will take care that there are persons perfectly 
 acquainted with the country and roads, so as to prevent every delay and 
 danger which might arise from a want of intelligent guides. 
 I am, sir, your most ob t servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 Col. MORGAN. 
 
 Before receiving these instructions, Morgan and his command 
 had succeeded, by forced marches, in gaining a position on the 
 enemy s right flank. On the 26th, while the British were 
 advancing towards Monmouth, he was encamped at Squaw 
 Swamp.* The caution with which the enemy advanced, rendered 
 
 * SQCAW SWAMP, June 27, 1778, 2 o clock. 
 
 SIR: I arrived at this place yesterday encamped on the woods sent out smal. 
 parties. Capt. Lowry fell in with fifteen grenadiers, and made theai prisoners ; deserters 
 are continually coming in. I have several parties out, whom I expect something from. 
 I shall continue on the enemy s right till I have orders to the contrary. They keep in so 
 compact a body, that it is impossible to do them much damage. However, I will annoy 
 them as much as possible. 
 
 I have the honor to be your ob t servant, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 To his excellency, GEN. WASHINGTON, Head Quarter*. 
 
 GEN. WASHINGTON TO COL. MORGAN. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, Sunday, 12 o clock. 
 
 SIR : I have just received your letter by the dragoon. As your corps is out of sup 
 porting distance, I would have you confine yourself to observing the motions of the 
 enemy, unless an opportunity offers of intercepting some small parties, and by no means 
 to come to an engagement with your whole body, unless you are tempted by some very 
 evident advantage. Gen. Greene s aid-de-camp has already written you to this effect, but 
 the orders are repeated to guard against accident. 
 
 I am, sir, your most humble servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 COL. MonoA.5. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 205 
 
 an attack on his part not only hopeless of success, but, from his 
 want of cavalry, highly dangerous. He sent out a number of 
 small parties, however, which succeeded in bringing in a large 
 number of stragglers and deserters. Capt. Lowry, who com 
 manded one of these parties, fell in with a body of fifteen grena 
 diers, whom he made prisoners and brought into camp. To 
 encourage desertion from the enemy s ranks, his detachments 
 showed themselves as often as they safely could. In consequence, 
 large numbers of British soldiers deserted, and passed through 
 the ranks of his corps towards the interior 
 
 On the same day, a plan was faid by the British to draw 
 Morgan into a snare, which led to the following circumstances : 
 During the succeeding night, a spy of the enemy, who called 
 himself Smith, went to Morgan s camp, and pretending to be a 
 zealous friend of independence, told him that he had a piece of 
 information of great importance to communicate. Upon being 
 invited to proceed, he told Morgan that a valuable portion of the 
 enemy s baggage was collected together in a certain place on the 
 right of their camp, protected by a very weak guard, and that he 
 rnight very easily capture or destroy the whole of it during the 
 night. Morgan at once suspected his informant to be a spy. 
 After a moment s reflection, he said to the man, " Look at me, 
 sir !" and then, regarding him steadily and sternly in the face, for 
 a minute or more, he at length observed, " Now are you sure you 
 are telling me the truth ?" Watching the effect which this 
 inquiry might produce, he saw the man s eye fall and his counte 
 nance change. Morgan was now convinced that the man was an 
 emissary of the enemy, and that he had been sent to draw him 
 into a snare or ambuscade, or to work him some injury of the 
 kind. Carefully concealing his suspicions, however, and pretend 
 ing to believe all that had been communicated to him, he clapped 
 the spy on the shoulder with an air of well assumed confidence 
 and regard, "and observed: "Well, my good friend, I am a thou 
 sand times obliged to you for your valuable information. I have 
 
206 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to request, however, that you will be my guide to the enemy s 
 baggage." The uneasiness which the man betrayed at the 
 prospect of being detained as a guide, gave further grounds for 
 the belief that he was playing a treacherous part. He was 
 speedily re-assured, however, upon being informed by Morgan, 
 that as he was a good friend to his country, he would be placed 
 under no restraint, but might go where he pleased. Before he 
 left the camp, it was agreed that he should return the next 
 morning at four o clock, to conduct Morgan to the enemy s 
 baggage. 
 
 Smith started directly to the British camp, where, having 
 communicated the information that the riflemen were to attack 
 their baggage train at four o clock the next morning, formidable 
 preparations were made to receive them. This was in perfect 
 accordance with Morgan s conjectures and wishes. There was a 
 considerable body of the enemy, which, he had been informed by 
 his scouts, had taken possession of a mill, situated about a mile 
 from the place where he was expected to appear the next 
 morning. This body he determined to attack, while the enemy s 
 attention was engaged in a different quarter. A short time before 
 the appointed hour, Morgan drew up his men and marched 
 towards the mill. Just at the time when the troops lying in 
 ambush for him were looking for his arrival, they heard the crack 
 of his rifles in the distance. He soon silenced the troops at the 
 mill, took them all prisoners, and marched them off without loss 
 or difficulty. 
 
 So cleverly had Morgan availed himself of the treachery which 
 the enemy had employed against him, that they now believed 
 that it had been directed against themselves. Nothing could 
 convince them that Smith was not a spy in Morgan s employ. 
 Without ceremony they strung him up by the neck to the limb 
 of a tree, and marched off, leaving him hanging there.* 
 
 Everything at this time indicated that a struggle was 
 
 *MSS. cfTr Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 207 
 
 approaching. As the enemy advanced towards Monmouth, 
 Morgan hung on their right flank, and Dickinson on their left, 
 while pressing on their rear were the other advanced detach 
 ments, which had been reinforced the day before by two brigades, 
 the whole being under the command of General Lee. In the 
 meantime, the commander-in-chief, with the main body of the 
 army, pressed forward, to be within supporting distance of the 
 advance, should it need assistance. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, apprehensive for the safety of his baggage, 
 had reversed the previous disposition of his line, placing his best 
 troops in the rear, and his baggage train in front. In this order 
 he arrived at, and encamped on, a piece of ground of great 
 natural strength, in the neighborhood of Monmouth Court House, 
 on the evening of the 27th. 
 
 It had been concerted between General Dickinson and Colonel 
 Morgan to avail themselves of the first favorable occasion for 
 attacking, and if possible, destroying, the enemy s baggage train. 
 In pursuance of this object, they had been constantly on the 
 alert, awaiting only the diversion created by a battle between the 
 American advance and the British rear, to make the attack. Up 
 to the evening of the 27th, no such opportunity had been 
 afforded them. Knowing as they did, however, that another day 
 would not pass without a conflict, they felt assured that the 
 moment was at hand when they could carry their scheme into 
 execution. 
 
 About five o clock on the morning of the 28th, the enemy s 
 baggage train, guarded by a strong force under Gen. Kjiyphausen, 
 commenced moving from Monmouth towards Middletown. This 
 fact having been communicated to head-quarters, Dickinson and 
 Morgan put their respective forces in motion, the one on the left, 
 and the other on the right of the British line of march. An hour 
 or two elapsed, and some miles had been traversed, when it 
 became known to Morgan and Dickinson that Sir Henry Clinton 
 was still at Monmouth Court House with the main body of his 
 
208 THE LIFE OF 
 
 forces, and that appearances indicated that he would remain there 
 for some time longer. His object, it afterwards appeared, was to 
 enable Knyphausen to get well in advance with the baggage, 
 before he put the rear in motion. 
 
 This arrangement disconcerted Morgan and Dickinson in their 
 designs on the enemy s baggage ; for to continue following it 
 under these circumstances would endanger their communica 
 tions with head -quarters, and this would be a great risk as well 
 as a violation of orders. On the other hand, to return would be 
 equivalent to an abandonment of their scheme, for Knyphausen 
 would reach the neighborhood of Middletown before night, in 
 which event he would be beyond the reach of danger. While 
 in this dilemma, however, they were apprised of the advance of 
 the rear division of the British, and directed to halt and make 
 preparations for an attack. 
 
 Washington had determined to seize the moment when the 
 enemy should move from Monmouth to assail them in force. As 
 soon as he was informed that their front was in motion, he sent 
 orders to General Lee to attack them, " unless there should be 
 very powerful reasons to the contrary ;" and marched with the 
 main body to the support of the advanced division. Accordingly, 
 when Sir Henry Clinton moved from Monmouth, he was followed 
 into the plain by Lee. A party of about fifteen hundred men 
 covered the rear of the enemy. Wayne was pushed forward to 
 engage this party, while Lee, marching by a circuitous route, 
 attempted to intercept its advance to the main body, and to cut 
 it off before it could, receive assistance.* ^ 
 
 This manoeuvre was in progress while fie British were 
 marching past the defiles in which Morgan on one side, and Dick 
 inson on the other, had stationed their respective commands. 
 Dickinson s men, being posted nearer to Monmouth, were the first 
 to commence the attack. After a short encounter, they were 
 forced to retire. Morgan and his command were eager for the 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., pp. 251-253. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 209 
 
 conflict in which they thought they were about engaging 1 , when 
 it became known that the entire body of the enemy were coun 
 termarching towards Monmouth. 
 
 The British general, observing the hostile demonstrations of 
 such large numbers upon his flanks and rear, and apprehensive 
 for his baggage, determined upon a rapid retrograde movement 
 of his entire division, with the twofold object of dispersing the 
 American forces in his rear, and of compelling the recall of those 
 on his flanks. Lee was advancing to cooperate with Wayne, in 
 the projected capture of the British covering party, when he 
 unexpectedly discovered the wh&le of the enemy s rear in full 
 march on his command. Surprised, but not disconcerted, Gen. 
 Lee prepared for battle. But as the ground on which he found 
 himself was unfavorable, and as a portion of his command had 
 already commenced retreating, he ordered the remainder to retire 
 to a better position in his rear. While performing this 
 manoeuvre, the British commenced the attack. Their dragoons 
 charged a portion of Lafayette s command, and obliged it to give 
 way. Advancing with impetuosity, they threw a momentary 
 disorder into the ranks of some of the retreating regiments, which 
 hastily retired. Matters were in this posture when Washington 
 arrived with the main body of the army. Vexed and disap 
 pointed at the unexpected turn which the tide of battle had taken, 
 he proceeded to the rear of the retreating troops, and meeting 
 General Lee, expressed his disapproval of that officer s conduct 
 in terms of severity.* Finding the enemy pressing closely 
 forward, he succeeded in forming and bringing into action a part 
 of the retreating troops. These, with the aid of some well served 
 pieces of artillery, succeeded, in checking the enemy, and gave 
 time for a disposition upon an eminence of the left wing and 
 second line of the main army. Lord Sterling, who commanded 
 the American left, opened upon the approaching enemy so 
 instructive a fire of cannon and musketry, as to put a stop to 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 254. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ilieir advance in that direction. They next attempted to turn 
 the American left flank ; but were repulsed and driven back by 
 detached parties of infantry. They now made a movement 
 against the American right under Gen. Greene. This officer had 
 been marching with his command to gain the enemy s right 
 flank, when, hearing the fire on his left, he turned in that direc 
 tion, and without waiting for orders, took a veiy advantageous 
 position on the right. He met the enemy with such a heavy 
 fire, that they were not only repulsed, but shaken. Before they 
 could recover from the effect of these successive discomfitures, 
 General Wayne advanced with a body of infantry, and threw into 
 their ranks so heavy and well directed a fire, as to cause them to 
 yield their ground, and to retire to the spot where the action 
 began.* 
 
 Although the position which the enemy now took was very 
 strong, their flanks being secured by woods and morasses, and 
 their front accessible only by a narrow pass, the commander-in- 
 chief determined, nevertheless, to attack them. Accordingly, 
 Gen. Poor, with his own and the Carolina brigades, was ordered 
 to move upon their right ; General Woodford was directed to 
 take a position on their left ; and the artillery was commanded to 
 open on them in front. Before these dispositions were perfected, 
 however, night came on, anfl prevented a renewal of the battle. 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this action was eight officers and 
 sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty 
 wounded. That of the British was much more* considerable, 
 amounting to about 300 killed, a much greater number wounded, 
 and about 100 prisoners.! 
 
 The chief object of Sir Henry Clinton in turning on his pur 
 suers, was that of extricating his baggage from the danger with 
 which he clearly perceived it was menaced, by the American 
 flanking parties, commanded by Morgan and Dickinson. These 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., p. 426. 
 t Marshall s Washington, vol. 1., pp. 255, 256. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 211 
 
 officers, on hearing the firing in the early stages of the 
 action, felt confident of being enabled to achieve something hon 
 orable to themselves, if not disastrous to their opponents, before 
 the day closed. They had already partially engaged the enemy, 
 when the latter were observed retracing their steps towards 
 Monmouth. Soon after, and while the din of the conflict that 
 ensued was heard in the distance, Morgan received orders to join 
 the army. Unfortunately, he took a route on his return which 
 diverged somewhat from that leading to the field of battle ; and 
 from this cause, with the late hour of the day at which he 
 commenced a march of some miles through a broken country, he 
 did not reach the American army till night. 
 
 Excessive was his mortification, and that of his corps, upon 
 being informed of the events of the day, and of the opportu 
 nities which, from want of information, they had lost, of attacking 
 the enemy in rear during the engagement. In a letter to the 
 commander-in-chief, written two days afterwards, at his camp 
 near Nut Swamp, Morgan says: "I congratulate your Excel 
 lency on the victory gained over the British army. They have, 
 from every account, had a severe flogging. If I had had notice 
 of their situation, to have fallen upon them, we could have taken 
 most of them, I think. We are all very unhappy that we did not 
 share in the glory. * 
 
 Washington had resolved to renew the action upon the appear 
 ance of day on the 29th. With this object, the detachments 
 posted on the enemy s flanks and front, were directed to 
 
 * TO THE ABOVE THE FOLLOWING REPLY WAS WRITTEN. 
 
 ENGLISH fows, SOth June, 1778. 
 
 SIR : His Excellency received your favor of this date, and thanks you for your con 
 gratulations on the victory of the 28th. It was a happy event, and will do honor to him 
 and to the American arms. The particulars you must patiently wait to hear until 
 you join us. You were written to by the general, this morning, for your government, 
 and to that I refer you. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your most ob t serv t, 
 
 RICHARD R. MEADE, A. D. C, 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
212 THE LIFE OF 
 
 maintain their respective positions, while to support them, the 
 main body of the army lay upon their arms in the field of battle. 
 But about 12 o clock at night, the British marched off in such 
 silence that although General Poor s brigade lay extremely near 
 them, they effected their object without being discovered. Hopeless 
 of being able to overtake them before they reached the high ground 
 about Middletown, the commander-in-chief relinquished a further 
 pursuit with the main body of the army. But Maxwell s brigade, 
 Morgan s regiment, and a few light parties under Colonel Gist, 
 were sent after the enemy, with orders * to press on their rear, to 
 countenance desertions, and as far as possible, to prevent depreda 
 tions on the inhabitants.! 
 
 Before Sir Henry Clinton s forces reached Middletown, Morgan 
 was hovering about their rear. No opportunity was afforded him 
 for an attack, however, except at great hazard. But he picked 
 up a large number of stragglers and deserters ; and to encourage 
 desertion, frequently appeared within sight of the retreating 
 column. More than two hundred deserters passed through his 
 ranks between Monmouth and Middletown.J 
 
 * HEAD QUARTERS, Englizk Town, SQth June, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR : His Excellency desires you to remain as near the enemy as you possibly 
 can until they have all embarked. Gen. Maxwell will remain somewhere in the neigh 
 borhood of Monmouth Court House, to support you. You are to consider yourself left 
 for two purposes to cover the country from incursions of the enemy, and to afford a 
 shelter for deserters to repair to ; for which purpose you are to show yourself as often 
 and as near as possible. The spirit of desertion that prevailed so much in the British 
 army will undoubtedly be heightened by their late ill fortune. Be pleased to keep an 
 exact account of the deserters that come to you, that we may be able to form some 
 judgment of the numbers that have come from them since they left Philadelphia. 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, Your most ob t serv t, 
 
 TENCH Tn.ouMAN. 
 
 P. S. The commissary will leave provision to the 8th inst. for you, at P TH !< py, three 
 miles from this place. When that is exhausted, your commissary must look out in the 
 country. 
 
 COLONEL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 To the care of Gen. Dickinson, who will be pleased to forward it. 
 
 tSparks s Writings of Washington, vol. v., pp. 428, 429. 
 
 J The following is one of a number of notes which were addressed to Colonel Morgan, 
 from head -quarters, on the 29th June : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, near Monmouth Court Uoust, 29<A June, 1778. 
 
 SIR : As it is probable that the enemy are exceedingly harassed with the heat of the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 213 
 
 The British having remained at Middletown for a short time to 
 recruit their men, advanced on the 30th, and encamped, the 
 main body about three miles, and the rear guard about one mile, 
 from the town. Early the next morning, the place was occupied 
 by Morgan and his corps. During the day, he threw forward a 
 strong body of his riflemen, who attacked the advanced parties of 
 the enemy s rear guard, and compelled them, after a sharp fire 
 of a few minutes duration, to fall back upon their supporters. 
 Being soon after strongly reinforced with infantry as well as 
 cavalry, the British made a stand. The contest was renewed 
 with much spirit on both sides ; but the enemy having sent a 
 column on each flank of the riflemen, the latter were forced to 
 retire to the main body of the regiment, then posted on a hill in 
 the rear. The position afforded by this hill was one in which 
 the riflemen could fight to the greatest advantage; it secured 
 the,m, besides, from what they most dreaded, an attack from 
 cavalry. The offer of battle which Morgan hereupon made to the 
 enemy, was declined. They retreated to their camp, taking with 
 them several killed and wounded. One man only of the riflemen 
 was hurt on this occasion, and he but slightly.* 
 
 Morgan, in furnishing the commander-in-chief with a brief 
 account of this affair, laments the embarrassment which he had 
 experienced during the pursuit of Sir Henry Clinton, for the want 
 of a body of cavalry. Had such a body been attached to his 
 command, on the preceding 28th, he could have kept himself 
 informed of the operations of that eventful day, and would 
 doubtless have shared in the battle, if indeed, he had not rendered 
 the victory which the Americans eventually achieved, much more 
 
 weather, and the fatigue of the engagement yesterday, his Excellency desires that you 
 will press upon their rear, and pick up all that you possibly can. You will follow them 
 as far as you can, consistently, with the safety of your party. 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most ob t serv t, 
 
 TENCH TILGHMAN, A.D.O. 
 CO T .. MOROAN. 
 
 * Letter, July 2, 1778. 
 
214 THE LIFE OF 
 
 decisive in its character. In the letter alluded to, which is dated 
 at "Middletown, 2nd July, 78, 9 o clock," he observes: "I am, 
 and have been, ever since I came out, at a great loss for light 
 horse, having none annexed to me. General Scott sent me a 
 sergeant and six, whose horses were tired, and were rather an 
 encumbrance, as they could scarcely raise a gallop. Major 
 Jameson was here yesterday. I applied to him for a few. He 
 sent Captain Hanson, who stayed with me about two hours, when 
 Col. Moylan sent for him and his party. Col. Moylan has, 
 certainly, reasons for so doing ; but, sir, you know that 
 cavalry are the eyes of the infantry j and without any, my situ 
 ation cannot be very pleasing, being in full view of the enemy s 
 whole army." 
 
 Morgan continued at Middletown in observation of the enemy, 
 who, having rested for a day or two, proceeded to Sandy Hook, 
 and thence embarked for New York. No further opportunity 
 having been afforded him for assailing them, he at length broke 
 up his quarters, and in obedience to the orders * previously 
 received, took up his line of march for New Brunswick. 
 
 * HEAD QUARTERS, Brunswick, July 3d, 1178. 
 
 SIR: His Excellency received your favor, dated yesterday, and desires me to request 
 that you will join this army immediately on your finding that you can no longer 
 do them (the enemy) injury. Should they be on the Hook, it is taken for granted that 
 there is no annoying them ; in which case you will march this way. You will be pleased 
 to desire Col. Gist to conduct himself in the same manner. 
 
 I am, sir, Ac., 
 
 R. R. MKAPE, A.D.C. 
 COLONEL MORGAW, at Middletown. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 215 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Morgan commands Woodford s brigade The rifle corps Operations of the army 
 Letters from Lord Stirling Correspondence in relation to recruiting service Letter 
 from Lafayette Movements of the enemy American army goes into winter quarters- 
 Morgan appointed colonel of the 7th Virginia regiment Operations of the enemy on 
 the Hudson Gen. Woodford resumes his command Causes operating on Morgan s 
 mind, determining him to retire from the service Letter from Washington Morgan at 
 home Regret of the army at his retirement Operations in the South Gen. Gates 
 appointed to the command of the Southern army His letter to Morgan Their recon 
 ciliation Morgan refuses to comply with the demand for his services without an 
 increase of rank Takes the field on hearing the result of the battle of Camden. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the twelve months which succeeded the battle of 
 Monmouth were fruitful of most important events, all tending to 
 the final triumph of the American cause, they furnished Morgan 
 with no opportunity of adding to the laurels which he had pre 
 viously gathered. But the zeal and efficiency which he displayed 
 during this time, in a higher sphere of action, contributed largely 
 to his reputation as a commander, and proved that he possessed 
 capacities superior to those usually required by the partisan. 
 
 A few days after he had effected a junction of his regiment 
 with the main body of the army then encamped at Paramus, he 
 was assigned to the command of Woodford s brigade, the general 
 having obtained leave of absence on account of ill health. With 
 this event terminated Morgan s connection with his gallant rifle 
 corps. The occasion of their separation was productive of feelings 
 of mutual regret, and displayed in a striking manner the warm 
 attachment which existed between them. The career of this 
 noble regiment was now drawing to a close. Its loss in battle 
 
216 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and by sickness had greatly diminished its numbers , and at the 
 expiration of the term of service of the survivors, some of them 
 enlisted in other regiments, and the remainder returned to their 
 homes. From the activity and boldness which it had invariably 
 displayed on every occasion, it was much esteemed by Washing 
 ton, and was not only retained under his immediate command, 
 but was also favored with many privileges not enjoyed by the 
 troops of the line. In the severe round of duty which it was 
 called on to perform, its valuable services frequently received the 
 public acknowledgments and thanks of the commander-in-chief ; 
 and by the country it was regarded as the elite of the army. No 
 regiment of the revolutionary war contributed as largely to the 
 success of the cause or to the glory of our arms, as Morgan s 
 Rangers. 
 
 Morgan was also held in high regard by the commander-in 
 chief, not so much for the warm attachment which that officer 
 had invariably displayed towards himself, as for the deep devoted- 
 ness to the cause of his country which his conduct had invariably 
 evinced. These circumstances, considered in connection with the 
 address and valor which he had never failed to exhibit in the 
 field, and the many important services which he had rendered his 
 country during the war, all entitled him to the enviable position 
 which the friendship and confidence of his general assigned him. 
 
 On the llth July, the long expected French fleet arrived at 
 Sandy Hook. This event becoming known to Washington, he 
 put himself in communication with the French commander, and 
 commenced making such a disposition of his forces as would forward 
 his intended combined operations by land and sea against New York. 
 Leaving a respectable force, in conjunction with the militia, to occupy 
 and guard the various posts along the west branch of the Hudson 
 and in New Jersey, he crossed to the eastern side of that river 
 with the main body of the army, and encamped at White Plains. 
 Among the troops left behind, were the riflemen. Morgan, with 
 Woodford s brigade, crossed the river with the main body. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 217 
 
 Here he remained until the latter part of September. During 
 this period, the operations of the enemy at Rhode Island, and on 
 the Hudson, as well as the hostilities of the Indians to the north, 
 called for large detachments from the main army, and gave the 
 campaign an active and exciting character. Major Posey, with 
 the riflemen, had been sent with the troops under Col. William 
 Butler, against the Indians. Two large detachments of the 
 enemy had advanced and taken positions some distance above 
 New York, on the Hudson. That on the western side, com 
 manded by Cornwallis, was five thousand strong. A detachment 
 from this force surprised and cut to pieces Col. Baylor s regiment 
 of dragoons, under circumstances of extreme barbarity. Soon 
 after this event, Morgan and his brigade were sent n cross the 
 river to reinforce the troops opposed to the enemy on that side, 
 and Lord Stirling was appointed to the command of the whole of 
 the forces there. 
 
 About the first of October, the enemy on the Hudson retired 
 to New York. This was followed by a general movement of 
 Stirling s command to positions in advance of those previously 
 occupied by it, and in close proximity to the enemy. Morgan s 
 brigade advanced from the neighborhood of Paramus, and took 
 post, a detachment at Hackensack, and the main body at Newark 
 
 For some time previously, the enemy at New York had been 
 very active in making preparations, the object of which had 
 baffled inquiry, and still continued a mystery. As it was certain 
 that something important was meditated, the commander-in-chief 
 took such precautions as would equally guard against danger, 
 whether it tended towards the west, the east, or the north.* In 
 that part of the theatre of war occupied by Stirling s command, 
 numerous and large parties of the troops were employed in 
 improving the roads along the different lines of communication, 
 in constructing new fortifications, and improving old ones. At 
 the &Mie time, detachments were constantly kept in advance, to 
 
 *Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. vi., p. 64. 
 
 10 
 
218 THE LIFE OF 
 
 orain intelligence of the enemy s movements, while the several 
 3orps composing the division were so disposed as to be enabled to 
 meet any exigency which might arise. 
 
 In the letter of instructions from Lord Stirling to Col. Morgan, 
 which follows, we are furnished with a striking illustration of the 
 activity which these anticipations of danger induced. 
 
 ELIZABETHTOWN, Oct. 2S2A, 17T8. 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 
 In pursuance of the orders I have received from his excellency 
 General Washington, you are to march the brigade which you command 
 to some situation between the Clove at Saverens, and Pompton ; you Avill 
 take your situation in such a, place on or near the present communication 
 from Morristown to King s Ferry, as will enable you to guard the Clove; 
 and in case of any invasion of the enemy, to possess and defend it. You 
 will send proper parties towards the Hudson river to gain intelligence of 
 any movements of the enemy, and keep up a correspondence with Col. 
 Spencer, who is at Hackensack. You will detach a captain and forty men 
 to Morristown, for the purpose of guarding the stores and provisions at 
 that place, which are very considerable and of great consequence. You 
 will keep two hundred men employed in repairing and improving the 
 roads between King s Ferry and Morristown, and dispose of them for that 
 purpose as you think to most advantage. The Qr. M. General, Mr. Abcel, 
 will furnish you with all necessary tools, and, I hope, with some car 
 penters. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 STIRLING. 
 
 COL. DANIEL MORGAN, Newark. 
 
 On the 20th of October, the British fleet left New York, and sailed 
 for Boston. Soon after arriving in the vicinity of Boston Bay, a 
 furious storm drove it to sea again. Having suffered very 
 severely, it put into Rhode Island for repairs. D Estaing seizing 
 the moment which favored his escape, left Boston with his fleet, 
 and steered for the West Indies. Thus terminated the first essay. 
 of French co-operation in our struggle for independence.* 
 
 About the first of November, great preparations were made in 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. i., p. 271. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 219 
 
 the neighborhood of the Highlands, in consequence of a rumor 
 which reached Lord Stirling, that the British were about com 
 mencing their long threatened attack in that quarter. Morgan 
 had removed his command to a position in the neighborhood 
 of Pompton, a strong detachment having been thrown forward 
 to guard the important pass called the Clove. He was apprised 
 of this expected incursion of the enemy, for which he made due 
 preparation. 
 
 In relation to this rumor, the following, among other letters 
 from General Lord Stirling, was sent to Morgan for his informa 
 tion : 
 
 ELIZABETHTOWN, Nov. 8, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have the highest reason to believe that the enemy have 
 projected a secret expedition, which they mean to carry into execution 
 very soon, I believe within three or four days ; and as it is not improbable, 
 it may be designed for this State, I must request you will put the brigade 
 under your command in the best order you can. I have desired Col. 
 Spencer to give you the most early intelligence of any of their motions 
 which may come within his knowledge. I am told Gen. Grey, the no flint 
 general, is to command. He will endeavor to act by surprise ; but if we 
 can get notice of him, we may make him repent such tricks in his way. 
 It will be our plan to attack him as soon as possible, and give him a few 
 fires before he gets his flints in again. 
 
 I am, sir, your most ob t servant, 
 
 STIRLING. 
 
 COL. MORGAN, Pompton. 
 
 I 
 
 If such a design as that indicated by the above letter was 
 entertained at this time by the enemy, it was not carried into 
 execution, nor did any military event of importance occur, during 
 the remainder of the campaign. 
 
 The never-ending, still-beginning business of enlistments now 
 engaged the serious attention of Congress, the State governments, 
 and the commander-in-chief. As regarded the Virginia troops, 
 the government of that State had offered liberal inducements to 
 
220 THE LIFE OF 
 
 recruit their ranks ; but the result did not realize the expectations 
 which had been formed in relation to it. The general desire of 
 the men to revisit their homes, furnished an insurmountable 
 obstacle to their re-enlistment. A considerable number, however, 
 professed a willingness to re-engage in the service, after they 
 had spent the winter at home, among their tnends. In this 
 emergency, a plan was suggested by Morgan, which was adopted 
 by the commander-in-chief, and which originated an order, 
 granting furloughs to all those having a short time to serve, who 
 agreed to re-enlist and return to camp the following April. 
 The correspondence in relation to this matter follows : 
 
 GEN. WASHINGTON TO COL. MORGAN. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, FREDERICKSBURG, Nov. 12, 1778. 
 
 SIR : The enclosed extract of an act of the State of Virginia for 
 recruiting the Continental army, was transmitted to me a few days ago by 
 his excellency, the governor. 
 
 The bounties and other encouragements offered by this act are so 
 liberal, that I hope, if proper exertions are made use of, a number of the 
 old soldiers and drafts may be enlisted. You will therefore be pleased to 
 have the terms of the act communicated to the officers of your brigade, 
 and by them to the men. I have some money, belonging to the State of 
 Virginia, in my hands. If any of the men incline to enlist, you may 
 assure them of the bounty at a certain day, and send up to me for the 
 amount. I have never been made acquainted, notwithstanding the 
 directions in the recuiting instructions, whether any progress has been 
 made in re-enlisting the drafts upon the bounty of twenty dollars. 
 
 Col. Febiger informs me that the State has sent up a number of waist 
 coats, breeches, shirts, and blankets, to their agents, to be sold out to the 
 troops at moderate prices. It will be well to deliver out the two latter 
 articles immediately, as the troops are in great want of them. But as 
 they have just drawn a full supply of waistcoats and breeches from the 
 Continent, I would recommend it to you, not to permit those belonging to 
 the State to be sold to the men till they are really wanted, or, if they have 
 already drawn those belonging to the State, that the bounty clothes be 
 
GENERAL D A N I E L M ORGAN. 221 
 
 reserved till wanted, as they are too apt to dispose of anything more than 
 what they have in wear, for liquor, or for some trifling consideration. 
 I am, sir, your most ob t servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 COL. MORGAN, commanding Gen. Woodford s brigade, near Pompton. 
 
 COL. MORGAN TO GEN. WASHINGTON. 
 
 POMPTON, Nov. 24, 1773. 
 
 SIR: I send you a return of the men enlisted in Gen. Woodford s 
 brigade- since the recruiting orders came out. I expect Gen. "VVoodford 
 forgot to leave orders with me to make returns of this kind, or I should 
 have paid particular attention to it. You ll see the number very small ; 
 the men are exceedingly backward. For my part, I have used every 
 method in my power, and I thought I had a peculiar turn that way. I 
 made use of active sergeants, but to no purpose. Numbers would engage 
 if they could get furloughs to go home. And nevertheless the high 
 bounty offered, few I fear, will enlist without that indulgence. A number 
 of them are waiting an answer to this. 
 
 I received your excellency s instructions respecting the clothing 
 brought on by Col. Febiger, have accordingly divided the shirts, blankets, 
 and linen, among the three brigades, that is, proportioned them. The 
 jackets and breeches, I purpose sending to Philadelphia, as the rest of the 
 Virginia stores are at that place. 
 
 Col. Davis wrote to me to send some of them on to West Point, for the 
 draughts, who, he said, were almost naked, but that I could not comply 
 with without particular orders. 
 
 We are exceedingly distressed in this place for provender, although the 
 place abounds with it. The people are in general disaffected, and are well 
 acquainted with an act of this State, that nothing is to be taken from them 
 without their consent. 
 
 Sixty-four wagons, with military stores, passed through this place 
 yesterday ; they could not get anything for their horses ; they applied to 
 me, but I could get nothing for them. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 To GEN. WASHINGTON. 
 
 At this period, the American army was about moving into win- 
 
222 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ter quarters. Some time previously, a resolution of Congress 
 directed that tlie British prisoners, taken at Saratoga, should be 
 removed from Boston to Charlottesville. The prisoners were now 
 on the march to the latter place. The subjoined note from 
 Washington to Morgan, in reference to these events, adverts, as 
 will be seen, to the suggestion of the latter, in the foregoing 
 letter : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, FREDERICKSBURG, Nov. 25, 1778. 
 
 DEAR SIR : You are to remain at Pompton until the rear division of the 
 Convention troops has passed Chester, on their route to Sussex Court 
 House. You are then to march to Middlebrook, and receive directions 
 from the quarter-master general for the position of the brigade under 
 your command, in the line of encampment. The regiment sent to 
 Hackensack is to remain there, until ordered off or relieved. 
 I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 P.S. I have received yours of the 24th. When the Virginia brigade 
 are all assembled at Middlebrook, I will consider the expediency of grant 
 ing furloughs to those who will re-enlist. 
 
 In due time the following circular was sent, through Colonel 
 Morgan, from head-quarters, to the officers commanding the regi 
 ments composing his brigade : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, MIDDLEBROOK, Dec. 14, 1778. 
 
 SIR: As it seems to be the general opinion of the officers in the Virgi 
 nia line, that those men who have but a short time to serve would enlist 
 on being indulged with leave of absence until the middle of April next, I 
 would have you proceed on that business immediately ; and the better to 
 accommodate the matter, it would be well that it should commence 
 throughout the line at the same time, and when a sufficient number of 
 men are enlisted, to form a body of men worth marching off under proper 
 officers. The commanding officer of each regiment will appoint one to 
 take charge of such men as he may have enlisted, with instructions to 
 march them in good order to the most convenient place, where they may 
 be dispersed, and proceed to their respective homes, with positive orders 
 to rendezvous at some fixed spot at so early a season as will ensure their 
 arrival in camp by the middle of April next. As you are acquainted with 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 223 
 
 the terms of enlistment, it will be unnecessary to repeat them. I shall, 
 therefore, only request that every exertion may be used to accomplish so 
 desirable an end, arid wish your efforts may prove successful. 
 I am, sir, your most obedient servant. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 A few words, in the introduction of a letter from Lafayette to 
 Colonel Morgan, written about this time, will not be regarded as 
 unnecessary here. The disinterested zeal which "the mar 
 quis" had displayed in the cause of American independence, had 
 won him the universal respect and esteem of its assertors. The 
 courage and address which he had invariably shown in the field, 
 invested him with an interest in the eyes of his commander and 
 brother officers, much greater than that enjoyed by any other offi 
 cer of foreign birth in the service. Having served two campaigns, 
 with infinite credit to himself and advantage to the cause, he con 
 sidered the prospect of an European war, which had now become 
 apparent, as calling on him to offer his services to his king. But, 
 entertaining hopes of being able speedily to return, and proud of 
 a service in which he had acquired so exalted a reputation, he 
 expressed a desire to be permitted to retain his commission, and to 
 obtain an unlimited leave of absence. Congress granted his request, 
 and accompanied the permission with an expression of the favorable 
 sentiments which that body held regarding him. He had made 
 every preparation for his journey, and was on the road for Bos 
 ton, whence he purposed sailing, when he was suddenlv seized 
 Jvith a fever, which was near putting an end to his brilliant 
 career. Upon his recovery, he wrote the following letter in 
 answer to one from Morgan* : 
 
 * A correspondence between the marquis and Colonel Morgan, was maintained from 
 1778 until 1732. Although most of the marquis s letters have been preserved, those from 
 Morgan were destroyed, with the rest of the Lafayette papers, when their owner was pro 
 scribed and forced to fly from France, during the early stages of the Revolution in that 
 country. This is to be regretted, inasmuch as it is believed that these letters would have 
 shed much additional light on Morgan s revolutionary career, and proved an important 
 addition to the materials in the possession of the writer. Ste letter of Monft. G. W. 
 Lafayette, E, Appendix. 
 
224 THE LIFE OF 
 
 FJSHKILL, Nov. 28, 1778 
 
 DEAR SIR: Your most kind and obliging letter arrived safe into my 
 hands ; but I was then too ill for thinking of answering to it. However, 
 though it was at that time out of my power to express anything, I did feel 
 all the sentiments of gratitude for the friendship and the good idea you 
 are pleased to entertain for me. Both are extremely dear to my heart ; 
 and I do assure you, my dear sir, that the true regard and esteem, and the 
 sincere affection you have inspired to me, will last for ever. 
 
 The strength of youth, and that of a strong constitution, have brought 
 me again to health, and to the enjoyments of this world. Dying in 
 a shameful bed, after having essayed some more honorable occasions in 
 the field, would have been for me, the most cruel disappointment. 
 
 I am just setting out for France, and hope to be there in a short time. 
 My country is at war, and I think it my duty to go myself, for offering my 
 services to her. However, I am very far from leaving the American ser 
 vice, and I have merely a furlough from Congress. I am much inclined to 
 think that the king will have no objections to my returning here : so that 
 I am almost convinced that I ll have the pleasure to see you next spring. 
 
 I most earnestly beg you to present my best compliments to the gentle 
 men officers in my division. I shall for all my life feel pleased and proud 
 in the idea that I have had the honor of being intrusted with such a divi 
 sion. I anticipate the happiness of finding them next campaign ; and 
 I dare flatter myself that these gentlemen will not forget a friend and fellow 
 soldier who entertains for them all the sentiments of affection and esteem. 
 
 Farewell, my dear sir, don t forget your friend on the other side of the 
 great water, and believe me ever, 
 
 Your affectionate 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
 On the 3rd of December, the last division of the Convention 
 prisoners passed through Chester, on their way to Virginia. 
 About the same time, Sir Henry Clinton left New York with 
 a considerable land and naval force, and proceeded up the Hud 
 son. Intelligence of this movement reached Washington at 
 Elizabethtown, when the general, surprised, if not alarmed, at an 
 expedition so unexpected and unreasonable, sent expresses to the 
 different commanders of divisions and brigades, communicating 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 225 
 
 the information and giving the necessary directions. On this 
 occasion, the following note was addressed to Colonel Morgan : 
 
 ELIZABETH-TOWN. Dec. 4th, 1778. ) 
 10 o clock, P. M. f 
 
 COLONEL MORGAN Dear Sir : I have just received intelligence thut 
 the enemy have several ships moving up the North river with troops and 
 flat-bottomed boats. I don t know what their object is ; but you will hold 
 your men collected and well supplied with ammunition and provisions, to 
 act on the earliest order. Your heavy baggage you will send on to the 
 camp at Middlebrook. 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 There were three objects which might have prompted Sir Henry 
 Clinton to such a movement, viz.: a rescue of the Convention 
 troops ; a demonstration against the rear of the army ; or a 
 surprise of the posts in the Highlands. Circumstances justified 
 the belief that the last was his aim, if, indeed, he had any aim of 
 consequence.* 
 
 The brigade under Morgan s command was on the inarch for 
 Middlebrook, when the intelligence and orders contained in the 
 foregoing note were received by him. The whole army became 
 speedily apprised of the movement of the enemy, and the long 
 deferred expectations of decisive measures which had been 
 indulged in, revived with double force, again however, to be dis 
 appointed. 
 
 Although the posts in the Highlands had been left in a state 
 of security, and in the hands of a good officer, General Mc 
 Donald, the commander-in-chief was nevertheless uneasy, lest a 
 disaster might happen in that quarter. He accordingly left Eiiz- 
 abethtown at 4 o clock on the morning of the 5th, in the 
 direction of the Highlands, and had approached within twelve or 
 fifteen miles of King s Ferry, when he was met by an express, who 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. vi., p. 131. 
 
 10* 
 
226 THE LIFE O F 
 
 informed him that the enemy had landed at that place ; and 
 that, after having burned two or three log houses, with nine 
 barrels of spoiled herrings, they reembarked and returned to New 
 York ! In the letter of the commander-in-chief, from which the 
 foregoing facts are taken, he indulges in some pleasantries at the 
 expense of Sir Henry Clinton. Following the announcement taat 
 the log houses and the spoiled herrings had been destroyed, he 
 remarks : " Thus ended this notable expedition, which was con 
 ducted in the preparation with so much secrecy, that all the flag 
 boats to and from the city were stopped, and not a mouse 
 permitted to creep within their lines." * 
 
 Th only effect which this " extra manreuvre " had upon the 
 American army, was to cause a delay of four days in the arrival, 
 at Middlebrook, of the Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania 
 troops ; and in the construction of the huts, <fec., necessary for 
 their accommodation during the winter. In the meantime, the 
 ground had been covered with snow. The troops were conse 
 quently forced to work under disadvantages, and amidst incon 
 veniences, which, but for this abortive expedition, would have 
 been anticipated.! 
 
 The winter of 1778-9, was one of the most stirring periods of 
 the revolutionary war. During this time, the East, the West, the 
 North and the South, were each the scene of active operations ; 
 while the French and English naval and military forces in the 
 West Indies, fiercely contended with varying success for the 
 mastery. In the neighborhood of the American camp at Middle- 
 brook, however, it passed without the occurrence of anything 
 remarkable. The British at New York had remained in their 
 quarters, and save in the fitting out of several expeditions for dis 
 tant points, and in one or two forays into New Jersey, they 
 evinced no signs of activity. The chief business of the com 
 mander-in-chief being to watch the movements of the enemy at 
 this point, and to act against them, should they take the field in 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. vi., p. 181. t Ibid, vol. vi., f. 181. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 227 
 
 his vicinity, he remained quiet in his camp ; ready at any 
 moment, however, to put his forces in motion, should occasion 
 call for action. 
 
 Morgan remained with his brigade at Middlebrook during the 
 winter. In the month of March, he was commissioned by 
 Congress as colonel of the 7th Virginia regiment.* 
 
 About the 25th of May, appearances indicated that the enemy 
 were preparing for another expedition against the posts in the 
 Highlands. The army soon after advanced from Middle- 
 brook in the direction of the quarter threatened. Lord 
 Sterling s division, which included Morgan s brigade, left that 
 place on the 2nd of June, and passing through Pompton, 
 advanced towards Smith s Clove. The other divisions which had 
 wintered at Middlebrook, moved in the same direction. 
 
 In the meantime, Sir Henry Clinton, with a formidable fleet, 
 and an army of over six thousand men, moved up the Hudson. 
 His first object was to take the posts at Stoney Point and 
 Verplanck s Point, situate on opposite sides of the Hudson, 
 where the Americans had thrown up works to protect King s 
 
 * THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED : 
 
 To Daniel Morgan Esquire^ Greeting: 
 
 We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and 
 fidelity, do by these presents constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of the 7th Vir 
 ginia regiment in the army of the United States, to take rank as such from the 12th day 
 of November, A. D. 1T76. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the 
 duty of colonel, by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging: 
 And we do strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers under you command to be 
 obedient to your orders as colonel, and you are to observe and follow such orders and 
 directions from time to time as you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the 
 United States, or committee of Congress for that purpose appointed, a committee of the 
 States, or commander-in-chief, for the time being, of the army of the United States, or 
 any other your superior officer, according to the rules and discipline of war. In pursu 
 ance of the trust reposed in you, this commission is to continue in force until revoked 
 by this or a future Congress before- mentioned, or a committee of the States. 
 Witness, His Excellency, John Jay, Esq., President of the Congress of the United States 
 
 of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of March, 1779, and in the third year of 
 
 our independence. JOHN JAY. 
 
 Entered in the War Office, and examined by the Board. 
 
 Attest: P. LOVELL, 
 
 Secretary of the Board of War 
 
228 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ferry, the main channel of communication between the Middle 
 and Eastern States.* This was effected. The garrison at Stoney 
 Point retired on his approach ; and that at Verplanck s Point 
 was forced to surrender. He intended next to endeavor to force 
 his way into the Highlands, make himself master of its fortifica 
 tions and strong passes, and thus secure the command of the 
 Hudson. But the precautions which the Commander-in-chief had 
 taken, in concentrating the bulk of his forces in the quarter 
 threatened, prevented Sir Henry from putting this part of his 
 scheme into execution.f 
 
 Leaving a strong garrison in each of the forts which he had 
 taken, Sir Henry returned to New York about the 1st of June. 
 Washington soon after removed his head-quarters to New 
 Windsor, and distributed his army chiefly in and near the 
 Highlands. To guard against any sudden incursion of the 
 enemy, he stationed a force on each side of the river, below West 
 Point. 
 
 About the middle of June, General Woodford returned to 
 the camp, and soon after, resumed the command of his brigade. 
 
 For some time previously to that at which we have arrived, 
 many circumstances had combined to lead Morgan s thoughts 
 towards home. The considerations which now brought him to 
 the resolution of retiring from the army, are worthy of a passing 
 notice. 
 
 The very severe service which he experienced in the expedi 
 tion to Quebec, had induced a violent rheumatic affection ; and 
 the fatigues and constant exposure to which he had been 
 subjected as commander of the rifle corps, had so aggravated his 
 malady, as seriously to impair his health. Being of a disposition 
 remarkably domestic and affectionate, his long continued separa 
 tions from his family were now becoming more and more the 
 sources of disquietude to him. His reflections upon this subject 
 were embittered by the fact, that his pay, so far from enabling 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. S., p. 322. t Ibid., vol. i., p. 323 
 
GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 229 
 
 him to add to the means upon which his wife and children sub 
 sisted, was entirely inadequate to the discharge of his personal 
 expenses. To meet these expenses, he was constantly drawing on 
 his own private resources, which, in consequence, were gradually 
 wasting away. He participated, too, in the dissatisfaction with 
 the conduct of Congress, which existed so generally among the 
 officers of the army at this time. This feeling originated in the 
 belief, that that body was not disposed to make any provision for 
 their future wants, and that it would yield nothing to their 
 present necessities, beyond what appeared to be indispensable to 
 their continuance in the service or to the preservation of the 
 army. They felt indignant, besides, at the injustice and partiality 
 which it had exhibited in promotions, and particularly at the 
 facilities which it had afforded to military adventurers from other 
 countries, of stepping over their heads to stations of honor and 
 consequence. It too frequently appeared, besides, that the quali 
 fications of a politician or a place hunter, and the possession of 
 local influence, presented claims to advancement in the army, 
 which proved superior to those furnished by soldierlike qualities 
 and important military services. An idea prevailed for some time 
 with Congress, that the boasted military skill and experience of 
 the foreign officers who applied to it for employment, gave them 
 a claim to consideration over those who were identified with the 
 country, and the struggle in which it was engaged whose servi 
 ces were a constant sacrifice to patriotism, and who more than 
 compensated for their lack of science by their bravery and 
 devotedness. Some of these foreign officers undoubtedly deserved 
 ail the honors which they received ; but by far the greater 
 number of them had little but assurance wherewith to supply the 
 want of merit. To add to the evils with which the delicate busi 
 ness of appointments and promotions was beset at this time, the 
 representatives of several States in Congress asserted a claim to 
 an equal division of the patronage of this nature which the army 
 afforded.* 
 
 of Washington, vol. iii., p. 68, vol. iv., pp. 263, 423-445. vol. vii , pp. 338, 382. 
 
230 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Other circumstances, more particularly referable to Colonel 
 Morgan, conspired to create an impression in his mind, that he 
 had not experienced that advancement to which he thought his 
 services, considered with reference to those of others who had 
 been more fortunate, entitled him. From the opening of the 
 great struggle, he had been an active participator in its stirring 
 events. On many important occasions, he had contributed largely 
 to the success of the cause and to the glory of our arms, and had 
 won for his name a foremost place in the list of his country s 
 defenders. His achievements during the Canadian campaign 
 were without a parallel in the whole course of the war. He 
 encountered more perils, privations, and fatigues, while in 
 command of the rifle corps, than any other colonel in the service. 
 Numberless were the engagements which he had had with 
 pickets, advanced parties, and detachments of the enemy ; most 
 of which, though now forgotten, and lost to history, called for 
 the exercise of much judgment and caution, and involved greater 
 personal hazards than those which attend a general engagement. 
 In all of these, the enemy could seldom boast of a triumph, and 
 when such an occasion occurred, it was purchased dearly. His 
 numerous exploits won for him the notice and love of his coun 
 trymen, and excited the fear of their enemies ; besides which, 
 they elicited from his commanding officers frequent and emphatic 
 expressions of approbation. 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding these strong claims upon the favorable 
 regard of Congress, his just expectations of promotion were not 
 only disappointed, but he was compelled to witness the advance 
 ment over his head, of men who possessed few, if any, of the 
 requisites of a soldier, and who, moreover, owed their good fortune 
 to considerations foreign to those which should have governed 
 Congress in exercising the appointing power. 
 
 But weighty as were these causes of dissatisfaction upon the 
 fiery and impulsive mind of Morgan, he would nevertheless have 
 continued in the service, had it not been for his broken health 
 
G E N E E A L DANIEL MORGAN. 1?- i 1 
 
 and impaired fortunes. His organization, moral as well as physi 
 cal, eminently fitted him for war, and habit united with inclina 
 tion, in making him fond of its toils, privations and dangers. 
 
 He accordingly communicated his intentions to Washington, 
 and begged permission to wait on Congress with, his resignation. 
 Within a short period, a large number of officers had left the 
 army, and a growing distaste for the service was manifested 
 daily by many of those who remained. Washington was fully 
 aware of the causes of this ; and while withholding his counte 
 nance from the consequences, could not deny their justice. His 
 numerous letters to Congress on this head will show how strongly 
 he urged upon that body the justice as well as the policy of 
 removing all grounds of complaint on the part of the army. But 
 in the mean time ho beheld with deep regret the departure, day 
 after day, of numbers of his best officers. He received Morgan s 
 announcement of an intention to resign with much concern, and 
 for a time endeavored to dissuade him from his purpose. But 
 as it was difficult, if not impossible, successfully to resist the 
 principal motives which impelled Morgan to this step, a reluctant 
 consent was at length obtained, as will be seen by the annexed 
 letter from the commander-in-chief to the president of Congress : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, June 30, 1779. 
 To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS : 
 
 SIR : Col. Morgan, of the Virginia line, who waits on Congress with his 
 resignation, will have the honor of delivering you this. I cannot, in 
 justice, avoid mentioning him as a very valuable officer, who has rendered 
 a series of important services, and distinguished himself on several 
 occasions. 
 
 I am, sir, very respectfully, your ob t servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 In a few days after the receipt of the above letter, Col. Morgan 
 reached Philadelphia, and, waiting upon Congress, presented his 
 resignation, which was accepted. Without delaying longer in 
 
232 THE LIFE OF 
 
 this city than was necessary to an adjustment of his accounts, he 
 turned his footsteps homeward, and in about a week afterwards 
 was once more in the bosom of his family. 
 
 Thus terminated, for a time, Morgan s military career. He 
 was destined, however, speedily to reappear upon a wider field of 
 action, and to be the directing genius of an event which was 
 unquestionably the most brilliant of the war. 
 
 The succeeding fifteen months were spent by Morgan at his 
 residence in Frederick county, and in the pursuits of private life. 
 The change from the hardships of the camp to the comforts of 
 home, speedily effected a great improvement in his health ; and 
 his active mind and industrious habits soon found ample occu 
 pation in removing from his house and farm the evidences of 
 years of neglect. 
 
 Although no longer an active participant in the operations of 
 the war, few, if any, took a greater interest in its progress. He 
 maintained a correspondence with his old companions in arms, 
 the letters of many of which, written during this period, are still 
 in existence. Besides the warm friendship for Morgan, which 
 these letters invariably display, they inform us, besides, how 
 deeply their authors regretted his retirement, how much they 
 sympathized in its causes, and how ardently they wished for his 
 return. One illustration of this will suffice. Gen. John Neville, 
 then an officer of one of the regiments composing Woodibrd s 
 brigade, closes along letter, dated at " Haverstraw, Nov. 9, 1779," 
 with a few sentences, indicative of the feelings with which the 
 officers of the brigade regarded Morgan : " Then, say they, for 
 old Morgan a brigadier, and we would kick the world before us. 
 I am not fond of flattery; but I assure you, on my word, that no 
 man s ever leaving the army was more regretted than yours, nor 
 no man was ever wished for more to return. We saw a letter the 
 other day from his excellency to you, to be forwarded with speed, 
 which gave the officers great hope that you were to return 
 agreeable to your satisfaction. God send it may be the case." 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 233 
 
 About the time that Morgan retired from the service, the atten 
 tion of the enemy was seriously turned towards the South. This 
 section of the Union had hitherto been nearly exempt from the 
 calamities of war. The desperate state of the enemy s affairs in 
 the North required a speedy termination of the struggle, or its 
 transfer to a new field of action. From the feebleness of the 
 Northern States in population and resources, their conquest was 
 considered a matter of easy accomplishment. Such a result 
 being regarded as one highly advantageous in itself, and calcu 
 lated to exercise an important influence upon the final issue of the 
 war, extensive preparations were made to carry it into effect. 
 Although this change of policy must have been extremely humili 
 ating to the British, indicative as it was of an abandonment of 
 general for partial results, yet the prize was well worth the 
 severe and protracted struggle which was subsequently made to 
 obtain it. 
 
 Charleston fell on the 12th of May, 1780. Upon receiving 
 intelligence of this unfortunate event, Congress entered at once 
 into the consideration of measures, having for their object the 
 vigorous prosecution of the war in the South. Gen. Gates was 
 appointed to the command of the southern department. It was 
 likewise determined to call out a number of other distinguished 
 officers, and among the rest, Col. Morgan. Since the time when 
 Gen. Gates relinquished the command at Rhode Island, he had 
 not been actively engaged, and the intelligence of his appoint 
 ment reached him at his residence in Virginia. This circumstance 
 was the subject of a number of letters to Morgan, the first of 
 which is subjoined. 
 
 TRAVELLERS REST, June 21s, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have just received an express fA>m the Board of War, 
 enclosing the unanimous resolve of Congress, appointing me to the com 
 mand of the Southern Department. I am also informed that Congress 
 had it in contemplation to call Gen. Weedon and yourself into service, and 
 to employ you immediately to the southward. I shall set out on Monday 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 morning ; perhaps I may receive another express before then. I am 
 too much employed to return your visit; but if you can come to me before 
 I leave home, I shall be glad to inform you of all particulars. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, &c., 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
 A short time previously to the receipt of this letter, the long 
 standing difference between Gates and Morgan had been adjusted. 
 Upon this occasion, Morgan proudly referred to the important 
 services he had rendered during the campaign against Bur- 
 goyne, and dwelt with warmth upon the undeserved treatment he 
 had experienced. Reminding General Gates of the unkindness 
 and injustice of which .he had been guilty, Morgan nevertheless 
 exhibited a willingness to forgive and forget past injuries ; and 
 the overtures of his old friend and general for a reconciliation, 
 were met in a generous spirit. 
 
 He had now somewhat recovered his health and streno-th, : and 
 
 C5 
 
 the scent of war in his neighborhood had revived old instincts, 
 and excited in him a strong desire once more to take the field. 
 But to the proposition, made to him in the resolution of Congress, 
 calling him into the service as a colonel, he refused to listen. 
 After what had already occurred, he was led to believe that a call 
 of this kind on him would certainly be accompanied by an 
 increase of his rank. Independently of the claims which he 
 considered he had already earned, touching his promotion to a 
 brigadier generalship, there were some peculiarities about the 
 service in which he was now called on to engage, which presented 
 strong objections to his acceptance of a lower grade. The coun 
 try which was then and thereafter the principal scene of warlike 
 operations, had been divided by the State authorities into military 
 districts, to each of which, officers had been appointed. Such 
 of these officers as ranked Morgan as a colonel, would, in the 
 event of his taking the field, subject him to their orders whenever 
 he entered their districts.* In ordinary cases, it would be 
 
 *0ov. Rutledge, 17SO. Johnson s Greene, vol. 5., p. 412. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 235 
 
 expedient to avoid sucli an awkward contingency. But in that in 
 question, where military merit of the highest order might be 
 counteracted and controlled by inexperienced mediocrity, to with 
 hold a remedy which a-t once disembarrassed the public service 
 and rewarded individual merit, would be extremely impolitic. 
 Yet such was the course pursued by Congress ; and in conse- 
 qaence, Morgan determined to remaia at home. There seemed, 
 besides, to be no very pressing need of his services. Gen. Gates, 
 whose prospects were bright and unclouded at this time, was sur 
 rounded by a host of experienced and able officers. Before three 
 months elapsed, however, the justice of pretensions which Con 
 gress neglected or undervalued, found advocates in its apprehen 
 sions and its necessities. 
 
 Morgan was still at home when the issue of the conflict on the 
 bloody and hapless field of Camden became known to him. This 
 disastrous intelligence brought better feelings to the surface. lie 
 recognized the occasion which had now arisen, as one, demanding 
 the sacrifice to the public good of every private consideration ; 
 and he did not resist the silent appeal of his bleeding country. 
 Indifferent now, regarding the issue of the numerous and influen 
 tial representations which had been made to Congress, in reference 
 to his promotion, and anxious only for an opportunity again to 
 serve his country in any capacity, he made the necessary prepara 
 tions, bade adieu to his family, and left his home early in 
 September, in the direction of Gen. Gates s head-quarters, then at 
 Hillsborough. 
 
236 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 The dispositions and operations of the opposing forces Morgan joins Gates at Hills- 
 borough The enemy advances towards North Carolina Morgan offered a command 
 in t he North Carolina militia Appointed by Gates to command a legionary corps 
 Battle of King s Mountain Corn wallis retreats to Winnsborough Morgan appointed 
 a brigadier general Letter from Gen. Gates Morgan advances to vicinity of the 
 enemy Letter from Col. 0. II. Williams Destitution of the army Repulse of M;ijor 
 Wemys Battle of Blackstock House Capture of Col. Hugely a-nd his command 
 Congress determines to supersede Gen. Gates Gen. Greene His arrangements, pre 
 liminary to taking the command of the Southern army The general prospect Gen. 
 Greene s plan of action Morgan appointed to a separate command He marches to the 
 west of Broad river Greene, with the main body, moves to the Pedee Morgan s 
 instructions. 
 
 BEFORE introducing Gen. Morgan once more on the field in 
 the South, a glance at the operations then going forward in that 
 quarter is called for, from their connection with those which 
 succeeded them, and with which he was identified. 
 
 Although by the battle of Caraden, the spirit of resistance was 
 fearfully disabled, it was not destroyed. While Cornwallis was 
 awaiting the arrival of supplies from Charleston, to commence his 
 long-contemplated .invasion of North Carolina and Virginia, the 
 elements of opposition were rapidly re-combining a<?;:iinst him. 
 The small remains of a regular army which escaped th-s: ruction 
 at Camden, had assembled at Hillsborough. The militia of North 
 Carolina were out*n considerable force. Marion, at. the head of 
 a small body, was moving in the neighborhood of the Santee. 
 Sumter had again assembled a respectable force, and was operating 
 west of that river. Col. Davie, with a body of volunteer 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 237 
 
 dragoons and mounted riflemen, took post in the Waxliaw 
 settlement, and employed himself in watching the movements of 
 the enemy. Col. Clark was at the head of a large body of 
 Geoi gia and South Carolina exiles, at this time in the neighbor 
 hood of Augusta. A body of mountaineers, more formidable in 
 numbers than any opposed to the enemy in this quarter, and 
 composed of the united commands of Cols. Campbell, Cleaveland, 
 Williams, Sevier, Shelby, McDowell, and others, was rapidly 
 gathering, preparatory to a descent upon the British ports in 
 South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
 After the American forces had been driven from South 
 Carolina, the British army took post in three divisions near its 
 northern boundary, the main body, under Cornwallis, at Carnden ; 
 Col. Tarleton s legion at Winnsborough ; and Col. Ferguson s 
 brigade of Provincial troops, at Ninety-six. 
 
 The required supplies having been at length obtained, theso 
 divisions simultaneously moved from their respective posts early in 
 September, with the object of uniting at Charlotte, and thence 
 proceeding to the interior of North Carolina. 
 
 This movement was in progress, when Morgan, accompanied 
 only by two or three young gentlemen who were anxious to serve 
 with him, arrived at Hillsborough. He was warmly received by 
 Gen. Gates, who promised, at their first interview, to take imme 
 diate measures to give him employment. 
 
 The regular forces at this point had recently undergone a new 
 organization. The infantry had been formed into two battalions, 
 constituting one regiment, the command of which devolved upon 
 Col. 0. II. Williams and Lieut. Col. Howard ; Majors Hardman 
 and Anderson commanding the battalions. The artillery corps 
 was nearly annihilated at Camden ; the remaining companies of 
 the regiment having recently reached Hillsborough, were placed 
 under the command of Capt. Singleton. Two brass pieces, saved 
 from the general wreck at Camden, and four or five iron ones, 
 found at Hillsborough, formed a respectable little park of artillery. 
 
238 THE LIFE OF 
 
 There were, besides, the remnants of Buford s and Porterfield s 
 corps, and a body of raw recruits, the whole numbering about 
 350 men, and constituting all of the Virginia line in the field in 
 this quarter. The whole of these forces amounted to about 1,400 
 men.* 
 
 The advance of Cornwallis towards North Carolina had stimu 
 lated the authorities of that State in taking measures to repel the 
 threatened invasion ; while the militia were collecting in large 
 numbers at Ilillsborough, provision was made, not only to equip 
 this force for the field, but also to meet in a partial degree 
 some of the most pressing needs of the regular army, the chief 
 of which was clothing. The command of the militia had recently 
 been conferred on Gen. Smallwood. Morgan was invited, f soon 
 after his arrival, to take a command in the same force. Flatter 
 ing as was this mark of the esteem in which he was held by the 
 people of North Carolina, he was compelled to decline the 
 proffered honor. Gen. Gates had already formed the plan of a 
 legionary corps, to be raised out of the ranks of the army, the 
 command of which lie intended to bestow on Morgan. The 
 opportune arrival of the clothing already adverted to, enabled 
 Gen. Gates to carry this design at once into effect. From the 
 two battalions, four companies of picked men were selected. 
 These were formed into a light infantry battalion, the command 
 of which was given to Lieut. Col. Howard. To these was added 
 a company of riflemen, under Capt. Rose. The remains of Cols. 
 
 * Col. 0. H. Williams Narrative. 
 
 t The letter in relation to this, is subjoined : 
 
 HILLSBOROCOH, Sfpt 30, 1780. 
 
 SIR: At the request of the assembly, Gen. Smallwood has consented to take the 
 command of the militia of this State, and will set off in a day or two for the back country. 
 It would give me grea-t pleasure for you to accompany the general. 
 
 Col. Morgan s character as a soldier is we l known in America. I am persuaded your 
 presence will give spirits to my countrymen. Gen. Smallwood, I expect, will have an 
 opportunity of finding employment suitable to a man of your rank and gallantry. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, &c., 
 
 J. PfiNN. 
 
 COL. MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 239 
 
 White s and Washington s regiments of cavalry, about 70 in 
 number, were expected in camp in a few days ; and it was 
 arranged, that on their arrival, they should be embodied into one 
 corps, under the command of Lieut. Col. Washington, and united 
 to the commands of Howard and Rose. Morgan assumed the 
 command of this corps about the 1st of October. 
 
 The divisions of the enemy commanded by Cornwallis and 
 Tarleton entered Charlotte after a spirited action between their 
 advance, composed of Tarleton s legion, and Col. Davie s corps. 
 They remained in the neighborhood of this place for some days, 
 waiting for the junction of Col. Ferguson. But the career of this 
 officer had, in the meantime, met with a fearful termination at 
 King s Mountain. A sketch of the memorable battle which was 
 fought on this mountain, may be introduced here. 
 
 Col. Clark had been endeavoring to reduce Augusta. The 
 effort, although conducted with courage and perseverance, was 
 unsuccessful. The post, commanded by Col. Brown, had been 
 defended with great vigor; and upon the approach of reinforce 
 ments to his aid from Ninety-six, Clark raised the siege, and 
 retired towards the mountains. While the latter was retreating, 
 Ferguson, then on the march for Charlotte, attempted to inter 
 cept him. The line of march now taken by the Provincials, indi 
 cated a design to invade the mountainous districts. This region 
 of country, and that north and west of it, were inhabited by a 
 race equally distinguished for courage and patriotism. It was, 
 moreover, the asylum for the distressed and persecuted exiles 
 from Georgia and South Carolina. Imbued with a deep hatred 
 of the oppressors of their country, a large proportion of these 
 people were at this time preparing, as has been already observed, 
 to take the field. But maddened at the prospect of invasion, 
 they universally flew to arms; and when Ferguson approached 
 Gilbert-town, he found a force in his front, of not less than three 
 thousand mounted riflemen.* 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 308-4. Lee s Memoirs, pp. 103-105. 
 
240 THE L I F E O F 
 
 Ferguson, astonished, if not dismayed, at the unexpected 
 appearance of an opponent every way so formidable, sent to 
 Cornwallis for aid, and at once commenced a retreat. He was 
 immediately followed by sixteen hundred men, all well mounted, 
 and commanded by Col. Campbell, assisted by Cols. Cleaveland, 
 Sevier, Shelby, Williams, and Major Chronicle. The remainder 
 followed with their utmost speed. Ferguson was overtaken on 
 the 7th of October, at King s Mountain. Hopeless of effecting 
 his retreat without fighting, he posted his troops on the summit 
 of King s Mountain, trusting to be able to make good his position 
 until the expected reinforcements should reach him. Campbell, 
 divining the object of his opponent, at once commenced the 
 attack. He divided his forces into three bodies; one he led him 
 self; the next was headed by Col. Shelby, and the other by Col. 
 Cleaveland. After a severe conflict of an hour, during which the 
 enemy, assailed on every side, found the bayonet ineffectual 
 against the rifle, Ferguson fell, and all that remained of his com 
 mand at once surrendered. The loss of the British was one 
 hundred and fifty killed, and a like number wounded ; while that 
 of the Americans did not exceed ten killed and forty wounded. 
 Including the British wounded, eleven hundred and ten men fell 
 
 i3 
 
 into the hands of the victors, besides fifteen hundred stand of 
 arms. The American loss was rendered peculiarly distressing by 
 the death of Col. Williams, an officer who had greatly distinguished 
 himself in opposing the re-establishment of British authority in 
 the South. Major Chronicle, another distinguished officer and 
 patriot, also fell. Immediately after the action, ten of the 
 prisoners were hung, partly in retaliation for the recent execution 
 of a number of Americans by the British, and partly because the 
 men who suffered had been guilty of murders and other heinous 
 crimes, punishable by the laws with death.* 
 
 This was the first decisive blow which the enemy had experi 
 enced during their operations in the South. 
 
 * Lee s Memoes, pp. 103-105. Johnson s Greene, vol. i. f pp. 805-807. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 241 
 
 The news of the battle of King s Mountain reached Cornwallis 
 while on his march from Charlotte to Salisbury. This event, at 
 once so unexpected and disastrous, effected a complete change in 
 his views. The force thus destroyed constituted more than one- 
 third of his active army, while the death of Ferguson greatly 
 diminished his hopes of recruiting his ranks from the loyalists in 
 that quarter, among whom that officer had exercised great influ 
 ence. The accounts which accompanied these doleful tidings, 
 greatly magnified the very large force of mountaineers that 
 really were in arms, and aroused his fears, not only for the safety 
 of the posts in his rear, constantly menaced by Marion, Sumter, 
 Davie, and other partisan officers, but even for the security of his 
 army, now apparently threatened by such superior numbers. 
 These considerations determined him to defer his movement into 
 North Carolina, until his army could be reinforced. 
 
 At this time, Gen. Leslie, with three thousand men, was at 
 Portsmouth. Having sent directions to this officer to embark his 
 troops and sail for Charleston without delay, Cornwallis com 
 menced a retrograde movement on the 14th, and crossing the 
 Catawba, took post at Winnsborough on the 29th of October.* 
 
 The success which, until very recently, had uniformly attended 
 the efforts of the British, in the Southern States, encouraged Sir 
 Henry Clinton with hopes that he would be eventually enabled to 
 separate these States from the Confederacy, and re-unite them to 
 the British realm. Regarding this as an object of the very high 
 est importance, he spared no exertions and even ran some hazards 
 to strengthen his forces in that quarter. On the 6th of October, 
 Leslie, with three thousand men, was dispatched southward. 
 Believing that Cornwallis was advancing without opposition 
 through North Carolina, Sir Henry Clinton directed Leslie to 
 land in the lower part of Virginia, at some point favorable to a 
 co-operation with the former, whose orders he was directed to 
 obey. Entering James river, Leslie landed his troops, and took 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, pp. 166-170. 
 11 
 
242 THE LIFE OF 
 
 possession of the country on the south side, as high as Suffolk. 
 After a short time, he drew in his outposts, and began to fortify 
 Portsmouth. He was at this place when the orders already men 
 tioned, for his embarkation for Charles on, reached him.* 
 
 Winnsborough, the point selected by Cornwallis for his encamp 
 ment, was nearly midway between Camden and Ninety-six, his 
 two principal posts in the northern part of the State, and was 
 moreover, the centre of a populous and fruitful district. Here he 
 desired to remain, until the arrival of Leslie could enable him to 
 resume his operations against North Carolina and Virginia. 
 Although the postponement of these operations was, it is certain, 
 mainly owing to the large American force in the field, this cir 
 cumstance seems to have given him no fears for the possession of 
 South Carolina. A considerable proportion of his army, which 
 amounted in all to more than four thousand men, was distributed 
 in such a manner as to observe the whole frontier of the State, 
 and to guard the interior against revolt. The main body at 
 Winnsborough was in a favorable position for guarding his princi 
 pal posts and checking his opponents, as well as for prosecuting 
 his plans of future conquest, when he should have received the 
 coming reinforcements. 
 
 The news of the battle, and of the subsequent retreat of Corn 
 wallis, had a most cheering effect upon the Americans. Their 
 forces immediately pressed forward. The militia under Gen. 
 Smallwood, Morgan and his command, and Col. Davie s corps soon 
 after concentrated at New Providence. The main body of the 
 Continental troops left Hillsborough about the same time, and 
 marched towards Salisbury. 
 
 A few days before the army left Hillsborough, General Gates 
 was advised of the promotion of Gen. Morgan. The representa 
 tions with this object had been so numerous and influential, and 
 the reasons in its favor so cogent, that at length, Congress acted 
 in the premises, and on the 13th of October, appointed him to 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, pp. 166-1 TO. 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 243 
 
 the rank of a brigadier general.* The commission, with the 
 resolution of Congress, and the letter of President Huntington, 
 were forwarded to Gen. Gates, who, upon receiving them, addressed 
 Morgan the following letter : 
 
 HILLSBOROUGH, Oct. 27, 1780. 
 DEAR GENERAL: 
 
 Enclosed, I send you the resolve of Congress, appointing you a briga 
 dier general, in the army of the United States, of which I sincerely wish 
 you joy. Your commission is in my hands, which I reserve to send by 
 the first troops that march, as this conveyance may not be altogether so 
 safe. The disappointments and delays by the Board of War, in supplying 
 the wagons necessary for our march, have been amazing; but I think they 
 cannot now defer it beyond to-morrow. 
 
 I am, dear general, 
 Yours, affectionately, 
 
 HORATIO GATES. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 The gratification which this announcement created in Morgan s 
 breast, must have been greatly increased by the consciousness 
 
 *IN CONGRESS. 
 
 October 13fA, 1780. 
 
 Congress took into consideration the report of the Board of War, respecting the promo 
 tion of Col. Morgan, and it appearing from the letters of Governors Jefferson and Rut- 
 ledge, and of Major General Gates, that Col. Morgan s promotion to the rank of a 
 Brigadier General will remove several embarrassments which impede the public service in 
 tlie Southern Department, and that it will otherwise greatly advance the said service, 
 
 Resolved, Therefore, that Colonel Daniel Morgan be, and hereby is, appointed to the 
 rank of Brigadier General, in the army of the United States. 
 
 Extract from the Minutes, CHARLES THOMSON, Sec. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Oft. Uth, 1780. 
 
 SIR: Congress have been pleased to appoint you a Brigadier General, in the army ol 
 the United States of America, 
 
 I have now the pleasure and satisfaction herewith to enclose your commission, conform 
 able to that appointment. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 With esteem and respect, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 
 BR. GEN. MORGAN. Pre*. 
 
244: THE LIFE OF 
 
 that the honor was earned by services past, and by the expecta 
 tion of services to be performed. lie felt a laudable pride in the 
 conviction, that he was indebted for his promotion to none of 
 those sinister influences, which but too frequently, during these 
 times, misdirected the appointing power, and enabled the unde 
 serving to obtain high rank in the army. Among the congratu 
 lations which poured in on him from all sides, those from 
 his brother officers, and they were numerous, were particularly 
 grateful to his feelings. They were the best qualified to estimate 
 his merits, and they would be the last to compliment him on an 
 undeserved honor. 
 
 In pursuance of directions from Gen. Smallwood, Morgan, now 
 brigadier general, advanced to the vicinity of Clermont. Having 
 
 o C? / o 
 
 been joined some days before, by Lieut. Col. Howard and the 
 cavalry, the corps was now in readiness for any enterprise which 
 fortune, or the incautiousness of the enemy, might afford them. 
 
 While in this quarter, Morgan received a number of letters 
 from his brother officers in the main army. The occasional intro 
 duction of a few of these will serve to diversify the narrative, and 
 at the same time furnish important links to the chain of events 
 which marked the times. The annexed was written by Col. O. 
 H. Williams, at the time adjutant general of the Southern army. 
 
 CAMP HILLSBOROUGH, Slst Oct., 1780. 
 
 DEAR SIR : We have been under marching orders ten days. I believe 
 we shall actually move to-morrow. The reports of the enemy s landing in 
 Virginia have detained us two days. The general has been in some 
 suspense ; however, I believe, he is now determined to move westward. 
 The enemy are actually in possession of Portsmouth, and the reports say 
 they are from three thousand to five thousand in number but this we are 
 not clear in. 
 
 What do you think of the damnable doings of that diabolical dog 
 Arnold ? I have not an idea of a punishment adequate to the enormity 
 of his crime. Andre suffered like a hero, and was really an object of 
 admiration. In the full career of glory, twenty-eight years of age, major 
 in the British army, adjutant-general in America, heir to a large estate, of 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 245 
 
 a good family, master of a fine education, and endowed with superior 
 abilities. His address only failed him in an enterprise in which few excel, 
 but many cut a distinguished figure. If he deserved hanging, Arnold will 
 be damned, according to the opinions I have of degrees of punishment. 
 
 Perusing your obliging letter about the third time, I accidentally turned 
 the first leaf, on which you had signed "Daniel Morgan," and I found your 
 N. B. just in time. The committee had closed their proceedings, and 
 almost the blue ells were gone. No such stuff was left in store. I have 
 secured eight yards of the lining for you, and have two pairs of socks of 
 my own you shall go halves. 
 
 I thank Col. Howard for his letter of the 23d of October the deserters 
 he mentions have not joined us. My best compliments to him and all the 
 gentlemen of the light infantry. If you are with Gen. Smallwood, 
 present me to him and family. To-morrow we leave this dirty, disagreeable 
 hole, Hillsborough. Adieu. 
 
 Yours, sincerely, 
 
 0. H. WILLIAMS. 
 
 P. S. Pardon me I must be permitted to congratulate you on the 
 justice Congress have been pleased to do you in your appointment. 
 Pardon me, I say, for making my best compliments by way of P. S. 
 
 OTHO. 
 
 BRIO-. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 An amusing instance of the straits to which even officers high 
 in rank were put, at this time, is furnished in the foregoing. 
 There is no room for any feelings but sorrow and pity, in contem 
 plating the sufferings then experienced by the army, in conse 
 quence of its general destitution. Winter had set in with 
 constant and drenching rains ; yet the greater part of the men 
 were without anything worthy the name of clothing ; and tents, 
 and many other things usually considered among the necessaries 
 of an army, they had not. Although Morgan s command had 
 received a tolerable supply of clothing an indispensable prelimi 
 nary to its taking the h eld it was yet to be furnished with tents, 
 wagons, and other articles of field equipage. It was thrown upon 
 its own resources entirely for support ; and seldom enjoyed the 
 much valued ration of rum. For some time after this corps took 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 the field, it had no shelter from the storm, no covering in repose, 
 beyond (hose .afforded by the branches of a tree, or the leeward 
 side of a hill. 
 
 The tranquillity of Cornwallis was greatly disturbed by the 
 operations of Marion and Sumter. He accordingly took measures 
 which aimed at their destruction. Marion beat up the country 
 between the Pedee and San tee rivers, and besides intimidating 
 the loyalists and encouraging the whigs, seriously threatened the 
 communications between Charleston and Camden. Sumter 
 ranged through the district Avest of the Santee; and being now 
 at the head of a large force, menaced Ninety -six and Augusta. Col. 
 Tarleton and his legion were sent against Marion ; while Major 
 Wemys, with a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry, was 
 dispatched after Sumter. 
 
 Marion, on the approach of danger, retired to the swamps in his 
 neighborhood. From an unavailing pursuit of this officer, 
 Tarleton was hastily recalled, to make amends for the discomfiture 
 which Sumter had in the meantime inflicted on Wemys. This 
 officer left Winnsborough in the evening, and reached the 
 outskirts of Sumter s camp before daylight the next morning, 
 Sumter had profited by the severe lesson he received in the pre 
 vious August ; and reckoning upon an attempt at surprise, was 
 fully prepared to meet it. A strong advanced guard, commanded 
 by Col. Taylor, met the enemy ; and after an animated contest, 
 the British were driven from the field, leaving behind them thirty 
 killed and wounded. Among the latter was Major Wemys, who 
 was found on the ground the next morning, severely wounded, 
 having received a ball through both thighs.* 
 
 After this affair, Sumter, in concert with Colonels Clark and 
 Banner, made preparations for a descent on Ninety-six, when he 
 was apprised by a deserter, of the approach of Tarleton, with a 
 powerful force. Sumter immediately retraced his steps ; but 
 in a short time his adversary was close upon him. Crossing the 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 316, 317. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 24:7 
 
 Ennoree, Sumter pushed on towards the Tyger river. On his 
 arrival at Black Stock House, on the banks of that stream, 
 he prepared for battle. Tarleton, apprehending that Sumter 
 would exert himself to escape, pressed forward with about four 
 hundred cavalry and mounted infantry, leaving three hundred 
 more, including his artillery, to follow as fast as they could. On 
 coming in sight of the American forces, he posted his men on an 
 eminence opposite to their position, with the intention of 
 awaiting the arrival of the remainder of his command, before he 
 took any further steps. But Sumter, aware of the divided state 
 of the enemy, promptly seized the moment most favorable for 
 attacking them. A warm action ensued ; but the British at 
 length fled the field, leaving behind them no less than ninety-two 
 killed and one hundred wounded.* 
 
 In this action, Sumter received a severe wound in the breast, 
 which perhaps prevented him from realizing still more decided 
 advantages from the victory he had gained. It certainly deprived 
 his country of his valuable services for some months after. 
 Having buried the dead, and ministered to the necessities of the 
 wounded, including those of the enemy, who were all left on the 
 field, the, victors crossed the Tyger, and retreated towards the 
 mountains. Dispersing a few days after, to re-unite again when 
 a favorable opportunity for action offered, these gallant spirits 
 retired to their homes all but a small party, who escorted their 
 wounded commander to a place of security, in the interior of 
 North Carolina.f 
 
 A short time prior to these cheering events, another, equally 
 gratifying, occurred, in which the cavalry of Morgan s command 
 was engaged. This was the affair of Rugely s farm, in which the 
 redoubtable colonel " of that ilk " was so cruelly circumvented. 
 The movement which led to the capture of this officer and his 
 command, originated in objects of more importance. The loyal- 
 
 * Lee s Memoirs, pp. 113-114 ; Johnson s Greene, vol. i., H>. 318-321. 
 t Ibidem. 
 
248 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ists in the neighborhood of Lynch s Creek and the Waxhaw set 
 tlements, were meditating a general removal of their families and 
 property, to Camden. To prevent this, Col. Davie had t.een 
 dispatched to that quarter. But, under the protection of a ody 
 of four hundred British and loyalists, sent from Camden, for the 
 purpose, the tory inhabitants began to remove, and to carry with 
 them, not only their own effects, but those of the whigs in their 
 neighborhood. Davie s force being too weak to perform the duty 
 upon which it was sent, in the face of the British covering party, 
 Morgan was dispatched with his corps, towards Hanging Rock, 
 the place where the British were posted, with directions to attack 
 them, and to intercept the removal of property to Camden. 
 
 Morgan accordingly advanced with his whole command, to the 
 neighborhood of Hanging Rock. But the British detachment 
 had been apprised of its danger, and made a timely retreat to 
 Camden. During the march, the cavalry scoured the country to 
 the right and the left, and in advance of the infantry ; but saving 
 a few inconsiderable captures, and the collection of forage, 
 nothing was effected. Morgan was about retracing his steps, 
 when he was informed that a considerable body of loyalists and 
 some British troops were then assembled at a farm called 
 Clermont, the property of a tory named Rugely. He likewise 
 learned that the object of this collection was to facilitate 
 recruiting among the disaffected in the neighborhood, that 
 something more than nominal effect might be given to Colonel 
 Rugely s new commission. Morgan felt a strong desire to uproot 
 this nest of tories ; but as it was within ten miles of Camden, 
 and still nearer to a strong outpost of the British army, to 
 approach it with his infantry was deemed too hazardous. Col. 
 Washington was, however, sent with his cavalry to reconnoitre 
 the enemy, and received permission to avail himself of a fail 
 opportunity of capturing or dispersing them. 
 
 Col. Rugely, learning that an enemy was approaching, took 
 post with his men in a large log building, around which h^d 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 249 
 
 been constructed an entrenchment and a line of abatis. Confi 
 dent in his ability to defend himself against a troop or two of 
 horse, or any other description of force unaccompanied by artillery, 
 he calmly prepared himself for the expected attack. On coming 
 in sight of the place, Washington immediately discovered that 
 nothing could be effected against it by surprise, and moreover, 
 that it was easily defended against a force such as that he com 
 manded. But reckoning on the inexperience of his adversary, he 
 hit upon an expedient for arousing Rugely s fears, which was 
 ciowned with, success. Having prepared the trunk of a small 
 pine tree into some sort of resemblance to a cannon, and mounted 
 it upon the wheels of a wagon, he made a disposition of his 
 forces, as if preparing for a cannonade, and then sent a corporal 
 of dragoons with a flag, to the fort, to summon its commanding 
 officer to an immediate surrender. The gravity with which the 
 farce was enacted, from the levelling of the pine cannon to the 
 solemn summons of the corporal, confirmed the imposition on the 
 mind of Col. Hugely, who instantly complied with the summons. 
 In a few minutes after, himself and his garrison of about one 
 hundred men, marched out of the barn, prisoners of war. 
 
 The extent to which Col. Rugely was outgemralkd in this 
 affair, may be comprehended from the fact, that on the ludi 
 crous circumstances of his capture being communicated to Corn- 
 wallis, the latter introduced a letter on the subject, with the 
 declaration : " Rugely will not be made a brigadier !" * 
 
 * Rugely was subsequently paroled to Charleston. His application to this end was 
 made the subject of the following letter from Morgan to Greene, by which it would 
 appear that he was held in as little respect as a military man, by his enemies, as he was 
 by his friends. 
 
 NEW PROVIDENCE, Uh Nov., 17SO. 
 
 SIR : Colonel Rugely will apply for a parole to go to Charleston. I believe he may 
 be depended on, but when they get him there I fear they won t be anxious to exchange 
 him, as they won t, after this, look upon him as a great military character. Col. Isaacs, 
 who has been a very active man in the State of North Carolina, is now a prisoner, and 
 is sent up to St. Augustine. If a partial exchange could be effected, Rugely for Isaacs. 
 
 11* 
 
250 THE LIFE OF 
 
 After burning the log- house, arid collecting a quantity of pro 
 visions and forao-e found at the place, Washington returned with 
 his prisoners to rejoin Morgan. The latter soon after took up his 
 line of march for the neighborhood of New Providence. Here 
 
 D 
 
 he was informed that Gen. Gates had given orders for the diti er- 
 ent detachments to march to Charlotte ; and that General Greene 
 had recently arrived at that place, and had assumed the 
 command of the army. 
 
 The introduction of this distinguished officer to the reader as 
 
 O 
 
 the future general of the Southern army, calls for a brief review 
 of the circumstances which led to his appointment to this 
 command. 
 
 The high hopes entertained by Congress and the nation, at the 
 opening of this campaign, that the conquerer of the North would 
 gather fresh laurels in the South, were crushed by the disastrous 
 issue of the battle near Camden. With this event, the confidence 
 so generally reposed in his abilities was succeeded by distrust; 
 and although the prudence and perseverance which he subse 
 quently displayed contrasted favorably with his previous course, 
 and gave promise of better results for the future, it soon became 
 apparent that his reputation had suffered an incurable wound. 
 
 A belief that his fame was unsupported by any distinguishing 
 marks of soldiership, and that it was indebted for its existence to a 
 fortunate combination of circumstances, had long prevailed to a 
 great extent among the officers of the army. This belief, when 
 considered in connection with his known participation in the 
 intrigues of Conway and others against the commander-in-chief, 
 needed not the confirmation afforded by his recent misfortunes, to 
 render him exceedingly unpopular with this patriotic and influen 
 tial c ass. 
 
 it would give a great deal of happiness in relieving a friend of mine, and a sincere friend 
 to his country. Col. Martin, of the Board of War, can give you his character. 
 I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 
 
 DANIEL MOBGAN. 
 MAJOR GENERAL GREENE. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 251 
 
 Exhausted as were the resources of the country, the utmost 
 exertions of Congress were yet unproductive of means adequate to 
 the fearful emergency which had arisen ; and its hopes of success 
 depended almost entirely upon the zealous cooperation of the 
 militia. In ordinary cases, the citizen soldier was slow to join 
 the standard of an unworthy or an unpopular officer. But when, 
 as in the present case, the impulses of patriotism were barely able 
 to overcome the suggestions of prudence, and when despair of the 
 cause was spreading far and Avide, to look for his appearance 
 under a lender whom he regarded as having forfeited all claims 
 upon his confidence, was to indulge in expectations at war with 
 all experience; 
 
 The destruction of a fine army, and the subjugation of two 
 States of the confederacy, under circumstances as yet unexplained, 
 should not, it was thought, be permitted to pass without inquiry. 
 A proper regard for the interests of the confederacy, a decenl 
 respect for public sentiment, and justice to the unfortunate gen 
 eral himself all concurred in demanding an investigation. 
 
 An examination of the circumstances which preceded the 
 defeat of the army under General Gates, unavoidably led to con 
 clusions unfavorable to his judgment and prudence, and sug 
 gested, among other measures necessary to be taken in the 
 creation of a new army, his removal from command in the South. 
 Fearful consequences were expected to ensue, unless the feeble 
 means of resistance about being put forth were confided to a suc 
 cessor, whose past services gave him an undoubted claim to 
 public confidence, and who was capable of reassuring the people, 
 and of terminating, at their head, the enemy s career of triumph. 
 
 Although these and other considerations called imperatively 
 for the supersedure of General Gates, Congress, entertaining a 
 high respect for his private worth, and a grateful recollection of 
 his former services, deferred a compliance. It was hoped that 
 time might yet enable the aged warrior to retrieve his character, 
 and by a fortunate stroke, reestablish himself in public favor. 
 But although three months had nearly elapsed, no such opportu- 
 
252 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nity occurred ; and the period for action being at hand, fin tlier 
 delay was attended with too much danger to be permitted. A 
 resolution was accordingly adopted by Congress, on the 5th of 
 November, ordering a court of inquiry to be held on the conduct 
 of Gen. Gates as commander of the Southern department, and 
 moreover, directing the commander-in-chief to appoint some 
 other officer to command that department during the inquiry. 
 Thus at length the blow was struck. Though justice might have 
 hesitated in pronouncing this sentence, policy demanded the sac 
 rifice. 
 
 Gen. Gates, although unapprised of the intention to supersede 
 him until late in November, seems to have anticipated such a 
 step with indifference, if not v/ith pleasure. In a letter to 
 Morgan, dated the 13th of that month, he observes: "I hear by 
 report that I am to be recalled, and that General Greene is to 
 succeed to the command of the Southern department. But of 
 this I have not the smallest intimation from Congress, which, I 
 conceive, would have been the case, had the business been finally 
 settled. I think exactly as you do in regard to the command, 
 and am impatient for the arrival of General Greene." 
 
 A few clays after this letter was written, the resolution of 
 Congress already referred to, reached him at Salisbury. The 
 unpleasant intelligence conveyed by this communication, served, 
 to all appearances, only to stimulate his exertions- in the public 
 service. His efforts to establish magazines and collect supplies, 
 as well as to organize his forces, regular and militia, were indefa 
 tigable, and in some degree successful. The movements of the 
 enemy were watched with sleepless vigilance, and his precaution 
 ary measures against them were indicative of intelligence and 
 zeal. Upon learning that Cornwallis was collecting his forces in 
 the neighborhood of Camden, he broke up his camp at Salisbury, 
 and marching to Charlotte, sent directions to his advanced 
 detachments to concentrate at that place, with the determination 
 of opposing the enemy, should they advance upon him. 
 
 These operations were goin^r forward, when General Greene 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 253 
 
 arrived in the American camp. This officer, who had served 
 with great distinction from the commencement of the war, and 
 had won for himself an enviable position in the estimation of 
 Congress and the country, was selected by the commander-in- 
 chief to succeed Gen. Gates. Reluctantly accepting the honora 
 ble, but responsible command, he received his instructions, and 
 on the 23d of November, accompanied by General the Baron 
 Steuben and his aids, Major Burnett, and Colonel Morris, 
 commenced his journey for the South.* 
 
 The route which General Greene had marked out for himself, 
 ran through Philadelphia and the seats of government of Dela 
 ware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina. At each of these 
 places he stopped a short time to make his requisitions, and to 
 ascertain the extent to which it was probable they would be 
 complied with. To arouse the authorities to a just sense of their 
 danger, and to convince them of the necessity of providing 
 means for the increase and support of his army, he addressed 
 them respectively with a force and earnestness, well calculated to 
 produce the desired results. These letters, besides exhibiting that 
 vigor of thought and felicity of expression which characterize all 
 Gen. Greene s epistolary remains, were marked by a judicious 
 application of their subject to the peculiar circumstances of each 
 State. In all of them, however, the main features of his subject 
 stood prominently forth, and were considered in terms substan 
 tially the same. Referring to the great strength and known 
 objects of the enemy, and picturing in vivid colors the conse 
 quences which would follow their success, he frankly declared his 
 inability to resist them, unless the assistance demanded was 
 promptly given. These letters, which reflect no little credit on 
 their author s mental resources, were followed by good results ; 
 and perhaps the subsequent successes of his sword are attributa 
 ble, in some degree, to the previous achievements of his pen. 
 
 All that Gen. Greene obtained at Philadelphia, beyond promi 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 332. 
 
254: THE LIFE, OF 
 
 ses, was the annexation of Maryland and Delaware, with the 
 troops belonging to those States, to the Southern department, and 
 a small supply of cash, to defray his personal expenses. Leaving 
 Col. Febriger at .this place to take charge of the promised 
 supplies, he pushed on to Delaware, and thence to Maryland. 
 Having made his requisitions on these States, and appointed Gen 
 erals Gist and Smallwood to superintend the organization and 
 forwarding of the troops to be raised, he proceeded to the 
 capital of Virginia. This State, being the first in population, 
 wealth, and resources, among her sisters in the South, and being 
 second to none in the confederacy in her zeal for independence, 
 and in the amount of sacrifices she had made for its maintenance, 
 was that on which the intention of the enemy centered, and 
 against which, all their efforts had ultimate reference. The lib 
 erality with which this State had contributed to carry on the 
 war, when united to the losses she had incurred from unsalable 
 products, the suspension of trade, and the ravaging hand of 
 invasion, had exhausted her resources ; and at this time, so far 
 from being able to contribute her quota to the ranks of the 
 Southern army, she was unable to repel the enemy, who were 
 even at the moment establishing themselves on the soil. But 
 although her means were gone, her spirit of resistance had expe 
 rienced no diminution ; and while almost all her remaining ener 
 gies were combining to confine Leslie to the seaboard, General 
 Greene s arrangements indicated a determination to make a 
 grand rSlly on her southern frontier, should the enemy so far 
 prevail against him. He established a number of magazines and 
 laboratories at different points, judiciously chosen, and made 
 extensive arrangements for the speedy deposit therein of a large 
 feupply of stores and provisions. He set on foot a quarter 
 master s department, placing at its head Colonel Carrington, who 
 at once entered zealously into the business of obtaining a supply 
 of wagons, tents, and other necessaries. Measures were taken 
 for a thorough examination of the Dan, Yadkin, Catawba, and 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 other rivers of North and South Carolina, with an eye to future 
 military operations ; and orders were given for the construction 
 of a number of boats to be placed on these rivers for the 
 transportation of troops and stores, as occasion might require. 
 Conferring the command in this State on Baron Steuben, who 
 was directed to facilitate the raising and forwarding of supplies 
 and reinforcements, General Greene resumed his journey, and in 
 a few days reached Hillsborough. More apprehensive of Leslie 
 than of Cornwallis, the authorities of North Carolina had 
 recently left Hillsborough and reassembled at Halifax. But the 
 imminent danger which threatened the State on all sides, had 
 thoroughly aroused its government and people ; vigorous efforts 
 h: d therefore been made to increase the means of resistance. 
 The same causes which produced a removal of the authorities of 
 this State, had directed a large proportion of its militia towards 
 the eastern frontier. Having informed the governor that ample 
 provision had been made in Virginia, for the employment of the 
 enemy in that quarter, and urged the assemblage of the militia in 
 the quarter threatened by Cornwallis, General Greene resumed 
 his journey, now rapidly drawing to a close. On the 2nd of 
 December, he arrived at the American camp at Charlotte, and on 
 the 4th, assumed the command of the army.* 
 
 A manly resignation marked the conduct of General Gates, 
 upon the arrival of his successor, whom he received at head 
 quarters with that liberal and gentlemanly air which was so 
 habitual to him. General Greene observed a plain, but respectful 
 demeanor, neither betraying compassion nor the want of it. He 
 was announced to the army as its future commander, on the 
 morning of the 4th, by General Gates. On the same ciav, Gen 
 eral Greene paid his predecessor the compliment of confirming 
 all his standing orders.f 
 
 To the intimation that a court of inquiry had been ordered to 
 convene and take into consideration his conduct as commander of 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, pp. 382-338. t Col. 0. H. Williams. 
 
256 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Southern army, Gen. Gates responded by expressing his 
 willingness to proceed to an immediate investigation. But the 
 principles on which the court was to be constituted, rendered this 
 impracticable. It would have been, besides, unjust and cruel, 
 under existing circumstances. Gen. Gartes had yet to learn the 
 recent death of a much-loved son, his grief for whom would, for 
 a time, naturally absorb all other considerations, and render him 
 incapable of an efficient defence. The inquiry was therefore 
 necessarily deferred ; and Gen. Gates, after a few days spent in 
 familiarizing Gen. Greene with the details of his command, bade 
 adieu to the camp, and returned to his residence in* Virginia. 
 
 This part of our subject will close with the remark, that Gen. 
 Gates was spared the mortification of an inquiry. The resolution 
 with this object was subsequently rescinded by Congress, and the 
 general restored to his rank in the army.* 
 
 The situation of affairs in the South when Gen. Greene took the 
 command, was lamentable in the extreme. A mind less deter 
 mined, less fertile in resources, than that possessed by this 
 commander, would have shrunk from the fearful task he assumed. 
 The States of South Carolina and Georgia were in the possession 
 of the enemy. Virginia and North Carolina were invaded, and 
 threatened with a similar fate. The State governments of Georgia 
 and South Carolina had only a titular existence. The large 
 bodies of militia which North Carolina had injudiciously kept in 
 the field, served only to impoverish the country and exhaust the 
 resources of the government, without yielding any benefit in 
 return. From this cause, and the divisions of public sentiment, 
 it at length became difficult to assemble even militia, and quite 
 impossible to raise the State s quota of 500 men to the continental 
 Hne. The condition of affairs in Virginia has already been 
 noticed. Bereft of almost every resource but the firm hearts and 
 stout arms of her sons, this State was unprepared to resist tha 
 danger which stood on her threshold, and could add but little to 
 the strength of the Southern army. 
 
 * Col. 0. H. Williams. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 257 
 
 The aspect of the country around Gen. Greene was not more 
 encouraging. The predatory war which had hitherto been prose 
 cuted in the Carolinas, had banished industry as well as the hopes 
 which nerve the arm of labor. The fields not visited by the 
 despoil er, of one party or the other, were those onlv from which 
 nothing was to be gleaned. The general demoralization which 
 naturally followed, was incalculably increased by the rancor of 
 party feeling. A large proportion of the people were attached 
 to the British rule ; but much the greater number were the 
 friends of independence. Many of these two parties, which were 
 known by the. names of whig and tory, took an active part in the 
 war ; and their animosity to each other constantly displayed 
 itself with little less than savage fury. As one act of cruelty 
 generally originates another, in the frequent encounters of these 
 partisans, the claims of mercy were seldom regarded ; while 
 murders, robberies, and burnings were daily committed, under the 
 sanction which war so commonly affords to crime. The whigs, 
 actuated by a love of country, and a desire of independence from 
 European control, stimulated, perhaps, by personal losses and 
 wrongs, were only sustained in their efforts by the hopes of an 
 ultimate triumph ; and, in pursuit of this, they endured every 
 privation, and made every sacrifice. The tories, encouraged arid 
 protected by the British, and sharing largely in the money s-o 
 lavishly expended by the latter, took the field in numbers, and 
 fought with a constancy and a courage that would have done 
 honor to a better cause. Up to this period, some three thousand 
 of these loyalists had been raised and brought to a state of 
 efficiency little inferior to that of the British regulars. 
 
 The army under Cornwallis, strong in numbers, and complete 
 in all its equipments, was awaiting only the arrival of Gen. Leslie s 
 reinforcement, to prosecute to a completion the threatened subju 
 gation of the South. The strength of this army has never been 
 accurately ascertained. But there is abundant evidence to show 
 that it was not less than 4,000 men. These, rendered confident 
 
258 THE LIFE OF 
 
 from the success which had hitherto attended them, were eager 
 for the opening of the campaign. 
 
 To meet an emergency attended by such discouraging circum 
 stances, Gen. Greene was placed at the head of an army, not 
 exceeding 2,000 men in all, of which but 800 were regular troops. 
 Small as was this force, it was almost naked, badly armed, short 
 of ammunition and supplies, and destitute of tents and wagons 
 in short, deficient in every requisite of an army. For some time 
 previously to Gen. Greene s assumption of the command, it had 
 literally lived from hand to mouth ; there were now but three 
 days provision in store, and no certain prospect of a fresh supply 
 before that was exhausted. The country for some miles around 
 the American camp had been completely stripped of provisions, 
 while the want of wagons rendered it impossible to obtain the 
 supplies which were abundant at a greater distance. If anything 
 were wanting, in addition, to merge discouragement into despair, 
 it existed in the belief that the army was more likely to diminish, 
 from the limitations of service, and desertion, than to increase 
 from the promised reinforcements. The intelligence received by 
 the general from Congress and the State governments in the 
 Southern department, did not encourage his hopes of being able 
 to take the field against the enemy before the succeeding spring. 
 Yet it became evident that the latter would commence operations 
 before that time, and carry into effect the threatened invasion of 
 North Carolina. " 
 
 The policy adopted by Gen. Greene under these circumstances 
 was indicative of sound judgment ; its correctness was subsequently 
 confirmed by the success which attended it. He determined to divide 
 his forces into two bodies, and to take post on the right and left of 
 the enemy. The main body, under his own direction, was to 
 occupy a position on the waters of the Pedee ; while a strong 
 detachment, the command of which was confided to Gen. Morgan, 
 was to operate in the country between the Broad and Pacolet 
 rivers. The reasons for this disposition may be briefly stated. 
 
 * Correspondence; Johnson s Greene, vol. i.,pp. 340-346. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 259 
 
 The scarcity of provisions in the neighborhood of Charlotte 
 required a change of situation ; and the quarters to which the 
 troops were about moving would, it was believed, furnish an 
 abundance. The people in these districts were mostly zealous 
 whigs, and under the protection afforded them by a regular 
 force, it was expected that they would take the field in large 
 numbers. Although the road was thus left open for Cornwallis to 
 advance into North Carolina, he could not take this step without 
 exposing his flanks and the posts in his rear to the assaults of 
 Greene and Morgan, leaving out of account the opposition he 
 might possibly meet with in front, from the patriotic inhabitants, 
 particularly those of Mecklenburg and Rowan, and the mountain 
 warriors who destroyed Ferguson. Camden and Ninety-six, the 
 principal of these posts, kept the whole country below them in 
 subjection ; they were, besides, the main depositories of stores 
 and provisions for the British army. The capture of these places 
 would be followed by a general uprising of the whigs throughout 
 South Carolina, and perhaps prove fatal to the objects of the 
 enemy in the South. But notwithstanding all these risks, should 
 the British persevere in advancing towards Virginia, they would 
 yet be much further from Hillsborough, a point intersecting the 
 usual route thither, than the main body of the Americans. This 
 division, retreating to that place, would be enabled to throw 
 themselves before the enemy, and preserve their communications 
 with the North, from whence they expected their supplies and 
 reinforcements. The division under Morgan could in the mean 
 time retreat before the enemy and impede their advance ; or fall 
 upon and harass their rear. It was at liberty, besides, to 
 descend into South Carolina, and re-exciting by its presence the 
 spirit of revolt, gather around it a militia force sufficiently strong 
 to enable it to capture successively the British posts, and perhaps 
 to effect the re-conquest of the country north and west of 
 Charleston. 
 
 But Gen. Greene s main object was to alarm Cornwallis for the 
 
260 THE LIFE OF 
 
 safety of his posts to such a degree, as to induce him to defer the 
 prosecution of his designs on North Carolina and Virginia, and 
 to detain him in South Carolina, until an army could be raised 
 sufficiently strong to fight him with a prospect of success. .In this 
 Greene to some extent succeeded.* 
 
 On the 20th of December, the divisions of the American army 
 moved in opposite directions from Charlotte. The main body, 
 under the command of Gen. Huger, took up its line of march 
 towards the Pedee, and crossing to the eastern bank of that river, 
 moved down a few miles, and on the 26th, encamped at Hick s 
 Creek, nearly opposite the Cheraw Hills. The detachment com 
 manded by Morgan, consisting of three hundred and twenty light 
 infantry, two hundred Virginia militia, and about eighty cavalry, 
 in all five hundred and eighty men, was put in motion for the 
 country watered by the Broad and Pacolet rivers. 
 
 A few days previous to this movement, Morgan received a 
 letter from Gen. Greene, announcing his appointment to the com 
 mand of this corps, and containing his instructions, the nature of 
 which will be best understood by the letter itself. 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 SIR: You are appointed to the command of a corps of light infantry, a 
 detachment of yiilitia, and Lieut.-Col. Washington s regiment of light 
 dragoons. With these troops you will proceed to the west side of the 
 Catawba river, whore you will be joined by a body of volunteer militia, 
 under the command of Brig. Gen. Davidson, of this State, and by the 
 militia lately under the command of Brig. Gen. Sumter. This force, and 
 such others as may join you from Georgia, you will employ against the 
 enemy on the west side of the river, either offensively or defensively, as 
 your own prudence and discretion may direct, acting with caution and 
 avoiding surprises by every possible precaution. For the present, I give 
 you the entire command in that quarter, and do hereby require all officers 
 and soldiers engaged in the American camp to be subject to your orders 
 and command. 
 
 The object of this detachment is to give protection to that part of the 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL M3RGAN. 261 
 
 country and spirit up the people, to annoy the enemy in that quarter, col 
 lect the provisions and forage out of the way of the enemy, which you will 
 have formed into a number of small magazines in the rear of the position 
 you may think proper to take. You will prevent plundering as much as 
 possible, and be as careful of your provisions and forage as may be, 
 giving receipts for whatever you take to all such as are friends to the 
 independence of America. 
 
 Should the enemy move in force towards the Pedee, where this army 
 will take a position, you will move in such direction as will enable you to 
 join me if necessary, or to fall back upon the flank or into the rear of the 
 enemy, as occasion may require. You will spare no pains to get good 
 intelligence of the enemy s situation, and keep me constantly advertised 
 of both your and their movements. You will appoint, for the time being, 
 a commissary, quarter-master, and forage-master, who will follow your 
 instructions in their several lines. 
 
 Confiding in your abilities and activity, I entrust you with this command, 
 being persuaded you will do everything in your power to distress the enemy, 
 and afford protection to the country. 
 
 Given under my hand at Charlotte, this 16th December, 1780. 
 
 NATH. GREENK. 
 
 To BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
262 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Morgan marches towards the Catawba river His expectations of being joined by the 
 militia disappointed Causes of their non-appearance Letter from Gen. Davidson 
 Morgan s arrangements Detaches Col. Washington against a body of Tories The 
 latter cut to pieces Washington destroys Fort Williams Morgan sends another 
 detachment to cover Washington s retreat Letters : from Morgan to Greene ; from 
 Gov. Rutledge to Morgan ; from Greene to Morgan ; from Col. 0. II. Williams to 
 Morgan; from Greene to Morgan; from Morgan to Greene; from Greene to 
 Morgan Cornwallis directs Tarleton to advance against Morgan Cornwallis puts his 
 army in motion. 
 
 PURSUING his march, Morgan crossed the Catawba at Biggin s 
 Ferry, a short distance below the mouth of the Little Catawba, on 
 the evening of the 20th of December ; and crossing Broad river, 
 above the mouth of the Pacolet, encamped at Grindall s Fort, on 
 the north bank of the latter river, on the 25th. 
 
 Upon starting from Charlotte, he felt assured of being joined 
 on his route by a considerable body of the large militia force, 
 which it was expected would now be. on foot, to cooperate with 
 both divisions of the army. The hopes of the people, now recov 
 ered from the shock which they received at Camden in the pre 
 ceding August, burst forth anew with a more ardent zeal ; and 
 the representations which poured in upon the American com 
 manders, justified them in believing that the host which gathered 
 at Gilbertown upon the approach of Ferguson, were ready at the 
 word of command, to descend from their native hills and reenact 
 the tragedy of King s Mountain. To produce such a result, 
 letters had previously been addressed to Generals Marion, Sumter, 
 and Davidson, Colonels Pickens, Campbell, Clark, Tvviggs, Cleave- 
 
GENERAL D A N I E L MORGAN. 263 
 
 land, and other zealous and influential commanders, apprising 
 them of the contemplated movement, and invoking; their aid at 
 the head of the militia. But a recent incursion of the Indians 
 had given the militia employment in another direction ; and the 
 disappointment which Morgan experienced from this circum 
 stance, was coupled with the intimation it afforded him of an early 
 movement of the British army. Hitherto the commencement of 
 general operations on the part of the British, had always been 
 heralded by the advance of their savage allies into those districts 
 from whence the militia were to be drawn. The latter were thus 
 compelled to remain in their own section of country, to guard 
 their families and homes against the chances of murder and 
 devastation. Two or three days elapsed after Morgan reached 
 the banks of the Pacolet, before he received any aid of this 
 description, when about two hundred and sixty mounted Corolini- 
 ans, under Col. Pickins and Major McCall, arrived. In lieu of 
 General Davidson, who, it was confidently expected, would imme 
 diately join him at the head of from six hundred to one 
 thousand men, the following letter from that officer, explaining 
 the causes of his non-appearance, overtook Morgan on the march. 
 
 CAMP RAMSON S BATTLE GROUND, Dec. 14/A, 1T80. 
 
 SIR: My orders from General Greene were to join you as soon as possi 
 ble after you crossed the river, which I should have effected before this 
 time, had the troops joined, agreeable to my expectations. But the expe 
 dition against the Cherokee Downs, and the murders committed in Ruth 
 erford and Burke counties, have entirely drawn off the attention of the 
 people who were to compose my command. I suspect it to be a strata 
 gem, as Davis was undoubtedly concerned in the murders. I have not 
 ninety men ; but have some hopes from Shelby and Cleaveland, on which I 
 shall wait until Tuesday, when I shall move to join you, be my force what 
 it may. Do remedy as much as possible the present disappointment. I 
 have dispatched orders to all the colonels in the district of Salisbury, to 
 make their drafts immediately, and forward them to Charlotte against the 
 10th day of next month. The whole will amount to one thousand. I 
 consider it of the utmost importance to support the western settle- 
 
264 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ments of South Carolina and Georgia. I should be happy to know 
 where to find you. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 WM. DAVIDSON. 
 GKN. DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 On the 28th or 29th of December, Gen. Davidson arrived at 
 Morgan s camp, bringing- with him only one hundred and twenty 
 men. But he returned immediately for the drafts alluded to 
 above, who, to the number of five hundred or more, were then 
 embodied at Salisbury. 
 
 Reckoning on the cooperation of a large body of the finest 
 militia in the country, General Morgan had previously concerted 
 a plan of offensive operations, within the scope of which, an attack 
 upon Cornwallis in his camp was even included. Had his expec 
 tations of reinforcements been but partially realized, he intended 
 attacking and taking successively the posts of Ninety-six and 
 Augusta. Hereupon being joined by Marion (who at this time 
 was operating against Georgetown), with their combined forces, 
 such additional advantages over the enemy might be obtained, as 
 the courage and strength of their forces, and the fortune of war, 
 might afford them. It was therefore a source of bitter mortifica 
 tion to Morgan to be compelled, from the feebleness of his force, 
 to relinquish designs which promised results equally important 
 and glorious, and to confine himself to a line of duty, which, 
 while it subjected him to the most imminent peril, was secondary 
 in its nature and objects. But the circumstances of the case 
 admitted of no alternative, and in conformity with his instruc 
 tions, he immediately commenced measures, having for their 
 objects, the injury and annoyance of the enemy, the augmenta 
 tion of his forces, the collection of provisions and forage, and the 
 establishment of magazines of supplies in the rear of his posi 
 tion. His first step was to organize the means of obtaining 
 speedy, correct, and frequent information of the enemy s 
 movements. To this end, a number of active and intelligent 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 265 
 
 men were sent forward into the neighborhood of the British 
 camp, with directions to note everything that transpired there, 
 and to report to him at least twice in twenty-four hours. He 
 opened a correspondence with a number of the most influential 
 militia officers in the district under his command, explaining the 
 important objects which might be effected with the aid of a large 
 body of militia, and entreating them to join laim with their 
 commands, at the earliest practicable moment. Captain Chitty, 
 the commissary of provisions, in conjunction with the forage- 
 master, was dispatched from camp, with directions to collect all 
 provisions and forage to be found in the country between the 
 Broad and Catawba rivers, and to deposit them in magazines to 
 be established for the purpose. These matters having been 
 arranged, his attention was now directed towards the enemy, in 
 the hope that some opening might speedily offer, through which 
 he could annoy them. Such an opening soon after presented 
 itself, and was promptly seized. The consequences which 
 followed are well worthy of recital, less from their intrinsic impor 
 tance, than from the material influence which they undoubtedly 
 exercised on the subsequent operations of the British army. 
 
 Two or three days after Morgan had taken post on the Pacolet, 
 one of his spies returned to camp with the information that a 
 body of loyalists from the Savannah river, about two hundred and 
 fifty in number, and led by Col. Waters, were laying waste the 
 settlements on Fair Forest Creek, distant about twenty miles from 
 the American camp. The inhabitants in the neighborhood of 
 this creek were all staunch whigs, and the pretext of a design on 
 their part to take up arms was framed for the purpose of giving 
 something like a legal sanction to the outrage and robbery of 
 which they were made the victims. Against this body of tories, 
 Morgan dispatched Lieut. Col. Washington with his cavalry and 
 about two hundred mounted militia under Major M Call, with 
 directions to surprise them if possible, but at all events, to disperse 
 them. 
 
 12 
 
266 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Arriving at Fair Forest Creek, Washington was informed that 
 the tones, having been apprised of his approach, had decamped 
 the day previously. He subsequently learned that they had 
 retreated to Hammond s Store, a place about twenty miles further 
 South, where, deeming themselves secure from danger, Winns- 
 borough being on their right, and Ninety-six on their left, they 
 intended reposing for a few days. In the hope of surprising then 
 in their camp, Washington resumed the pursuit, and after an 
 unceasing march of nearly forty miles, at length came up with 
 them. 
 
 The result was fearful and bloody, and furnished a lesson of 
 retribution that forever after influenced the conduct of Che 
 disaffected in South Carolina. The rapine and cruelty wLich 
 marked the footsteps of the tories in the settlements at Fair 
 Forest Creek, inspired the American troops with such feelings of 
 high-wrought indignation, and such a keen desire for revenge, as 
 to render them impatient and reckless in the pursuit, as well as 
 merciless and uncontrollable in the work of death. Instantly 
 charging in front and flank the panic-stricken foe, whose efforts 
 from the onset were directed rather towards flight than defence, 
 a rout immediately followed ; and notwithstanding the strenuous 
 efforts of Washington and McCall to restrain the fury of their 
 men, the slaughter ceased not while an object of vengeance 
 remained within reach. Of the two hundred and fifty men whom 
 Waters commanded previous to the action, one hundred and fifty 
 were killed and wounded ; only forty were taken prisoners ; the 
 remaining sixty, with their commander, succeeded in escaping. 
 
 The detachment was now so far advanced within the British 
 lines, as to admonish Washington of the prudence of an imme 
 diate and speedy return. But another opportunity of dealing the 
 enemy a blow presented itself; and although the attempt would 
 greatly increase hisj danger, he could not resist the temptation to 
 make it. The object of this fresh enterprise was a British post, 
 which had recently been established at a point some fifteen miles 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 267 
 
 northeast of Ninety-six, and on the line of communication between 
 that place, Winnsborough and Camden. At this post, in a strongly 
 stockaded log house, called Fort William, was a small garrison of 
 about one hundred and fifty men, under Gen. Cunningham. The 
 place was reducible only by artillery or surprise. In the hope of 
 being able to surprise the garrison, a party of forty mounted 
 militia, under Col. Hays, and ten dragoons, under Cornet Simons, 
 were sent forward to make the attempt. But Cunningham, 
 having received intelligence of Waters s defeat, and of Washing 
 ton s approach, made preparations for decamping ; and he had 
 just evacuated the fort when the small party sent against him 
 appeared. The superior numbers of Cunningham s command, 
 added to the firm countenance it displayed, prevented Col. Hays 
 from reaping any advantage over it. But he took possession of 
 the abandoned fort, which, having destroyed, he rejoined Wash 
 ington. The latter now rapidly retraced his steps towards the 
 neighborhood of the Pacolet. 
 
 In the mean time, the lengthened and unaccountable absence of 
 Washington s detachment filled Morgan with, anxiety. Being at 
 length informed of its success, and of the great distance to which 
 it had penetrated within the enemy s lines, he became seriously 
 alarmed for its safety, and at once determined to run some hazard 
 in order to secure its retreat. More than one half of his remain 
 ing force accordingly crossed the Pacolet, and advanced south 
 ward some twenty miles. Being soon after joined by Washington 
 and his command, the troops in advance returned, and the whole 
 detachment re-assembled on the north bank of the Pacolet, on 
 the 6th of January. 
 
 This affair, with an account of the reinforcements he had received, 
 a glance at the difficulties and dangers which surrounded him, and 
 the suggestion of an expedition to Georgia, was made the subject of 
 the following letter to Gen. Greene. 
 
 CAMP ON PACOLKT CREEK, Dec. Slst, 1781. 
 
 DKAU GENERAL : After an uninteresting march, I arrived at this place on 
 the 25th of December. On the 27th, I received intelligence that a body of 
 
268 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Georgia lories, about two hundred and fifty in number, had advanced as far 
 as Fair Forest, and were insulting and plundering the good people in this 
 neighborhood. On the 29th, I dispatched Lieut.-Col. Washington, with his 
 own regiment and two hundred militia horse, who had just joined me, to 
 attack them. Before the colonel could overtake them, they had retreated 
 upwards of twenty miles. He came up with them next day, about twelve 
 o clock, at Hammond s store-house, forty miles from our camp. They were 
 alarmed and flew to their horses. Lieut.-Col. Washington extended his 
 mounted riflemen on the wings, and charged them in front with his own 
 regiment. They fled with the greatest precipitation, without making any 
 resistance. One hundred and fifty were killed and wounded, and about 
 forty taken prisoners. What makes this success more valuable, it Avas 
 attained without the loss of a man. This intelligence I have just received 
 by the Baron de Glaubec, who served in the expedition as a volunteer. To 
 guard against any misfortune, I have detached two hundred men to cover 
 the retreat of the fortunate party. When I obtain a more particular account, 
 I shall transmit it to head-quarters, and recommend to your particular atten 
 tion those men who have distinguished themselves on this occasion. 
 
 The militia are increasing fast, so that we cannot be supplied in this 
 neighborhood more than two or three days at farthest. Were we to 
 advance, and be constrained to retreat, the consequence would be very 
 disagreeable; and this must be the case should we lay near the enemy, 
 and Cornwallis reinforce, which he can do with the greatest facility. 
 
 General Davidson has brought in one hundred and twenty men, and has 
 returned to bring forward a draft of five hundred more. Col. Pickens has 
 joined me with sixty. Thirty or forty of the men who came out with him 
 have gone into North Carolina to secure their effects, and will immediately 
 repair to my camp. 
 
 When I shall have collected my expected force, I shall be at a loss how 
 to act. Could a diversion be made in my favor by the main army, I 
 should wish to march into Georgia. To me it appears an advisable 
 scheme, but should be happy to receive your directions on this point, as 
 they must be the guide of my actions. I have consulted with Gen. 
 Davidson and Col. Pickens, whether we could secure a safe retreat, should 
 we be pushed by a superior force. They tell me it can be easily effected 
 by passing up the Savannah and crossing over the heads of the rivers along 
 the Indian line. 
 
 To expedite this movement, should it meet with your approbation, I 
 have sent for one hundred swords, which I intend to put into the hands 
 of expert riflemen, to be mounted and incorporated with Lieut. Col 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 269 
 
 Washington s corps. I have also written to the quarter-master to have 
 me one hundred packsaddles made immediately should be glad if you 
 would direct him to be expeditious. Packsaddles ought to be procured, 
 let, our movements be what they may, for our wagons will be an impedi 
 ment, whether we attempt to annoy the enemy or provide for our own 
 safety. It is incompatible with the nature of light troops to be encum 
 bered with baggage. 
 
 I would wish to receive an answer to this proposition as soon as possi 
 ble. This country has been so exhausted, that the supplies for my 
 detachment have been precarious and scant ever since my arrival, and in 
 a few days will be unattainable ; so that a movement is unavoidable. At 
 my particular request, Col. Malmady has been so obliging as to undertake 
 the delivery of these dispatches. He will be able to give you a just idea 
 of our situation and prospects. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 N. B. Should this expedition be thought advisable, a profound secrecy 
 will be essentially necessary, as you know it is the soul of enterprise. Col. 
 Lee s corps would ensure its success. D. M. 
 
 HON. MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 After the affair at Hammond s store, and until a fortnight had 
 elapsed, nothing occurred to cause Morgan any uneasiness, or to 
 give intimation of the thrilling events which were so soon to 
 follow. The interim may therefore be advantageously employed 
 in the consideration of such portions of his correspondence as will 
 serve to illustrate the narrative, display the private feelings of 
 some of the writers, and afford a correct insight of the views and 
 objects of others. 
 
 Governor Rutledge, the writer of the following letter, was one 
 of the most distinguished men of the period. His talents and 
 patriotism have won for his memory a bright page in the history 
 of his country. He was earnestly in favor of a descent on the 
 British posts on the Saluda and Savannah rivers, and concurred 
 with Morgan in the belief, that such an attempt, if successful, 
 <*">iild seriously interfere with the designs then entertained by 
 
270 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cornwallis against North Carolina and Virginia.* But the 
 absence of a sufficient force of regular troops or militia rendered 
 the enterprise too hazardous to be attempted. The Indians of 
 Georgia and South Carolina, to whom this letter chiefly relates, 
 took an active part in the struggle, and generally on the side of 
 the British, who took care to conciliate their friendship by the 
 profuse distribution 01 presents among them. As has been 
 already noticed, they were generally sent forward in advance of a 
 movement of the British army, to harass the inhabitants of the 
 whig districts, and by arousing the fears of the latter for the 
 safety of their families, to prevent their assembling in arms when 
 their aid was most needed. To check an evil attended with such 
 mischievous consequences, was of the utmost importance, and his 
 efforts were at length crowned with success. 
 
 CHARLOTTE, Dec. 22rf, 17SO. 
 
 DEAR SIR: The bearer can give you some account of the enemy s 
 works (two forts, one of them a stockade, and two redoubts) at Ninety- 
 six. I think their stockade may appears formidable to the country 
 people ; but that regular troops would find the taking of it no very diffi 
 cult matter, if it has neither ditch nor abattis, and if Mr. Brown s other 
 accounts of it are true. However, I refer you to him for particulars on 
 this head, which may be somewhat satisfactory. 
 
 He tells me that Galphin (who I heard was dead) is alive, at home. He 
 is certainly our staunch friend, and his influence among the Indians, 
 especially the Creeks, is still great. I wish you could send a confidential 
 person to him, with this message from me, viz.: To use his utmost influ 
 ence and interest with the Creeks, to keep them quiet to inform them 
 that a large fleet and a number of troops sailed from Havana, in October, 
 against St. Augustine or Pensacola, and that more were preparing to go 
 against these places that the Spaniards will certainly soon havethe 
 Floridas and that the other States and the French will soon get back 
 South Carolina and Georgia ; therefore advising the Indians to get all the 
 goods they can from the British, but by no means to take up the hatchet, 
 or kill any of our people ; for if they do, as soon as the E.iglish art 
 beaten, we shall fall upon them, the Indians. This may have a good 
 
 * Letter, Rutledge, Jan. 12, 1781. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 271 
 
 effect, and in a measure may be absolutely necessary, as the bearer says 
 he hears that Brown has a good many Creeks at Augusta, and that he 
 expects more there, to act against our people. Indeed, if we can regain 
 Ninety-six, we must not suffer the enemy to possess Augusta, for they 
 will hold their influence over the Indians while they hold that place. Col. 
 Polk tells me that he heard, yesterday, from Gen. Davidson, that volun 
 teers were flocking in to him briskly. I hope he will soon join you with a 
 respectable force. Success attend you. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 
 J. RUTLEDGE. 
 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 The arrival at the Cheraws of the main body of the American 
 army, the landing of Gen. Leslie at Charleston, and other 
 matters, form the subject of the following letter from General 
 Greene : 
 
 CAMP ON THE CHERAWS, on the east side of Psdee, \ 
 Dec. Wth, 1780. f 
 
 DEAR SIR : We arrived here the 26th inst., after a very tedious and dis 
 agreeable march, owing to the badness of the roads and the poor and 
 weak state of our teams. Our prospects with regard to provisions are 
 mended, but this is no Egypt. 
 
 I have this moment received intelligence that Gen. Leslie has landed at 
 Charleston, and is on his way to Camden. His force is about two thous 
 and, perhaps something less. I also am informed that Lord Cornwallis 
 has collected his troops at Camden. You will watch their motions very 
 narrowly, and take care and guard against a surprise. Should they move 
 in force this way, you will endeavor to cross the river and join us. Do 
 not be sparing of your expresses, but let me know as often as possible, of 
 your situation. I wish to be fully informed of your prospect respecting 
 provisions, and also the number of militia that has joined you. 
 
 A large number of tents and hatchets are on the road. As soon as 
 they arrive you shall be supplied. Many other articles necessary for this 
 army, particularly shoes, are coming on. 
 
 I am sir, your ir.ost obedient servant, 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE. 
 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 A warm friendship existed between the writer of the annexed 
 
272 TIIE LIFE OF 
 
 letter and Morgan. He was one of the most accomplished ai/d 
 gallant officers that took a part in the great drama of the revolu 
 tion. 
 
 CAMP HICKS S CREEK, on Pedee, Deo. SMTi, 17SO. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL : I enclose you a number of letters, by a sergeant of 
 Lieut. Col. Washington s regiment, Avhich I hope will arrive safe. We 
 are at present in a camp of repose, and the general is exerting himself, 
 and everybody else, to put his little army in a better condition. Tents in 
 sufficient numbers for a larger army than ours, are coming from Philadel 
 phia ; they are expected to arrive early in January. We also expect a 
 number of shoes, shirts, and some other articles essentially necessary. 
 
 Col. Marion writes the general, that General Leslie landed at Charleston, 
 with his command, on the 20th inst., and that he had advanced as far as 
 Monks s Corner. You know Lord Cornwallis has collected his force at 
 Camden probably they mean to form a junction, and attempt to give a 
 blow to a part of our force while we are divided, and most probably that 
 blow will be aimed at you, as our position in the centre of a wilderness is 
 less accessible than your camp. I know your discretion renders all caution 
 from me unnecessary ; but my friendship will plead a-n excuse for the 
 impertinence of wishing you to run no risk of a defeat. May your laurels 
 flourish when your locks fade, and an age of peace reward your toils in 
 war. My love to every fellow soldier, and adieu. 
 
 Yours, most truly, 
 
 0. II. WILLIAMS. 
 
 The reader will have noticed in the two preceding letters, that 
 the objects of the enemy s movements were differently interpreted 
 by the writers. Greene always suspected that these movements 
 had reference to himself; Williams believed that they had ulti 
 mate designs against Morgan ; and in this opinion he was joined 
 by the la ter. 
 
 The following, from Gen. Greene, was in reply to Morgan s 
 letter of the 31st : 
 
 CAMP SOUTH CAROLINA, AT KURSHADT S FERRY, east side of Pedee, \ 
 
 Jan. 8$, 1781. f 
 
 DEAR SIR : Col. Malmady arrived here yesterday, with your letter of the 
 31st December. Nothing could have afforded more pleasure than the sue- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 273 
 
 cessful attack of Lieut. Col. Washington upon the tories. I hope it will 
 be attended "with a happy influence upon both whig and tory, to the 
 reclaiming of the one, and the encouragement of the other. I wish you 
 to forward me an official report as soon as possible, that I may send it to 
 the northward. 
 
 I have maturely considered your proposition of an expedition into 
 Georgia, and cannot think it warrantable in the critical situation our army 
 is in. I have no small reason to think, by intelligence from different 
 quarters, that the enemy have a movement in contemplation, and that in 
 all probability it will be this way, from the impudence of the tories, who 
 are collecting in different quarters, in the most inaccessible swamps and 
 morasses. Should you go into Georgia, and the enemy push this way, 
 your whole force will be useless. The enemy having no object there but 
 what is secure in their fortifications, will take no notice of your 
 movement, but serve you as General Provost did General Lincoln, oblige 
 you to return by making a forward movement themselves ; and you will 
 be so far in the rear that you can do them no injury. But if you con 
 tinue in the neighborhood of the place you now are at, and they attempt 
 to push forward, you may interrupt their communications with Charleston, 
 or harass their rear, both of which will alarm the enemy not a little. 
 
 If you employ detachments to interrupt supplies going to Ninety-six, 
 and Augusta, it will perplex the enemy much. If you think Ninety-six, 
 Augusta, or even Savannah can be surprised, and your force will admit of 
 a detachment for the purpose, and leave you a sufficiency to keep up 
 a good countenance, you may attempt it. But don t think of attempting 
 either, unless by surprise, for you will only beat your heads against the 
 wall without success. Small parties are better to effect a surprise than 
 large bodies, and the success will not greatly depend upon the numbers, 
 but on the secrecy and spirit of the attack. 
 
 I must repeat my caution to you to guard against a surprise. The 
 enemy and the tories both will try to bring you into disgrace, if possi 
 ble, to prevent your influence upon the militia, especially the weak and 
 wavering. 
 
 I cannot pretend to give you any particular instructions respecting a 
 position. But somewhere between the Saluda and the north branch of 
 Broad river appears to be the most favorable for annoying the enemy, 
 interrupting their supplies, and harassing their rear, if they should make 
 a movement this way. 
 
 If you could detach a small party to kill the enemy s draft horses and 
 ^ecruiting cavalry, upon the Congaree, it would give them almost as deadly 
 
 12* 
 
274 T II E LIFE OF 
 
 a blow as a defeat. But this matter must be conducted with great secrecy 
 and dispatch. 
 
 Lieut. Col. Lee has just arrived with his legion, and Col. Green is within 
 a few days march of this, with a reinforcement. 
 
 I am, dear sir, truly yours, 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 The difficulties and dangers of Morgan s position are the chief 
 topic of the following* letter to Gen. Greene : 
 
 CAMP ON PACOLET, Jan. 4, 1TS1. 
 
 DEAR SIR: As soon as I could form a just judgment of your situation 
 and prospects, I dispatched Col. Malmady to give you the necessary infor 
 mation, and I flatter myself he has done it to your satisfaction. The 
 account he brings you of Lieut. Col. Washington s success at Hammond s 
 store is as authentic as any I have been able to collect. It was followed 
 by some small advantages. Gen. Cunningham, on hearing of Waters s 
 defeat, prepared to evacuate Fort Williams, and had just marched out 
 with the last of his garrison, as a party, consisting of about forty militia 
 horsemen under Col. Hays, and ten dragoons under Mr. Simmonds, arrived 
 with an intention of demanding a surrender. The enemy s force was so 
 superior to theirs, that they could effect nothing more than the demolition 
 of the fort. 
 
 Sensible of the importance of guarding against surprise, I have used 
 every precaution on this head. I have had men who were recommended 
 as every way calculated for the business, continually watching the motions 
 of the enemy; so that unless they deceive me, I am in no danger of being 
 surprised. 
 
 I have received no acquisition of force since I wrote you ; but I expect 
 in a few days to be joined by Cols. Clark s and Twiggs s regiments. Their 
 numbers I cannot ascertain. The men on the north side of Broad river I 
 have not yet ordered to join me ; but have directed their officers to keep 
 them in compact bodies, that they may be ready to march at the shortest 
 notice. I intend these as a check on the enemy, should they attempt any 
 thing against my detachment. 
 
 My situation is far from being agreeable to my wishes or expectations. 
 Forage and provisions are not to be had. Here we cannot subsist, so that 
 we have but one alternative, either to retreat or move into Georgia. A 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 275 
 
 retreat will be attended with the most fatal consequences. The spirit 
 which now begins to pervade the people, and call them into the field, will 
 be destroyed. The militia who have already joined will desert us, and it 
 is not improbable but that a regard for their own safety will induce them 
 to join the enemy. 
 
 I shall wait with impatience for your directions on the subject of my 
 letter to Col. Malmady, as till then my operations must be suspended. 
 I am, dear sir, truly yours, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 The annexed letter is in reply to the foregoing : 
 
 CAMP ON THE PEDEE, Jan. 13, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I am this moment favored with your letter of the 4th inst. 
 Col. Malmady also delivered me your dispatches of the 31st of December, 
 which I answered the 8th inst., wherein I informed you that I cannot 
 think an expedition into Georgia eligible at this time. Since I wrote you 
 I have received letters from Virginia, informing me of the arrival of Gen. 
 Phillips, with a detachment of 2,500 men from New York. This circum 
 stance renders it still more improper for you to move far to the southward. 
 It is my wish also that you should hold your ground if possible; for I 
 foresee the disagreeable consequences that will result from a retreat. If 
 moving as far as Ninety-six, or anywhere in the neighborhood of it, will 
 contribute to the obtaining more ample supplies, you have my consent. 
 Col. Tarleton is said to be on his way to pay you a visit. I doubt not but 
 he will have a decent reception and a proper dismission. And I am happy 
 to find you have taken every proper precaution to avoid a surprise. 
 
 I wish you to be more particular respecting your plan and object in 
 paying a visit to Georgia. 
 
 Virginia is raising 3,000 men to recruit this army. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE 
 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Before this letter was received, the anticipated meeting had 
 taken place, and a blow had been struck, which gave a new and 
 decisive character to the subsequent operations of the contending 
 armies. 
 
 The recent advance of Lieut. Col. Washington to the vicinity 
 
276 THE L I F E *O F 
 
 of Ninety-six, confirmed Cornwallie in the belief that Morgan 
 meditated serious designs against that important British post. 
 The fortifications of this place were not sufficiently strong to 
 resist the attack of regular troops, particularly when aided by 
 cannon. This Cornwailis well knew ; but regarding the strength 
 
 & & & 
 
 of Morgan s force, or whether it was accompanied by cannon, he 
 was not so certain. Even could the post be successfully defended 
 against an assault, little advantage would result to the British, 
 unless tha adjacent country, which furnished subsistence to the 
 garrison and the tories in the district, could also be protected. 
 This, to Cornwallis s mind, was in imminent danger, and called 
 for prompt precautionary measures.* 
 
 Other causes of anxiety to the British had arisen from 
 Morgan s movements. Previous to the tragedy of Hammond s 
 store, Cornwailis reckoned, not without reason, upon the co-opera 
 tion in considerable numbers of the tories in that quarter. But 
 so dispiriting were the effects of the severe blow which they 
 received on that occasion, that nothing thereafter could induce 
 them to take the field, and Cornwailis was obliged to relinquish 
 all hopes of aid from them. 
 
 These considerations were engaging the attention of the British 
 commander, when he received information that Morgan was in 
 full march for Ninety-six.f 
 
 Under feelings, partaking partly of alarm and partly of vexa 
 tion, he determined to take immediate and vigorous measures 
 against Morgan, even though their prosecution should derange 
 the main operations, the commencement of which he had intended 
 deferring until the arrival of the reinforcement under Leslie. 
 
 Accordingly, on the first of January, an aid was dispatched to 
 Lieut. Col. Tarleton, then lying with his command at Brierly s 
 Ferry, with directions to cross Broad river and counteract Morgan s 
 supposed designs. The day following, Cornwailis communicated 
 further instructions to Tarleton in the annexed note : 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 210. t Ibid 
 
GENEEAL DANIEL MORGAN. 277 
 
 WINXSBOROUGH, Jan. 2, 1731. 
 
 DEAR TARLETON : I sent Haldane to you last night, to desire you would 
 pass Broad river with the legion and the first battalion of the 71st as soon 
 as possible. If Morgan is still at Williams s, or any where within your 
 reach, I should wish you to push him to the utmost. I have not heard, 
 except from McArthur, of his having cannon, nor would I believe it, unless 
 he has it from very good authority. It is, however, possible, and Ninety- 
 six is of so much consequence, that no time is to be lost.* 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 CORNWALLIS. 
 
 On receiving these orders, Tarleton put his troops in motion. 
 These, according to his own accounts, consisted of the legion 
 cavalry and infantry, of five hundred and fifty men ; the first 
 battalion of the seventy -first regiment, of two hundred ; and two 
 three-pounders, with a detachment of the royal artillery in suffi 
 cient numbers to serve the pieces.f 
 
 Proceeding in a westerly direction for about twenty miles, 
 Tarleton received such information as satisfied him that Ninety- 
 six was in no immediate danger, and that Morgan was far from 
 its vicinity. He thereupon halted his troops, as well to allow 
 time for the arrival of their baggage, which had been left behind, 
 as to furnish Cornwallis with correct information, and to propose 
 for his lordship s sanction, a plan of operations against Morgan, 
 which struck him as promising great advantages. Informing 
 Cornwallis that Morgan, with his command, was on the west side 
 of Broad river, and that he threatened Ninety-six, Tarleton 
 proposed a simultaneous movement of the troops on both sides of 
 Broad river towards the Americans. He suggested, that while 
 the detachment under his command, after being reinforced, should 
 advance, and either destroy Morgan or push him before it over 
 Broad river towards King s Mountain, the main body should 
 move forward to the same point, and in case Morgan s forces 
 succeeded in crossing the river, intercept their further retreat, 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 244. t Tarleton s Campaign, p. 211. 
 
278 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and compel them either to fight, disperse across the mountains, 
 or surrender. 
 
 Cornwallis gave the proposed joint operations his approval, 
 and sending with the legion s baggage two hundred men of the 
 seventh regiment (designed as a reinforcement to the garrison at 
 Ninety-six), and fifty dragoons of the seventeenth regiment, 
 informed Tarleton that he would put the main body in motion on 
 the 7th. On the arrival of the baggage and troops, Tarleton 
 resumed his march. Two days were spent in crossing Indian and 
 Dunken creeks. Learning here that Morgan s force was rapidly 
 increasing, he was deterred from advancing farther on unknown 
 dangers. He accordingly made a halt, to gain information, and 
 to wait for the permission, solicited of Cornwallis, to retain under 
 his command the detachment of the seventh regiment, until the 
 operations in hand were completed. The main army had in the 
 moan time advanced from Winnsborough to a place called 
 McAllister s. His request having been granted, Tarleton resumed 
 his march on the 12th. He proceeded in a westerly direction, in 
 order to avail himself of the most practicable fords of the Ennoree 
 and the Tyger, and at the same time to lessen the probabilities 
 of Morgan s retreat, by a rapid movement in his front towards 
 Georgia. On the 14th, he crossed the Ennoree and Tyger rivers, 
 above the Cherokee road. On the same day he learned that 
 Cornwallis had reached Bull s Run ; that Leslie, having surmounted 
 the obstacles which had so greatly retarded his march, was 
 advancing, more rapidly, to effect a junction with the main body ; 
 and that Morgan, posted on the north bank of the Pacolet, was 
 guarding all the fords of that river. Apprising Cornwallis of 
 his intention to force a passage of the Pacolet, and compel 
 Morgan either to fight or retreat, and requesting his lordship to 
 proceed up the eastern bank of Broad river, and act in co-opera 
 tion should it be necessary, Tarleton advanced towards the Pacolet, 
 the neighborhood of which he reached on the 15th.* 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, pp. 211-213. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 279 
 
 The day following, Cornwallis reached Turkey Creek. Although 
 eight days had elapsed since this officer broke up his camp at 
 Winnsborough, he had advanced only forty miles. He was now some 
 twenty-five miles in the rear of the ground, about being the scene 
 of conflict, instead of being that distance in advance of it. It is 
 true, recent heavy rains, and the consequent swelling of all the 
 water courses, presented serious obstacles to a rapid progress, with 
 such an immense baggage train as accompanied his army. But 
 other considerations had made their way to his mind during his 
 march, admonishing him of the danger of precipitancy, if not 
 causing him to regret the premature movement into which he 
 had been drawn by Tarleton. His active forces were divided into 
 three bodies, each separated from the others by a distance of 
 from thirty to forty miles, and by two large rivers, now greatlv 
 swollen, and impassable, save at points w r idely apart. The 
 American army being divided into two bodies only, one on his 
 right, and the other on his left, the numerical superiority of his 
 forces was thus practically diminished, if not entirely neutralized. 
 Under the belief that the militia were gathering in very large 
 numbers around Greene and Morgan, his fears were aroused lest 
 one of his divisions should be overwhelmed, and that his entire 
 force would thus be destroyed in detail. An attack upon Leslie 
 by Greene, struck him as an enterprise no less feasible than one 
 by Morgan upon himself, now that his cavalry, light infantry, and 
 other troops detached under Tarleton, composing a force quite as 
 effective as that remaining with him, were absent. For Tarleton 
 he seems to have entertained no apprehensions. The activity and 
 courage of this officer, and the almost uniform success which had 
 attended him in his numerous enterprises, inspired his commander 
 with the confident belief that he would fulfill his promise, either 
 to destroy Morgan s corps or drive it over Broad river. Con 
 vinced that in the latter event it was not in the power of his 
 much incumbered army to cut off the retreat of a corps so active 
 aud bold, and even if it were, that the danger thus incurred 
 
280 THE LIFE OF 
 
 would more than counterbalance the utmost advantage to ba 
 gained, Cornwallis ordered Leslie to join him with all convenient 
 speed, and in the mean time delayed his march until* the desired 
 junction could be effected. 
 
 But precautions came too late to shield him from the conse 
 quences of a premature movement. While congratulating- him 
 self on having repaired his error, and thus avoided the conse 
 quences which it involved, misfortune overtook him from a quarter 
 least of all expected. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 281 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Morgan determines to take a position nearer to the fords of Broad river Tarleton 
 approaches Morgan retires to Burr s Mills Tarleton crosses the Pacolet Morgan 
 marches to the Cowpens, where he announces his intention of awaiting the enemy 
 Letter from Morgan to Greene, and reply thereto Tarleton follows Morgan A com 
 parison of these officers The motives which actuated them respectively in risking a 
 battle Morgan s preparations for the expected conflict Anecdote Tarleton 
 approaches Skirmish between the enemy s advance and the American patrol The 
 Cowpens Description of the field Morgan s disposition of his forces His directions 
 and exhortations to the men The enemy s cavalry drive in the American front 
 Tarleton s dispositions His advance to the attack The battle The enemy routed 
 Conflict between Washington and Tarleton The latter escapes capture only by a 
 mistake of his pursuers The results Official account of the battle, with a list of the 
 officers engaged therein. 
 
 MORGAN had been a watchful observer of the movements just 
 described. Up to the 14th, his determination had been to resist 
 a passage of the Pacolet by Tarleton. But the advance of Corn- 
 wallis on his left and towards his rear, while Tarleton menaced 
 him in front, admonished him of the danger of persevering in 
 this design. A successful defence of the fords of the Pacolet, 
 would be attended by no other important result, than to give 
 Cornwallis time to gain his rear ; while a defeat, under such cir 
 cumstances, must have been followed by the ruin of his command. 
 The instructions of General Greene, without revealing any deter 
 minate plan of operations, required him to hold his ground as 
 long as possible, and consented to a retreat only when no other 
 means were left of securing his corps from a misfortune. To 
 continue longer in his present advanced position, was but 
 courting destruction. The country in the neighborhood of the 
 Pacolet had thus far afforded Lira a scanty supply of provisions 
 
282 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and forage ; but so bare had it become, that a change to some 
 other was now demanded by the wants of his force, independently 
 of the additional reasons furnished by the proximity of the 
 enemy. Yet to retreat from the district, would have a most dis 
 piriting effect upon its patriotic inhabitants, would subject them to 
 persecution, and cause the militia to abandon him. His accurate 
 knowledge of Cornwallis s position, assured him of the practica 
 bility of retiring across Broad river, in spite of his lordship, if 
 the attempt were promptly made. But the loss of two or three 
 days more in the desire of engaging Tarleton at the Pacolet, 
 might leave him no other alternative than a retreat towards the 
 mountains. Such a step, under existing circumstances, would be 
 little less disastrous than a defeat. As will be seen, his efforts to 
 prepare for such a necessity, by establishing magazines of supplies 
 in that quarter, were rendered nugatory by the opposition of Col. 
 Sumter ; and without such supplies, a retreat in that direction 
 was impracticable. Before the advance of Leslie to the aid of 
 Cornwallis, and the subsequent development of their designs, a 
 descent into Georgia had been seriously considered by Morgan. 
 Although the scheme did not meet the approval of Gen. Greene, 
 a modification of it was suggested by that officer, which, contem 
 plating assaults upon the British posts of Ninety-six and Augusta, 
 embraced the contingency of an attack upon the enemy s flank 
 and rear, should they advance. In the present posture of affairs, 
 however, it was regarded by both Greene and Morgan as of the 
 utmost importance to preserve their communications with one 
 another, and to be enabled to effect a junction of their forces, 
 should the enemy evince a desio-n to prosecute a winter campaign. 
 Had Morgan been at liberty to move into Georgia, however, he 
 could not have done so without subjecting himself to an attack 
 from Tarleton, who, anticipating such a movement, had advanced 
 in such a direction as to place himself between that State and his 
 adversary. Morgan was, therefore, denied this resort even in an 
 extremity. The guarded and deliberate manner in which 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 283 
 
 Tarleton advanced upon him so unlike that officers usual mode 
 of approaching an opponent had, besides, aroused his suspicions 
 of a design such as that which had really been concerted 
 between Cornwallis and Tarleton to entrap him. 
 
 Under these circumstances, Morgan determined upon taking 
 ground nearer to the upper fords of Broad river, where the 
 dangers of his present position would be greatly diminished, and 
 where he could safely defer a retreat for a few days longer. If 
 forced to fight, he would be nearer to the reinforcements of 
 militia, then on the march to join him, and to those on the north 
 side of Broad river, which he had ordered to be held in readiness 
 to take the field in such an event. Should Cornwallis remain sta 
 tionary, or keep so far in the rear as to leave the way open for his 
 retreat, and should the reinforcements arrive in sufficient numbers 
 to render his forces something like a rnateh for those of Tarleton, 
 he determined to hold his ground in defiance of that officer, and 
 to risk a battle in its defence. If compelled by the movements of 
 Cornwallis to retreat, however, he could cross without much diffi 
 culty, to the country watered by the Catawba. He could thus 
 gain a position better calculated to furnish him with supplies, to 
 yield him the cooperation of the militia, to increase his means of 
 obstructing the progress of the enemy, and, at the same time, 
 facilitate a junction of his forces with the main body under 
 Greene. 
 
 These considerations occupied Morgan s attention, when the 
 approach of Tarleton was announced. Being now convinced that 
 the movements of Cornwallis and Tarleton had direct reference 
 to himself, he broke up his encampment at Grindall s ford, and 
 having sent a number of small detachments, with directions to 
 observe the different fords of the Pacolet, and to retire and report 
 when the enemy effected a passage of the river, he put his troops 
 in motion, and in the afternoon of the 15th, encamped at Burr s 
 Mills, on Thicketty creek. 
 
 On the evening of the same day, Tarleton reached the Pacolet, 
 
284 THE LIFE OF 
 
 which he proposed crossing without delay. Here, however, he 
 found the detachments which Morgan riad left in observation on 
 the opposite bank. Supposing that officer to be there in strength, 
 and sensible of the danger of attempting to force a passage in 
 the face of an adversary so wily and resolute, he resorted to 
 stratagem to effect his purpose. With the feigned object of 
 gaining the ford at the iron works, at some distance up the river, 
 and of crossing before sufficient assistance could be given to the 
 guard at that point to repel him, Tarleton moved in that direction 
 on the same night. After inarching about three hours, he 
 suddenly ordered a halt. Having given his men a short period 
 of repose, he retraced his steps, and before daylight the next 
 morning, crossed the river without interruption at Easterwood 
 shoals.* 
 
 On the appearance of the enemy on the Pacolet, and their 
 advance up its southern bank, Morgan s detachments collected 
 and marched up the opposite shore, their movements corres 
 ponding with those of the enemy. When the latter encamped, 
 apparently for the night, the detachments also encamped. Learn 
 ing the next morning, however, that Tarleton had crossed the 
 river about an hour before, at Easterwood shoals, a few miles 
 below their camp, they retreated without delay in the direction 
 of the main body. 
 
 Morgan, having been apprised of Tarleton s passage of the 
 Pacolet, a few hours after its occurrence, immediately put his 
 troops in motion. Pushing forward on the mountain road 
 leading to Hancocksville, he passed that place ; then turning into 
 a bv-road, he proceeded towards the head of Thickctty creek. 
 Arriving at the Cowpens about sundown, he ordered a halt; and 
 having ascertained that he would be joined at that place in a few 
 hours by a considerable reinforcement of militia, he communi 
 cated to his troops his intention of awaiting the enemy there.f 
 
 During the march from the Pacolet to the Cowpens, Morgan 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 218. t Orion, vol. iii., p. 88. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 285 
 
 wrote to Gen. Greene. This letter, and the reply thereto, are 
 invested with no common interest, inasmuch as they are the last 
 which passed between the writers, while as yet the views of 
 neither were influenced by the action of the 17th. They are 
 likewise of some historical importance, as they serve to display 
 the motives and objects which governed the actions of both 
 Greene and Morgan, previously to that memorable event points, 
 particularly as regards the latter, that have been the subject of 
 much misrepresentation. They are accordingly inserted. 
 
 CAMP AT BURR S MILLS, THICKETTY CREEK, ) 
 Jan. 15th, 1781. f 
 
 DEAR GKXEIIAL: Your letters of the 3rd and 8th instant came to hand 
 yesterday, just as I was preparing to change my position; was therefore 
 obliged to detain the express until this evening. 
 
 The accounts I have transmitted you of Lieut. Col. Washington s suc 
 cess, accords with his opinion. The number killed and wounded on the 
 part of the tories must depend on conjecture, as they broke on the first 
 charge, scattered through the woods, and were pursued in every direction. 
 The consequences attending this defeat will be fatal to the disaffected. 
 They have not been able to embody. 
 
 Sensible of the importance of having magazines of forage and provi 
 sions established in this country, I have left no means in my power unes- 
 gayed to effect this business. I dispatched Captain Chitty (whom I have 
 appointed as commissary of purchases for my command), with orders to 
 collect and store all the provisions that could be obtained between the 
 Catawba and Broad rivers. I gave him directions to call on Col. Hill, 
 who commands a regiment of militia in that quarter, to furnish him with 
 a proper number of men to assist him in the execution of this commission ; 
 but he, to my great surprise, has just returned without effecting anything. 
 He tells me that his failure proceeded from the want of the countenance 
 and assistance of Col. Hill, who assured him that General Sumter directed 
 him to obey no orders from me, unless they came through him. 
 
 I find it impracticable to procure more provisions in this quarter than 
 are absolutely necessary for our own immediate consumption: indeed it 
 has been with the greatest difficulty that we have been able to effect this. 
 We have to feed such a number of horses, that the most plentiful country 
 must soon be exhausted. Nor am I a little apprehensive that no 
 
286 THE LIFE OF 
 
 part of this State accessible to us can support us long. Could the militia 
 be persuaded to change their fatal mode of going to war, much provision 
 might be saved; but the custom has taken such deep root that it cannot 
 be abolished. 
 
 Upon a full and mature deliberation, I am confirmed in the opinion that 
 nothing can be effected by my detachment in this country, which will 
 balance the risks I will be subjected to by remaining here. The enemy s 
 great superiority in numbers, and our distance from the main army, will enable 
 Lord Cornwallis to detach so superior a force against me, as to render it 
 essential to our safety to avoid coming to action. Nor will this be 
 always in my power. No attempt to surprise me will be left untried by 
 them ; and situated as we must be, every possible precaution may not be 
 sufficient to secure us. The scarcity of forage renders it impossible for us 
 always to be in a compact body; and were this not the case, it is beyond 
 the art of man to keep the militia from straggling. These reasons induce 
 me to request that I may be recalled with my detachment, and that Gen. 
 Davidson and Col. Pickens may be left with the militia of North and 
 South Carolina and Georgia. They will not be so much the object of the 
 enemy s attention, and will be capable of being a check on the disaffected, 
 which is all I can effect. 
 
 Col. Pickens is a valuable, discreet and attentive officer, and has the 
 confidence of the militia. 
 
 My force is inadequate to the attempts you have hinted at. I have 
 now with me only two hundred South Carolina and Georgia, and one 
 hundred and forty North Carolina, volunteers. Nor do I expect to have 
 more than two-thirds of these to assist me, should I be attacked, for it 
 is impossible to keep them collected. 
 
 Though I am convinced that were you on the spot, the propriety of my 
 proposition would strike you forcibly ; should you think it unadvisable to 
 recall me, you may depend on my attempting everything to annoy the 
 enemy, and to provide for the safety of the detachment. I shall cheer 
 fully acquiesce in your determinations. 
 
 Col. Tarleton has crossed the Tyger at Musgrove s Mill; his force we 
 cannot learn. It is more than probable we are his object. Cornwallis, by 
 last accounts, was at the cross-roads near Lee s old place. 
 
 We have just learned that Tarleton s force is from eleven to twelve 
 hundred British. I am, dear general, 
 
 Truly yours, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 MAJOR GEN. GREENE. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 287 
 
 CAMP ON PEDEE, Jan. 19, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : Your favor of the 15th was delivered to me last night about 
 12 o clock. I am surprised that Gen. Sumter should give such an order as 
 that you mention to Col. Hill, nor can I persuade myself but that there 
 must be some mistake in the matter ; for though it is the most military to 
 convey orders through the principal to the dependents, as well from 
 propriety as respect, yet this may not always be convenient, or even 
 practicable ; and therefore to give a positive order not to obey, was 
 repugnant to reason and common sense. As the head was subject to your 
 orders, consequently the dependents also. I will write Gen. Sumter on 
 the subject ; but as it is better to conciliate than aggravate matters, where 
 everything depends so much upon voluntary principles, I wish you to take 
 no notice of the matter, but endeavor to influence his conduct to give you 
 all the aid in his power. Write to him frequently, and consult with him 
 freely. He is a man of great pride and considerable merit, and should not 
 be neglected. If he has given such orders, I am persuaded he will see 
 the impropriety of the matter and correct it in future, unless personal 
 glory is more the object than public good, which I cannot suppose is the 
 case with him, or any other man who fights in the cause of liberty. 
 
 I was informed of Lord Cornwallis s movements before the arrival of 
 your letter, and agree with you in opinion that you are the object ; and 
 from his making so general a movement it convinces me that he feels a 
 great inconvenience from your force and situation. Gen. Leslie has 
 crossed the Catawba to join him. He would never harass his troops to 
 remove you, if he did not think it an object of some importance ; nor 
 would he put his collective force in motion if he had not some respect for 
 your numbers. I am sensible your situation is critical, and requires the 
 most watchful atention to guard against a surprise. But I think it is of 
 great importance to keep up a force in that quarter, nor can I persuade 
 myself that the militia alone i\ill answer the same valuable purposes as 
 when joined by the continental troops. 
 
 It is not my wish you should come to action unless you have a manifest 
 superiority, and a moral certainty of succeeding. Put nothing to the 
 hazard : a retreat may be disagreeable, but not disgraceful. Regard not 
 the opinions of the day. It is not our business to risk too much. Our 
 affairs are in too critical a situation, and require time and nursing to give 
 them a better tone. 
 
 If Gen. Sumter and you would fix upon a plan for him to hold the post 
 which you now occupy, to be joined by the militia under Gen. Davison, 
 and you with your force, and the Georgia and Virginia militia, to move 
 
288 THE LIFE OF 
 
 towards Augusta or into that quarter, I should have no objection .to such 
 a movement, provided you think it will answer any valuable purpose, and 
 can be attended with a degree of safety. I am unwilling to recall you if 
 it can be avoided ; but I had rather recall you by far, than expose you to 
 the hazard of a surprise. 
 
 Before this can possibly reach you, I imagine, the movements of Lord 
 Cornwallis and Col. Tarleton will be sufficiently explained, and you be 
 obliged to take some decisive measures. I shall be perfectly satisfied if 
 you keep clear of a misfortune ; for though I wish you laurels, I am 
 unwilling to expose the common cause, to give you an opportunity to 
 acquire them. 
 
 As the rivers are subject to sudden and great swells, you must be careful 
 that the enemy do not take a position to gain your rear, when you can 
 neither retreat by your flanks or your front. The Pedee rose twenty- 
 five feet last week in thirty hours. I am preparing boats to move always 
 with the army ; would one or two be of use to you ? They will be put on 
 four wheels, and made to move with little more difficulty than a loaded 
 wagon. 
 
 Gen Davidson is desired to receive orders, and in conjunction with Gen. 
 Sumter, to consult with you a plan for a combined attack upon one of the 
 divisions of Lord CornwalhVs army, and also respecting your movements 
 
 into Georgia. 
 
 I am, with great esteem, &c., 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 These, and tlie preceding letters from Greene to Morgan, will 
 enable the reader to arrive without difficulty at the real causes 
 which led to the battle of the Covvpens. 
 
 On crossing the Pacolet, Tarleton had taken possession of some 
 Jog houses which stood near the ford, and which were constructed 
 some montiis before with a view to defence by Major Ferguson. 
 Still supposing that Morgan was in his neighborhood in force, 
 and believing that he would be attacked as soon as his passage of 
 the river became known, he made active preparations for a defence. 
 He was busied in availing himself of the advantages which the 
 log houses would afford his troops in case of an assault, when he 
 was informed that Morgan had decamped some time previously, 
 
GENERAL D A N I K L M O K G A N . 289 
 
 and was then in full march towards Broad river. Hereupon lie 
 ordered his light troops to occupy the deserted encampment; 
 parties of patrols and spies, under the protection of a large 
 detachment of dragoons, were directed to follow and observe the 
 Americans ; the main body in the meanwhile enjoyed a few- 
 hours of repose, preparatory to a rapid forward movement, to be 
 made in the path of the fugitives.* 
 
 The manifold successes of Tarleton during the revolutionary 
 war, while they fully established his claims to courage, also 
 displayed its distinctive character. This seems to have borne a 
 stronger affinity to the ferocity of the bloodhound than to the 
 bravery of the bull-dog, and to have been more thoroughly 
 aroused by the flight of an enemy than by his opposition. And 
 herein, it may be remarked, will be found a striking point of 
 contrast between Morgan and Tarleton. While Morgan presented, 
 or appeared to present, a menacing aspect, Tarleton was as 
 circumspect in his movements as the most prudent officer could 
 desire. But the moment Morgan appeared to fly from him, he 
 forgot his caution as well as his cooperative arrangements with 
 Cornwallis, and dazzled with the eclat of an anticipated triumph 
 over the war-worn hero of Saratoga, rushed hotly forward in 
 pursuit. 
 
 The determination taken by Morgan, upon learning that he 
 was pursued, was equally characteristic. As his retreat filled his 
 adversary with the desire to overtake and grapple with him, in 
 like manner the pursuit rendered him the more eager to meet the 
 struggle. But thoughts more worthy of a commander coincided 
 with the impulses of his invincible spirit to bring him to the reso 
 lution of giving Tarleton battle. It was now quite apparent that 
 the latter would oppose his passage of Broad river ; f and should 
 the movements of Cornwallis render this step necessary, to 
 attempt it in the face of an officer so active and enterprising, 
 would inevitably be attended by the most disastrous consequences. 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 214. t Ibid. 214 
 
 18 
 
290 THE LIFE OF 
 
 It was equally apparent that he could not much longer hold his 
 ground ; and when a retreat was forced upon him, the safety of 
 his corps and the public good alike required that he should aim 
 at a junction with the main body. Should he attempt to seek 
 safety in immediate flight, the militia, many of whom fought 
 under the certainty of execution in case of capture, would desert 
 him in hundreds, while his regular troops, thus left without 
 support, harassed by forced marches, and dispirited by pursuit 
 and the apprehension of capture, would fall an easy prey upon 
 being overtaken. 
 
 The obligation to fight had become imperative; safety was 
 only to be found in a battle. And in truth, the circumstances by 
 which he was more immediately surrounded, all tended to encour 
 age him to incur the risk. On the night following his arrival at 
 the Cowpens, he was joined by Col. Pickens, who, after a short 
 absence, returned with a body of about one hundred and fifty 
 militia, from the north side of Broad river. Others, he was 
 informed, were on the march from various points, in considerable 
 numbers, to join him, many of whom were expected to arrive 
 before morning. During the night, small parties, altogether to 
 the number of about fifty more, reached the camp. The troops 
 under his command were worthy of his utmost confidence, and 
 they enjoyed it. His infantry was the flower of the gallant 
 brigade of Marylanders, who, in the disastrous battle of Camden, 
 drove the British left wing before them at the point of the 
 bayonet. A more effective corps of cavalry, considering its 
 numbers, than that commanded by Colonel Washington, was not 
 to be found in the country. Those of the Virginia militia who 
 were not practised marksmen, skilled in the warfare of the woods, 
 were experienced soldiers, who, having served one or more terms 
 in the continental army, were now the substitutes of those who 
 had been drafted in Virginia for militia duty. His officers were 
 equally worthy of the trust reposed in them. Such men as 
 Howard, Washington, Brooks, Giles, Triplett, Piokens, Jackson, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 291 
 
 Cunningham, and McDowell, are seldom met together on the 
 same field. Officers and men were alike full of confidence in 
 their ability to cope with any body of the enemy, not too greatly 
 their superior in numbers ; and their late success over the tories 
 had put them in high spirits, and rendered them eager for an 
 encounter with a nobler adversary. 
 
 The nature and strength of Tarleton s force had been accu 
 rately made known to Morgan. Its great numerical superiority, 
 which embraced twice his number of infantry, and three times 
 his strength, in cavalry, with the important addition of artillery, 
 were fearful odds to contend against. But great as were these 
 advantages, they might, he confidently believed, be counterbal 
 anced by those secured to him in the choice of position, his defen 
 sive attitude, and the efficiency and spirit of his forces. He had 
 set against the enemy s great superiority in bayonets and sabres, 
 the deadly rifles of his militia, who, full of zeal in the cause, and 
 rendered desperate by personal wrongs, were for the most part in 
 that state of feeling when militia becomes truly formidable. 
 
 Among the other presages of success which presented them 
 selves to his mind, were those springing from the errors into 
 which, he anticipated, Tarleton would be betrayed, by a blind 
 confidence in himself, and a contempt for what he now supposed 
 was a flying adversary. 
 
 Finally, he learned that Cornwallis was still at Turkey creek, 
 awaiting Leslie s arrival. 
 
 The announcement of Morgan s intention to meet the enemy 
 took the army by surprise, and was received with lively demon 
 strations of joy. The necessary preparations were accordingly 
 made. The first measure taken by Morgan had for its object the 
 strengthening of his cavalry corps. The powerful array of horse 
 which Tarleton was about bringing against him rendered an 
 increase of his cavalry force a matter of the greatest importance. 
 Volunteers for this description of service were consequently 
 demanded. Forty-five men immediately stepped forward. These 
 
292 THE LIFE OF 
 
 having been equipped, were organized into a cavalry corps of two 
 companies ; the one commanded by Major McCall, the other by 
 Major Jolly ; the whole under the command of McCall*, and 
 subject to the direction of Col. Washington. A number of 
 patrolling parties were sent in different directions on the flanks 
 and in the front, to watch the movements of the enemy, and 
 guard against stratagem or surprise. The baggage was directed 
 to proceed at daylight a few miles in the direction of Broad river, 
 and then to halt for further orders. Expresses were sent 
 towards the different bodies of militia which were on the way to 
 join the army, with orders to hasten their march. The troops 
 were dismissed to seek rest and refreshment in repose, before 
 they were called to battle, on the dispositions for which Morgan 
 now deliberated in a council of his principal officers. 
 
 Although Morgan had no very exalted opinion of militia, few 
 officers were more popular with this description of troops, or 
 could obtain more efficient service from them. Irreconcilable as 
 these facts may appear, a multitude of instances could be cited, 
 proving that such was the case. He was indebted to this influ 
 ence to a number of causes, among which may be included his 
 large martial figure, his established reputation for judgment and 
 courage, his almost unvarying success, and his easy familiar man 
 ners. The officer who possesses all these qualifications, seldom 
 fails of subjecting to his will the minds and hearts of his soldiery. 
 An anecdote is told by Major Thomas Young, a volunteer at the 
 battle of the Cowpens, which illustrates one of the methods by 
 which Morgan inspired his men with a portion of his own courage 
 and confidence. " The evening previous to the battle," the Major 
 goes on to say, " he went among the volunteers, helped them to 
 fix their swords, joked with them about their sweethearts, and 
 told them to keep in good spirits, and the day would be ours. 
 Long after I laid down, he was going about among the soldiers, 
 encouraging them, and telling them that the Old Wagoner 
 
 * Major Thomas Young. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 293 
 
 would crack his whip over Ben (Tarleton) in the morning, as 
 sure as he lived. Just hold up your heads, boys, he would say : 
 three fires, and you are free ! And then, when you return to 
 your homes, how the old folks will bless you, and the girls kiss 
 yon, for your gallant conduct. I don t think that he slept a 
 wink that night."* 
 
 The next morning, at three o clock, Tarleton, having called in his 
 pickets, and directed his baggage to remain on the ground till day 
 break, put his troops in motion towards Morgan s position. Three 
 companies of light infantry, supported by the legion infantry, formed 
 the advance ; the 7th regiment, the artillery and the first battalion 
 of the 71st, composed the centre; and the cavalry and mounted 
 infantry brought up the rear. The morning being exceedingly dark, 
 and the road much broken and frequently intersected by creeks and 
 ravines, the progress of the troops was very slow. Before dawn, 
 Thicketty creek was passed, an advanced guard of the cavalry 
 was ordered to the front. A few minutes after, one of Morgan s 
 patrolling parties discovered the advancing foe. The party imme 
 diately returned to report; but it was pursued by the British 
 cavalry, and after a short running fight, a few on both sides were 
 wounded, and one of the Americans made prisoner. Two troops 
 of the legion cavalry were then ordered to reinforce the British 
 advanced guard, and to push forward and harass the roar of the 
 Americans, who, up to this moment, were supposed to be on the 
 retreat. This order had hardly been issued, when it was reported 
 to Tarleton that the Americans were discovered in front, and 
 moreover, that they were evidently preparing for battle.f 
 
 Some time before daylight, Morgan had been apprised of the 
 enemy s approach, and in a few minutes afterwards, the American 
 camp was in motion. The troops having breakfasted, were 
 promptly formed, and led to the position which had been deter 
 mined upon This was a piece of ground about six miles from 
 Broad river, and known by the name of the Cowpens. This 
 
 * Orion, vol. iii., p. 88. tTarleton s Campaign, pp. 214, 215. 
 
294 THE LIFE OF 
 
 name has since given place to another; but the spot is associated 
 with events too important, recollections too glorious, to counte 
 nance a fear that its identity will ever be lost. In the early set 
 tlement of this part of the country was a place of considerable 
 notoriety, from a trading path with the Cherokees which passed 
 by it. In the early grants of land in that neighborhood, it was 
 called Hannah s Cowpens, it being part of the grazing establish 
 ment of a person named Hannah.* In time it became known as 
 the Cowpens, and is now occupied by the iron works of Messrs. 
 Hampton and Elmore, in Spartansburg District, South Carolina. 
 The position extended from front to rear about five hundred 
 yards, and was crossed by two eminences, the first of which, 
 gently ascending and stretching to the right and left, attained its 
 highest point about three hundred yards from the front. The 
 ground then descended for about eighty yards, when it gradually 
 rose into the second eminence. The position was far from the 
 neighborhood of swamps, and in a country free from underbrush 
 and covered with an ordinary growth of pine trees. 
 
 The disposition of the troops was going forward, when the near 
 approach of the enemy was announced by Capt. Inman, of the 
 Georgia militia, who, at the head of the patrolling party already 
 alluded to, had just returned from the running fight with a 
 body of Tarleton s cavalry .f This intelligence lent additional fire 
 to the happy spirit which evidently animated the troops, and with 
 joy Morgan plainly saw victory foreshadowed in their assured 
 looks and confident bearing. 
 
 Many that have written in relation to this battle, have greatly 
 overrated the numbers of the Americans who were engaged on 
 this occasion. Tarleton puts them down at something in the 
 neighborhood of two thousand ; and other authors, whose motives 
 for exaggeration are less impeachable, state them at about one 
 thousand men. Both of these estimates are beyond the mark. 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 877. 
 
 t Gen. Jas. Jackson s letter, Jan. 20, 1795. See appendix, D. 
 
G E N E K A L DANIEL MORGAN. 295 
 
 Besides that furnished in the letters of Morgan himself, there is 
 abundant evidence to show, that the whole number of his forces 
 engaged did not much exceed eight hundred. It is true, his 
 entire command, including all the militia that arrived previous to 
 the battle, would appear to be about nine hundred and eighty 
 men, if army returns and muster rolls were alone consulted. But 
 every one acquainted with military affairs knows that such evi 
 dences of strength always exceed the reality. A number of his 
 regulars were sick at the time, and many of the militia were 
 absent. One detachment had been sent off with the baggage, 
 another had gone to Salisbury in charge of prisoners, and a third 
 guarded the horses of the militia, Besides, after the retreat of 
 the militia from the front line, several of them never again 
 appeared in the field, and a few mounted their horses and fled 
 from the ground. Such men should not be permitted to lesson 
 the glory of the achievement, by sharing in the honors of the 
 victors as well as diminishing the mortification of the vanquished. 
 The forces engaged in the battle under Morgan did not exceed 
 eight hundred and fifty men. 
 
 Near the brow of the main eminence, Morgan placed his best 
 troops. Howard s battalion of light infantry, numbering two 
 hundred and eighty men, took position in the centre of the line. 
 The Virginia militia, under Major Triplett and Captain Gilmore, 
 formed on the left of the light infantry ; and the Augusta rifle 
 men, commanded by Captains Tate and Buchanan, took post on 
 their right flank. The nominal battalion which these four com 
 panies composed, numbered about one hundred and twenty men, 
 and was commanded by Major Triplett. The line thus formed, 
 was placed under the direction of Lieut. Col. Howard, and con 
 sisted of about four hundred men. Upon it Morgan chiefly 
 relied in the approaching conflict. 
 
 Upon the second eminence, being about one hundred and fifty 
 yards in the rear of the main body, Colonel Washington was 
 posted with his cavalry. The corps under this officer s irnmedi 
 
296 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ate command numbered about eighty men. The addition of 
 Major McCall s corps of volunteers, gave, however, a very effec 
 tive cavalry force of one hundred and twenty men. 
 
 One hundred and fifty yards in advance of the regular force, 
 the militia, in all about three hundred and fifty strong, were 
 formed in open order, their line extending from right to left, 
 about 300 yards. Fronting the main body were posted the 
 Georgians and North Carolinians ; the first, commanded by Major 
 Cunningham, aided by Col. James Jackson, to the left ; and the 
 second, under Major McDowell, to the right. On the right of 
 Major McDowell, Colonels Brannen and Thomas, of the South 
 Carolina militia, took post ; and on the left of Major Cunningham, 
 Colonels Hays and McCall, also at the head of the South 
 Carolinians, were stationed. 
 
 These dispositions having been made, Major McDowell, with 
 about 60 picked men of his command, and Major Cunningham, 
 with a like number of Georgians, all having been selected with 
 reference to their courage and their skill as marksmen, were 
 advanced about one hundred yards. Here they were extended in 
 loose order along the front, Cunningham on the left, and McDowell 
 on the right. 
 
 In the rear of the cavalry, the horses of the militia were 
 secured by the boughs of a grove of young pines, saddled and 
 bridled, and ready for immediate use, as the issue of the conflict 
 might determine. 
 
 These arrangements had hardly been completed, when the 
 advance of the British appeared some distance in front ; and a 
 few minutes afterwards, it became evident that they contemplated 
 an immediate attack. 
 
 With this departed the last vestige of anxiety from Morgan s 
 mind. Delay was the policy which Tarleton should have adopted, 
 but which Morgan deprecated above all things, save defeat. It 
 might have led to those consequences which were aimed at by 
 the joint movements of Cornwallis and Tarleton, in spite of all the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 297 
 
 efforts which Morgan would have made to avoid them. It cer 
 tainly would have had a most unfavorable effect upon the spirits 
 of his troops, who were now wrought up to a pitch of enthusiasm 
 which rendered them formidable adversaries. It relieved Morgan 
 from the apprehension of being compelled, either to fight at every 
 disadvantage, or to retreat in a direction which threatened him 
 with the starvation or dispersion of his troops. 
 
 While the enemy were forming their line of battle, he availed 
 himself of the short but awful period which preceded the strife 
 to give to the respective lines of his army the necessary directions, 
 and to make a final appeal to their courage and patriotism. 
 
 Riding up to the marksmen in the front line, he directed them 
 to take the cover of the trees, and upon the advance of the 
 enemy s line within good shooting distance, to show whether they 
 were entitled to the reputation of brave men and good shots. 
 They were directed to retire as the enemy advanced, seeking 
 shelter from the trees, as opportunity might offer, loading and 
 firing until they reached the main body of the militia, with 
 whom they were then to act. The disposition of this line, the 
 right being composed of Georgians, and the left of Carolinians, 
 was adopted by Morgan with the view of exciting a spirit of 
 rivalry, which might add to the effectiveness and spirit of the 
 whole. " Let me see," said Morgan, as he turned from this line, 
 " which are most entitled to the credit of brave men, the boys of 
 Carolina or those of Georgia." 
 
 To the main body of the militia he now addressed himself. 
 He ordered them to reserve their fire until the enemy approached 
 within fifty yards, when, after delivering two well-directed rounds, 
 they were to retire in good order, and take position on the left of 
 the line in the rear, firing by regiments as they fell back. 
 These and other directions for the regulation of their conduct 
 having been given, he addressed them with a few observations 
 well calculated to increase their confidence and courage. He 
 complimented them upon the spirit which they had so frequently 
 
 13* 
 
298 THE LIFE OF 
 
 displayed, under all the disadvantages which attend militia when 
 contending alone against regular troops, and expressed his fervent 
 hopes that upon this occasion they would add to the reputation 
 they already enjoyed. Although required to contend against 
 cavalry and infantry, he reminded them that they were also sup 
 ported by similar troops, but of a quality far superior, who would 
 afford them ample protection. He asked but an ordinary display 
 of manhood on their part to render victory certain ; frankly 
 declaring, at the same time, that flight would but ensure their 
 destruction, while safety as well as advantage and honor were to 
 be found only in a determined resistance. For himself, he said, 
 he had not a doubt of the result, if they performed their simple 
 duty. He gfanced at a few of those brilliant engagements, in 
 which, at the head of his glorious rifle regiment, he told them, he 
 had humbled foes far more formidable than the one now before 
 him, and expressed the mortification he had experienced at hav 
 ing been compelled, in obedience to orders, to avoid grappling 
 with an opponent whom he felt satisfied he could crush whenever 
 he chose. Closing his remarks to this line with a repetition of 
 his orders, and an exhortation to obey them with firmness, he 
 proceeded to the line formed by his regular troops. 
 
 His remarks to the Continentals and militia which composed 
 this line were very brief, and chiefly consisted in giving his orders 
 and explaining those already issued. This body needed not the 
 stimulus of spirit-stirring speeches to fit them for the performance 
 of any achievement within the reach of well-disciplined courage, 
 regulated and directed by judgment and experience. He pre 
 pared them for the retreat of the militia, by repeating the orders 
 he had given to that portion of his force ; and explained the 
 objects he sought to accomplish by the manoeuvre. He directed 
 them to fire low and deliberately, not to break on any account, 
 and if forced to retire, to rally on the eminence in their rear, 
 where, supported by the cavalry and militia, defeat he regarded 
 as impossible. He reminded them of their former achievements, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 299 
 
 and of the confidence he had always evinced in their well tried 
 valor and discipline, and concluded by declaring that upon them 
 the fortune of the day and his hopes of glory depended. 
 
 Orders were dispatched to Colonel Washington, whose corps 
 of cavalry was held in reserve upon the eminence in the rear, to 
 assist in rallying the militia should they fly, and to protect them 
 should they be pursued. He was likewise directed to protect the 
 horses of the militia, and to hold himself in readiness to act as 
 the emergencies of the day might require. The position occupied 
 by the cavalry was admirably chosen. The eminence in their 
 front, and the gradual descent beyond it, secured them from the 
 enemy s fire, without withholding from them a horseback view of 
 the field of battle, for some distance in front of the main line. It 
 furnished, besides, a secure rallying point for the militia, as the 
 events of the day proved. 
 
 Every preparation having been made, Morgan took post in the 
 rear of the main line, and composedly awaited the approach of 
 of the enemy. 
 
 The British, in the meanwhile, having advanced within four 
 hundred yards of the American lines, halted and commenced the 
 preparations for an attack. Tarleton moved forward with a small 
 party to ascertain the strength and disposition of his opponents ; 
 but a few shots from the front line convinced him that the service 
 was attended with too much danger to r be persevered in. A body 
 of cavalry was accordingly directed to charge the line, and drive 
 it in upon its supporters under Pickens.* Cunningham and 
 McDowell strictly obeyed the orders they had received. Their 
 men retired slowly, keeping up a desultory but effective fire, and 
 at length fell into the second line, after having unhorsed fifteen of 
 their assailants. 
 
 On the return of the British cavalry, it was intended that 
 McDowell and Cunningham should resume their position in the 
 front. Before this could be effected, however, Tarleton s artillery 
 
 * Tarleton, p. 215. 
 
300 THE LIFE OF 
 
 had opened a warm fire, under cover of which his right wing had 
 formed, and was advancing. It was therefore determined that 
 the militia should remain together, and meet the enemy in 
 a body. 
 
 The light and legion infantry of Tarleton s troops, having dis 
 encumbered themselves of everything except their arms and 
 ammunition, formed on the right ; and under the fire of a three- 
 pounder, \yhich was placed on their left, advanced to within three 
 hundred yards of the line of the militia. The seventh regiment, 
 led by Major Newmarsh, formed on the left of the light infantry, 
 and the other three-pounder was placed between its right and 
 left divisions. A captain with, fifty dragoons was stationed on 
 each flank. This completed the dispositions of the line. The 
 first battalion of the seventy-first infantry, under the command of 
 Major Me Arthur, and two hundred of the legion cavalry, were 
 posted about one hundred and fifty yards in the rear of the left 
 wing, and composed the reserve.* 
 
 These dispositions were EO sooner completed, than Tarleton, 
 taking his post in the rear, ordered the line to move forward. 
 
 Under the fire of their guns, the British steadily advanced until 
 within about one hundred yards of the American front, when the 
 militia opened a close and deadly fire upon them. The effect of 
 this and the succeeding discharges told heavily upon their ranks, 
 but particularly so upon their officers, not one of whom made 
 himself conspicuous, that was not brought to the ground. This 
 was immediately seen in the disorder which pervaded their line, 
 and the slackened pace of their advance. The militia behaved 
 nobly; th^y did more than was required of them, and for a time, 
 manifested a disposition to dispute the farther progress of their 
 opponents. But the conduct of the British equally evinced 
 courage and discipline; and although having already suffered a 
 heavy loss, they still pressed forward in the face of the deadly 
 fire. It was not until they had advanced to within one hundred 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 216. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 301 
 
 and fifty yards of the main line, that the militia, who had retired 
 facing them and firing, at length broke, and in obedience to 
 orders, made for the American left. Before Pickens could bring 
 his men to order at this point, however, .they were charged by the 
 cavalry posted on the British right, and being forced to give way, 
 sought protection from the reserve behind the hill, whither they 
 were closely pursued. 
 
 On the flight of the militia, the British, deeming the victory 
 already secured, set up a deafening shout, and advanced with 
 accelerated, but uneven, pace towards the main line. The latter, 
 as soon as the militia had passed along their front to the left, 
 opened their fire ; and now commenced the deadly struggle. For 
 fifteen minutes the contest was maintained at this point with the 
 greatest obstinacy, and was attended with great execution on both 
 sides. The Americans held their ground, as if rooted to the spot, 
 and rapidly delivered their fire. The British evidently hesitated ; 
 their advance became slower every minute, until at length, ceasing 
 altogether, and indications of a disposition to retire making them 
 selves manifest, Tarleton ordered the reserve infantry and cavalry 
 into action, the first to take post on the left, while the latter was 
 to cooperate by attacking the American right.* 
 
 Morgan hailed the indications, furnished by this movement, of 
 the enemy s failing strength or spirit, as omens of approaching 
 victory, and communicated his thoughts to his men. But the 
 advance into line of the reserve infantry re-animated the British, 
 who ao ain moved forward ; while their cavalry, taking a wide 
 sweep to the left, was evidently preparing to attack the American 
 rio-ht flank. 
 
 O 
 
 At this moment, that portion of the British horse, which had 
 followed the militia in their retreat, flew past the American left, 
 hotly pursued by Washington s cavalry ; while the militia, having 
 rallied and re-formed behind the hill, appeared, with the 
 redoubtable Pickens at their head, moving up to the support of 
 the American right. 
 
 * Tarleton a Campaign, p. 216. 
 
302 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The British line still advancing, their left, which extended some 
 distance beyond the American right, now threatened the latter 
 with a flank attack. At the same time their reserve cavalry was 
 preparing to charge in the same direction. These manoeuvres, 
 unless promptly provided against, would have had an important 
 influence on the issue of the conflict, and already they were in 
 operation. The moment was critical, the danger imminent ; but 
 Morgan was equal to the emergency. Perceiving his cavalry 
 returning from the pursuit of the British detachment of horse 
 and resuming their position in the rear, he dispatched Col. 
 Brannon with orders to Col. Washington to charge the British 
 cavalry, before they effected their object on his right flank. He 
 then galloped down to the militia, and exhorted them to lose no 
 time in advancing and opening their fire upon the enemy s 
 left. 
 
 In the meantime, Col. Howard became apprehensive for the. 
 safety of his right flank. Until the cavalry and militia could be 
 brought to its assistance, a change of its front suggested itself to 
 his mind as the means best calculated to hold the enemy tempo 
 rarily in check. The flank company was accordingly ordered to 
 perform the evolution, which would have placed its line at right 
 angles with that of the main body. But from a misunderstanding 
 of the officer s orders, the men, after coming to the right about, 
 instead of wheeling to the right, marched strait forward. From 
 a belief that a retreat to the hill in the rear had been ordered, the 
 misconception quickly communicated itself to the whole line, 
 which now followed the example of the flank company, faced 
 about, and moved in that direction. 
 
 This movement, which at first threatened the Americans with 
 Jefeat, served ultimately but to render their victory the more 
 splendid and decisive. Howard s first impulse was to rectify the 
 mistake. Instantly struck, however, with the superiority of a 
 retrograde movement of the whole line, over a change of fronton 
 his right flank in warding off the embarrassments of the moment, 
 and rendered confident by the admirable deportment of the men. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 303 
 
 who marched as steadily as if on parade, he allowed the movement 
 to proceed. 
 
 The line was thus in full retreat, when Morgan returned to it 
 from the militia. Under feelings of astonishment and alarm, he 
 immediately rode up to Col. Howard, who briefly explained to 
 him the cause of the movement, and at the same time removed 
 the apprehensions he expressed for the event by pointing to the 
 line and observing " that men were not beaten who retreated in 
 that order." He was instantly re-assured, and at once determined 
 upon the measures which the exigency required. Directing 
 Howard to ride along the line and to order the officers to halt 
 and face about the moment the word to that effect was given, 
 Morgan rode forward to fix on the spot where the line should 
 again be brought into action.* 
 
 At this crisis in the contest, the militia having again come inta 
 action, opened a galling fire upon McArthur s battalion, forcing 
 it not only to forego its attempts upon the American right, but 
 to retire some distance. At the same moment, Washington 
 made a furious onset upon the British cavalry, just as they were 
 in the act of charging the Americans in flank. Dashing com 
 pletely through their column at the first encounter, he quickly 
 wheeled and charged on them again with terrible effect.f This 
 attack was the more successful, as it was in a measure unexpected. 
 It resulted in the immediate dispersion of the main body of the 
 enemy s cavalry, which thereafter took no part in the action. 
 
 The moment had nearly arrived when Morgan intended renew 
 ing the conflict, when he received a message from Col. Washing 
 ton, who, having advanced some distance in pursuit of the enemy s 
 cavalry, was now on the left flank of the advancing British, and 
 beheld the confusion which prevailed in their ranks. " They are 
 coming on like a mob ; give them a fire and I will charge them," 
 were the words of this message. The American line had descended 
 the rear of the eminence on which the action began, and com- 
 
 Col. Howard. t Major Young. Orion, vol. Hi., p. 100. 
 
304 THE LIFE OF 
 
 menced the ascent on which the cavalry had teen posted, when 
 the order to halt and turn upon the enemy flew from right to 
 left. " Face about, boys ! give them one good fire, and the vic 
 tory is ours !" was reiterated by Morgan as he galloped along the 
 line. The order was promptly obeyed.* 
 
 At this period, the enemy, confident of victory, and unappre 
 hensive of further resistance, were rushing on in the most impetu 
 ous and disorderly manner, and had approached within thirty or 
 forty yards of the American line. Stunned by this unexpected 
 and terrible fire, they instantly recoiled ; and before they recov 
 ered from the shock, Howard s order to " charge," which mingled 
 with the reverberations of the musqnetry, brought the American 
 bayonets to their breasts. 
 
 A few minutes before, there was room for their escape by 
 flight. But the defeat and dispersion of their horse left them 
 without protection ; and Washington, now in their rear, was 
 advancing with his cavalry upon them at full speed. The greater 
 part of the 7th regiment immediately threw down their arms, and 
 prostrated themselves upon the ground in token of submission. 
 The light and legion infantry also flung away their arms and fled 
 towards the road. But they w T ere speedily overtaken by the 
 volunteer cavalry, and with the exception of a few, surrendered, 
 about two hundred yards from the ground.* 
 
 At the feet of our troops, suppliants for mercy, were now the 
 men who had seldom shown mercy to an American under similar 
 circumstances. Furious at the recollection of their manifold 
 cruelties, the cry of "Tarleton s quarters," resounded from one 
 end of the American line to the other. The work of slauo-hter 
 
 & 
 
 was about commencing, when Morgan, Howard, and the Ameri 
 can officers generally, interposed in behalf of the vanquished foe. 
 Happily for the honor of our arms, they succeeded in preventing 
 a general massacre.^ 
 
 The eagerness of the enemy s advance threw their artillery 
 
 * Major Young. t Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 881, 882- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 305 
 
 some paces in the rear. When the fire of the American line, 
 and its subsequent charge, forced them to recoil, the pieces were 
 again brought into the front. One of these was captured by 
 Captain Anderson, and the other by Captain Kirkwood. The 
 detachment of royal artillery, which served the guns, bravely 
 attempted to bear them off. It was, however, speedily overpow 
 ered.* i 
 
 The only part of the field where the contest was still main 
 tained, was on the American right, between the militia and 
 Major Me Arthur s battalion. The latter, deserted by the cavalry, 
 and fiercely assailed in front and on the flank by Pickens and his 
 men, were falling back, in the vain hope of being able to extricate 
 themselves from the fate which had already befallen their com 
 panions of the line. Up to this moment they had preserved 
 order in their ranks, and manfully maintained . the unequal 
 contest with the entire militia force, when Howard wheeled upon 
 them with the right wing of the American line. This movement 
 immediately threw them into confusion, upon which the militia 
 rushed forward, and were soon engaged in a hand-to-hand 
 combat. Col. Jackson seized the colors of the regiment; but 
 failing to secure them, he pushed on at the head of his 
 Georgians, and succeeded in taking Major Me Arthur prisoner.f 
 Broken and dispirited, deserted by their friends and surrounded 
 by their enemies, the men of the battalion responded to Howard s 
 summons to surrender by grounding their arms. Col. Pickens 
 received their commander s sword, and the militia took charge of 
 the prisoners. 
 
 Tarleton, in the meantime, had been endeavoring to induce the 
 cavalry of his legion to advance and cover Mc Arthur s retreat, 
 and that of such of the fugitives as had escaped from the field. 
 Failing in this, he advanced at the head of his detachment of 
 the 17th dragoons, accompanied by fourteen officers, principally 
 <$ the legion cavalry, with the object of bearing off the artillery .J 
 
 * Col. Howard. t Letter from Gen. James Jackson. See Appendix. 
 
 $ Tarleton s Camp., pp. 217, 218. 
 
306 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Approaching near the ground, and observing that he had arrived 
 too late, he wheeled to retire. Col. Washington had just effected 
 his brilliant charge upon the British line, and was aiding at the 
 time in securing the prisoners, when the dragoons were noticed. 
 Rightly conjecturing that Tarleton was to be found with this 
 body of the enemy, and burning with the desire to crown the 
 glory of the day by his capture, Washington commanded a 
 pursuit. Dashing forward at full speed, he not only s>oon over 
 took the retreating foe, but placed himself far in advance of his 
 troops who followed. Unfortunately, in the confusion of the 
 moment, a few only of his command heard and obeyed his orders 
 to follow him. Upon his near approach, Tarleton and two of his 
 officers, who brought up the rear of their party, wheeled about 
 and made a charge on him. Nothing daunted, he struck at the 
 first that approached, being the officer on TarletorTs right ; but 
 the encounter of their swords proved the inferiority of that 
 wielded by Washington, which broke near the hilt. The British 
 officer now rose in his stirrups to give vigor to the blow which 
 was intended to cut Washington down. But at this critical 
 moment, a lad named Collin, who attended on and was much 
 attached to Washington, rode up. and discharging the contents 
 of one of his pistols in the officer s shoulder, the uplifted arm fell 
 powerless. The other officer also made a cut at Washington^ 
 now rendered defenceless. But this attack was rendered as 
 abortive as the first by the opportune arrival of Sergeant Major 
 Perry, who parried the blow and gave one in return, which took 
 effect in the officer s sword arm. Tarleton hereupon pushed 
 forward and made a thrust at Washington, which the latter 
 parried with the remains of his sword. The close approach of 
 the American cavalry now admonishing Washington s assailants 
 of the danger of longer delaying to rejoin their retreating 
 troopers, they decamped at full speed, Tarleton taking a parting 
 shot at Washington, whose horse received the ball.* 
 
 Great as were the advantages thus far obtained by the Ameri- 
 
 * MSS. Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 882 ; Howard ; Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 307 
 
 can arms over the enemy, there were others yet to be reaped 
 which ^yere well worth the gathering. A large body of the 
 legion cavalry, and a number of the infantry had escaped, and 
 that portion of Tarleton s baggage as yet free from capture, was 
 but a few miles distant on the route of the fugitives. Morgan 
 dispatched his cavalry and a large body of mounted militia in 
 pursuit. 
 
 Tarleton lost no time in his retreat; and to the celerity of his 
 movements, and the error of his pursuers in taking the wrong- 
 road, he was undoubtedly indebted for his escape. After pushing 
 forward a few miles he reached his baggage wagons. The 
 baggage guard, having been informed that the battle had termi 
 nated in the destruction of their commander, abandoned their 
 charge on the road, and mounting the wagon horses, fled towards 
 Cornwallis s encampment at Turkey Creek. A body of tories, 
 who were attached to Tarleton s command, and had been 
 employed by him as guides and spies, were busily employed in 
 appropriating the contents of the wagons to their own use, when 
 he unexpectedly appeared among them. Supposing them to be 
 whigs, he charged on them with his troop of cavalry, and killing a 
 number, dispersed the rest.* A short time was spent in destroy 
 ing what remained of the baggage, when he resumed his march. 
 He reached Broad river at Hamilton s ford the same evening, and 
 crossing to the opposite bank, encamped for the night. 
 
 The legion cavalry had crossed at this point some time before, 
 and succeeded in reaching Cornwallis s encampment the same 
 night. 
 
 The pursuit was continued for more than twenty miles, and did 
 not cease till the day was drawing to a close. Unfortunately, it 
 took a wrong direction, almost from the outset, one of the roads 
 leading to the Pacolet being followed by the Americans instead 
 of that taken by the British towards Broad river. Although 
 every effort was made, after the discovery of the mistake, to 
 
 * Johnson s Greene., vol, i., p. 885. * Tarleton s Campaign, 21S. 
 
308 THE LIFE OF 
 
 recover the lost time, the fugitives had gained too much ground 
 to be overtaken. But the service, although baffled in its main 
 object, was by no means unproductive of advantages. Washing 
 ton at length gave over the pursuit, and on his return, sweeping 
 the country on each side of his route, succeeded in capturing and 
 bringing into the American camp nearly one hundred more prison 
 ers. 
 
 The action commenced about 7 o clock in the morning, and 
 continued for nearly an hour. Its glorious results may now bts 
 briefly summed up. 
 
 The American loss was astonishingly small, when compared 
 with that of the enemy. Twelve were killed and sixty-one 
 wounded ; no officer of rank was among either. This loss was 
 chiefly sustained by the continental troops, and particularly by the 
 flank companies, posted on the right of the main line. 
 
 The loss of the British was admitted by their own accounts to be 
 upwards of one hundred and fifty killed and wounded, besides four 
 hundred taken prisoners.* This is far below the correct number, 
 however. Morgan estimated their loss at one hundred and ten 
 killed, two hundred wounded, and five hundred and two prisoners. 
 But as will be seen in his account of the affair, he does not 
 pretend to accuracy ; and while it is probable that he overrated 
 the number of killed and wounded, he is certainly under the 
 mark as regards the prisoners. An examination of all the 
 sources of information on this point will establish the fact, that at 
 least eighty were killed, ten of whom were officers, and one 
 hundred and fifty wounded, while the prisoners, including those 
 taken by Washington s and other detached parties after the 
 battle, amounted to full six hundred men. Twenty-seven com 
 missioned officers were also taken, and subsequently released on 
 parole. 
 
 The trophies of victory were two stands of colors, two three- 
 pounders, eight hundred muskets, thirty-five wagons, with the 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 218. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 309 
 
 baggage of the seventh regiment, sixty negroes, one hundred 
 cavalry horses, one travelling forge, and all the enemy s music. 
 
 The official account* of this action^ may here be appropriately 
 ntroduced. The letter, of which the following is an abridgment, 
 vas written by Morgan to Gen. Greene, while the former was on 
 his retreat from the field of the Covvpens. 
 
 CAMP NEAR CAIN CREEK, Jan. 19, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : The troops I have the honor to command have gained a 
 complete victory over a detachment from the British army commanded by 
 Lieut. Col. Tarleton. The action happened on the 17th inst., about 
 sunrise, at a place called the Cowpens, near Pacolet river. 
 
 On the 14th, having received certain information that the British army 
 were in motion, and that their movements clearly indicated their inten 
 tions of dislodging us, I abandoned my encampment at Grindale s Ford, 
 and on the 16th, in the evening, took possession of a post about seven 
 miles from the Cherokee Ford on Broad river. My former position 
 subjected me at once to the operations of Lord Cornwallis and Colonel 
 Tarleton, and in case of a defeat, my retreat might easily have been cut 
 off. My situation at the Cowpens enabled me to improve any advantages 
 I might gain, and to provide better for my own security, should I be 
 unfortunate. These reasons induced me to take this post, notwithstanding 
 it had the appearance of a retreat. On the evening of the 16th, the 
 enemy occupied the ground we removed from in the morning. An hour 
 before daylight, one of my scouts informed me that they had advanced 
 within five miles of our camp. On this information, the necessary dispo 
 sitions were made ; and from the alacrity of the troops, we were soon 
 prepared to receive them. 
 
 The light infantry, commanded by Lieut. Col. Howard, and the Virginia 
 militia, under Major Triplett, were formed on a rising ground. The third 
 regiment of dragoons, consisting of eighty men under the command of 
 Lieut. Col. Washington, were so posted in their rear as not to be injured 
 by the enemy s fire, and yet be able to charge the enemy, should an 
 occasion offer. The volunteers from North Carolina, South Carolina and 
 Georgia, under the command of Col. Pickens, were posted to guard the 
 flanks. Major McDowell, of the North Carolina volunteers, was posted on 
 the right flank, in front of the line one hundred and fifty yards, and Major 
 Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, on the left, at the same distance 
 
 * For the original report of the action at the Cowpens, see Appendix 
 
310 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in front. Colonels Branner and Thomas, of the South Carolinians, on the 
 right of Major McDowell, and Col. Hays and McCall, of the same corps, on 
 the left of Major Cunningham. Captains Tate arid Buchannan with the 
 Augusta riflemen were to support the right of the line. The enemy drew 
 up in one line four hundred yards in front of our advanced corps. The 
 1st battalion of the 71st regiment was opposed to our right; the 7th regi 
 ment to our left; the legion infantry to our centre, and two light compa 
 nies, one hundred men each, on the flanks. In their front moved on two 
 field pieces, and Lieut. Col. Tarleton with two hundred and eighty cavalry, 
 was posted in the rear of his line. The disposition being thus made, 
 small parties of riflemen were detached to skirmish with the enemy, on 
 which their whole line advanced on with the greatest impetuosity, shout 
 ing as they advanced. Majors McDowell and Cunningham gave them a 
 heavy fire and retreated to the regiments intended for their support. The 
 whole of Col. Pickens s command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreat 
 ing agreeable to their orders. When the enemy advanced to our line, 
 they received a well directed and incessant fire ; but their numbers being 
 superior to ours, they gained our flanks, which obliged us to change our 
 position. We retreated in good order about fifty paces, formed, advanced 
 on the enemy and gave them a brisk fire, which threw them into disorder. 
 Lieut. Colonel Howard observing this, gave orders for the line to charge 
 bayonets, which was done with such address that the enemy fled with 
 the utmost precipitation. Lieut. Colonel Washington discovering that 
 the cavalry were cutting down our riflemen on the left, charged them 
 with such firmness as obliged them to retire in confusion. The enemy 
 were entirely routed, and the pursuit continued for upwards of twenty 
 miles. 
 
 Our loss is very inconsiderable, not having more than twelve killed and 
 sixty wounded. The enemy s loss was ten commissioned officers killed, 
 and upwards of one hundred rank and file ; two hundred wounded ; 
 twenty-nine commissioned officers and more than five hundred privates, 
 prisoners, which fell into our hands, with two field pieces, two standards, 
 eight hundred muskets, one travelling forge, thirty-five wagons, seventy 
 negroes, and upwards of one hundred dragoon horses, and all their music. 
 They destroyed most of their baggage, which was immense. Although 
 our success was complete, we fought only eight hundred men, and were 
 opposed by upwards of one thousand chosen British troops. 
 LStteh was the inferiority of our numbers, that our success must be 
 attributed to the justice of our cause and the gallantry of our troops. 
 My wishes would induce me to name every sentinel in the corps. In 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 311 
 
 justice to the bravery and good conduct of the officers, I have taken 
 the liberty to enclose you a list of their names, from a conviction 
 that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to the world. 
 
 Major Giles, my aid-de-camp, and Captain Brookes, my brigade major, 
 deserve and have my thanks for their assistance and behavior on this 
 occasion. The Baron de Glaebeut, who accompanies Major Giles with 
 these dispatches, served with me as a volunteer, and behaved so as to 
 merit your attention. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 To GEN. GREENE. 
 
 A list of the commissioned officers in the action of the 17th of January, 
 1781, of the Light Infantry. 
 
 JOHN HOWARD, Lieutenant-Colonel commandant. 
 BENJAMIN BROOKES, Captain and Major of brigade. 
 
 CAPT. ROBERT KIRKWOOD, Delaware. LIEUT. BARNES. Virginia. 
 
 CAPT. ANDERSON, Maryland. LIEUT. MILLER, 
 
 CAPT. DOBSON, " ENSIGN KING, 
 
 LIEUT. EWING, " ENSIGN DYER, Maryland. 
 
 LIEUT. WATKINS, " ENSIGN SMITH, " 
 
 LIEUT. HANSON, " LIEUT. ANDERSON, Delaware. 
 
 Of the third Regiment of Light Dragoons. 
 
 LT.-COL. WM. WASHINGTON, Virginia. LIEUT. BELL, Virginia. 
 
 MAJOR RICHARD McCALL, " CORNET SIMMONS, South Carolina. 
 CAPTAIN BARRETT. " 
 
 Of the Maryland State Regiment. 
 
 EDWARD GILES, Major and acting Aid-de-Camp of the Virginia militia. 
 MAJOF TRIPLET?, ENSIGN COMBS, Virginia militia. 
 
 CAPT. BUCHANNAN, Virginia militia. ENSIGN McCosKELL, 
 CAPT. TATE, " ENSIGN WILSON, " 
 
 CAPT. GILMORE. 
 
 The Baron de Glaubeck served as a volunteer in Gen. Morgan s family r 
 and Mr. Andrews with Colonel Washington s regiment. 
 
312 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Colonel Pickens and all the officers in his corps behaved well ; but from 
 their having so lately joined the detachment, it has been impossible to 
 collect all their names or rank, so that the general is constrained not to 
 particularize any, least it should be doing injustice to others. 
 
 By orders B. GEN. MORGAN, 
 
 (Copy.} EDWARD GILES, A.D.C. 
 
 Jan. 19/A, 1791. 
 
GENERAL PANIEL MOKGAN. 313 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Reflections suggested by the battle of the Cowpens Morgan s conduct on tLat occasion 
 defended The news of the victory received with joy throughout the country Resolu 
 tions of Congress and letter of President Huntington Resolutions of Virginia House of 
 Delegates, and letter from Speaker Richard M. Lee Congratulatory letters from Gen. 
 Davidson, GOT. Rutledge, Col. 0. H. Williams and Gen. Sumter After the battle, Mor 
 gan retreats across Broad river towards the Catawba Cornwallis, deterred by the 
 result of the battle, awaits a junction with Leslie before marching in pursuit of Morgan 
 Believing that the latter^ntended remaining north of Broad river, Cornwullis marches 
 in that direction Discovers his mistake His unavailing pursuit Morgan reaches the 
 cast bank of the Catawba His letter to Gen. Greene Reflections upon the military 
 events Just detailed Morgan resolves to defend the fords of the Catawba His letters to 
 Gen. Grceae from this quarter. 
 
 MAKING due allowance for the numbers engaged in the battle 
 of the Cowpens, and for the particular circumstances under which 
 it was fought, the victory was certainly the most brilliant that 
 had ever been achieved by the arms of America. It is even 
 doubtful if our subsequent military annals furnish anything of the 
 kind, which, under like limitations, at all approaches it in splen 
 dor. The scene of this memorable engagement was in an open 
 wood, affording to the movements of an army all the facilities of 
 a plain. The ground offered none of those advantages which 
 swamps, thickets, and a broken surface afford to the weak against 
 the strong, and to those carrying on defensive operations. Tt was 
 pronounced by Tarleton himself to be as proper and convenient a 
 place for an action as he could desire.* The American force 
 engaged was not more than eight hundred and fifty men, more 
 than half of whom were undisciplined militia. That of the 
 
 * *TaHeton,p. 221. 
 
 14 
 
314 THE LTFE OF 
 
 British, composed for the most part of the elite of their army, 
 numbered from one thousand and fifty men to eleven hundred and 
 fifty men, having the additional advantages of artillery and a large 
 numerical superiority in bayonets and cavalry. The obstinate 
 and sanguinary contest which ensued jvas not attended by any of 
 those fortuitous events which occasionally turn the tide of battle 
 against all the calculations of experience, as well as all the efforts 
 of well directed courage. From first to last it was a deadly 
 struggle, the termination of which, while it brought destruction 
 on one of the combatants, gave victory, complete and decisive, to 
 the other, as the reward of superior courage and constancy. The 
 result will stand for all time, a proud and imperishable memorial 
 of American prowess. 
 
 But brilliant as was this achievement, the solid advantages which 
 it secured to the cause of independence constitute its chief claim to 
 remembrance. As Cornwallis s first expedition into North Carqlina 
 was terminated by the destruction of Ferguson, so the second was 
 crippled and eventually arrested by the overthrow of Tarleton. The 
 affair of King s Mountain removed the impression which had 
 until that event been deeply sunk in the public mind, that the 
 British were invincible, and must ultimately succeed in their 
 designs. That of the Cowpens re-animated the expiring hopes of 
 the people, and after a brief period of doubt and despondency, 
 marshalled them by thousands against the enemies of their 
 country. It was the first link in the chain of events, which, 
 baffling the efforts and blasting the hopes of the enemy, at length 
 led to their expulsion from the country, and to a glorious termi 
 nation of the struggle. 
 
 The numerous and valuable services which Morgan rendered 
 during the war, had won him a conspicuous place in public esti 
 mation. But after this brilliant and important achievement, he 
 was deservedly ranked among the most illustrious defenders of his 
 country. Yet strange as it may appear, the unexampled success 
 whi-ch attended him on that occasion, was subsequently made the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 315 
 
 means of inflicting a serious wound on his military reputation. 
 Notwithstanding the many reasons which combined, forcing him 
 to give the enemy battle, he was blamed for incurring the risk. 
 Notwithstanding the military genius which he displayed in 
 the selection of his position, the disposition of his forces, and the 
 conduct of the engagement, his censurers condemned it all as 
 indicating temerity rather than judgment. The indomitable 
 courage, the unyielding constancy, which, through his happy 
 adaptation of means to circumstances, were brought on that occa 
 sion into full operation, seem to have been considered as secondary 
 elements in the military combinations of his scientific accusers, 
 who evidently based their censures upon the hazardous assump 
 tion, that it was impossible for a body of Americans, however 
 brave and well-disciplined, or however well conducted, to contend 
 successfully against an equal number of the enemy under a com 
 petent commander. Morgan s determination to fight sprung from 
 , opinions totally different. His dispositions for battle were made 
 under the conviction that his troops, rested, refreshed, and full of 
 confidence, were more than a match for the fatigued, panting 
 adversary approaching him, and that the hopelessness of escape 
 by flight, involved, in his position, would secure him such a hearty 
 co-operation from the militia, as must necessarily result in a 
 triumph. There never was a moment during the action, in which 
 he feared or had cause to fear, for the result. The misapprehen 
 sion which caused the main line to retreat, only gave new 
 strength to his confidence, from the discipline and unshaken 
 courage which the men displayed on that occasion. Colonel 
 Tarleton, however, has interpreted these dispositions to the dis 
 credit of Morgan s judgment, and seems, even in the contemplation 
 of his defeat, to be astonished at the temerity which should ven 
 ture to meet him on equal terms, and rest for the issue on skill 
 and courage alone. "The ground which Gen. Morgan had 
 chosen for the engagement, in order to cover his retreat to Broad 
 river," remarks Col. Tarleton, " was disadvantageous for the Amer- 
 
316 THE LIFE OF 
 
 leans, but convenient for the British; an open wood was cer 
 tainly as proper a place for action as Lieut. Col. Tarleton could 
 desire. America does not produce many more suitable to the 
 nature of the troops under his command. The situation of the 
 enemy was desperate in case of misfortune ; an open country and 
 a river in their rear, must have thrown them entirely in the 
 power of a superior cavalry, whilst the light troops, in case of a 
 repulse, had the expectation of a neighboring force to protect 
 them from destruction."* These opinions and reasonings, if not 
 adopted, were in a great measure concurred in by those who 
 employed themselves in detracting from the well earned fame of 
 Gen. Morgan. But the following brief justification of himself, 
 while it displays the dauntlessness of character and originality of 
 mind which distinguished the man, leaves Tarleton as little to 
 boast of from his reasoning as from his fighting. " I would not," 
 Morgan once observed, in remarking upon objections similar to 
 the above, "have had a swamp in view of my militia on any con^ 
 sideration ; they would have made for it, and nothing could have 
 detained them from it. As to covering my wings, I knew my 
 adversary, and was perfectly sure I should have nothing but 
 downright fighting. As to retreat, it was the very thing I wished 
 to cut off all hope of. I would have thanked Tarleton had he 
 surrounded me with his cavalry. It would have been better than 
 placing my own men in the rear to shoot down those who broke 
 from the ranks. When men are forced to fight, they will sell 
 their lives dearly ; and I knew that the dread of Tarleton s 
 cavalry would give due weight to the protection of my bayonets, 
 and keep my troops from breaking, as Buford s regiment did. 
 Had I crossed the river, one-half of the militia would immediately 
 have abandoned me."f 
 
 The reasons which brought Morgan to the determination to 
 fight Tarleton have already been given, and that they were the 
 true ones, cannot be disputed without also disputing the authen- 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 221. t Johnson s Greene, p. 876. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 317 
 
 ticity of the evidence furnished in his own and General Greene s 
 letters ; and rejecting the inferences which all the circumstances 
 naturally educe. Yet Col. Lee ascribes this determination to a 
 sudden fit of ill temper, " which," he adds, " overruled the sug 
 gestions of Morgan s sound and discriminating judgment." His 
 masterly retreat, after the battle, in the face of the enemy, to the 
 Catawba, was regarded as an escape little less than miraculous ; 
 and although the natural result of a correct judgment of his situ 
 ation, formed upon a knowledge of Cornwallis s intentions and 
 movements, its success was ascribed to circumstances indicating a 
 providential interference in behalf of the cause in which he was 
 engaged. But these, and other inaccuracies less pardonable, will 
 be noticed in their proper connection. To assaults of this nature, 
 Morgan never vouchsafed a formal answer. This is to be 
 regretted, for his injured fame may be cited in proof of the fact, 
 that there are few names which are rendered so impregnable in 
 the good opinions of the world as never to need defending. None 
 are above the reach of calumny or misrepresentation. Keputa- 
 tions are like riches ; it is not easy to determine which is the 
 more difficult task, to keep, or to acquire them. Satisfied in the 
 belief that his conduct and character were properly estimated by 
 the people at large, he treated with proud indifference the opin 
 ions of those whose strictures he justly considered as the sugges 
 tions of prejudice or of envy. Prejudice is blind, and envy will 
 not see. Genius, in whatever form it presents itself, always 
 arouses the antipathies of natures less richly endowed. It can 
 only be judged by its achievements ; and after all, success fur 
 nishes its own best defence. Yet the world is too apt to adopt 
 the judgments of a lower order of minds, and to condemn the 
 bold and adventurous spirits who leave the beaten track and 
 follow the promptings of " the divinity which stirs within them," 
 to the attainment of their ends. Much of weak argument, and 
 more of misrepresentation, have thus found their way into history, 
 and at length impressed the present age with the belief, that 
 
318 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Morgan was a brave, but not a judicious officer, and that he was 
 indebted more to fortune than to ability for his laurels. Against 
 such conclusions truth and justice alike demand that his reputa 
 tion should be defended. 
 
 For some time previously to this glorious affair, the attention 
 of the whole country had been drawn with breathless interest 
 towards the military operations of the South. The result of the 
 pending struggle in that quarter would, it was generally believed, 
 exercise an important, if not a decisive, influence upon the issue 
 of the war. The co-operation of the French, the liberty of the 
 South, and the integrity of the confederation itself, were supposed 
 to depend upon a fortunate turn in the events then approaching 
 development. But the ill-fortune which had hitherto attended 
 the efforts of Howe, Lincoln and Gates, and the feebleness of 
 Greene s present force, when compared with the powerful array 
 of the enemy, filled the breast of every patriot with the most 
 gloomy presentiments. Under these circumstances, it is not difficult 
 to imagine the burst of joy with which the cheering news of thi-s 
 victory was received throughout the land, and the thanks and honors 
 which a grateful people showered upon the brave men who 
 achieved it. Congress manifested their approbation by the pas 
 sage of a preamble and resolutions expressive of their thanks to 
 the officers and men who participated in the battle, and directing 
 a gold medal, with suitable inscriptions, to be presented to Mor 
 gan. They likewise presented Pickens, now a brigadier general, 
 with a sword ; Lieut. Cols. Washington and Howard with a silver 
 medal each, and Major Triplett with a sword. The House of 
 Delegates of Virginia passed resolutions of approval and thanks ; 
 directing also, at a subsequent period, that Morgan should be pre 
 sented with a horse, fully caparisoned, and a sword. The Legisla 
 tures of a number of the States marked the event with proceedings 
 expressive of their gratification. From the most distinguished quar 
 ters poured in upon him congratulations, mingled with expressions 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 319 
 
 of condolence upon the unfortunate state of his health, and of hope 
 for his speedy recovery. 
 
 From these numerous manifestations of a nation s joy and gra 
 titude, a few have been selected for publication, some from their 
 historical importance, and others from their intimate connection 
 with the narrative of events, and the honor which is deservedly 
 associated with the names of the writers. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 
 
 Congress, impressed with the most lively sentiments of approbation at the 
 conduct of Brigadier General Morgan and the officers and men under his 
 command, on the seventeenth of January last, when, with eighty cavalry and 
 two hundred and thirty-seven infantry of the troops of the United States, 
 and five hundred and fifty-three militia from the States of Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, he obtained a complete and impor 
 tant victory over a select and well appointed detachment of more than 
 eleven hundred British troops, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton, 
 do therefore 
 
 Resolve : That the thanks of Congress be presented to Brigadier General 
 Morgan and the officers and men under his command, for their fortitude 
 and good conduct displayed in the action at the Cowpens, in the State of 
 South Carolina, on the said seventeenth of January last. 
 
 That a medal of gold be presented to Brigadier General Morgan, repre 
 senting on one side the action aforesaid, particularizing his numbers, the num 
 bers of the enemy, the numbers of killed, wounded and prisoners, and his 
 trophies; and on the other side, the figure of the general on horseback, 
 leading on his troops in pursuit of the flying enemy, with this motto in the 
 exergue, Virtus unita vale.t. 
 
 Passed March 9th, 1781. 
 
 NOTE. Many years elapsed before General Morgan received the medal thus voted to him. 
 In the meantime, the design directed by the resolutions was materially changed, as may be 
 seen by the engraved representation of the medal. On the obverse side, the original 
 directions were mainly observed; but on the reverse, Morgan is represented as receiving 
 a crown of laurels from the Genius of America ; the background is filled up with the tro- 
 p lies of victory ; while on the top is the inscription " Danieli Morgan duct efKercitus, - 
 and at the bottom, " Comitia Americana." 
 
320 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Hon. Samuel Huntington to Gen. Morgan. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, April llth, 1781. 
 
 SIR: Your letter of the 28th ult. hath been duly received, with the 
 standard of the 7th British regiment which fell into your hands in the bat 
 tle of the-l7th of January. This will be deposited with other trophies in 
 the War Office, to remain a lasting evidence of the victory that day 
 obtained with so much gallantry and bravery. 
 
 I am sorry to find your health so much impaired; hope by your present 
 retirement and relaxation from the toils of the field that it may be perfectly 
 restored, and your country reap signal advantages from your future ser 
 vices. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 
 
 Friday the 9th of March, 1781. 
 
 Resolved: That Brigadier General Morgan be requested to accept of a 
 horse with furniture, and a sword, as a further testimony of the high esteem of 
 his country for his military character and abilities, so gloriously displayed in 
 the victory gained by him and the troops he lately commanded in South 
 Carolina, and that the Governor be desired to direct some proper person 
 to procure the said articles, and convey them to the said General. 
 
 Teste. 
 
 JOHN BECKLEY, C. H. D. 
 Uth March, 1781. 
 Agreed to by the Senate. 
 
 WILL. DREW, C. S. 
 
 Governor Nelson to General Morgan. 
 
 RICHMOND, July 20th, 1781. 
 
 SIR : It will give me the greatest pleasure to comply with the resolution of 
 the Assembly, directing that you shall be presented with a horse, sword, 
 &c., as I shall ever be happy to contribute towards rewarding distinguished 
 merit. 
 
 I am under some difficulty with respect to the horse, because I may 
 procure one that may not suit you. If you know of one that you wish to 
 have, I will immediately direct that he shall be purchased. The Assembly 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 321 
 
 intended the present shonld be a genteel one ; the horse, therefore, ought 
 to be of the first quality. 
 
 I am, Sir, with great esteem, 
 
 Your ob t and very humble serv t, 
 
 THOMAS NELSON. 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Hon. Richard Henry Lee to General Morgan. 
 
 RICHMOND, March, 21st, 11> j. 
 
 SIR: It is with peculiar pleasure that I execute the order of the PUase 
 of Delegates, in transmitting to you their sense, and through them the 
 sense that your country entertains of the many signal services perfoi ned 
 by you in the various victories that you have obtained over the enemies 
 of the United States, and more especially in the late well-timed total 
 defeat given to the British troops in South Carolina. I am directed to 
 request of you, Sir, that you will convey to the brave officers and troops 
 under your command in the action of the 17th of January, the sense 
 entertained by the House of Delegates of their valor and great services 
 upon that occasion. 
 
 Having thus discharged my duty to the House of Delegates, permit me to 
 lament that the unfortunate state of your health should deprive the public 
 of those eminent services in the field which you are so capable of perform 
 ing; and let me hope that it will not be long before return of health will 
 restore vou to the armv and to your country. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE, Sec 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Gen. Davidson to Gen. Morgan. 
 
 CHARLOTTE, Jan. 21st, 1781. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL : You will please to accept my warmest congratulations 
 on your late glorious victory. You have, in my opinion, paved the way 
 for the salvation of this country. I hope Major McDowell and the volun 
 teers answered the character I gave you of them. 
 
 The militia are coming in fast to this place. Against Wednesday or 
 Thursday, I shall be ready to march with a considerable number of pretty 
 good men, wherever it may be proper; and several gentlemen from the 
 country have offered to embody the militia that are at home, to conduct 
 the prisoners to any place that may be directed. If you think well of 
 
 14* 
 
322 THE LIFE OF 
 
 this, I will thank you to let me know by the bearer of this, Parson 
 McCaully, as I have men here from every company, who can curry dis 
 patches for the purpose immediately. I think I shall have six hundred 
 men, at least, at the place of rendezvous. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 WM. DAVIDSON. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 P.S. I believe your boats are ready at Major Davidson s. Let me know 
 if you have any flints to spare. I want about two thousand. A thousand 
 compliments to the officers. 
 
 Gen. Davidson to Gen. Morgan. 
 
 CHARLOTTE, Jan. 23rf, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR: The enclosed dispatches from head-quarters came to hand 
 to-day, with a letter from General Greene. The General mentions to me 
 the plan you suggested of making a diversion to the westward, and seema 
 to depend much upon your judgment respecting that matter. In the 
 meantime, I am directed to make you acquainted with my numbers and 
 situation, and to hold myself in readiness to execute any order you may 
 think proper to give. As the troops are now collecting, returns cannot be 
 made for some time. Seventeen British soldiers, taken on the retreat, the 
 17th instant, were brought in here to-day. Your victory over Tarleton 
 has gladdened every countenance in this part. We have had a, feu dejoie 
 to-day, in consequence of it. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 Your very obedient and humble servant, 
 
 WM. DAVIDSON. 
 HON. BRIG. GEN. MORGAN, 
 Commanding on the West of the Catawba. 
 
 Gov. Rutledge to Gen. Morgan. 
 
 CHKKAWS, Jan. 25^, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I request that you will be pleased to accept my warmest and 
 most cordial thanks, and that you will present them to the brave officers 
 and men under your command, for the good conduct and intrepidity 
 manifested in the action with Lieut. Col. Tarleton, on the 17th instant. 
 This total defeat of chosen veteran British troops, by a number far 
 inferior to theirs, will forever distinguish the gallant men by whom the 
 glorious victory was obtained, and endear them to their country. I 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 323 
 
 reflect on it with the greatest pleasure, as a presage of the happiest conse 
 quences. It will excite many to emulate their patriotism; and by the 
 undaunted courage and perseverance of freemen who are determined to 
 maintain the independence of America, that must (with the blessing of 
 God on our arms), be firmly established. Col. Pickens s behavior justified 
 the opinion I have always had of that gallant officer. Enclosed is a 
 Brigadier s commission, of which I desire his acceptance. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 
 J. RUTLEDGE. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 COL. WILLIAMS TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 CAMP PEDEE, Jan. 25, 1781. 
 
 DEAR GEN. : I rejoice exceedingly at your success. The advantages you 
 have gained are important, and do great honor to your little corps. I am 
 peculiarly happy that so great a share of the glory is due to the officers 
 and men of the light infantry. Next to the happiness which a man feels 
 at his own good fortune, is that which attends his friend. I am much 
 better pleased that you have plucked the laurels from the brow of the 
 hitherto fortunate Tarleton, than if he had fallen by the hands of Lucifer. 
 Vengeance is not sweet if it is not taken as we would have it. I am 
 delighted that the accumulated honors of a young partisan should be 
 plundered by my old friend. 
 
 We have had &feu de joie, drunk all your healths, swore you were the 
 finest fellows on earth, and love you, if possible, more than ever. The 
 General has, I think, made his compliments in very handsome terms. 
 Enclosed is a copy of his orders. It was written immediately after we 
 received the news, and during the operation of some cherry bounce. 
 
 I have only to add a repetition of my best wishes for you. Compli 
 ments to Howard and all friends. Adieu. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 0. H. WILLIAMS. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 GEN. SUMTER TO GEN. MORGAN.* 
 
 CATAWBA RIVER, 28Z& January, 1781. 
 DEAR SIR : I have every reason to believe that the enemy are not more 
 
 * A few remarks are suggested by this letter. It is generally believed that the oppo 
 sition of Col. Sumter to the efforts of Morgan, in relation to the establishment of maga- 
 
324 THE LIFE OF 
 
 than 1,600 strong. I have had them repeated!/ counted, and could ascer- 
 tain their number to a man, if I knew what had escaped the defeat of Col. 
 Tarleton upon which happy event I most heartily congratulate you. 
 
 I am, &c., 
 
 THOMAS SUMTEK. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 The battle over, Morgan made preparations for an immediate 
 retreat. Far from being intoxicated by his victory, or from con 
 sidering it as affording him a prospect of security, he felt that it 
 must necessarily have the effect of greatly increasing his danger. 
 However strong were the reasons for a retreat before the contest, 
 they had now become imperative in their nature. The British 
 army was not more than thirty miles distant from the scene of 
 action. The fugitives from the field, he knew, would reach Corn- 
 waliis s camp that night. For some time previously this officer 
 had kept his troops under marching orders. It was taken for 
 granted, that upon learning his loss, he would make instant and 
 prodigious efforts, not only to obtain revenge, but to liberate his 
 captive soldiery, and to recover their arms and baggage. Morgan 
 accordingly resolved to make a dash for the Catawba. The fords 
 of that river were, however, nearer to Cornwallis than to himself; 
 and, however great the diligence he displayed in the effort to 
 reach them, he felt assured that the enemy might intercept him, 
 should they correctly divine his intentions, and act with prompti 
 tude. But there was a possibility that Cornwallis would lose this 
 advantage, from a misconception of his adversary s designs. Mor 
 
 aine?, already alluded to, originated in a dislike of the latter by the former, and that the 
 circumstance in question tended to increase the ill feeling between these distinguished inen. 
 There is reason to believe that the judicious efforts of General Greene, to reconcile this, 
 matter, were not unsuccessful, and that Morgan and Sumter thereafter regarded each 
 other with friendly eyes. Sumter was a man who scorned everything like dissimulation, 
 and, as occasion offered, was as free in the display of his hatreds as he was of his friend 
 ships. Under this view of his character, which is undoubtedly the correct one, the letter 
 above would never have been written had he entertained feelings of dislike towards 
 Morgan. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 325 
 
 gan used the chance thus afforded him to the best advantage. 
 While hurrying his preparations, justly considering that every 
 minute lost would but add to his danger, he kept his ulterior 
 designs a secret to all but his principal officers, and gave currency 
 to the impression that it was his intention to hold the country 
 north of Broad river. 
 
 Colonel Pickens, with a body of militia, was directed to 
 remain on the ground, under the protection of a flag, for the pur 
 pose of burying the dead, and of ministering to the sufferings and 
 wants of the wounded of both armies. The baggage of the enemy 
 furnished tents, bedding, and other comforts, which were appro 
 priated to the use of the wounded. The prisoners were collected, 
 the arms, cannon, and other valuable trophies were placed in 
 wagons, and the troops formed in marching order. The detach 
 ment under Washington being still absent in pursuit of the 
 enemy, orders were left for it to follow the main body without 
 delay, upon its return. These and other arrangements having 
 been made, the line was put in motion about noon. Before the 
 close of the day, the array crossed Broad river at the Cherokee 
 ford, and encamped for the night on its northern bank 
 
 Long before daylight next morning, Morgan had resumed his 
 march. Anticipating difficulty, if not disaster, he took every 
 precaution, and prepared for the worst. Being soon after joined 
 by Washington and the cavalry, the prisoners were placed under 
 their charge, with directions to move higher up the country, and 
 to cross the Catawba at the Island ford. The main body, in the 
 mean time, struck into and advanced upon the direct road to 
 Kamsower s Mills, situated on the Little Catawba. Morgan justly 
 considered, that should the enemy approach and attack him, or 
 cut off his retreat towards the Catawba, there was, by this arrange 
 ment, a change still left for the preservation of his prisoners from 
 recapture. 
 
 While pressing his march, he expected every hour to hear that 
 the enemy were at hand and looked with anxiety for the return 
 
526 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of some of his spies with information of their movements. Great 
 was his surprise and joy upon learning that night, not only that 
 the enemy had not moved up to a late hour of the day, but that 
 they did not intend to move until a junction had been effected 
 with Leslie. Cheered by this encouraging news, Morgan pushed 
 forward with renewed vigor early the next morning. 
 
 The news of Tarleton s defeat reached Cornwallis, through the 
 fugitives from the field, on the night of the lYth, and came upon 
 him with the stunning effects of a thunderbolt. Uncertain as to 
 Morgan s position and strength, and believing that the militia 
 were out in overpowering numbers, he had hesitated in his 
 advance, and at length determined not to rush upon unknown 
 dangers, until his forces were strengthened by the approaching 
 reinforcements. The intelligence he now received, while it 
 increased his respect for Morgan s courage and address, confirmed 
 his opinion as to that officer s force. For Tarleton, in palliation 
 of his defeat, represented Morgan s strength at 2,000 men, a 
 number more than double that of which it really consisted. 
 Equally uncertain as to Morgan s future movements, Cornwallis 
 determined to defer a pursuit until he could obtain the desired 
 information, or be joined by the force under Leslie. He was 
 encouraged to adopt this course, from the belief that the defeat 
 of Tarleton would exercise a fatal influence upon Morgan tempt 
 ing him either to remain in the neighborhood of Broad river, or 
 to advance towards Ninety-six. 
 
 The desired junction with Leslie was effected the next day. 
 But no intelligence regarding Morgan, his strength, position, or 
 tendency, had yet been received. On the 19th, the British army 
 moved towards King s creek. Another day passed without 
 yielding any information of Morgan, when Tarleton was directed 
 to recross Broad river with the dragoons and the yagers, and 
 endeavor to obtain the desired intelligence. This officer returned 
 the same evening, having learned that Morgan, soon after the 
 action, had marched from the field of battle with his corps and 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 327 
 
 the prisoners, leaving the wounded under the protection of a flag,. 
 and that he had crossed Broad river at the upper fords.* 
 
 The enigma involved in Morgan s movements and designs was 
 now apparently solved. It appeared to the British commander 
 that his adversary meditated holding his ground in the neigh 
 borhood of Broad river. Full of the hope of being able to corner 
 Morgan, and to regain his captured troops, Cornwallis now put 
 his army in active motion. Crossing Buffalo creek on the 21st, 
 he reached Little Broad river the next morning. Passing this 
 stream also, he continued to advance in the direction of King s 
 Mountain, when he learned that he had been deceived, and that 
 Morgan had eluded him. 
 
 The latter, fully alive to the critical nature of his situation, and 
 conscious that he was still in the power of the enemy, if they 
 acted with judgment and promptitude, lost not a moment in 
 prosecuting his retreat. Yet in spite of all his efforts, and not 
 withstanding the active character of his troops, his progress was 
 so slow, as to fill him with the greatest anxiety and alarm. 
 There were many circumstances which conspired to retard his 
 advance. A very rainy season had rendered the numerous streams 
 difficult to ford, and the roads heavy and fatiguing to travel. His 
 troops were harassed by the hard duty of the preceding fortnight, 
 and were unequal to their usual exertions when rested and 
 refreshed. But even were it otherwise, they dragged along with 
 them a prize in the captured arms, too valuable to be relinquished 
 while a hope of escape remained, but which greatly retarded their 
 progress. The heavy baggage of the enemy, after supplying the 
 wants of the wounded, Morgan had destroyed ; but the muskets 
 and ammunition were clung to as the means of arming those who 
 were even at the moment embodied for service, but of no avail for 
 the want of arms. To these causes of delay, was added that 
 growing out of the necessity of collecting provisions and forage 
 for the daily wants of the army ; and taken together, prevented 
 the advance at a pace more rapid than ten miles a day. 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, p. 222. 
 
328 THE LIFE OF 
 
 On the 19th, Morgan crossed Little Broad river. Two days 
 afterwards, he passed the Little Catawba at Ramsower s Mills; 
 and on the morning of the 23d, took post at Sherrald s Ford, on 
 the east bank of the Catawba. 
 
 No time was lost in apprising Gen. Greene of the progress of 
 events, which would exercise so important an influence upon the 
 measures of that officer. The following is the first of Morgan s 
 letters which reached him from Sherrald s Ford : 
 
 SHERRALD S FORD, CATAWBA. RIVER, Jan. 23, 1781. 
 
 SIR : I arrived here this morning. The prisoners crossed at the Island 
 Ford, seventeen miles higher up the river. I expect them to join me this 
 evening; shall send them on to Salisbury in the morning, guarded by 
 Major Triplett s militia, whose time expires this day. If they are to be 
 sent any further, Major Triplett wishes, and thinks is right, that the militia 
 under Gen. Stevens should have the trouble of them, as they have not 
 underwent so much fatigue as his men. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, whether from bad intelligence, or to make a show, 
 moved up towards Gilbertown, to intercept me, the day after I had passed 
 him. I am apprehensive he will (if he is not coming this way) return or 
 send a party by the field of action, and take his wounded, which I neglected 
 taking a receipt from the doctor for,* and perhaps some of the arms left 
 
 * A few days after the battle, the wounded of the British were removed from the field 
 to Carnden, with an understanding that they were to be regarded as prisoners of war. 
 The wounded of the Americans were taken care of by the patriotic inhabitants of the 
 district, who also collected and carried away the arms, accoutrements, baggage, <fec., 
 which were left behind. In relation to this subject, the following letters are among Gen. 
 Morgan s correspondence : 
 
 COL. TARLETON TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Near TURKEY CREEK, Jan. 19, 1781. 
 
 SIR: The action of the 17th inst., having thrown into your hands a number of British 
 officers and soldiers, 
 
 I primarily request of you, that attention and humanity may be exhibited towards the 
 wounded officers and rnen, for whose assistance I now send by a flag, Dr. Stewart, and 
 the surgeon s mate of the 7th regiment. 
 
 I secondly desire you to inform me of the number and quality of the prisoners which 
 the fortune of war has placed in your possession. 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 BAN. TARLETON, Lieut. Col. Com., B.L. 
 
 P.S. I have sent some money for the use of the prisoners. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 329 
 
 on the field, that I had not time to collect. But I left orders for that 
 purpose with the well affected inhabitants. 
 
 I received your letters of the 13th inst., and would have endeavored to 
 get the cloth; but being obliged to come so far out of the way with the 
 prisoners, puts it entirely out of my power. However, I will communicate 
 the matter to Col. Pickens ; perhaps he may have some enterprising 
 followers that would undertake it. I have engaged one of his captains to 
 go round and kill the enemy s horses ; perhaps he may do the other 
 business.* 
 
 SURGEON JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Jan. 18, 17S1. 
 
 SIR : As the wounded must suffer much for the want of necessaries, and even medical 
 assistance, with your permission, I should wish to inform Lord Cornwallis of their 
 situation; that if he thinks proper, he may order something for their relief; some surgeons 
 of the general hospital, and some hospital appointments. From your very great 
 politeness to me, I am confident you will grant everything that is reasonable or proper. 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 ROBERT JACKSON, Surgeon s Mate, \st Bat. list RegH. 
 Hon. BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 DR. R. PINDELL TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 MR. JORDAN S, NEAR THE COWPENS, Jan. 22, 17S1. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL: Inclosed I send a flag which arrived yesterday from Col. Tarleton. 
 You will see his own requisitions, in addition to which, Dr. Jackson, in conjunction with 
 the gentlemen who came with the flag (finding it impossible to have their wounded 
 properly provided for in this country) are desirous of having the men paroled, and to 
 have permission to take them within the British lines. They will give a receipt for the 
 number of wounded men they receive, and make a return of those that may recover, to 
 our commissary of prisoners, whom they will exchange. I am of the opinion, also, that 
 they cannot be provided for here, and think their proposals of equal advantage to us. 
 There has been one instance of the kind, at Stoney Point. If it is not agreeable to you 
 to have the men paroled, the surgeons will give a receipt for the men and be accountable 
 for them. Some of them are still in the field. You will please to dispatch an answer as 
 soon as possible, that we may know in what manner to act. I wrote you two or three 
 days past, but have received no answer. I wish some mode could be established to 
 remove our wounded to Salisbury. We have no salt ; there is no regular supply estab 
 lished yet. I am entirely out of bandages and lint, and shall soon want a supply of 
 medicines 
 
 I am, <tc., 
 
 R. PINDELL. 
 
 LRIO. GEN. MORGAN, Commanding on the west of Catawba. 
 
 * The closing sentence of the above paragraph is in answer to the suggestion, made by 
 Gen. Greene in his letter to Morgan, of the Sth of January, 1780, that a party should be 
 
330 THE LIFE OF 
 
 I intend to stay at this place till I hear from you, in order to recruit the 
 men and to get in a good train. We must be fitted out with pack horses, 
 for as I wrote you before, wagons will not do for light troops. I intend 
 to send Col. Pickens back immediately, in order to keep up a show of 
 opposition, and to cut off small parties that may be sent out for the pur 
 pose of destroying the country, as I expect that wall be their aim, to pre 
 vent us from getting supplies from that back country. I have got men 
 that are watching the enemy s movements, and will give you the earliest 
 accounts. But I think they will be this way, if the stroke we gave Tarle- 
 ton don t check them. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 Col. Washington has this moment joined me with the prisoners. Twenty- 
 seven more were taken by our light parties men of the legion, chiefly 
 dragoons, and some red coats. He says he has heard of a number more 
 being taken ; so that at this time, we have six hundred prisoners at least. 
 
 Upon reaching the Catawba, Morgan s apprehensions of being 
 overtaken departed for ever. Nothing could deprive him of the glory 
 which he had acquired. But a correct conception of his designs, 
 and an ordinary exercise of celerity by the enemy, might have 
 
 sent to kill the enemy s draft and cavalry horses, then collected at the Congaree. The 
 letter referred in the same paragraph is as follows : 
 
 GEN. GREENE TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, Jan. 13, 178i. 
 
 DEAR SIR: There are six wagon loads of cloth on the way from Charleston to the 
 Congaree river, the property of one Wade Hampton, who, it is said, wishes it to fall into 
 our hands. It will halt on the Congaree, at Friday s Ferry; but in that situation you 
 cannot get at it; and the man, it is reported, is willing to move it on towards Ninety-six, 
 as if to relieve that garrison. To satisfy yourself respecting the matter, you must send 
 a man to Mr. Hampton and inquire respecting the report; and if true, concert with him 
 a plan for getting possession of the cloth, as it would be of infinite importance to get it 
 into our possession. You will readily see, from the nature of the thing, that it is not to 
 be considered as plunder ; nor must anybody but yourself know anything of the trans 
 action, as it would inevitably ruin the man. Great caution should be taken to guard 
 
 against those evils. 
 
 I am, &<-., 
 
 N. GREENE. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 331 
 
 stripped him of many of the advantages which the victory had 
 yielded him, and have forced upon him the adoption of new 
 measures to extricate his troops from danger. At the time the 
 brttle was fought, the positions of the adverse armies were nearly 
 equi-distaiit from the point where a junction was formed by the 
 two roads, which led from each to the fords across which Morgan 
 had gassed. Had Cornwallis divined the intentions and move 
 ments of the Americans after the battle, and been correctly 
 informed as to their force, he could have easily cut off their 
 retreat towards Broad river. But his uncertainty on these heads 
 produced a delay and a misdirection of efforts highly advantageous 
 to Morgan. The latter founded all his hopes of effecting his 
 retreat on the enemy s ignorance or misconception of his intentions. 
 His early movements from the field were accordingly conducted 
 in such a manner as to encourage the belief that he designed 
 remaining in the neighborhood. The ruse was completely suc 
 cessful. While Morgan was pushing forward in an easterly direc 
 tion towards the Catawba, Cornwallis was hurrying on in pursuit, 
 on a course nearly northwest to a point, which had long since 
 been passed by his wily adversary. 
 
 But now the attempts at interception were changed into a pur 
 suit. Hastily recrossing Little Broad river, Cornwallis led his 
 army in the direction taken by Morgan. But the same obstacles 
 which had hitherto clogged his movements continued to render 
 his progress extremely slow, and it was not until the 24th that he 
 reached Ramsower s Mills. Here he learned that Morgan had 
 crossed two days previously, and that ere that time, that officer 
 had doubtless gained the east bank of the Catawba. 
 
 It was now that the danger which threatened not only his 
 operations, but his military reputation, broke upon his view. 
 Although he had exerted himself to the utmost to overtake the 
 Americans, and in part retrieve the disasters he had experienced, 
 by their destruction, they had evidently gained upon him. The 
 sanguine hopes in which he had previously indulged of recovering 
 
332 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his light troops, were now succeeded by misgivings that they 
 were irrecoverably lost, unless some extraordinary measures were 
 taken. As if theso circumstances were not in themselves suffi 
 ciently vexatious, he could not shut his eyes upon the fact that, 
 they were calculated to reflect unfavorably upon his character as 
 an officer of judgment and activity. He had led the British gov 
 ernment to believe that he had conquered South Carolina and 
 Georgia, arid that North Carolina was but the high road to Vir 
 ginia, where a junction with Phillips, it was fondly hoped, would 
 not only insure him the conquest of that State, but open a passage 
 northward. Yet what were the facts. His authority was resisted 
 everywhere beyond the reach of his sword. His first attempt to 
 invade North Carolina was abandoned in consequence of the des 
 truction which fell upon a portion of his forces at King s Moun 
 tain, and the determined resistance which was manifested to his 
 progress by the patriotic inhabitants of Mecklenburg, Ruhan, and 
 the adjoining districts. His more recent disaster overshadowed 
 the prospects of his second invasion, and should it render his 
 efforts equally abortive with the first attempt, it was apparent 
 even to himself that blame, if not disgrace, would come home to 
 him. In sight, as it were, of his head-quarters, a large and valua 
 ble detachment of his army had been captured ; yet he had suf 
 fered it, together with its arms, cannon, baggage, &c., to be borne 
 off by an inconsiderable force, in a circuitous route towards a 
 point which he ought to have known would be aimed at, and 
 which was nearer to himself than to his opponent. He never 
 made one well-directed, vigorous effort to make amends for his 
 mishaps, until the time had passed when "efforts might have been 
 availing. Maddened by the combined effects of losses anJ disap 
 pointments, and alarmed at the ruin which threatened alike hi? 
 operations and his fame, he justly contemplated his situation as 
 desperate ; and as usual with men under such circumstances, he 
 resorted to a desperate remedy. He clung with tenacity to the 
 hope that it was still possible to overtake the conqueror of the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 333 
 
 Cowpens, and took his measures accordingly. He came to the 
 resolution of halting at this point until he could disencumber his 
 infantry of everything calculated to render their movements less 
 active than had been those of his captured light troops ; and 
 by the destruction of all his baggage, not absolutely indispensable, 
 to give his army a facility for marching, favorable to the accom 
 plishment of his wishes. If a misgiving as to the ultimate conse 
 quences of so serious a measure had lingered in his mind, it was 
 banished upon learning that Morgan, instead of pursuing his 
 retreat, had coolly taken post on the east bank of the Catawba, 
 and was busily employed in preparations to oppose a passage of 
 the river. 
 
 Nothing but the certainty of overtaking Morgan could have 
 justified Cornwallis in resorting to a measure which necessarily 
 involved an abandonment of the design of prosecuting the cam 
 paign. It had been too long deferred to be beneficial, was wholly 
 unnecessary to the end proposed, and finally rendered his subse 
 quent operations fruitful of nothing but suffering and disaster. 
 
 Two days were occupied in burning the baggage, and in col 
 lecting provisions, when on the 27th the British army advanced 
 towards the Catawba. 
 
 Upon reaching this river, Morgan promptly took such measures 
 as his situation and circumstances required. His attention was 
 first directed to the preservation of his prisoners and the arms 
 from the danger of recapture. These, as may be inferred from 
 his letter of the 23d, were sent forward the next day towards 
 Virginia, under escort of Triplett s militia. He next addressed 
 the various commanders of militia in the vicinity, advising them 
 of the probable advance of the British army that way, and urging 
 them to lose no time in assembling their respective commands, 
 and joining him. Scouts and patrolling parties were thrown for 
 ward to obtain intelligence, the results of which wore promptly 
 communicated to Gen. Greene. 
 
 Although laboring under severe illness, which had now become 
 
334: THE LIFE OF 
 
 almost insupportable, Morgan spared no exertions to prepare for a 
 vigorous defence of his position, should the enemy approach. 
 His efforts, however, so increased his malady, as to force him to 
 contemplate a brief retirement from service, as the only means of 
 obtaining relief. These, and other interesting details, will be 
 found in the following letters, which, displaying as they likewise 
 do, the sagacity which could divine the objects of the enemy, and 
 suggest the means best calculated to defeat them, will be read 
 with interest : 
 
 CAMP, SHEWALD S FORD, 24ZA Jan., 1781. 
 
 SIR : I just received your letter of the 19th inst., and am much obliged 
 to you for your cautions against a surprise. Mr. Tarleton might as well 
 have been surprised himself as been so devilishly beaten as he was. I 
 approve much of having boats with the main army, but would not wish to 
 have any with me ; my party is too weak to guard them. 
 
 I am convinced a descent into Georgia would answer a very good pur 
 pose. It would draw the attention of the enemy that way, and much dis 
 concert my lord s plans. I am convinced, from every circumstance, he 
 intends to march in force through this part of the State, towards Virginia, 
 and his making a junction with Leslie fixes me in that opinion. 
 
 I should be exceedingly glad to make a descent into Georgia, but am so 
 emaciated that I can t undertake it. I grow worse every hour. I can t 
 ride out of a walk. I am exceedingly sorry to leave the field at such a 
 time as this, but it must be the case. Pickens is an enterprising man, and 
 a very judicious one : perhaps he might answer the purpose. With regard 
 to Gen. Sumter, I think I know the man so well that I shall take no 
 notice of what he has done, but follow your advice in every particular. 
 
 I have not had any intelligence from Lord Cornwallis this two days. I 
 expect to hear from him every hour. If anything interesting [trans 
 pires] I will let you know it immediately. The last account I had of him, 
 he had retreated to Smith s ford on Broad river. 
 
 The prisoners are gone on to Salisbury. Seventeen more of their scat- 
 terers were brought into Charlotte by some of our parties. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 N.B. My detachment is much weakened by this fight with Tarleton. I 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 335 
 
 expect we have near fifty men disabled. Keturns shall be sent you of the 
 effectives. We have nothing to drink. 
 
 CAMP, SHERRALD S FORD, 25M, Sunrise. 
 
 SIR : I am this minute informed by express, that Lord Cornwallis is at 
 Ramsay s Mill, on their march this way, destroying all before them. I 
 shall know the truth of this in a few hours, and let you know immediately. 
 I am, your obedient servant, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 To THE HON. MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 CAMP AT SHEBEALD S FORD, Jan. 25th, 1781, 2 o clock. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL : I receive intelligence every hour of the enemy s rapid 
 approach, in consequence of which I am sending off my wagons. My 
 numbers at this time are too weak to fight them. I intend to move 
 towards Salisbury, in order to get near the main army. I know they 
 intend to brfcig me to an action, which I am resolved carefully to avoid. 
 
 I expect you will move somewhere on the Yadkin to oppose their cross 
 ing. I think it would be advisable to join our forces and fight them 
 before they join Phillips, which they certainly will do if they are not 
 stopped. I have ordered the commanding officer at Salisbury to move off 
 with the prisoners and stores. If you think it right you will repeat it. I 
 cannot ascertain their (the enemy s) numbers, but suppose them odds of 
 two thousand ; that number, if they keep in a compact body which I 
 make no doubt they will we cannot hurt. I have sent to Gen. Davidson 
 to join me, which I expect he will do to-morrow. His strength I do not 
 know, as his men were collecting yesterday. 
 
 I am, dear General, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 CAMP, SHERRALD S FORD, 25<7i Jan., 1781, 12 o clock. 
 
 SIR : The enemy encamped last night at Ramsower s Mills, in force ; they 
 marched near thirty miles yesterday. It is my opinion they intend to 
 make a forced march through this part of the State, and perhaps make, or 
 try to make, a junction with Phillips, high up in the country. If so, the 
 position you have taken will be much out of the way. If Cornwallis and 
 Leslie have joined their force, we are not able to contend with them. All 
 the Southern militia have dispersed. What numbers Gen. Davidson has 
 I am not able to inform you, as they were only collecting yesterday. 
 
336 THE LIFE OF 
 
 From this information, you ll be able to dispose of your army in the best 
 manner. 
 
 I am convinced Cornwallis will push on till he is stopped by a force 
 able to check him. I will do every thing in my power ; but you may not 
 put much dependence in me, for I can neither ride nor walk ; a pain in 
 the hip prevents me. I will continue to give you every intelligence in my 
 power. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 MAT. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 I this moment received intelligence that the enemy are within a few 
 miles of this place, moving on rapidly. My party is so weak that I think 
 I must give way. 
 
 CAMP AT SHERIULD S FORD, Jan. 28, 1781. 
 
 SIR : Lord Cornwallis, on the 24th inst. encamped at Ramsower s Mills, 
 with his main body, on his way from Broad river. His advanced corps 
 moved eight miles farther this way in the night, and returned the next 
 day to their main body. He still continues at that place. My reason for 
 not writing to you these two days was to find out which way they really 
 intended, that I might have it in my power to inform you fully. 
 
 I am trying to collect the militia, to make a stand at this place. Gen. 
 Davidson, with five hundred militia two hundred and fifty of which are 
 without flints I have ordered to Beatty s ford. We are filling all the 
 private fords so as to make them impassable. The one that I lie at I 
 intend to leave open. On Lord Cornwallis s approach, I thought it 
 advisable to order all the prisoners and stores from Salisbury towards the 
 Moravian town. I am told they are gone under a weak guard ; I hope 
 some of them don t get away. If the enemy pursued, I ordered them 
 towards Augusta in Virginia ; should be glad you ll give orders respecting 
 them. 
 
 I shall continue to inform you of every material circumstance. I am a 
 little apprehensive that Lord Cornwallis intends to surprise me, lying so 
 still this day or two. But if the militia don t deceive me whom I am 
 obliged to trust to as guards, up and down the river I think I will put it 
 out of his power. 
 
 If I were able to ride and see to every thing myself, I should think 
 myself perfectly safe ; but I am obliged to lie in a house out of camp, not 
 being able to encounter the badness of the weather. However, nothing 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 337 
 
 in my power shall be left undone to secure this part of the country, and 
 annoy the enemy as much as possible. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 BEATTY S FORD, 29M, Jan. 1781. 
 
 bin: I have just arrived at this place to view our situation. Gen. 
 Davidson is here with eight hundred men. The enemy is within ten miles 
 of this place, in force ; their advance is in sight. It is uncertain whether 
 they intend to cross here or not. I have detached two hundred men to 
 the Tuckaseega Ford, to fill it up and defend it. 
 
 An express has just arrived, who informs, that they have burned their 
 wagons, and loaded their men very heavily. We have taken four prison 
 ers, who say they (the enemy) are for Salisbury. 
 
 I am just returning to Sherrald s Fords, where our regulars lie. I 
 expect they will attempt to cross in the morning. I will let you hear of 
 3 very particular. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORQJUU 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 15 
 
338 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The disappointment of Morgan s expectations of efficient aid from the militia Joined by 
 Gen. Davidson with eight hundred men The British at length approach the Catawba 
 The river becomes suddenly impassable Gen. Greene arrives at Sherrald s ford The 
 Catawba subsides, when Morgan retreats to the Yadkin The fords of the Catawba 
 guarded by Davidson and his militia The enemy cross the river Battle at McCowan s 
 ford, and death of Davidson Tarleton s^ cruelty at Tarrant s tavern Morgan crosses 
 the Yadkin His rear guard attacked by the enemy, who are repulsed Cornwallis 
 advances to the Yadkin, now also become impassable He marches to the shallow 
 fords The American divisions concentrate at Guilford, C. H. Morgan becomes too 
 unwell to continue in the field His letters to Gen. Greene regarding his ill-health, and 
 signifying his wish for leave of absence Greene determines to retire still farther 
 Remarks on the condition, objects and prospects of the contending forces Morgan 
 offered the command of the light troops He obtains leave to retire He is solicited to 
 take command of the North Carolina militia American army retreats towards Boyd s 
 f err y Morgan proceeds to Virginia Reflections on the military events subsequent to 
 the battle of the Cowpens, and on his participation therein The misstatements regarding 
 these events, and Morgan, which have crept into history, exposed. 
 
 MORGAN had determined to oppose Cornwallis s passage of the 
 Catawba, if his expectations of aid from the militia should be 
 realized. His force which had fought the battle of the 17th, had, 
 in the meanwhile, greatly diminished. A large proportion of the 
 Georgia and South Carolina volunteers had left him soon after ; 
 the Virginia militia had completed their term of service, and 
 were on their way home; and Pickens had been sent back with 
 his command to the neighborhood of Broad river. Yet, contrary 
 to his hopes, and to the assurances which had been previously 
 given him, his force received no considerable accession of strength. 
 The period had arrived when the people prepared the ground for 
 the seed, on which the future hopes of their families for food 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 339 
 
 depended, and they were now nearly all engaged in that impor 
 tant occupation. The ardor so quickly created by the success of 
 their brethren at the Cowpens, and which disposed them to take 
 the field, was as quickly cooled by the subsequent advance of 
 Cornwallis in the direction of their country. It had been the 
 constant practice of the British to burn every house in their way 
 which was known to belong to a whig, if the owner was not 
 present to obviate the presumption that he was out with the mili 
 tia. Their march tended towards that very region on which 
 Morgan chiefly relied for aid; and the inhabitants, deeming the 
 preservation of themselves and families from ruin as involving 
 obligations of duty superior to those presented by their country, 
 felt constrained to remain at home. Large numbers from the 
 mountainous districts were also expected ; but their situation was 
 too remote, and the summons for their aid too recent, to coun 
 tenance a hope for their arrival in time to aid in checking the 
 further advance of the enemy. It afterwards appeared that they 
 had been fully employed in defending their homes from the 
 incursion of the savage allies of the enemy. 
 
 The consequent disappointment was felt the more keenly by 
 Morgan, inasmuch as it had not been foreseen. He had tasted 
 of the bitterness of blasted hopes, when forced, by a similar dis<ip- 
 pointment some time previously, to forego his projected expedi 
 tion against Ninety-six and Augusta. But such representations 
 had been made to him of the forces collecting in the country he 
 now occupied, with the object of joining him, as led him to give 
 them some share of his confidence, and to base his future opera 
 tions upon the expected aid they would render him. 
 
 There were yet a considerable number, however, whose zeal in 
 the cause absorbed all other considerations, and among these was 
 the gallant Davidson, doomed in a few days to offer up his life in 
 the struggle, and to add another to the long list of heroes whose 
 blood purchased the rich inheritance we enjoy. While Morgan 
 was approaching the Catawba, Davidson was actively engaged in 
 
340 THE LIFE OF 
 
 assembling the militia at Salisbury. Yet after all liis exertions, 
 coupled with those of other commanders, no more than eight 
 hundred men ever assembled. With this force, Davidson advanced 
 to the Catawba, and joined Morgan at Sherrald s ford on the 26th 
 January. 
 
 The intelligence that Cornwallis had halted at Eamsower s, ana 
 that he did not intend to resume his march immediately, was very 
 acceptable to Morgan. His troops could now have time to 
 recover from their recent fatigues, whilst their presence would 
 encourage the militia, and perhaps induce them to assemble in 
 force. His prisoners and baggage would be removed still farther 
 from the danger of recapture, while his troops would no longer be 
 embarrassed in a care for their preservation. The continued 
 delay of the British at Ramsower s, with a knowledge of its cause, 
 was a source of high gratification to Morgan. For the reasons 
 already stated, every additional hour of time gained was so much 
 of an increase to his advantages. -To these was added a know 
 ledge of the designs of the enemy, which were completely 
 unmasked by the destruction of their baggage. It was now evi 
 dent that they meditated a rapid advance towards Virginia. 
 
 The militia, in the meantime, were slow in joining him. His 
 expectations of being able to meet the enemy at this point were 
 therefore necessarily relinquished. He determined, nevertheless, 
 to hold his present position until the enemy approached so close 
 as to render his longer remaining hazardous, in which event he 
 intended retiring towards the Yadkin. He was not without hope 
 that by the time he reached that river, a junction of his corps 
 with the main body of the army, and a large militia force, might 
 be effected. An effort, he thought, might then be made to check 
 the further progress of the enemy. 
 
 At length, on the 29th, the near approach of the enemy was 
 announced. It was vain to attempt the defence of the numerous 
 fords by which the Catawba was crossed, with such a handful of 
 men, against so powerful an opponent. Morgan was therefore 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MOEGAN. 341 
 
 preparing to retire, when an event occurred, which, for a time, 
 relieved his mind of all apprehensions of the enemy. 
 
 Ou the 27th, Oormvallis, having completed the destruction of 
 his baggage, put his army in motion towards the Catawba. The 
 weather for some time previously had been very wet ; but on the 
 28th and 29th, it rained incessantly. On the evening of the 29th, 
 the Catawba began to swell. This river rises with great rapidity 
 after a heavy rain ; and when much swollen, flows with an irresist 
 ible current. So high had it risen during tho night, that on the 
 morning of the 30th it was perfectly impassable. 
 
 Cornwallis was hereupon forced to pause. Another and an 
 unexpected cause of delay was thus added to those which had 
 already baffled his efforts, and nearly driven him to madness. 
 Morgan, on the other hand, derived fresh encouragement and 
 additional advantages from a circumstance which seemed, and 
 indeed was regarded at the time, as a special interposition o c 
 Providence in behalf of his bleeding country. 
 
 On the morning of the 30th, the British approached the rivei 
 in different directions, giving Morgan equal apprehensions for 
 several fords, when the waters should subside sufficiently to render 
 them practicable. This was an event which might speedily 
 occur; for in common with all mountain streams, the Catawba 
 fell with the same rapidity that it rose. In the "hope that it 
 would continue unfordable until Greene could advance towards 
 Salisbury, and be joined by the milita in that quarter, Morgan 
 determined to oppose its passage while a hope of success remained. 
 He had already rendered a number of the fords impassable ; arid lie 
 now made such a disposition of his force as was best calculated to 
 guard them all, and to defend those likely to be attempted. The 
 regulars guarded the point at Sherrald s ford. Five hundred of 
 Gen. Davidson s mililia were posted at the different fords above 
 and below the one named, embracing a distance of more than 
 twenty miles, with directions to guard against and give notice of 
 any attempt at surprise. The remainder of the militia, to tho 
 
312 THE LIFE OF 
 
 number of three hundred men, all mounted and armed with 
 rifles, were held together, with their patriotic leader at their 
 head, and directed to observe the movements of Cornwallis, 
 and be ready to assist the guard at any point which might be 
 atrempted. 
 
 These arrangements of the adverse commanders were in pro 
 gress the one bent on crossing the river, the other on the alert 
 to oppose the attempt when, on the morning of the 30th, 
 General Greene, accompanied only by one aide and a small escort 
 of cavalry, arrived at Morgan s encampment. 
 
 As may readily be supposed, this distinguished commander had 
 been a watchful observer of the movements west of the Catawba, 
 which preceded the battle of the Cowpens. The advance of the 
 British from Winnsborongh and Camden was at length recog 
 nized as the resumption of Cornwallis s invasive operations. 
 Measures were accordingly taken to prepare the army on the 
 Pedee for an early movement. Should it appear that the desire 
 of forming a junction with Phillips, then in Virginia, had tempted 
 Cornwallis to prosecute a winter campaign in that direction, Gen 
 eral Greene readily saw the necessity of moving at once higher up 
 the country, and of throwing his army between the quarter 
 threatened and the enemy. He could thus cover and protect his 
 advancing supplies, and reinforcements, and await the moment 
 when his forces would be sufficiently increased to risk a battle. 
 Should the enemy, on the other hand, succeed in interposing 
 between Morgan and himself, and at the same time cut off his 
 communications with Virginia, his situation would be embarrass 
 ing in the extreme. These and other considerations having 
 reference to the operations of Marion and Lee in the South, and 
 to those of Morgan in the West, to the wants and sufferings of 
 his army, and the disappointment of his expectations of reinforce 
 ments and supplies absorbed his attention, and wore him down 
 with care and anxiety. His solicitude for Morgan, who, by the 
 last accounts was completely environed by the enemy s entire 
 
GENERAL DANIEL M GROAN. 34:3 
 
 force, was happily relieved on the evening of the 25th, when he 
 received intelligence of the battle of the 17th. He learned at the 
 same time that Morgan was retreating towards the Catawba, and 
 that Cornwallis w ? as marching in the same direction at the head 
 of his whole army. 
 
 No longer in doubt regarding the enemy s intentions, instant 
 preparations were made for an early movement. The army was 
 immediately placed under marching orders. An express was 
 sent to Col. Lee, with instructions to that officer to return from 
 below with the greatest expedition, and join Morgan by the 
 shortest route. All the detachments were called in, and the 
 whole of the provisions which did not lie on the intended 
 route of the army, were brought into camp. At this cri 
 tical moment, Stevens s brigade of Virginia militia had com 
 pleted their term of service, and were about returning home. 
 They were instantly dispatched on their way, with orders to take 
 charge of the prisoners then at Hillsborough, and hastening on 
 with them so as to overtake the prisoners captured at the Cow- 
 pens, to relieve the detachment having the latter in charge, and 
 press on with the whole of the captives to the interior counties of 
 Virginia. The heavy baggage was also ordered immediately for 
 ward in charge of the Virginia brigade, and directed to pursue the 
 route to Hillsborough, where, being joined by the baggage 
 removing from that place, to pursue the march across the Dan, or 
 until countermanded. The army was divided into two brigades, 
 the Virginia troops composing one under the command of Gen. 
 Huger, the Maryland and Delaware troops, the other, under Col. 
 0. H. Williams. While these preparations were going forward, 
 the general addressed letters to the governors of the threatened 
 States, and to the most distinguished commanders of the militia, 
 informing them of the danger with which they were threatened, 
 and imploring their aid to enable him to meet the enemy. 
 
 Everything being arranged, on the 29th, the army, led by Gen. 
 Huger, moved from Hicks s creek on the Pedee, and crossing at 
 
344: THE LIFE OF 
 
 Haley s ferry, proceeded towards Salisbury. The evening pre 
 vious, General Greene had started across the country to join 
 Morgan.* 
 
 The position of the adverse armies on both sides of the 
 Catawba, upon the arrival of Gen. Greene, has been already 
 described. During the same day the river began to fall; and 
 before night, it became evident that in the course of two or three 
 days more the fords would be practicable. The enemy appeared 
 determined upon crossing; and although every preparation had 
 been m:;de to oppose them, their success in the attempt was 
 foreseen, and measures were taken accordingly. In this event, it 
 was intended to retreat towards the Yadkin. In the hope of 
 being joined in that quarter by the main body of his army, as 
 well as by a considerable accession to his present militia force, 
 General Greene wrote to General Huger, directing the latter to 
 hasten his march thither as much as possible. 
 
 On the 31st, the Catawba subsided so rapidly, as to leave no 
 doubt that it would be fordable the next day. This was a severe 
 disappointment to the American commanders. Had the river 
 continued high for a few days more, a force would have been col 
 lected on its banks, composed of the united divisions of the 
 regulars and the numerous bodies of militia present and approach 
 ing, which would have been sufficient to dispute its passage, and 
 perhaps put a period to the farther progress of the enemy. But 
 no more militia were expected for a week, the forces under 
 Huger had advanced but a short distance on their march, and 
 the enemy were in motion with the object of crossing the river at 
 the earliest practicable moment. This, it was now evident, would 
 arrive in the course of a few hours; and their active condition, no 
 longer embarrassed with a heavy baggage train, rendered them 
 much more dangerous neighbors than they had hitherto been. 
 Under these circumstances, it became advisable that Morgan and 
 his corps should retreat. He accordingly moved off in silence on 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 391-403. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 345 
 
 the afternoon of the 31st. and pushing forward all that night and 
 a part of the next day, gained a full day s march ahead of the 
 enemy.* Pursuing his journey with unabated rapidity towards 
 the Yadkin, we leave him and his gallant command on their way 
 thither, and return to the Catawba, now about being the scene of 
 stirring events. 
 
 At 1 o clock in the morning of the 1st of February, the 
 British army approached the Catawba in two divisions, with the 
 intention of crossing. The first division, under the command of 
 Lieut. Col. Webster, was directed to approach Beatty s ford, 
 where, it was supposed, the weight of opposition might be experi 
 enced, and to make a great demonstration of an intention to force 
 a passage. The main body, consisting of the brigade of guards, 
 the regiment of Bose, the 23rd regiment, two hundred cavalry, 
 and two three-pounders, commanded by Cornwallis in person, 
 approached an unfrequented ford near McCowen s ford, where it 
 had been determined that the real attempt to cross the river 
 should be made. 
 
 Webster, upon approaching Beatty s ford, found it abandoned. 
 The division crossed the river without delay, and took post on the 
 opposite bank. CornwallTs, with his division, reached the river a 
 little before daylight, and was surprised to find, judging from the 
 number of fires on the opposite bank, that the opposition to his 
 crossing would be greater than he had had reason to expect.f 
 Whether from secret intelligence or from the vigilance with 
 which every movement of the enemy was watched and provided 
 against, Davidson became acquainted with the nature of this one, 
 in time to prepare for its development. At the head of four 
 hundred riflemen, he stood ready to dispute the passage of the 
 river against a force composed of the main body of the British 
 army. Nor was the attempt rash in conception, nor hopeless of 
 success. Between Davidson and bis opponent interposed a stream 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 414. 
 tTfirleton, p. 224. Lee s Memoirs, p. 136. 
 15* 
 
346 THE LIFE OF 
 
 five hundred yards in width, from two to four feet in depth, and 
 with a current so rapid as to require the greatest cnre and exer 
 tions on the part of those crossing to prevent them from being- 
 swept away. Cornwallis would have shrunk from the attempt 
 had his judgment been uncontrolled by other considerations. 
 But independent of those reasons which already existed, demand 
 ing his advance at all hazards, the certainty that the rain, which 
 had recommenced falling, would again render the river impassa 
 ble for a few days, and that in the interim General Greene would 
 be enabled to concentrate his forces, and perhaps be in strength 
 sufficient to oppose him, left him no alternative.* The guards 
 were accordingly ordered to move forward, and they were fol 
 lowed by the rest of the troops. When about midway in the 
 sti jam, the head of the column was discovered by the Americans, 
 wlu immediately opened a fire upon it.f At this moment the 
 British were deserted by their guide, who, alarmed at his dano-er, 
 suddenly disappeared. This circumstance, which at first threat 
 ened Jornwallis with the most serious consequence, proved in the 
 end to be one of the most fortunate for his movement that could 
 have occurred. From the point where the guide deserted, the 
 ford diverged widely to the right; and at the usual landing-place, 
 some three hundred and fifty yards below, Davidson and his men 
 were posted, ready to shower destruction upon the enemy as soon 
 as they approached within range. The latter, struggling slowly- 
 forward through an impetuous current, and fully employed in 
 keeping their equilibrium and preserving their arms and ammunition 
 from the water, could have made no resistance until they reached 
 the opposite bank. To effect this under the most favorable cir 
 cumstances, would have taken from fifteen minutes to half an 
 hour. During this time, the deliberate fire of four hundred 
 marksmen would have produced a dreadful slaughter, and per 
 haps driven the enemy back. The Americans were aware of 
 their great advantages, and were fully prepared to reap them. 
 
 * Tarleton, p. 262. t Tarleton, p. 224. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 347 
 
 But unfortunately for their expectations as well as for the result, 
 the British advance, now left to its own guidance, continued to move 
 in a straight. line across the stream, and, at length, landed without 
 much opposition at a point three hundred yards above the place 
 where it was expected. The darkness of the morning prevented 
 this deviation from being observed by Davidson until the head of 
 the column was approaching the margin of the river. Persever 
 ing, nevertheless, in his determination to oppose the landing, this 
 officer moved towards the threatened point ; but before he 
 arrived there, the light infantry of the guards had reached the 
 shore. A sharp action immediately ensued; and although no 
 decisive advantages could be expected from a contest so unequal, 
 now that the enemy had effected a landing, it was continued by 
 the militia some time with great spirit. The advance of the 
 militia had, however, placed them between the light of their 
 camp-fires and the enemy, giving the latter an advantage too 
 great to be long resisted. Davidson was in the act of mounting 
 his horse to lead off his men, when he was perceived by the 
 enemy. A volley of musketry was immediately fired at him, 
 and unfortunately, with deadly effect. Thus fell one of the 
 bravest and most patriotic of the host of heroes whose names 
 shed lustre on the page of American history. The militia, upon 
 the fall of their commander, immediately dispersed.* 
 
 An earnest of the havoc which might have been made in the Bri 
 tish ranks but for the remarkable event just related, is furnished in 
 the loss which they actually sustained on this occasion. Not less 
 than sixty of their men were killed and wounded, and among the 
 former was Lieut. Col. Hall, the commanding officer of the regi 
 ment of guards. They acknowledge a loss of forty ; but a num 
 ber, never accounted for, were killed or wounded in the river, and 
 swept away by the current. The American loss was trifling in num 
 bers, but rendered irreparable in that of the lion-hearted Davidson. 
 
 As soon as the landing at this point was completed, Tarleton, 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, pp. 224-5. Johnson i Greene, p. 415. Stedman s American war. 
 
34:8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 with his cavalry and the 23rd regiment, was ordered to move rapidly 
 forward towards Sherrald s and Beatty s fords, and attack the Ameri 
 can forces, which were still supposed to be encamped at those 
 places. Upon arriving at Beatty s ford, Tarleton was informed 
 that Morgan had moved towards Salisbury the evening- before. 
 He also learned that the militia, having retired from the different 
 fords, were to assemble that afternoon at TarrantV tavern. At 
 this place, distant about ten miles from the Catawba, the roads 
 from the different fords converged into that leading to Salisbury. 
 Leaving the infantry about five miles east of the river, Tarleton, 
 accompanied by the cavalry only, pushed forward towards the 
 place of meeting, with the intention of attacking the militia, should 
 they be found there.* 
 
 When Morgan retreated towards Salisbury, orders had been 
 given that the militia, stationed at the different fords, and held in 
 observation, should retire in the same direction, if the enemy 
 succeeded in effecting a passage of the river. To give precision 
 to this order, a rendezvous was named at the house of Mr. Carr, 
 on the road to Salisbury, about sixteen miles from the Catawba, 
 where, it was expected, the militia would assemble in undiminished 
 numbers. But the retreat of the regular force, the fall of 
 Davidson, and the advance of the British, combined to render 
 this expectation exceedingly illusory. A large proportion of the 
 militia who had been in the field up to this time, now directed 
 their steps homeward, some under the belief that a farther 
 struggle would be unavailing, and others, from the fear that the 
 discovery of their absence by the enemy would leave them 
 without a home to go to. A number, however, too zealous in the 
 cause to desert it in the hour of adversity, preceded towards the 
 designated place of meeting. But of the eight hundred who 
 were in arms the day before under Davidson, not more than three 
 hundred ever re-assembled. Nearly this number, however, met 
 at Tarrant s tavern, about noon, and believing themselves beyond 
 
 * Tarleton, p 225. 
 
GKNEKAL DANIEL MORGAN. 349 
 
 the reach of immediate danger, halted to take some rest and 
 refreshment before they resumed their journey. Fortunately, the 
 usual precautions against surprise had not been neglected, and the 
 approach of Tarleton was announced in sufficient time to enable 
 the militia to prepare themselves for fight or flight, as circum 
 stances might determine. Col. Jackson, who so greatly distin 
 guished himself at the Cowpens, assumed the direction of the 
 militia. Owing to his exertions with a few officers and men, the 
 loss of the Americans in the contest which ensued was trifling, 
 compared to what it otherwise might have been ; while that of 
 the enemy was far too great to compensate for the empty triumph 
 they obtained. As Tarleton approached, the militia, mounted and 
 ready for flight, poured a well directed volley into his ranks, which 
 killed and wounded seven of his men, and dismounted fifteen 
 more. Then dashing into the woods, they eluded the charge 
 directed against them, and were soon beyond the reach of pursuit.* 
 A few old men and boys, some of them non-combatants, and 
 others too badly mounted to hope for escape by flight, sought for 
 mercy in submission. But notwithstanding their supplications, 
 which were drowned in the enemy s cries of "remember the 
 Cowpens " ^the watchword given by Tarleton f they were 
 barbarously cut down. The recollections of that glorious battle 
 should have taught this inhuman commander mercy to the van 
 quished above all things else. In this way was swelled the number 
 which he claims as the sacrifice to victory on that occasion. 
 
 Morgan in the mean time was prosecuting his retreat towards 
 the trading ford on the Yadkin with the greatest diligence. His 
 destruction, he knew, was a darling object with the British com 
 mander, who, he felt assured, would spare no exertions, and run 
 all hazards, to effect it. During the march, the rain fell in 
 torrents, which he foresaw would probably render the Yadkin 
 unfordable before he reached its banks. But this caused him no 
 anxiety, beyond that arising from his own bodily sufferings, which 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, pp. 415-416. t Tarleton s Campaign, p. 226. 
 
350 THE LIFE OF 
 
 were thus greatly increased, and from a desire for the comfort and 
 health of his men. Some days before he left the Catawba, and 
 in anticipation of a retreat to the Yadkin, he had taken the pre 
 caution to cause a number of boats to be collected at the point 
 towards which he was now tending. Thus, if the pursuit was so 
 hot as to compel him to cross the river, he had all the facilities 
 for effecting the movement, even if the fords were impassable ; 
 while in this event the enemy would be compelled, from the want 
 of boats, to make another halt until the waters subsided, before 
 they could effect a passage. 
 
 On the morning of the 2nd of February, Morgan reached 
 Salisbury. Proceeding thence to the trading ford on the Yadkin, 
 he encamped on the western bank of that river the same day. 
 
 The next morning, Morgan received intelligence that the enemy 
 were approaching Salisbury. The river also began to rise. Pru 
 dence therefore dictated a passage of his forces to the opposite 
 bank. The boats were accordingly soon employed in the trans 
 portation of the infantry and baggage, while the cavalry and 
 mounted militia swam or waded the stream. 
 
 During the march from the Catawba to the Yadkin, hundreds 
 of the inhabitants of the intermediate country, apprehensive of 
 remaining behind, and experiencing the tender mercies of 
 the British, had collected with their families and effects in the 
 rear of the corps, and followed its footsteps. Men who belonged 
 to the region which was denounced as " the most rebellious in 
 America," had good reason to fear contact with an enemy, whose 
 cruelties extended even to the loyalist inhabitants. To protect 
 these unhappy victims of war, and to facilitate their passage 
 across the river, was a duty, the force of which no man could feel 
 stronger than Morgan. While the boats were passing and 
 repassing, bearing their families and effects across, a strong rear 
 guard remained on the western bank of the river. About dark, 
 information was received that a body of the enemy was approach 
 ing. The measures for effecting the passage of the fugitives, their 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 351 
 
 wagons, &c., across the river were uow expedited ; but before the 
 business was completed, the advanced guard of the British had 
 arrived. 
 
 We left Cornwallis on the eastern side of the Catawba. Imme 
 diately after passing the river, he recommenced vigorously the 
 pursuit of Morgan. His progress was, however, so impeded by 
 the miserable state of the roads, as to induce him to destroy the 
 scanty store of baggage which remained on his hands from the 
 conflagration at Ramsower s. Learning, upon his arrival at 
 Salisbury, on the 3d of February, that Morgan was still on the 
 western bank of the Yadkin, Gen. O Hara, with the guards, the 
 regiment of Bose, and the cavalry, was sent to attack him. 
 Owing to the rain, to the darkness, and to the bad roads, the 
 detachment did not reach its destination till near midnight. 
 
 The country people had, in the mean time, crossed the river 
 with all their effects, excepting a few wagons. The rear guard 
 and a number of militia still remained behind. Notwithstanding 
 the imposing array of the enemy, and the eager haste of their 
 pursuit, which implied overtaking as equivalent to capturing the 
 whole of Morgan s command, they were courageously met by this 
 handful of men ; and after a smart skirmish, repulsed with con 
 siderable loss. An attempt by the guards to seize the boats was 
 rendered signally abortive ; and the enemy, having succeeded in 
 capturing the remaining wagons at the cost of about twenty of 
 their men, retired from the contest, leaving their opponents undis 
 turbed in effecting a passage of the river.* 
 
 The next day Cornwallis approached the river, which in the 
 mean time had become impassable by fording, and opened a 
 furious cannonade upon the American forces on the opposite 
 bank. The latter were so posted, however, as to secure them 
 from danger, yet near enough promptly to repel any attempt to 
 cross the river. But this was impossible, as all the boats had 
 been carefully withdrawn beyond the reach of the British. The 
 
 Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 418. 
 
352 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cannonade seems to have been nothing more than a vent for 
 disappointed rage, and resembled the barking of an angry dog 
 that was precluded from biting. 
 
 Hitherto Cornvvallis had endeavored to overtake Moro-an before 
 
 O 
 
 a junction of that officer s corps could be effected with the main 
 body under linger. He now adopted the resolution of getting 
 between the united American forces and the upper fords of the 
 Dan, and of forcing them to an engagement before they could be 
 reinforced by the North Carolina and Virginia militia, then 
 preparing to march to their assistance. Could he gain these 
 fords before Greene, the obligation of the latter to fight, he 
 fancied, would follow as a necessary consequence, because he knew 
 that the lower fords of the Dan were not practicable, and he did 
 not suppose that preparations would or could be made at these 
 points for crossing the army in boats. Full of this idea, he put 
 an end to his idle cannonade, withdrew from the bank of the 
 river, and put his troops in motion for the shallow fords, some 
 fifteen miles higher up the stream.* 
 
 In consequence of the enemy s rapid advance, the expectations 
 of being able to concentrate the American forces on the Yadkin 
 were necessarily abandoned. The orders which had previously 
 been given to Gen. Huger to march towards Salisbury were 
 accordingly countermanded. He was now directed to proceed 
 with all expedition to Guilford court-house, at which place Gen. 
 Greene now intended to effect a junction of his forces. Thither 
 the troops on the Yadkin were also ordered to proceed without 
 delay. On the morning of the 5th, Morgan s corps, under the 
 command of Lieut. Col. Howard, took up their line of march to 
 the point indicated. 
 
 At this time Morgan had become so much enfeebled as to 
 disqualify him for the performance of any active duty. It was 
 necessary, however, that arrangements should be made at Guil 
 ford court-house to provide the troops with quarters and supplies 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., p. 419. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 353 
 
 in advance of their arrival at that place. These arrangements 
 were best ensured by the personal superintendence of the com 
 manding officer. Morgan accordingly started in advance of the 
 corps in a carriage, and reached Guilford the same evening. 
 
 On the evening of the 5th, the corps encamped in the neighbor 
 hood of Salem. Halting at this point for two days, to obtain 
 intelligence of the enemy s movements, the march was resumed 
 on learnino- that Cornwallis was in full march for the shallow fords 
 
 <D 
 
 of the Yadkin. Proceeding without further delay, the troops 
 reached Guilford court-house on the evening of the 8th. 
 
 Morgan, although so unwell as scarcely to be able to appear 
 abroad, had nevertheless made ample provision for their reception. 
 Comfortable quarters, or a sufficiency of good food, to say nothing 
 of luxuries, had long been strangers to this gallant body of. men. 
 Their commander did not rest until he had secured them the 
 enjoyment of both upon their arrival. 
 
 This duty having been performed, Morgan s thoughts were 
 seriously turned towards retiring from active service for a short 
 period ; hoping that in the meantime his health might be 
 restored. The violent malady which, in 1779, forced him to 
 relinquish a sphere of action as serviceable to his country as it was 
 honorable to himself, had again returned. This, when added to 
 the fever and ague, and other complaints which had afflicted him 
 almost from the outset of his career in the South, had worn him 
 to the bone, and at length left him no alternative but to 
 relinquish his command, and to seek relief in rest and tranquillity. 
 Before the battle of the Cowpens, and subsequently, up to the 
 time when he took post on the east bank of the Catawba, the 
 appeals of bodily sufferings were unheeded amid the anxieties 
 and excitements of that stirring period. But when it became 
 apparent that the enemy had determined to prosecute a winter 
 campaign, he felt himself quite unable to encounter the hard 
 ships and fatigues which must necessarily follow. While lying at 
 Sherrald s Ford, he communicated the following letter to Greene^ 
 
354 THE LIFE OF 
 
 stating his inability longer to keep the field, and soliciting 
 a temporary leave of absence : 
 
 CAMP, SHERRALD S FORD, CATAWBA, Jan. 24, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : After my late success, and my sanguine expectations to do 
 something clever this campaign, I must inform you that I shall be obliged 
 to give over the pursuit, by reason of an old pain returning upon me, that 
 laid me up for four months of last winter and spring. It is a sciatica pain 
 in my hip, that renders me entirely incapable of active services. I hare 
 had it these three weeks past, but on getting wet the other day, it has 
 seized me more violently, which gives me great pain when I ride, and at 
 times when I am walking or standing, am obliged to sit down in the place 
 it takes me, as quick as if I were shot. I am so well acquainted with this 
 disorder, that I am convinced that nothing will help me but rest ; and 
 were I to attempt to go through this winter s campaign, I am satisfied it 
 would totally disable me from further service. 
 
 I am not unacquainted with the hurt my retiring will be to the service, 
 as the people have much dependence in me ; but the love I have for my 
 country, and the willingness I have always showed to serve it, will convince 
 you that nothing would be wanting on my side were I able to persevere. 
 So that I must beg leave of absence, till I find myself able to take the 
 field again, which will, I imagine, be some time in the spring. If I can 
 procure a chaise, I will endeavor to get home. Gen. Davidson, Col. 
 Pickens, and Gen. Sumter (when he gets well, which, I am told, will not 
 be long first) can manage the militia better than I can, and will well 
 
 supply my place. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 MAT. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 Perceiving at length that his illness increased, and that relief 
 was hopeless while he essayed to perform the duties of his 
 command; convinced, besides that delay in seeking the necessary 
 repose would only have the effect of protracting his recovery, the 
 following letter on this and other matters, was written to Greene : 
 
 GUILFORD COURT HOUSE, Gth Feb. 1781. 
 
 SIR: I arrived here last evening, and sent a number of prisoners that 
 were here to join the main body. About four thousand pounds of salted 
 pork and bacon is promised me, corn meal equivalent, forage, &c. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 355 
 
 I am much indisposed with pains, and to add to my misfortunes, am 
 violently attacked with the piles, BO that I can scarcely sit upon my horse. 
 This is the first time that I ever experienced this disorder, and from the 
 idea I had of it, sincerely prayed that I might never know what it was. 
 When I set everything in as good a train as I can respecting provisions, 
 &c., I shall move on slowly to some safe retreat, and try to recover. 
 
 Col. Buford is left upon the lower road to Hillsborough, not able to go 
 further. 
 
 I am, sincerely, &c., , ; $ 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 The troops under Gen. Huger, with the cavalry of Col. Lee s 
 legion, reached Guilford court-house on the 9th of February. 
 There were now assembled at this place a force somewhat over 
 two thousand, of which six hundred were militia. The enemy s 
 numbers were supposed to range between two thousand five hun 
 dred and three thousand. Gen. Greene, under the impression 
 that the junction of his regulars would be immediately followed 
 by a large accession to his militia force, had pre-determined to 
 face about and meet the enemy as soon as this junction could be 
 effected. With the aid of one thousand or one thousand five hun 
 dred additional militia, and the advantages of position, the chances 
 would have greatly preponderated in his favor. For although 
 the enemy outnumbered him vastly in regular troops, those of 
 that description under his command were inferior to none in the 
 world. It was advisable, besides, that some vigorous effort should 
 be made, which would deter the tories from assembling, revive 
 the drooping spirits of the whigs, and weaken the impression, 
 now rapidly spreading abroad, that the advance of the British 
 would be a career of successive triumphs. But so disheartened 
 had the people in this region become by the persecutions and 
 losses which they had experienced, and, by the gloomy prospect 
 of the cause, that their immediate co-operation was not to be 
 expected; and with feelings of deep mortification, not umningled 
 with alarm, Gen. Greene contemplated a continuance of h.is 
 
35G THE LIFE OF 
 
 retreat. A movement of this kind by the upper fords of the 
 Dan, if ever seriously considered by him, was now impracticable. 
 The enemy had reached a point nearer to these fords than that 
 occupied by his forces, and equally near to those below. A 
 retreat to the lower fords would necessarily be a trial of speed 
 between the opposing armies; and unless ample preparations 
 were previously made to transport the American troops across 
 without delay, such an attempt, in the face of an enemy powerful 
 and active, and aware of his adversary s object, would be exceed 
 ingly dangerous. The absence of the expected aid from the mili 
 tia, however, rendered it highly imprudent to risk a battle ; and 
 the assurance which was now given Gen. Greene, that every pre 
 paration had been made for effecting a speedy passage of the 
 Dan at Boyd s ferry, threw the weight of reasoning in favor of a 
 retreat.* 
 
 There was one alternative left to Gen. Greene besides, and that 
 was, to retrace his steps into South Carolina. But the objects to 
 be gained by such a movement, however important in themselves, 
 were yet subordinate to those which he hoped to accomplish by 
 that now under consideration. Among these were the protection 
 of the country as yet free from the footsteps of an invader ; the 
 people of which, he felt assured, would aid him by thousands 
 when the danger approached their doors; the prevention of a 
 junction between Phillips and Cornwallis, and the preservation of 
 his communications with those quarters, whence his means of 
 subsistence were derived, and his reinforcements were expected. 
 Another and a powerful reason in favor of a retreat was furnished 
 in the unprovided state of the enemy. By the destruction of 
 their baggage, they had rendered themselves unequal to the 
 accomplishment of any enterprise, coverino* a wide field of opera 
 tions and requiring time for its development. The militia of the 
 country in their rear were already on foot, with Sumter and 
 Pickens at their head ; thus all prospect of being supplied from 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, pp. 246-248. 
 
GENERAL D A N I K L MORGAN. 357 
 
 their depots in South Carolina was effectually cut off. Should 
 the retreat be successfully prosecuted, General Greene felt assured 
 that the result would yield him all the practical advantages of a 
 victory. The unavailing efforts of the enemy to overtake him 
 would but increase their difficulties, and hasten the period of their 
 final overthrow. 
 
 The determination to retreat was followed by the adoption of 
 measures the best calculated to bring it to a successful issue. 
 Among these was one, having for its object the formation of a 
 powerful and active corps of light troops, to cover the rear of the 
 retreating army, and to check and impede the advance of the 
 enemy. Howard s battalion of light infantry, Lee s legionary 
 corps, and Washington s cavalry, with two companies of riflemen, 
 numbering in all over seven hundred men, were accordingly 
 thrown together, and organized for this service. The command 
 of this splendid corps was offered to Gen. Morgan. But as may 
 be inferred from the tenor of his letters, already given, in relation 
 to his ill-health, he was forced to decline the honor ; and, indeed, 
 the offer was made more as a tribute of respect due to his rank 
 and to his merits and services, than from any expectation of 
 his accepting it. With a heavy heart he declined the proffered 
 command, and repeated his desire for leave to retire until suffi 
 ciently recovered to justify his return to the army. 
 
 The occasion was one on which Gen. Greene could badly spare 
 the aid and counsels of a man, in whose address and judgment he 
 placed the most unbounded confidence. A heart as courageous, 
 and a head as cool, might, he thought, be often wanting in the 
 course of the hazardous operations on which he was about 
 embarking. But he well knew that the desire to remain was felt 
 as strongly by Morgan as it could possibly be by himself; and to 
 venture upon persuasion in the face of circumstances which pro 
 claimed the impossibility of a compliance, was a course too 
 ungenerous to be resorted to by Gen. Greene. He accordingly 
 yielded the solicited leave of absence in the form and words fol 
 lowing : 
 
358 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CAMP AT GOILFORD, C. II., Feb. IQth, 1T81. 
 
 Gen. Morgan, of the Virginia line, has leave of absence until he recovers 
 his health, so as to be able to take the field again. 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE. 
 
 Before Morgan departed, another offer of command was made 
 to him, which, while it paid a high compliment to his reputation, 
 and displayed in a manner highly flattering to his feelings, his great 
 popularity with the people, must at the same time have added 
 to the bitterness of his regret in being forced to decline it. As 
 has been already stated, the advance of the British beyond the 
 Yadkin was immediately followed by a general uprising of the 
 whigs west of that river. But the fall of Davidson had left them 
 without a leader, whose name and talents would exercise a con 
 trolling influence, and whose judgment and courage would inspire 
 confidence. To provide for this deficiency, a meeting of the lead 
 ing whigs was held at Charlotte, three days after the British had 
 left that place, the result of which was an application to Gen. 
 Greene to permit Morgan to command them. The assurance was 
 added that a compliance would be attended by the most cheering 
 effects, and draw hundreds to the field who would otherwise keep 
 aloof. But to comply was impossible, and Gen. Greene, in reply 
 ing, remarked, " The general is so unwell that he could not dis 
 charge the duties of the appointment if he had it."* 
 
 Although Morgan could not take the command of the light 
 troops, he influenced the choice of his commander in the selection 
 of an officer for that post. At his instance and recommendation, 
 the command was conferred upon his friend Col. 0. H. Williams 
 an officer well worthy of that or any other trust, however 
 important, as was signally proved in his masterly conduct of the 
 retreat. 
 
 On the 10th of February, the main body of the army left 
 Guilford court-house, on the direct road to Boyd s Ferry ; while 
 Williams, with his detachment, advancing towards the upper 
 fords of the Dan as if with the intention of passing across them, 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, vol. i., pp. 413-427. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL, MORGAN. 359 
 
 placed himself in front of the enemy. The aim of the manoeuvre 
 was to gain time, and it was successful. Cornwallis, uncertain as 
 to the force of his opponent and the object of this movement, 
 halted to acquire the necessary information and to guard against 
 an attack, by contracting his much extended line of march. 
 Before the British were again in motion, Greene, pushing forward 
 with the greatest expedition, had gained nearly a day s march on 
 them.* 
 
 On the same day, Morgan departed from Guilford court-house, 
 and crossing the Dan at Lower Saura, proceeded on the direct 
 route to Fredericksburg. 
 
 Here, for a time, terminated the connection of Morgan with the 
 important events of the revolutionary struggle. Like him, we 
 reluctantly bid adieu to the campaign in the Carolinas, then 
 pregnant with so many glorious fields, and since associated with 
 such fond recollections; while with feelings of regret akin to 
 those he experienced, we follow his footsteps from the field. 
 
 The numerous errors into which historians generally have been 
 led regarding the memorable events just detailed, have unfortu 
 nately produced impressions on the public mind, in relation to 
 these events, which truth and justice alike demand should be 
 removed. These errors have had the effect, besides, of greatly 
 impairing the value of the services rendered by Morgan, during 
 the period to which they refer, and of inflicting undeserved injury 
 on his fame. A cursory examination of the facts will serve to 
 illustrate the truth of these assertions. 
 
 The events previous to, and attendant on, the battle of the 
 Cowpens, have already been sufficiently considered. Those which 
 followed that memorable affair, up to the time when Morgan 
 reached Guilford court-house, will now engage attention. 
 
 Nearly all those authors who have made the revolutionary war 
 and its prominent men the themes of their pens, appear enraptured 
 with the conduct of Cornwallis during that stirring period. On 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, rol. i., p. 481. 
 
360 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the other hand they seem to regard Morgan as the peculiar 
 favorite of fortune, and to attribute his extrication from the grasp 
 of his adversary, to causes reflecting little credit on his 
 judgment or address. These erroneous ideas originated in a 
 grave misconception of the motives and the acts of the respective 
 commanders. 
 
 Believing that the best method of extricating truth from error 
 is always furnished in a plain recapitulation of events, in our 
 narration- of those under consideration, we had a constant and 
 careful reference to accuracy, particularly so as regards dates ; and 
 happily, the means of placing the whole subject in the clearest 
 and most convincing light were at our disposal in the greatest 
 abundance. If the reader is satisfied that the accounts we have 
 laid before him were gathered from authentic sources and we 
 assure him that thev were he need not be informed at this stage 
 
 ^ O 
 
 of Morgan s life, that much of error regarding the period and the 
 man defaces the page of history. 
 
 With respect to Cornwallis, it is asserted, that from the moment 
 when intelligence reached him of the battle of Covvpens, he 
 pursued Morgan with great rapidity, and that nothing but the 
 sudden interposition of an impassable river prevented his efforts 
 from being successful. The sacrifice of his baggage to the desire 
 of overtaking Morgan is mentioned as an event preliminary to the 
 pursuit. His conduct during this part of the campaign is com 
 mented on with peculiar marks of favor, and lias earned him 
 plaudits on both sides of the Atlantic. His failure to overtake 
 Morgan is attributed to causes beyond human control, and the 
 hand of Providence itself is recognized in the succession of almost 
 miraculous circumstances, which, it is alleged, contributes 10 baffle 
 the efforts of one commander, and to favor those of the other. 
 
 It has already been seen with what little justice, wisdom of 
 decision and vigor of action have been accorded to Cornwallis, 
 and denied to Morgan. One of the first duties of a commander 
 is to keep himself well informed of the movements of his 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 361 
 
 adversary. He thus acquires the means of penetrating the inten 
 tions of his opponent ; and this, in the opinion of one of the 
 greatest captains of the age, is the chief element of military 
 success. Yet, besides other proofs which might be adduced, we 
 have the evidence of Cornwallis s official letters, to show that he 
 was in constant ignorance of Morgan s position, strength, and 
 movements.* Three days elapsed after the battle, before infor 
 mation was received on which he thought he could act decisively. 
 Yet the defectiveness of this was such as to lead him in a direction 
 almost the reverse of that pursued at the same moment by 
 Morgan. Many other equally culpable proofs of Cornwallis s 
 neglect, in this respect, during the campaign of 1781, might be 
 cited. His belief that Greene would be unable to cross the lower 
 fords of the Dan for the want of flats,f and that the latter was 
 conseqently in his power, is a memorable instance. Morgan, on 
 the contrary, had always paid the greatest attention to this 
 important duty. To his care in this respect is to be attributed 
 the fact, that notwithstanding the dangerous description of service 
 in which he had been engaged during his long military career, he 
 never experienced a surprise. His conduct and his letters alike 
 prove the watchfulness with which he regarded Cornwallis, and the 
 care which he took to provide himself with correct information 
 regarding that officer s movements. He overrated the sagacity of 
 his adversary when, after the battle, he expressed the liveliest 
 apprehensions of being cut off in his retreat to the Catawba. The 
 tardy and ill concerted attempt with this object which was really 
 made, proved how correctly Morgan divided the objects of his 
 opponent, and displayed the judgment which dictated a prompt 
 and rapid retreat. 
 
 The destruction, by Cornwallis, of his baggage, was not a 
 measure preparatory to his pursuit of Morgan. It took place 
 eight days after that pursuit commenced. So far from deserving 
 
 * Tarleton s Campaign, pp. 242-252. 
 
 t Letter, ITUi of March, 1781, to Lord George Germain. 
 
 16 
 
362 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the applause which certain historians have showered upon him 
 for this act, he merited the severest condemnation. By it, he 
 hazarded every chance of success in the attainment of an object 
 of secondary importance, the accomplishment of which he must 
 have seen, had his judgment been uncontrolled by passion, was 
 forever beyond his reach. Both Morgan and Greene had the 
 sagacity to perceive that this desperate resort, if turned to good 
 account, would but hasten his downfall, and subsequent events 
 confirmed the correctness of their conclusions. 
 
 Morgan s retreat and Cornwallis s pursuit to the Catawba have 
 been described as a trial of speed between the contending 
 generals.* So much does this idea prevail among writers on the 
 subject, that nearly all of them unite in regarding the contest as 
 44 a military race." Yet, judging from the time employed and the 
 distance accomplished during the movement, it does not appear 
 that either of these commanders is entitled to much credit on the 
 score of rapid travelling. The average of Morgan s daily march 
 from the field of the Cowpens, was not more than ten miles, and 
 at no time did it exceed twenty miles in a day. The distance from 
 the battle-field to Guilford court-house, is about one hundred and 
 fifty miles ; yet the time employed on the march between these 
 points was twenty-three days. His troops seem to have enjoyed 
 on this occasion more than the usual share of repose allotted to 
 armies on the retreat before an enemy. The evening after the 
 battle he halted for the night on the north bank of the Broad 
 river. The night of the eighteenth was passed in the neighbor 
 hood of the Cane Creek. Upon reaching the eastern bank of the 
 Catawba, he paused for eight days. After retreating to the Yad- 
 V two days were spent in the neighborhod of that stream, and 
 two days more were passed inactively near Salem before the 
 troops reached Guilford court-house. So far from being a precip 
 itate flight, as has been asserted on respectable authority, it was 
 one of the most admirably conducted retreats on record. Until 
 
 * Ramsay vol., ii., p. 20T 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 363 
 
 Morgan reached the Catawba, the rapidity and direction of his 
 movements were influenced by those of his powerful opponent. 
 These, as has been seen, furnished no cause for extraordinary exer 
 tions. Morgan s solicitude ceased upon his learning, the evening 
 after the battle, that Cornwallis was still in his camp at Turkey 
 Creek. From the moment when he reached the Catawba, and had 
 secured his prisoners and baggage from recapture, his after move 
 ments were continued invitations of pursuit. He justly thought 
 that if a force sufficient to fight and beat the enemy could not be 
 collected at the Yadkin, every additional step taken by the latter 
 beyond that point, in their present unprovided state, would serve 
 only to increase their difficulties, and to add to the number of 
 their opponents. 
 
 The admiration which history has awarded to Cornwallis for 
 the conduct of his army during the period in question was justly 
 the right of Morgan. At one time timid to weakness, at another 
 rash to desperation, now full of activity and boldness, and then 
 relaxed and spiritless, his operations could have had no more for 
 tunate issue than that which befell them. The judgment and vigor 
 which Morgan displayed, crowned all his efforts with signal suc 
 cess ; and the result stands an imperishable memorial of his great 
 military merit. 
 
 Other charges of a graver and more direct nature have been 
 made against Morgan. These will now be disposed of. 
 
 It is asserted that Morgan, having crossed the Catawba, medi 
 tated crossing his army and prisoners over the mountains ; and 
 that the remonstrances of General Greene against the prosecution 
 of this design were productive of a serious disagreement between 
 these officers.* A dialogue of an unpleasant nature in relation to 
 this, is foisted upon the world as having really occurred between 
 them. It is also asserted that Morgan s designs evinced a disre 
 gard for the safety of the main body of the army.f These are all 
 misstaternents. 
 
 * Ramsay, vol. ii., p. 206. Moultrie, vol. ii., p. 260. 
 t Lee s Memoirs, p. 431. 
 
364: THE LIFE OF 
 
 After Morgan succeeded in passing the Catawba, there was no 
 longer the slightest necessity for resorting to so desperate a meas 
 ure as that of crossing the mountains. Thenceforward the road to 
 Virginia lay invitingly open before him. His letter to Gen. Greene, 
 of the 23d January, the day when he reached Sherrald s Ford, 
 proves that he had no such designs. It proves, moreover, that he 
 intended holding his ground until he had heard from his comman 
 der. From this letter and another written the day following, both 
 of which have been inserted, conclusive evidence is furnished, that 
 the prisoners were sent on to Salisbury on the 23d. Greene 
 arrived at Morgan s camp on the 30th. Thus before it was possi 
 ble for an altercation to occur between Greene and Morgan, we find 
 the former cordially acquiescing in the only suggestion, which the 
 latter had occasion to make regarding them. As will be noticed 
 in the letter of the 23d, Morgan suggests that Major Triplett s 
 command, which had been sent forward with the prisoners, 
 should be relieved of their charge by the brigade of militia under 
 Gen. Stevens. Gen. Greene acquiesced in this arrangement and 
 gave orders accordingly.* No reliance is to be placed on the 
 statement that any misunderstanding ever took place between 
 Morgan and Greene. A large number of their letters are now 
 before us, and the uniformly friendly tone which pervades them, 
 gives a prompt denial to the unsupported charge. 
 
 Nor are we left in doubt as to the tendency of Morgan s designs, 
 particularly as they affected the operations of Gen. Greene. All 
 his measures, all his communications, before and after the battle 
 of the Cowpens, conclusively prove, that he did not merit the 
 imputation of having disregarded the wishes or obstructed the 
 designs of his general. One of his letters from Sherrald s Ford, 
 dated the 25th, expresses the expectation that Greene will move 
 towards the Yadkin to oppose its passage by the British ; and 
 with this view, declares the intention of the writer, " to move 
 towards Salisbury, in order to get near the main army." His 
 
 * Johnson s Greene, pp. 398, 399. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 365 
 
 attempts to establish magazines of provisions and forage above 
 his position on Broad river, have also been cited in proof of a 
 design to act independently of his commander. But as may be 
 seen by reference to the letter of instructions, written to Morgan 
 by Greene, the idea of these magazines originated with that officer 
 himself. Their establishment was ordered as a measure indispen 
 sable to a rapid movement towards the mountains, should the 
 enemy leave Morgan no other means of escaping a conflict with 
 an overwhelming force, or of effecting a junction with the main 
 body. 
 
 But the most serious charges of all are founded upon the cir 
 cumstance of Morgan s retirement from the army. It is insinua 
 ted that the illness which was assigned by him as the reason for 
 his wish for a temporary leave of absence, was by no means 
 serious, if not altogether simulated. It is more than hinted that 
 he adopted this determination from an apprehension that the 
 contest would ultimately be unfortunate for his country, or from a 
 conviction that his reputation had been accidentally acquired, 
 and would not survive the vicissitudes of the war. It is further 
 more stated that his departure left impressions upon many 
 in the army, not very favorable to the purity of his patriot 
 ism.* 
 
 During the dreadful campaign of 1775, in Canada, Morgan 
 contracted a sciatical affection. From this and other ailments, he 
 was forced, in the year 1779, to retire from the army and return 
 to his home. Shortly after the period when he took the field 
 under Gates, he was seized with an ague and fever. A letter now 
 before us from his friend, Col. 0. H. Williams, dated November 
 8th, 1780, contains this passage: "I hope you have become per 
 fectly well, and feel no more of your ague and fever." But the 
 friendly expectation was not realized ; his health grew worse ; and 
 at the time when he was ordered across the Catawba, he was suf 
 fering severely from this distressing complaint. Shortly after 
 
 * General Lee. 
 
366 THE LIFE OF 
 
 operations commenced on Broad river, the weather became 
 exceedingly cold and rainy. The exposure as well as the fatigue 
 to which he was constantly subjected, not only aggravated his 
 ague and fever, but also brought on A fresh attack of his sciatica. 
 During his subsequent movements, up to the time when he 
 reached Guilford court-house, he suffered from the combined 
 effects of these and other complaints to the verge of human 
 endurance ; and on his arrival at that place, he was completely 
 exhausted, and quite unequal to further exertions. His ill-health 
 is a subject of remark and condolement in nearly all the letters 
 addressed to him for some weeks previously to his retirement. 
 In the letter granting the solicited leave of absence, and in that 
 replying to the offer of command by the whigs of Mecklenburg, 
 Gen. Greene declares that Morgan was unable to keep the field. It 
 is susceptible of proof that he Avas obliged to pause for a fortnight 
 on his journey homeward, owing to the severity of his sufferings ; 
 and that for some time after his return to his family, he was 
 unable to appear abroad. The congratulatory letters which sub 
 sequently reached him from Congress, the authorities of Virginia, 
 and other high sources, consequent upon his victory at the Cow- 
 pens, all offered him their condolence on account of his ill-health. 
 He left the army with extreme reluctance, cheered only with the 
 belief that he would soon be sufficiently restored to rejoin it. 
 But for months afterwards, his illness rather increased than 
 diminished ; and during the remainder of the war, his health was 
 too feeble to permit him to take more than a partial part in its 
 operations. When, during the succeeding summer, Cornwallis 
 seriously threatened the independence of Virginia, Morgan, as 
 will be seen in the sequel, essayed once more to wield his sword, 
 and by the side of his young friend, Lafayette, to meet again his 
 old adversary, Cornwallis. But he was speedily obliged to relin 
 quish the design, and to seek relief from pain in the curative pro* 
 perties of the waters at Bath. 
 
 Little need be said in vindication of Morgan s claims to b 
 
GENERAL, DANIEL MORGAN. 367 
 
 Considered a pure and zealous patriot, and an active and able 
 commander. His life was a succession of sacrifices to the good 
 >f his country ; and in this is to be found his best defence against 
 the charges referred to. From the commencement of the war to 
 its close, he was a fervent advocate of American independence; 
 and when out of the field of warlike operations, he was in the 
 prisons of the enemy, or on the bed of sickness. During this 
 period, his services, whether we regard their amount, their value 
 or their brilliancy, were not surpassed by those of any other 
 officer in the army, except the commander-in-chief. He partici 
 pated in, or had the direction of, nearly fifty contests with the 
 enemy, eight of which were general engagements ; and of the 
 number of those in which he commanded, in no instance did he 
 fail of success, except under circumstances that awarded him all 
 the merit, due to a victory. His patriotism was proof to the 
 tempting offers of Sir Guy Carleton, who sought to make him 
 exchange the squalid and hopeless lot of a prisoner for the rank 
 and emoluments of a colonelcy in the British army. Its purity 
 was again signally displayed in his resistance of the seductions of 
 those who would have perilled the cause in their effort to super 
 sede the man, then as now regarded by all well-wishers of their 
 country as its ablest defender. Few men in those times succeeded 
 in establishing a higher reputation on a broader or firmer founda 
 tion ; still fewer were they whose zeal in the cause was more 
 ardent, or whose confidence in its ultimate triumph was more 
 unflao-ging. The charges more than implied in the strictures of 
 his detractors, that he had ever shown a disinclination to face the 
 enemy, or that he had ever betrayed a lukewarmness in th* 
 cause, are contradicted by his whole career, and cannot be sus 
 tained by a particle of proof. 
 
 Not less unfounded is the statement that his departure from tae 
 army left impressions unfavorable to his patriotism. His illness 
 had been of too long standing and too much severity to escape 
 general notice or to leave room for a doubt as to its reality. The 
 
368 THE LIFE OF 
 
 motive assigned for his retirement was therefore too obvious to be 
 mistaken. But even had it been otherwise, the high estimation 
 in which he was held by the arrny would have secured him 
 against misconstruction, even where his conduct admitted of 
 question. The regret with which all witnessed his departure was 
 unmingled with any feeling incompatible with the warmest 
 regard, the highest respect. His subsequent correspondence with 
 Gen. Greene and his other friends in the army, portions of which 
 will be given, furnished nothing whatever, showing that the rela 
 tions of regard and confidence which existed between them had 
 been disturbed. On the contrary, it indicates that these feelings 
 had acquired additional strength from his absence. It shows, 
 that while he is constantly deploring his inability to take a part in 
 those active measures which he is as constantly suggesting, his late 
 companions in arms are profuse in their professions of friendship 
 and admiration, and lament the unavoidable causes which compel 
 them to defer their hopes for his return to the field. 
 
 Let us, then, vindicate the truth of revolutionary history, and 
 expunge from its pages representations of the man and his ser 
 vices which are so palpably erroneous, and which seem to be based 
 upon a false estimate of his character and motives. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 369 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Morgan determines to go home Compelled from weakness to stop on the way Extracts 
 from a letter to Gen. Greene His letter to Greene from Carter Harrison s Reaches 
 home Letter from Gen. Greene, giving an account of the battle of Guilford C. H. ; 
 Morgan s reply His health partially restored Is solicited by the authorities of Virginia 
 to give his aid in resisting her invaders Letter from Lafayette Resolution of the 
 House of Delegates Letter from Gov. Jefferson Morgan suppresses the Claypoole 
 insurrection Rumors of the advance of the enemy into the valley Removal of the 
 prisoners Martial spirit aroused Address of the speakers of the Virginia Legislature 
 to Morgan, soliciting his assistance He raises a force of horse and foot, and marches 
 to *oin Lafayette Letters from the latter Battle at Jamestown Morgan joins 
 Lafayette the day following Is invested with the command of the cavalry and the 
 light troops. 
 
 BEFORE Morgan left Guilford court-house, his illness so 
 increased as to leave little hope of a speedy recovery, and to 
 induce him to make the best of his way homeward, where, he 
 knew, such attentions and kindness awaited him, as could not be 
 expected elsewhere. While on the road thither, he became so 
 weak, that he was forced to stop at the house of Gen. Lawson. 
 A few days were spent under this gentleman s hospitable roof, in 
 recruiting his strength, when he resumed his journey. But, 
 although suffering constant and severe pains, and experiencing 
 great bodily weakness, his mind and heart were still unsubdued. 
 They appear to have been absorbed in solicitude for the fate of 
 his recent companions in arms ; and in devising measures for 
 augmenting their means of resistance, superadded to which was 
 an impatient desire to be so far recovered as to be enabled speedily 
 to rejoin the army. Before leaving Gen. Lawson s, he addressed 
 
 16* 
 
370 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a letter to Gen. Greene, under date of the 17th of February. "As 
 I expect," he remarks, " you are much distressed for assistance, 
 and as the militia are collecting fast, I have advised Gen. Lawson 
 to go to, and give you, all in his power. But the militia want 
 guns. Gen. Stevens s men have deposited theirs at Pittsylvania 
 court-house. Don t you think those could be put in hand ?" He 
 concludes a letter, full of suggestions, indicating zeal and judg 
 ment, by adverting to the state of his health. " I wish," he 
 observes, " I was able to give you my aid ; but I find I get worse." 
 A few days more were passed by Morgan on the road, when 
 his failing strength obliged him again to stop by the way. The 
 house of Carter Harrison, Esq., received him on this occasion, 
 and here he was compelled to remain for several days. From 
 this place, he addressed to Gen. Greene the letter which follows : 
 
 CARTER HARRISON S, Feb. 20, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have been doctoring these several days, thinking to be 
 able to take the field again. But I find I get worse. My pains now are 
 accompanied by a fever every day. I expect Lord Cornwallis will push 
 you until you are obliged to fight him, on which much will depend. You 
 have, from what I see, a great number of militia. If they fight, you will 
 beat Cornwallis ; if not, he will beat you, and perhaps cut your regulars to 
 pieces, which will be losing all our hopes. 
 
 I am informed that among the militia will be found a number of old 
 soldiers. I think it would be advisable to select them from among the 
 militia, and put them in the ranks with the regulars ; select the riflemen 
 also, and fight them on the flanks, under enterprising officers who are 
 acquainted with that kind of fighting ; and put the militia in the centre, 
 with some picked troops in their rear, with orders to shoot down the first 
 man that runs. If anything will succeed, a disposition of this kind will. 
 I hope you will not look on this as dictating, but as my opinion on a 
 matter that I am much concerned in. I am informed there are some odds 
 of a hundred of the garrison regiment disposed of on little guards round 
 about Richmond. If they were collected in a body, and militia in their 
 places, they would make a pretty little reinforcement. 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 371 
 
 It may be premised, that the foregoing letter has a historical 
 importance of no ordinary character. It, is admitted by Judge 
 Johnson, in his life of Gen. Greene, that in the dispositions of the 
 latter, at the battle of Guilford C. H., the suggestions of this 
 letter were implicitly adopted ;* and to this fact is to be attributed, 
 m all human probability, the practical defeat which the British 
 sustained on that occasion. 
 
 About the beginning of March, Morgan reached his home in a 
 state of extreme suffering and debility. The tender ministerings 
 of a devoted wife and family, and the enjoyment of comforts to 
 which he had been so long a stranger, were soon followed by an 
 improvement in his health. But for some time, he continued 
 unable to leave his house; and it was not until April that he 
 could appear abroad. His recovery was no doubt retarded by the 
 impatience he manifested at being forced to remain at home, 
 during a campaign so active and exciting. In the meantime he 
 was in the constant receipt of the proceedings of legislative 
 bodies, and the letters of distinguished individuals, congratulating 
 him upon his victory at the Cowpens. A number of these 
 flattering testimonials have been already introduced. 
 
 Soon after his return home, the news of the battle of Guilford 
 0. II. reached him. The following letter from Gen. Greene to 
 Gen. Morgan, is chiefly in relation to this memorable encounter. 
 
 * This advice [that contained in Morgan s letter] was obviously followed, both in the 
 constitution of the flanking parties, and in the disposition of the second line. The 
 regulars could not, in justice to Stevens and Lawson, be withdrawn from their brigades ; 
 nor did it comport with other arrangements and views, to place the militia in the centre 
 of his line. If Morgan meant the middle line, when speaking of the centre (which appears 
 highly probable), then was his advice in this particular literally pursued. We affect no-t 
 to arrogate to Gen. Greene, the originating of measures conceived by others. We think 
 it more creditable to a commander, to rise superior to the low jealousy, which rejects the 
 advice of an inferior, or regards with envy the well earned fame of a brave competitor. 
 Greene respected Morgan s understanding and experience ; the advice was good, and was 
 adopted. It was an emanation from the same bold and original genius, which soared so 
 far above ordinary views and measures, on the day of the Cowpens. Extract from John* 
 ton s Life of Gen. Greene, vol. ii., p. 7. 
 
372 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CAMP NTCAR THE IRON WORKS, | 
 10 MILES FROM GUILFORD C. H., March 20th, 17S1. f 
 
 DEAR SIR: Since we crossed the Dan, we have made many manoeuvres 
 and had much skirmishing. I have not time to give you the particulars. 
 Until the llth, our force was inferior to the enemy s, which obliged us to 
 act cautiously. But forming a junction with a body of North Carolina 
 and Virginia militia, and Col. Campbell coming up with a detachment of 
 eighteen months men from Virginia, I determined to give the enemy 
 battle. It was fought a little west of Guilford C. H. We were drawn up 
 in three lines ; North Carolina militia in front ; the Virginia militia formed 
 the second line, and the Continental troops the third. Col. Washington 
 with the dragoons of the first and third regiments, a detachment of 
 eighty regular light infantry, and two hundred riflemen under Col. Lynch, 
 formed a covering party for the security of our right flank. Lieut. Col. 
 Lee and his legion, and about two hundred and fifty riflemen under the 
 famous Co 1 Campbell, formed a covering party for our left. The battle 
 begun about twelve o clock, and lasted about two hours. The conflict 
 was bloody and severe, and had the North Carolina militia done their 
 duty, victory would have been certain and early. Brit they deserted the 
 most advantageous post I ever saw, and without scarcely firing a gun. 
 The Virginia militia behaved with great gallantry, and the fate of the day 
 was long and doubtful. But finally we were obliged to give up the 
 ground; and as all our artillery horses were killed before the retreat 
 began, we were obliged to leave our artillery on the ground. 
 
 The enemy s loss is very great, not less than between six hundred and 
 seven hundred men, and perhaps more. Our loss is much less, though 
 considerable. The greater part fell upon the regular troops. We retreated 
 in good order three miles, and there halted and collected all our strag 
 glers; after which we retired about ten miles from the place of action, 
 where we have remained ever since". The enemy are now retiring from 
 us, and have left us one hundred and seventy or eighty of their wounded. 
 They are moving towards Bell s Mill. We shall follow them immediately, 
 with the determination for another touch. The enemy had many officers 
 killed and wounded. Among the latter, Gen. Moira is said to be mortally 
 wounded. 
 
 The bearer of this, one of Lee s legion, waits upon you to get the colors 
 taken at the Cowpens, to convey them to Congress, there to be deposited 
 as a lasting monument of your gallantry and good fortune. 
 
 Marquis de Lafayette is coming to Virginia, with a detachment of light 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 373 
 
 infantry from the Northern army. Arnold must fall. I have not time to 
 be more particular. God bless you with better health. 
 
 With esteem, I am, &c., 
 
 K GREENE. 
 To GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 To this letter Morgan wrote the subjoined reply. 
 
 SARATOGA, lltt April, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I was honored with your letter of the 28th of March. I 
 assure you, sir, it gave me very great satisfaction, both from the intelli 
 gence and the mode of conveyance. I have been particularly happy in 
 my connections with the army, and am happy to tell you, sir, you are 
 among the number I esteem. Your good conduct as an officer and a gen 
 tleman while I had the pleasure of serving with you, created that esteem, 
 and your gallantry and good conduct since that period has confirmed it 
 with me, and I believe with every other person. If you get your dne, 
 which I make no doubt you will, you will have the thanks of your coun 
 try: for in my opinion you have done wonders, in repelling the enemy 
 when the whole country stood trembling at their approach, and indeed, 
 thought it almost impossible, as matters stood, to stop their career. 
 
 Your determination to give the enemy battle was in my opinion well- 
 timed, and the disposition well concerted. Such conduct and bravery will 
 seldom fail of success. You perhaps will call this a flattering letter. But 
 it has always given me pleasure to give every one his due ; and I think it 
 right, or where is the grand stimulus that pushes men on to great actions ? 
 On the oiher hand, I am as willing to give a person his demerits, if the 
 person be worthy of notice. 
 
 I was not at home when the express arrived, nor did he await my 
 coming. But I sent the standards on to Congress, and informed the 
 President by your order. 
 
 I expect by this time you have come up with my Lord Cornwallis, and 
 am in hopes, with an army sufficient to cope with him ; but much fear it, 
 as I know what militia can do. But I think CornwalhVs army must be 
 dispirited, from the manner they were handled in the last engagement. 
 God send you success. 
 
 I am directed by our Assembly to send their thanks to the officers and 
 men that fought with me on the 17th of January last; will be much 
 obliged to you to put it out in orders. 
 
 The pain in my hip has left me ; but I believe the same kind of pain has 
 
374: THELIFEOF 
 
 taken me in the head, which makes me blind as a bat two or three times a 
 day. But the cold bath seems to help me ; and I am in hopes ere long to 
 give yon some little assistance. 
 
 Please to make my compliments respectfully to the gentlemen of your 
 family. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 HON. MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 / 
 
 By the beginning of May, Morgan had, to all appearances, so 
 far recovered, as to have afforded him a prospect of gratifying his 
 wish to take the field again. He was about following Greene into 
 South Carolina, when the alarming operations of the enemy in 
 Virginia, together with the solicitations of the authorities of the 
 State and of General Lafayette, gave a new direction to his 
 thoughts. 
 
 While Morgan was in the field in the Carolinas, Arnold, with 
 1,600 men, invaded Virginia, captured Richmond, and destroyed 
 an immense amount of property, public and private. Soon after 
 Morgan s return home, a reinforcement of 2,000 men, under 
 General Phillips, arrived from New York. This force being 
 joined by that under Arnold, and Phillips assuming the command, 
 the business of devastation recommenced. The country between 
 the James and York rivers was completely overrun. Petersburg, 
 Chesterfield C. EL, and other important places were taken. All the 
 shipping, tobacco, corn, and other property, public or private, which 
 could be found were destroyed. Every horse which came within 
 reach of the invaders was seized, and used by them in strengthening 
 their cavalry force,* and in facilitating the movements of their troops. 
 In short, for a time- Virginia seemed doomed to destruction ; and 
 
 * The danger of this proceeding was foreseen by Morgan as early as the preceding 
 October, whenhe addressed a letter to Governor Jefferson on the subject. The governor s 
 reply, which is dated November 26, 1780, commences with the following paragraph : 
 
 " I am much obliged by your favor of October 30th. The recommendation for remov 
 ing horses from the reach of the enemy in cases of invasion, is perfect, and shall be inti 
 mated to the members of assembly, who alone can give me powers to execute it." 
 
GENEKAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 375 
 
 the alarm which her impending fate created throughout the 
 country, was divided with astonishment at the feebleness of her 
 resistance. Had her energies been concentrated and well directed, 
 she could have overwhelmed the invaders. But at this crisis of 
 her fate, Lafayette arrived with his command from the North. 
 
 This untoward state of affairs in the State of Virginia called for 
 the utmost exertions of her government and people. Prompt and 
 strenuous as these exertions were, they were begun too late to 
 avert the loss, if not the disgrace, which was inflicted upon them 
 by an insolent foe. Among other measures, Morgan was called 
 upon to embody the militia in the region of country in which he 
 resided, and to march with them against an enemy nearer home. 
 
 First among the inducements to a compliance on his part, was 
 
 a letter, received about this time, from Lafayette, which follows : 
 
 % 
 
 RICHMOND May 2~ist, 1781. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR : having very often heard that on your recovery, 
 you had set out for the southern army, I made no doubt but what 
 you had arrived in South Carolina. Every account led me to believe you 
 were on your way to General Greene s, and the intelligence had not been 
 hitherto contradicted. But I hear you are not yet gone ; and with the 
 freedom of an old and affectionate friend, take the liberty to request your 
 assistance. 
 
 You know that Gen. Greene is before Camden, where he had lately an 
 engagement with Lord Rawdon. Had the general been properly suppor 
 ted, this manoeuvre would have re-conquered a great part of South Caro 
 lina, and obliged Cornwallis to abandon the other State. But our small 
 army in that quarter is so weakened, so destitute, and prospects of reinforce 
 ment are so far off, that I am afraid the taking of Camden will be a diffi 
 cult matter. 
 
 When I was at Baltimore with a small but excellent detachment, I 
 heard of Gen. Phillips s preparation at Portsmouth. We left baggage 
 and artillery, made an uncommon forced march, and reached Richmond 
 the evening before Phillips moved up near the town, with the intention 
 of making an immediate attack. But our arrival disappointed them. He 
 re-embarked, and went down the river, from whence, in consequence of 
 advices from Lord Cornwallis, he cam?, up again, landed on the south side, 
 
3T6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and marched to Petersburg, where he was covered by the James and 
 Appomattox rivers, on the latter of which he had broken the bridges in the 
 first invasion. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, whom everybody had assumed to have embarked, came 
 without opposition to Halifax. No more than 150 men could be raised on 
 this side of the Roanoke. We could not leave James river unless we 
 had crossed far above Petersburg, thereby abandoning this shore of the 
 country from which reinforcements were expected. The two armies, the 
 smaller of which is far superior to our regular force, have formed an easy 
 junction, at Petersburg, and will no doubt begin offensive operations. 
 
 Gen. Phillips s death having left the command to the infamous Arnold, his 
 army consisted of two thousand three hundred regulars, rank and file, fit for 
 duty, and has received a small reinforcement from Portsmouth. The force 
 of Lord Cornwallis you will better know than I do, when I tell you it consists 
 of the 23d, 7 1st, 33d, British, one Hessian regiment, the Light Infantry 
 and Guards, Tarleton s Legion, and some other corpse-one of them is 
 Hamilton s. The enemy have an entire command of the waters. "Sliey 
 have much cavalry and we have for the present forty. Our regular 
 force is near nine thousand; our militia are not very strong upon the 
 returns, and much weaker in the field. We have not a hundred riflemen, 
 and are in the greatest need of arms. The Penhsylvanians were long ago to 
 join us, and their march has been deferred from day to day, no official 
 account of them, nor of a battalion of Maryland recruits. 
 
 Under these circumstances, my dear sir, I do very much want your 
 assistance, and beg leave to request it, both as a lover of public welfare and 
 as a private friend of yours. I ever had a great esteem for riflemen, and 
 have done my best to see them much employed in our armies. But in 
 this little corps they are particularly wanting. Your influence can do more 
 than orders from the executive. Permit me, therefore, my dear sir, 
 entirely to depend on your exertions. 
 
 Another very great reinforcement to our small diminutive of an army 
 and such a one as will I am sure, produce the happiest effects, is your per 
 sonal assistance in the field. I beg leave my dear sir, most warmly to 
 entreat you to join us, if the state of your health will permit. With the 
 assurance that nothing would give me more pleasure than to see you once 
 more in arms, and with the hope that I shall soon have that satisfaction, I 
 remain, my dear sir, most affectionately your friend. 
 
 LAFAYETTE 
 
 GEN. D. MORGAN. 
 
GENERAL DA N.I EL MORGAN. 377 
 
 Soon after the receipt of this letter, and when Morgan had 
 already determined on complying with the wishes of the marquis, 
 he received the resolution of the Virginia House of Delegates, with 
 the accompanying letter from Gov. Jefferson which follows : 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 
 
 SATURDAY, 2nd June, 1781. 
 
 Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor be desired to call for the 
 immediate assistance of Brigadier General Morgan, to take the command 
 of such volunteers, militia, or others, as he may be able speedily to embody, 
 and march to join the army under command of the Honorable Major 
 General Marquis de Lafayette. That this assembly have the utmost con 
 fidence in the active exertions of General Morgan in the present emergency ; 
 and that the Governor do transmit to the said General so many proper 
 commissions as may be necessary for the field officers, captains, subalterns, 
 and others, to be by him appointed. 
 
 TESTE, JOHN BECKLET, C. H. D. 
 
 A Copy. 
 
 JOHN BECKLEY, C. H. D. 
 
 GOV. JEFFERSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Charlottesmlle, June 2, 1781. 
 
 SIR : I have the pleasure to enclose to you a resolution of the House of 
 Delegates, assented to by so many of the Senate as were here, by which 
 you will perceive the confidence they repose in your exertions, and the 
 desire they entertain of your lending us your aid under our present circum 
 stances. I sincerely wish your health may be so far re-established as to 
 permit you to take the field, as no one would count more than myself on 
 the effect of your interposition. I enclose you commissions for the officers 
 of three battalions. They are of necessity dated at the time of my signing 
 them, and it will be well if you endorse on each the date from which it is 
 to give rank. 
 
 I am, with great respect, sir, 
 
 Your most humble servant, 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN, Berkeley. 
 
 Morgan had already taken measures with the object of raising 
 a large militia force from among the inhabitants of Frederick and 
 
378 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the adjoining counties. But although his efforts were now re 
 doubled, the result did not realize his expectations. The period 
 of the year was at hand when the people would be engaged in 
 gathering their crops. As these would be the recompense for 
 their previous labors, and as they were their only hope for future 
 support, they showed an unwillingness to take the field until they 
 were gathered. Volunteers came in slowly in consequence. 
 
 An event occurred about this time, however, which, presenting 
 hostility to the State in a new and startling form, aroused the 
 patriotic and warlike feelings for which the people of North 
 western Virginia were ever distinguished. A party of tones, 
 residing on Lost river, in the then county of Hampshire (now 
 Hardy) had collected together, and raised the British standard. 
 John Claypool, a Scotchman by birth, and his two sons, were at 
 the head of the insurgents.* It was reported at the time, that 
 Claypool s sons had some time previously seen and communicated 
 their designs to Cornwallis, who appointed and commissioned 
 them both as captains, and sent a commission as colonel to their 
 father. Claypool had succeeded in drawing over to his party a 
 considerable majority of the people on Lost river ; and a number 
 of those on the south fork of the Wappatomica. They first 
 manifested symptoms of rebellion, by refusing to pay their taxes 
 and to furnish their quota of militia. Upon complaint of these 
 proceedings, and of being resisted in the discharge of his duty, 
 by the sheriff, the military authorities of the county ordered a 
 captain and thirty men to his aid. But it does not appear that 
 this measure had the desired effect. On the contrary, the spirit 
 of disaffection increased. The tories began to organize, they 
 appointed officers, and made John Claypool their colonel, with 
 the intention of marching off in a body to join Cornwallis, in the 
 event of his advancing into the valley, or near it. 
 
 The danger became so alarming, that at length the authorities 
 of Hampshire sent expresses to those of the adjoining counties,! 
 
 * Kercheval s Valley Virginia, p. 195. t Ibid. p. 196- 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 379 
 
 communicating the intelligence and requesting the aid of laeir 
 militia. Colonel Smith, of Frederick county, immediately beat up 
 for volunteers. The people showed the utmost alacrity in obey 
 ing the summons, and in a few days, an army of four hundred 
 men were equipped, an? 1 ready for service. At the solicitation of 
 the entire force, Gen. Morgan assumed the command. 
 
 About the 18th or 20th June, the army marched from Win 
 chester, and in two days reached the tory section of Hampshire 
 county. Arriving at Claypool s house, and finding him and some 
 of his confederates on the premises, the whole were taken prison 
 ers. One of these, in attempting to escape across the field, was 
 fired at by one of Morgan s men, and badly wounded. Clay pool 
 having expressed repentance for the part he had taken in the 
 movement, and given bail for his appearance when called upon, 
 was set at liberty. 
 
 From Claypool s the army moved up Lost river, and on the 
 route, took a number of implicated persons prisoners.* Having 
 proceeded some distance, the troops crossed the South Branch 
 Mountain, on or near the summit of which, a log house was dis 
 covered. General Morgan ordered the house to be surrounded, 
 observing, "it is probable some of the tories are now in it." As 
 the troops approached the cabin, ten or twelve men ran out and 
 fled. An elderly man named Mace, and two of his sons, were of 
 the number. Among the pursuers was Capt. William Snickers, 
 one of Morgan s aids. Being mounted on a fine horse, he soon 
 overtook the elder Mace, who, finding himself so closely pursued, 
 surrendered. At this instant, one of Mace s sons looking round, 
 and seeing Snickers making demonstrations of what he thought 
 was a design to cut his father down, drew up his rifle and fired at 
 him. The ball passing through the crest of the horse s neck ; he 
 fell, and threw his rider over his head. Under the impression 
 that Snickers was killed, one of Morgan s men ran up to the elder 
 Mace with a pistol, and shot him dead on the spot. All the 
 
 *Kercheval s Valley of Virginia, p. W 
 
380 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fugitives were overtaken, and added to the number of the pri 
 soners. 
 
 The army next visited the house of a wealthy German, named 
 John Brake. This man owned a fine farm with extensive mea 
 dows, a mill, a large distillery, and a great number of cattle and 
 swine. He was an exception, in his political course, to his 
 countrymen, who were, almost to a man, true whigs, and friends 
 of their country. He had joined the tory band, and his house 
 was their place of rendezvous, where they feasted on the best he 
 had. All this appearing unquestionable, Morgan marched his 
 army to the residence of Brake, there halted, and spent two days 
 and nights with his reluctant host.* His troops lived on the. very 
 best which the farm, mill and distillery afforded, while their 
 horses fared no less luxuriously upon the fine unmown meadows 
 and oat fields. 
 
 On the morning of the third day, the army left Brake s house, 
 and returned to Winchester, after a service of about ten days. 
 
 " Thus," remarks Kercheval, from whose interesting work on 
 the valley of Virginia the foregoing account of this aft air is taken, 
 " this tory insurrection was crushed in the bud. The party them 
 selves became ashamed of their conduct, and in some degree to 
 atone for it, and to wipe off the stain, several of the young men 
 volunteered their services and marched to aid in the capture of 
 Cornwallis." 
 
 The humanity of Morgan s character was strikingly displayed, 
 when, shortly after this affair, he exerted all his influence, and 
 with success, in averting from Claypoolf the heavy consequences 
 which threatened to follow his crime. 
 
 * Kercheval s Valley of Virginia, p. 198. 
 
 t The following are among the letters which Claypooi addressed to Morgan during the 
 period after his arrest and previous to his trial. The evidences of Morgan s interposition 
 in his behalf will be found in passages of letters from the executive of Virginia and the 
 r.ommander-in-chief, which will appear in their proper connection. 
 
 May 31 si, 1781. 
 SIK : These are to inform you that I am heartily sorry that I have been so far blinded 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 381 
 
 In the meantime, the situation of affairs in the lower part of 
 the State had become more critical than ever. Cornwallis, 
 having entered Virginia from the Carolinas, had formed a junc 
 tion with the forces lately commanded by Phillips, and at the 
 head of the whole, had advanced towards the interior of the 
 State, pushing Lafayette before him ; while Tarleton and Simcoe 
 were spreading havoc on both sides of his line of march. 
 
 A day or two after the force engaged in suppressing the Clay- 
 pool insurrection had been disbanded, intelligence was received 
 
 in this riotous affair, which, was it to do again, I would suffer all that I have to be taken 
 from me before I would undertake such a thing, as I am convinced that I was out of my 
 duty to stand against the laws of our State. And if you would be so kind as to exert 
 your favor and ability in my behalf, I shall look upon it as a particular favor, and do 
 hereby promise to be faithful for the time to come, to the United States of America. I 
 would appear at the time appointed, but it is thought my life lay at stake, although I 
 know not that I have had any ill design, only I thought our burthen seemed too heavy. 
 But further considering the expense in supporting the war to protect our liberty, I 
 plainly see my fault, and beg pardon from you, and not only from you, but from all in 
 authority. 
 
 From, Sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 JOHN CLATPOOL. 
 
 P.S. If you will please to send me an answer to the above request, you will oblige 
 yours. 
 
 LOST RIVER, FJ>. 5th, 1782. 
 
 SIR : Nothing could induce me to trouble you but an absolute necessity, which you and 
 all my countrymen are fully acquainted with, in regard to my unhappy affair, for which 
 I stand charged in acting so precipitately, in consequence of which I most sincerely 
 lament. Your honor, by reading the enclosed, I doubt not will put the most favorable 
 constructions on my address to you, in praying your sentiments on the occasion. I 
 herewith send you a petition to approve or condemn. The death of that gentleman 
 whose humanity induced him to do all he could for me, is most deplorable. But the 
 deportment by which I have conducted myself the chief part of my Jife, added to my con 
 duct since my resignation to trial, will extort your lenity in saving my life. I hope an 
 act agreeable to the laws of heaven and an attribute peculiar to the great Judge himself, 
 who knows the acute conflicts I feel, the consequence of base and dishonorable actions, 
 for which I again request your approbation to live. My trial is to be brought on the 
 next month, and the indisposition I now labor under calls aloud for a suspension of trial 
 a while longer, which I presume may probably be in your power. I pray your sentiments 
 in writing, if agreeable to your pleasure. 
 
 I am, Sir, with due respect, 
 
 Your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 JOHN CLATPOOL. 
 
 N.B. SIR: You have favored me once before with a letter on the occasion, which I 
 transmitted to Mr. Hogg, but it was misplaced. J. 0. 
 
382 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that Tarleton was on his way to Winchester, with the object of 
 liberating the British prisoners, who, to the number of some hun 
 dreds, were then confined at tha-t place. About the same time, 
 directions* were received from Lafayette, for the removal of these 
 prisoners. Four hundred of the militia were accordingly called 
 out and equipped, under the escort of which the prisoners were 
 removed without delay to Fort Frederick, in Maryland. 
 
 During this momentous period, Lafayette displayed his usual 
 ability and promptitude, and succeeded in disappointing the over 
 confident expectations of his adversary. Having at length effected 
 a junction with Wayne and his Pennsylvanians, and been joined 
 by a large body of militia, he boldly turned upon the enemy. 
 
 Matters were in this posture, when Morgan received the 
 following letter from the speakers of the two Houses of Assembly 
 of the State, explaining to him the necessity of his immediately 
 taking the field with whatever force he had succeeded in raising. 
 Perhaps no more forcible illustration of the alarming state of 
 affairs in Virginia at this time could be found, than that which is 
 furnished in a letter, written under such extraordinary circum- 
 
 * The following letter from Lafeyette contains the orders referred to, as well as a state 
 ment of the circumstances under which they originated : 
 
 * GEN. LAFAYETTE TO COL. WOOD OR GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, CORBTN S BRTT>GE. ) 
 June 4rd, 1781. f 
 
 DEAR SIR: The want of decision in the movements of Lord Cornwallis hitherto, as they 
 equally tend to Fredericksburg and up the country, with the inefficiency of our present 
 force to oppose them, added to the accounts I have received of an insurrection having 
 happened not far from Winchester, induces me to anticipate the governor s arrangement 
 respecting the removal of the Convention troops. I herewith send you a copy of the 
 resolve of Congress of the 23rd of May, and a letter from the Board of War to his Excel 
 lency, the governor, which I fortunately opened. I request that you will immediately 
 use your utmost exertions to march them to the places appointed. You will endeavor to 
 collect a sufficient guard to move with them ; and as the cattle sent on by the Board of 
 War cannot be sent on in time, you must consult with the commissary of your post on the 
 best mode of providing provisions on your route. You will please communicate this to 
 Gen. Morgan, and take his advice relative io your proceedings. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 LAFAYETTK. 
 To COL. WOOD OR GKN. MORGAN, at Winchester. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 383 
 
 stances as was this one. Since the 2d of June, when the House 
 of Delegates called on Morgan by resolution to take the field, that 
 body had been surprised during its sittings at Charlottesville, and 
 seven of its members captured. The remainder, with the governor 
 and the executive officers, being forced to fly, dispersed in every 
 direction ; and for a time, the only evidences of the continued 
 existence of a governing power in the State, were furnished in 
 instances, of a character similar to this : 
 
 STACNTON, June 14, 1781. 
 
 SIR: By Major Holmes we are this day informed you are raising a body 
 of men, with which you design to join the army, commanded by the 
 marquis. We had before heard of your intentions, and hoped by this 
 time you had been able to have begun your march. The major s account 
 gives us great concern, as he tells us it will be yet ten days before you set 
 out. 
 
 We have to inform you that the enemy, with their whole force, are a 
 little below the fork of James river, near, if not quite, five thousand strong ; 
 that the marquis is on the branches of James river, at one Allegree s, 
 twenty-five or thirty miles from Lord Cornwallis s head-quarters, and 
 thirteen from Charlottesville, on the Three Notches road, perhaps equal in 
 number to his lordship. About seven hundred riflemen from this and the 
 adjacent counties have joined him ; one thousand more are ordered, and 
 will in the course of next week get to camp. So much is at stake on the 
 fate of a battle, that it is not only our wish, but that of every member of 
 the assemblywe have heard speak on the subject, that you march with 
 what men you have raised as soon as you possibly can, leaving orders for 
 others to follow you. We are truly sensible of the alacrity with which 
 the people on this side of the mountains will join you ; they wish to be 
 commanded by you. We therefore entreat that you lose no time in 
 joining the marquis. Had we an executive body, qualified to act, we 
 ^doubt not they would have addressed you on this subject ; but we flatter 
 ourselves, that this requisition, coming from the speakers of the two 
 Houses of Assembly, will have the same weight as from that body. 
 
 As the situation of the two armies will probably be different from what 
 they now are before you join, we must refer you to such intelligence aa 
 you will receive for the route you take. It is impossible to form any 
 judgment what steps his lordship will pursue ; but thus much we can inform 
 
384 THE LIFE OF 
 
 you, that the distress of all wherever he marches, is equal to anything you 
 have known from them during the war ; and his numerous horse puts it in 
 his power to extend his depredations to a great distance from his main 
 
 body. 
 
 We are, with much esteem, 
 
 Your very humble servants, 
 
 ARCHIBALD CART, 
 
 BENJ. HARRISON. 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN, Frederick. 
 
 Morgan had been indefatigable in his exertions to raise a 
 respectable force of cavalry and riflemen. From the causes 
 already mentioned, however, his wishes were not realized. But 
 the recent expedition to Lost river, taken in connection with the 
 serious state of affairs below, and the belief that Tarleton was on 
 the road to that part of the State, fully aroused the martial spirit 
 of the people. A fine body of cavalry was speedily raised and 
 mounted ; but they lacked clothing, swords, pistols, and every 
 other requisite of a dragoon. A considerable number of riflemen 
 were also embodied. They were, however, without arms and 
 ammunition ; nor could their wants in these respects be supplied 
 at any point nearer than the neighborhood of active operations. 
 The militia who formed the escort of the prisoners to Fort 
 Frederick had taken with them all the arms and ammunition 
 which could be found at the time in the public magazines at and 
 near Winchester. The force of riflemen was not so numerous as 
 Morgan desired. But the mass of the people could not be 
 induced to engage in a tour of duty which would prevent their 
 return home in time to gather their crops. He was assured, 
 however, that as soon as the harvesting was over, thousands would 
 follow him to the field and join his standard. 
 
 There being a pressing necessity for an increase of Lafayette s 
 cavalry, Morgan permitted no obstacle to prevent the force of 
 that description which he had raised from proceeding to the 
 marquis without delay. Having clothed the men at his own 
 expense, and placed them under the command of Capt. Nelson, 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN". 385 
 
 they were sent forward, with directions to obtain swords and the 
 other necessary equipments from some of the magazines of stores 
 east of the mountains, arid to lose no time in reaching the head 
 quarters of the marquis. 
 
 He addressed the speaker of the House of Delegates, intima 
 ting his speedy advance at the head of a considerable force, and 
 stating that to obtain clothing for the cavalry, he had contracted, 
 on his own responsibility, a heavy debt, which he hoped \vould be 
 assumed and paid by the State.* A few days before he put his 
 tro<5fs in motion, he informed the marquis of the progress he had 
 made, and of his speedy approach. To the letter on this subject 
 the marquis wrote the following reply : 
 
 MIDSHUNK CREEK, June 12, 1781. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR : With the greatest satisfaction I have received your 
 letter, mentioning the exertions you have made for our support. Your 
 
 * To this letter he received the subjoined reply from Gov. Nelson: 
 
 STAUNTON, June 22, 1781. 
 
 SIR: Your letter of the 15th inst., addressed to the speaker of the House of Delegates, 
 \s referred to the Executive. 
 
 The readiness you show to assist our invaded country gives general satisfaction, and I 
 doubt not but this will meet you far advanced on your march to join the marquis, with 
 such volunteers as you have been able to collect. I am sensible of the great incon- 
 Teniences arising to the people by being called out at the approach of harvest; but I 
 have my hopes that some capital blow may be struck, time enough to enable the com 
 mander of the troops to dispense with their services at that time. Should this not be the 
 case, I flatter myself the militia and volunteers above will consider the distress occasioned 
 to the lower country, where the ravages of the enemy, unless speedily suppressed, will 
 involve the inhabitants in total ruin. 
 
 When the accounts of the tradesmen for necessaries furnished Major Nelson s corps on 
 your order, be laid before the Board, they will immediately take measures for their 
 discharge. They are convinced of the propriety of the proposition contained in your 
 letter; but our present situation demands dispatch. And so much time would elapse 
 before the whole system could be effectuated, that the advantages to be derived from a 
 vigorous and an immediate effort, would be lost. But as soon as the situation of the 
 State will admit, they will, with pleasure, patronize a scheme, which they trust will be pro 
 ductive of the most salutary effects. 
 
 I am, sir, your ob t servant, 
 
 , THOMAS NELSOX. 
 
 GBN. MORGAN, Frwltrick Co, 
 
 17 
 
386 THE LIFE OF 
 
 assistance is very necessary to us, and your success iu collecting the troops 
 is even above my expectations. The sooner they are with us, my dear 
 friend, the better it will be, and I shall be particularly happy in taking by 
 the hand a friend for whom I have ever felt the highest regard and 
 sincerest affection. 
 
 The enemy are opposite to Elk creek. We moved this day from South 
 Anna river to this place. It appears Lord Cornwallis expected us where 
 he aid not intend to go, and part of his army moved up to a place called 
 Byrd s Ordinary, thirteen miles below this. Our stores are again behind 
 us ; what fell into their hands is very trifling ; and our junction with the 
 Pennsylvanians enables us to some resistance. But we are still much 
 inferior to his lordship. To-morrow or the day after decides which way 
 he intends to move. 
 
 The young man who carried your letter is in so much of a hurry that I 
 have not time to receive a positive answer about the lead. There is but 
 little to be got. I have directed the commissary of military stores to send 
 you what he can obtain. Our equipments are dispersed, and I do not 
 know what Baron de Stuben has ordered for them. I am afraid this will 
 not be an easy matter. We can get short swords ; but you know they are 
 not very useful to dragoons. As to saddles and bridles, it is better to 
 impress them than to leave the State without defence. 
 
 Adieu, my dear sir ; it is late, and your young man is impatient to go. 
 I shall, therefore, only add, that with the most perfect regard and attach 
 ment, I have the honor to be, dear sir, 
 
 Your most ob t, humble servant, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 P. S. Whatever you think better for the good of the service, that 
 comes within "the bounds of my power, I request you will either mention 
 to me, or have executed in my name. 
 
 By the movement referred to in the foregoing letter, Cornwal 
 lis s designs upon the military stores in Albemarle, and upon 
 the flank of Lafayette s force, were both frustrated. The latter 
 being soon after reinforced by six hundred mountaineers, evinced 
 a disposition to oppose the further progress of the enemy. Corn 
 wallis was, no doubt, impressed with the danger of persevering in 
 his designs. He accordingly commenced a retrograde movement 
 towards Richmond. The marquis followed him with cautious 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 387 
 
 circumspection. On the way down he was joined by Steuben, 
 with four hundred men. His force at this time numbered two 
 thousand regulars and three thousand two hundred militia. That 
 
 O 
 
 of Cornwallis was about the same number of veteran troops. 
 
 On the 29th of June, the enemy evacuated Richmond, and 
 retreated towards Williamsburg. The next day, Lafayette pur 
 sued them with his entire force. When within six miles of 
 Williamsburg, the enemy s rear guard, commanded by Col. Sim- 
 coe, was attacked and severely handled by the American advance, 
 under Col. Butler. Cornwallis occupied the town for a day or 
 two, during which time Lafayette took post in the neighborhood. 
 
 Cornwallis, who had determined to retire from Portsmouth, 
 \\as overtaken on the 6th of July, by the marquis, at Jamestown, 
 where a severe ericounter took place. With the design of attack 
 ing the enemy s rear, when the main body should have passed the 
 river at Jamestown, Lafayette pushed forward the Pennsylvania 
 troops, a body of riflemen and the cavalry. Cornwallis, divining 
 the object of his opponent, made such a disposition of his force as 
 induced the marquis to make an attack upon disadvantageous 
 terms. The riflemen advancing, soon drove in the British pickets. 
 But an advanced post, which covered their encampment, was per- 
 severingly maintained. Lafayette, at length discovering his error, 
 hastened to call in his men. But Wayne, with characteristic 
 ardor, had dashed at the head of his Pennsylvania troops into the 
 contest without delay ; and before he could be recalled, he was 
 closely engaged. Although menaced by what was now discovered 
 to be the main body of the British army, he maintained his 
 ground ; and when the order to retreat and form a line with the 
 light infantry in the rear reached him, he was charging the British 
 line with the bayonet. The retreat was effected without any 
 serious sacrifice, and the whole force was soon re-united and in good 
 order about half a mile in the rear of the field of battle. The 
 enemy declining to pursue, Lafayette retired to a position about six 
 miles from Greenspring, the scene of conflict, where he encamped. 
 
388 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this action, was one hundred and 
 thirty-nine men, in killed, wounded and prisoners. That of the 
 enemy was seventy-seven killed and wounded.* 
 
 It was during the night of this eventful day that Morgan, with 
 a portion of the forces he had succeeded in raising, reached 
 Lafayette s camp. 
 
 Having dispatched Nelson s command of cavalry forward, he 
 inarched about the 20th of June, with the force of riflemen he 
 had succeeded in raising, towards Albemarle, in the vicinity of 
 which he expected to be enabled to effect a junction with 
 Lafayette. But the latter had then been some days on the march 
 in pursuit of Cornwallis, who was retreating to Richmond. From 
 the neighborhood of this city, the annexed letter was received by 
 Morgan while on the advance. 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, 20/A June, 1781. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: I have but the time of writing you two lines. The 
 enemy have evacuated Richmond, and seem retiring towards Williams- 
 burg. If it is the case, the retreat from Elm creek will be upwards of one 
 hundred miles, and their friends in this State will be not a little disap 
 pointed. 
 
 Your junction with us, my dear friend, is very important. If you bring 
 us a large body, we may, I think, cope with their army. I am for the 
 present following them, but agree in opinion with you, and unless a very 
 favorable opportunity offers, will not risk a battle. 
 
 As soon as Nelson s horse are ready, I wish you would order them on 
 with the greatest celerity. We are in great want of dragoons. 
 Adieu, my dear Sir, 
 
 Most affectionately yours, 
 
 LAFAYETTK. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Morgan and his command pushed forward to effect the desired 
 junction. But Lafayette, in pursuit of the retreating foe, also 
 advanced ; thus several days elapsed, when it was found that they 
 
 *TarIeton, in his remarks on this battle, takes occasion to pay a deserved compliment 
 to Lafayette s military talents, declaring it to be " the only instance of this officer s com 
 mitting himself during a very difficult campaign." Tarleion s Campaign, p. 856. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 389 
 
 were as far from effecting their object as at the outset. It was 
 not until the evening of the 6th of July, when they had travelled 
 more than two hundred miles, that they reached the head-quar 
 ters of the marquis, near Jamestown. 
 
 Morgan was received by the marquis in the most cordial man 
 ner, and immediately invested with the command of all the light 
 troops and the cavalry.* 
 
 The morning following his arrival, Tarleton, with his cavalry 
 and a body of mounted infantry, was dispatched by Cornwallis in 
 quest of Lafayette. On his approach to the American camp, 
 Tarleton encountered a patrolling party of mounted riflemen. 
 The latter immediately fell back towards their camp. They 
 were, however, closely followed by the British horse, and had lost 
 several of their number, when a body of riflemen came to the 
 rescue. These troops, during the previous night, had encamped 
 some distance in front of the main body. Their position, conse 
 quently, not only gave them the first intimation of the attack, but 
 enabled them to be the first to meet it. At the commencement 
 of the alarm, they were instantly under arms, and on the approach 
 of Tarleton, opened upon his force such a heavy and destructive 
 fire, that he was forced to an immediate and precipitate retreat. 
 
 * The command of Nelson s corps, and the Maryland volunteer dragoons, was conferred 
 upon him through the letter which follows : 
 
 RICHMOND, July 16W-, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I have attached to your command Major Nelson s corps, and the Maryland 
 volunteer dragoons. I beg leave to recommend the latter to your attention. Most of 
 them are men of fortune, who make great sacrifices to serve their country. You will not, 
 therefore, put them upon the duties of orderlies, or the common camp duties, which can 
 be as well performed by the Continental horse. In everything else you will find them 
 answer your expectations. As they are only to be subject to your orders, when you have 
 accomplished the objects mentioned in my letter of yesterday, or when it is decided that 
 Tarleton intends southerly and is beyond the reach of being struck, you will be good 
 enough to order their return to head-quarters. It is my wish to dismiss them the moment 
 it is in my power. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 LAFATETTK. 
 BRIO. GKN. MORGAN. 
 
390 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Lafayette retires to Richmond Wayne and Morgan posted at Goode s bridge Cornwallis 
 marches towards Portsmouth Tarleton dispatched to Bedford Co. Unsuccessful 
 attempt to intercept him Letter from Lafayette He encamps on Malvin Hill Letters 
 from Wayne Morgan again unwell Letter to Greene The reply Morgan returns 
 home Letter from Lafayette Letter to Washington The-feply Letter to Washing 
 ton The reply removes to " Saratoga" His elder daughter married to Col. Neville 
 Morgan s health partially restored Letter to Greene His conduct on the disbandment 
 of the army The Cowpens medal Letter to J. F. Mercer The reply The soldiery 
 become the victims of speculators Morgan interferes in behalf of the former Ilia 
 motives misrepresented by the speculators to the injury of his character Washington 
 in consequence, ceases to esteem him An explanation is followed by a reconciliation 
 Morgan s conduct under the calumnies of his enemies Extract of a letter from Col. C. 
 M. Thurston. 
 
 SOON after the action at Jamestown, Lafayette, with the main 
 body of his army, retired, first to the forks of the York river, and 
 afterwards to Richmond. Wayne, with his Fennsylvanian 
 troops, and Morgan with the dragoons and riflemen, were detached 
 across James river to Goode s Bridge. 
 
 Cornwallis, having crossed to the southern side of James river, 
 resumed his march towards Portsmouth. Arriving at Suffolk he 
 dispatched Colonel Tarleton from this point with his cavalry, and 
 a body of mounted infantry, to New London, in the county of 
 Bedford, distant not less than two hundred miles. Cornwallis s 
 objects in ordering a movement so extensive and hazardous, were 
 the destruction of a magazine of stores, said to have been collec 
 ted at that place for Greene s army, and the interception of a body 
 of American light troops, which he was informed were on their 
 march from the south to the assistance of Lafayette. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. ( J 
 
 Upon the first intimation of this movement, Wayne and Mor 
 gan, with their respective commands, were sent by Lafayette to 
 counteract it, and if possible to intercept and cut off Tarleton 
 upon his return. Accordingly, Wayne advanced into Amelia 
 county, while Morgan held the ground in the neighborhood of 
 Gloode s Bridge. Their confident expectations of entrapping Tarle 
 ton were, however, disappointed. This officer having proceeded 
 first to Prince Edward and next to Bedford, found that the stores 
 which he sought at these places had sometime previously been 
 dispatched southward. He ascertained, besides, that the expected 
 detachment of light troops had not been sent northward, Greene 
 having full employment for every soldier he commanded. Upon 
 his return, he was informed of the danger which awaited him, in 
 time to take the necessary measures to avoid it. After destroy 
 ing his wagons he struck into a lower route across the head 
 waters of the Nodaway and Black water rivers, and arrived with 
 out molestation at Suffolk on the 24th.* 
 
 It is a matter of surprise that Lafayette should have allowed an 
 opportunity so favorable for intercepting and destroying this 
 detachment to escape him. The extreme caution which he 
 appears to have observed on this occasion, was, perhaps, one of the 
 consequences of his rash attack at Jamestown. It must be obser 
 ved, however, that the movements of Tarleton were conducted 
 with such rapidity, that information regarding them, at any stage 
 of their progress, must have reached Lafayette at a time too late 
 to be useful. Besides the object of the expedition, and the scope 
 of its operations, were alike unknown to the Marquis. The force 
 of which it was composed was believed by him to be much 
 greater than it really was.f Had Wayne and Morgan been per- 
 
 * Tarleton, p. 85T ; Lee s Mem. p. 306. 
 
 t This expedition was the subject of the following among other letters, addressed by 
 Lafayette to Morgan : 
 
 RICHMOND, July Yith, 1781. 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 My former intelligences were decisive upon Tarleton s going towards Roanoke. But 
 
392 THE LIFE OF 
 
 initted to move forward, as appears to Lave been their desire, the 
 probability is that the force under Tarleton would have been 
 intercepted and dispersed. Indeed, this opinion is, in substance, 
 expressed by Tarleton himself. * 
 
 About this time, Lafayette moved his army from the neighborhood 
 of Richmond, and encamped at Malven Hill. Wayne and Morgan 
 were left with their respective detachments at Goode s Bridge. 
 
 Lafayette, supposing that the next movement of the enemy would 
 have reference either to Virginia or the Carolinas, composedly 
 awaited the development of their plans, holding himself at the 
 same time in readiness to act as circumstances might require. 
 u Two or three days will determine what the enemy intend to do," 
 he observes in a letter to Morgan, dated at Malvin Hill, on the 
 21st of July, "and the distribution of their forces will determine 
 what is to become of ours." That he anticipated another attack 
 from Cornwallis, and that he had resolved to meet it, are rendered 
 evident by a passage in the same letter. " Should you not find 
 any position," he remarks, " where you might fight to advantage 
 the mounted part of the British army, or should you fear to be 
 unacquainted with their movements, it would of course be more 
 
 I just now hear that he was last night at Walker s house, seven miles above Walker s 
 Mill, on Nodaway river, thirty-two miles south of Petersburg. He was expected in that 
 town this night. Gen. Wayne is over the river and has orders to be very cautious. But 
 if Col. Tarleton could be surprised to-night at Petersburg, he is to make the attempt, I 
 think, my dear friend, we are rather scattered, and it will be better for you to fall back 
 towards Chesterfield Court House ; so that if instead of attacking, Wayne is attacked, 
 he may retire to you. By the last accounts, Lord Cornwallis was at Portsmouth. I 
 hardly believe Tarleton will come to Petersburg. At all events you may take such posi 
 tions in the woods as will effectually cover you from his horse. But we are so distant 
 
 that I leave with you to act according to circumstances. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 You will please have dragoons at Budford s to give Gen. Wayne notice. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN, Govde s Bridge. 
 
 * A detachment from the Marquis de Lafayette s army, might have been transported 
 over the James river near City Point, and by posting themselves near the head of 
 Blackwater, would have endangered the retreat of the British, by blocking up the pass at 
 that place, and over which they must unavoidably return ; because the banks of Black- 
 water are in other parts so marshy, that there is no approaching them, either to mak 
 use of rafts, or to cross the river by swimming. ^ Tarleton 1 Campaign, p. 859. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 393 
 
 prudent to be on this side. But in the other case, independent of 
 my aversion to fresh fatigues, I am glad to keep the enemy in 
 suspense ; and should they move up in consequence of our divided 
 state, it will retard their preparations for the relief of New York. 
 The first of the series of movements which ended in the capture 
 of Cornwallis was now made. On the 30th, the detachments of 
 Wayne and Morgan moved from Goode s Bridge to Deep Creek 
 Bridge, in Amelia county. The new position afforded, among 
 other advantages, greater facilities for marching towards Ports 
 mouth or the Carolinas, as events might determine.* On the 
 next day, Morgan received the following letter from Wayne, com 
 municating the orders it contained from the marquis. 
 
 CAMP AT WATKIN S MILL, July SOt/t, 17S1. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I have it in command from the Marquis de Lafayette to 
 direct Gen. Campbell with all the riflemen to join Gen. Muhlenbcrg at 
 Eland s Mills, to the southeast of Petersburg, the soonest possible. You 
 will therefore be so obliging as to order him to take up his line of march 
 at four o clock to-morrow morning. He may easily reach that place in 
 three days. You will also be so obliging as to order Capt. Reed, with 
 Nelson s dragoons, to join me at this place immediately. 
 
 The marquis likewise informs me that your people are coming in, and 
 wishes you to proceed to his quarters to arrange them. 
 
 That their numbers and appointments may be equal to your expectations, 
 
 *GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 CAMP AT GOODE S BRIDGE, 29A July, 17S1, 
 
 DEAR SIR : The ground in and about this camp begins to be so disagreeable, that it has 
 determined me to march to-morrow morning, at half past 5 o clock, for Deep Creek 
 Bridge, in Amelia county, about eight miles from this place. This change is necessary, 
 not only for the health of the troops, but for the more easily procuring flour and forage. 
 It is also a position from which we can move with facility towards Portsmouth or Caro 
 lina, as events may determine. . , 
 
 I leave it with you to march the riflemen and Baltimore dragoons under Capt. Moore 
 to that place, or to remain where they are for the present. 
 
 You will be so obliging as to order Capt. Reed, with his corps of cavalry, to precede the 
 Infantry in the morning, and to take post with us. 
 
 Interim, I am, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 ASTHOHY WAYNE. 
 
394 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and that life and laurels may attend you on all occasions, is the sincere 
 \vish of 
 
 Your most obedient servant, &c., 
 
 ANTHONY WAYNE. 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN, at Maj. Goode s. 
 
 While the military events just detailed were in progress, Mor 
 gan became so unwell from a return of his sciatica! complaint, as 
 at length to confine him to his bed. The first night he passed in 
 Lafayette s camp, at Greenspring, was followed by an attack of 
 this malady. For a few days he bore up against a renewal of his 
 sufferings, as well as the more painful presentiment that his 
 career as a soldier was drawing to a close. But about the begin 
 ning of August, his illness so increased, that he was obliged to 
 retire from the field, and to seek a renewal of his health in tho 
 comforts and quietude of home. 
 
 His reluctance again to leave the army under such circum 
 stances was evinced until the last moment. A letter to Gen. 
 Greene, written by him about ten days before his departure, 
 admits a misgiving that he was no longer fit for service, but gives 
 no intimation of his intention to retire. Such a design was too 
 repugnant to his inclinations to be. entertained, until it became 
 unavoidable. The letter referred to is annexed. 
 
 CAMP, GOODE S BRIDGE, 24Z7t July, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR: As the marquis has written you, no doubt he has given you 
 a better account of the enemy s situation than I could ; shall, therefore, 
 say nothing on that head. After making use of the cold bath for upwards 
 of two months, I thought myself so far recovered as to be able to take 
 the field, and intended to have joined you in Carolina. But my lord 
 making so deep a lunge at the Old Dominion, that both houses of the 
 Assembly requested me to raise as many volunteers as possible, and join 
 the marquis, which 1 did, the day after the action at Jamestown. My 
 lord has embarked some of his troops; what he intends, time only can 
 discover. But if they are sent southerly, we are on our way to join you. 
 
 How are all the old heroes, Washington, Lee, Howard, &c., &c.? I 
 have not time to write them. Will you be pleased to make my compli 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 395 
 
 ments to them, also to Gen. Huger, Col. Williams, and your own family 
 respectively. 
 
 I saw your letter to the marquis, and was very unhappy at your situation. 
 That d d reinforcement arrived very unluckily for us.* 
 
 I lay out the night after arriving at camp, caught cold, and have been 
 laid up ever since. I am afraid I am broke down. I sincerely wish you 
 every species of good luck, and all the happiness that country can afford 
 
 you. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 To the foregoing, Morgan received the subjoined reply, shortly 
 after his return to Frederick : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, CAMDEN, August %6th, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : Your letter of the 24th July arrived safe at head-quarters, 
 and your kind compliments to Williams, Washington, Lee, and the other 
 gentlemen you mention, have been properly distributed. Nothing would 
 give me greater pleasure than to have you with me. The people of this 
 country adore you. Had you been with me a few weeks past, you would 
 have had it in your power to give the world the pleasure of reading a Sec 
 ond Cowpens affair. Gen. Sumter had the command ; but the event did 
 not answer my expectations. If I deserve any credit for the manoeuvres 
 of this campaign, it was for that I gave the enemy a blow where they least 
 expected it. But, alas ! the execution failed. However, we got upwards 
 of one hundred and forty prisoners, and took and destroyed a great quan 
 tity of stores. The expedition ought to have yielded us six hundred men, 
 and the chance was more than fifty times as much in our favor as it was 
 at Tarleton s defeat. Great generals are scarce there are few Morgans to be 
 found. The ladies of Charleston toast you. Don t you think we bear beating 
 very well, and that we are something of the nature of stock-fish, the more we 
 are beat, the better we grow ? I may say with the king of Prussia, Fortune 
 is a female, and I am not gallant. She has jilted me several times this cam 
 paign ; but in spite of her teeth, I pursue her still, in hopes the old adage 
 will be fulfilled a coy dame may prove kind at last. I am not well pleased 
 with her rebuffs ; but I bear them with patience. I was content at the 
 flogging at Guilford ; but I lost all patience at first with that of Lord Raw- 
 
 * The arrival at Charleston of three British regiments, which event was followed by the 
 advance of Lord Rawdon to the relief of Ninety-six, at the time invested by Gen. Greene. 
 
396 THE LIFE OF 
 
 don s. In the one I considered victory as doubtful : in the other, certain. 
 Under these impressions, you may well think the disappointment was not 
 pleasing ; and to add to my vexation, that cursed reinforcement must 
 arrive by two days too soon. But upon the whole, we are as well off as 
 could be expected ; and the less we are indebted to fortune, the greater 
 our merit. I claim nothing the army deserves everything. 
 
 Nurse your old bones and stick by the marquis, until the modern Hanni 
 bal unfolds his great designs. While you and Wayne are with him, 1 think 
 he will be well supported, arid I shall feel perfectly easy. 
 
 We are trying to collect a body of militia to give the enemy battle. If 
 we succeed, perhaps you may hear of a few being sent to the shades on 
 both sides. The Dominion has been in great jeopardy this campaign. Let 
 it prove a warning to be better prepared in future. But under all her 
 oppressions she rises in glory, and will soon shade all her sister States, 
 especially as Nelson has got at the head of the government. 
 With much esteem, I am, &c., 
 
 GEN. MORGAN. NATH. GREENE. 
 
 Soon after Morgan returned to Frederick, he proceeded to Bath 
 Springs, from the healthful properties of the waters of which, he had 
 previously experienced relief from attacks, such as that under which 
 he labored at this time. In a few days his pains left him, and his 
 strength was measurably restored. But the impression had, in 
 the meantime, fixed itself in his mind, that his constitution was 
 no longer able to withstand the hardships and exposures incident 
 to an active campaign that his return to the field would be fol 
 lowed by a return of his malady. Yet, notwithstanding this, it is 
 certain that he was impatient for the acquisition of sufficient 
 strength to enable him to rejoin the marquis. 
 
 While at- this place, he received the letter which follows, from 
 Lafayette : 
 
 GEN. LAFAYETTE TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 MONTOK HILL, August 15, 1781. 
 
 MY DEAR FRIEND : I have been happy to hear your health was better. I 
 hope the springs will entirely recover it; and then, my dear sir, I shall be 
 happier than can be expressed, at seeing you with the army. You are the 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 397 
 
 general and the fri?nd I want ; and both from inclination and esteem, I 
 lose a great deal when you go from me, and will think it a great pleasure 
 and a great reinforcement to see you again. But let me entreat you not 
 so soon as to expose your health. Great services have been rendered by 
 you great services are justly expected. So that you cannot, consistent 
 with your duty, trifle with your own life. By the time you are called to 
 come, perhaps the scene may be interesting. 
 
 Your influence, my dear sir, may render us the greatest service. The 
 militia ordered out are coming in very slow so slow that I will be soon 
 left with the Continentals. For God s sake, tell them to come on. It 
 appears the enemy had rather expose New York and pursue their serious 
 intentions against Virginia. I do every day expect a new campaign, and 
 never was worse provided. We put on the best face we can ; but I con 
 fess, I dread consequences. At the same time that you hurry on the 
 militia, let them take their arms with them rifles particularly, as riflemen 
 are the soldiers I most wish for. If there are Continental or State arms 
 within your reach, I request you will forward them on. Advise Col. Davies 
 of the march of any militia. 
 
 We have many horse accoutrements at Noland s Ferry, at Fredericktown 
 in Maryland, and perhaps some other places. I wish wagons may be 
 impressed and those articles immediately sent. White has two hundred 
 fine men and horses, who, for want of accoutrements, are entirely useless. 
 The best way will be to send them by the upper road and forward them to 
 our camp. 
 
 Could it be possible to procure a quantity of shoes ? The whole army 
 are barefoot. 
 
 These articles, my dear friend, I only mention, in case your health per 
 mits you to attend to them. I beg you will not take any trouble about, 
 them that might give you improper fatigue, or disturb for one instant the 
 care I entreat you to pay to the recovery of your health. 
 
 Lord Corflwallis s army is divided between York and Gloucester. At 
 York they don t fortify : but they do at Gloster. It appears Portsmouth 
 will be evacuated, and everything brought round to York river. Accounts 
 from New York assure us that part of the troops is certainly recalled : but 
 nothing here that indicates it for the present. 
 
 The light infantry and militia are between the forts of York river, the 
 first four miles, the second eight miles from West Point. Gen. Wayne is 
 for the present at Bottom s Bridge, and should the enemy detach to 
 York, he will go to South Carolina. I am nursing the few horse we have ; 
 boats are patrolling down the river; Mathews, with some militia, 
 
398 THE LIFE OF 
 
 this and Williamsburg ; a larger corps with the volunteer horse under CoL 
 Lane, is foraging in Gloster county. This position looks both ways, and 
 saves transportation. 
 
 The enemy s movements I explain on two accounts. That a force had 
 been ordered to New York is certain. But the plan had afterwards been 
 altered. If Lord Cornwallis expectt a French fleet, he will confine his 
 defences to Glostertown, and there fight in protection of his army and 
 shipping. He will regard it dangerous to divide his force, and would have 
 little or nothing on the York side. If, on the contrary, his lordship means 
 to be offensive, the fortifications at Gloster are means to protect his ves 
 sels, his magazines and hospitals, and in case of a misfortune to ensure 
 his retreat. The latter seems the most probable. I soon expect to be 
 hard pushed, and never was worse provided. 
 
 There is some rumor of a fleet being near the Capes ; but I do not 
 believe it. Adieu! my dear Morgan. 
 
 ":- Most affectionately, your friend, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 P. S. If you hear of ammunition, send it to us. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 Judging, as well from the recollections of those who were 
 acquainted with Gen. Morgan, as from the records he has left 
 behind him, his mortification at being unable from ill- health to 
 sustain to the end the prominent part he had taken in the great 
 drama of the revolution, was excessive, and doubtless, it contri 
 buted in no mean degree to aggravate his physical sufferings. 
 The termination of the mighty struggle was plainly foreshad 
 owed about this time. The French fleet had arrived in the 
 Chesapeake, and blocked up the enemy s egress to the ocean: while 
 Lafayette guarded the avenues to escape southward, and the Mar 
 quis of St. Simon those to the interior, " the modern Hannibal," 
 was advancing with the main army from the north. Cornwallis, 
 it was evident, had at length been caught in the toils of his adver 
 saries. 
 
 Under the feeling to which these auspicious circumstances would 
 naturally give rise in the breast of a patriot and soldier, kept by 
 sickness from being present at the virtual close of a struggle 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 399 
 
 in which he had participated so largely, Morgan addressed the 
 letter which follows to Washington : 
 
 September 20A, 1T81. 
 
 SIR : At a time like this, when your excellency s every moment must be 
 devoted to the grand business of America, I know you can have but little 
 leisure for private letters but the feelings of my heart will not permit me 
 to be silent : I cannot avoid congratulating your excellency on the present 
 favorable appearance of our affairs : I cannot avoid telling your excellency 
 how much I wish you success, and how much I wish that the state of my 
 health would permit me to afford my small services on this great occasion. 
 Such has been my peculiar fate, that during the whole course of the pre 
 sent war, I have never, on any important event, had the honor of serving 
 particularly under your excellency. It is a misfortune I have ever sin 
 cerely lamented. There is nothing on earth would have given me more 
 real pleasure than to have made this campaign under your excellency s eye, 
 to have shared the danger, and let me add, the glory too, which I am 
 almost confident will be acquired. But as my health will not admit of my 
 rejoining the army immediately, I must beg leave to repeat to your excel 
 lency my most earnest wishes for your success, and for your personal 
 safety. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem, 
 
 Your excellency s obedient and humble servant, 
 
 To GEN. WASHINGTON. DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 Washington, at the head of the French and American forces, 
 was vigorously prosecuting the siege of Yorktovvn to a triumphant 
 close, when the foregoing letter reached him. The following was 
 written in reply : 
 
 HEAD QUARTERS, BEFORK YORK, 5th Oct., 1T81. 
 
 SIR : Surrounded, as I am, with a great variety of concerns, on the pre 
 sent occasion, I can yet find time to answer your letter of the 20th ult., 
 which I have received with much satisfaction ; not only as it is filled with 
 such warm expressions of desire for my success on the present expedition, 
 but as it breathes the spirit and ardor of a veteran soldier, who, though 
 impaired in the service of his country, yet retains the sentiments of a sol- 
 dier in the primest degree. 
 
400 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Be assured that I most sincerely lament your present situation, and 
 esteem it a peculiar loss to the United States, that you are, at this time, 
 unable to render your services in the field. I most sincerely thank you 
 for the kind expressions of your good wishes, and earnestly hope that you 
 may be soon restored to that share of health \vhich you may desire, and 
 with which you may again be useful to your country in the same eminent 
 degree as has already distinguished your conduct. 
 
 With much regard and esteem, 
 
 I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 Moi gan was still at home recruiting his shattered health, when 
 the joyful news of the surrender of Cornwallis was spread through 
 the country. A large proportion of the prisoners surrendered on 
 that occasion, were inarched to Winchester, and guarded by a 
 body of militia, were confined in the barracks near that place, 
 under the direction of Col. Wood, the commissary of prisoners in 
 that section of country. The untoward consequences which fol 
 lowed the arrival of these prisoners in Frederick, were the subject 
 of a number of letters from Morgan to Washington, Governor 
 Harrison, Colonels Wood and Smith, and others in authority. As 
 the subjoined letter, besides being an interesting link in the chain 
 of correspondence between Washington and Morgan, furnishes a 
 detail of the consequences referred to, in a manner so complete, 
 as to render further remark thereupon unnecessary ; it possesses a 
 double claim to notice : 
 
 SARATOGA, November 25*A, 1781. 
 
 SIR: After acknowledging the honor of your very friendly and polite letter, 
 dated " Before York, 5th Oct.," give me leave most sincerely to congratulate 
 you on our late signal success over the British arms under Lord Cornwallis, 
 which has afforded me unspeakable satisfaction, not only on account of the 
 additional laurels it has gained to your excellency in particular, and the 
 army in general, but because it has also dispersed the black clouds of 
 adversity which hung lowering over our country, and exhibits a bright 
 prospect of a peaceable hereafter. But while I rejoice in the occasion that 
 subjected so many of our enemies to our power, I cannot but lament the 
 great loss of prisoners which will, or I fear already has, taken place. I 
 
GENERAL D A N I K L MORGAN. 401 
 
 beg leave to lay before your excellency, the situation of those sent to this 
 country. The barracks for their reception were scarcely adequate to half 
 their numbers, and the staff department entirely unprovided with axes or 
 tools of any kind for the building of more ; add to this the weather grow 
 ing cold, and the guards, which were militia, not being attended with suf 
 ficient discipline and law, the prisoners are so dispersed, that of those sent 
 to Winchester, not more than eight hundred could be paraded a few days 
 ago. On hearing this disagreeable account, I have ordered them all to be 
 called in, but as the barracks are built in a tory settlement, five miles 
 above Winchester, and a chain of tories extending thence along the fron 
 tiers of Maryland and Pennsylvania, who would rather assist than prevent 
 their escape, I fear the order will not be attended to with the wished-for 
 success, especially as many of them have been already seen passing the 
 Potomac in hunting-shirts and other dresses of disguise. I shall visit 
 them to-morrow, to see how many are together, and give the best orders 
 for their future security our circumstances will permit. 
 
 The Governor of this State has sent Nelson s corps of horse to act as 
 guards to the prisoners ; but the inhabitants refuse furnishing either them 
 or the prisoners with provisions. Under our present regulations, they aro 
 uneasy at not being paid in hard money for their property, as they con 
 ceive the people of other States are, and indeed, are arming, and threaten 
 to oppose the laws with force. My health, though by no means perfectly 
 re-established, is sufficiently repaired to permit me to attend to any direc 
 tions you may think proper to honor me with in this quarter ; and I beg 
 leave to assure your excellency, that I am never happier than when serv 
 ing my country in the prosecution of your orders. I have just received a 
 letter from the senior British officer, prisoner at Winchester, which I take 
 the liberty of enclosing. 
 
 I have the honor to be your excellency s most obedient and humble 
 servant, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 N. B. There are a number of soldiers straggling through the country 
 who were prisoners at Charlestown and elsewhere ; some of them escaped 
 from confinement, and others deserted, after listing into the British ser 
 vice they have never been apprehended, because they were never con 
 sidered as deserters. Your excellency s directions would, I think, be 
 attended with an advantageous effect. 
 
 His EXCELLENCY, GEN. WASHINGTON, D. M. 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 
4:02 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Before the subjoined reply readied him, he had contributed by 
 his influence and personal exertions to collect the greater part of 
 the prisoners together, to obtain for them additional quarters and 
 the necessary subsistence, and at the same time to allay the spirit 
 of resistance which the impressment of provisions &c., had aroused 
 among the inhabitants. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 12th Dec., ,.781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I have received your favor of the 25th November, and return 
 you my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations upon the late impor 
 tant success of the allied arms. 
 
 I am obliged to you for the trouble you had taken with the prisoners of 
 war, and for the offers which you make of rendering further services 
 in that way. But the Secretary of War, Maj. Gen. Lincoln, into whose 
 department the charge of that business now falls, had given his directions 
 in the matter to Col. Wood, who has long had the superintendence of pris 
 oners upon the frontier. A very troublesome business, and not to be 
 envied. 
 
 What you mention respecting those soldiers of ours, who, after return 
 ing from captivity, have never joined their corps, and those, who while 
 prisoners, enlist with the enemy and then desert, deserves attention. If 
 the terms for which they were enlisted have not expired, they are certainly 
 liable to be called into service ; and you will be pleased to look upon your 
 self as authorized to apprehend all such as cannot make it appear that their 
 times have expired. 
 
 I wish you a perfect recovery of your health, and am with esteem, dear 
 sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 During the preceding year, Morgan, having purchased a piece 
 of land, lying about two miles N. E. of White Post, had, in the 
 mean time, employed a number of the British, prisoners who were 
 quartered in the vicinity, in erecting on it a handsome and spacious 
 residence, which was very appropriately named " Saratoga." Into 
 this building he removed his family from his former residence near 
 Berrysville, early in the spring. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 403 
 
 Soon after his return home from the field on this occasion, his 
 eldest daughter, Nancy, was married to Col. Presley Neville,* son 
 of John Neville, of Pittsburg, one of his old and much esteemed 
 friends. 
 
 Before the winter of 1781-2 elapsed, Morgan had, to all appear 
 ances, sufficiently recovered his health and strength to enable him 
 to take the field again. But the energies of the enemy had been 
 palsied by the capitulation of Yorktown, and already the indi 
 cations of an approaching termination of the war were apparent. 
 In the spring of 1782 he resumed his command. But no occasion 
 for service offered itself until the preliminaries of an eventual treaty 
 of peace were arranged. He continued with the army, however, 
 and was at the head of his command when the continental troops 
 was disbanded. 
 
 It appears that Morgan was a sharer in the dissatisfaction, so 
 greatly felt and expressed at this juncture by the army, at the 
 alleged illiberal spirit which Congress and the State governments 
 
 * Col. Presley Neville (the only son of Gen. John Neville, of Pittsburgh), was born in 
 Virginia. He took an early part in the revolutionary struggle, during the continuance of 
 which, he was an active and prominent actor in its vicissitudes. In July or August, 1775, 
 he was commissioned a lieutenant. In the succeeding year he was promoted to a cap- 
 taincy. In October, 1778, he was advanced to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. During 
 the years 1777 and 1773, he served as aid to the Marquis de Lafayette. He was a par- 
 tater in all the battles in which the Virginia line was engaged, up to the period when the 
 Hessians were captured at Trenton, on which occasion he was also present. At the bat 
 tle of the Short Hills, in New Jersey, he commanded the advanced corps : had a handscine 
 skirmish with the enemy at Cocksbridge, near Christiana ; and received at the head of 
 the brigade, the thanks of the commanding general. At the battle of Brandywine, which 
 took place a few days after, he had a horse killed under him. In the succeeding battle 
 of Germantown, was one of the few survivors of a small detachment that attempted to set 
 fire to Chew s house. He was at the battle of Monmouth, and immediately afterwards 
 went to Rhode Island ; passed the batteries of Newport in Count d Estaing s ship; was in 
 the siege from the commencement, and in the battle when Gen. Pigot made a sortie on 
 the American army, after the departure of the fleet. He was then detached to the South, 
 and was in the memorable siege of Charleston, where he fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 In 1781, he was exchanged, and participated in the siege of Yorktown and the capture of 
 Cornwallis. Soon after the peace, he received an appointment in the department of war, 
 the duties of which he discharged for many years. In the meantime, he married, and 
 established himself at Pittsburg. He subsequently removed to Neville, Ohio, where he 
 passed the remainder of his days In the quietude of domestic life. 
 
404 THE LIFE OF 
 
 displayed towards it. He was not exempt from the embarrass*- 
 ment which a devotedness to the public cause had produced in the 
 private affairs of almost every officer in the service. His causes 
 of complaint, his necessities, and his feelings, are well explained by 
 himself in the annexed letter, written in reply to one from Gen. 
 Greene, introducing to Morgan, Capt. Osborn, of South Carolina. 
 
 SARATOGA, 2Stfi. July, 1782. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 10th June, 
 by Capt. Osborn. I assure you, sir, that it gave me great pleasure to find 
 you still in the land of the living, as knowing that in that country accident 
 and changes are daily waiting on the human frame. If, by his vigilance 
 and sagacity, he eludes every other danger, the fogs are apt to take pos 
 session of his lungs. 
 
 The recommendation you gave Capt. Osborn will give him a place in my 
 esteem ; and should he stand in need, I will recommend him to those of 
 my acquaintance that have money. For my own part, I have none, having 
 spent the time in the service of my country [during which] I might have 
 provided for myself. And that country is ungrateful enough to allow, 
 or at least, to pay me nothing for my services. Our Assembly gave the 
 officers certificates for two years pay, which were to be paid out of the 
 money arising from the sales of the confiscated property. But those fel 
 lows who have deserted their country, and, by the laws, have forfeited 
 their estates, have left friends enough to have them remitted when con 
 demned. Our Assembly have made an act to raise three thousand men, 
 and to give a bounty of forty dollars and clothe them. This would have 
 been sufficient to raise the men, could they have any hopes of being 
 clothed and paid: but they have been so eternally deceived, that they have 
 no longer any faith in public promises, and the officers spirits are so much 
 broken, that they don t, nor won t exert themselves. Upon the whole, I 
 see little prospect to fill our line, or indeed, to make any progress towards 
 it. Our Assembly have made a law to pay themselves and tho c of the 
 Council, and others acting in the civil line, quarterly, and very liberally, 
 out of the public treasury. But when they talk about the army, they say 
 they ought to be paid ; but that the people are not able to pay a tax suffi 
 cient to pay them ; but they make no doubt they will be paid ! I was so 
 sure of being paid the two years pay, and thinking I should have a respite, 
 undertook the building of a house, which will, in a short time, totally 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 405 
 
 exhaust my funds, and leave me without either money or house, for I 
 shan t be able to finish it. Withal I find myself growing very rusty. My 
 clothes are nearly worn out, and my laurels fade. It is high time to attempt 
 some enterprise. 
 
 I am told you have had it in your power to get some clothing for the 
 army under your command. Could I not, with propriety, be considered as 
 a part of that army, and be equipped with a suit of clothes. It would be 
 needless to mention particulars, for I want everything, from top to toe. 
 If such a thing can be done, my friend, Capt. Gill, will take charge of 
 them, and convey them to me. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 DAMEL MORGAN. 
 
 HON. MAJ. GEN. GREENE. 
 
 The feeling thus displayed, although justified by the circumstan 
 ces which gave rise to it, was the result, rather of momentary irrita 
 tion, than of settled conviction. When relieved from the pecu 
 niary pressure to which he alludes, a more generous spirit was 
 manifested, and a more liberal if not a juster interpretation was 
 given to the motives and intentions of the governing power. 
 
 This was fully shown when the troops of the Virginia line were 
 disbanded. His conduct on this occasion was the counterpart of 
 that which AVashington adopted under similar circumstances 
 towards the main army, and it was equally successful. 
 
 Up to this time, the medal which Congress had voted to Morgan 
 in token of its estimation of his services at the Cowpens, had not 
 appeared; and he felt a pardonable anxiety to obtain it. The 
 letter from Gen. Mercer, in reply to that from Morgan, both of 
 which follow, besides presenting a vivid picture of the times and 
 the critical circumstances which invested public affairs, testifies to 
 the judicious and praiseworthy part which Morgan acted upon the 
 disbandrnent of the command. 
 
 GEN. MORGAN TO MR. JOHN F. MERGER. 
 
 SARATOGA, February 6A, 1783. 
 
 DEAR SIR : I am induced to trouble you with a few lines for two reasons ; 
 the first through a reliance on your friendship, which I flatter myself would 
 prompt you to serve me if in your power ; and second, because you are the 
 
406 THE LIFE OF 
 
 only gentleman in office in Philadelphia, whose acquaintance would coun 
 tenance such a request. 
 
 The honorable Congress, after the action of the Cowpens, thought 
 proper to vote me a medal for my conduct in that affair, and as such an 
 acknowledgment of my country s approbation, could not but be flattering 
 to the mind of a soldier, I have made frequent application to get it, and 
 have been as frequently disappointed. Gen. Lincoln once informed me 
 that nothing prevented its being sent to me, but the low situation of finan 
 ces, and that I should have it as soon as there w r as money sufficient to be 
 had to defray the expenses. Now, sir, I not only wish you to expedite the 
 making of it, but that you may also pay some attention to the manner in 
 which it may be done, and with devices, properly emblematical of the 
 affair. I have so good an opinion of your taste and general knowledge, as 
 to wish to submit the matter entirely to your direction. The expense can 
 not be considerable, and I flatter myself the financier, on a proper appli 
 cation, would advance a sum sufficient to defray it, especially to gratify 
 the inclinations of a man whose principal aim it has been, to obtain his 
 country s appplause to his conduct. 
 
 I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant. 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 JOHN MERCER ESQ., Philadelphia. 
 
 JOHN F. MERCER TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, April 21th, 1783. 
 
 DJEAR GENERAL : Col. Wood disappointed me, and left town without my 
 answer to the favor which you did me the honor to write me, some time 
 since, and the casual conveyances which chance oifers to your part of the 
 country, have not compensated for his neglect. 
 
 The change in our circumstances which the late pacification has made, 
 will now permit the secretary of war to carry into immediate execution 
 a resolve of Congress, directing him to furnish the medals, voted to those 
 whose distinguished merit has drawn that mark of applause and gratitude 
 from their country during the late war. You may depend upon my atten 
 tion to yours, and if I have any talent at design (which, by the way, I 
 doubt extremely), it shall be aided by the assistance of those whose 
 imagination I esteem as elegant as correct, and I hope will eventually 
 produce what ought to equal your expectation, from the hands you 
 bave committed it to, if it does not merit your approbation. 
 
 A late communication from the Comte de Vergennes, gives us every 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MO KG AN. 407 
 
 reason to expect a speedy completion of the definitive treaty. The paper 
 however, which I do myself the honor to enclose, contains a very interesting 
 debate. You will observe that the supplies are voted for the ensuing year 
 on the war establishment , and it is plainly to be discovered that no orders 
 had been sent to Sir Guy Carletoii for the evacuation of Xew York on the 
 3d March, thus corroborating suspicions which a studied ambiguity of 
 expression, and marked reserve in the communications of that officer, had 
 before suggested. It will become a very serious step, the compliance with 
 the stipulations of the provisional treaty on our part, particularly that arti 
 cle which directs the liberation of prisoners, the performance of which Sir 
 Guy presses with incessant ardor. The reinforcement of so formidable a 
 force as they now hold in the heart of our country, with 6,000 or 8,000 men, 
 would be a perilous measure In the present disordered, nay distracted, state 
 of our political systems. If we find that they hover over us to seize the 
 first advantage which the paroxysms of disappointment and disgust may 
 occasion, it will then require every exertion of the real patriots to 
 strengthen the hands of government, relaxed to a degree that borders on 
 anarchy. The councils of the United States are devoted to the grand 
 objects of satisfying the demands of the army, and those public creditors 
 whose zeal and confidence, have animated them to exertions ruinous to 
 themselves, although contributing to the preservation of America. If the" 
 are properly supported, union and harmony may spring from a permam 
 establishment of a happy government, enjoyed in peace at home and 
 abroad. But if the separate states will pursue measures subversive of all 
 public credit, and thwart the united councils by municipal prejudices, our 
 revolution will be productive of scenes of confusion, destructive of foreign 
 and domestic quiet. 
 
 Your exertions in directing the views of the Virginia line to the proper 
 objects, have been similar to those that the general has, with a degree of 
 firmness alone equal to the task, pursued in the grand army ; and their 
 consequences will be not less beneficial to America, than the most splendid 
 military exertions. With sincere wishes for your health and happiness, 
 I am, dear general, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant. 
 
 JOHN F. MERCER. 
 
 P.S. I had forgot to mention that the court of Spain had at length 
 received Mr. Carixichael in his official character as charge d affaires, 
 although it came but with a bad grace. He had his audience the 10th of 
 January. Mr. Van Beckel of Rotterdam, brother of our friend Mr. Van 
 
408 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Bcckel the pensionary of Amsterdam, the father of the American interest in 
 the States General, is appointed minister to the United States. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 The disbandment of the Virginia troops commanded by Mor 
 gan, gave rise to an incident, which, though signally creditable to 
 his goodness of heart, was, singularly enough, afterwards interpre 
 ted much to his disadvantage, and for a considerable time excited 
 great prejudices against him. The circumstances were these: 
 the government had no money to pay the arrearages due to the 
 soldiers when they were disbanded. In lieu of better means, it 
 resorted to the issue of certificates, acknowledging the amount of 
 debt, and promising payment at some future day. This was cer 
 tainly a poor recompense to men, who, having encountered unheard 
 of privations and perils, during a long and bloody war, in winning 
 for the country the rich prize of independence and nationality, 
 were now, penniless, ragged, and broken down in health and spir 
 its, dismissed, and left to find their way to their distant homes as 
 oest they could. Their situation excited the sympathy of the gen 
 erous and patriotic. It also attracted the attention of a knot of 
 spectators, who, intent upon making money, no matter how, saw 
 in the occasion nothing but the advantageous opening which it 
 afforded them for a profitable investment. They did not neglect 
 the golden opportunity, and soon they obtained a number of the 
 soldiers certificates for the most trifling and inadequate sums of 
 ready money. Morgan, perceiving this, and indignant at the sacri 
 fices to which his soldiers were reduced by their necessities to sub 
 mit, resolved to counteract the sharpers as far as his influence and 
 means would permit. He advised the men not to part with their 
 certificates, which, he assured them, would certainly be paid at 
 some future time, and perhaps, at an early day. In this event, he 
 eaid, they would realize something like an adequate recompense 
 for the great services which they had performed. He begged 
 them to decline the speculators unreasonable offers, and to trust 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 409 
 
 to the kind and hospitable feelings of the inhabitants on their 
 route, for food and lodging, until they reached their homes. But, 
 he added, there might be a few who would be obliged to make 
 every sacrifice to obtain money. To all such, he observed, that he 
 was ready, as far as his means would go, to advance them upon 
 their scrip double the amount offered by the speculators, he hold 
 ing the scrip as security, subject to redemption, should the men 
 desire it. He concluded by reiterating his advice, that they should 
 hold fast to their certificates. 
 
 Contrary to Morgan s expectations, a number of the soldiers 
 soon gathered around him, and stating their pressing need of 
 money, importuned him to make good his generous offer. He was 
 thus induced to receive as many of their certificates as the amount 
 of funds he had on hand enabled him to accept. 
 
 This circumstance was instantly seized by the speculators, who, 
 disappointed of their prey by the interference of Morgan, sought 
 revenge in attributing to him the heartless selfishness by which 
 they themselves had been actuated. They labored diligently in 
 all directions, in charging him with tLe baseness of speculating upon 
 the necessities of his own soldiers, and of exercising his influence 
 is their commander, in obtaining their certificates for the smallest 
 jonsiderations. When the proneness of the human mind to 
 receive the impressions of calumny, is duly considered, it will not 
 appear surprising that these efforts should have proved measurably 
 successful. 
 
 These false reports at length came to the ears of Washington, 
 with whom, it may be remarked here, no combination of ennobling 
 qualities could compensate for the absence of probity. He was so 
 much offended at the unworthy part which Morgan was said to have 
 acted, that he ceased to correspond with him, in one or two 
 instances was heard to express his want of confidence in him, and 
 at length, upon an occasion when they met, treated him with 
 marked reserve. Morgan, equally grieved and mortified at con 
 duct, the reasons for which he divined, but which ho felt to be 
 
 18 
 
410 THE LIFE OF 
 
 undeserved, lost no time in requesting an explanation. His con 
 jectures proved correct. Washington promptly told him that his 
 conduct could not be friendly towards any man, who labored under 
 the charge of having profited by the distresses and necessities of the 
 soldiery. Morgan s plain statement of the facts of the case, sup 
 ported by the evidence of a number of the soldiers themselves, and 
 of corroborating circumstances, speedily convinced Washington 
 that he had been deceived. "He expressed himself perfectly satis 
 fied, and admitted his regret at having given credence to a story, 
 the plausibility of which made him forget that it affected the 
 character of a man, hitherto high in his esteem, whose version of 
 the matter was, moreover, yet to be heard. The friendly regard 
 which had previously existed between Washington and Morgan, 
 immediately revived, and was thenceforward strengthened by time, 
 until death interposed between them. 
 
 The reconciliation between Washington and Morgan, with the 
 attending circumstances, speedily became known, and contributed 
 not a little to silence the clamor which slander had raised against 
 the latter. Not only this, it produced a reaction in the public 
 mind in his favor, which resulted in giving him a higher place in 
 the popular regard, than he had ever before occupied.* 
 
 The course of conduct adopted by Morgan towards his calumnia 
 tors, from first to last, had the effect, perhaps, of aiding their 
 efforts. He disdained to stoop to the defence of a character which 
 he supposed was sufficiently well established in the estimation of 
 his countrymen and friends, to render it invulnerable to such 
 assaults. The only public manifestations of his feelings towards his 
 assailants which were ever given, were those in which he chastised 
 two or three of the number who had been particularly malignant, 
 and who had been luckless enough to throw themselves in his 
 way. 
 
 This was a mode of vindication, however, that was ill-calculated 
 to disarm his enemies : it was by no means acceptable to his 
 
 * MSS. Pr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 411 
 
 friends ; nor was it likely to produce a conviction of his innocence, 
 in the the minds of those unacquainted with the parties and the 
 circumstances. Among the remonstrances which some of his diffi 
 culties of this kind elicited from his friends, is one one from Col. 
 Charles M. Thurston, contained in a letter from that distinguished 
 gentleman to Morgan, under date of August 22d, 1783. "I really 
 am glad," observes this gentleman, " that your affair with * * * 
 * * * is at an end. 1 never heard the particulars of it, nor of 
 the warrant, until a few days ago. But why will you contend 
 with people so much below you ? You are placed now on an 
 eminence, and should suffer the little people to pass by you in 
 silence. * * * * * * * * If you 
 expect to escape the tongue of malevolence and the shafts 
 of envy, you expect more than falls to the lot of mortal man. 
 There is, indeed, one way for it. Become obscure undo your 
 great actions, and be poor. No meddler will then think it worth 
 his while to level his pop-gun at you. Despise the little petulance 
 of the day, and you blunt its edge. Like new opinions in religion, 
 it gains ground by opposition ; and I would see the authors d d 
 before I would notice anything not spoken immediately in my 
 presence. For, let me tell you, sir, your situation is much altered. 
 Your reputation, fortune, and present station in life, demand of you 
 to conduct yourself with greater complacency, affability, and con 
 descension to all, in the same proportion that these have increased 
 and improved." * 
 
 Without subscribing to the wisdom of a course of conduct, 
 such as that recommended by Col. Thurston, which, as it appears 
 to us, is calculated to render calumny successful in most cases, it 
 must be admitted that the steps which Morgan took, were much 
 more objectionable, and less likely to free him from the misrepre 
 sentations of his enemies. 
 
 * In a letter from President Washington to Col. Thurston, written in 1794, the following 
 passage occurs : " I have a great regard for Gen Morgan, and respect his military talents ; 
 am persuaded, if a fit occasion should occur, no one would exert them with more zeal in 
 the service of his country than he would." See Sparks s Wat&tnffton*> Writings, vol 
 3C.,p. 42T. 
 
412 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Morgan in private life Becomes wealthy, and rises in consideration His younger daugh 
 ter married to Major Heard He obtains the Cowpens medal Indian war Defeat of 
 St. Clair, followed by preparations for a new campaign Morgan appointed a brigadier 
 general The excise ktw, and the consequences of its execution Gen. Neville 
 Appointed inspector Resistance to the law assumes the form of rebellion Meetings of 
 the insurgents Gen. Neville s house attacked, and destroyed by fire He and other 
 persons obnoxious to the insurgent* obliged to flee Meeting at Braddock s field The 
 riv-i. .i -.r. -v-ivvos !>> maintain the !.i\\ > tviu .s QOSUOiliiongn to ivntVr with t!:o ;;>v.r- 
 gents, and calls 15,000 men Into service The Convention at Parkinson s ferry Mor 
 gan s opinion of the conduct of the insurgents Is appointed major general of the 
 Virginia militia His alarm for the safety of his daughter and her children Prepares to 
 go to Pittsburg, but is dissuaded therefrom Letter from Col. Neville The alacrity with 
 which the Virginians obeyed the President s call for aid Letter to the President The 
 reply Letter from Col. Hamilton The militia advance into the theatre of disturbance 
 Morgan marches to Pittsburg Termination of the "whisky insurrection "The 
 troops return home. 
 
 THE succeeding ten years of Morgan * career were spent in the 
 bosom of bis family, and in the increase of his means and the 
 cultivation aiul iinpvovonu-nt of his larni. It is nor in the quietude 
 of domestic life that the reader will look for those stirring incidents 
 and those developments of character, the sum of which forms 
 the hero s claim upon the recollection of posterity. A brief 
 review of the leading events which marked this portion of his 
 life, will, it is presumed, be deemed sufficient. 
 
 The habits of saving industry which distinguished Morgan 
 during his early career, had not been forgotten. He labored 
 diligently and judiciously in removing the embarrassments which 
 had gathered around his affairs during the war, and in rendering 
 his property productive. He had obtained from government, and 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 413 
 
 had acquired by purchase, titles to large quantities of land on 
 both sides of the Ohio and on the head waters of the Mononga- 
 hela rivers. In the year 1796, he owned not less than 250,000 
 acres of land. Thus he soon acquired the additional considera 
 tion which wealth seldom fails to confer even upon the great. 
 
 His family mansion was now the resort of people of the first 
 rank in society. He had so far cultivated his mind and improved 
 his manners, as to be at ease among men of talent and refinement. 
 The amiability of his wife, and the beauty and accomplishments 
 of his daughters, contributed largely to the consideration which 
 attached to the family. The elder of his daughters, as has been 
 already mentioned, had intermarried with Col. Presley Xeviile. 
 The younger, Miss Betsey, was married to Major James Heard,* of 
 New Jersey, during the year 178C. Both Mrs. Neville, and Mrs. 
 Heard resided with their parents several years subsequently to 
 their marriage. 
 
 It was not until the year 1790 that Morgan obtained the Cow- 
 pens medal.f The pecuniary difficulties of the Treasury Depart 
 
 * Major James Heard was the son of an English gentleman, who emigrateu to America, 
 and settled in New Jersey about the year 17f>o. At the opening of the revolutionary war, 
 the major was the only member of his family who espoused the cause of the colonists. 
 He joined the standard of his country at an early stage of the conflict, and continued in 
 the service to the close of the war. At first, he lield a commission of lieutenant, in one of 
 the regiments composing Maxwell s brigade. He was subsequently promoted to a cap 
 taincy, and finally to a majority. He shared in the campaigns of 1777 and 1773 in Penn 
 sylvania and New Jersey. During this period he formed the acquaintance of Jol. Morgan. 
 The latter, upon retiring from the service in 1779, invited Major Heard to spend a few 
 weeks with him at his residence in Virginia. The major, soon afterwards availing him 
 self of this invitation, saw and became attached to the colonel s younger daughter. From 
 this time until his marriage, he was a frequent visitor at "Saratoga." 
 
 tWhen, in 17S4, Col. David Humphreys proceeded to Paris, as secretary of the Ameri 
 can commissioners there, the execution of the Cowpens medals was confided to hfm. The 
 colonel returning to America before much progress was made, it devolved upon Mr. Jef 
 ferson to superintend the completion of the medals. When the latter returned from 
 France, he brought with him two complete sets, and delivered them to President Washing 
 ton, the one in silver for the President, and the other in gold and silver, as voted by 
 Congress, for the officers. That to Gen. Morgan was of gold. Each die cost 2,400 francs 
 nd the gold for the iredal was four hundred francs as an additional charge. Congress 
 had directed copies in silver to be presented to the different sovereigns of Europe, and to 
 
414 THE LIFE OF 
 
 men! had hitherto deferred his strong desire to obtain this testi 
 monial of his country s regard. The medal was accompanied by 
 the following letter from the President. 
 
 NEW YORK, March 25th, 1790. 
 
 SIR: You will receive with this a medal, struck by order of the lato 
 Congress, in commemoration of your much approved conduct in the battle 
 of the Cowpens, and presented to you as a mark of the high sense which 
 your country entertains of your services on that occasion. 
 
 This medal was put into my hands by Mr. Jefferson, and it is with singular 
 pleasure that I now transmit it to you. 
 
 I am, Sir, &c., 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 For the four or five years preceding the fall of 1791, hostilities 
 existed between the United States and the Indians on the North 
 western frontier. Generals Harmar, Scott, Wilkinson and St. Glair 
 had been successively sent againFt them. The results of these 
 expeditions were in every instance partial or unsatisfactory, and in 
 
 the Universities of that quarter and of our own. This part of the business was, however, 
 never executed. 
 
 This medal, at the death of Gen. Morgan, passed into the possession of his son-in-law, Col. 
 Neville; and when he died, it became the property of his eldest son, the late Major Mor 
 gan Neville. It was subsequently stolen from the Bank of Pittsburg, where, with other 
 valuables, it had been deposited. In the year 1836, an act of Congress was passed, direct 
 ing that another medal be struck and presented to Major Neville. Much time was spent 
 in unavailing inquiries and search for the dies of the original medai, with which it was 
 designed to strike the new copy. Directions had been given to deposit them in the office 
 of Mr. Grand, the banker of the United States. It is believed that they were subsequently 
 transferred to the Treasury Department. In neither of these places, however, were they 
 to be found. In the year 1833, it was ascertained that the copy of the medal which Mr. 
 Jefferson presented to Washington was then in the possession of the Hon. Daniel Webster. 
 From thi gentleman the copy referred to was obtained and sent to Paris, with directions 
 to Mr. Cftss, then our minister to France, to have dies cut according to it. It was not, 
 however, until the year 1840, that the medal was ready for delivery. But in the mean 
 time, Major Neville died; and the act authorizing the medal to be struck specially direct 
 ing that it be delivered to him, some time was spent in determining what disposition should 
 be made of it. The difficulty was at length terminated by the Hon. Jno. Bell, Secretary 
 of the Treasury, who, on the llth of September, 1841, transmitted the medal, with a letter 
 appropriate to the occasion, to the eldest son of the deceased, Morgan L. Neville, Esq., of 
 Cincinnati, who died recently. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 415 
 
 that of General St. Clair, most disastrous. In the defeat which this 
 officer sustained at the Miami villages, on the 19th of November, 
 1791,* General Butler, formerly Morgan s lieutenant-colonel, was 
 among the slain. 
 
 The news of this defeat was followed by the passage of an act 
 of Congress, authorizing the enlistment of three additional regi 
 ments of infantry, and a squadron of cavalry .f The resignation 
 of Gen. St. Clair, called for the appointment of another officer to 
 take the command of the army, which, it had already been resol 
 ved, should be organized and sent against the Indians without 
 delay. Among the officers spoken of by the President in connec 
 tion with this command, was Gen. Morgan/]; It was conferred 
 upon Gen. Wayne, an officer equally worthy of the trust, as was 
 proved by his previous no less than by his subsequent successes. 
 
 About the same time Morgan was appointed a brigadier gene 
 ral^ with reference to a command in the army under Wayne. He 
 would in all probability have participated in the campaign which, 
 two years afterwards, terminated in the overthrow of the Indians 
 at the Miamis, had it not been that in the meantime, a different 
 direction was given to his services. This change had relation to 
 matters, deemed at the time of great moment, the facts and cir 
 cumstances of which will now briefly be considered. 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. ii., p. 218. t Ibidem, p. 223. 
 
 \ Sparks s Writings of Washington, p. 243. 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, April 12th, 1192. 
 
 SIR : I have the honor to inform you that the President of the United States, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate, has appointed you a Brigadier General in the 
 army of the United States. 
 
 You will please immediately to signify your acceptance or non-acceptance of this 
 appointment ; in case of your acceptance, you will for the present give every stimulus in 
 your power , to further on the recruiting service in your quarter. 
 
 In order that you may judge of the pay, rations and emoluments for the commissioned 
 and non-commissioned officers and privates in the service of the United States, I enclose 
 you the act of Congress relative to the military establishment. 
 I have the honor to be, Ac. 
 
 H. KHOX. 
 
 Secretary War. 
 GEK. DANIEL MORQAK. 
 
416 THE LIFE OF 
 
 On the 3rd March, 1791, Congress passed an a^t, imposing 
 duties upon foreign and domestic distilled spirits. That portion 
 of the act which iaid a duty upon domestic spirits was strenuously 
 opposed by most of the representatives from the southern and 
 western States, and by the people generally in those sections of 
 the Union, it was regarded in a very odious light. In the western 
 counties of Pennsylvania and the country adjacent, particularly 
 where the political bias and the private interests of the people 
 united in rendering the law very objectionable, there was manifes 
 ted from the outset, a determination to evade or refuse a compli 
 ance with its obnoxious provisions. 
 
 It would be foreign to the object of this work to enter into the 
 details of the consequences, which, for a period of nearly four 
 years, followed the adoption of the policy, embodied in what was 
 termed at the time " the excise law." At first, opposition to the 
 law was confined to public expressions of hostility to its objection 
 able features, to the extension and organization of public sentiment 
 against its enforcement, and to such other legal expedients as 
 were calculated to bring about its repeal. An opinion which 
 subsequently became current, that the law would be repealed or 
 greatly modified at the coming session of Congress, allayed public 
 excitement for a time. But the disappointment of this expectation 
 by the passage of the act of May 8th, 1792, rekindled into a flame 
 fiercer than ever, the smouldering embers of popular discontent. 
 The law, and the influences to which its passage was ascribed, 
 were denounced in the fiercest terms, a refusal to comply with its 
 obnoxious provisions was openly proclaimed, and its unconditional 
 repeal was earnestly demanded. To defeat its operation no expe 
 dient was left untried, and those citizens who persisted in holding 
 offices under it, and in carrying out its requirements, were shut 
 out from the fellowship of their neighbors, and held as outcasts 
 from society. A forcible opposition to the law was now openly 
 recommended, and speedily carried into effect. In fact, resistance 
 at length assumed all tlje forms of rebellion. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 417 
 
 The President had, from the first, doubted the expediency of the 
 law,* and finding that its operation was very unpalatable to the peo 
 ple of the western and southern States, lie took pains to see that its 
 execution was not enforced with unnecessary rio-or. Though 
 
 / O O 
 
 greatly moved at proceedings, which it appears were regarded by a 
 majority of his cabinet as indicative of hostility to the constitu 
 tional compact which the States had recently formed, he determined 
 to carry forbearance and conciliation to their utmost, limits, before 
 He resorted to force. Congress, under a sectional influence which 
 had not hitherto manifested much regard for the west, displayed in 
 the several measures passed during this period, in relation to the 
 law of 1791, and the disturbances to which it had given rise, a spirit 
 more threatening than conciliatory. The acts amendatory of this 
 law, which were passed, preserved unimpaired the obnoxious pro 
 visions of the original law, while those passed about the same 
 time for organizing and calling out the militia, with a view to 
 " the execution of the laws," and " the suppression of insurrection," 
 had an unmistakable reference to the scene of discontent. 
 
 Among the means employed by the President to induce the 
 people in the disaffected counties of western Pennsylvania to 
 acquiesce in the execution of the law, was the appointment of those 
 charged with that duty, from the most influential and popular of 
 their numbers. In pursuance of this policy, Gen. John Neville f 
 
 * Sparks s Writings of Washington, vol. x., p. 250. 
 
 t Gen. Neville had been one of the most zealous patriots of the revolution, a man of 
 great wealth and unbounded benevolence. From his own resources alone, he had organ 
 ized, equipped, and supplied a company of troops, including his son as an officer, which 
 he had marched at his own expense to Boston, to reinforce the command of Gen. Wash 
 ington, in support of the declaration of independence. During the " starving years," of 
 the early settlement on the upper Ohio and Monongahela, he had contributed greatly to 
 the relief and comforts of the destitute and suffering pioneers, and when necessary, he 
 had divided his last loaf with the needy. In seasons of more than ordinary scarcity, when 
 his wheat matured, he opened his fields to those who were destitute of bread. By blood 
 and marriage he was related to some of the most distinguished officers of the revolution 
 ary armies; and such was his popularity in the west, that, had it been possible for any 
 one to have enforced this odious law, Gen. Neville was the man. Monette s Valley of 
 the Mississippi, vol. ii., p., 205. 
 
 18* 
 
418 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was appointed inspector for western Pennsylvania. In the mind 
 of this patriotic citizen, the sense of public duty was too strong for 
 the suggestions of prudence, and in disregard of the perils, losses, 
 and mortifications which he clearly foresaw the office would 
 bring in its train, he promptly accepted it. 
 
 His first st$p, after entering upon the duties of his office, was to 
 select his deputies from among the most popular and worthy of 
 his fellow-citizens. He then proceeded in a spirit of forbearance 
 to put the law into execution. Against the perpetrators of some 
 of the outrages which had been committed, bills of indictment 
 had been found by a court of the United States. Process was 
 accordingly directed to issue against these persons, and also 
 against a number of non-complying distillers.* 
 
 In the execution of this duty the marshals were met by force 
 and violence. Disregarding the warnings to desist from their 
 purposes, some of these officers were beaten, others were tarred 
 and feathered, and one was waylaid on the road by a body of 
 armed men, who fired upon him, fortunately without effect. 
 
 General Neville now became the object upon whom the infuri 
 ated community sought to wreak its vengeance. His patriotism, 
 his moral worth, his benevolence to the poor, and his services to 
 the country, were all forgotten in the present causes of resentment 
 against him. On the morning of the 16th of July, a party of 
 the insurgents attacked his dwelling. Fortunately, he was 
 apprised of the danger in time to prepare himself. His defence 
 was so resolute as to oblige his assailants to retire.f 
 
 Justly apprehending that this attack would be repeated, Gen 
 eral Neville applied to the militia officers and the magistrates of 
 the county for protection. But the spirit of disaffection had 
 become so general, that the few who remained free from its influ 
 ence, were afraid to array themselves in opposition to its progress. 
 The answer to General Neville s application, was that " owing to 
 the too general combination of the people to oppose the revenue 
 
 * Marshall, vol. ii, p. 341. t Ibid. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MOKGAN. 419 
 
 system, the laws could not be executed so as to afford him protec 
 tion : that should the posse comitatus be ordered out to support 
 the civil authority, they would favor the party of the rioters." 
 
 He next applied to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, and, 
 on this occasion, he was more successful. That officer sent eleven 
 of his garrison to guard the general s premises. These were soon 
 after joined by Major Kirkpatrick, an old and worthy soldier of 
 the revolution, and an intimate friend of General Neville, and his 
 family. 
 
 Immediately following the issue of the process already referred 
 to, public meetings were held by the insurgents in all the towns 
 and settlements within the disaffected region. On the same day 
 that General Neville s house was attacked, a meeting of the insur 
 gents assembled at Braddock s Field, where it was resolved that 
 the attack should be renewed, the general seized, and measures 
 taken to compel him to resign his office, and to give up his 
 papers. 
 
 With these objects in view, the insurgents, to the number of 
 500, assembled on the evening of the same day, at the appointed 
 rendezvous, and thence proceeded to the house of General Neville. 
 On their approach, the general, yielding to the importunities of 
 Major Kirkpatrick, withdrew from the house and retired to Pitts- 
 burg. The major then assumed command of the soldiers, 
 together with four or five male domestics, who had armed them 
 selves ; and with this little force, he determined to resist the 
 expected attack. In due time, the insurgents arrived. A parley 
 was held, during which they demanded that the inspector and ali 
 his papers should be delivered to them, and that the party in the 
 house should march out and ground their arms. To the first 
 demand, Major Kirkpatrick replied that the inspector was not on 
 the premises ; and to the second he gave a positive refusal. The 
 assault hereupon commenced. The contest was warmly main 
 tained for some time ; when the leader of the insurgents, Majo 
 
 * Marshal, Ji., p. 341. 
 
420 THE LIFE OF 
 
 McFarlane, being shot down, and several of his followers being 
 wounded, the remainder, finding th tire of the garrison too hot 
 for them, retired.* 
 
 At first, it was supposed the assailants had abandoned their 
 design. But in a short time it was discovered, by the blazing 
 outhouses,that they had merely changed their mode of attack. 
 Major Kirkpatrick, desirous of saving the main building from the 
 flames, and perceiving that it was useless longer to contend 
 against a force so formidable in numbers, and desperate in purpose, 
 surrendered. But the demon of destruction was unchained, and 
 beyond control. The splendid mansion was first rifled, and then 
 the torch was applied, which soon reduced it to a heap of ruins, f 
 
 For some time prior to these events, Mrs. Neville, the wife of 
 Col. Presley Neville, and the elder daughter of Gen. Morgan, had 
 been on a visit to the house of her father-in-law. At the first 
 indications of danger, she, with her children, and the other female 
 members of the family, were removed to the house of a friend in 
 Pittsburg. Colonel Neville was at this place, when information 
 reached him of the contemplated attack upon his father s house. 
 While on his way thither, in company with the United States 
 marshal, they were both arrested by the insurgents. The colonel, 
 though held under restraint for a few hours, experienced no other 
 indignity. The marshal was treated with extreme rigor, however, 
 and obtained his liberty, only by solemnly promising to serve no 
 more processes on the western side of the Alleghany mountains. 
 
 The insurgents, emboldened by the success which had hitherto 
 attended their outrageous proceedings, soon after deputed two of 
 their number, one of whom was a justice of the peace, to pro 
 ceed to Pittsburg, and to demand of the marshal a surrender of 
 all his processes, and of the inspector, a resignation of his office, 
 threatening, in case of refusal, to attack the place, and seize their 
 persons. The marshal and the inspector refused to comply with 
 these demnnds. Unwilling, however, to subject the town to an 
 
 * American Pioneer, vol. H., p. 206. * Ibid. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 attack, they left their families to the care of the inhabitants, and 
 descending the Ohio, escaped the danger which threatened them. 
 They were accompanied by Major Kirkpatrick, Colonel Neville, 
 and several other persons, who had been proscribed by the insur 
 gents. 
 
 Soon after this event, a number of the inhabitants of Pittsburg 
 were obliged to flee from their homes, in consequence of the dis 
 covery that they had written to Philadelphia, and other places, 
 disapproving of the conduct of the insurgents. To the enormi 
 ties already committed by the latter, that of rifling the mail was 
 now added. 
 
 The insurgents were now governed by the impression that they 
 had achieved a complete and lasting triumph over the " Excise 
 Laws," and that it only required an organization and display of 
 their numbers, to intimidate government into an acquiescence in 
 their demands. They seemed resolved that there should be no 
 neutrals in the country. Many of those who had hitherto joined 
 in denouncing the excise law, and in countenancing resistance to 
 its execution, were not prepared to carry opposition to the extent 
 of insurrection. Meetings were proposed by the friends of order, 
 for the purpose of concerting measures for their own security. 
 But so much time was lost in deliberation, that in the meantime, 
 the insurgents became too strong to be resisted. 
 
 Soon after the destruction of Gen. Neville s house,* a general 
 meeting of the insurgents was held at Braddock s Field to decide 
 upon the measures which should thenceforward be taken in rela 
 tion to the excise. About four thousand assembled, and an attor 
 ney named Bradford, was appointed to the command. A com 
 mittee was appointed to report a plan of future action, of which 
 11. II. Breckenridge, a distinguished lawyer of Pittsburg, and 
 an opponent of the excise law and of other measures of the admin 
 istration, was a member. Contrary to the expectations of the 
 more violent of the assemblage, Mr. Breckenridge took ground 
 
 * American Pioneer, p. 209. 
 
422 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in opposition to forcible resistance. He succeeded in dissuading 
 the committee from recommending unlawful measures, and urged 
 a course of moderation until the effect of their past resistance 
 should be known. The report of the committee was in accordance 
 with these suggestions. It merely recommended the holding of 
 a convention, by delegates from the several towns in the dis 
 affected region, at Parkinson s Ferry, on the evening 14th of 
 August. 
 
 On receiving this report, much dissatisfaction was manifested 
 by a considerable part of the assemblage.* It was adopted how 
 ever, and therefore, the meeting adjourned. The more orderly of 
 the insurgents immediately returned to their homes. The remain 
 der, to the number of about 2,000, marched towards Pittsburg. 
 After parading through the streets for some time, a large number 
 proposed to set fire to the town. Being dissuaded from this 
 design by the others, they contented themselves with burning the 
 mansion of Major Kirkpatrick, and then departed.f 
 
 From this time, until the assemblage of the convention at Par 
 kinson s Ferry, many of the more active and reckless of the insur 
 gents, freed from all the restraint of law, and rendered desperate 
 from the fear of failing successfully to resist it, traversed the coun 
 try to ensure the election of delegates to their liking, and to 
 intimidate the well-affected. Yet, in the face of this danger, f 
 many of the towns sent delegates to the convention, who were dis 
 posed to submit to the law and its administration. 
 
 The crisis had at length arrived, which presented to the Presi 
 dent the alternative, either to submit to lawless resistance, or to 
 crush it. He met the emenrencv with that firmness which formed 
 
 & - 
 
 so conspicuous a feature in his character. The wisdom of the 
 measures he adopted was proved by the gratifying results which 
 they produced. 
 
 As a last effort at conciliation, before a resort was had to force, 
 
 * American Pioneer, p. 209. 
 tlbid. p. 210. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 423 
 
 three commissioners were appointed by the President, with direc 
 tions to go to the disaffected region, and to offer pardon to all 
 offenders who should abandon their evil practices and submit to 
 the Jaw. A proclamation was issued at the same time, warning 
 the insurgents, that unless they should disperse before the 1st of 
 September, the law empowering him to call out the militia would 
 be put into execution. 
 
 The commissioners reached the disaffected region in time to 
 confer with the convention, then in session at Parkinson s Ferry. 
 Their efforts were so far successful, as to elicit from this body the 
 admission, that it was in favor of submission to the laws. Not 
 having been authorized by the people to make any terms with the 
 general government, a majority of the convention declined to act, 
 however, and referred the question back to the primary town 
 meetings.* 
 
 On the 2d of September, a proclamation was issued by the 
 President, He likewise made a requisition upon the governors 
 of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for their 
 respective quotas of militia, to form an army which ultimately 
 numbered 15,000 men. 
 
 With this lengthy, but, it is believed, not unnecessary episode, 
 we return. to Morgan, whose active and prominent participation in 
 the events subsequently brought about by the insurrection, will 
 will now engage attention in connection with the events themselves. 
 
 Morgan was not an unconcerned spectator of the disorders, an 
 outline of which has just been given. He marked their growing 
 magnitude with feelings of surprise and indignation, that were 
 referable to his admiration of the infant institutions of the coun 
 try, his respect for the laws, and his regard for their chief admin 
 istrator. While sharing in the belief, so generally but errone 
 ously entertained by the members of the federal party at the 
 time, that these disorders were the preliminary steps to a medi 
 tated separation of the territory west of the mountains from 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, vol. ii., p. 848. 
 
424 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Union, he warmly coincided in the wisdom of asserting, peace 
 ably if possible, but forcibly, if necessary, the sovereignty of the 
 laws, and the integrity of the national compact. 
 
 During the preceding December, Morgan was appointed by the 
 authorities of Virginia, major-general * of the militia of that State. 
 His attention was thereafter diverted from the military operations 
 against the Indians, to those which, it was already foreseen, would 
 ultimately have to be resorted to against the insurgents, as the 
 only means of suppressing their lawless proceedings. 
 
 But strong as w r ere his feelings upon this subject, they were as 
 nothing, when compared with those he experienced upon being 
 informed of the more recent proceedings of the insurgents. 
 Before the actual circumstances which attended the destruction of 
 Gen. Neville s property became known to him, rumor had impar 
 ted to them a much more sanguinary coloring than they deserved. 
 At first he was led to believe that his old and valued friends, Gen. 
 Neville, and Major Kirkpatrick, his much-loved son-in-law, Col. 
 Presley Neville, and his favorite daughter, the colonel s wife, and 
 her children, had fallen a sacrifice to the fury of the insurgents. 
 The anguish of mind which this impression produced, was associa 
 ted with feelings of the liveliest indignation, and an intense desire 
 to visit the supposed murderers with the severest chastisement. 
 
 His mind was soon after relieved from impressions so painful, 
 by receiving a correct version of the circumstances, in which his 
 feelings as a friend and a father were so deeply involved. Learning, 
 however, that his daughter and her children had necessarily been left 
 at Pittsburg, upon the compulsory departure thence of her husband, 
 
 * TUB COMMONWEALTH OP VIRGINIA. 
 
 To DANIEL MORGAN, ESQ. : Know you that the General Assembly, having, from their 
 confidence in your fidelity, courage, and good conduct, appointed you major-general in 
 the militia, our governor, with advice of council, pursuant to the power vested in him by 
 law doth hereby commission you, the said Daniel Morgan, as major-general. 
 
 In testimony whereof, these our letters are sealed with the seal of the Commonwealth, 
 and made patent. Witness, Henry Lee, Esq., our said governor, at Richmond, thi* 
 eleventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. 
 
 HENKT I 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 425 
 
 and Apprehending that she was in danger from the animosity whicl 
 the insurgents evinced towards Gen. Neville and his family, Morgan, 
 determined at once to embody as many of his friends and former 
 associates in arms as would follow him, and proceeding to Pitts- 
 burg, bring her and her children back with him to Frederick. He 
 was with difficulty dissuaded from a purpose, which, it was repre 
 sented to him, might create the danger which was then only 
 imaginary, would certainly fail in the execution, and perhaps cosi 
 him his life. The history of the American people furnishes no 
 instance in which their exasperations have extended to defenceless 
 women and children. Parental solicitude may have blinded him 
 to a fact, so creditable to his countrymen, and so irreconcilable 
 with his misgivings. But the receipt at this juncture, of a letter 
 from Colonel Neville, allayed his fears for his daughter s safety, 
 and induced him to abandon his design. 
 
 An extract or two from this letter may be introduced here. 
 After a brief detail of the events which transpired, from the 
 burning of his father s house and his escape from Pittsburg until 
 his arrival at Philadelphia, where the letter was written, Colonel 
 Neville observes: "But to relieve your anxiety, I come imme 
 diately to the point, and inform you that Nancy and the children 
 are well ; that she behaved with resolution and dignity during 
 the business ; and, indeed, evinced a fortitude and strength of 
 nerves that I did not expect, especially as she had not been very 
 well. * She is safe at Pittsburg, respected by 
 
 the people, and if necessary, will be protected by the military. 
 * I know she is safe, beyond the reach of danger 
 and of insult, and very well ; yet there is no circumstance in life 
 could affect me like leaving such a family in such a situation." 
 A little farther on, the colonel remarks : " I yesterday received 
 a letter from a gentleman in that country. He writes me that 
 they have heard you are to command the Virginians. It had 
 also been mentioned that you intended to go out and look 
 after my family. He begged me, in the most earnest terms, 
 
4:26 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to prevent your going, as they would most assuredly insult and 
 even destroy you, and that it might put my family, who are now 
 safe, in a dangerous situation." 
 
 Immediately upon the promulgation of the President s procla 
 mation, and the issue of the consequent orders,* calling out 
 the militia, those of Virginia displayed the greatest alacrity and 
 zeal in assembling. In Frederic and Berkley counties, parti 
 cularly, where Morgan s influence was felt and acknowledged, the 
 men all volunteered. From the want of arms, however, and the 
 d elay occasioned in transporting them from New London, the 
 men, after being twice assembled, were as often permitted to 
 return to their homes.f A commendable spirit was likewise 
 evinced by the militia of the other States, in responding to 
 the summons of the President. At first, it was feared that in 
 Pennsylvania, from the unpopularity of the law which had caused 
 the disturbances, and from the distaste for a service, which 
 might involve the obligation of spilling kindred blood, the militia 
 would not assemble. But the proceedings of the legislature of 
 that State, seconded by the personal influence and exertions 
 
 * The orders to Morgan were contained in the following letter from the Secretary of the 
 Treasury : 
 
 WAR DEPARTMENT, Sept. 13, 1794. 
 
 SIR : I am instructed by the President to express to you his wish that every particular 
 exertion may be made to accelerate the assembling of the militia at their appointed place 
 of rendezvous, Winchester, and the vicinity of old Fort Pleasant, alias Moorefield. You 
 are probably informed that a junction of the Virginia and Maryland troops at Fort Cum 
 berland has been contemplated. You are at liberty to hasten to that point all such as may 
 be ready, and which you judge it advisable should move that way. But if you think that 
 those who are to assemble at Moorefield had better proceed by a route different from that 
 of Fort Cumberland, they may continue at Mo<5refield till further instruction. 
 With consideration and esteem, 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 A. HAMILTON. 
 
 P.S. It will be well to have runners sent into the insurgent counties to ascertain what 
 they are about, the degree of unanimity and probable strength. Colonel Carrington will 
 furnish the means. 
 
 MAJOR-GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 t Letter to the Sec. of War, Jan 26, 1795. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 4 27 
 
 of Governor Mifflin, soon brought into the field the quota of men 
 required. 
 
 In reference to this and other circumstances just mentioned, 
 and in illustration of the views and feelings with regard to the 
 insurrection, which governed both Washington and Morgan 
 at this time, the following letters which passed between them are 
 inserted : 
 
 WINCHESTER, Sept. 24, 1794. 
 
 SIR : I am sorry to understand the difficulty experienced in the State of 
 Pennsylvania to raise the quota of men, to suppress that horrid insurrec 
 tion on their frontiers. The State of Virginia seems to be unanimous and 
 determined to suppress it : and it is my opinion that we shall in a very few 
 days have men enough at this post to do that business. For my part, I 
 wish I was at JHorgantown at this time with 2,000 men, which would be as 
 many as I could ask with what would join me at that place, to bring these 
 people to order. They are very much alarmed at this time. This I have 
 from the best intelligence. 
 
 We have been greatly disappointed with respect to arms. Only 400 
 stand have yet arrived, and those came from Philadelphia. We have been 
 expecting 1,500 stand from New London, and have applied to the execu 
 tive of Virginia for 3,000 stand. Those and the arms from New London 
 will, I expect, arrive nearly the same time, which will be about the last of 
 this month. 
 
 I wish an accommodation may not be patched up with these rioters, 
 under an apprehension of not getting troops to suppress them. Virginia 
 could and would furnish an army sufficient for that purpose. A young 
 man, a brother to Colonel Heth, gave me the best account of these people 
 that I have had. He was at Braddock s Field, and says there were not 
 four thousand men of all descriptions assembled there ; that there were 
 not more than one thousand guns among them ; and if the ammunition 
 had been divided among them, he does not suppose there would be more 
 than one round a man. 
 
 For my own part, I think it a very easy matter to bring these people 
 into order. I don t wish to spill the blood of a citizen ; but I wish to 
 march against these people, to show them our determination to bring them 
 to order and to support the laws. I took the liberty to write you this, 
 
428 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lest your intelligence might not be so good, or that this might throw some 
 light, or be of some service. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 His Excellency the President of the United States. 
 
 CARLISLE, October 8, 1794. 
 
 DKAH SIR : On the moment I was leaving the city of Philadelphia for 
 this place, your letter of the 24th ultimo, was put into my hands. 
 
 Although I regret the occasion which has called you into the field, I 
 rejoice to hear you are there ; and because it is probable I may meet you 
 at Fort Cumberland, whither I shall proceed, as soon as I see the troops 
 at this rendezvous in condition to advance. At that place, or at Bedford, 
 my ulterior resolution must be taken, either to advance with the troops 
 into the insurgent counties of this State, or to return to Philadelphia, for 
 the purpose of meeting Congress the 3rd of next month. 
 
 Imperious circumstances alone can justify my absence from the seat of 
 government whilst Congress are in session ; but if then, from the disposi 
 tion of the people in the refractory counties, and the state of the inform 
 ation I expect to receive at the advanced posts, should appear to exist, 
 the lesser must yield to the greater duties of my office, and I shall cross 
 the mountains with the troops ; if not, I shall place the command of the 
 combined force under the orders of Governor Lee, of Virginia, and repair 
 to the seat of government. 
 
 I am perfectly in sentiment with you, that the business we are drawn 
 out upon, should be effectually executed, and that the daring and factious 
 spirit which has arisen (to overturn the laws, and to subvert the Constitu 
 tion), ought to be subdued. If this is not done, there is an end of, and 
 we may bid adieu to, all government in this country, except mob, or club 
 government, from whence nothing but anarchy and confusion can ensue. 
 For, if the minority and a small one, too is suffered to dictate to the 
 majority, after measures have undergone the most solemn discussion by 
 the representatives of the people, and their will, through this medium, is 
 enacted into laws, there can be no security for life, liberty, or property ; 
 nor, if the laws are not to govern, can any man know how to conduct 
 himself with safety ; for there never was a law yet made, I conceive, that 
 hit the taste exactly of every man, or every part of the community. Of 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 429 
 
 course, if this be a reason for opposition, no law can be executed at all 
 without force ; and every man or set of men will, in that case, cut and 
 carve for themselves. The consequences of which must be deprecated by 
 every class of men who are friends to order, and to the peace and happi 
 ness of the country. But how can things be otherwise than they are, 
 when clubs and societies have been instituted for the express purpose 
 
 (though clothed in another garb), by their diabolical leader, G 1, 
 
 whose object was to saw sedition to poison the minds of the people of 
 this country, and to make them discontented with the government of it, 
 and who have labored indefatigably to effect these purposes. 
 
 As arms, &c., have been sent on from Philadelphia, in aid of those 
 from New London, I hope and trust your supplies have been ample. I 
 shall add no more at present, but my best wishes and sincere regard for 
 you, and that I am, dear sir, 
 
 Your ob t serv t, 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 MAJ. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 At length, the necessary supply of arms and ammunition 
 having been received, the volunteers, who for the third time had 
 assembled at Winchester, were organized into a brigade of infantry 
 and a regiment of cavalry. The other division of the Virginia 
 troops had in the meantime assembled and been organized at 
 Moorefields. The quota of Virginia had been for some days in 
 readiness to march, when the President s proclamation of the 
 25th September appearing, the troops were put in motion.* 
 
 The forces of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were directed to 
 rendezvous at Bedford, Pa., and those of Maryland and Virginia, 
 at Cumberland, Md. The Governors of Maryland, New Jersey, 
 and Pennsylvania, and General Morgan, now senior major general 
 of Virginia, were at the head of the troops of their respective 
 States. The command of the expedition had been conferred upon 
 Governor Lee, of Virginia.* 
 
 Late in October, the troops from Eastern Pennsylvania, and 
 New Jersey, being well advanced towards Bedford, the Virginians 
 marched towards Cumberland, whither also the Maryland troops 
 
 * Marshall s Wash., vol. ii., p. 84T. 
 
430 THE LIFE OF 
 
 were tending. Upon the arrival of the troops at their respective 
 rendezvous, they were inspected by the President. Perceiving, 
 from the great strength of the army, that it must necessarily look 
 down every thing like opposition ; and judging from the informa- 
 ation which had reached him, that the insurgents wei-e prepared 
 for unconditional submission, he relinquished his preconceived 
 design of crossing the mountains, and returned to Philadelphia. 
 
 While a part of the Virginia troops were advancing towards 
 Cumberland, Morgan, at the head of a division which included the 
 whole of the light troops, and a regiment of cavalry, marched 
 towards Uniontown, which place he reached about the close of 
 the mouth. Here Gen. Lee promulgated his plan of operations. 
 The Pennsylvania and New Jersey troops, who composed the right 
 wing of the army, were directed to take position, with their left 
 towards Budd s ferry, and their right towards Greensburg. The 
 Virginians and Marylanders, who formed the left win*?, were 
 ordered to occupy a line between the Monongahela and Youghi- 
 ogany rivers, with their left towards the former and their right 
 towards the latter. A few days were passed in carrying these dis 
 positions into effect, when Morgan with the light troops and cav 
 alry advanced into Washington county. While the main divisions 
 were in advance upon the disaffected region, Morgan with his 
 command accompanied by Colonel Hamilton* and a corps judicial 
 crossed the Monongahela and arrived in the neighborhood of 
 Pittsburg on the 1 6th November. In Gen. Morgan s train were 
 also a number of those who had been forced to fly beyond the 
 reach of the insurgents, including, among others, Gen. John 
 Neville, Col. Presley Neville, and Major Kirkpatrick. 
 
 The people of Pittsburg had from the first been free from the 
 moral infection which prevailed so virulently in the surrounding 
 country. During the height of the disturbances, they had been inti 
 midated by the numbers and the violence of the malcontents, into 
 an acquiescence in their wishes. Latterly, however, encouraged by 
 
 * Col. Hamilton ; Writings of Washington p., 451. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 431 
 
 the prospect of protection from the government, and by the orders 
 which had been sent to Colonel Butler, the commander of Fort 
 Pitt, to afford the Pittsburg people every assistance and protec 
 tion in his power, they had made a public declaration in favor <. e 
 the laws, had associated and armed themselves against the insui- 
 gents, and had invited back their exiles. They received the Vir 
 ginia troops with every demonstration of joy, and proffered their 
 assistance in pointing out and arresting those, who had made 
 themselves conspicuous in the recent outrageous proceedings. 
 
 Before the requisition of the President for a militia force was 
 complied with, the moral sense of much the larger portion of the 
 people in the disaffected region had received a startling shock 
 from the outrages which had been committed upon the persons 
 and property of Gen. Neville and others. But although they dis 
 countenanced a farther resort to force, and evinced a disposition 
 to confine their opposition to the excise law, to the legal means 
 calculated to bring about its repeal, still a violent and unreflecting 
 minority remained, who were only to be checked by fear or force. 
 The news of Wayne s victory over the Indians, which reached the 
 disaffected region about this time, admonished the lawless, that 
 the reign of anarchy must speedily cease, if they would avoid the 
 advance upon them of the general and his victorious troops. But 
 when the militia marched from Cumberland and Carlyle into 
 their country, a general panic siezed the malcontents ; Bradford 
 and a few of the most obnoxious leaders of the disaffected, fled 
 to the country on the Mississippi, and the last remnant of resis 
 tance disappeared. 
 
 Thus happily terminated, without the spilling of a drop of blood 
 or the firing of a hostile shot, the event in our national history 
 popularly known as the " whisky insurrection." 
 
 As it has already been observed, the assembly of the militia at. 
 their appointed rendezvous put an end to open opposition to law in 
 the disaffected region. Their subsequent advance was recommen 
 ded, only for the moral effect which the presence of such aii 
 
432 THE LIFE OF 
 
 imposing force would naturally have on the minds of those who 
 were not as yet sufficiently impressed with the enormity of their 
 offence, nor with the power of the government to punish them. 
 The troops had not occupied the position assigned them more than 
 two or three days, when they were ordered homeward. The Vir 
 ginians moved by way of Morgan town to Winchester; the Mary- 
 landers through Uniontown towards Williarnsport and the Penn 
 sylvania and New Jersey troops, by the old Pennsylvania rcute 
 to Bedford. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN 433 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Morgan stationed in the disaffected region Resolution of Congress A new force enlisted 
 Arrests The judicious policy adopted by Morgan Its happy results His generosity 
 Is a candidate for Congress Is defeated Bad effects of his absence from the disaf 
 fected region Letter from Washington Morgan s reply Termination of his military 
 career Is again a candidate for Congress Is successful Becomes unwell Is repor 
 ted dead Extract of a letter from Washington The eventual army Letter from 
 Washington Morgan becomes religious Remarks on this fact Anecdotes The clos 
 ing scene His death His descendants Concluding remarks. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the triumph which the laws had achieved in 
 the termination of all opposition to their enforcement, it was mani 
 fest that the spirit of resistance was still secretly cherished by 
 a large number of the people in the disaffected region, and that, 
 without the presence of a considerable body of troops to keep this 
 spirit down, it might revive again. Such a force was doubly 
 necessary, when the reign of law and order was to be re-established, 
 and when those who had made themselves conspicuous in the recent 
 disorders were to be apprehended and punished. Accordingly, before 
 Gen. Lee returned to Virginia, he directed Morgan, with the vol 
 unteers from Frederic and Berkley, to remain in the disaffected 
 country, until authority should be obtained to raise a corps to 
 serve in that quarter during the winter, which corps he was also 
 to command. 
 
 Congress expressed its sense of the conduct of the militia on the 
 late occasion, by a resolution of thanks, a copy of which was trans 
 mitted to Morgan, together with a complimentary letter from the 
 
434 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Secretary of War. * That body also passed a bill, authorizing 
 
 the establishment in the disaffected district, of a military corps, to 
 serve for six months. The enlistment of this corps commenced in 
 anticipation of the legal authority ; too long after the departure 
 of the different divisions of militia, however, to enable the recruit 
 ing officer s to fill its ranks as rapidly as was desired. When at 
 length, the enlistments were completed, the organized corps num 
 bered about six hundred infantry and two hundred cavalry, and a 
 company of artillery, with two pieces. 
 
 This force was soon after removed to a position on the Monon- 
 gahela, near McFarlane s Ferry, where Morgan established his 
 camp, and where he caused huts to be erected for the accommo 
 dation of his men during the winter. 
 
 In the meantime, the judicial tribunal instituted by Col. Ham- 
 
 * The resolution, and all of the secretary s letter having refereu"!e thereto, are appei- 
 ded. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Dec. &th, 1794. 
 
 SIR : Learning that his excellency, G-ov. Lee, has departed for Virginia, permit me to 
 address myself to you as the commanding officer of the troops to be posted in the western 
 counties during the present winter. 
 
 It affords me great pleasure to be the channel whereby to communicate the enclosed 
 resolve of the House of Representatives, so highly honorable to the militia comprehended 
 therein. You will please to cause this to be published in orders, and upon the parades. 
 
 I have the honor to enclose you a copy of the law, authorizing the troopa in the west 
 ern counties. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 MAJ. GEN. MORGAN. H. KNOX, 
 
 Sec. War. 
 
 CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Thursday, 4ih X>ec.,1794. 
 
 Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this House be given to the gallant officers 
 and privates of the militia of the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and 
 Virginia, who, on the late call of the President, rallied round tha standard of the laws; 
 and in the prompt and severe services which they encountered, bore the most illustrious 
 testimony to the value of the Constitution, and the blessings of internal peace and order; 
 and that the President be requested to communicate the above resolution of thanks, in 
 such manner as he may judge most acceptable to the patriotic citizens who are ita 
 objects. Attest. 
 
 Signed JOHN BUCKLEY, 
 
 Clerk. 
 
GENKRAI DANIEL MORGAN. 435 
 
 ilton for the trial of the insurgents, had made considerable progress. 
 A list of the names of the ringleaders having been made out, it 
 was put into the hands of the marshal and his deputies, who, sup 
 ported by detachments of the military, succeeded in a short time 
 in arresting a large number. 
 
 Col. Hamilton returning soon after to the seat of government, 
 the prosecution of this business devolved upon Gen. Morgan. The 
 measures taken by him were of a milder character than those 
 which had previously been pursued, and their good effects were 
 speedily perceptible. A short time elapsed, after the appearance 
 of a proclamation promulgated by him about this time, when a 
 number of the principal insurgents emerged from their hiding 
 places, and gave themselves up to him. Among these, as appears 
 in one of Morgan s letters, were Arthur Gardner, George Parker? 
 Ebenezer Golohan, John Colecraft, John Mitchell, Benjamin Par 
 kinson, and Daniel Hamilton. All these men were permitted to 
 depart to their homes on parole, upon condition that they would 
 surrender themselves when required. His representations of the 
 unjustifiable nature of their recent conduct, and his assurances of 
 the merciful disposition of government towards them in the event 
 of their abandonment of all designs of an unlawful character, were 
 attended with the best effects. Few of these men violated their 
 parole, and many of their companions in error, following their 
 example, gave themselves up. 
 
 The difficult and delicate task of at once controlling and concil 
 iating the people over whose conduct he was left as a guard, was 
 well performed, as was subsequently acknowledged with thanks by 
 the government. The apprehension, expressed by a few, that bis 
 natural " fierceness, " added to his sense of the injuries which 
 had been inflicted upon his relatives and friends, would render him 
 unfit for the responsible station, were not justified by the event. So 
 far from this, it appears that he became very popular among the 
 people : the best proof that could be presented, perhaps, that his 
 measures towards them were mild and conciliatory. We have, 
 
436 THE LIFE OF 
 
 however, the additional evidence of these facts, which is furnished 
 in his own letters, and in those of his friends. In one of the for 
 mer, written to the President in the latter part of December, he 
 says : " I am dealing very gently with them, and am becoming 
 very popular, for which I am very happy, as it has been my 
 opinion from the first of this business, that we ought to make 
 these people our friends, if we could do so without lessening the 
 dignity of government, which, in my opinion, ought to be sup 
 ported at any risk." 
 
 In a letter to the Hon. Timothy Pickering, then Secretary of 
 War, under date of the 26th January, 1*795, Morgan observes: 
 " With respect to affairs in this country, I have the pleasure to 
 inform you, that appearances are favorable. The people are gradu 
 ally becoming convinced of the impropriety of their conduct, and 
 seem anxious to retrieve their character. * * * 
 
 I spare no pains to obtain from them the most unequivocal proofs of 
 their returning sense of duty. To effect this, I mix with them 
 myself occasionally, and have generally some of my family 
 among them, who, by reasoning with them, often make converts. 
 I anticipate an issue the most honorable to the laws, from the 
 measures which government have adopted." 
 
 Evidence of the sentiments of the people in the "disaffected 
 region," regarding Morgan s conduct towards them, is furnished 
 in many of the letters of his friends. In one of these occurs the 
 following passage : " Mr. Johnston has been two weeks through 
 the country, during which he heard nothing but the highest 
 encomiums respecting your conduct in every particular." 
 
 Nor would it be just to Gen. Morgan to regard these evidences 
 of his judicious conduct and its gratifying consequences, as the 
 results of a calculating policy merely. They originated in the 
 suggestions of a heart full of generous impulses, and extremely 
 susceptible of pity for the unfortunate. (X the large number of 
 the malcontents who were taken into custody, the major part 
 were dismissed with an admonition, upon their promising good 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 437 
 
 behavior for the future. The individuals most conspicuous in the 
 recent outrages, were, however, sent to Philadelphia for trial, in 
 accordance with directions from government. These, after a 
 detention of several months in prison, were at length tried, 
 nearly all found guilty, and condemned, some to different periods 
 of imprisonment, and one, John Mitchell, found guilty of stopping 
 and rifling the mail, was sentenced to die. The assurances which 
 many of these unfortunate men received from Gen. Morgan, upon 
 surrendering, that he would exert his influence to obtain their 
 pardon, were not idly given. No one stood forth more promi 
 nently as the advocate of a merciful policy towards the accused 
 than he did ; and his repeated intercessions in behalf of this or 
 that individual of the number, fully attest the fact. His repre 
 sentations in behalf of Mitchell, the man whose enormities 
 pointed him out as the solitary mark for capital puni*hment, 
 drew the following reply from the President, in a letter to Mor 
 gan, dated March 27th, 1795. "The interest which you have 
 taken in the safety of John Mitchell, as expressed in your letter 
 of the 19th of January, would be an inducement to me to go as 
 far in relieving him as public propriety would admit. But the 
 attorney-general having made a report, of which the enclosed is a 
 copy, I think it advisable to postpone the further consideration of 
 the matter until his trial shall have taken place." Mitchell and the 
 other prisoners were eventually pardoned and discharged. If a 
 policy, at once so wise and benevolent, was not contributed to by 
 the influence of Gen. Morgan an admission which we are very far 
 from making it is certain that its adoption was warmly recom 
 mended by him, and commanded his best exertions. 
 
 Early in January of this year, Morgan was announced as a 
 candidate for Congress, for the district in which he resided, then 
 composed of the counties of Frederic and Berkley. The party 
 lines of federalist and republican had long since been clearly 
 defined, and political feeling was already running high. During 
 the two preceding years, this district had been represented in 
 
138 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Congress by Robert Rutherford, Esq., a prominent member of the 
 republican party. Gen. Morgan had, from the first, adopted the 
 views and principles of the federalists. He had subsequently 
 shown much zeal and activity in promoting the success of his 
 political friends; and at this time, he was considered the most 
 popular and influential man of his party in the district. Mr. 
 Rutherford having been announced as a candidate for re-election, 
 Morgan consented to be placed in nomination as the opposing 
 candidate. 
 
 In the beginning of the month of February, Gen. Morgan left 
 the camp at McFarlane s Ferry, having obtained leave of absence, 
 and returning to Frederic, started on an electioneering tour. 
 During the three weeks preceding the election, he traversed the 
 district in every direction, and put in requisition those faculties 
 which, on sterner occasions, had neve* failed to win him the 
 hearts of men. But equally active was his opponent, who, besides 
 being a public speaker of some note, was considered unequalled 
 in the business of electioneering. The result was, Morgan was 
 defeated. 
 
 On his return to camp, he quickly discovered that public feel 
 ing in that quarter had undergone an unfavorable change during 
 his absence. On inquiry, it appeared that the soothing policy 
 which he had pursued with so much success towards the people 
 there, had not been observed while he was away. The military, 
 unrestrained by the presence of their chief, had been rather over 
 bearing in their conduct, and at length committed some indiscre 
 tions, which subjected them to the civil law. As may be sup 
 posed, it needed but little provocation to re-arouse in the breasts of 
 the people, those angry feelings to which the excise laws gave rise, 
 and which Morgan had been so successful in allaying. Besides, 
 many of their numbers were eager to avail themselves of an 
 opportunity of presenting to the lips of the agents of government 
 the bitter cup of mortifications which they had been compelled to 
 drain to the dregs. Indictments were accordingly issued against 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 439 
 
 a number of the cavalry officers, for alleged violations of the 
 rights of certain individuals. One of these officers, having 
 entered a man s house and seized a pair of pistols and a rifle, 
 and another having taken by force a quantity of forage, without 
 paying therefore, warrants were obtained for their arrest. The 
 execution of these warrants was resisted, and the posse comitatus 
 was called out to enforce them. A collision of a still more 
 serious nature between the civil and military authorities was pre 
 vented, only by the opportune return of Gen. Morgan. 
 
 Majors Prior and Armstead were in command of the detachment 
 during Morgan s absence. The former writing to the secretary 
 of war, in relation to the foregoing circumstances, makes the fol 
 lowing observation : " Gen. Morgan s presence is certainly very 
 necessary in this country ; some from fear and other? ^ om affec 
 tion respect and obey him. The change during his absence is but 
 too visible." 
 
 General Morgan at once employed himself in arranging, as far 
 as it was possible, the difficulties which had unfortunately arisen. 
 But some of these had already been made the subjects of counter- 
 representations to the government. Washington s strong sense 
 of justice is forcibly illustrated in the following letter, which these 
 unpleasant circumstances elicited from him to Morgan. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, 27th March, 1795. 
 
 DEAR SIR : The interest which you have taken in the safety of John 
 Mitchell, as expressed in your letter of the 19th January last, would be an 
 inducement to me to go as far in relieving him as public propriety would 
 admit. But the attorney general having made a report of which the 
 enclosed is a copy, I think it advisable to postpone the further considera 
 tion until his trial shall have taken place. 
 
 It has afforded me great pleasure to learn that the general conduct and 
 character of the arniv has been temperate and indulgent, and that your 
 attention to the quiet and comfort of the western inhabitants has been 
 well received by them. Still it may be proper constantly and strongly to 
 impress upon the army, that they are mere agents of civil power , that out 
 of camp they have no more authority than other citizens ; that offences 
 
 19* 
 
440 THE LIFE OF 
 
 igainst the laws are to be examined, not by a military officer, but by a 
 magistrate ; that they are not exempt from arrests and indictments, for 
 violations of law ; that officers ought to be careful, not to give orders which 
 may lead their agents into infractions of law ; that no compulsion be used 
 towards the inhabitants in the traffic carrying on between them and the 
 army; that disputes be avoided as much as possible, and be adjus 
 ted as quickly as may be, without urging them to an extreme ; and that 
 the whole country is not to be considered as within the limits of the camp. 
 I do not communicate these things to you for any other purpose than 
 that you may weigh them ; and without referring to any instructions from 
 me, adopt the measures necessary for accomplishing the foregoing objects. 
 "With great regard and esteem, I am, dear sir, your affectionate humble 
 servant. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 HAJ. GEN MORGAN. 
 
 The letter which follows is in reply to the foregoing. The sen 
 tences omitted are of a personal nature, the publication of which 
 could serve no useful purpose. 
 
 CAMP MCFARLANE S FERRY, April 9^, 1795. 
 
 SIR : On the 4th instant, I was honored with the receipt of your letter 
 of the 27th ult., and for the hints it contained I return you my sincere 
 thanks. 
 
 Your approbation of my conduct and that of the army under my com 
 mand, affords me peculiar satisfaction, which is heightened by the great 
 coincidence of opinion between us, relative to the intention for which an 
 army was stationed in this country. 
 
 To impress upon the army a due respect for the laws, and to urge the 
 necessity of an uninterrupted harmony between it and the citizens, was my 
 first care, and what I have uniformly practised. To promote this good 
 understanding I found rather an arduous task, owing not so much to a 
 licentiousness in the troops, as to an unaccommodating disposition in the 
 people, which I find but too prevalent among a great part of the commu 
 nity. In my absence, while attending the election in Berkley and Frede 
 ric, some little bickerings took place, and some suits were brought by 
 certain individuals against a part of the army. * * * * 
 
 It is a flattering consideration, however, that notwithstanding these 
 things, I have it to observe, that affairs in general are in a pretty good 
 train. It shall be my business to settle all disputes as amicably as possible. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 441 
 
 I have already, since my return, terminated some of them, and shall use 
 every precaution in my power, to prevent such misunderstandings iu 
 future. I have the honor, &c. 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 His Excellency, PKESIDENT UNITED STATES. 
 
 From this time forth, and until every cause of complaint was 
 removed by the repeal of the excise law, the conduct of the people 
 of western Pennsylvania was such as to relieve the government 
 from all anxiety on their account. About the beginning of May, 
 a large proportion of the forces on the Monongahela were, at the 
 instance of Gen. Morgan, induced to enlist in the regular army. 
 The remainder after occupying the post at McFarlane s Ferry till 
 the latter part of the month, when their term of service expired, 
 were paid off and discharged. 
 
 With this tour of service terminated the military career of 
 Morgan. Although occasions subsequently arose, which threat 
 ened a resort to arms, and in which his counsel was invited and his 
 aid counted upon, he was never destined again to draw his 
 sword at the bidding of his country. 
 
 He was now once more at home, surrounded by all the mem 
 bers of his family, and actively engaged in attending to his private 
 affairs. At this time his daughters and their husbands were 
 included in the family circle. Mr. and Mrs. Heard had resided 
 with the general from iftie time of their marriage ; and when Col 
 onel Neville returned to Pittsburg with the army, he immediately 
 sent his wife and children to " Saratoga." But the removal soon 
 rffter of Colonel Neville and Major Heard, with their families, to 
 Pittsburg, left the general and his wife alone. " Saratoga " being 
 too large an establishment for two persons, and an advantageous 
 ofibr being made to General Morgan about this time to sell this 
 place : these reasons with the desire of being nearer to a house of 
 worship, induced him to dispose of it, and to remove back to his 
 former residence, called " Soldier s Rest." 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Here he resided in perfect tranquillity for nearly two years, 
 when the importunities of his friends induced him to try his for 
 tune once more in the field of politics. The occasion was that, 
 the chief result of which was the election of John Adams to the 
 Presidency. Again the prize was the representation in Congress 
 of the district in which he resided ; again his competitor was Mr. 
 Rutherford. If, since that period, party spirit has occasionally 
 been more imposing in its demonstrations, never, perhaps, has it 
 displayed the same degree of bitterness and intolerance. The peo 
 ple of Frederic and Berkley were not exempt from the controll 
 ing influence which was then exercised by politics over the minds 
 of their countrymen generally, in all parts of the Union. The dis 
 trict was so nicely divided in opinion between the opposing par 
 ties, that success depended, in a great measure, upon the popularity, 
 influence, and exertions of the respective candidates : a circumstance 
 well calculated to render more intense the party feeling where it 
 occurs. Morgan s mortified pride at his former defeat, and his 
 zealous desire for the success of his party, united in determining 
 him on making extraordinary exertions on this occasion. For three or 
 four weeks previously to the election, he gave himself wholly up to 
 the business of electioneering ; and before the day of trial came, he 
 had canvassed the whole district. His opponent had been equally 
 active and untiring : so that, even up to the last hour, the result 
 of the contest was considered doubtful. There were many more 
 votes polled on this occasion, than on any previous one in the dis 
 trict. A considerable majority of them, however, were cast for 
 General Morgan,* and he was declared duly elected. 
 
 General Morgan s career as a member of Congress was undis 
 tinguished by anything saving his zealous support of the adminis 
 tration of Mr. Adams, and his assiduous attention to the duties of 
 his station. He attended the special meeting of Congress called 
 in the summer of 1797, by the President, to take into considera- 
 ation the unfriendly state of affairs which existed at that time 
 between France and the United States. 
 
 * MSS Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 443 
 
 While at the seat of government during the regular session of 
 the following year, he was taken sick. The change from the pure 
 air of the mountainous region in which he had passed nearly all 
 his life, to the confined atmosphere of a legislative chamber, had 
 first debilitated him, and afterwards revived those distressing mal 
 adies from which he had previously so suffered much. 
 
 His health continuing bad, and being fearful of encountering the 
 hot weather in the city, he left Philadelphia before the session 
 closed, and much enfeebled, returned to Frederick in the month 
 of June. 
 
 From this time until the close of his life, there was a manifest 
 yielding of his bodily strength and vigor of constitution. Although 
 he soon afterwards recovered sufficiently to be abroad, and to give 
 grounds for the hope that his health was re-established, he never 
 again was destined to enjoy that greatest of blessings. Upon reach 
 ing* the seat of government the following winter, lie became so 
 enfeebled that he remained there but a short time, and returned 
 home in a state so low, as to inspire fears of his speedy dissolu 
 tion. 
 
 The rumor of his impending death, which spread abroad about 
 this time, was soon magnified into the actual occurrence of that 
 event, and in this shape found its way into the newspapers. In 
 relation to this rumor, the following passage occurs in a letter 
 from Washington to General Morgan, written at Mount Vernon 
 on the 10th April, 1799. " I assure you, my dear sir, it gave me 
 not a little pleasure to find that the account of your death in the 
 newspapers was not founded in fact : and I sincerely pray that 
 many years may elapse before that event takes place ; and that in 
 the meantime you may be restored to the full enjoyment of your 
 health, and to your usefulness in society." 
 
 The conduct of the French republic towards the United States, 
 had been, for some time prior to this, of a nature so unfriendly, as 
 at length to justify our government in taking measures in antici 
 pation of a war with that power. A regiment of artillerists and 
 engineers were added to the regular army. The President was 
 
444 , THE LIFE OF 
 
 authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry and 
 one regiment of cavalry, to serve during the continuance of the 
 existing differences with the French republic, if not sooner dis 
 charged. He was also authorized to appoint officers for a pro 
 visional army, and to receive and organize volunteer corps. 
 Immediately following these and other vigorous proceedings, 
 Washington was appointed lieutenant-general and commander-in- 
 chief of the armies of the United States.* 
 
 Gen. Morgan was named in connection with a high command, 
 in the event of a war with France. The judgment and courage, 
 with the happy union of caution and enterprise which had ever 
 distinguished his conduct in the field, marked him as one 
 eminently fitted to lead his countrymen against the soldiers of 
 France. Happily, the occasion for his services never arrived, and 
 had it been otherwise, his failing health would have forced him 
 to be absent from the ranks of his country s defenders. 
 
 The preparatory organization of the officers of the eventual 
 army by the government and the command er-in-chief, furnished 
 the latter with an occasion for writing the following letter to Gen. 
 Morgan : 
 
 MOUNT VERNON, May Wth, 1T99. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I have just received a letter from the Secretary of War, in 
 which (after giving it as the opinion of the President of the United States, 
 that officers for the twenty-four additional regiments ought to be had in 
 contemplation; that in case the exigency of our affairs should require 
 them, greater dispatch might be used in the formation) is the extract which 
 follows : 
 
 "The selection of officers for the eventual army appears to be an object 
 of primary importance, requiring all imaginary circumspection and care; 
 their characters ought, if possible, to be such as to inspire a general and 
 well-grounded confidence that the fate of their country may be safely 
 intrusted to them. 
 
 "I have, therefore, to request that you will accord your full attention to 
 the subject, and furnish me as soon as practicable with a list of such char* 
 
 * Marshall s Washington, pp. 429, 43ff, 484. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 445 
 
 acters in your State, to fill the annexed military grades, as in your opinion 
 are best qualified and willing to serve in case of an actual war, which will 
 render it indispensable to recruit men for the army. 
 
 "Every cautionary measure is necessary to guard against errors in 
 appointments, which too frequently results from the ease with which 
 recommendations are generally obtained, the partialities of friends, and the 
 delusive hope that men of bad habits, by being transplanted into the army, 
 will become good men and good officers. 
 
 ("The officers proposed to be drawn from the State of Virginia are, 
 viz. : 
 
 Four colonels, One colonel, 
 
 Eight majors, Two majors, 
 
 Forty captains, and Eleven captains, and 
 
 Eighty subalterns of infantry. Twenty-two subalterns of cavalry.; 
 
 "In making the selection, it will be proper to allow, if fit characters 
 present themselves for a choice, a due proportion of captains and subal 
 terns to the several counties, according to their respective population, as 
 well with a view to facilitate the recruiting service as to give general 
 satisfaction; this rule, however, is not meant to be so invariably observed 
 as to exclude great superiority of talents by too strict an adherence. 
 
 "As circumstances may exist at the time of the President s making the 
 appointments, which may render it proper to make some changes in the 
 list with which I may be furnished, you are requested not to give the par 
 ties recommended such positive assurances as will render a change 
 impracticable, without wounding too sensibly their feelings." 
 
 Having given you these extracts so fully, but little remains for me to 
 add, further than to request your aid in carrying the secretary s views 
 into effect, conformably to the principles he has laid down ; and that you 
 will consider my application to you as an evidence of my confidence in 
 your knowledge of character (especially of the old and meritorious officers 
 of the Virginia line), of your patriotism and willingness to form a respect 
 able corps of officers for our native State. 
 
 I have no objection to your conversing with Col. Parker, or others in 
 whom you can place reliance, on this occasion letting it be clearly under 
 stood, however, that the inquiry and selection here proposed is eventual 
 only, not as a thing actually resolved on, but preparatory, in case the 
 President, in the recess of Congress, should, from the aspect of things, 
 deem it expedient to carry the law for raising twenty-four regiments into 
 effect. 
 
i46 THE LIFE OF 
 
 That you may be enabled better to understand that part of the secre 
 tary s letter which relates to the distribution of officers to counties, I 
 enclose you the inspector-general s allotment of the State into divisions 
 and subdivisions, for the convenience of recruiting and rendezvousing in 
 each. 
 
 Hoping that you continue to improve in your health, I remain, with 
 very sincere esteem and regard, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient and 
 
 Very humble servant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 A subject more important than all others combined the sub 
 ject of religion chiefly engaged Morgan s attention during the 
 remainder of his days. It was about this time that he became, 
 to (he great joy of his pious wife, a communing member of the 
 Presbyterian church. * 
 
 For some years prior to the period at which we have arrived, 
 he had been a constant attendant on public worship. Subse 
 quently, he became by degrees more and more an observer of the 
 requirements of the Christian belief. To be nearer the society of 
 religious people and to a place of worship formed the chief 
 motives for his removal from "Saratoga" to "Soldier s Rest." 
 Mrs. Morgan had been, for a length of time, a professor of 
 religion, and had supported a consistent and exemplary character 
 as a Christian. Her influence and example were well calculated 
 to produce good effects upon the mind of a husband devotedly 
 attached to her, and predisposed, from the promptings of his own 
 heart, to follow her counsellings. To her praiseworthy efforts 
 with this object were joined those of the worthy pastor of the 
 Presbyterian church in the neighborhood, the Rev. Win. Hill, 
 between whom and Morgan a warm friendship commenced about 
 this time. From the day that he made a profession of religion 
 until that of his death, nothing was observable in his life and con 
 
 *Dr. Hill. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 447 
 
 duct that was not becoming the character of a humble follower of 
 the Saviour. 
 
 It may be remarked here, that during the wildest and most 
 irregular period of Morgan s life, he always professed and mani 
 fested the greatest respect for religion. In illustration of this 
 trait in his character, one or two anecdotes are told of him that 
 are worth repeating. When, on the morning of the assault on 
 Quebec, the word was given for the troops to form, Morgan was 
 was asleep under a shed. Upon awaking, his mind became sud 
 denly so impressed with the fearful nature of the enterprise in 
 which he was about engaging, that he shivered through his 
 whole frame, and for a time, felt quite unequal to the task which 
 duty and honor imposed upon him. In this slate of mind, he 
 sought out a secluded spot, where, kneeling down, he prayed 
 most fervently for protection for himself and his men, and for a 
 triumph for his country. When he arose, his courage and con 
 fidence had revived, and with cheerfulness he took his position at 
 the head of his command. 
 
 On one occasion, Morgan related this anecdote to the Hon. 
 James Mackin, of Virginia. " General," said Mackin to Morgan, 
 " I expect you prayed like a man I once knew, who le d a very 
 wicked life ; but when in great tribulation, he was driven to pray 
 too ; and in his prayer he said : " O Lord ! thou knowest that I 
 have very seldom troubled thee with my affairs. But if thou wilt 
 help me now, and extricate me out of my present difficulties, I 
 promise not to trouble thee again for a long time." To this Mor 
 gan replied : " No, Mr. Mackin, I never used mockery of that 
 kind, nor ever treated religion disrespectfully. I always believed 
 in the truth and importance of religion, and knew that I was a 
 great sinner for neglecting my duty to my God. If I ever 
 prayed in earnest, it was upon that occasion, when I was commit 
 ting myself into the hands of the Almighty, and imploring his 
 protection. Having done so, I arose from my knees, dismissed 
 
448 THE LIFE OF 
 
 my fears, and led on my men to the assault. I verily believe 
 that it was entirely owing to an overruling Providence, in which 
 I reposed confidence, that I was so mercifully protected, and 
 brought off safely from the dangers through which I passed that 
 morning."* 
 
 When the battle at the Cowpens was over, and all the enemy 
 and prisoners were flying, Morgan rode across the fields offering 
 to the Almighty thanks, which were audible to many of his men 
 as he passed. 
 
 In the summer of 1800, his infirmities began to increase upon 
 him. Unable longer to devote any portion of his time to business, 
 and desirous of having readier access to his physician and his 
 friends, he removed about this time from " Soldier s Rest," to a 
 house belonging to him in Winchester. 
 
 During the closing year of his life, he was confined almost 
 entirely to his house, and at last exclusively to his bed and easy 
 chair. For the six or eight months prior to his death, he became 
 so feeble as to require the attendance, night and day, of some per 
 son at his bed-side. Having gradually sunk under the pressure 
 of his infirmities, he at length expired on the 6th of July, 1802. 
 
 An eloquent and impressive sermon was preached over the 
 body by the Rev. Mr. Hill. His funeral was attended by the 
 largest concourse of citizens ever seen in Winchester upon such 
 an occasion. The military escorted the corpse to the grave, and 
 buried it with the honors of war. In the procession were seven 
 members of the rifle company which Morgan raised and marched 
 to Boston in 1775. It might be truly said, that none in that sad 
 cortege, were sincerer mourners than these men. They carried 
 their war-worn rifles with them, and fired over his grave their 
 last military farewell. 
 
 Morgan s mortal remains lie interred in the Presbyterian bury 
 ing ground at Winchester. His monument is a horizontal slafy 
 
 *Dr. Hill 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 449 
 
 raised a few feet above the ground, whereon is the following 
 inscription, written by Gen. Presley Neville : 
 
 MAJOR GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 DEPARTED THIS LIFE 
 
 ON JULY THE 6th, 1802, 
 
 IN THE 6 7 T H YEAR OF HIS AGE. 
 
 PATRIOTISM AND VALOR, 
 
 WERX THE PROMINENT FEATURES IN HIS CHARACTER; 
 AND THE HONORABLE SERTICES HE RENDERED TO HIS COUNTRY, 
 
 DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 
 
 CROWNED HIM WITH GLORY, 
 AND WILL REMAIN IN THE BREASTS OF HIS COUNTRYMEN, 
 
 A PERPETUAL MONUMENT 
 
 TO HIS 
 
 Gen. Morgan s family and descendants may justly claim a few 
 words of notice before we close our narrative. 
 
 Mrs. Morgan, soon after the general s death, removed from 
 "Winchester to the residence of her son-in-law, Colonel Neville in 
 Pittsburg, where she remained for some time. Subsequently she 
 removed to Russelville, Kentucky, in which place Major and Mrs. 
 Heard had previously settled, and with whom she passed several 
 years of her life. She died in the year 1816, at the country seat 
 of her grand-daughter, Mrs. Matilda O Bannon, near Russelville. 
 and was buried in the family cemetery at that place. 
 
 Colonel Presley Neville continued a resident of Pittsburg until 
 the year 1817, when he removed with his family to Neville, Ohio. 
 He died in that place in the year 1823. In the year following, 
 
450 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Mrs. Neville removed to Cincinnati, where she remained until her 
 death, which occurred during the year 1831. They had had fifteen 
 children : nine sons and six daughters. The eldest of the sons 
 was the late Major Morgan Neville, of Cincinnati a name proudly 
 associated with the worth and literature of the west. Another son 
 Frederick, is a lieutenant in the United States Navy. 
 
 In the year 1803, Major and Mrs. Heard removed to Russel- 
 ville, Kentucky. In the year 1813, Mrs. Heard died suddenly of 
 apoplexy. Major Heard survived his wife many years, but died 
 while on a visit to his sister, at New Brunswick, New Jersey, in 
 the year 1827. Their children were three daughters and two 
 sons. The elder son, Daniel Morgan Heard, was a member of the 
 medical profession, having graduated at the Philadelphia Medical 
 school in the year 1816. Morgan Augustus Heard, the youngest of 
 this branch of the Morgan family, was a student of law when the war 
 of 1812 commenced. He took up arms on that occasion, and was 
 a lieutenant in the army under General Harrison which operated 
 on our northern frontier. He subsequently served in the Florida 
 war of 1817, under Gen. Jackson, during which he was appointed 
 one of the general s aids, with the rank of major. 
 
 Our task is nearly completed. That it may not prove unworthy 
 of the subject is all we desire. Should it recommend itself to the 
 reader, from having familiarized him with the character, and intro 
 duced him, as it were, to the acquaintance of one, whose name and 
 deeds are associated with such proud recollections, our utmost 
 expectations will be more than realized. 
 
 The relations of cause and effect are presented in their most 
 attractive, if not their most instructive shape, when they serve to 
 illustrate the moral afforded by a life, such as that we have been 
 recording. In the present instance, it is strikingly shown, that 
 there is no condition, however humble and uninformed, that is 
 not susceptible of improvement ; that when the will unites with 
 the desire to be advanced, advancement follows as a certain conse 
 quence ; and that the road to distinction presents no impediment, 
 
G E N E K A L DANIEL MORGAN. 451 
 
 however great, which cannot be surmounted by genius and perse 
 verance. Fortune, it is true, occasionally invests the undeserving 
 with honors. But let not this fact be a discouragement to him, 
 who would shake off the trammels that bind him to the earth, and 
 rise above the circumstances which surround him. The mere 
 favorite of the fickle goddess can seldom boast of her constancy 
 through the devious paths of a long life. Sooner or later he is 
 left to discover, in the elevation far above him, of those whose suc 
 cess resulted from laborious, patient perseverance, the consequences 
 of his misplaced devotion. Neither should the envy, and rivalry, 
 and other obstacles which the aspirant to distinction must neces 
 sarily encounter, deter him from resolutely pushing forward in the 
 path pointed out at once by interest and duty. General Morgan 
 was less indebted to the adventitious aids afforded by birth, edu 
 cation, friends, and fortune, than perhaps any other man that ever 
 lived to acquire a like degree of distinction. To these impedi 
 ments to his advancement were added those, arising from bad 
 associates and youthful indiscretions. Even the high military 
 reputation which he subsequently earned, checked for a time his 
 progress, by arousing a jealousy which caused his just claims to 
 promotion to be disregarded. Yet, in spite of considerations, 
 which, at the outset of his career, seemed to forbid even hope, he 
 obeyed the promptings of a mind, eminently aspiring and vigorous, 
 and persevered in the improvement of his condition. Happily, 
 the circumstances of the times laid open to him an ample field for 
 the display of his peculiar genius. The result is furnished in 
 the fame with which his name is associated in the mind of 
 every American citizen. Yet, such were the high qualities of his 
 head and heart, that had he received an education, such as is now 
 within the reach of the humblest, circumstances similar to those 
 which favored his pursuit of distinction in the field, would have 
 made him equally distinguished in the council. 
 
 General Morgan was a man of very large proportions. He was 
 upwards of six feet high, and although never fleshy, seldom 
 
452 THE LIFE OF 
 
 weighed less than two hundred pounds. To an iron constitution 
 were added great powers of strength and endurance. Before he 
 was visited by those ailments which embittered the evening of his 
 days, his physical energies seemed unbounded. Few men of his 
 time could compare with him in his ability to withstand the 
 effects of hunger, cold, or fatigue ; and when duty subjected him 
 to these severe tests, no one encountered them with more alac 
 rity. His person was well developed, and his movements and 
 gestures indicated both vigor and grace. His face was handsome, 
 and remarkably expressive of the emotion of the moment, whether 
 gentle or violent. It is said that when dressed in uniform, a more 
 imposing figure than that he presented, was seldom to be met 
 with.* 
 
 His mind was solid, and comprehensive, yet acute and discrimi 
 nating. Long before he attained the meridian of life, its vigor 
 and activity had largely compensated for the want of early culti 
 vation. Fully impressed with the conviction, that the improve 
 ment of his mind was an indispensable pre-requsite to his advance 
 ment, he was an early and diligent student. At a later period of 
 his life, he possessed a better knowledge of history, ancient and 
 modern, than is usually acquired by those who enjoy the advan 
 tages of a liberal education. But perhaps the most striking illus 
 tration of his mental improvement is furnished in his correspond 
 ence. At first, his style of writing was exceedingly inaccurate. 
 His improvement, through a long series of years, was, however, 
 progressive, and plainly perceptible. In proof of this, we need 
 only refer to those of his later letters which have been introduced 
 in this work, some of which, for strength of thought, and elegance 
 of expression, would do no discredit to one who had acquired a 
 reputation upon the achievements of his pen. 
 
 His knowledge of human nature was an inherent gift, the extent 
 of which was displayed in the mastery it enabled him at all times 
 to exercise over the minds of his associates. Although subject 
 
 * Dr. Hil. 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MO K (I AN. 453 
 
 to violent gusts of passion, when his unconquerable will was 
 thwarted, such ebullitions had never more than a momentary 
 control over his actions. His courage was of a peculiar quality, 
 if we are to credit his oft-repeated declarations regarding it. 
 When beyond the reach of danger, or of any exciting cause, he 
 was accustomed to admit his sensibility to the impressions of fear. 
 Just previous to some of the most glorious occasions of his life, 
 those feelings are said by himself to have come upon him like an 
 apparition, shaking for a moment his inmost soul. But at the 
 crisis of battle most trying to human fortitude, when death pre 
 sented itself on every side, and danger flew thickly around, no 
 such weaknesses were ever exhibited. Perils which appalled ordi 
 nary men, only seemed to raise his spirit still higher, and to stimu 
 late and bring into more active exercise, all the faculties of his 
 mind. His fearlessness, under such circumstances, was the conse 
 quence, not so much of a dull perception of danger, as of the 
 behests of a will, which, like a mountain-torrent, knew no stop, 
 but rose and grew stronger by opposition. Yet, his courage was 
 tempered by a prudence and a circumspection, which the superfi 
 cial observer would consider bordering on timidity. Throughout 
 his long military career, during which the most cautious officers 
 were occasionally caught off their guard, he never experienced a 
 surprise, although the nature of the service on which he was 
 chiefly engaged, subjected him constantly to such a contingency. 
 Decision and firmness were always displayed both in the combination 
 and the execution of his plans. These at all times evinced a sound 
 and far-reaching judgment, and seldom disappointed his expecta 
 tions. In fine, he possessed that faculty, which is, perhaps, the 
 rarest and most valuable of those which enter into the position of 
 a great commander that by which he was always enabled to con 
 ciliate the respect and regard of those who were placed under his 
 jommand, and to inspire them with a share of his own confidence 
 and resolution. 
 
 Morgan s heart was full of every generous and ennobling prin- 
 
454: THE LIFE OF 
 
 ciple. He was a fond and devoted husband and father, a warm 
 friend, and a zealous and active citizen. Before he adopted reli 
 gion as the guide of his actions, his conduct was regulated by the 
 most rigid notions of honor. He was remarkable through life for 
 his candor. Whether the occasion for the exercise of this quality 
 was agreeable or not to his hearers, seemed all the same to him. 
 He was never known to sacrifice truth to conventionality. He 
 abhorred the character of a hypocrite or dissembler, and never 
 took any pains to conceal his contempt for the dishonest, the 
 treacherous "and the cowardly. Hospitality was regarded by him 
 as duty ; and his house and purse were ever open to the distressed 
 and unfortunate. His resentment, though easily provoked, had 
 nothing malignant in it, and was short-lived, even in cases where 
 it was aroused by injuries. However strong his reasons might 
 be for the indulgence of revengeful feelings, yet when such 
 existed, they never withstood the first appeal to his magnanimity. 
 It needed only an unfortunate change in the circumstances of 
 those who had provoked his ire, to render them eligible claimants 
 upon his sympathy and assistance. 
 
 At all stages of Morgan s life, he was industrious and econo 
 mical. One of the natural results of the operation of these quali 
 ties was, his accumulation of a handsome property before he died. 
 Yet he was far from being parsimonious ; on the contrary, he was 
 lavish of his means when an appeal was made to his patriotism 
 or his friendship. His manners were simple and unobtrusive, 
 devoid of everything calculated to attract notice. His intercourse 
 with strangers was marked by a politeness that made up in hear 
 tiness what it wanted in polish. Good-humored familiarity 
 marked his conversations with his friends and acquaintances. 
 His disposition was naturally cheerful and obliging. His appear 
 ance and conversation would at first indicate a character unusually 
 grave. Yet he possessed a lively sense of the ridiculous, and a 
 fund of rich humor faculties which he missed few opportunities 
 of exercising. His early excesses had a short-lived existence, and 
 
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN. 455 
 
 were abandoned during his military career. He retained, how 
 ever, a rational fondness for the society of his friends around the 
 festal board, to the convivialities of which, few couid contribute 
 so largely and so well. 
 
 If Morgan had enemies and who is he, worthy of notice, that 
 has had none? their numbers were inconsiderable when com 
 pared \\ith those of his friends. His frank ingenuous manners, 
 his sociability, and his higher qualities of the head and heart, 
 were well calculated to win for him the regard of all who came 
 within the scope of his acquaintance. By none was he more 
 beloved than by the officers and soldiers who served under him. 
 He was indebted for much the greater part of his enemies to poli 
 tical considerations. When parties were first formed, under the 
 Constitution of 1789, he joined the Federalists. Subsequently, 
 his apprehensions for the newly formed Union, threatened as he 
 honestly thought it was by the Republicans, aroused in its defence 
 feelings of a nature more patriotic than partisan, and made him 
 regard political opponents as little better than personal enemies. 
 In this way, he was drawn to the arena of party strife, from which 
 few escape without injury, none without detraction. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 COPY OF A WILL DRAWN BY GENERAL MORGAN IN 1773. 
 
 In the name of God, amen. 
 
 I, DANIEL MORGAN, af Frederick county, Virginia, being in my proper 
 senses, and calling to mind the uncertainty of life and the certainty of 
 death, do make this my last Will and Testament, hereby revoking and dis 
 annulling all former wills and codocils of wills, heretofore made by me the 
 aforesaid Daniel Morgan. 
 
 And in the first place it is my will and desire, and I do hereby constitute 
 arid appoint my loving and affectionate wife Abigail Morgan, the whole and 
 sole executrix of this my last Will and Testament, of all and every part of 
 my estate, both real and personal. 
 
 Item. It is my will and desire that all my just debts be honestly and 
 punctually paid, and that the remainder or residue of my estate (after the 
 discharge of those my debts) be appropriated to the use and for the benefit 
 of the said Abigail, my dear and loving wife ; and that the same continue 
 to be at her disposal, during her natural life and widowhood. 
 
 Item. It is my will and desire, that after the decease of the aforesaid 
 Abigail (or in case she should intermarry after my decease) that the whole 
 and sole of my estate, both real and personal, be equally divided between 
 her two daughters, named Nancy Morgan and Betsey Morgan ; and in case 
 of the decease of either of them, that then the whole and sole of my estate 
 aforesaid be appropriated to the use and benefit of the survivor, or survi 
 ving sister. 
 
 439 
 
4:60 APPENDIX. 
 
 Item, it is my will and desire, and the intent and meaning of this, ia that 
 my loving wife Abigail have the use and benefit of all my estate aforesaid, 
 as aforesaid specified, only excepting against, and prohibiting her from dis 
 posing of any part thereof to defraud the two children aforesaid, to 
 wit, Nancy Morgan and Betsey Morgan. In witness whereof, and in testi 
 mony of my approbation of this my last Will and Testament, 1 have here 
 unto set my hand and affixed my seal, this 17th day of April, in the year 
 
 of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three. 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of 
 
 BAYLIS EARLE, ELIJAH ISAACS, 
 JOHN McGuiR, SAMUEL PRICE. 
 
 I, DANIEL MORGAN, of Winchester, in the county of Frederic and Com 
 monwealth of Virginia, possessing fully the powers of recollection and all the 
 usual faculties of my mind, but being weak in t>dy and knowing that all 
 men must die, do make this my last Will and Testament, hereby revoking all 
 former Wills or Testaments heretofore made by me, and allowing this only 
 to be my last Will and Testament. 
 
 First, I recommend my soul to the Omnipotent Creator of all things, 
 trusting for salvation in his mercy and the atonement of my blessed Lord 
 and Saviour Jesus Christ. I desire that my body may be decently interred 
 at the discretion of my family and as to my worldly affairs I make the fol 
 lowing arrangement and distribution. 
 
 Having by two deeds of trust bearing date the sixteenth day of March 
 in the present year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, con 
 veyed t6 certain trustees in the said deeds named the place called Saratoga, 
 containing two hundred and fifty-five acres of land with its appurtenances ; 
 and also four hundred and seven acres of land more or less, adjoining the 
 lands of Thomas Bryarly, the heir of John Bell deceased, Richard K. Mead 
 and Alexander Henderson, which I purchased of Nathaniel Ashby ; also 
 three hundred and eleven acres of land adjoining Saratoga,which I pur 
 chased of Col. Nathaniel Burwell, late of Isle of Wight county, deceased, 
 also one hundred acres of land which I purchased of Nathaniel Burwcll, 
 Esq., of Frederic county, adjoining Saratoga, all of the said lands being in 
 the county of Frederick, and Commonwealth of Virginia, also all the stock, 
 
APPENDIX. 461 
 
 slaves, household stuff and furniture, on the said place called Saratoga, and 
 m the mansion house thereon, to hold in trust for the benefit of my well 
 beloved daughter Betsy Heard wife of James Heard, according to the tenor 
 of the said deeds, which it is my desire may be fully executed and complied 
 with in every particular, and in addition, to the property aforesaid I now 
 give, devise and bequeath to my said daughter Betsy Heard all my land iu 
 the State of Kentucky, whether granted for military services or otherwise, 
 and whether in my own name or procured by purchase, computed to be 
 about ten thousand acres, to hold to her the said Betsy Heard, her heirs 
 and assigns forever ; and I do hereby empower and authorize Major James 
 Heard to make sale of the said lands in Kentucky or any part or parcel 
 thereof, and upon such sale being made to make good and sufficient titles 
 to the purchaser, and apply the purchase money to the use of the family, 
 provided my said daughter Betsy shall consent to such sale. I also give, 
 devise and bequeath to my said daughter Betsy Heard five thousand acres 
 of land in the State of Tennessee on Crow Creek, purchased of Major Arm- 
 stead for five thousand dollars to her, her heirs and assigns forever. 
 
 I give, devise and bequeath to my beloved wife Abigail the tract of land 
 I purchased of Samuel Bell, containing two hundred and seventy-eight 
 acres, to her, her heirs and assigns forever, to be by her sold and the 
 money applied to such uses and purposes as she may think proper. 
 
 I desire that my executors hereafter named, may with all convenient 
 speed after my decease collect all debts due to me, and out of trie moneys 
 so collected pay all my just debts and funeral charges, and being conscious 
 that I owe no just debts of long standing, I desire that if any such should 
 be brought against my estate the statute of limitations shall be pleaded in 
 bar of such claims. All my military land in the northwestern territory I 
 give, devise and bequeath to Presley Neville, my son-in-law, to be disposed 
 of at his discretion to him, his heirs and assigns forever. 
 
 All the rest, residue, and remainder of my estate real, personal or 
 mixed, I give, devise and bequeath unto my beloved wife Abigail, for and 
 during the term of her natural life, and after her decease, I give, devise and 
 bequeath the same to my well beloved daughter Nancy Neville, wife of the 
 aforesaid Presley Neville, to her heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns, 
 forever. 
 
 And lastly, I do hereby appoint my beloved wife Abigail Morgan and my 
 son-in-law Presley Neville, executrix and executor of this my last Will and 
 Testament. 
 
 In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this seven- 
 
462 APPENDIX. 
 
 teenth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 and one. 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 Signed, sealed, published, pronounced and declared 
 
 by the said Daniel Morgan as and for his last will 
 
 and testament in presence of us, who in his pre- L SEAL I 
 
 sence and in the presence of each other, have sub 
 scribed our names as witnesses. 
 JOHN WALTERS, 
 JACOB HARMER, 
 OBED WAITE. 
 
 Whereas, I Daniel Morgan of Winchester, in the county of Frederic 
 and Commonwealth of Virginia, on the seventeenth day of March in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, did make and pub 
 lish the foregoing will and testament, contained on three pages of this 
 sheet of paper, and bearing date on the aforesaid seventeenth day of 
 March 1801, which said will and testament I do hereby ratify and confirm 
 in all and every article thereof, except the alteration hereinafter mentioned 
 in this present writing, which I make and add as a codicil to my said last 
 will and testament, and to be taken as part thereof, that is to say, whereas, 
 in and by the said last will and testament, I did among other things give, 
 devise and bequeath unto my well beloved daughter Betsy Heard, wife of 
 James Heard, all my lands in the State of Kentucky whether granted for 
 military services or otherwise, and whether in my name or procured by 
 purchase, computed to be about ten thousand acres, to hold to her the said 
 Betsy Heard, her heirs and assigns forever, and did empower Major James 
 Heard to make sale of the said lands or any part thereof and apply the 
 money arising from such sale to the use of his family, provided the said 
 Betsy should consent to such sale being made, and I did by the same will 
 devise to the said Betsy five thousand acres of land in the State of Ten- 
 nesee on Crow Creek, purchased of Major Armstead for five thousand dollars, 
 to her heirs and assigns forever, now it is hereby declared to be my will and 
 desire that instead of said lands going and being devised as aforesaid, that 
 my four grandchildren Matilda Heard, Nancy Morgan Heard, Daniel Mor 
 gan Heard, and Morgan Augustus Heard, children of the said Betsy Heard, 
 have the same to be equally divided among them, share and share alike 
 as to quantity and quality, and I do hereby devise the same to them, the 
 said Matilda, Nancy Morgan, Daniel Morgan, and Morgan Augustus Heard, 
 their heirs and assigns forever, to be equally divided as aforesaid. In 
 
APPENDIX. 463 
 
 witness -whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this seventeenth 
 
 day of March, 1802. 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 Signed, sealed, published and pronounced, and decla- 1 
 
 red by the said Daniel Morgan, as a codicil to his 
 last will and testament, in presence of 
 OBED WAITE, 
 HAMILTON COOPER, 
 JOHN KINGAN. 
 
 At a Superior Court composed and held, for the district composed for 
 the counties of Frederic, Berkley, Shenandoah and Jefferson, at Win 
 chester, the 30th day of September, 1802. This last will of Gen. Morgan, 
 deceased, was proved by the oaths of Jacob Harmer and Obed Waite, two 
 of the witnesses thereto, and the codicil thereto annexed was proved by 
 the oaths of Obed Waite, and John Kingan, two of the witnesses thereto, 
 and ordered to be recorded. And on the motion of Presley Neville, one 
 of the executors therein named, who made oath according to law, certifi 
 cate is granted him for obtaining a probate thereof in due form, giving 
 security whereupon he with John Peyton, Hugh Holmes and Joseph Tidball, 
 his securities, entered into and acknowledged bond in the penalty of one 
 hundred thousand dollars conditioned for his due and faithful adminis 
 tration of the said decedant s estate. Abigail Morgan the executrix therein 
 named in open court, refused taking upon herself the burthen of the execu 
 tion thereof. 
 
 By the court, 
 
 J. PEYTON, C. W. D. C. 
 
 A copy : Teste, J. Kean, clerk of the circuit Superior Court of Law 
 and Chancery for the county of Frederic in the State of Virginia, and as 
 such, keeper of the records of the former District Curt, composed of the 
 counties of Frederic, Berkley and Winchester. 
 
464: APPENDIX. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 FRAGMENT OF A SKETCH OF MORGAN S MILITARY CAREER, 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 To give my history in the war: I must begin with 1774, when I served 
 a very active and hard campaign under Lord Dunmore. We had beaten 
 the Indians, brought them to order, and confirmed a treaty of peace ; and 
 on our return home, at the mouth of the river Hockhockin, we were 
 informed of hostilities being offered to our brethren, the people of Boston. 
 We, as an army victorious, formed ourselves into a society, pledging our 
 words of honor to each other to assist our brethren in Boston, in case 
 hostilities should commence, which did on the 19th of April ensuing, at 
 Lexington. I was appointed a captain by Congress on the 22nd of June, 
 1775, to raise a company of riflemen, and march with haste to Boston. 
 In a few days, I raised ninety-six men and set out for Boston reached 
 that place in twenty-one days from the time I marched, bad weather 
 included, nor did I leave a man behind. I remained at that place inactive for 
 six weeks, as the enemy was shut up in Boston; when, with my own consent, 
 detached to Quebec with the command of three rifle companies, viz. : my 
 own, and two from Pennsylvania, under the command of Captains Smith and 
 Hendricks. The latter fell at the attack on the garrison. I was under the 
 command of Gen. Arnold, with whom I marched through the woods and Jei i 
 the van. For a description of that march, I refer to a journal kept by Coi. 
 Heth, who was a lieutenant in my company. We reached Canada, ! 
 think, on the 3rd of November, in a most shocking condition Jestuuta 
 of provisions and of every comfort. We marched to Point Levi, recruited 
 the troops, and on the night of the 13th, by the means of some small 
 craft that we found drew up in the guts, and some bark canoes that we 
 purchased from the Indians, crossed the river between two men-of-war, 
 and within point-blank shot, slipping through undiscovered. Here I led 
 
APPENDIX. 465 
 
 the forlorn hope went up Gen. Wolfe s cove, and formed on the plains 
 of Abraham, where I expected to be attacked, but was not discovered. 
 We then proceeded on to Caldwell s house. The enemy had a strong 
 guard in the building, which we attacked and carried sword in hand. 
 Here I also commanded the forlorn hope. We then besieged the place 
 for several days; but finding our ammunition was wet, we raised the siege, 
 and marched to Point Auxtrembles, twenty miles distant from Quebec. 
 Finding there that the rifle powder was dry, I marched back with the 
 three rifle companies under my command, and renewed the siege. On my 
 return, I took several prisoners. I kept up the siege until Gen. Mont 
 gomery arrived, when an attack upon the town was determined upon, and 
 in a few days carried into effect. Here I was again appointed to the com 
 mand of the forlorn hope, on the river St. Charles, under Gen. Arnold. 
 The general having been wounded in the leg while under the walls, and 
 before we got into the town, I sent him off in the care of two of my men, 
 and took his place in the command. For although there were three field 
 officer?, they would not take the command, alleging that I had se-en ser 
 vice and they had not, which reflected great credit on their judgment. I 
 bad to attack a two-gun battery, supported by Capt. McCloud and fifty 
 regular troops. The first gun that was fired missed us the second flashed, 
 vhen I ordered the ladders, borne on the shoulders of the men, to be 
 ir-lned. The order was immediately obeyed; and for fear the business 
 might not be executed with spirit, I mounted myself, and leaped into the 
 town. The first man among Capt. McCloud s guard who was panic-struck, 
 made a faint resistance, and run into a house that joined the two-gun bat 
 tery and platform, where the guard was posted. I lighted on the end of a 
 great gun, which hurt me very much, and perhaps saved my life, as I fell 
 froai the gun on the platform, where the bayonets were not directed. 
 Col. Charles Porterfield, who was a cadet in my company, was the first 
 maa that followed me, and all the men came after him as fast as they had 
 room to jnmp down. All this was performed in a few seconds. I ordered 
 the HUSH to fire into the house, and follow up with their pikes (for in 
 addition to our rifles, we were also armed with long espontoons), which 
 they did, and drove the guard into the street. I went through a sally 
 port at the end of the platform ; met the retreating guard in the street, 
 and ordered them to lay down their arms if they expected quarters. 
 They took me at my word, and every man threw his arms down. We 
 then made a charge on the battery, and took it sword in hand and push 
 ing on, took everything that opposed us at the point of the bayonet till we 
 
466 APPENDIX. 
 
 arrived at the barrier gate. Here I was ordered to wait for Gen. Mont 
 gomery, and a fatal order it was. It prevented me from taking the gar 
 rison, as I had already made half the town prisoners. The sally port 
 through the barrier was standing open ; the guard had left it, and the people 
 were running from the upper town in whole platoons, giving themselves 
 up as prisoners, to get out of the way of the confusion which might shortly 
 ensue. I went up to the edge of the upper town incog., with an interpre 
 ter, to see what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no per 
 son in arms at all, I returned and called a council of what few officers I 
 had with me, for the greater part of our force had missed their way, and 
 had not got into the town. Here I was overruled by sound judgment and 
 good reasoning. It was said, in the first place, that if I went on I should 
 break orders; in the next, that I had more prisoners than I had men, and 
 that if I left taem they might break out, retake the battery we had just 
 captured, and cut off our retreat. It was further urged that Gen. Mont 
 gomery was certainly coming down along the river St. Lawrence, and 
 would join us in a few minutes, and that we were sure of conquest if we 
 acted with caution and prudence. To these good reasons I gave up my 
 own opinion, and lost the town. For Gen. Montgomery, having cut down 
 an out picket, was marching up to the two-gun battery, when an unlucky 
 shot put an end to his existence, killing at the same time Capt. Cheseman, 
 Major McPherson, and some others of his good officers. Upon this Col. Donald 
 Campbell, the quarter-master general, undertook to order a retreat. We 
 were then left to shift for ourselves, but did not yet know the extent of 
 the misfortunes which had occurred, or it was still in our power to have 
 taken the garrison. 
 
.APPENDIX. 467 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 THE ORIGINAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF THE COWPENS. 
 
 CAMP NEAR CAIN CREEK, Jan. 19th, 1781. 
 
 DEAR SIR : The troops I have the honor to command have been so for 
 tunate as to obtain a complete victory over a detachment from the British 
 army, commanded by Lieut. Col. Tarleton. The action happened on the 
 17th inst., about sunrise, at the Cowpens. It, perhaps, would be well to 
 remark, for the honor of the American arms, that although the progress of 
 this corps was marked with burning and devastation, and although they 
 waged the most cruel warfare, not a man was killed, wounded, or even 
 insulted, after he surrendered. Had not Britons during this contest 
 received so many lessons of humanity, I should flatter myself that this 
 might teach them a little. But I fear they are incorrigible. 
 
 To give you a just idea of our operations, it will be necessary to inform 
 you, that on the 14th inst., having received certain intelligence that Lord 
 Cornwallis and Lieut. Col. Tarleton were both in motion, and that their move 
 ments clearly indicated their intentions of dislodging me, I abandoned my 
 encampment on Grindall s Ford on the Pacolet, and on the 16th, in the even 
 ing took possession of a post, about seven miles from the Cherokee Ford, on 
 Broad river. My former position subjected me at once to the operations of 
 Cornwallis and Tarleton, and in case of a defeat, my retreat might easily have 
 been cut off. My situation at the Cowpens enabled me to improve any 
 advantages I might gain, and to provide better for my own security should 
 I be unfortunate. These reasons induced me to take this post, at the risk 
 of its wearing the face of a retreat. 
 
 I received regular intelligence of the enemy s movements from the time 
 they were first in motion. On the evening of the 16th inst., they took pos 
 session of the ground I had removed from in the morning, distant from 
 
468 APPENDIX. 
 
 the scene of action about twelve miles. An hou? before daylight one of 
 my scouts returned and informed me that Lieut. Col. Tarleton had advanced 
 within five miles of our camp. On this information, I hastened to form as 
 good a disposition as circumstances would admit, and from the alacrity of 
 the troops, we were soon prepared to receive him. The light infantry, 
 commanded by Lieut. Col. Howard, and the Virginia militia under the com 
 mand of Maj. Triplet!,, were formed on a rising ground, and extended a line 
 in front. The third regiment of dragoons, under Lieut. Col. Washington, 
 were posted at such a distance in their rear, as not to be subjected to the 
 line of fire directed at them, and to be so near as to be able to charge the 
 enemy should they be broken. The volunteers of North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, and Georgia, under the command of the brave and valuable Col. 
 Pickens, were situated to guard the flanks. Maj. McDowell, of the North 
 Carolina volunteers, was posted on the right flank in front of the line, one 
 hundred and fifty yards; and Maj. Cunningham, of the Georgia volunteers, 
 on the left, at the same distance in front. Cols. Brannon and Thomas, of 
 the South Carolinians, were posted in the right of Maj. McDowell, and Cols. 
 Hays and McCall, of the same corps, on the left of Maj. Cunningham. 
 Capts. Tato and Buchanan, with the Augusta riflemen, to support the right 
 of the line. 
 
 The enemy drew up in single line of battle, four hundred yards in front 
 of our advanced corps. The first battalion of the 71st regiment was 
 opposed to our right, the 7th regiment to our left, the infantry of the legiou 
 to our centre, the light companies on their flanks. In front moved two 
 pieces of artillery. Lieut. Col. Tarleton, with his cavalry, was posted in the 
 rear of his line. 
 
 The disposition of battle being thus formed, small parties of riflemen 
 were detached to skirmish with the enemy, upon which their whole line 
 moved on with the greatest impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. 
 McDowell and Cunningham gave them a heavy and galling fire, and 
 retreated to the regiments intended for their support. The whole of Col. 
 Pickens s command then kept up a fire by regiments, retreating agreeably 
 to their orders. When the enemy advanced to our line, they received a 
 well-directed and incessant fire. But their numbers being superior to ours, 
 they gained our flanks, which obliged us to change our position. We 
 retired in good order about fifty paces, formed, advanced on the enemy, 
 and gave them a fortunate volley, which threw them into disorder. Lieut. 
 Col. Howard observing this, gave orders for the line to charge bayonets, 
 which was done with such address, that they fled with the utmost precipi- 
 
APPENDIX. 469 
 
 tation, leaving their fieldpieces in our possession. We pushed our advan 
 tages so effectually, that they never had an opportunity of rallying, had 
 their intentions been ever so good. 
 
 Lieut. Col. Washington having been informed that Tarleton was cutting 
 down our riflemen on the left, pushed forward, and charged thorn with 
 sucli firmness, that instead of attempting to recover the fate of the day, 
 which one would have expected from an officer of his splendid character, 
 broke and fled. 
 
 The enemy s whole force were now bent solely in providing for their 
 safety in flight the list of their killed, wounded, and prisoners, will inform 
 you with what effect. Tarleton, with the small remains of his cavalry, and a 
 few scattering infantry he had mounted on his wagon-horses, made their 
 escape. He was pursued twenty-four miles, but owing to our having taken 
 a wrong trail at first, we never could overtake him. 
 
 As I was obliged to move off of the field of action in the morning, to 
 secure the prisoners, I cannot be so accurate as to the killed and wounded 
 of the enemy as I could wish. From the reports of an officer whom I sent 
 to view the ground, there were one hundred non-commissioned officers and 
 privates, and ten commissioned officers killed, and two hundred rank and 
 file wounded. We have now in our possession five hundred and two non 
 commissioned officers and privates prisoners, independent of the wounded, 
 and the militia are taking up stragglers continually. Twenty-nine com 
 missioned officers have fell into our hands. Their rank, &c., you will see 
 by an enclosed list. The officers I have paroled : the privates I am con 
 veying by the safest route to Salisbury. 
 
 Two standards, two fieldpieces, thirty-five wagons, a travelling forge, 
 and all their music are ours. Their baggage, which was immense, they 
 have in a great measure destroyed. 
 
 Our loss is inconsiderable, which the enclosed return will evince. I have 
 not been able to ascertain Col. Pickens s loss, but know it to be very small. 
 
 From our force being composed of such a variety of corps, a wrong 
 judgment may be formed of our numbers. We fought only eight hun 
 dred men, two-thirds of which were militia. The British, with their bag 
 gage-guard, were not less than one thousand one hundred and fifty, and 
 these veteran troops. Their own officers confess that they fought one 
 thousand and thirty-seven. 
 
 Such was the inferiority of our numbers, that our success must be attri 
 buted to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our troops. My wishes 
 would induce me to mention the name of every sentinel in the corps I 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 have the honor to command. In justice to the bravery and good conduct 
 of the officers, I have taken the liberty to enclose you a list of their names, 
 from a conviction that you will be pleased to introduce such characters to 
 the world. 
 
 Maj. Giles, my aid, and Capt. Brookes, my brigade-major, deserve and 
 have my thanks for their assistance and behavior on this occasion. 
 
 The Baron de Gleabuch, who accompanies Major Giles with these 
 dispatches, served with me in the action as a volunteer, and behaved in 
 such a manner as merits your attention. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 DANIEL MORGAN. 
 
 Our loss was very inconsiderable, not having more than twelve killed 
 and about sixty wounded. The enemy had ten commissioned officers and 
 upwards of one hundred rank and file killed, two hundred rank and file 
 wounded, and twenty-seven officers and more than five hundred privates 
 which fell into our hands, with two pieces of artillery, two standards, eight 
 hundred stand of arms, one travelling-forge, thirty-five wagons, ten negroes, 
 and upwards of one hundred dragoon horses. 
 
 Although our success was complete, we fought only eight hundred men, 
 and were opposed by upwards of one thousand British troops. 
 
APPENDIX. * 471 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 GEN. JAMES JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 ( SENATE ROOM UNITED STATES, 
 { PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 20*A, 1795. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL: Since I last saw you in Philadelphia, which I think was 
 in 1791, a gentleman has undertaken to write the history of Georgia. 
 Your address to the Georgia refugees, published at Pacolet, in South Caro 
 lina, being in my hands, I gave it to him among other materials for inser 
 tion. The same gentleman, a Mr. Langworthy, has applied to me for other 
 documents, and particularly to know if any Georgians were at the Cow- 
 pens. None of the authors who have written, have mentioned them in 
 that action, nor did the account given by your aid-de-camp, Maj. Giles, to 
 Congress, notice them, or any officer belonging to the State, although the 
 officers of the other States were very generally mentioned, and their militia 
 applauded. The Georgians have imputed this to the loss of your dispatches, 
 and not of any intention of yourself, who have always been one of their 
 favorite commanders ; but they think hard of the silence respecting them 
 in that celebrated action, and which did you tho honor of turning the tide 
 of affairs in favor of the United States. 
 
 My object in writing at present is to request, if you see no impropriety in it, 
 your giving a certificate under your hand of their being present three 
 companies. The detachment was small ; but, if you recollect, you placed 
 them in front of the whole ; and they strictly obeyed your orders in keep 
 ing up a warm fire and gradually retreating. I could wish your expressing 
 that they behaved as well as the other militia in the field. The officers 
 commanding, if you choose to say anything of them, were Maj. Cunningham 
 and Capts. Samuel Hammond, George Walton, and Joshua Inman, who all 
 behaved well ; and the latter was particularly serviceable to you in adver 
 tising you of the enemy s approach and skirmishing with their advance. 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 The detachment was under my immediate command and direction, although 
 I acted also as brigade-major to all the militia present. It is with difficulty 
 I mention myself; but having the honor of introducing Maj. McArthur, 
 the commander of the British infantry, a prisoner on that occasion, taken 
 by myself, and having run the utmost risk of my life, in an attempt to 
 seize the colors of the 71st regiment in the midst of it, on their attempt 
 to form after they were broken, being saved by an exertion of Col. How 
 ard s, and for which I had the honor of your thanks on the field of battle, 
 I think it a duty to my children, as the history of my State is to be told, 
 to have some insertion, even of my conduct, in that well-fought battle. You, 
 sir, were rendered immortal by the action. My ambition is, to let my 
 descendants and the citizens of Georgia know that I was present, and con 
 tributed my mite to your glory. Gen. Pickens has already certified to the 
 requests of this letter fully. But whilst you are alive, his certificate is not 
 the best evidence, and your testimony will be grateful to the citizens of 
 Georgia. 
 
 I am sorry to break in upon the important business of your present com 
 mand, and should have waited until the next session of the Federal Legis 
 lature, where we hope to see you a member, but for the pressing request 
 of Mr. Langworthy to have the necessary papers. 
 
 I am, dear general, with the highest repect and esteem, 
 
 Your old fellow-soldier and most obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES JACKSON. 
 
 If you could favor me with an answer, previous to the rising of Congress 
 about the 1st of March, it would highly oblige me. 
 
 BRIG. GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 GEN. JAMES JACKSON TO GEN. MORGAN. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 9th, 1795. 
 
 SIR : I did myself the honor of writing you about a fortnight since, respect 
 ing the service of the Georgians under you at the Cowpens. Lest two obser 
 vations of mine in that letter should be misunderstood, I beg leave to cor 
 rect them. The first was, that I was brigade-major to all the militia pre 
 sent. I since recollect that you had militia from Virginia. The second, 
 that I had your thanks. I meant not by this, your thanks in orders, but 
 verbally for my conduct, which a hundred living evidences could prove 
 was creditable to myself, and deserving of your approbation. Colonel 
 McDowell, now in Congress, and who commanded the North Carolina 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 militia on that day, is one of them. General Pickens s written testimony, 
 I informed you, I was possessed of, and under him I was acting. A cir 
 cumstance I will take the liberty of mentioning will serve to revive your 
 memory. You had placed a sergeant over a cask of wine. After my return 
 with General, then Major McArthur, and who I had left in c\istody of Col. 
 Washington, I came across this man, and found him dealing the wine out 
 to all in his way. A wounded militia-man at some distance requested me 
 for a drop to revive him, which the sergeant refused on my application, 
 and I then ordered the men with me to drive him off and take possession 
 of the cask. He went and complained to you, and you came very angry, 
 and I expected would have struck me. Feeling myself injured, I explained 
 to you the conduct of the fellow, and could not help adding that my con 
 duct had deserved a better return, mentioning to you my leaving the Brit 
 ish officer commanding their infantry with the Colonel (Washington). It 
 was then that you made the sergeant beg my pardon on his knees, and 
 gave me your verbal thanks, which were repeated when we stopped on the 
 borders of North Carolina, and where we (Gen. Pickens and brigade) took 
 the prisoners under charge, and you parted from us. Maj. Giles mentioned 
 at Charlotte, on his tour to Congress, my name, as one who had distin 
 guished himself; and considering the responsibilities of my station, and 
 the risks I ran that day, I had some right to expect to be named. I con 
 fess I was chagrined when the account came. I, after this, ran the utmost 
 risk of my life at Torrens s, when the British crossed the Catawba, and 
 believe, that in some measure, owing to my exertions with a few officers 
 and men, the slaughter was not so great as it otherwise would have been. 
 At Salisbury, where you had reached, it was believed by Gen. Pickens and 
 yourself, that I was killed. When I arrived, I had the honor of being 
 received by you and him with friendship and satisfaction. At the Yadkin 
 we parted, and I had the happiness after, to have my conduct signally 
 approbated by that great officer Gen. Greene, who appointed me to the 
 command of a State legion. 
 
 I have been thus particular, lest so long a lapse of time should have 
 made those circumstances escape your memory ; and which, not being 
 necessarily connected with the principal events, and only concerning an 
 individual officer, are not likely to be retained. I had the honor, however, 
 in 1791, to have the principal circumstances recognized by you. 
 
 I shall leave this in about a fortnight for Savannah. Should you not see 
 it proper to give a certificate as to myself, I shall be happy to have your 
 approbation of the conduct of my countrymen. 
 
 I am, sir, &c., JAMES JACKSON. 
 
 Feb y 9th, 1795. 
 
474 APPENDIX 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 PARIS, le 28 Novembre, 1847. 
 
 Je dois commencer, Monsieur, par vous demander pardon d avoir e"te si 
 longtemps sans vous repondre. J avais toujours espe"re que j arriverais a 
 decouvrir le moyen de vous aider a remplir la pieuse et utile tache que 
 vous avez entreprise, et le desir que j avais de ne vous adresser qu une 
 reponse satisfaisante, pourra peut-etre me valoir votre indulgence pour un 
 silence qui sans cela serait tout a fait inexcusable. 
 
 Malheureusement, je n ai rien pu trouver de relatif aux temps sur lesquels 
 vous auriez besoin d etre renseigne, dans les papiera de mon pere. Ccla 
 vous paraitra bien extraordinaire, et il est tres simple que vous vous en 
 etonniez; voici 1 explication de cette singuliere circonst&i ct. Assurement 
 vous ne pouvez pas douter que mon pere en revenant des tats-Unid n eut 
 conserve, avec bien des soins, toute sa correspondance de la guerre et de 
 la revolution Americaine. Elle etait trop precieuse pour lui, pour qu il ne 
 la recueillit pas scrupuleusement ; mais des circonstances independantes de 
 sa volonte 1 ont prive de la retrouver a son retour de sa prison d Olmutz, 
 et par consequent, de celui de nous la transmettre. Vous n ignorez pas, 
 Monsieur, qu en 1792, mon pere fut proscrit; que par suite de cette pros 
 cription, ses proprietes furent confisquees. En 1793, au moment ou la 
 France gemissait sous le regime de la terreur, tous les papiers de mon pere 
 deposes a Chavaniac, lieu de sa naissance en Auvergne, furent saisis et 
 brules, sous les yeux de ses enfans, dans la cour du chateau ; et au retour 
 de sa prison, il ne retrouva que ceux de ces papiers si pre"cieux pour lui, 
 que des amis a leur risques et perils avaient pu enlever a la vigilance des 
 hommes qui s en etaient empares. Ce n est done que dans ce petit nombro 
 de papiers et dans les communications faites a d autres qu a nous, que mon 
 pere a pu retrouver les documents relatifs aux evenements de la guerre 
 d Amerique, qui ont etc publics par nous, apres lui, dans ses memoires. 
 
 J esperais pourtant dans ce qui nous reste entre lea mains, retrouver 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 peut-etre quelque chose qui se rattacherait a la correspondence avec 
 1 honorable General Morgan, dont j ai ei souvent entendu parler a mon 
 pere ; mais mon esperance a ete de^ue. Je suis done oblige, je le repete, 
 de finir cette lettre comme je 1 ai commencee, en reclamant votre indul 
 gence pour mon trop long silence. 
 
 Ma veneration pour la memoire des compagnons d armes du pere que je 
 pleurerai toute ma vie, ne saurait etre douteuse ; ma respectueuse recon 
 naissance pour les fitats-Unis, ma seconde patrie, ne saurait 1 etre davan- 
 tage. Permettez moi d esperer, Monsieur, que vous ne doutez pas, non 
 plus, du desir que j aurais, de pouvoir etre agreable a un citoyen de ce 
 beau et bon pays, auquel je suis tout devoue, et du regret que j eprouve 
 de ne pouvoir accomplir le vosu de mon coeur, en vous procurant les ren- 
 seignements dont vous avez besoin. Croyez bien que si des recherches 
 nouvelies pouvaient me procurer les renseignements dont il s agit, je ne 
 tarderais pas un moment a vous les transmettre. 
 
 Veuillez agreer, Monsieur, 1 expression de ma consideration la plus dis- 
 tinguee. 
 
 Signe GEO^GK W. LAFATETTB. 
 
 A Monsieur 
 
 JAMES GRAHAM, 
 
 A la Nouvelle Orleans, 
 
 fitats-Unis d Amerique. 
 
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