SPEECHES 
 
 LJI. 
 
 AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS 
 
 THE PUBLIC DINNER 
 
 is HONOR of 
 
 SSSS 
 
 WASHINGTON, 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED 
 
 . 
 
 WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 
 
 <ttt> of 
 
 Printed at the Office of JONATHAN ELLIOT, Penniylvania Avenue. 
 
7 
 
 V- 
 
as 
 
 9 
 
 THE DINNER 
 
 iw HONOR or THE- 
 
 OP 
 
 On the 22d day of February, 1832, being the Centennial 
 Birth Day of GEORGE WASHINGTON, a number of Gentlemen, 
 from different parts of the [ nited States, honored the occasion, 
 by a Public Dinner, at Barnard s Hotel, in the City of Washington. 
 
 The arrangements for the Dinner, were made under the 
 direction of a Committee, consisting of 
 
 Mr CHAMBERS, of Maryland, 
 Mr WAGGAMAN, of Louisiana, 
 Mr LETCHER, of Kentucky, 
 Mr BATES, of Massachusetts, 
 Mr PETERS, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 According to the arrangements by this Committee, Mr WEBSTER, Senator 
 of the United States, from the State of Massachusetts, presided; and Gen. 
 CHARLES FENTON MERCER, a Representative from Virginia, Gen. WALTER 
 JONES, of the District of Columbia, and Gen. JOSEPH VANCE, a Representative 
 from Ohi< , were selected to act as Vice Presidents. 
 
 After the Dinner was removed, it was announced, by the 
 Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, that the President 
 of the Day would announce the Toasts prepared for the occasion: 
 
 MR WEBSTER, the President of the Day, then rose, and addressed the 
 Company to the following effect: 
 
 I rise, gentlemen, to propose to you the name of that great man, in com 
 memoration of whose birth, and in honor of whose character and services, we 
 have here assembled. 
 
 I am sure that I express a sentiment common to every one present when I 
 say, that there is something more than ordinarily .olernn and affecting in this 
 occasion. 
 
 930509 
 
4 
 
 %V> are met io testify our regard for him, whose name is intimateiy 
 Wended with whatever belongs most essentially to the prosperity, the liberty, 
 the free institutions, and the renown of our country. That name was of 
 power to rally a nation, in the hour of thick thronging public disasters and 
 calamities; that name shone, amid the storm of war, a beacon light, to cheer 
 atid guidt th? country s fiit nds; it flamed, too, like a meteor, to repel !.er 
 foes. That name, in the days of peace, was a loadstone, attracting to itself 
 a whole people s confidence, a whole people s love, and the whole world s re 
 spect; -that nime , . -descepdmg with all time, spread over the whole earth, and 
 Uttered in all the languages belonging to the tribes and races of men, will for 
 ever be pronounced with affectionate gratitude by every one, in whose breast 
 there shall arise an aspiration for human rights and human liberty. 
 
 We perform this grateful duty, gentlemen, at the expiration of a hundred 
 years from his birth, near the place so cherished and beloved by him, where 
 his dust now reposes, and in the capital which bears his own immortal name. 
 
 All experience evinces, that human sentiments are strongly influenced by as 
 sociations. The recurrence of anniversaries, or of longer periods of time, 
 naturally freshens the recollection, and deepens the impression, of events 
 with which they are historically connected. Renowned places, also, have a 
 power to awaken feeling, which all acknowledge. No American can pass by 
 the fields of Bunker Hill. Monmouth, or Camden, as if they were ordinary- 
 spots on the earth s surface. Whoever visits them feels the sentiment of 
 love of country kindling anew, as if the spirit that belonged to the transactions 
 wMch have rendered these places distinguished, still hovered round, with 
 power to move and excite all who in future time may approach them. 
 
 But neither of these sources of emotion equals the power with which grear 
 moral example* affect the mind When sublime virtues cease to be abstrac 
 tions, when they become embodied in human character, and exemplified in 
 human conduct, we should be false to our own nature, if we did not indulge 
 in the spontaneous effusions of our gratitude and our admiration. A true 
 lover of the virtue of patriotism delights to contemplate its purest models; 
 and that love of country may be well suspected which affects to soar so high 
 into the regions of sentiment, as to be lost and absorbed in the abstract feel 
 ing and becomes too elevated r or too refined, to glow with fervor in the com 
 mendation or the love of individual benefactors. All this is unnatural. It is 
 as it one should be so enthusiastic a lover of poetry as to care nothing for Ho 
 mer or Milton: so passionately attached to eloquence as to be indifferent to 
 Tully and Chatham: or such a devotee to the arts, in such an ecstasy with 
 the elements of beauty, proportion, and expression, as to regard the master 
 pieces of Raphael and Michael Angelo with coldness or contempt. We may 
 be assured, gentlemen, that he who really loves the thing itself, loves its finest 
 exhibitions. A true friend of his country loves her friends and benefactors, 
 and thinks it no degradation to commend and commemorate them. The vol 
 untary outpouring of the public feeling, made to-day, from the north to the 
 south, and from the east to the west, proves this sentiment to be both just 
 and natural. In the cities and in the villages, in the public temples and in 
 the family circles, among all ages and sexes, gladdened voices, to day, be 
 speak grateful hearts, and a freshened recollection of the virtues of the father 
 of his country. And it will be so. in all time-to come, so long as public vir 
 tue is itself an object of regard. The ingenuous youth of America will hold 
 up to themselves the bright model of Washington s example, and study to be 
 what thev behold; they will contemplate his character till all its virtues*spread 
 out and display themselves to their delighted vision; as the earliest astrono 
 mers, the shepherds on the plains of Babvlun, gazed at the stars till they saw 
 them form iivo clusters and constellations, overpowering at length the eyes 
 of the beholder? vith the united blaze of a thousand lights. 
 
3 
 
 Gentlemen, we are at the point of a century from the birth of Washington; 
 and what a century it has been! During its course, the human mind has 
 seemed to proceed with a sort of geometric velocity, accomplishing more thaa 
 had been done in fives or tens of centuries preceding. Washington stands* at 
 the commencement of a new era, as well as at the head of the new world. A 
 century from the birth of Washington has changed the world. The country 
 of Washington has been the theatre on which a great part of that change has 
 been wrought; and Washington himself a principal agent by which it has been 
 accomplished. His age and his country are equally full of wonders; and of 
 both he is the chief. 
 
 If thr prediction of the poet, uttered a few years before his birth, be true; 
 if indeed it be designed by Providence that the grandest exhibition of human 
 character and human affairs shall be made on this theatre of the western 
 world; if it be true that 
 
 "The four first acts already past, 
 
 " A fifth shall close the drama with the day; 
 
 " Time s nohlest offspring is the last" 
 
 how could this imposing, swelling, final scene, be appropriately op?ned, how 
 could its intense interest be adequately sustained, but by the introduction of 
 ju*r such a character as our Washington? 
 
 Washington had attained his manhood, when that spark of liberty was 
 struck -out in his own country, which has since kindled into aflame, and shot 
 ltd beams over the earth. In the flow of a century from his birth, the world 
 h.is changed in science, in arts, in the extent of commerce, in the improve 
 ment of navigation, and in all that relates to the civilization of man. But it 
 is the spirit of human freedom, the new elevation of individual man, in his 
 moral, social, and political character, leading the whole long train of other 
 improvements, which has most remarkably distinguished the era. Society, 
 in this century, has not made its progress, like Chinese skill, by a greater 
 acuteness of ingenuity in trifles; it has not merely lashed itself to an increas 
 ed speed round the old circles of thought and action; but it has assumed a 
 new character; it has raised itself from beneath governments to a participation 
 in governments; it has mixed moral arid political objects with the daily pur 
 suits of individual men; and, with a freedom and strength before altogether 
 unknown, it has applied to these objects the whole power of the human un 
 derstanding. It has been the era, in short, when the social principle has 
 triumphed over the feudal principle; when society has maintained its rights 
 against military power, and established, on foundations never hereafter to be 
 shaken, its competency to govern itself. 
 
 It was the extraordinary fortune of Washington, that, having been intrusted 
 in revolutionary times, with the supreme military command, and having fulfilled 
 that trust with equal renown for wisdom and for valor, he should be placed at 
 the head of the first Government in which an attempt was to be made, on a 
 large scale, to rear the fabric of social order on the basis of a written consti 
 tution, and of a pure representative principle. A Government was to be es 
 tablished, without a throne, without an aristocracy, without castes, orders, or 
 privileges; and this Government, instead of being a democracy, existing and 
 acting "within the walls of a single city, was to be extended over a vast coun 
 try, of different climates, interests, and habits, and of various sects and sen 
 timents of the Christian religion. The experiment certainly was entirelj 
 new. A popular Government, of this extent, it was evident, could be fram 
 ed only by carrying into full effect the principle of representation, or of dele 
 gated power; and the world was to see whether society could, by the strength 
 of this principle, maintain its own peace and good government, carry for- 
 its own grea* inter^ts, and conduct itself to political renown and glor^ 
 
6 
 
 By the benignity of Providence, this experiment, so full of interest to us and to 
 our posterity forever, so full of interest to the world, in its present generation, 
 and in all its generations to come, was suffered to commence under the guid 
 ance of Washington Destined for this high career, he was fitted for it by 
 wisdom, by virtue, by patriotism, by discretion, by what ver can inspire con 
 fidence in man toward man. In entering on the untried scenes, early disap 
 pointment, and the premature extinction of all hope of success, would have 
 been certain, had it not been that there did exist throughout the country, in a 
 most extraordinary degree, an unwavering trust in Him whose hand held the 
 helm of affairs. 
 
 I remarked, gentlemen, that the whole world was and is interested in the 
 result of this experiment. And is it not so? Do we deceive ourselves, or is 
 it true, that at this moment the career which this Government is running is 
 among the most attractive objects to the civilized world? Do we deceive our 
 selves, or is it true, that at this moment that love of liberty, and that under 
 standing of its true principles, which are flying over the whole earth, AS ou 
 the wings of all the winds, are really and truly of American origin? 
 
 At the period of the birth of Washington, there existed in Europe no po 
 litical liberty, in large communities, except the Provinces of Holland, and 
 except that England herself had set a great example, so far as it went, by 
 her glorious revolution of 1688. Every where else, despotic power was pre 
 dominant, and the feudal or military principle held the mass of mankind in 
 hopeless bondage. One half of Europe was crushed beneath the Bourbon 
 sceptre, and no conception of political liberty, no hope even of religious tole 
 ration, existed among that nation which was America s first ally. The King 
 was the State, the King was the country, the King was all. There was one 
 King, with power not derived from his People, and too high to be ques 
 tioned; and the rest were all subjects, with no political right but obedience- 
 All above was intangible power, all below quiet subjection. A recent occur* 
 rence in the French Chambers shows us how human sentiments on these sub 
 jects have changed. A Minister had spoken of the "King s subjects." "There 
 are no subjects," exclaimed hundreds of voices at once, * m a country where 
 the People make the King!" 
 
 Gentlemen, the spirit of human liberty and of free Government, nurtured 
 and grown into strength and beauty in America, has stretched its course into 
 the midst of the nations. Like an emanation from Heaven, it has gone forth, 
 and it will not return void. It must change, it is fast changing, the face of 
 the earth. Our great, our high duty, is to show, in our own example, that 
 this spirit is a spirit of health as well as a spirit of power; that its be 
 nignity is as great as its strength ; that its efficiency to secure indivi 
 dual rights, social relations, and moral order, is equal to the irresisti 
 ble force, with which it prostrates principalities and powers. The world, 
 at this moment, is regarding us with a willing, but something of a fearful admi 
 ration. Its deep and awful anxiety is to learn whether free States may be 
 stable as well as free; whether popular power may be trusted, as well as feared; 
 in short, whether wise, regular, and virtuous self-government, is a vision, for 
 the contemplation of theorists, or a truth, established, illustrated, and brought 
 into practice, in the country of Washington. 
 
 Gentlemen, for the earth which we. inhabit, and the whole circle of the sun, 
 for all the unborn races of mankind, we seem to hold in our hands, for their 
 weal or woe, the fate of this experiment. If we fail, who shall venture the 
 repetition? If ourexarnple shall prove to be one, not of encouragement, but 
 of terror not fit to be imitated, but fit only to be shunned, where else shall 
 the world look for free models? If this great Western Sun be struck out of 
 the firmament, at what other fountain shall the Lamp of Liberty hereafter be 
 lighted? What other orb shall emit a ray to glimmer, even, on the darkness 
 of the world? 
 
Gentlemen, there is no danger of our overrating, or overstating, the import 
 ant part which we are now acting in human affairs. It should not flatter our 
 personal self-respect, but it should reanimate our patriotic virtues, and in 
 spire us with a deeper and more solemn sense, both of our privileges and 
 of our duties. We cannot wish better for our country, nor for the world, than 
 that the same spirit which influenced Washington, may influence all who suc 
 ceed him; and that that same blessing from above, which attended his efforts, 
 may also attend theirs. 
 
 The principles of Washington s Administration are not left doubtful. 
 They are to be found in the constitution itself, in the great measures recom 
 mended and approved by him, in his speeches to Congress, and in that most 
 interesting paper, his Farewell Address to the people of the United States. 
 The success of the Government under his Administration is the highest proof 
 of the soundness of these principles. And, after an experience of thirty-five 
 years, what is there, which an enemy could condemn what is there, which 
 either his friends, or the friends of the country, could wish to have been other 
 wise? I speak, of course, of great measures and leading principles. 
 
 In the first place, all his measures were right in intent. He stated the 
 whole basis of his own great character, when he told the country, in the home 
 ly phrase of the proverb, that honesty is the best policy. One of the most 
 striking things ever said of him, is, "that he changed mankind s ileas of politi 
 cal greatness " To commanding talent, and to success, the common ele 
 ments of such greatness, he added a disregard of self, a spotlessness of mo 
 tive, a steady submission to every public and private duty, which threw far in 
 to the shade the whole crowd of vulgar great. The object of his regard was 
 the whole country. No part of it was enough to fill his enlarged patriotism. 
 His love of glory, so far as that may be supposed to have influenced him at 
 all, spurned every thing short of general approbation. It would have been 
 nothing to him, that his partizans or his favorites outnumbered, or outvoted, 
 or out manage , or outclamored, those of other leaders. He had no favorites 
 he rejected all partizanship; and, acting honestly for the universal good, he 
 deserved, what he has so richly enjoyed, the universal love. 
 
 His principle it was to act right, and to trust the People for support; his 
 principle it was not, to follow the lead of sinister and selfish ends, and 1 1 re 
 ly on the little arts of party delusion to obtain public sanction for such a 
 course. Born for his country, and for the world, he did not give up to party 
 what was meant for mankind. The consequence is, that his fame is as dura 
 ble as his principles, as lasting as truth and virtue themselves. While the 
 hundreds whom party excitement, and temporary circumstances, and casual 
 combinations, have raised into transient notoriety, sink again, like thin bub 
 bles, bursting and dissolving into the great ocean, Washington s fame is like 
 the rock, which bounds that ocean, and at whose feet its billows are destined 
 to break harmlessly forever. 
 
 The maxims upon which Washington conducted our foreign relations were 
 few and simple. The first, was an entire and indisputable impartiality towards 
 foreign States. He adhered to this rule of public conduct, against very 
 strong inducements to der-art from it, and when the popularity of the mo 
 ment seemed to favor such a departure. In the next place, he maintained true 
 dignity, and unsullied honor, in all communications with foreign States. It was 
 among the high duties devolved upon him, to introduce our new Government 
 into the circle of civilized States, arid powerful nations. Not arrogant or 
 assuming, with no unbecoming or supercilious bearing, he yet exacted for it, 
 from all others, entire and punctilious respect. He demanded, and he ob 
 tained at once, a standing of perfect equality for his country, in the society 
 of nations; nor was there a prince or potentate of his day, whose personal 
 
8 
 
 character carried with it, into the intercourse with other States, a greater de 
 gree of respect and veneration. 
 
 He regarded other nations only, as they stood in political relations to us. 
 With their internal affairs, their political parties and dissensions, he scrupu 
 lously abstained, from all interference; and, on the other hand,he spiritedly re 
 pelled all such interference by others with us or our concerns. His sternest 
 rebuke the most indignant measure of his whole Administration was aitn- 
 ed against such an attempted interference. He felt it, as an attempt to wound 
 the national honor, and resented it accordingly. 
 
 The reiterated admonitions, in his Farewell Address, show his deep fears, 
 that foreign influence would insinuate itself into our councils, through the 
 cha -nels of domestic dissensions, and obtain a sympathy with our own tempo 
 rary parties. Against all such dangers, he most earnestly entreats the coun 
 try t< guard itself. He appeals to its patriotism, to its self respect, to its 
 own honor, to every consideration connected with its welfare and happim ss, 
 to resist, at the ver\ beginning, all tendencies toward such connection of fo 
 reign interests, with our own affairs. With a tone of earnestness, nowhere 
 else found, even in his last affectionate farewell advice to his countrymen, he 
 says * fc Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (1 conjure you to be- 
 "lieve me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constant^ 
 "/y awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one 
 "of the most baneful foes of republican government." 
 
 Lastly, on the subject of foreign relations, Washington never forgot that 
 we had interests peculiar to ourselves. The primary political concerns of 
 Europe, he saw, did not affect us. We had nothing to do with her balance 
 of power, her family compacts, or her successions to thrones. We were pla 
 ced in a condition favorable to neutrality, during European wars, and to the 
 enjoyment of all the great advantages of that relation. "Why, then," he 
 asks us, * fi why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation. Why quit our 
 "own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny 
 " with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the 
 " toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?" 
 
 Indeed, gentlemen, Washington s Farewell Address is full of truths, im 
 portant at all times, and particularly deserving consideration at the present. 
 With a sagacity which brought the future before him, and made it like the 
 present, nesaw and pointed out the dangers that even at this moment most 
 imminently threaten us. I hardly know how a greater service of that kind 
 could now be done to the community than by a renewed and wide diffusion of 
 tha- admirable paper, and an earnest invitation to every man in the country to 
 r-peruse and consider it.* Its political maxims are invaluable; its exhorta 
 tion to love of country and to brotherly affection among citizens, touching ; 
 and the solemnity with which it urges the observance of moral duties, and 
 impresses the power of religious^obligation, gives to it the highest character 
 of truly disinterested, sincere, parental advice. 
 
 The domestic policy of Washington found its pole star in the avowed ob 
 jects of the constitution itself He sought so to administer that constitution, 
 as to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquil 
 lity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, arid se 
 cure the blessings of liberty. These were objects, interesting, in the highest 
 degree, to the whole country, and his policy embraced the whole countrv. 
 ^ Among his earliest and most important duties, was <he organization of the 
 Government itself, the choice of his confidential advisers, and the various 
 appointments to office. This duty, so important and delicate, when a whole 
 Government was to be organized,* and all its offices for the firs; time filled, 
 was yet not difficult to him; for he had no sinister ends to accomplish. rro 
 ? See the end of these proceedings for a copy of the FareweTl Address? 
 
Clamorous partizans to gratify, no pledges to redeem, no object to be regard* 
 ed, bi<t Kim pi v *he public good It was a plain, straight forward niat.ier a 
 inert- honest choice of good men, for the public service. 
 
 His own singleness of purpose, his disinterested patriotism, were evinced 
 by the selection of his first Cabinet, and by the manner in which he filled the 
 Courts of Justice, and other places ot high trust. He sought for men fu for 
 offices ; not for offices which might suit men. Above personal considerations, 
 above local considerations, above party considerations, he felt that he could 
 only discharge the sacred trust which the country had placed in his hands, by 
 a diligent inquiry after real merit, and a conscientious preference of virtue 
 and talent. The whole country was the field of his selection. He explored 
 that whole field, looking only for whatever it contained most worthy and dis 
 tinguished. He was, indeed, most successful, and he deserved success, for 
 the purity of his motives, the liberality of his sentiments, and his enlarged 
 and manly policy. 
 
 Washington s Administration established the national credit, made provi 
 sion for the public debt, and for that patriotic army whose interests and wel 
 fare were always so dear to him ; and by laws wisely framed, and of admira 
 ble effect, raised the commerce and navigation of the country, almost at once, 
 from depression and ruin, to a state of prosperity. Nor were his eyes open 
 to these interests alone. He viewed with equal concern its agriculture and 
 manufactures, and so far as they came within the regular exercise ot the pow 
 ers of this Government, they experienced regard and favor. 
 
 It should not be omitted, gentlemen, even in this slight reference to the 
 general measures and general principles of the first President, that he saw 
 and felt the full value and importance of the Judicial Department of the Go 
 vernment. An upright and able administration of the laws, he held to be alike 
 indispensible to private happiness and public liberty. The temple of Justice, 
 in his judgment, was a sacred place, and he would profane and pollute it, who 
 should assign any to minister in it, not spotless in character, not incorruptible 
 in integrity, not competent by talent and learning, not fit objects of unhesi 
 tating trust. 
 
 Among other admonitions, Washington has left us, in his last communica 
 tion to his country, an exhortation against the excesses of party-spirit. A 
 fire not to be quenched, he yet conjures us not to fan and feed the flame Un 
 doubtedly, gentlemen, it is the greatest danger of our system, and of our 
 time Undoubtedly, if that system should be overthrown, it will be the work 
 of excessive party-spirit, acting on the Government, which is dangerous 
 enough, or acting in the Government, which is a thousand times more dan 
 gerous; for Government then becomes nothing but organized party, and in 
 the strange vicissitudes of human affairs, it may come at last, perhaps, to ex 
 hibit the singular paradox of Go eminent itself beingin opposition to its own 
 powers, at war with the very elements of its own existence. Such cases are 
 hopeless. As men may be protected against murder, but cannot be guarded 
 against suicide, so Government may be shielded from the assaults of external" 
 foes, but nothing can save it, when it chooses to lay violent hands on itself. 
 
 Finally, gentlemen, there was in the breast of Washington one sentiment 
 so deeply felt, so constantly uppermost, that no proper occasion escaped 
 without its utterance. From the letter which he signed, in behalf of the Con 
 vention, when the Constitution was sent out to the people, to the moment 
 when he put his hand to that last paper, in which he addressed his country 
 men, the Union the Union, was the great object of his thoughts. In that 
 first letter, he tells them, that to him, and his brethern of the Convention, 
 Union appears to be the greatest interest of every true American ; and in that 
 paper he cxmjares them to regard that unitv of Government* which corT* 
 
10 
 
 atitutes them one People, as the very palladium of their prosperity and safety* 
 and the security of liberty itself. He regarded the Union of these States, 
 not so much one of our blessings, as the great treasure-house which contained 
 them all. Here, in his judgment, was the great magazine of all our means 
 of prosperity ; here, as he thought, and as every American still thinks are 
 deposited all our animating prospects, all our solid hopes for future greatness. 
 He has taught us to maintain this Union, not by seeking to enlarge the pow 
 ers of the Government, on the one hand, nor by surrendering them on the 
 other ; but by an administration of them, at once firm and moderate, adopt 
 ed for objects truly national, and carried on in a spirit of justice and 
 equity. 
 
 The extreme solicitude for the preservation of the Union, at all times ma 
 nifested by him, shows, not only the opinion he entertained of its usefulness^ 
 but his clear perception of those causes which were likely to spring up to en 
 danger it, and which, if once they should overthrow the present system, 
 would leave little hope of any future beneficial re union. Of all the presump 
 tions indulged by presumptuous man, that is one of the rashest, which looks 
 for repeated and favorable opportunities for the deliberate establishment of 
 a United Government over distinct and widely extended communities. Such 
 a thing has happened once, in human affairs, and but once : the event stands 
 out, as a prominent exception to all ordinary history ; and unless we suppose 
 ourselves running into an age of miracles, we may not expect its repetition. 
 
 Washington, therefore, could regard, and did regard, nothing as of para 
 mount political interest, but the integrity of the union itself. With a united 
 government, well administered, he sr-aw we had nothing to fear; and without 
 it, nothing to hope. The sentiment is just, and its momentous truth should 
 solemnly impress the whole country. It we might regard our country as per 
 sonated in the spirit of Washington, if we might consider him as representing 
 her, in her past renown, her present prosperity, and her future career, and as 
 in that character demanding of us all, to account for our conduct, as political 
 men, or as private citizens, how should he answer him, who has ventured to 
 talk of disunion and dismemberment? Or, how should he answer him, who 
 dwells perpetually on local interests, and fans every kindling flame of local 
 prejudice? How should he answer him, who would array state against state, 
 interest against interest, and party against party, carelessof the continuance 
 of that unity of government which constitutes us one people? 
 
 Gentlemen, the political prosperity which this country has attained, and 
 \vhich it now enjoys, it has acquired mainly through the instrumentality of 
 the present government. While this agent continues, the capacity of attain 
 ing to still higher degrees of prosperity exists also. We have, while this 
 lasts, a political life, capable of beneficial exertion, with power to resist or 
 overcome misfortunes, to sustain us against the ordinary accidents of human 
 affairs, and to promote, by active efforts, every public interest. But dismem 
 berment strikes at the very being which preserves these faculties. It would 
 lay its rude and ruthless hand on this great agent itself. It would sweep 
 away, not only what we possess, but all power of regaining lost, or acquiring 
 new, possessions. It would leave the country, not only bereft of its prosperity 
 and happiness, but without limbs, or organs, or faculties, by which to exert 
 itself, hereafter, in the pursuit of that prosperity and happiness. 
 
 Other misfortunes may be borne, or their effects overcome. If disastrous 
 yar should sweep our commerce from the ocean, another generation may renew 
 it; if it exhaust our treasury, future industry may replenish it; if it desolate and 
 lay waste our fields, still, under a new cultivation, they will grow green 
 again, and ripen to future harvests. It were but a trifle, even if the walls of 
 yonder Capitol were to crumble, if its lofty pillars should fall, and its gor- 
 
11 
 
 geous decorations be all covered by the dust of the valley. All these might 
 be rebuilt. But who shall reconstruct the fabric of demolished government? 
 Who shall rear again the well-proportioned columns of constitutional liberty? 
 Who shall frame together the skilful architecture which unites national sove 
 reignty with state rights^ individual security, and public prosperity? No, 
 gentlemen, if these columns fall, they will be raised not again. Like the Col- 
 ioseum and the Parthenon, they will be destined to a mournful -a melancholy 
 immortality. Bitterer tears, however, will flow over them, than were ever 
 shed over the monuments of Roman or Grecian art; for they will be the rem 
 nants of a more glorious edifice, than Greece or Rome ever saw the edifice 
 of constitutional American liberty. 
 
 But, gentlemen, let us hope for better things. Let us trust in that gracious 
 Being who has hitherto held our country, as in the hollow of his hand Let 
 Us trust to the virtue and the intelligence of the people, and to the efficacy of 
 religious obligation. Let us trust to the influence of Washington s example. 
 Let us hope that that fear of heaven, which expels all other fear, and that re 
 gard to duty, which transcends all other regard, may influence public men 
 and private citizens, and lead our country still onward in her happy career. 
 Full of these gratifying anticipations and hopes, let us look forward to the end 
 of that century which is now COM menced. A hundred years hence, other 
 disciples of Washington will celebrate his birth, with no less of sincere admi 
 ration than we now commemorate it. When they shall meet, as we now 
 meet, to do themselves and him that honor, so surely as they shall see the 
 blue summits of his native mountains rise in the horizon, so surely as they 
 shall behold the river on whose banks he lived, and on whose banks he rests, 
 still flowing to the sea so surely may they see, as we now see, the flag of the 
 Union floating on the top of the Capitol; and then, as now, may the sun in his 
 course visit no land more free, more happy, more lovely, than this our own 
 country ! 
 
 Gentlemen, I propose 
 
 44 &J)* jwemorg of eorur Sffilasijfnfltom" 
 
 After this address and toast, which were received with the warmest testi 
 monials of approbation by the company, the President announced in succession 
 the following toasts: 
 
 2. The memory of James Otis and Patrick Henry, "whofirst moved the ball of the Revolution." 
 
 3. Samuel Adams and John Hancock; they received the first honors of the Revolution pros 
 cription, iu the cause of their country . 
 
 4. The memory of Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson; no honors can 
 equal their merits, no eulogy enhance their fame. 
 
 5. The statesmen and heroes of the Revolution the companions of Washington, in war and peace 
 C. The old Continental Congress, who conducted the country, through trial and disaster, in 
 
 war and in peace, to Independence and Union. 
 
 7. The Survivors of the Army of the Revolution; " An army which did and suflercd more 
 than any other army ever did, in defence of the rights and liberties of human nature." 
 
 ( Washington s letter to Congress, IS/A March, 1783.) 
 
 8. The patriot hero, * who conducted the great military contest of the revolution with wisdom 
 and fortitude, invariably regarding the rightsof the civil power, through all disasters and changes." 
 (Reply of the President of Congress to Gen. Washington s address, on resigning liis commission.) 
 
 9. France, the first and only ally of the United States; she generously aided our fathers in their 
 struggles for liberty she has our sympathy in her own. 
 
 The President of the day then announced to the company that an invitation 
 2 
 
to this dinner had been extended by the committee of arrangements to the 
 Pre.sidentof the United States, to which the following: reply ha! been received: 
 
 WASHINGTON, 21st Feb. 1832. 
 
 Gentlemen: I regret to be compelled to decline the invitation with which you have favored me, 
 to partake of the dinner proposed to be given by a number of gentlemen, to-morrow, at Barnard s 
 Hotel, in honor "of the principles and memory of General Washington." 
 
 Very respectfully, &c. your ob t servant, ANDREW JACKSON. 
 Messrs E. Chambers, George A. Waggaman, Rrtb. P. Letcher, Peters, I. C. Bates. 
 
 The chair then announced the following toast by the committee of arrange 
 ments. 
 
 10. " THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES " 
 
 This toast having been drank, the following additional toasts were drank: 
 
 11. General Lafayette, the consistent friend of liberty in both hemispheres: unbroken by dis^- 
 aster, uncorrupted by success: the worthy scholar of the best of schools the school of Washington 
 
 12. JAMES MADISON, the father of the Constitution; and the memory of his illustrious associates 
 Alexander Hamilton and John Jay. 
 
 13. The Memory of JAMES MONROE. 
 
 14. Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, the only surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 The chair then stated that an invitation to this festival had been extended 
 to the Chief Justice and the Associate Judges of the Supreme Court of the 
 United State*, from whom the following reply had been received: 
 
 Mr Chief Justice MARSH AH, and the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court, return their 
 respectful compliments to the honorable MI* Chambers and the other members of the Committee 
 of Arrangements who superintend the Celebration of the 22d instant, a-.id regret that circumstances 
 prevent their accepting the polite invitation of the Committee, to dine with themselves, and with 
 the gentlemen they represent at Barnard s, at five on Wednesday. 
 Feb. 21st, 1S32. 
 
 Mr WAUSHALL says for himself, that no occasion could be presented, in which he would feel 
 more interest, or be more strongly disposed to participate in the enjoyments of the day, were he 
 now capable of tasting them. But his total unfitncss for company, his entire inability to commu 
 nicate or receive pleasure must be his apology for declining an invitation, which, under other 
 circumstances, he would certainly accept. 
 
 The following toasts were then drank, with the strongest marks of approba 
 tion, by all the company: 
 
 15. The Chief Justice of the United States, the friend and biographer of Washington, the great 
 expounder of the Constitution. 
 
 16. The Supreme Court of the United States, clothed by the Constitution with the most high 
 and delicate functions, they have sustained themselves for forty years in the full possession of 
 public confidence. 
 
 The remainder of the prepared toasts were then given as follows: 
 
 17. The Union of the States: " The Unity of the Government, which constitutes us one people. 
 Is the main pillar in the edifice of our real independence, the support of tranquility at home, of 
 peace abroadof safety, of prosperity, and liberty "(Washington s farewell address.) 
 
 18. Washington s theory of the Constitution: "It is obviously impracticable in the federal go^ 
 vermuent of these States to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide 
 for the interest and safety of all." The letter of Washington, as President of the Federal Con 
 vention, transmitting the Constitution to Congress, September, 1787. 
 
 19. "The greatest interest of eveiy true American; the Consolidation of our Union, in which 
 are involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, and perhaps our national existence." The same letter, 
 
 Tht- chair then announced that an invitation to this dinner had been exten 
 ded by he committee of arrangements, to the Vice President of the United 
 States, from whom the following reply had been received: 
 
13 
 
 The VICE PRESIDENT has had the honor to receive the invitation of Mr Chambers, Mr Wagga* 
 man, Mr Leicher, Mr Peters, and Mr Bates, to join them, with a number of other gentlemen, on 
 Wednesday, the 22d inst. at dinner, at Barnard s, and regrets that it is not in his power to accept 
 their invitation. 
 
 The chair then announced, as from the committee of arrangements, the 
 following toast: 
 
 "THE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES." 
 
 The chair next stated, by direction of the committee of arrangements, that 
 an invitation to this di .ner had been extended to JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, late 
 President of the UnitedStates,from whom the following reply had been received: 
 
 WASHINGTON, 21st Feb y, 1832. 
 Messrs Chambers, Waggaman, Letcher, Bates, Peters: 
 
 Gentlemen: Accept my grateful acknowledgements, and have the goodness to present them to 
 (he gentlemen associated with you for the celebration of the great Centennial Anniversary by a 
 public dinner, for the honor done me by the obliging invitation to attend on this festive occasion, 
 as your guest. 
 
 I regret that the infirm state of my health will deprive me of the pleasure which I should have 
 enjoyed by compliance with your kind proposal. It admonishes me to avoid the exposure of the 
 night from home. But my heart will be with you, and, instead of my personal attendance, I offer 
 you the following, as a sentiment suited to the occasion: 
 
 " Progressive Improvement in the Condition of Man, from Washington s Birth-day, to thi^: 
 May its march to the next Centennial Anniversary be FORWARD." 
 
 Most respectfully, your friend, J. Q. ADAMS. 
 
 The president of the day then announced, under the instruction of the com 
 mittee of arrangements, the following toast: 
 
 JOHN QCINCY ADAMS, late President of the United States." 
 
 According to the arrangements by the committee, the gentlemen whose 
 toasts will be found in the sequel, were successively called upon by the 
 president of the day, for sentiments due to the occasion. And first 
 
 Mr JOHNSTON, of Louisiana, was called upon by the president for a 
 speech, but apologized for not being prepared, as his time had been occupied 
 during the last two days in making the necessary preparations for this occa 
 sion. In place of a speech, he offered the following sentiment 
 
 " VIRGINIA, the birth place of WASHINGTON: She claims to be the depository of his remains, 
 11 The tomb contains all that once was Washington, except his glory: that is the rich inheritance 
 of his country." 
 
 Mr JAMES BARBOUR, of Va. being called upon by the President for a 
 toast, rose and addressed the Company nearly as follows: 
 
 I yield ready obedience to the call which has been made upon me, on the 
 uniform principle of my every act respect for the constituted authorities 
 of which I cannot give a higher evidence, than by consenting to follow the 
 gentlemen that have preceded me, unused as I now am to public speaking. 
 
 I view it as an evidence of rny greatly good fortune, that it has been per 
 mitted to me to unite with this company, for whom I entertain so much re 
 gard, in doing honor to the memory of Washington A hundred years have 
 expired since his birth; and many have interposed since his death; and yet, 
 thirteen millions of People, animated with an increased zeal, have gone forth 
 to-day, to pour out their grateful hearts as an offering to his surpassing worth. 
 And thus Time, which is consuming the fame of others, is adding to that of 
 Washington. 
 
\, 
 
 14 
 
 In exploring the cause of suck abiding and universal veneration, philan 
 thropy finds ample occasion for consolation and joy. She feels, that it arises 
 not from a servile sycophancy, nor from the sordid abasement which humbles 
 itself before present power, in hopes of reward; but, that it is the offering of 
 pure and disinterested gratitude to the greatest benefactor of mankind. Rea 
 son and philosophy lend their sanction to such a tribute full of honor alike 
 to the giver and receiver. It is not that every where paid to a mere success 
 ful general. For, whatever claims Washington may have had for military 
 services, they sink into nothing, when compared with his civic virtues. A suc 
 cessful general is of ordinary occurrence, and the product of every age. But, 
 it was reserved for Washington, in the midst of civil war, in every emergen 
 cy both in adverse and prosperous circumstances to practice the great 
 principle of republics a subordination of the military to the civil authority 
 and, finally, to seize the first fit occasion that offered, to lay his wreaths and 
 his power on the altar of an emancipated country. 
 
 Brutus has been honored by the applause of the patriots of every succeeding 
 age, for having plunged the avenging steel in the bosom of an usurping gene 
 ral an act, in the poet s eve, more sublime " than planets, suns, and ada 
 mantine spheres, wheeling unshaken through the void immense" but Wash 
 ington surpassed Brutus; for he triumphed over himself. In the whole course 
 of rny reading, I have seen nothing, that addressed itself with such anirre- 
 sistable pathos to my feelings, as Washington resigning his commission and 
 retiring; to private life. I actually performed a pilgrimage to Annapolis a 
 cotemporary pointed to the particular spot where the august scene occurred 
 there, I involuntarily exclaimed, his monument should be erected for, 
 there he consummated his glory! From that point a new and hitherto un 
 trodden path to fame commenced, ^roin that time Washington ceased to be 
 long exclusively to Virginia, his birtl -place, or to America, his country. He 
 was now the property of the human race; at whose head he was placed, by 
 their universal acclaim. And, although his example may be but ieebly imi 
 tated by groSvSer natures yet his character has become a barometer of the 
 moral world; and by it are calculated the claims of others on the gratitude of 
 mankind. It stands, a shining example to the nations of the earth, destined 
 to survive the convulsions of states, and the overthrow of republics; and, at 
 which, after an intervening eclipse, future patriots will rekindle the extin 
 guished lamps of Liberty 
 
 With what delight did we listen to our worthy presiding officer, when he 
 opened the second drama, in which Washington acted so conspicuous a part! 
 Those halcyon days form a moral crisis amid the desolation of time. Thir 
 teen iutant republics, guided alone by its intelligence, and virtue, and love 
 ofliberty, uniting their destiny, by a new form of Government, whose linea 
 ments proclaim the most majestic eitbrt of the human mind its administra 
 tion committed to Washington, the tutelary genius of America and charged 
 with the future hopes of man! With what anxious, fearful hopes did the op 
 pressed of the earth gaze on this prodigy, in the twilight of its birth; but 
 when it began to rise in grandeur above the horizon, and pursue its upward 
 path to the high place assigned it, in the constellation of nations in its ascent, 
 becoming more and more brilliant, till its effulgent rays penetrated the darkest 
 and uttermost corners of the earth, with what rapturous hosannas was its pro 
 gress hailed! Washington nursed in its infancy, with a parent s care, this 
 great scheme of human happiness, and reared it to maturity. Would to God, 
 his mantle had fallen on all his successorsJ-^-Vain and extravagant wish! His 
 like, I fear, we shall see no more. 
 
 I will only add, that the name of Washington is as dear to Union as to 
 liberty terms which, to an American patriot, should bo synonymous. His 
 
15 
 
 legacy to his countrymen, teems in every paragraph with this great and valued 
 political truth. 
 
 It has exercised a most beneficent influence on our best and dearest hopes, 
 and will continue so to do, till Providence withdraws from us the light of 
 His countenance. Let us, then, identify the name of Washington with Un 
 ion, and hold the enemies of the one, the enemies of the other. 
 
 On such an occasion as this, we will turn away from contemplating the pos 
 sibility of such a calamity. If the Athenian lawgiver thought it unnecessary t 
 provide against parricide, the virtue and intelligence of the American people 
 must relieve us from the apprehension of a more atrocious crime We will 
 rather indulge the hope, that each revolving year will be solemnized with an 
 universal festival to the memory of Washington: that the absorbing theme 
 every where will be Union and Liberty; and, that the same sentiments 
 which have been so enthusiastically received among us to-night may continue 
 to animate succeeding generations, till time shall be no more! 
 
 The following sentiment was then given by Mr. B. 
 
 " May Disciples of the Washington School rise up among every oppressed People, and Iea4 
 them out of bondage!" 
 
 THE PRESIDENT OF THE DAY now rose, and said 
 
 Gentlemen, the associations of this day, the great names to which we have 
 done honor, and especially the patriotic, affecting, and truly American speech 
 we have just heard, impel me to pro pose to you the following toast: 
 
 * The ancient Commonwealth of Virginia." 
 
 Mr. HUNFINGTON. of Connecticut, being then called upon, rose, and 
 said In responding to the call of the Chair, I avail myself of the opportuni 
 ty it affords, to suggest some thoughts connected with the sentiment which 
 I shall propose, and which, I trust, are in unison with the occasion on which 
 we have convened. 
 
 Assembled to commemorate the birth of the greatest earthly benefactor of 
 our beloved country, and to honor the natal day of him, the memory of whose 
 transcendant worth, will remain as long as the records of American history 
 shall endure, no occasion can be more suitable than this, to meditate on the 
 great principles which guided him in the discharge of all his public duties, 
 which were inculcated by his example, his counsel, and his acts, which were 
 embodied in his " Farewell Address," and left as a rich legacy to his fellow- 
 citizens^ and to renew our pledges of attachment and devotion to our c >m- 
 mon country, its union, its liberty, and its interests, which those principles 
 are so eminently calculated to foster. 
 
 Among the many wise counsels which our Washington has left on record, 
 for the benefit of his countrymen, no one holds a more prominent place, than 
 that which inculcates the duties of " respect for the authority, compliance 
 with the laws, and acquiescence in the measures" of the Government which 
 the PEOPLE have established, expressed in the forms which the constitution, 
 made and ratified by them, had prescribed. If there was any one subject, 
 on which, more than any other, he dwelt with intense interest, deep solici 
 tude, and affectionate entreaty, it was that which has reference to the preser 
 vation of the UNION the foundations of which were laid in the constitution, 
 and which can be dissolved, only by wantonly disregarding, or openly violat 
 ing the fundamental principle, that it is the duty of every individual to obey 
 the Government established by the PEOPLE, u until changed by an authentic 
 act of the WHOLE PEOPLE." Hence, his repeated admonitions to discounte 
 nance whatever had a tendency to lessen the value of our Union or, in the 
 remotest degree, to impair the confidence of the public in its indispensable ne- 
 
\ 
 
 cessityto preserve our liberty and national prosperity or to weaken the lig 
 ament which binds us together, as ONE people or to create an impression, 
 that under any circumstances, our union can be abandoned. With almost a 
 prophetic eye, he surveyed the future, and foresaw, that the time might ar 
 rive, when sectional feefings would be indulged local prejudices fostered 
 State pride assume the language of menace State power be invoked to re 
 sistance, when an appeal would be made to sectional interests, to the spirit 
 of party; when faction would exert all its energies to accomplish its unlawful 
 purposes when artifice would be resorted to, to weaken or destroy the con 
 viction, that without union there is ne security for liberty when attempts 
 would be made to spread the poison of disunion throughout the country. All 
 this, the * Father of his country " anticipated might happen; and he warned 
 his fellow-citizens of its disastrous result; and all the energies of his mind 
 were collected and concentrated in the effort to persuade them, that so long 
 as they cherished a devoted attachment to the Union, and frowned on any at 
 tempt to remove this foundation stone of their liberty and prosperity; so long 
 as they sustained, by their united efforts, the constitution of their own choice, 
 and preserved, in their purity, the principles on which it was based, and 
 should be administered, and brought to their aid the indispensable supports 
 of religion and morality, they would remain a free, prosperous, and happy 
 people. It is the part of wisdom to listen te these admonitions; to look criti 
 cally at the "signs of the times;" and to renew our exertions to sustain the 
 the great elementary principles on which our Government is founded, and 
 which were pressed on our consideration, so often, so earnestly, and with so 
 much affection, by our departed Washington. Every friend to his country, 
 and its institutions, whatever may be his station or occupation, is called upon 
 to contribute his aid to 4k build up the waste places;" to see that the "ancient 
 landmarks" are not removed; to gather round our ark of political liberty; to 
 give support and strength to our union; and to awaken a spirit which will effect 
 ually defeat every open or covert attempt to alienate the affections of the people 
 from that constitution of Governmeut, which, by the goodness of Providence, 
 has bestowed on our nation so many blessings. Should efforts be made, by 
 " internal or external enemies," to weaken the bond of our Union; to cut 
 asunder the chain which holds us together as one people; to demolish the 
 inain pillar in our political edifice; to reduce us to the condition of weak, 
 conflicting confederacies if indications should appear, that a crisis was ap 
 proaching, when every thing we hold dear, connected with our civil rights, 
 and our national prosperity, were in danger of being forever lost to us; when 
 the hopes of departed patriots, that our Union would be perpetual, would 
 seem about to be extinguished; when opinions should be openly avowed, and 
 political theories advanced, which, in their practical effects, would be subver 
 sive of the unity of our Government, it should be equally the duty and the 
 privilege of all who love the memory, and revere the principles of Washing 
 ton, not to suffer a precious inheritance, acquired by the sufferings and blood 
 of their ancestors, and enriched by the counsels and efforts of statesmen and 
 patriots, to be lost by their pusillanimity, or neglect. And imperious is the 
 obligation which rests on every good citizen, to watch, with unceasing vigil 
 ance, every movement towards disunion, and to crush every effort to make us 
 a divided people. 
 
 On this day, devoted to the commemoration of the birth of the illustrious 
 individual, whose every feeling was for his country, and the perpetuity of its 
 union, it becomes every AMERICAN, to lay his hand on the altar dedicated to 
 that Union, and there renew his solemn pledge, to be faithful to the constitu 
 tionto defend it against the attacks of its epen enemies, and its pretended 
 
17 
 
 friendsto sustain it, in the full exercise of its legitimate powers, and to 
 transmit it, unimpaired, to posterity. 
 
 It is in this spirit, and with feelings prompted by the occasion, which has, at 
 this time, brought us together, that I propose the following sentiment: 
 
 " OUR NATIONAL UNIOJT May ardent attachment to the principles on which it was formed, 
 and a fixed determination to preserve them unimpaired, ever be a test of American patriotism." 
 
 Mr NEWTON, representative from Virginia, then rose, in compliance 
 with a ca!l from the chair, and addressed the company as follows: I obey, 
 Mr President, with the same promptitude that others have, the call made on 
 me for a toast. As it was unlooked for, it takes me by surprise. On your 
 patience I shall not venture 10 trespass. For after what we have heard, and 
 admired, what is left for me to utter? what ian I say, were I competent to 
 the task? If eloquence were necessary to give lustre to the fame and worth 
 of him whose centennial birth day we commemorate, all its powers and pathos 
 have been exhausted. The example which Washington exhibited through 
 life, in all its varied scenes, speaks eloquently speaks, with resistless force, 
 to every understanding. It awakens emulation it inspires every breast with 
 sentiments of ardent patriotism. In every action of his life, his object was to 
 promote the welfare of the people of the United States. No local considera 
 tions and feelings diverted him from it. Can such a character, as rare as a 
 miracle, deserve less than a nation s gratitude? From every part of this 
 union, we see, assembled here, citizens who nobly contend with each other 
 who shall honor and revere most the name and virtues of the father of his 
 country. Grateful, indeed, are my feelings, Mr President, that a citizen of 
 my native state should have performed actions that have given to every citi 
 zen, in every state of the union, brotherly affections for him, and made him, 
 not the isolated and distinguished citizen of a particular state, but the great 
 patron and benefactor of all. His first object, when independence was won, 
 was to perpetuate it. He, with many of those who assisted to achieve it, 
 formed the constitution. He strongly recommended its adoption; and when 
 it was ratified by the people of the several states, he was unanimously chosen 
 the first president under it. If this nation enjoys more political consideration 
 and freedom if civil liberty and the rights of man are better secured, better 
 understood, and more firmly established here than in anj other nation, we 
 owe, under Providence, to Washington and his coadjutors, such national 
 blessings. Let us appreciate them as we should, and look to the constitution 
 of rhe United States as the ark in which is deposited the vital and animating 
 spirit that alone can preserve and perpetuate them. 
 
 Mr President, permit me to give a toast: 
 
 " The Constitution of the Umted States ESTO PEHPETUA!" 
 
 Mr Senator HOLMES having been in turn called upon said: Mr Presi 
 dent, when we reflect how much our liberty depends on virtue and intelligence, 
 and how much these depend on the instructions and example of wives and 
 mothers, it cannot be deemed improper on great political occasions to call them 
 to our special remembrance. It is, at this time, peculiarly appropriate to 
 most of us, who are so long excluded from domestic endearments. But, as 
 this is a subject too delicate for a speech, and as I have embraced what I 
 would say in the sentiment I shall give, I take the liberty to present you the 
 following: 
 
 "OUR LADIES May they continue to frown at vice, and to cherish and reward virtue; and 
 thus contribute to perpetuate THAT WBERTX which OUR WASHINGTON contributed, so mnch, tn 
 achieve. 7 
 ifiinJ JbOtll ^Jfe.u U/ ! : iJJ!Jiiu 
 
18 
 
 Mr STORER, of Ohio, being called upon, said, in substance It is not 
 usual with us, in the west, to make speeches on offering a sentiment; but, as 
 explanatory of that which I am about to propose, I will just remark,that the trav 
 eller on the National Road from Cumberland to Wheeling will have observed, 
 a little west of the Laurel Mountain, a spot, still known by the name of Fort 
 Necessity: and a little farther westward will be pointed out to him another 
 spot, celebrated as the field of Braddock s defeat. With this explanation, I 
 propose 
 
 "THE WEST: As she first witnessed the valor of Washington, she will be the last to abandon 
 his fame or his principles." 
 
 Mr Senator SPRAGUE, of Maine, was then called upon, and addressed 
 the company. It might be supposed, (he began by saying,) that a subject 
 which has attracted the attention and elicited remarks from such gentlemen 
 as those who have already addressed us, must be entirely exhausted; and so 
 indeed it would, were it one of ordinary import. But the memory of W r ash- 
 ington is a mine of moral and intellectual wealth of such richness and extent, 
 as can never be exhausted, however numerous and efficient the*laborers. 
 
 In contemplating his character, as a subject of eulogium, the mind is over 
 whelmed with a conscious inability to fathom and embrace it. Indeed it 
 would require powers approximating to those of the great original himself, 
 fully to comprehend and appreciate it. 
 
 In attempting to select some peculiar and distinguishing endowment for ad 
 miration and remark, we find that all the qualities of greatness and goodness 
 are so fully and equally blended, as to produce an almost invincible repug- 
 uance to the omission of any. 
 
 In other pre-eminent men, a single, rare, and wonderful gift of nature, 
 some peculiar developemnt of genius, some one great characterizing power, 
 has stood out prominent and alone; fixing the attention and challenging the 
 wonder of the beholder. 
 
 But, in him, it is the combined whole that constitutes the unparalleled per 
 fection of character concentrating "the purest and best of all other men s 
 powers" the genius, order, energy, and daring of the hero controlled and 
 directed by the judgment of the philosopher, and the wisdom of the sage- 
 chastened and purified by the disinterestedness of the patriot, and the piety 
 of the Christian. 
 
 This symmetry as a whole this perfection of character in all its parts - 
 has produced upon the minds of the unreflecting, a less impression of great- 
 Bess and strength, than would the defects of irregularity and wildness; as 
 the more perfect the proportions of a mighty edifice, the less the impression of 
 ks vastness upon the casual and transient beholder. 
 
 But if I were called upon to designate some one scene as more characteris 
 tic and glorious than any other, it would not be Washington, as commander- 
 in-chief of our armies; even when, on the banks of the Delaware, with three 
 thousand \\\ fed, ill clad, continental soldiers, he held in check thirty thousand 
 well appointed British veterans. It would not be Washington as the first 
 chief magistrate of this new-created republic, pre-eminent in the midst of 
 those great names which clustered around him; but it would be that spectacle 
 of unequalled moral sublimity, when, at the close of a revolution of violence, 
 protracted and bloody, he the successful general the triumphant warrior of 
 that revolution with an army, needy, destitute, enthusiastically devoted to 
 him with a country, exhausted, and prostrate before him voluntarily dis 
 banded that army, and laid down his power. It was then, when divesting 
 himself of what, in the vulgar vocabulary of the world, is called greatness, he 
 was, in the eye of the patriot, the philosopher, the philanthropist, most truly 
 
19 
 
 great. Others have ascended the heights of human power, and their feeble 
 brain becoming giddy by the unnatural elevation, has precipitated them 
 headlong into the abyss beneath. But the original exaltation of his mind 
 ranged in a far higher sphere, and he could look down with calmness, self 
 collected, self controlled, and descend with ease, dignity, and security. 
 
 We have heard of other Washingtons! for there have been sycophants who 
 could impiously attempt to write his sacred name upon the front of their 
 wretched and transient idols. 
 
 It was said by Bonaparte, that he was once expected to become the Wash 
 ington of France, but that it was not in his power. No even Napoleon, at 
 whose name kings and princes trembled in whose path thrones and empires 
 were trodden to the dust even he could not be a Washington. And there 
 never has been another mortal man, who, without the aid ot divine inspiration, 
 could be a Washington. Bolivar, too, in his day, was called the Washington 
 of Colombia! He is gone peace to his ashes! But it was well said, at the 
 time, that we would not give our dead Washington for all the living Bolivars 
 that the world could boast: and I will now say, that I would not give one of 
 those bones, that now repose in the hallowed shades of Mount Vernon, for the 
 whole muster roll of rank and file heroes that crowd the crimsoned records of 
 history. 
 
 Who shall estimate the influence of his life upon the destinies of the human 
 race? Cast your recollection backward one century to the day we now 
 commemorate contemplate the political thraldom of the world mark the 
 march of freedom and of intellect, to the present time carry your imagination 
 forward one century hence and dwell for a moment upon the beatific visions 
 of the future, and then say what the world owes to the birth day of Wash 
 ington. 
 
 I am admonished by the lateness of the hour, not to trust myself further 
 upon this copious exhaustless theme; and I will detain you only by offering 
 this sentiment: 
 
 "The Patriot Hero of our Revolution the Christian Statesman of our Republic great in 
 goodness, and good in greatness." 
 
 Mr PENDLETON, of New York, being called upon, saidAssuredly, 
 Mr President, I had not the least expectation of performing any other part 
 than that of a listener during the celebration of this day. But, sir, since you 
 have been pleased to call upon me, as the representative of New York at this 
 board, I cannot, for a moment, hesitate to comply with your request. I have 
 looked around me with some anxiety, and regret to find that, besides myself, 
 there is, to my knowledge, at least but one gentleman present from the state ot" 
 New York. It would have given me pleasure to have had the support of a greater 
 number; but, since it could not be otherwise, allow me to say that the indi 
 vidual to whom I refer, in the sentiment which I am about to offer, bears a 
 name which is in itself a host, so replete is it with interesting associations 
 I allude, Mr President, to the name of CLINTON. It may perhaps be supposed 
 that, upon this occasion, it would become me to ascend higher up the stream, 
 and rather call to your recollection GEORGE CLINTON, the ancestor of our de 
 parted statesman, the friend and fellow soldier of Gen. WASHINGTON. He was 
 one whose public services eminently entitle hirn to be remembered, when they 
 are remembered who stood by their country in the day of distress. But 1 hope, 
 sir, that I shall not be thought to violate the propriety of this celebration, nor 
 take a step too near our own times, if upon this occasion I express to you no 
 other sentiment than 
 
 rt The memory of DE WITT GusToy." 
 
Mr Senator CHAMBERS (chairman of the committee of arrangements,) 
 beir<i next n-quired to give a sentiment, said, he could not but remark h w 
 ai MV he verified the condition incident to all human power. But a moment 
 sin -e, he had been vested with a "little brief authority," and now 4 at a 
 word* he was not disrobed, but actually in a state of obedience to a power 
 (pointing; to the chair) which must not be resisted. As no officer is fit to 
 command who knows not how to obey, he would yield. 
 
 To be serious, then, Mr President, (said Mr C ) I will give you a sentiment. 
 A -peech the company will not expert. Nothing can be added to which has 
 ben so eloquently and so justly said, in eulogy of fie great name, in honor 
 of which we are here. The features that adorned the character of the great 
 and good man, who is this day affectionately recognised by twelve millions ot 
 f re -men as their common father, and their best benefactor, have been pic 
 tured to us in terms so glowing as to fill our heaits with joy and gratitude. 
 Memory has pursued his steps through all the varied relations of his eventful 
 life, and the faithful history of "times gone by," has assured us how admira 
 bly and how nobly he fulfilled the duties of the citizen, the soldier, and the 
 statesman, how pure the principles, how meek the virtues ,that made him the 
 great exemplar, fit to be exhibited to an admiring world, for the imitation ot 
 heroe> and sages in all after time. 
 
 Mr President, in our fond admiration of these virtues displayed in the bright 
 cirrle of his social and political life, we should never cease to recollect that 
 they were based upon that only foundation which could sustain them amidst 
 the storms of ambitious passions, and the seductions of long possessed power. 
 "Washington was a Christian. 
 
 That Providence which designed him to fill the measure of man s highest, 
 nobhst destiny, which raised him up as it had done the lawgiver of old, ** to 
 lead forth his people to the promised land," would have acted inconsistently 
 with those immutable principles prescribed to our race, had it failed to lay the 
 foundations of his character in a deep and abiding sense of his relations to his 
 God. Sir, (said Mr C.) in the glorious diadem which crowns with immortal 
 honor the brow of our sainted Washington, the most brilliant gem is the deep- 
 toned piety, the sacred respect for religion and morality, which regulated all 
 conditions and every act of his life. His soul, agitated as it was with scenes 
 of mighty moment, was ever alive to the recollections, that when the grand 
 purposes of his Creator were consummated by his agency in this life, there 
 were destinies of a higher far nobler, and more enduring kind, awaiting him 
 in the life to come. 
 
 What he had found alone capable of sustaining himself, he could not fail to 
 commend to others. His parental care, which, with so much anxious solici 
 tude, looked to the happiness of his children, has admonished us to regard, 
 with a single eye, this most momentous truth, on which rest the very founda 
 tions of our political hopes, that the proper character of * man and citizen" 
 is not to be found, but in union with the principles of religion arid morality. 
 This useful lesson he has bequeathed to us as our best legacy in his farewell 
 address, from the words of which 1 offer the following sentiment: 
 
 "Religion and Morality," " the great pillars of human happiness the firmest props of the 
 duties of men and citizens." 
 
 Mr WEBSTER now rose and said 
 
 If it had been allowecius as intelligent agents to choose at what period or 
 place, we would pass the portion ol time allotted to us, in this world, we could 
 n<u, I think, have selected otherwise, than the kindness of Providence has se 
 lected for us. At what period could we have chosen to live, or in what coun 
 try to dwell, rather than at the present time, and where we are? For one. 
 
21 
 
 when I see how full of interest is the passing age, and how favored of Provi 
 dence, is our nadve land, I am grateful to the Dispenser of all things, that 
 my >\vn lot has been so cast. It is a period of new moral elevation of the human 
 characier, a time of active benevolence, and excited exertion for the diffusion 
 of knowledge; and a time when every day seems to bring with it some im 
 provements in affairs, or to strike out something interesting by the efforts or 
 the collision, of hfiian thoughts The short space of life is lengthened by 
 these means of filling it with new i<leas, new enjoyments,and new hopes. And 
 while we witness this improvement, and this progress of things, around us, and 
 in the midst of us, we live in a land of peace, and health, and plenty; a c- un- 
 try of religious and civil liberty a country not behind any of its cotempora- 
 ries, in whatever distinguishes the age. 
 
 As a sincere expression of my own feelings, I give you, gentlemen- 
 
 " Our Times and our Country." 
 
 Mr WEBSTER having retired 
 
 M CHAMBERS being in the Chair, now called upon Mr ROBBINS of Rhode 
 Island. When, 
 
 Mr Senator ROBBINS, of Rhode Island now addressed the company as 
 follows: 
 
 GENTLEMEN I beg leave to offer a sentiment; but first, with your indul 
 gence, will offer a few remarks, not inappropriate, 1 hope, to the occasion. 
 
 It is the peculiar good fortune of this country, to have given birth toaciti- 
 zen, whose name every where produces a sentiment of regard for his country 
 itself. In other countries, whenever or wherever this is spoken of to be prais 
 ed, and with the highest praise, it is called the country of Washington. I 
 believe there is no people, civilized or savage, in any place, however remote, 
 where the name of Washington has not been heard, and where it is not repeat 
 ed with the fondest admiration. We are told, that the Arab of the Desert 
 talks of Washington in his tent, and that his name is familiar to the wander 
 ing Scythian. He seems, indeed, to be the delight of human kind, as 
 their beau ideal of human nature. "Nil oriturum alias, nil ortum tale fa- 
 tentes." 
 
 No American, in no part of the world, but has found the regard for him 
 self increased by his connection with Washington, as his fellow-countryman; 
 and who has not felt a pride, and had occasion to exult in the fortunate con 
 nection? 
 
 Half a century and more has now passed away, since h^ came upon the 
 stage, and hi? fame first broke upon the world; for it broke like the blaze of 
 day from the rising sun almost as sudden* and seemingly as universal. The 
 eventful period, since that era, has teemed with great men, who have crossed 
 the scene and passed off. Some of them have arrested great attention v^ry 
 great: still Washington retains his pre-eminent place in the minds of men 
 still, his peerless name is cherished by them in the same freshness of delight, 
 as in the morn of its glory. 
 
 History will keep her record of his fame; but history is not necessary to 
 perpetuate it. In regions, where history is not read, where letters are un 
 known, it lives, and will go down from age to age, in all future time, in their 
 traditionary lore. 
 
 Who would exchange this fame, the common inheritance of our country, 
 for the fame of any individual, which any country of any time can boast? I 
 would not; with my sentiments, 1 could not. 
 
 I recollect, the first time I ever saw Washington; indeed, it is impossible I 
 should forget it, or recollect it without the liveliest emotion. 1 was then a 
 
child at school; the school was dismissed, and we were told, that General 
 Washington was expected in town that day, on his way to Cambridge, to take 
 command of the American Arm) . We, the children, were permitted to 
 mingle with the people, who had assembled in mass to see him. I did see 
 him; I rivetted my eyes upon him; I could now, were I master of the pencil, 
 delineate with exact truth his form and features, and every particular of his 
 costume: so vivid are my recollections. I never can forget the feelings his 
 sublime presence inspired. How often afterwards, when I came, in my stu 
 dies, to learn them, have I repeated and applied, as expressive of that feel 
 ing, these lines 
 
 " Quern sese ore ferens, quam forti pectore et armis 
 "Credo equidem, nee vana fides, genus esse Deorum." 
 
 He did seem to me more than mortal. It is true this was young and ignorant, 
 enthusiasm; but though young and ignorant, it was not false; it was enthusi 
 asm, which my riper judgment has always recognized as just it was but the 
 anticipated sentiment of the whole human kind. 
 
 I now beg leave to ottV r this sentiment: 
 
 "The written legacy of Washington to his countrymen A code of politics, by whiJi, and b.y 
 -vhich alone, as he believed, their Union and their liberties can be made immortal." 
 
 Mr R. S. COXE, of the City of Washington, was next called upon for a 
 Toast, and responded thus: 
 
 Mr PRESIDENT The call which has been made upon me on this occasion, 
 is wholly unexpected. I had not anticipated, that it would be required at my 
 hands to contribute to swell the praises of the illustrious individual, whose 
 services and whose virtues we have this day commemorated. Of him it has 
 beer, justly said by one of the most consummate orators and accomplished 
 statesmen of the Old World, that beyond any one known in the pages of his 
 tory, he had given the example of a perfect man. In all the relations of life, 
 as well public as private, he has stood forth unrivalled and unsurpassed. 
 
 We have, this day, Mr. President, listened with delight to the eloquent de 
 lineations of his character, and the exposition of his principles from those who 
 were competent to such a task. They have left little to be added, and I 
 should shrink from the vain attempt to supply their deficiencies, could I per 
 ceive that any such existed. I may, however, be peimitted to add my anx 
 ious desire and fervent wish, that the character of Washington as it has been 
 4;his day delineated, and the principles of Washington as they have been this 
 day expounded, may become familiar to every individual throughout this fa 
 vored land; that they may be impressed upon the minds of every child, as ex 
 hibiting a full and complete model of his duties as a man and his obligations 
 as a citizen. Could this wish be accomplished in its full extent, our country 
 would have little more to desire. The perpetuity of our free institutions 
 would be ensured, and public prosperity and private happiness be placed be 
 yond hazard. 
 
 In accordance with these opinions and feelings, I would beg leave to pro 
 pose to you, Sir, the following sentiment: 
 
 ;t May every child of the Republic be taught to admire, to venerate, and to imitate, the charac 
 ter and the principles of Washington!" 
 
 Mr CRANE, of Ohio, being called upon, said, he could not expect to engage 
 the attention of the company by a speech. He would merely give a sentiment, 
 which, he was confident, expressed the opinions and feelings of that people, 
 among whose Representatives he had the honor to be numbered: 
 
 " TIIE STATE OF OHIO.- Though not ranked among those States who adopted the Constitution of 
 V United States, the bond of our Union, she will bo amoi>g the foremost to sustain and defend it." 
 
23 
 
 The following additional toasts were then proposed and successively drank; 
 
 By Mr C. I Catlett." VIRGINIA: The first to break the political chains of Great Britain, she 
 will not be the last to throw off commercial bondage. Her chivalrous sons will not much longer 
 buy their coats from a country, whost corn laws forbid its subjects to eat her bread stuffs, except 
 when they are starving." 
 
 By Mr Charles Tappan, of Mass. " WASHINGTON: We will cherish his spirit, though we may 
 not possess his body." 
 
 ByM" P.R.Fendall." STATE RIGHTS: Best asserted in maintaining the Union of the States.* 
 
 By Mr E Cooke, of Ohio, " THE FAME OF WASHINGTON: Bounded only by the circuit of the 
 sun, based upon the eternal foundations of liberty and virtue, and lifting its broad column to the 
 skies, it will continue to stand, immutable and imperishable, while truth and memory shall endur 
 on the earth looking down upon all things else, passing to oblivion gathering strength from the 
 waste of centuries, and brightening amid the ruins of Time." 
 
 By Dr. Huntt, of Washington." WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS: The sheet anchor of 
 our safety in the political storms that may threaten a wreck of the Union." 
 
 By Mr Hodges* of Mass. "The spirit of the Day: Rebuking the madness and hypocrisy of 
 political partizans, it sanctifies and instructs both the fears and the hopes of an enlightened patriotism" 
 
 By Mr Z. Collins Lee ." The Union of the States, the noblest monument of Washington 
 May it be as sacred and enduring as the Liberty he achieved !" 
 
 By one of the Company." DANIEL WKBSTEH, the President of the Day: A true discipL of 
 Washington the Champion of the Constitution victorious, invincible, and worthy of all honor.* 
 
 PRESIDENT WASHINGTON, 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 Friends, and Fellow-citizens^ 
 
 The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive 
 Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actual 
 ly arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person 
 who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, espe 
 cially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, 
 that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline be 
 ing considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be 
 made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this re 
 solution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations 
 appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and 
 that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, 
 might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for future interest; no 
 deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a 
 full conviction that the step is compatible with both. 
 
 -/The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your 
 
 suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to 
 
 the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. 
 
 I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, con- 
 
24 
 
 sistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to 
 that retirement from which 1 had been reluctantly drawn. The strength 
 of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had <-ven led to the 
 preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the 
 then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and 
 the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to 
 abandon the idea. 
 
 1 rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no 
 longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of 
 duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained 
 for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will 
 not disapprove my determination to retire. 
 
 The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were ex 
 plained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only 
 say, that I have with good intentions contributed towards the organization 
 and administration of the Government the best exertions of which a very fal 
 lible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiori 
 ty of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the 
 eves of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself 5 and 
 every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that 
 the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied 
 that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they 
 were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and 
 prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the ca 
 reer of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
 acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, 
 for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast 
 confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities 1 have 
 thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful 
 and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have 
 resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to 
 your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circum 
 stances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mis 
 lead ; amidst appearances sometimes dubious ; vicissitudes of fortune often 
 discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has 
 countenanced the spirit of criticism ; the constancy of your support was the 
 essential prop of the efforts and the guarantee of the plans by which they 
 were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with 
 me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may 
 continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and 
 brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free Constitution, which is the 
 work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration, in 
 every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the 
 happiness of the People of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be 
 made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this bles 
 sing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the ap 
 plause, the affection, and the adoption, of every nation which is yet a stran 
 ger to it 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which 
 Cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that 
 solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn^ 
 contemplation, and to recommend to your frequerit review, some sentiments 
 which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and 
 which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a peo- 
 
25 
 
 pie. These will be offered to you with the more" freedom, as you can only 
 see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly 
 have no personal motive to biai his council : nor can I forget, as an encour 
 agement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not 
 dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no 
 recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now 
 dear to you. It is justly so : for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real 
 independence ; the support of your tranquillity at home 5 your peace abroad ; 
 of yur safety ; of your prosperity,* of that very liberty which you so highly 
 prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from dif 
 ferent quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employedfto weaken, 
 in your minds, the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your politi 
 cal fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will 
 be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) di 
 rected, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the im 
 mense value of your national union to your collective and individual happi 
 ness fl that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attach 
 ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as of the palla 
 dium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation 
 with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspi 
 cion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon 
 the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country 
 from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the va 
 rious parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens 
 by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concen 
 trate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your 
 national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than 
 any appellation derived from local discriminations With slight shades of 
 difference, you have the same religion, manner, habits, and political princi 
 ples You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together: the in 
 dependence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint 
 efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 
 
 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to 
 your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immedi 
 ately to your interest: here every portion of our country finds the most com 
 manding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the 
 whole 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by 
 the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the lat 
 ter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and 
 precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same inter 
 course, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees, its agriculture grow, and 
 its commerce expand. Turning, partly int > its own channels the seamen of 
 the North, its particular navigation invigorated: and while it contributes, in 
 different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national na 
 vigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which 
 itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, 
 already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication, 
 by land and watei, will more and more find a valuable vent for the coinmo- 
 din* 1 ** which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West de- 
 rive> from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort; and what is, 
 perhaps, ot still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure 
 
26 
 
 enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight? 
 influence, and the tuture maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the 
 Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest, as one nation. Any 
 other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether^ 
 derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural 
 connexion with any foreign Power, must be intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and parti 
 cular interest in union, all the parties combined cannot fail to find, in the 
 united mass of means and efforts, greattr strength, greater resource, propor- 
 tionably greater security from external danger ; a less frequent interruption 
 of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they 
 must derive from union, an exemption from those broils and wars between 
 themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied toge 
 ther by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be 
 sufficient to produce; but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and 
 intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid 
 the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any 
 form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regard 
 ed as particularly hostile to republican liberty ; in this sense it is, that your 
 union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love 
 of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and 
 virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object 
 of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can em 
 brace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere specu 
 lation, in such a case, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a 
 proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments 
 for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 
 With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our 
 country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability,, 
 there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any 
 quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs, as a 
 matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for 
 characterizing parties by geographical discriminations: Northern and South 
 ern Atlantic and Western ; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a 
 belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the 
 expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to mis 
 represent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield your 
 selves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from 
 these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who 
 ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our 
 Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have 
 seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification 
 by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and by the universal satisfaction at 
 the event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were 
 the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the General Govern 
 ment, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to 
 the Mississippi: they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties 
 that with Great Britain and that with Spain which secure to them every 
 thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirm 
 ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation 
 of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they 
 not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever 
 from their brethern and connect them with aliens? 
 
27 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Government for the whole J 
 is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts, can be an 
 adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and in 
 terruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this 
 momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption, 
 of a constitution of Government, better calculated than your former, for an 
 intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. 
 This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, 
 adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in 
 its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy 
 and containing within itself a provision- for its own amendment, has a just 
 claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, com- <+ 
 pliarice with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by 
 the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems 
 is the right of the People to make and to alter their constitutions of govern 
 ment: but, the constitution, which at any time exists, till changed by an expli 
 cit, an authentic act of the whole People, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The 
 very idea of the power and the right of the People to establish Government, 
 presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established govern 
 ment. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all combinations and associa-* "* 
 tions, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, 
 control, counteract, or awe, the regular deliberation and action of the consti 
 tuted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal 
 tendency. {They serve to organize faction ; to give it an artificial and extra 
 ordinary jforcej to put in the pla.ce-.of~ the delegated will of the Nation, the 
 , will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the com 
 munity; and accwdtnglpjhe alternate triumphs of different parties, to make 
 the public administration the-mirroV of the ill concerted and incongruous 
 projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, 
 digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of the above description may now . 
 and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and 1 
 things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprin 
 cipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the People, and to usurp, 
 for themselves, the reins of government; destroying, afterwards, the very en 
 gines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of 
 your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you speedily dis 
 countenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also 
 that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however 
 specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms 
 of the constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, 
 and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the chan 
 ges to which you may be invted, remember that time and habit are at least 
 as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human insti 
 tutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real ten 
 dency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon 
 the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from 
 the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, 
 for the efficient management ot your common interests, in a country so ex 
 tensive as ours, a Government of as much vigor as is consistent with the per 
 fect security of liberty, is indi*pensible. LdJipr f y itg plf iv H fim[ in gnrtl a 
 Goveamej}kjBdth.jwwe^^ 
 dian. It is, indeedVKttle else than a name, where the Government is too, 
 
28 
 
 ieeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the- 
 society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the 
 secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the State, with 
 particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations* 
 Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most so 
 lemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root 
 in the strongest passions ot the human mind. It exists under different shapes 
 in all governments, more or less stifled, controled, or repressed; but in those 
 of ihe popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst 
 enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the 
 spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and 
 countries, lias perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful des 
 potism. But this leads at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. 
 The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men 
 to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner 
 or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate 
 than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own eleva 
 tion, on the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless 
 ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of 
 the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest arid dul^ of a wise 
 people to discourage and restrain it 
 
 It serves always to distract the public councils and mfeeble the public ad 
 ministration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false 
 alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, Occasion 
 ally, riot and insurrection. It opens the* door .to foreign influence and cor 
 ruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government itself, through the 
 channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are 
 subjected to the policy and will of another. 
 
 " There is an opinion, that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon 
 the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of li 
 berty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and, in governments of 
 a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, 
 upon the spirit of party But in those of the popular character, in govern 
 ments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural 
 tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salu 
 tary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to 
 be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be 
 quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into aflame, 
 lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, 
 should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine 
 themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the ex 
 ercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit 
 of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, 
 and tiius to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A 
 just estimate of that love of power, and proneuess to abuse it, which predomi 
 nates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. 
 The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by divi 
 ding and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the 
 guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced 
 by experiments ancient ami modern: some of them in our own country, anri 
 
 n " 
 
under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to inMitute. 
 th: a m. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the 
 constitutional powers, be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected i y an 
 amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be 
 no change by usurpation: for though this, in one instance, may be the instru 
 ment of good it is the customary weapon by which free governments are des 
 troyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, 
 any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion 
 and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the 
 tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human 
 happiness these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere 
 politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
 A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. 
 Lei it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for 
 life, if the se"nse of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instru 
 ments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge 
 the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever 
 may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar 
 Structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national mor 
 ality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. 
 
 Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of pop 
 ular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to e\vry 
 species of free government Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with 
 indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the gen 
 eral diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government- 
 gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be en 
 lightened. ~p# 
 
 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. 
 One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding oc 
 casions of expense, by cultivating peace: but remembering also that timely 
 disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater dis 
 bursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only 
 t>y shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, 
 to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned; not un 
 generously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to 
 bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it 
 is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the 
 performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in 
 mind, that, towards the payment of debts, there must be revenue; that to have 
 revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more 
 or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inep- 
 arable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of 
 difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the 
 conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in 
 the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any 
 time dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all nations: cultivate peace and 
 harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct and can it be 
 that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, and, 
 at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and 
 too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benev- 
 olew e. Who can doubt that, in the course ot time and things, the fruits of 
 rjor, ,-M ...-MI- - rt r*a.T " *mr>orarv advantages which might be lost 
 
30 
 
 by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected 
 the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtues? The experiment, at least, 
 is recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature. Alas! is 
 it rendered impossible by its vices? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that perma 
 nent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attach 
 ments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and 
 amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which in 
 dulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in 
 some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either 
 of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipa 
 thy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult 
 and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and 
 intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, 
 frequent col isions; obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, 
 prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the govern 
 ment, contrary K the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes 
 panicipates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what rea 
 son would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subser 
 vient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride and ambition, and other 
 sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the 
 liberty of nations, has been the victim. 
 
 So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a 
 variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of 
 an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, 
 and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a par 
 ticipation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement 
 or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileg 
 es, denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making conces 
 sions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by 
 exciting jealousy, ill-will, and .a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from 
 whom equal privileges are withheld: and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or 
 deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to 
 betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, some 
 times even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
 of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal 
 for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or 
 infatuation. 
 
 A> avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are 
 particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How 
 maiiv opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice 
 the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public 
 councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and pow- 
 eilul nation, dooms the former to be the satelite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe 
 me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; 
 since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one ot the most 
 baneful foes of a republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, 
 must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be 
 avoided, instead ot a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign 
 nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to 
 see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of in 
 fluence on the other. Real pattiots, who may resist the intrigues of the fa 
 vorite, are liable to become suspected and oiiious; while its tools and dupes 
 usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.- 
 
31 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extend- j^ 
 ing our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion <<7 
 as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be ful- 
 filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very re 
 mote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the 
 causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, 
 it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordina 
 ry vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of 
 her friendships or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites, and enables us, to pursue a dif 
 ferent course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the 
 period is not far oft when we may defy material injury from external annoy 
 ance, when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may 
 at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent na 
 tions,* under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will riot lightly 
 hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our 
 interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own, 
 to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that 
 of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of Euro 
 pean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 
 
 Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of 
 the foreign world so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let 
 me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engage 
 ments. I hold the rnaxim no less applicable to publ ; c than to private affairs, 
 that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage 
 ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unne 
 cessary, and would be unwi>e, to extend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a re 
 spectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for 
 extraordinary emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended 
 by policy, humanity, and interest But even our commercial policy should 
 hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive fa 
 vors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things: diffusing and 
 diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; 
 establishing with Powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, 
 to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to sup 
 port them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circum 
 stances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from, 
 time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstance shall dic 
 tate ; constantly keeping in view, that tis folly in one nation to look for dis 
 interested favors from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its indepen 
 dence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such accep 
 tance it may place itself m the condition of having given equivalents for nom 
 inal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. 
 There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors 
 from nation to nation. Tis all illusion, which experience must cure 
 which a just pride ought to discard. 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affection 
 ate friend, 1 dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression 
 I could wish, that they will control the usual current of the passions, or pre 
 vent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the desti- 
 nv of nation? hut if I mav *vpn flaHpr mvcolf that thev may be productive 
 
32 
 
 of some partial benefit, some eccaaional good ; that they may nowtsd tfeen 
 recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn agaiuM ih mischiefs ot 
 of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; 
 this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which 
 they have been dictated. 
 
 How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the 
 principles, which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences 
 of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assu 
 rance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be 
 guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 
 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving 
 voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the 
 spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any at 
 tempts to deter or divert me from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain r 
 I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, 
 had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral po 
 sition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to 
 maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not 
 necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to 
 my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied, by any 
 of the belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing* 
 more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, 
 in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace 
 and amity towards other nations. 
 
 The inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, will best be re 
 ferred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant mo 
 tive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its 
 yet recent institutions ; and to progress, without interruption, to that degree 
 of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking^ 
 the command of its own fortunes. 
 
 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconsci 
 ous of intentional error, I think it probable that I have committed many er- 
 K>rs. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or 
 mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the 
 hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and 
 that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an up 
 right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, 
 as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness, in this as in other things, and actuated by that fer 
 vent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views it in the native 
 soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, 1 anticipate with 
 pleasing expectations, that retreat, in which 1 promise myself to realize, 
 without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow- 
 eitizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government lie 
 ver favorite object of my heart $ and the happy rewarvi, as 1 trust, of our 
 mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 1 United States, \7tk Sept. 1796. 
 
 
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