Life of Black Hawk 
 
I 
 
ioe Classics 
 
 Life of 
 Black Hawk 
 
 n 
 
 Ma-Ka-1 Yj~Me~She-Kia-Kiak 
 
 FROM A PORTRAIT PAIN.TED , BY R.OBT. M SULLY 
 
 Superintendent of 
 
 vn* *** 
 
 |?r0*, 
 
 R R, DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY 
 CHRISTMAS, MCMXVI 
 
Classics 
 
 Life of 
 Black Hawk 
 
 \ \ 
 
 Ma-Ka-Tai-Me-She-Kia-Kiak 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 MILO MILTON QUAIFE 
 
 Superintendent of 
 The Stute Bisloricpl Society of Wjsco*\i# 
 
 press, Cbica0o 
 R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY 
 CHRISTMAS, MCMXVI 
 
-33 
 
i preface 
 
 AS announced in the preface of last year s 
 A\ volume, the series of reminiscences of 
 Chicago life was there completed. The 
 purpose of these annual publications has been 
 twofold, first, to present an example of the 
 high standards of craftsmanship attained by 
 the apprentices of the Lakeside Press, and 
 secondly, to carry at Christmastide the good 
 wishes of the Press to its many patrons and 
 friends. It has been the aim to select subject 
 matter which is worth while in itself on account 
 of its human interest, and which has the added 
 value of being not readily obtainable else 
 where. The accomplishment of this aim in 
 the volumes on Early Chicago is fully attested 
 by their popularity. So popular has been this 
 historical note that it has been decided to use 
 for a time at least, similar material about the 
 contiguous Northwest ; and the publishers feel 
 especially fortunate in having enlisted the en 
 thusiasm of Dr. Milo Milton Quaife who will 
 search out and edit the subject matter for 
 these volumes. No one is more deeply versed 
 in the history and literature of the Old North 
 west Territory or has a finer appreciation of 
 its romance; and as superintendent of the 
 State Historical Society of Wisconsin he has 
 
> preface 
 
 access to the richest store of material. The 
 Autobiography of Black Hawk has been se 
 lected as the subject matter for this year. 
 That it will continue to maintain the interest 
 shown in the former volumes is the hope of 
 THE PUBLISHERS. 
 
Contents! 
 
 PAGE 
 
 EDITOR S PREFACE ix 
 
 CERTIFICATE OF ANTOINE LECLAIR . 5 
 
 DEDICATION 7 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE EDITION OF 
 
 1834 9 
 
 INTRODUCTION n 
 
 LIFE OF BLACK HAWK 23 
 
 INDEX 185 
 
 Vll 
 
si Deface 
 
 BLACK HAWK WAR was one of 
 
 the pathetic tragedies of the development 
 of our middle border. Much as our coun 
 try blundered into war with England in 1 8 12, 
 so, twenty years later, Black Hawk blundered 
 into war with the United States. As great a 
 tragedy, but much longer drawn out, was the 
 entire life of Black Hawk. The reasons for 
 reprinting at this time his Apologia have been 
 stated in the main in the Historical Introduc 
 tion which follows these pages. Here I desire 
 only to call attention to the attitude which has 
 governed me, first in recommending to the 
 Lakeside Press the selection of this work for 
 inclusion in the Lakeside Classics, and second 
 in performing the editorial work which was 
 entrusted to me. I am far from yielding to 
 the American Indian the blind adulation and 
 undiscriminating praise which unfortunately 
 has long been popular with a certain school of 
 writers. Nor, on the other hand, do I think 
 he should be treated with the unreasoning 
 scorn and bitter prejudice which was commonly 
 manifested by the frontiersmen who came into 
 actual contact and conflict with him. The 
 Indian was a savage; even, it may be granted, 
 a splendid type of savage. As such, he had 
 
<&itor preface 
 
 his faults and his virtues. Regarded from 
 his own viewpoint of life these are alike 
 comprehensible. As measured by civilized 
 standards of achievement in the various realms 
 of human activity, the red man was vastly the 
 white man s inferior. Ideally, the represen 
 tatives of the favored race should have mani 
 fested toward their weaker brethren an attitude 
 of benevolent guardianship. In practice, the 
 white race was commonly guilty of cruel 
 injustice to the red. The red man, according 
 to his wisdom which, it must be remembered, 
 was the wisdom of the child of the forest, 
 struck out, oftentimes blindly enough, by way 
 of retaliation. It is the function of the his 
 torian to seek for and set forth the simple 
 truth. Being human, however, he has his 
 frailties and his viewpoint. Without conced 
 ing the ultimate righteousness of the cause of 
 the red man in his four-century conflict with 
 the white for the possession of the American 
 Continent, it is still possible to give him his 
 just due. Only as we strive to understand 
 his viewpoint and enter into the perceptions 
 from which his actions resulted can we truly 
 tell the story of the relations of the two races 
 in American history. To this end, the autobi 
 ography of Black Hawk is a unique document. 
 Entirely aside from its historical interest, it 
 should possess a decided human interest for 
 all who are inclined to enter into the life and 
 
itor g preface 
 
 trials of the true native American, the North 
 American Indian. 
 
 In the preparation of the volume for the 
 press I have enjoyed and desire to acknowl 
 edge the efficient assistance of Pauline Buell, 
 Mary Farley, Louise P. Kellogg, and Mary 
 Foster, all members of the staff of the Wis 
 consin Historical Library. The map which 
 is given has been drawn by Miss Foster, while 
 Miss Kellogg has prepared the index. The 
 responsibility for proof-reading and otherwise 
 seeing the copy through the press has been 
 assumed by the publisher. 
 
 MILO M. QUAIFE. 
 
 Madison, Wisconsin 
 
 XI 
 
Life of Black Hawk 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK 
 
 OR 
 
 BLACK HAWK, 
 
 EMBRACING THE 
 
 TRADITION OF HIS NATION INDIAN WARS IN WHICH HE HAS 
 BEEN ENGAGED CAUSE OF JOINING THE BRITISH IN THEIR 
 LATE WAR WITH AMERICA, AND ITS HISTORY DE 
 SCRIPTION OF THE ROCK-RIVER VILLAGE MAN 
 NERS AND CUSTOMS ENCROACHMENTS BY 
 THE WHITES, CONTRARY TO TREA 
 TY REMOVAL FROM HIS 
 VILLAGE IN 1831. 
 
 WITH AN 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSE AND GENERAL HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LATE WAR, 
 
 HIS 
 
 SURRENDER AND CONFINEMENT AT JEFFERSON BARRACKS, 
 AND 
 
 TRAVELS THROUGH THE UNITED STATES 
 
 DICTATED BY HIMSELF. 
 
 J. B. Patterson, of Rock Island, III. Editor and Proprietor. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 RUSSELL, ODIORNE & METCALF. 
 
 NEW YORK: MONSON BANCROFTPHILADELPHIA : MARSHALL, CLARK & CO. 
 BALTIMORE: JOS. JEWETT.-MOBILE: SIDNEY SMITH. 
 
 1834. 
 
INDIAN AGENCY, 
 
 Rock-Island, October 1 6, 1833. 
 
 I DO HEREBY CERTIFY, that Ma-ka- 
 tai-me-she-kia-kiak, or Black Hawk, did 
 call upon me, on his return to his people 
 in August last, and express a great desire to 
 have a History of his life written and published, 
 in order, (as he said) "that the people of the 
 United States, (among whom he had been trav 
 elling, and by whom he had been treated with 
 great respect, friendship and hospitality,) might 
 know the causes that had impelled him to act 
 as he had done, and the principles by which 
 he was governed." In accordance with his 
 request, I acted as Interpreter; and was par 
 ticularly cautious, to understand distinctly the 
 narrative of Black Hawk throughout and 
 have examined the work carefully, since its 
 completion and have no hesitation in pro 
 nouncing it strictly correct, in all its particulars. 
 Given under my hand, at the Sac and Fox 
 Agency, the day and date above written. 
 
 ANTOINE LECLAIR, 
 
 U. S. Interpreter for the Sacs and Foxes. 
 
[Translation] 
 
 TO BRIGADIER GEN L. H. ATKINSON. 
 
 Sir, The changes of fortune, and vicissi 
 tudes of war, made you my conqueror. When 
 my last resources were exhausted, my warriors 
 worn down with long and toilsome marches, 
 we yielded, and I became your prisoner. 
 
 The story of my life is told in the following 
 pages ; it is intimately connected, and in some 
 measure, identified with a part of the history 
 of your own: I have, therefore, dedicated it 
 to you. 
 
 The changes of many summers, have brought 
 old age upon me, and I cannot expect to 
 survive many moons. Before I set out on my 
 journey to the land of my fathers, I have deter 
 mined to give my motives and reasons for my 
 former hostilities to the whites, and to vindicate 
 my character from misrepresentation. The 
 kindness I received from you whilst a prisoner 
 of war, assures me that you will vouch for the 
 facts contained in my narrative, so far as they 
 came under your observation. 
 
I am now an obscure member of a nation, 
 that formerly honored and respected my opin 
 ions. The path to glory is rough, and many 
 gloomy hours obscure it. May the Great Spirit 
 shed light on your s and that you may never 
 experience the humility that the power of the 
 American government has reduced me to, is 
 the wish of him, who, in his native forests, 
 was once as proud and bold as yourself. 
 
 BLACK HAWK. 
 
 Moon, 1833. 
 
It is presumed no apology will be required 
 for presenting to the public, the life of a Hero 
 who has lately taken such high rank among 
 the distinguished individuals of America. In 
 the following pages he will be seen in the char 
 acters of a Warrior, a Patriot and a State- 
 prisoner in every situation he is still the 
 Chief of his Band, asserting their rights with 
 dignity, firmness and courage. Several ac 
 counts of the late war having been published, 
 in which he thinks justice is not done to himself 
 or nation, he determined to make known to the 
 world, the injuries his people have received 
 from the whites the causes which brought on 
 the war on the part of his nation, and a gen 
 eral history of it throughout the campaign. 
 In his opinion, this is the only method now left 
 him, to rescue his little Band the remnant of 
 those who fought bravely with him from the 
 effects of the statements that have already 
 gone forth. 
 
 The facts which he states, respecting the 
 Treaty of 1804, in virtue of the provisions of 
 which Government claimed the country in dis 
 pute, and enforced its argument with the sword, 
 are worthy of attention. It purported to cede 
 to the United States, all the country, including 
 9 
 
the village and corn-fields of Black Hawk and 
 his band, on the east side of the Mississippi. 
 Four individuals of the tribe, who were on a 
 visit to St. Louis to obtain the liberation of one 
 of their people from prison, were prevailed 
 upon, (says Black Hawk,) to make this impor 
 tant treaty, without the knowledge or authority 
 of the tribes, or nation. 
 
 In treating with the Indians for their country, 
 it has always been customary to assemble the 
 whole nation; because, as has been truly sug 
 gested by the Secretary of War, the nature 
 of the authority of the chiefs of a tribe is such, 
 that it is not often that they dare make a treaty 
 of much consequence, and we might add, 
 never, when involving so much magnitude as 
 the one under consideration, without the pres 
 ence of their young men. A rule so reasonable 
 and just ought never to be violated and the 
 Indians might well question the right of Gov 
 ernment to dispossess them, when such violation 
 was made the basis of its right. 
 
 The Editor has written this work according 
 to the dictation of Black Hawk, through the 
 United States Interpreter, at the Sac and Fox 
 Agency of Rock Island. He does not, there 
 fore, consider himself responsible for any of 
 the facts, or views, contained in it and leaves 
 the old chief and his story with the public, 
 whilst he neither asks, nor expects, any fame 
 for his services as an amanuensis. 
 
 THE EDITOR. 
 10 
 
3Inttotittctfott 
 
 MUCH has been heard, in recent years, of 
 the doctrine of benevolent assimilation 
 of the backward races of the earth by 
 their more enlightened and powerful brethren. 
 A few years ago the "white man s burden" 
 was a commonplace of current speech and dis 
 cussion. More recently, if contemporary belief 
 may be credited, this same doctrine of the duty 
 of a chosen people to inherit the earth, forcibly, 
 if need be, has constituted an important factor 
 in bringing on the Great War. From the 
 beginning, the course of development of the 
 American people has been marked by a tragic 
 struggle, on the part of a superior race to grasp, 
 of an inferior one to retain, possession of the 
 virgin continent disclosed to the European 
 world by the momentous voyage of discovery 
 of 1492. In the present discussion it is my 
 purpose neither to praise nor to blame either the 
 red or the white race, the two parties to this 
 four-hundred-year contest ; but rather, having 
 emphasized the fact of its inevitability, to take 
 note of certain of the circumstances by which 
 the struggle was attended. 
 
 It may be regarded as axiomatic that when 
 a superior and an inferior race come in contact 
 a struggle for domination will ensue, the result 
 ii 
 
^ntrotmction 
 
 of which ordinarily will be the triumph of the 
 former over the latter. Hard as their fate 
 may seem to the conquered, it is an essential 
 accompaniment to the progress of the human 
 race. We need not regret, therefore, that the 
 white man triumphed over the red and wrested 
 from him the North American continent. The 
 progress of civilization was involved in the vic 
 tory of the superior race. Nevertheless it is 
 to the eternal discredit of the white man that 
 he made the fate of his opponent needlessly 
 hard and bitter; and that in almost every stage 
 of the long struggle, the relations of the white 
 race with its less civilized neighbors have been 
 marked by a disregard both of justice and of 
 solemn treaty obligations. Inevitably this 
 operated to goad the red man into impotent 
 warfare, which became, in turn, the excuse for 
 further spoliation. Fundamentally the races 
 warred because the red man wished to retain a 
 continent which the white man intended to 
 take. The American people as such, however, 
 never intended deliberately to wrong the Indian. 
 No government ever entertained more enlight 
 ened and benevolent intentions toward a weaker 
 people than did that of the United States toward 
 the Indian; but seldom in history has a sadder 
 divergence between intention and performance 
 been witnessed. In large part the failure of 
 the government to realize its good will toward 
 the red men was due to factors over which it 
 had and could have no control. But all too 
 12 
 
^ntrotwctitm 
 
 often, alas, it was due to the government s 
 unwillingness or inability to restrain its lawless 
 subjects, who hesitated at no means to possess 
 themselves of the land, the furs, and the other 
 property of the Indians. 
 
 These remarks are designed to assist the 
 reader to an appreciation of the historical sig 
 nificance of the autobiography which follows. 
 It is not a finished historical narration; rather, 
 it is an example of the raw material from which 
 such narratives are constructed. In telling the 
 story of his life, Black Hawk was writing a 
 partisan document. He was not animated by 
 the ideal for truth to which the professional 
 historian subscribes, nor did he enjoy the his 
 torian s sense of detatched perspective. He 
 is far from being the greatest or ablest repre 
 sentative of his race in American history, and 
 he burned with the consciousness of his wrongs 
 at the hands of the white race. To read prof 
 itably his autobiography, therefore, it is neces 
 sary to appreciate and to allow for its partisan 
 ship. Allowance should be made, too, for the 
 circumstances under which it was produced. 
 Dictated by Black Hawk in his native tongue, 
 turned into English by an interpreter, and put 
 into literary form by still a third person, it 
 would be strange indeed if the narrative conveys 
 in all cases the meaning the author intended. 
 
 Because of these reasons, in part, some have 
 denied that the work possesses historical valid 
 ity. Most students, however, have felt that it 
 13 
 
introduction 
 
 should be regarded as a serious historical nar 
 rative, and that it constitutes an important 
 source of information for the period and sub 
 ject matter with which it deals. This opinion 
 the writer shares. But the major interest in, 
 and the historical importance, of the volume is 
 quite independent of the accuracy of its details. 
 Whether true or untrue in its statements, and 
 in this respect it shares the errors common to all 
 autobiography, the book is important because 
 it illuminates, as with a flash of lightning, the 
 viewpoint and state of mind of a typical repre 
 sentative of the vanquished race. Not often 
 has the red man enjoyed, or so well improved 
 an opportunity to tell his story and to set forth 
 his wrongs. Yet, unless this viewpoint be un 
 derstood, there can be no fair or intelligent 
 comprehension of one of the most important 
 aspects of American history, nor any informed 
 opinion of the measure of justice, or its oppo 
 site, which our country has meted out to him. 
 Historically, then, the autobiography possesses 
 a twofold significance : immediately, as a valu 
 able source of information pertaining to the 
 history of the middle western border; and 
 more broadly, as representative of the viewpoint 
 and feelings of the Indian throughout the entire 
 period of conflict with the whites. 
 
 Two dominant influences in American history 
 made possible the career of Black Hawk. One 
 was the rivalry, already dwelt upon, between 
 red man and white; the other, the international 
 
^ntrotiuction 
 
 rivalry between Great Britain and her indepen 
 dent American offspring. For generations 
 before the Peace of Paris of 1763, the French 
 and the English had competed strenuously for 
 the trade and, therewith the favor, of the Indian. 
 It followed, as a matter of course, that Indian 
 statecraft concerned itself chiefly with turning 
 to the greatest possible advantage the rivalry 
 between the two great European nations. With 
 the revolt of the colonies from the mother 
 country in 17/5, the old French-English con 
 flict for commercial and political supremacy in 
 North America was replaced by the newer 
 rivalry between Great Britain and the United 
 States . The Treaty of Paris of 1 783 nominally 
 conceded to the latter sovereignty over the terri 
 tory south of the Great Lakes and westward 
 to the Mississippi. Actually, however, most 
 of the region lying between the Alleghenies and 
 the Mississippi was a wilderness held by various 
 and powerful Indian tribes from whom the 
 country was still to be wrested. North of the 
 Ohio River, the section with which we are 
 immediately concerned, the British sought to 
 retain the control which, formally, they had 
 surrendered by the treaty of 1783. British 
 and Indian interests coincided, therefore, in a 
 policy of resistance to the westward advance 
 of the Americans. Nevertheless this advance 
 progressed steadily, and more and more Amer 
 ican sovereignty was extended over the North 
 west. With its progress the tribes fell more 
 15 
 
^ntrotwction 
 
 and more under American influence. Thus 
 the British-American rivalry was omnipresent 
 throughout the frontier, and the different 
 bands and tribes adhered to the one party 
 or the other according as inclination or self- 
 interest dictated. In this political atmosphere 
 the active life of Black Hawk was spent. 
 His tribe succumbed only tardily to the Amer 
 ican influence, to which Black Hawk himself 
 never yielded until compelled thereto by force 
 of arms in old age. Leader of the "Brit 
 ish band" of Sauks, he was an inveterate 
 foe of the American nation even after the 
 majority of his tribe had yielded allegiance 
 to it. 
 
 Black Hawk was the natural product of the 
 political environment which encompassed him. 
 Unfortunately for him and his people, however, 
 he was unable to perceive in his later years 
 that for all practical purposes the British-Amer 
 ican rivalry had come to an end and that 
 therewith must end, also, his lifelong role of 
 hostility to the United States. Blindly, there 
 fore, he led his people to destruction, and in 
 so doing gave to the history of the old North 
 west its last Indian War. Half a century 
 after the Treaty of Paris of 1783 had given the 
 United States nominal sovereignty over the 
 Northwest, by the overthrow of Black Hawk 
 and his followers the last effort of armed 
 resistance to the establishment of this sover 
 eignty was crushed. 
 
 16 
 
^ntrotwction 
 
 The more immediate cause of the Black 
 Hawk War redounds to the credit neither of 
 the white man nor the red. Had Black Hawk 
 been more statesmanlike and less unscrupulous 
 the war need never have been fought ; equally 
 might it have been obviated had the govern 
 ment or citizens of the United States observed, 
 in their treatment of Black Hawk s band, the 
 ordinary dictates of justice and reason. For 
 the story of the war the reader must seek else 
 where. Here we can only sketch briefly the 
 situation which precipitated it. In the autumn 
 of 1804 Governor Harrison of Indiana Terri 
 tory concluded at St. Louis a treaty with cer 
 tain representatives of the Sauk and Fox nations 
 whereby the latter, in return mainly for the 
 paltry annuity of $1000, ceded to the United 
 States some fifty million acres of land, com 
 prising the territory lying between the Wiscon 
 sin River, the Fox of Illinois, the Illinois, and 
 the Mississippi, together with the eastern third 
 of the state of Missouri. It is idle now to 
 debate the question of the fairness of this treaty, 
 or of the compensation it carried. Ample jus 
 tification can easily be found for a general 
 indictment of the system employed by the 
 United States in negotiating treaties with the 
 Indians. 1 But, although the area ceded was 
 
 a consideration of this point as illustrated by 
 the two Chicago treaties of 1821 and 1833, see the 
 writer s Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1833, 
 chap. xv. 
 
 17 
 
^Fntrotwttitm 
 
 larger than common, there is nothing about this 
 particular transaction to distinguish it materially 
 from scores of other treaties which have been 
 concluded with the Indians. Black Hawk later 
 advanced the contention that the Sauk and the 
 Fox signers of the treaty acted without author 
 ity from their nations; in short, that so far as 
 the tribes were concerned it was a fraudulent 
 transaction; and to this treaty he ascribed the 
 origin of all his people s difficulties with the 
 United States. This contention, however, is 
 not supported by the facts. There is no other 
 evidence than the assertions of Black Hawk 
 that more than the usual cajolery of the Indians 
 was indulged in by the white representatives in 
 securing the cession ; nor that any protest was 
 made against it save Black Hawk s own a 
 quarter of a century later. On the contrary, 
 in a number of subsequent treaties, to several 
 of which Black Hawk himself attached his sig 
 nature, the Sauks and Foxes reaffirmed the 
 provisions of the treaty of 1804. 
 
 To this treaty, nevertheless, is to be ascribed 
 a principal occasion of the war of 1832. By 
 article seven it was agreed that "as long as the 
 lands which are now ceded to the United States 
 remain their property, the Indians belonging 
 to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege of 
 living and hunting upon them." In consider 
 ing this fateful stipulation it should be recalled 
 that in 1804 modern Indiana contained but a 
 few thousand inhabitants clustered around 
 18 
 
^Tntrotwction 
 
 Vincennes and along the Ohio border ; that in 
 Illinois, settlement was confined to the old 
 French towns of the American Bottom; and 
 that all Michigan, outside Detroit and its envi 
 rons, was likewise a silent wilderness. There 
 would seem to be no reason, therefore, for 
 prohibiting the Sauks and Foxes the enjoyment 
 of their patrimony, until such time as the 
 advance of American settlement should cause it 
 actually to be needed by the whites. But the 
 American frontiersman has ever been contemp 
 tuous alike of the rights of the Indian and of the 
 restraining hand of his government . Animated 
 by a marvelous energy, matched only by his 
 audacious self-confidence, he has pushed the 
 line of settlement across the continent, often 
 times in advance, and frequently in defiance 
 of the federal government. So it happened 
 that about the year 1823 covetous squatters 
 began to usurp possession of the rich fields 
 cultivated by Black Hawk s "British band " 
 at the mouth of Rock River. This vicinity is 
 today a perfect garden spot to the agricultur 
 ist, the center of one of the finest farm 
 ing regions on the face of the globe. It is 
 not strange that the squatters coveted Black 
 Hawk s fields; yet the line of homestead set 
 tlement was still some distance away, the inter 
 vening territory had not been surveyed, and 
 it was the plain duty of the federal govern 
 ment to eject the squatters and protect the na 
 tives in the enjoyment of their treaty rights. 
 19 
 
^ntrotwction 
 
 Unfortunately for our repute as a law-abid 
 ing people, seldom has a general law been 
 enforced in the United States in the face of 
 determined local opposition. Nor was it done 
 in the case we are considering. Black Hawk 
 made vain and repeated appeals to the white 
 authorities for protection, and for redress of 
 his grievances. No relief was afforded, while 
 year after year the encroachments continued 
 and his followers were .subjected to frequent 
 indignity and outrage. The Indian has ever 
 been tenacious of his birthplace, and when at 
 length the issue was forced upon him Black 
 Hawk resolved to fight for the retention of the 
 village where he had been born and where his 
 ancestors were buried. 
 
 The unwisdom of this resolve is manifest. 
 Whatever his wrongs may have been, for Black 
 Hawk to raise the hatchet against the United 
 States in 1832 was to lead his nation to suicide. 
 The wiser Keokuk advised a peaceful retreat 
 across the Mississippi. Only temporarily did 
 Black Hawk yield, however, in the spring of 
 1831, when, in the face of a strong military 
 demonstration by the regular army and the 
 Illinois militia, he withdrew to the Iowa side 
 of the river. A year later, spurred by illusory 
 hopes of British alliance and of Indian co-oper 
 ation, he led his followers, about a thousand 
 souls in all, back to the Illinois shore, and 
 therewith began the pitiful tragedy known to 
 history as the Black Hawk War. 
 
 20 
 
^ntro&uction 
 
 Its story is one that few can take pleasure 
 in dwelling upon. The war was unfortunate 
 alike in its inception, in the way it was waged, 
 and in the manner of its conclusion. That 
 Black Hawk must be crushed admits of no 
 dispute. That Indian men and women and 
 little children should be indiscriminately mas 
 sacred after Black Hawk s power had been 
 broken was a ghastly luxury which our fore 
 fathers might well have foreborne to enjoy. 
 
 The war over, Black Hawk was taken as a 
 prisoner on an extensive tour of the East, in 
 order that he might receive ocular demonstra 
 tion of the futility of contesting the power of 
 the United States. Thereafter, humbled and 
 disgraced, he lived for several years a life of 
 peaceful retirement which contrasted strangely 
 indeed with his stormy, active career. Even in 
 death, he was not immune from outrage at the 
 hands of the conquerors of his people, for his 
 body was stolen from the grave and subjected 
 to the treatment commonly reserved for male 
 factors. 
 
 For northern Illinois and Wisconsin the war 
 had an influence not to be measured by the 
 degree of magnitude of its military events. 
 For all practical purposes in 1832 the region 
 between the Wisconsin and the Illinois rivers, 
 aside from the vicinity of the lead mines, was 
 an unknown wilderness. As a result of the 
 war much of it was explored, while the fear of 
 the Indian and the Indian title to the land 
 
 21 
 
^ntrofcuction 
 
 disappeared together. With the completion of 
 the Erie Canal in 1825, a transportation route 
 had been provided whereby the tide of white 
 settlers from the East might gain easy access 
 to the lands lying to the west of Lake Michi 
 gan. Suddenly the rush of white settlement 
 along this highway began. It involved the 
 birth of the modern Chicago in the year fol 
 lowing the war, and, in rapid succession, of 
 many another mid-western city. It filled nor 
 thern Illinois and Wisconsin with settlers from 
 the free states, and ere long the tide of settle 
 ment crossed the Mississippi. Thus, at length, 
 the upper portion of the Great Valley was set 
 tled, mainly by a free-state population coming 
 by way of the Erie Canal and the Great Lakes. 
 It seems not entirely fanciful to suggest that 
 the Black Hawk War, in which Jefferson Davis 
 and Abraham Lincoln, Winfield Scott and 
 Albert Sidney Johnston, and many another 
 noted Civil War character took part, indirectly 
 played a considerable role in shaping the issue 
 of the later and greater conflict. 
 
 22 
 
JLffe of TBlacfe 
 
 I WAS born at the Sac Village, on Rock 
 river, in the year 1/67, and am now in 
 my 6/th year. My great grandfather, 
 Na-na-ma-kee, or Thunder, (according to the 
 tradition given me by my father, Py-e-sa,) was 
 born in the vicinity of Montreal, where the 
 Great Spirit first placed the Sac Nation, and 
 inspired him with a belief that, at the end of 
 four years, he should see a white man, who 
 would be to him a father. Consequently he 
 blacked his face, and eat but once a day, (just 
 as the sun was going down,) for three years, 
 and continued dreaming throughout all this 
 time whenever he slept; when the Great 
 Spirit again appeared to him, and told him, 
 that, at the end of one year more, he should 
 meet his father, and directed him to start 
 seven days before its expiration, and take with 
 him his two brothers, Na-mah, or Sturgeon, and 
 Pau-ka-hum-ma-wa, or Sun Fish, and travel 
 in a direction to the left of sun-rising. After 
 pursuing this course five days, he sent out his 
 two brothers to [14] listen if they could hear a 
 noise, and if so, to fasten some grass to the 
 end of a pole, erect it, pointing in the direction 
 of the sound, and then return to him. 
 23 
 
of 
 
 Early next morning, they returned, and 
 reported that they had heard sounds which 
 appeared near at hand, and that they had ful 
 filled his order. They all then started for the 
 place where the pole had been erected ; when, 
 on reaching it, Na-na-ma-kee left his party, 
 and went, alone, to the place from whence the 
 sounds proceeded, and found that the white 
 man had arrived and pitched his tent. When 
 he came in sight, his father came out to meet 
 him. He took him by the hand, and welcomed 
 him into his tent. He told him that he was 
 the son of the King of France that he had 
 been dreaming for four years that the Great 
 Spirit had directed him to come here, where 
 he should meet a nation of people who had 
 never yet seen a white man that they should 
 be his children, and he should be their father 
 that he had communicated these things to 
 the King, his father, who laughed at him, and 
 called him a Ma-she-na but he insisted on 
 coming here to meet his children, where the 
 Great Spirit had directed him. The King told 
 him that he would neither find land nor people 
 that this was an uninhabited region of lakes 
 and mountains ; but, finding that he would have 
 no peace without it, fitted out a na-pe-qua, 
 manned it, and gave it to him in charge, when 
 he immediately loaded it, set sail, and had now 
 landed on the very day that the Great Spirit 
 had told him, in his dreams, he should meet 
 his chil-[i5]dren. He had now met the man 
 24 
 
ft of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 who should, in future, have charge of all the 
 nation. 
 
 He then presented him with a medal, 1 which 
 he hung round his neck. Na-na-ma-kee in 
 formed him of his dreaming, and told him 
 that his two brothers remained a little ways 
 behind. His father gave him a shirt, blanket, 
 and handkerchief, besides a variety of presents, 
 and told him to go and bring his brothers. 
 Having laid aside his buffalo robe, and dressed 
 himself in his new dress, he started to meet 
 his brethren. When they met, he explained to 
 them his meeting with the white man, and 
 exhibited to their view the presents that he had 
 made him took off his medal, and placed it 
 upon Nah-ma, his elder brother, and requested 
 them both to go with him to his father. 
 
 They proceeded thither, were ushered into 
 the tent, and, after some brief ceremony, his 
 father opened his chest and took presents there 
 from for the newcomers. He discovered that 
 Na-na-ma-kee had given his medal to Nah-ma. 
 He told him that he had done wrong he 
 should wear that medal himself, as he had 
 others for his brethren: That which he had 
 given him was a type of the rank he should 
 hold in the nation: That his brothers could 
 
 *A11 the European nations followed the practice of 
 giving medals to the friendly leaders of the Indians, 
 a custom which the United States also followed. 
 The medal was at once a certificate of friendship 
 and a mark of the esteem and importance with which 
 the recipient was regarded. 
 
 25 
 
ife of 2Macft J^atoft 
 
 only rank as civil chiefs, and their duties 
 should consist of taking care of the village, and 
 attending to its civil concerns whilst his rank, 
 from his superior knowledge, placed him over 
 them all. If the nation gets into any difficulty 
 with another, then his puc-co-ha-wa-ma, or 
 sovereign decree, must be obeyed. If he de 
 clared war, he must [16] lead them on to battle: 
 That the Great Spirit had made him a great 
 and brave general, and had sent him here to give 
 him that medal, and make presents to him for 
 his people. 
 
 His father remained four days during which 
 time he gave him guns, powder and lead, spears 
 and lances, and showed him their use ; so that 
 in war he could chastise his enemies, and in 
 peace they could kill buffalo, deer, and other 
 game, necessary for the comforts and luxuries 
 of life. He then presented the others with 
 various kinds of cooking utensils, and learned 
 them their uses, and having given them a 
 large quantity of goods, as presents, and every 
 other thing necessary for their comfort, he set 
 sail for France, after promising to meet them 
 again, at the same place, after the twelfth moon. 
 
 The three newly-made chiefs returned to 
 their village, and explained to Muk-a-ta-quet, 
 their father, who was the principal chief of the 
 nation, what had been said and done. The old 
 chief had some dogs killed, and made a feast, 
 preparatory to resigning his sceptre, to which 
 all the nation were invited. Great anxiety 
 26 
 
itife of SMacft 
 
 prevailed among them, to know what the three 
 brothers had seen and heard, when the old 
 chief rose, and related to them the sayings and 
 doings of his three sons; and concluded by 
 observing, that "the Great Spirit had directed 
 that these, his three children, should take the 
 rank and power that had been his, and that 
 he yielded these honors and duties willingly to 
 them, because it was the wish of the [17] 
 Great Spirit, and he could never consent to 
 make him angry!" He now presented the 
 great medicine bag to Na-na-ma-kee, and told 
 him, "that he cheerfully resigned it to him 
 it is the soul of our nation it has never yet 
 been disgraced and I will expect you to keep 
 it unsullied!" 
 
 Some dissension arose among some of them, 
 in consequence of so much power being given 
 to Na-na-ma-kee, he being so young a man. 
 To quiet this, Na-na-ma-kee, during a violent 
 thunder storm, told them that he had caiised it! 
 and that it was an exemplification of the name 
 the Great Spirit had given him. During this 
 storm, the lightning struck, and set fire to a 
 tree, close by; (a sight they had never witnessed 
 before.) He went to it, and brought away some 
 of its burning branches, made a fire in the 
 lodge, and seated his brothers thereby, oppo 
 site to each other; whilst he stood up, and 
 addressed his people as follows: 
 
 "I am yet young but the Great Spirit has 
 called me to the rank I now hold among you. 
 27 
 
ife of <$fecEt l^atoft 
 
 I have never sought to be anything more than 
 my birth entitled me. I have not been ambi 
 tious nor was it ever my wish, whilst my 
 father lives, to have taken his place nor have 
 I now usurped his powers. The Great Spirit 
 caused me to dream for four years, he told 
 me where to go and meet the white man, who 
 would be a kind father to us all. I obeyed his 
 order. I went, and have seen our new father. 
 You have all heard what was said and done. 
 The Great Spirit directed him to come and meet 
 me, and it is his order that places me at the 
 head of my nation, the place which my father 
 has willingly resigned. 
 
 You have all witnessed the power which has 
 been given to me by the Great Spirit, in mak 
 ing that fire and all that I now ask is, that 
 these, my two chiefs, may never let it go out : 
 That they may preserve peace among you, and 
 administer to the wants of the needy: And, 
 should an enemy invade our country, I will then, 
 but not until then, assume command, and go 
 forth with my band of brave warriors, and 
 endeavor to chastise them!" 
 
 At the conclusion of this speech, every voice 
 cried out for Na-na-ma-kee! All were satis 
 fied, when they found that the Great Spirit 
 had done, what they had suspected was the work 
 of Na-na-ma-kee, he being a very shrewd 
 young man. 
 
 The next spring, according to promise, their 
 French father returned, with his na-pe-qua 
 28 
 
ittfc of SSlacft 
 
 richly laden with goods, which were distributed 
 among them. He continued for a long time 
 to keep up a regular trade with them they 
 giving him, in exchange for his goods, furs 
 and peltries. 
 
 After a long time, the British overpowered 
 the French, (the two nations being at war,) 
 drove them away from Quebec, and took pos 
 session of it themselves. The different tribes 
 of Indians around our nation, envying our 
 people, united their forces against them, and 
 succeeded, by their great strength, to drive 
 them to Montreal, and from thence to Mack- 
 inac. Here our people first met our British 
 father, who fur-[i9]nished them with goods. 
 Their enemies still pursued them, and drove 
 them to different places on the lake, until they 
 made a village near Green Bay, on what is now 
 called Sac river, 2 having derived its name 
 from this circumstance. Here they held a 
 council with the Foxes, and a national treaty 
 of friendship and alliance was concluded upon. 
 The Foxes abandoned their village, and joined 
 the Sacs. This arrangement being mutually 
 obligatory upon both parties, as neither were 
 sufficiently strong to meet their enemies with 
 any hope of success, they soon became as one 
 
 2 Modern Fox River. This account of Black Hawk s 
 family and tribal history is in part legendary and in 
 part based on tradition. The Sacs and Foxes were 
 in Wisconsin for several generations before the over 
 throw of the French in America by the British in the 
 war of 1755-63. 
 
 29 
 
ttifc of 25latft 
 
 band or nation of people. They were driven, 
 however, by the combined forces of their 
 enemies, to the Wisconsin. They remained 
 here some time, until a party of their young 
 men, (who had descended Rock river to its 
 mouth,) returned, and made a favorable report 
 of the country. They all descended Rock river 
 drove the Kas-kas-kias from the country, 
 and commenced the erection of their village, 
 determined never to leave it. 
 
 At this village I was born, being a regular 
 descendant of the first chief, Na-na-ma-kee, or 
 Thunder. Few, if any, events of note, trans 
 pired within my recollection, until about my 
 fifteenth year. I was not allowed to paint, or 
 wear feathers; but distinguished myself, at that 
 early age, by wounding an enemy; consequently, 
 I was placed in the ranks of the Braves! 
 
 Soon after this, a leading chief of the Mus- 
 cow nation, came to our village for recruits to 
 go to war against the Osages, our common 
 enemy. 3 I volunteered my services to go, 
 as my father had joined him ; [20] and was 
 proud to have an opportunity to prove to him 
 that I was not an unworthy son, and that I had 
 courage and bravery. It was not long before 
 we met the enemy, when a battle immediately 
 ensued. Standing by my father s side, I saw 
 him kill his antagonist, and tear the scalp from 
 
 3 The Osage, a southern Siouan tribe, whose home 
 was on the Osage River of Missouri, was commonly 
 at war with most of its neighbors. 
 
 30 
 
31 tfc of lath 
 
 his head. Fired with valor and ambition, I 
 rushed furiously upon another, smote him to 
 the earth with my tomahawk run my lance 
 through his body took off his scalp, and 
 returned in triumph to my father! He said 
 nothing, but looked pleased. This was the first 
 man I killed ! The enemy s loss in this engage 
 ment having been great, they immediately 
 retreated, which put an end to the war for the 
 present. Our party then returned to our vil 
 lage, and danced over the scalps we had taken. 
 This was the first time that I was permitted to 
 join in a scalp-dance. 
 
 After a few moons had passed, (having 
 acquired considerable fame as a brave,) I led 
 a party of seven, and attacked one hundred 
 Osages ! I killed one man, and left him for 
 my comrades to scalp, whilst I was taking an 
 observation of the strength and preparations 
 of the enemy; and, finding that they were all 
 equally well armed with ourselves, I ordered a 
 retreat, and came off without losing a man! 
 This excursion gained for me great applause, 
 and enabled me, before a great while, to raise 
 a party of one hundred and eighty, to go 
 against the Osages. We left our village in 
 high spirits, and marched over a rugged coun 
 try, until we reached that of the Osages, on the 
 Missouri. We fol- [21] lowed their trail until 
 we arrived at their village, which we approached 
 with great caution, expecting that they were 
 all there ; but found, to our sorrow, that they 
 
3tifc of 2Wacft f atofe 
 
 had deserted it! The party became dissatis 
 fied, in consequence of this disappointment, 
 and all, with the exception of five, dispersed 
 and returned home. I then placed myself at 
 the head of this brave little band, and thanked 
 the Great Spirit that so many remained, 
 and took up the trail of our enemies, with a 
 full determination never to return without some 
 trophy of victory! We followed on for several 
 days killed one man and a boy, and then 
 returned with their scalps. 
 
 In consequence of this mutiny in my camp, 
 I was not again enabled to raise a sufficient 
 party to go against the Osages, until about my 
 nineteenth year. During this interim, they 
 committed many outrages on our nation and 
 people. I succeeded, at length, in recruiting 
 two hundred efficient warriors, and took up the 
 line of march early in the morning. In a few 
 days we were in the enemy s country, and had 
 not traveled far before we met an equal force 
 to contend with. A general battle immediately 
 commenced, although my braves were consid 
 erably fatigued by forced marches. Each party 
 fought desperately. The enemy seemed un 
 willing to yield the ground, and we were deter 
 mined to conquer or die ! A large number of 
 the Osages were killed, and many wounded, 
 before they commenced retreating. A band of 
 warriors more brave, skilful, and efficient than 
 mine, could not be found. In this engagement 
 I killed five men and one squaw, and had [22] 
 32 
 

 
 ill ^w ^ 
 
 * H 
 
 a. >. 
 
 
 
ilife of 2Wack 
 
 the good fortune to take the scalps of all I 
 struck, except one. The enemy s loss in this 
 engagement was about one hundred men. Ours 
 nineteen. We now returned to our village, 
 well pleased with our success, and danced over 
 the scalps we had taken. 
 
 The Osages, in consequence of their great 
 loss in this battle, became satisfied to remain 
 on their own lands ; and ceased, for a while, 
 their depredations on our nation. Our atten 
 tion, therefore, was directed towards an ancient 
 enemy, who had decoyed and murdered some of 
 our helpless women and children. I started, 
 with my father, who took command of a small 
 party, and proceeded against the enemy. We 
 met near Merimack, 4 and an action ensued ; the 
 Cherokees having greatly the advantage in 
 numbers. Early in this engagement my father 
 was wounded in the thigh but had the pleas 
 ure of killing his antagonist before he fell. 
 Seeing that he had fallen, I assumed command, 
 and fought desperately, until the enemy com 
 menced retreating before us. I returned to 
 my father to administer to his necessities, but 
 nothing could be done for him. The medicine 
 man said the wound was mortal! from which 
 he soon after died! In this battle I killed three 
 men, and wounded several. The enemy s loss 
 being twenty-eight, and ours seven. 
 
 I now fell heir to the great medicine bag of 
 
 4 Probably the Meramec River, a westward tributary 
 of the Mississippi a short distance below St. Louis. 
 
 33 
 
Eife of 25Iacft i^atoft 
 
 my forefathers, which had belonged to my 
 father. I took it, buried our dead, and returned 
 with my party, all sad and sorrowful, to our 
 village, in consequence of the loss of my father. 
 Owing to this misfortune, I blacked my [23] 
 face, fasted, and prayed to the Great Spirit for 
 five years during which time I remained in a 
 civil capacity, hunting and fishing. 
 
 The Osages having commenced aggressions 
 on our people, and the Great Spirit having 
 taken pity on me, I took a small party and 
 went against the enemy, but could only find 
 six men! Their forces being so weak, I 
 thought it cowardly to kill them, but took 
 them prisoners, and carried them to our Spanish 
 father at St. Louis, and gave them up to him; 
 and then returned to our village. Determined 
 on the final extermination of the Osages, for 
 the injuries our nation and people had received 
 from them, I commenced recruiting a strong 
 force, immediately on my return, and started, 
 in the third moon, with five hundred Sacs and 
 Foxes, and one hundred loways, and marched 
 against the enemy. We continued our march 
 for several days before we came upon their 
 trail, which was discovered late in the day. 
 We encamped for the night ; made an early 
 start next morning, and before sun-down, fell 
 upon forty-lodges, and killed all their inhabi 
 tants, except two squaws! whom I captured and 
 made prisoners. During this attack I killed 
 seven men and two boys, with my own hand. 
 
 34 
 
life of 25Iacft 
 
 In this engagement many of the bravest war 
 riors among the Osages were killed, which 
 caused the balance of their nation to remain 
 on their own lands, and cease their aggressions 
 upon our hunting grounds. 
 
 The loss of my father, by the Cherokees, 
 made me anxious to avenge his death, by the 
 annihilation, if pos-[24]sible, of all their race. 
 I accordingly commenced recruiting another 
 party to go against them. Having succeeded 
 in this, I started, with my party, and went into 
 their country, but only found five of their 
 people, whom I took prisoners. I afterwards 
 released four men the other, a young squaw, 
 we brought home. Great as was my hatred 
 for this people, I could not kill so small a party. 
 
 During the close of the ninth moon, I led a 
 large party against the Chippewas, Kaskaskias 
 and Osages. This was the commencement of 
 a long and arduous campaign, which terminated 
 in my thirty-fifth year ; having had seven reg 
 ular engagements, and a number of small skir 
 mishes. During this campaign, several hundred 
 of the enemy were slain. I killed thirteen of 
 their bravest warriors, with my own hand. 
 
 Our enemies having now been driven from our 
 hunting grounds, with so great a loss as they 
 sustained, we returned, in peace, to our villages ; 
 and, after the seasons of mourning and burying 
 our dead relations, and of feast-dancing, had 
 passed, we commenced preparations for our 
 winter s hunt, in which we were very successful. 
 35 
 
itife of 25Iacfe fatoft 
 
 We generally paid a visit to St. Louis every 
 summer; but, in consequence of the protracted 
 war in which we had been engaged, I had not 
 been there for some years. Our difficulties 
 having all been settled, I concluded to take a 
 small party, that summer, and go down to see 
 our Spanish father. We went and on our 
 arrival, put up our lodges where the market- 
 house now stands. After painting and dress 
 ing, we called to [25] see our Spanish father, 
 and were well received. He gave us a variety 
 of presents, and plenty of provisions. We 
 danced through the town as usual, and its 
 inhabitants all seemed to be well pleased. 
 They appeared to us like brothers and always 
 gave us good advice. 
 
 On my next, and last visit to my Spanish 
 father, I discovered, on landing, that all was 
 not right: every countenance seemed sad and 
 gloomy! I inquired the cause, and was in 
 formed that the Americans were coming to 
 take possession of the town and country! and 
 that we should then lose our Spanish father! 5 
 This news made myself and band sad because 
 we had always heard bad accounts of the Amer 
 icans from Indians who had lived near them! 
 and we were sorry to lose our Spanish 
 
 5 By a secret treaty Louisiana had been transferred 
 from Spain to France in 1800. Without ever having 
 taken formal possession of the country, Napoleon 
 sold it to the United States in 1803. Black Hawk 
 was apparently unaware of the part played by France 
 in the transfer. 
 
 36 
 
3tife of 2Wacft 
 
 father, who had always treated us with great 
 friendship. 
 
 A few days afterwards the Americans 
 arrived. I took my band, and went to take 
 leave, for the last time, of our father. The 
 Americans came to see him also. Seeing them 
 approach, we passed out at one door, as they 
 entered another and immediately started, in 
 canoes, for our village on Rock river not 
 liking the change any more than our friends 
 appeared to, at St. Louis. 
 
 On arriving at our village, we gave the news, 
 that strange people had taken St. Louis and 
 that we should never see our Spanish father 
 again ! This information made all our people 
 sorry ! 
 
 Some time afterwards, a boat came up the 
 river, with a young American chief, [Lieutenant 
 (afterwards Gen-[26] eral) Pike,] and a small 
 party of soldiers. We heard of him, (by run 
 ners,) soon after he had passed Salt river. 
 Some of our young braves watched him every 
 day, to see what sort of people he had on board. 
 The boat, at length, arrived at Rock river, and 
 the young chief came on shore with his inter 
 preter made a speech, and gave us some 
 presents. We, in return, presented him with 
 meat, and such provisions as we could spare. 
 
 We were all well pleased with the speech of 
 
 the young chief. He gave us good advice; 
 
 said our American father would treat us well. 
 
 He presented us an American flag, which was 
 
 37 
 
ttife of 2&lacft 
 
 hoisted. He then requested us to pull down 
 our British flags and give him our British 
 medals promising to send us others on his 
 return to St. Louis. This we declined, as we 
 wished to have two Fathers! 
 
 When the young chief started, we sent run 
 ners to the Fox village, some miles distant, to 
 direct them to treat him well as he passed 
 which they did. He went to the head of the 
 Mississippi, and then returned to St. Louis. 
 We did not see any Americans again for some 
 time, being supplied with goods by British 
 traders. 
 
 We were fortunate in not giving up our 
 medals for we learned afterwards, from our 
 traders, that the chiefs high up on the Missis 
 sippi, who gave theirs, never received any in 
 exchange for them. But the fault was not 
 with the young American chief. He was a 
 good man, and a great brave and died in his 
 country s service. 
 
 [27] Some moons after this young chief 
 descended the Mississippi, one of our people 
 killed an American and was confined, in the 
 prison at St. Louis, for the offence. 6 We 
 held a council at our village to see what could 
 
 6 Black Hawk is mistaken here as to the sequence 
 of events. The murder of the Americans (three in 
 stead of one were killed) occurred in the summer of 
 1804, and was followed by Governor Harrison s 
 treaty with the Sacs and Foxes in October of the 
 same year. Zebulpn Pike s expedition to the head 
 waters of the Mississippi took place in 1805-6. 
 
 38 
 
Eife of 25Iacft 
 
 be done for him, which determined that 
 Quash-qua-me, Pa-she-pa-ho, Oti-che-qua-ka, 
 and Ha-she-quar-hi-qua, should go down to 
 St. Louis, see our American father, and do all 
 they could to have our friend released ; by 
 paying for the person killed thus covering 
 the blood, and satisfying the relations of the 
 man murdered! This being the only means 
 with us of saving a person who had killed 
 another and we then thought it was the same 
 way with the whites! 
 
 The party started with the good wishes of 
 the whole nation hoping they would accom 
 plish the object of their mission. The relatives 
 of the prisoner blacked their faces, and fasted 
 hoping the Great Spirit would take pity on 
 them, and return the husband and father to his 
 wife and children. 
 
 Quash-qua-me and party remained a long 
 time absent. They at length returned, and 
 encamped a short distance below the village 
 but did not come up that day nor did any 
 person approach their camp! They appeared 
 to be dressed in fine coats and had medals! 
 From these circumstances, we were in hopes 
 that they had brought good news. Early the 
 next morning, the Council Lodge was crowded 
 Quash-qua-me and party came up, and gave 
 us the following account of their mission: 
 
 "On their arrival at St. Louis, they met 
 their [28] American father, and explained to 
 him their business, and urged the release of 
 39 
 
Sife of OTacft J^atoft 
 
 their friend. The American chief told them 
 he wanted land and they had agreed to give 
 him some on the west side of the Mississippi, 
 and some on the Illinois side opposite the Jef- 
 freon. When the business was all arranged, 
 they expected to have their friend released to 
 come home with them. But about the time 
 they were ready to start, their friend was let out 
 of prison, who ran a short distance, and was shot 
 dead! This is all they could recollect of what 
 was said and done. They had been drunk the 
 greater part of the time they were in St. Louis." 
 
 This is all myself or nation knew of the treaty 
 of 1804. It has been explained to me since. I 
 find, by that treaty, all our country, east of the 
 Mississippi, and south of the Jeff reon, was ceded 
 to the United States for one thousand dollars a 
 year! I will leave it to the people of the United 
 States to say, whether our nation was properly 
 represented in this treaty? or whether we receiv 
 ed a fair compensation for the extent of country 
 ceded by those four individuals ? I could say 
 much about this treaty, but I will not, at this 
 time. It has been the origin of all our difficulties. 
 
 Some time after this treaty was made, a war 
 chief, with a party of soldiers, came up in keel 
 boats, and encamped a short distance above 
 the head of the DesMoines rapids, and com 
 menced cutting timber and building houses. 7 
 
 7 This refers to the erection of Fort Madison, 
 Iowa, begun in the autumn of 1808. For its history 
 see Annals of Iowa, Third Series, III, 97-110. 
 40 
 
Sife of 25iacft 
 
 The news of their arrival was soon carried to 
 all the villages when council after council 
 was held. We could not understand the inten 
 tion, or reason, why [29] the Americans wanted 
 to build houses at that place but were told 
 that they were a party of soldiers, who had 
 brought great guns with them and looked 
 liked a war party of whites! 
 
 A number of our people immediately went 
 down to see what was doing myself among 
 them. On our arrival, we found they were 
 building zfort! The soldiers were busily en 
 gaged in cutting timber ; and I observed that 
 they took their arms with them, when they 
 went to the woods and the whole party acted 
 as they would do in an enemy s country! The 
 chiefs held a council with the officers, or head 
 men, of the party which I did not attend 
 but understood from them that the war chief 
 had said, that they were building houses for a 
 trader, who was coming there to live, and 
 would sell us goods very cheap! and that these 
 soldiers were to remain to keep him company! 
 We were pleased at this information, and hoped 
 it was all true but we could not believe that 
 all these buildings were intended merely for the 
 accommodation of a trader! Being distrustful, 
 of their intentions, we were anxious for them 
 to leave off building, and go down the river 
 again. By this time, a considerable number 
 of Indians had arrived, to see what was doing. 
 I discovered that the whites were alarmed! 
 
Eife of SMacft J^atofe 
 
 Some of our young men watched a party of 
 soldiers, who went out to work, carrying their 
 arms which were laid aside, before they com 
 menced. Having stole up quietly to the spot, 
 they seized the guns and gave a yell! The 
 party threw down their axes, and ran for [30] 
 their arms, but found them gone! and them 
 selves surrounded! Our young men laughed 
 at them, and returned them their guns. 
 
 When this party came to the fort, they 
 reported what had been done, and the war chief 
 made a serious affair of it. He called our 
 chiefs to council, inside of his fort. This cre 
 ated considerable excitement in our camp 
 every one wanted to know what was going to 
 be done and the picketing which had been 
 put up, being low every Indian crowded 
 round the fort, and got upon blocks of wood, 
 and old barrels, that they might see what was 
 going on inside. Some were armed with guns, 
 and others with bows and arrows. We used 
 this precaution, seeing that the soldiers had 
 their guns loaded and having seen them load 
 their big gun that morning ! 
 
 A party of our braves commenced dancing, 
 and proceeded up to the gate, with an intention 
 of going in, but were stopped. The council 
 immediately broke up the soldiers, with their 
 arms in their hands, rushed out of their rooms, 
 where they had been concealed the cannon 
 was hauled in front of the gateway and a 
 soldier came running with fire in his hand, 
 42 
 
life of 2Wacft 
 
 ready to apply the match. Our braves gave 
 way, and all retired to the camp. 
 
 There was no preconcerted plan to attack 
 the whites at that time but I am of opinion 
 now, had our party got into the fort, all 
 the whites would have been killed as the 
 British soldiers had been at Mackinac many 
 years before. 
 
 [31] We broke up our camp, and returned 
 to Rock river. A short time afterwards, the 
 fort party received a reinforcement among 
 whom we observed some of our old friends 
 from St. Louis. 
 
 Soon after our return from fort Madison, 
 runners came to our village from the Shawnee 
 Prophet* (whilst others were despatched by 
 him to the villages of the Winnebagoes,) with 
 invitations for us to meet him on the Wabash. 
 Accordingly a party went from each village. 
 
 All of our party returned, among whom came 
 a Prophet, who explained to us the bad treat 
 ment the different nations of Indians had re 
 ceived from the Americans, by giving them a 
 few presents, and taking their land from them. 
 I remember well his saying, "If you do not 
 join your friends on the Wabash, the Americans 
 will take this very village from you / " I little 
 thought, then, that his words would come true ! 
 
 8 The brother of Tecumseh. For an account of 
 the enterprise carried on by these two men see 
 Quaife, Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835, 
 chap. VIII. 
 
 43 
 
Itife of 2>Iacft 
 
 Supposing that he used these arguments merely 
 to encourage us to join him, we agreed that we 
 would not. He then returned to the Wabash, 
 where a party of Winnebagoes had arrived, 
 and preparations were making for war! A 
 battle soon ensued, 9 in which several Winne 
 bagoes were killed. As soon as their nation 
 heard of this battle, and that some of their 
 people had been killed, they started war parties 
 in different directions. One to the mining 
 country; one to Prairie du Chien, and another 
 to fort Madison. This last returned by our 
 village, and exhibited several scalps which they 
 had [32] taken. Their success induced several 
 other parties to go against the fort. Myself 
 and several of my band joined the last party, 
 and were determined to take the fort. 10 We 
 arrived in the vicinity during the night. The 
 spies that we had sent out several days before, 
 to watch the movements of those at the garri 
 son, and ascertain their numbers, came to us, 
 and gave the following information : That 
 a keel-boat had arrived from below that even 
 ing, with seventeen men; that there were about 
 fifty men in the fort, and that they marched 
 out every morning at sunrise, to exercise." 
 It was immediately determined that we should 
 
 9 The battle of Tippecanoe, November 7, 1811. 
 
 10 This attack on Fort Madison was begun Septem 
 ber 5, 1812, almost a year after the battle of Tippe 
 canoe. It was precipitated probably by the fall of 
 Detroit, Mackinac, and Fort Dearborn in the summer 
 of 1812, rather than by the battle of Tippecanoe. 
 
 44 
 
Hife of 2&toth l?atoh 
 
 take a position as near as we could, (to conceal 
 ourselves,) to the place where the soldiers 
 would come; and when the signal was given, 
 each man to fire, and then rush into the fort. 
 I dug a hole with my knife, deep enough (by 
 placing a few weeds around it,) to conceal 
 myself. I was so near to the fort that I could 
 hear the sentinel walking. By day-break, I 
 had finished my work, and was anxiously await 
 ing the rising of the sun. The drum beat; I 
 examined the priming of my gun, and eagerly 
 watched for the gate to open. It did open 
 but instead of the troops marching out, a young 
 man came alone. The gate closed after him. 
 He passed close by me so near that I could 
 have killed him with my knife , but I let him pass. 
 He kept the path towards the river; and had 
 he went one step out of it, he must have come 
 upon us, and would have been killed. He 
 returned immediately, and entered the gate. 
 I [33] would now have rushed for the gate, 
 and entered it with him, but I feared that our 
 party was not prepared to follow me. 
 
 The gate opened again four men came out, 
 and went down to the river after wood. Whilst 
 they were gone, another man came out, and 
 walked towards the river was fired upon and 
 killed by a Winnebago. The others immedi 
 ately ran for the fort, and two of them were 
 killed. We then took shelter under the bank 
 out of reach of fire from the fort. 
 
 The firing now commenced from both parties 
 45 
 
Itife of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 and continued all day. I advised our party 
 to set fire to the fort, and commenced prepar 
 ing arrows for that purpose. At night we 
 made the attempt, and succeeded to fire the 
 buildings several times, but without effect, as 
 the fire was always instantly extinguished. 
 
 The next day I took my rifle, and shot in two 
 the cord by which they hoisted their flag, and 
 prevented them from raising it again. We 
 continued firing until all our ammunition was 
 expended; and finding that we could not take 
 the fort, returned home, having had one Win- 
 nebago killed, and one wounded, during the 
 siege. I have since learned that the trader, 
 who lived in the fort, wounded the Winnebago 
 when he was scalping the first man that was 
 killed ! The Winnebago recovered, is now liv 
 ing, and is very friendly disposed towards the 
 trader, believing him to be a great brave! 
 
 Soon after our return home, news reached 
 us that a war was going to take place between 
 the British and [34] the Americans. Runners 
 continued to arrive from different tribes, all 
 confirming the report of the expected war. 
 The British agent, Col. Dixon, 11 was holding 
 
 11 Robert Dickson, the British trader, played an 
 important role in the West during the War of 1812, 
 being very influential in stirring up the Indians to 
 assist the British in the war. His relations with 
 Black Hawk and the Sacs are set forth in the fol 
 lowing pages. A great deal of material upon Dickson 
 has been published in the different volumes of the 
 Wisconsin Historical Collections. 
 46 
 
Stfe of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 talks with, and making presents to, the differ 
 ent tribes. I had not made up my mind 
 whether to join the British or remain neutral. 
 I had not discovered one good trait in the char 
 acter of the Americans that had come to the^ 
 country! They made fair promises, but never 
 fulfilled them! Whilst the British made but 
 few but we could always rely upon their word! 
 One of our people having killed a Frenchman 
 at Prairie du Chien, the British took him pris- N 
 oner, and said they would shoot him the next 
 day! 12 His family were encamped a short dis 
 tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He 
 begged for permission to go and see them that 
 night, as he was to die the next day! They 
 permitted him to go, after promising to return 
 the next morning by sunrise. He visited his 
 family, which consisted of a wife and six chil 
 dren. I cannot describe their meeting and 
 parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it 
 appears that their feelings are acted upon by 
 certain rules laid down by their preachers! 
 whilst ours are governed only by the monitor 
 within us. He parted from his wife and chil 
 dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, 
 and arrived in time! The soldiers were ready, 
 and immediately marched out and shot him 
 
 12 This evidently occurred during the British occu 
 pation of Prairie du Chien in 1814-15. An enter 
 taining account of such an affair is to be found in 
 "The Captive," one of a collection of Indian tales 
 in William J. Snelling s Tales of the Northwest-, or 
 Sketches of Indian Life and Character (Boston, 1830). 
 
 47 
 
ilife of 25Iacft 
 
 down! I visited his family, and by hunting and 
 fishing, provided for them until they reached 
 their relations. 
 
 [35] Why did the Great Spirit ever send the 
 whites to this island, to drive us from our 
 homes, and introduce among us poisonous 
 liquors, disease and death? They should have 
 remained on the island where the Great Spirit 
 first placed them. But I will proceed with 
 my story. My memory, however, is not very 
 good, since my late visit to the white people. 
 I have still a buzzing in my ears, from the 
 noise and may give some parts of my story 
 out of place ; but I will endeavor to be correct. 
 
 Several of our chiefs and head men were 
 called upon to go to Washington, to see their 
 Great Father. They started ; and during their 
 absence, I went to Peoria, on the Illinois river, 
 to see an old friend, a trader, 13 to get his advice. 
 He was a man that always told us the truth, 
 and knew every thing that was going on. When 
 I arrived at Peoria, he was not there, but had 
 
 13 This was Thomas Forsyth who for a decade 
 prior to the War of 1812 had been engaged in the fur 
 trade at Peoria, operating in partnership with his 
 half brother, John Kinzie of Chicago. In April, 
 1812, Forsyth was made sub-agent of Indian affairs, 
 and during the war labored valiantly to uphold Amer 
 ican interests in the region over which he was influ 
 ential with the natives. In 1819 he was appointed 
 Indian agent at Fort Armstrong (Rock Island), in 
 which position he continued until 1830. For much 
 material on his career see the volumes of the Wis 
 consin Historical Collections. 
 
 48 
 
ttife of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 gone to Chicago. I visited the Pottawatomie 
 villages, and then returned to Rock river. 
 Soon after which, our friends returned from 
 their visit to our Great Father and related 
 what had been said and done. Their Great 
 Father (they said) wished us, in the event of a 
 war taking place with England, not to interfere 
 on either side but to remain neutral. He 
 did not want our help but wished us to hunt 
 and support our families, and live in peace. 14 
 He said that British traders would not be per 
 mitted to come on the Mississippi, to furnish 
 us with goods but we would be well supplied 
 by an American trader. 15 Our chiefs [36] then 
 told him that the British traders always gave 
 us credits in the fall, for guns, powder and 
 
 14 Black Hawk here states fairly the American 
 policy with respect to Indian participation in the war 
 for several years prior to its commencement and 
 for some time after this event. It proved a losing 
 policy, however, and before the close of the war the 
 Americans, like the British, were actively seeking 
 the assistance of the red men. 
 
 15 Due to the insistence of President Washington, 
 the American government had established a system 
 of government trading houses or "factories" for 
 supplying the Indians with goods at fair prices. 
 One of these was located at Fort Madison, and the 
 "trader" referred to was the factor, a salaried em 
 ployee of the government. No comprehensive ac 
 count of the government factory system has ever 
 been written. For a tentative sketch of its rise and 
 fall, written with especial reference to the operations 
 of the Chicago factory, see Quaife, op. cit., chap. 
 XIII. 
 
 49 
 
3tife of S&lacfe 
 
 goods, to enable us to hunt, and clothe our 
 families. He replied that the trader at fort 
 Madison would have plenty of goods that we 
 should go there in the fall, and he would sup 
 ply us on credit, as the British traders had 
 done. The party gave a good account of 
 what they had seen, and the kind treatment 
 they received. 
 
 This information pleased us all very much. 
 We all agreed to follow our Great Father s 
 advice, and not interfere with the war. Our 
 women were much pleased at this good news. 
 Every thing went on cheerfully in our village. 
 We resumed our pastimes of playing ball, 
 horse racing, and dancing, which had been 
 laid aside when this great war was first talked 
 about. 
 
 We had fine crops of corn, which were now 
 ripe and our women were engaged in gather 
 ing it, and making cashes to contain it. In a 
 short time we were ready to start to fort Madi 
 son, to get our supply of goods, that we might 
 proceed to our hunting grounds. We passed 
 merrily down the river all in high spirits. 
 I had determined to spend the winter at my 
 old favorite hunting ground, on Skunk river, 
 and left part of my corn and mats at its mouth, 
 to take up when I returned: others did the 
 same. Next morning we arrived at the fort, 
 and made our encampment. Myself and prin 
 cipal men paid a visit to the war chief at the 
 fort. He received us kindly, and gave us 
 50 
 
Htfe of SMacfe 
 
 some [37] tobacco, pipes and provision. The 
 trader came in, and we all rose and shook 
 hands with him for on him all our depend 
 ence was placed, to enable us to hunt, and 
 thereby support our families. We waited a 
 long time, expecting the trader would tell us 
 that he had orders from our Great Father to 
 supply us with goods but he said nothing on 
 the subject. I got up, and told him, in a short 
 speech, what we had come for and hoped he 
 had plenty of goods to supply us and told 
 him that he should be well paid in the spring 
 and concluded, by informing him, that we 
 had determined to follow our Great Father s 
 advice, and not go to war. 
 
 He said that he was happy to hear that we 
 intended to remain at peace. That he had a 
 large quantity of goods; and that, if we made 
 a good hunt, we would be well supplied: but 
 remarked, that he had received no instructions 
 to furnish us any thing on credit! nor could 
 he give us any without receiving the pay for 
 them on the spot! 
 
 We informed him what our Great Father had 
 told our chiefs at Washington and contended 
 that he could supply us if he would believing 
 that our Great Father always spoke the truth! 
 But the war chief said that the trader could 
 not furnish us on credit and that he had 
 received no instructions from our Great Father 
 at Washington! We left the fort dissatisfied, 
 and went to our camp. What was now to be 
 
Hife of 25Iacft I^atoft 
 
 done, we knew not. We questioned the party 
 that [38] brought us the news from our Great 
 Father, that we would get credit for our win 
 ter s supplies, at this place. They still told 
 the same story, and insisted upon its truth. 
 Few of us slept that night all was gloom and 
 discontent! 
 
 In the morning, a canoe was seen descend 
 ing the river it soon arrived, bearing an 
 express, who brought intelligence that La 
 Gutrie, a British trader, had landed at Rock 
 Island, with two boats loaded with goods 
 and requested us to come up immediately 
 because he had good news for us and a variety 
 of presents. The express presented us with 
 tobacco, pipes and wampum. 
 
 The news run through our camp like fire in 
 the prairie. Our lodges were soon taken down, 
 and all started for Rock Island. Here ended 
 all hopes of our remaining at peace having 
 been forced into WAR by being DECEIVED! 
 
 Our party were not long in getting to Rock 
 Island. When we came in sight, and saw tents 
 pitched, we yelled, fired our guns, and com 
 menced beating our drums. Guns were im 
 mediately fired at the island, returning our 
 salute and a British flag hoisted! We landed, 
 and were cordially received by La Gutrie 
 and then smoked the pipe with him! After 
 which he made a speech to us, that had been 
 sent by Colonel Dixon, and gave us a number 
 of handsome presents a large silk flag, and a 
 52 
 
Sife of SMacft 
 
 keg of rum, and told us to retire take some 
 refreshments and rest ourselves, as he would 
 have more to say to us on the next day. 
 
 [39] We, accordingly, retired to our lodges, 
 (which had been put up in the mean time,) 
 and spent the night. The next morning we 
 called upon him, and told him that we wanted 
 his two boats load of goods to divide among 
 our people for which he should be well paid 
 in the spring with furs and peltries. He con 
 sented told us to take them and do as we 
 pleased with them. Whilst our people were 
 dividing the goods, he took me aside, and in 
 formed me that Col. Dixon was at Green Bay, 
 with twelve boats, loaded with goods, guns, 
 and ammunition and wished me to raise a 
 party immediately and go to him. He said 
 that our friend, the trader at Peoria, was col 
 lecting the Pottawatomies, and would be there 
 before us. I communicated this information 
 to my braves, and a party of two hundred war 
 riors were soon collected and ready to depart. 
 
 I paid a visit to the lodge of an old friend, 
 who had been the comrade of my youth, and 
 had been in many war parties with me, but 
 was now crippled, and no longer able to 
 travel. He had a son that I had adopted as 
 my own, who had hunted with me the two 
 preceding winters. I wished my old friend to 
 let him go with me. He objected, saying that 
 he could not get his support if his son left him: 
 that I, (who had always provided for him since 
 53 
 
Hife of 2Macfc 
 
 he got lame,) would be gone, and he had no 
 other dependence than his son. I offered to 
 leave my son in his place but he still refused. 
 He said he did not like the war he had been 
 [40] down the river, and had been well treated 
 by the Americans, and could not fight against 
 them. He had promised to winter near a 
 white settler above Salt river, and must take 
 his son with him. We parted. I soon con 
 cluded my arrangements, and started with my 
 party to Green Bay. On our arrival there, we 
 found a large encampment, and were well re 
 ceived by Dixon, and the war chiefs that were 
 with him. He gave us plenty of provisions, 
 tobacco and pipes, and said he would hold a 
 council with us the next day. 
 
 In the encampment, I found a large number 
 of Pottowatomies, Kickapoos, Ottawas and 
 Winnebagoes. I visited all their camps, and 
 found them in high spirits. They had all re 
 ceived new guns, ammunition, and a variety of 
 clothing. In the evening a messenger came 
 to me to visit Col. Dixon. I went to his tent, 
 in which were two other war chiefs, and an 
 interpreter. He received me with a hearty 
 shake of the hand, and presented me to the 
 other chiefs, who shook my hand cordially, and 
 seemed much pleased to see me. After I was 
 seated, Col. Dixon said: "Gen. Black Hawk, 
 I sent for you, to explain to you what we are 
 going to do, and the reasons that have brought 
 us here. Our friend, La Gutrie, informs us 
 54 
 
Eife of 25Iatft 
 
 in the letter you brought from him, what has 
 lately taken place. You will now have to hold 
 us fast by the hand. Your English father has 
 found out that the Americans want to take 
 your country from you and has sent me and 
 [41] his braves to drive them back to their own 
 country. He has, likewise, sent a large quan 
 tity of arms and ammunition and we want 
 all your warriors to join us." 
 
 He then placed a medal round my neck, 
 and gave me a paper, (which I lost in the late 
 war,) and a silk flag, saying "You are to 
 command all the braves that will leave here 
 the day after to-morrow, to join our braves 
 near Detroit." 
 
 I told him that I was very much disappointed 
 as I wanted to descend the Mississippi, and 
 make war upon the settlements. He said he 
 had been "ordered to lay the country waste 
 around St. Louis that he had been a trader on 
 the Mississippi many years had always been 
 kindly treated, and could not consent to send 
 brave men to murder women and children! That 
 there were no soldiers there to fight; but where 
 he was going to send us, there were a number of 
 soldiers: and, if we defeated them, the Missis 
 sippi country should be ours!" I was pleased 
 with this speech; it was spoken by a brave! 
 
 I inquired about my old friend, the trader, 
 
 at Peoria, and observed, "that I expected he 
 
 would have been here before me." He shook 
 
 his head, and said he "had sent express after 
 
 55 
 
Stife of 2Macfc l^atoft 
 
 express to him, and had off ere d him large sums 
 of money, to come, and bring all the Pottowat- 
 omies and Kickapoos with him; but he refused, 
 saying, your British father had not money enough 
 to induce him to join us! 1 have now [42] laid 
 a trap for him, I have sent Gomo, and a party 
 of Indians, to take him prisoner, and bring 
 him here alive. 16 I expect him in a few days." 
 The next day, arms and ammunition, toma 
 hawks, knives, and clothing, were given to 
 my band. We had a great feast in the even 
 ing; and the morning following, I started with 
 about five hundred braves, to join the British 
 army. The British war chief accompanied us. 
 We passed Chicago. The fort had been evac 
 uated by the American soldiers, who had 
 marched for fort Wayne. They were attacked 
 a short distance from that fort, and defeated! 
 They had a considerable quantity of powder 
 in the fort at Chicago, which they had prom 
 ised to the Indians; but the night before 
 they marched, they destroyed it. I think it 
 was thrown into the well! If they had ful 
 filled their word to the Indians, I think they 
 would have gone safe. 17 
 
 16 Gomo was chief of a band Potowatomi residing 
 on the Illinois River above Peoria. Throughout the 
 war he adhered to the American cause, and was on 
 friendly terms with Forsyth. 
 
 17 An interesting opinion, but not necessarily con 
 clusive of the question. On the whole subject of the 
 Fort Dearborn massacre of August 15, 1812, see 
 Quaife, op. ctt., especially chap. XII. 
 
 56 
 
Jlife of 2Macft 
 
 On our arrival, I found that the Indians 
 had several prisoners, I advised them to treat 
 them well. We continued our march, and 
 joined the British army below Detroit; and 
 soon after had a fight ! The Americans fought 
 well, and drove us with considerable loss! I 
 was surprised at this, as I had been told that 
 the Americans could not fight! 
 
 Our next movement was against a fortified 
 place. I was stationed, with my braves, to 
 prevent any person going to, or coming from 
 the fort. I found two men taking care of 
 cattle, and took them prisoners. I would not 
 kill them, but delivered them to the British [43] 
 war chief. Soon after, several boats came 
 down the river, full of American soldiers. 
 They landed on the opposite side, took the 
 British batteries, and pursued the soldiers that 
 had left them. They went too far, without 
 knowing the forces of the British, and were 
 defeated! I hurried across the river, anxious 
 for an opportunity to show the courage of my 
 braves; but before we reached the ground, all 
 was over! The British had taken many pris 
 oners, and the Indians were killing them! I 
 immediately put a stop to it, as I never thought 
 it brave, but cowardly, to kill an unarmed and 
 helpless enemy! 
 
 We remained here some time. I cannot 
 detail what took place, as I was stationed, with 
 my braves, in the woods. It appeared, how 
 ever, that the British could not take this fort 
 57 
 
Hifc of 2Wacft 
 
 for we were marched to another some distance 
 off. When we approached it, I found it a 
 small stockade, and concluded that there were 
 not many men in it. The British war chief sent 
 a flag Colonel Dixon carried it, and returned. 
 He said a young war chief commanded, and 
 would not give up without fighting! Dixon 
 came to me and said, "you will see, to-morrow, 
 how easily we will take that fort." I was of 
 opinion that they would take it; but when the 
 morning came, I was disappointed. The Brit 
 ish advanced commenced an attack, and 
 fought like braves; but by braves in the 
 fort, were defeated, and a great number killed! 
 The British army were making preparations to 
 retreat. I [44] was now tired of being with 
 them our success being bad, and having got 
 no plunder. I determined on leaving them 
 and returning to Rock river, to see what had 
 become of my wife and children, as I had not 
 heard from them since I started. That night, 
 I took about twenty of my braves, and left the 
 British camp for home. We met no person 
 on our journey until we reached the Illinois 
 river. Here we found two lodges of Pottawat- 
 omies. They received us very friendly, and 
 gave us something to eat; and inquired about 
 their friends that were with the British. They 
 said there had been some fighting on the Illinois, 
 and that my old friend, the trader at Peoria, 
 had been taken prisoner! "By Gomo and his 
 party?" I immediately inquired. They said 
 58 
 
te of 25Iacft f atofe 
 
 "no; but by the Americans, who came up with 
 two boats. They took him and the French 
 settlers, and then burnt the village of Peoria." 18 
 They could give us no news respecting our 
 people on Rock river. In three days more, we 
 were in the vicinity of our village, when I dis 
 covered a smoke ascending from a hollow in 
 the bluffs. I directed my party to proceed to 
 the village, as I wished to go alone to the 
 place from whence the smoke proceeded, to 
 see who was there. I approached the spot, 
 and when I came in view of the fire, saw a mat 
 stretched, and an old man sitting under it in 
 sorrow. At any other time, I would have 
 turned away without disturbing him knowing 
 that he had come there to be alone t to humble 
 himself before [45] the Great Spirit, that He 
 might take pity on him! I approached and 
 seated myself beside him. He gave one look 
 at me, and then fixed his eyes on the ground! 
 // was my old friend ! I anxiously inquired 
 for his son, (my adopted child,) and what had 
 befallen our people ? My old comrade seemed 
 scarcely alive he must have fasted a long time . 
 I lighted my pipe, and put it in his mouth. He 
 eagerly drew a few puffs cast up his eyes, 
 which met mine, and recognized me. His eyes 
 were glassy! He would again have fallen off 
 into forgetfulness, had I not given him some 
 
 18 The old French village at Peoria was plundered 
 and burned early in November, 1812, by a force of 
 Illinois militia under Captain Thomas E. Craig. 
 
 59 
 
3life of SWacft J^atoft 
 
 water, which revived him. I again inquired, 
 "what has befallen our people, and what has 
 become of our son? " 
 
 In a feeble voice, he said: " Soon after your 
 departure to join the British, I descended the 
 river with a small party, to winter at the place 
 I told you the white man had requested me to 
 come to. When we arrived, I found a fort 
 built, and the white family that had invited me 
 to come and hunt near them, had removed to 
 it. I then paid a visit to the fort, to tell the 
 white people that myself and little band were 
 friendly, and that we wished to hunt in the 
 vicinity of their fort. The war chief who com 
 manded it, told me, that we might hunt on the 
 Illinois side of the Mississippi, and no person 
 would trouble us. That the horsemen only 
 ranged on the Missouri side, and he had directed 
 them not to cross the river. I was pleased 
 with this assurance of safety, and immediately 
 crossed over and made my winter s camp. 
 Game was plenty; we liv-[46]ed happy, and 
 often talked of you. My boy regretted your 
 absence, and the hardships you would have 
 to undergo. We had been here about two 
 moons, when my boy went out, as usual, to 
 hunt. Night came on, and he did not return! 
 I was alarmed for his safety, and passed a 
 sleepless night. In the morning, my old woman 
 went to the other lodges and gave the alarm 
 and all turned out in pursuit. There being 
 snow on the ground, they soon came upon his 
 60 
 
ffiifc of SMacfc i^atoft 
 
 track, and after pursuing it some distance , 
 found he was on the trail of a deer, that led 
 towards the river. They soon came to the 
 place where he had stood and fired, and found a 
 deer hanging upon the branch of a tree, which 
 had been skinned. But here were found the 
 tracks of white men ! They had taken my boy 
 prisoner. Their tracks led across the river, 
 and then down towards the fort. My friends 
 followed them, and soon found my boy lying 
 dead! He had been most cruelly murdered! 
 His face was shot to pieces his body stabbed 
 in several places and his head scalped ! His 
 arms were tied behind him!" 
 
 The old man paused for some time, and 
 then told me that his wife had died on her way 
 up the Mississippi! I took the hand of my 
 old friend in mine, and pledged myself to 
 avenge the death of his son! It was now dark 
 a terrible storm commenced raging, with 
 heavy torrents of rain, thunder and lightning. 
 I had taken my blanket off and wrapped it 
 around the old man. When the storm abated, 
 I kindled a fire, [47] and took hold of my old 
 friend to remove him near to it but he was 
 dead! I remained with him the balance of the 
 night. Some of my party came early in the 
 morning to look for me, and assisted me in 
 burying him on the peak of the bluff. I then 
 returned to the village with my friends. I vis 
 ited the grave of my old friend the last time, 
 as I ascended Rock river. 
 61 
 
Eife of SMacft 
 
 On my arrival at the village, I was met by 
 the chiefs and braves, and conducted to a lodge 
 that had been prepared to receive me. After 
 eating, I gave an account of what I had seen 
 and done. I explained to them the manner 
 the British and Americans fought. Instead of 
 stealing upon each other, and taking every 
 advantage to kill the enemy and save their own 
 people, as we do, (which, with us, is consid 
 ered good policy in a war chief,) they marched 
 out, in open daylight, and fight, regardless of 
 the number of warriors they may lose ! After 
 the battle is over, they retire to feast, and drink 
 wine, as if nothing had happened; after which, 
 they make a statement in writing, of what they 
 have done each party claiming the victory ! 
 and neither giving an account of half the num 
 ber that have been killed on their own side. 
 They all fought like braves, but would not do 
 to lead a war party with us. Our maxim is, 
 "to kill the enemy and save our own men." 
 Those chiefs would do to paddle a canoe, but 
 not to steer it. The Americans shoot better 
 than the British, but their soldiers are not so 
 well clothed, or provided for. 
 
 [48] The village chief informed me that after 
 I started with my braves and the parties who 
 followed, the nation was reduced to so small a 
 party of fighting men, that they would have 
 been unable to defend themselves, if the Amer 
 icans had attacked them; that all the women 
 and children, and old men, belonging to the 
 62 
 
Jtife of 25lach f atoft 
 
 warriors who had joined the British, were left 
 with them to provide for; and that a council 
 was held, which agreed that Quash-qua-me, 
 the Lance, and other chiefs, with the old men, 
 women, and children, and such others as chose 
 to accompany them, should descend the Mis 
 sissippi and go to St. Louis, and place them 
 selves under the protection of the American 
 chief stationed there. They accordingly went 
 down to St. Louis, and were received as the 
 friendly band of our nation sent up the Mis 
 souri, and provided for, whilst their friends 
 were assisting the British ! 
 
 Ke-o-kuck was then introduced to me as the 
 war-chief of the braves then in the village. 19 
 I inquired how he had become a chief. They 
 said that a large armed force was seen by their 
 spies, going towards Peoria; that fears were 
 entertained that they would come upon and at 
 tack our village; and that a council had been 
 convened to decide upon the best course to be 
 adopted, which concluded upon leaving the 
 village and going on the west side of the Mis 
 sissippi, to get out of the way. Ke-o-kuck, 
 
 19 Although not a chief by birth, Keokuk rose by 
 the exercise of political talents to a position of 
 leadership in his tribe. He followed the policy of 
 favoring the Americans. Black Hawk regarded him, 
 therefore, with especial dislike, a feeling which was 
 heightened, no doubt, by the element of personal 
 rivalry between the two. In the end Keokuk triumph 
 ed over his rival, his victory being consolidated by 
 the fatal result, for Black Hawk, of his war of 1832. 
 
 63 
 
Hife of 2>lach 
 
 during the sitting of the council, had been 
 standing at the door of the lodge, (not being 
 allowed to enter, having never killed an en-[4Q] 
 emy,) where he remained until old Wa-co-me 
 came out. He then told him that he had heard 
 what they had decided upon, and was anxious 
 to be permitted to go in and speak, before the 
 council adjourned! Wa-co-me returned, and 
 asked leave for Ke-o-kuck to come in and make 
 a speech. His request was granted. Ke-o- 
 kuck entered, and addressed the chiefs. He 
 said, " I have heard with sorrow, that you have 
 determined to leave our village, and cross the 
 Mississippi, merely because you have been told 
 that the Americans were seen coming in this 
 direction ! Would you leave our village, desert 
 our homes, and fly, before an enemy approaches? 
 Would you leave all even the graves of our 
 fathers, to the mercy of an enemy, without 
 trying to defend them? Give me charge of 
 your warriors; I ll defend the village, and you 
 may sleep in safety!" 
 
 The council consented that Ke-o-kuck should 
 be a war-chief. He marshalled his braves 
 sent out spies and advanced with a party him 
 self, on the trail leading to Peoria. They return 
 ed without seeing an enemy. The Americans 
 did not come by our village . All were well satis 
 fied with the appointment of Ke-o-kuck. He 
 used every precaution that our people should 
 not be surprised. This is the manner in which, 
 and the cause of, his receiving the appointment. 
 64 
 
Hife of 2Marft f atoft 
 
 I was satisfied, and then started to visit my 
 wife and children. I found them well, and my 
 boys were [50] growing finely. It is not cus 
 tomary for us to say much about our women, 
 as they generally perform their part cheerfully, 
 and never interfere with business belonging to 
 the men! This is the only wife I ever had, or 
 ever will have. She is a good woman, and 
 teaches my boys to be brave! Here I would 
 have rested myself, and enjoyed the comforts 
 of my lodge, but I could not: I had promised 
 to avenge the death of my adopted son! 
 
 I immediately collected a party of thirty 
 braves, and explained to them my object in 
 making this war party it being to avenge the 
 death of my adopted son, who had been cruelly 
 and wantonly murdered by the whites. I ex 
 plained to them the pledge I had made his father, 
 and told them that they were the last words 
 that he had heard spoken ! All were willing to 
 go with me, to fulfil my word. We started in 
 canoes, and descended the Mississippi, until 
 we arrived near the place where fort Madison 
 had stood. It had been abandoned by the 
 whites and burnt; nothing remained but the 
 chimneys. We were pleased to see that the 
 white people had retired from our country. 
 We proceeded down the river again. I landed, 
 with one brave, near Capo Gray; 20 the remain- 
 
 20 Cap (Cape) au Gris, a rocky promontory on the 
 Illinois bank of the Mississippi about a dozen miles 
 above the mouth of Cuivre River. Opposite it, on 
 
 65 
 
life of 25Iaeft 
 
 der of the party went to the mouth of the 
 Quiver. I hurried across to the trail that led 
 from the mouth of the Quiver to a fort, and 
 soon after heard firing at the mouth of the 
 creek. Myself and brave concealed ourselves 
 on the side of the road. We had not re 
 mained [51] here long, before two men riding 
 one horse, came in full speed from the direc 
 tion of the sound of the firing. When they 
 came sufficiently near, we fired; the horse 
 jumped, and both men fell! We rushed to 
 wards them one rose and ran. I followed 
 him, and was gaining on him, when he ran over 
 a pile of rails that had lately been made, seized 
 a stick, and struck at me. I now had an oppor 
 tunity to see his face I knew him! He 
 had been at Quash-qua-me s village to learn 
 his people how to plough. We looked upon 
 him as a good man. I did not wish to kill him, 
 
 the Missouri bank, was built a fort, manned by 
 Missouri rangers. Not many miles away, in the 
 vicinity of Fort Howard, occurred the locally famous 
 Battle of the Sink Hole in May, 1815, Black Hawk s 
 account of which is given in the following pages. 
 An interesting account of this battle, written by a 
 participant on the other side, is printed in Wisconsin 
 Historical Collections, II, 213-18. The author char 
 acterizes Black Hawk s account as "quite strange 
 and confused," and supposes him to have described 
 here what really occurred to him at another time. 
 While this may be true in part, it is evident from a 
 comparison of the narratives that Black Hawk was 
 in the Sink Hole Battle and that he gives an account 
 of it which is at least partially correct. 
 66 
 
Slife of SSiacfc f atoft 
 
 and pursued him no further. I returned and 
 met my brave ; he said he had killed the other 
 man, and had his scalp in his hand! We had 
 not proceeded far, before we met the man, 
 supposed to be killed, coming up the road, 
 staggering like a drunken man, all covered with 
 blood! This was the most terrible sight I had 
 ever seen. I told my comrade to kill him, to 
 put him out of his misery! I could not look 
 at him. I passed on, and heard a rustling in 
 the bushes, and distinctly saw two little boys 
 concealing themselves! I thought of my own 
 children, and passed on without noticing them! 
 My comrade here joingd me, and in a little 
 while we met the balance of our party. I told 
 them that we would be pursued, and directed 
 them to follow me. We crossed the creek, 
 and formed ourselves in the timber. We had 
 not been here long, before a party of mounted 
 men rushed at full speed upon us! I took 
 deliberate aim, and shot the man [52] leading 
 the party. He fell from his horse lifeless ! All 
 my people fired, but without effect. The en 
 emy rushed upon us without giving us time to 
 reload. They surrounded us, and forced us 
 to run into a deep sink-hole, at the bottom of 
 which there were some bushes. We loaded 
 our guns, and awaited the approach of the 
 enemy. They rushed to the edge of the hole 
 and fired, killing one of our men. We returned 
 the fire instantly, and killed one of their party! 
 We reloaded, and commenced digging holes in 
 67 
 
Ilife of SSIatft l^atoft 
 
 the side of the bank to protect ourselves, whilst 
 a party watched the movements of the enemy, 
 expecting that their whole force would be upon 
 us immediately. Some of my warriors com 
 menced singing their death-songs! I heard the 
 whites talking and called to them, "to come 
 out and fight!" I did not like my situation, 
 and wished the matter settled. I soon heard 
 chopping and knocking. I could not imagine 
 what they were doing. Soon after they run up 
 wheels with a battery on it, and fired down 
 without hurting any of us. I called to them 
 again, and told them if they were "brave men, 
 to come down and fight* us. They gave up the 
 siege, and returned to their fort about dusk. 
 There were eighteen in this trap with me. We 
 all got out safe, and found one white man dead 
 on the edge of the sink-hole. They did not 
 remove him, for fear of our fire. We scalped 
 him, and placed our dead man upon him! We 
 could not have left him in a better situation, 
 than on an enemy! 
 
 [53] We had now effected our purpose, and 
 started back by land thinking it unsafe to 
 return in our canoes. I found my wife and 
 children, and the greater part of our people, 
 at the mouth of the loway river. I now deter 
 mined to remain with my family, and hunt for 
 them; and humble myself before the Great 
 Spirit, and return thanks to him for preserving 
 me through the war! 
 
 I made my hunting camp on English river, 
 68 
 
ife of SMacft 
 
 (a branch of the loway.) During the winter 
 a party of Pottawatomies came from the Illinois 
 to pay me a visit among them was Wash-e- 
 own, an old man, that had formerly lived in 
 our village. He informed us, that, in the fall, 
 the Americans had built a fort at Peoria, and 
 had prevented them from going down to the 
 Sangomo to hunt. He said they were very 
 much distressed that Gomo had returned 
 from the British army, and brought news of 
 their defeat near Maiden; and told us that he 
 went to the American chief with a flag; gave 
 up fighting, and told the chief that he wished 
 to make peace for his nation. The American 
 chief gave him a paper for the war chief at the 
 fort at Peoria, and I visited that fort with Gomo. 
 It was then agreed that there should be no more 
 fighting between the Americans and Pottawat 
 omies; and that two of their chiefs, and eight 
 braves, with five Americans, had gone down 
 to St. Louis to have the peace confirmed. This, 
 said Wash-e-own, is good news; for we can 
 now go to our hunting-grounds: [54] and, for 
 my part, I never had anything to do with this 
 war. The Americans never killed any of our 
 people before the war, nor interfered with our 
 hunting grounds; and I resolved to do nothing 
 against them! I made no reply to these re 
 marks, as the speaker was old, and talked like 
 a child! 
 
 We gave the Pottawatomies a feast. I pre 
 sented Wash-e-own with a good horse; my 
 69 
 
Sife of 22lacft i^atoft 
 
 braves gave one to each of his party, and, at 
 parting, they said they wished us to make peace 
 
 which we did not promise but told them 
 that we would not send out war parties against 
 the settlements. 
 
 A short time after the Pottawatomies left, a 
 party of thirty braves, belonging to our nation, 
 from the peace camp on the Missouri, paid us a 
 visit. They exhibited five scalps, which they 
 had taken on the Missouri, and wished us to 
 dance over them, which we willingly joined in. 
 They related the manner in which they had 
 taken these scalps. Myself and braves then 
 showed the two we had taken, near the Quiver, 
 and told them the reason that induced that war 
 party to go out; as well as the manner, and 
 difficulty we had in obtaining these scalps. 
 
 They recounted to us all that had taken place 
 
 the number that had been killed by the peace 
 party, as they were called and recognized 
 which far surpassed what our warriors, who 
 had joined the British, had done! This party 
 came for the pur- [5 5] pose of joining the Brit 
 ish! I advised them to return to the peace 
 party, and told them the news that the Potta 
 watomies had brought. They returned to the 
 Missouri, accompanied by some of my braves, 
 whose families were with the peace party. 
 
 After sugar-making was over, in the spring, 
 
 I visited the Fox village, at the lead mines. 
 
 They had nothing to do with the war, and 
 
 were not in mourning. I remained there some 
 
 70 
 
Eife of 25lacft l^atoft 
 
 days, and spent my time pleasantly with them, 
 in dancing and feasting. I then paid a visit 
 to the Pottawatomie village, on the Illinois 
 river, and learned that Sa-na-tu-wa and Ta- 
 ta-puc-key had been to St. Louis. Gomo told 
 me "that peace had been made between his 
 people and the Americans, and that seven of 
 his party remained with the war chief to make 
 the peace stronger!" He then told me that 
 " Wash-e-own was dead! That he had been 
 to the fort, to carry some wild fowl, to ex 
 change for tobacco, pipes, etc. That he 
 had got some tobacco and a little flour, and 
 left the fort before sun-down; but had not 
 proceeded far before he was shot dead, by a 
 war chief who had concealed himself near the 
 path, for that purpose! and then dragged 
 him to the lake and threw him in, where I 
 afterwards found him. I have since given 
 two horses and my rifle to his relations, not to 
 break the peace which they had agreed to." 
 
 I remained some time at the village with 
 Gomo, and [56] went with him to the fort to 
 pay a visit to the war chief. I spoke the Pot 
 tawatomie tongue well, and was taken for one 
 of their people by the chief. He treated us 
 very friendly, and said he was very much dis 
 pleased about the murder of Wash-e-own, 
 and would find out, and punish the person that 
 killed him. He made some inquiries about 
 the Sacs, which I answered. 
 
 On my return to Rock river, I was informed 
 
itife of 25Iath l^atofe 
 
 that a party of soldiers had gone up the Mis 
 sissippi to build a fort at Prairie du Chien. 
 They had stopped near our village, and ap 
 peared to be friendly, and were kindly treated 
 by our people. 
 
 We commenced repairing our lodges, putting 
 our village in order, and clearing our corn 
 fields. We divided the fields of the party on 
 the Missouri, among those that wanted, on 
 condition that they should be relinquished to 
 the owners, when they returned from iht peace 
 establishment. We were again happy in our 
 village: our women went cheerfully 10 work, 
 and all moved on harmoniously. 
 
 Some time afterwards, five or six boats 
 arrived, loaded with soldiers, going to Prairie 
 du Chien, to reinforce the garrison. They 
 appeared friendly, and were well received. 
 We held a council with the war chief. We 
 had no intention of hurting him, or any of his 
 party, or we could easily have defeated them. 
 They remained with us all day, and used, and 
 gave us, plenty of whiskey! During the night 
 a party [57] arrived, (who came down Rock 
 river,) and brought us six kegs of powder! 
 They told us that the British had gone to Prai 
 rie du Chien, and taken the fort, and wished us 
 to join them again in the war, which we agreed 
 to. I collected my warriors, and determined 
 to pursue the boats, which had sailed with a 
 fair wind. If we had known the day before, 
 we could easily have taken them all, as the 
 72 
 
Hife of 25Iatft 
 
 war chief used no precautions to prevent it. 
 I immediately started with my party, by land, 
 in pursuit thinking that some of their boats 
 might get aground, or that the Great Spirit 
 would put them in our power, if he wished 
 them taken, and their people killed! About 
 half way up the rapids, I had a full view of the 
 boats, all sailing with a strong wind. I soon 
 discovered that one boat was badly managed, 
 and was suffered to be driven ashore by the 
 wind. They landed, by running hard aground, 
 and lowered their sail. The others passed on. 
 This boat the Great Spirit gave us! We ap 
 proached it cautiously, and fired upon the men 
 on shore. All that could, hurried aboard, but 
 they were unable to push off, being fast 
 aground. We advanced to the river s bank, 
 under cover, and commenced firing at the 
 boat. Our balls passed through the plank, 
 and did execution, as I could hear them scream 
 ing in the boat! I encouraged my braves to 
 continue firing. Several guns were fired from 
 the boat, without effect. I prepared my bow 
 and arrows to throw fire to the sail, which was 
 lying on the boat; and, after two or three at 
 tempts, succeeded in setting the sail on fire. 
 
 [58] The boat was soon in flames! About 
 this time, one of the boats that had passed, 
 returned, dropped anchor, and swung in close 
 to the boat on fire, and took off all the people, 
 except those killed and badly wounded. We 
 could distinctly see them passing from one 
 73 
 
itife of 2Macft 
 
 boat to the other, and fired on them with good 
 aim. We wounded the war chief in this way! 
 Another boat now came down, dropped her 
 anchor, which did not take hold, and was 
 drifted ashore ! The other boat cut her cable 
 and rowed down the river, leaving their com 
 rades without attempting to assist them. We 
 then commenced an attack upon this boat, and 
 fired several rounds. They did not return the 
 fire. We thought they were afraid, or had 
 but a small number on board. I therefore 
 ordered a rush to the boat. When we got 
 near, they fired, and killed two of our people, 
 being all that we lost in the engagement. 
 Some of their men jumped out and pushed off 
 the boat, and thus got away without losing a 
 man! I had a good opinion of this war chief 
 he managed so much better than the other. 
 It would give me pleasure to shake him by the 
 hand. 21 
 
 We now put out the fire on the captured 
 boat, to save the cargo; when a skiff was dis 
 covered coming down the river. Some of our 
 people cried out, "here comes an express 
 from Prairie du Chien!" We hoisted the 
 British flag, but they would not land. They 
 turned their little boat around, and rowed up 
 the river. We directed a few shots at them, 
 
 21 For the contemporary American account of this 
 battle, as printed in the Missouri Gazette, July 30, 
 1814, see Frank E. Stevens, The Black Hawk War 
 (Chicago, 1903), 48-50. 
 
 74 
 
I! iff of 
 
 in order to bring them /<?y but they were so 
 far off that we could [59] not hurt them. I 
 found several barrels of whiskey on the cap 
 tured boat, and knocked in their heads and 
 emptied out the bad medicine! I next found 
 a box full of small bottles and packages, which 
 appeared to be bad medicine also; such as the 
 medicine-men kill the white people with when 
 they get sick. This I threw into the river ; 
 and continuing my search for plunder, found 
 several guns, large barrels full of clothing, 
 and some cloth lodges, all of which I distrib 
 uted among my warriors. We now disposed 
 of the dead, and returned to the Fox village, 
 opposite the lower end of Rock Island; where 
 we put up our new lodges and hoisted the British 
 flag. A great many of our braves were dressed 
 in the uniform clothing which we had taken, 
 which gave our encampment the appearance of 
 a regular camp of soldiers! We placed out 
 sentinels, and commenced dancing over the 
 scalps we had taken. Soon after, several boats 
 passed down; among them, a large boat carry 
 ing big guns! Our young men followed them 
 some distance, firing at them, but could not 
 do much damage, more than to frighten them. 
 We were now certain that the fort at Prairie 
 du Chien had been taken, as this large boat 
 went up with the first party, who built the fort. 
 In the course of the day some of the British 
 came down in a small boat; they had followed 
 the large one, thinking she would get fast in 
 75 
 
Hife of SMacft i^atoft 
 
 the rapids, in which case they were certain of 
 taking her. They had summoned her on the 
 way down to surrender, but [60] she refused; 
 and now, that she had passed over the rapids 
 in safety, all hope of taking her had vanished. 
 
 The British landed a big gun, and gave us 
 three soldiers to manage it. They compli 
 mented us for our bravery in taking the boat, 
 and told us what they had done at Prairie du 
 Chien; 22 gave us a keg of rum, and joined with 
 us in our dancing and feasting! We gave 
 them some things which we had taken from 
 the boat particularly books and papers. 
 They started the next morning, after promis 
 ing to return in a few days with a large body 
 of soldiers. 
 
 We went to work, under the directions of 
 the men left with us, and dug up the ground in 
 two places, to put the big gun in, that the men 
 might remain in with it, and be safe. We 
 then sent spies down the river to reconnoitre, 
 who sent word by a runner, that several boats 
 were coming up, filled with men. I marshalled 
 
 22 For a sketch of the British-American military 
 operations centering at Prairie du Chien during the 
 War of 1812, see Reuben G. Thwaites, Wisconsin, 
 The Americanization of a French Common-wealth ( Bos 
 ton, 1908), 172-78; also the article entitled "Credit 
 Island, 1814-1914," in Journal of the Illinois State 
 Historical Society, for January, 1915. A large amount 
 of documentary material pertaining to the subject 
 has been printed in the volumes of the Wisconsin 
 Historical Collections. 
 
 76 
 
3tife of 25lacfe J^atofe 
 
 my forces, and was soon ready for their arrival, 
 and resolved to fight as we had not yet had 
 a fair fight with the Americans during the war. 
 The boats arrived in the evening, and stopped 
 at a small willow island, nearly opposite to us. 
 During the night we removed our big gun 
 further down, and at daylight next morning, 
 commenced firing. We were pleased to see 
 that almost every fire took effect, striking the 
 boats nearly every shot. They pushed off as 
 quick as possible; and I expected would land 
 and give a fight. I was prepared to meet them 
 but was soon sadly disap-\b\\pointed\ the 
 boats having all started down the river. A party 
 of braves followed to watch where they landed; 
 but they did not stop until they got below 
 the Des Moines rapids, when they landed, and 
 commenced building a fort. 
 (j collected a few braves, and started to the 
 place where it was reported they were making 
 a fort. 23 I did not want a fort in our country, 
 as we wished to go down in the fall, to the 
 Two-River country, to hunt it being our best 
 hunting ground; and we concluded, that if this 
 fort was established, we should be prevented 
 from going to our hunting ground. I arrived 
 in the vicinity of the fort in the evening, and 
 
 23 Fort Johnson, near modern Warsaw, Hancock 
 County, 111., built by Major Zachary Taylor after his 
 repulse at Black Hawk s hands near Rock Island. 
 In October of the same year the fort was abandoned 
 and burned. 
 
 77 
 
of 23laclt 
 
 stopped for the night, on the peak of a high bluff. 
 We made no fire, for fear of being observed. 
 Our young men kept watch by turns, whilst the 
 others slept. I was very tired, and soon went 
 to sleep. The Great Spirit, during my slum 
 ber, told me to go down the bluff to a creek 
 
 that I would there find a hollow tree cut 
 down; to look into the top of it, and I would 
 see a large snake to observe the direction he 
 was looking, and I would see the enemy close 
 by, and unarmed. In the morning, I commu 
 nicated to my braves what the Great Spirit had 
 told me; and took one of them and went down 
 a hollow that led to the creek, and soon came in 
 sight of the place, on an opposite hill, where 
 they were building the fort. I saw a great 
 many men. We crawled cautiously on our 
 hands and knees, until we got into the bottom 
 
 then, through the [62] grass and weeds, 
 until we reached the bank of the creek. Here 
 I found a tree that had been cut down. I 
 looked in the top of it, and saw a large snake, 
 with his head raised, looking across the creek. I 
 raised myself cautiously, and discovered, nearly 
 opposite to me, two war chiefs walking arm-in 
 arm, without guns. They turned, and walked 
 back towards the place where the men were 
 working at the fort. In a little while they 
 returned, walking immediately towards the 
 spot where we lay concealed but did not 
 come as near as before. If they had, they 
 would have been killed for each of us had a 
 
 78 
 
Sife of 2Macft f atoft 
 
 good rifle. We crossed the creek, and crawled 
 to a bunch of bushes. I again raised myself a 
 little, to see if they were coming; but they 
 went into the fort. By this they saved their 
 lives. 
 
 We recrossed the creek; and I returned 
 alone going up the hollow we came down. 
 My brave went down the creek; and, on rising 
 a hill to the left of the one we came down, I 
 could plainly see the men at work; and discov 
 ered, in the bottom, near the mouth of the 
 creek, a sentinel walking. I watched him 
 attentively, to see if he perceived my com 
 panion, who had gone towards him. The 
 sentinel walked first one way and then back 
 again. I observed my brave creeping towards 
 him. The sentinel stopped for some time, and 
 looked in the direction where my brave was 
 concealed. He laid still, and did not move the 
 grass; and, as the sentinel turned to walk, my 
 [63] brave fired and he fell! I looked towards 
 the fort, and saw that they were all in confusion 
 running in every direction some down a 
 steep bank to a boat. My comrade joined me, 
 and we returned to the rest of our party, and all 
 hurried back to Rock river, where we arrived 
 in safety at our village. I hung up my med 
 icine bag, put away my rifle and spear, and felt 
 as if I should not want them again, as I had 
 no wish to raise any more war parties against 
 the whites, without they gave new provocation. 
 Nothing particular happened from this time 
 79 
 
Hife of 25Iatft I^atoft 
 
 until spring, except news that the fort below 
 the rapids had been abandoned and burnt by 
 the Americans. 
 
 Soon after I returned from my wintering 
 ground, we received information that peace had 
 been made between the British and Americans, 
 and that we were required to make peace also 
 and were invited to go down to Portage des 
 Sioux, for that purpose. 24 Some advised that 
 we should go down others that we should 
 not. No-mite, our principal civil chief, said 
 he would go, as soon as the Foxes came down 
 from the Mines. They came, and we all 
 started from Rock river. We had not gone 
 far, before our chief was taken sick. We 
 stopped with him at the village on Henderson 
 river. The Foxes went on, and we were to 
 follow as soon as our chief got better; but he 
 continued to get worse, and died. His brother 
 now became the principal chief. He refused 
 
 24 On the conclusion of peace with Great Britain, 
 there remained the task of restoring peaceful rela 
 tions between the United States and the numerous 
 hostile tribes along the northern and western frontier. 
 For this purpose two sets of commissioners were 
 sent, one to Spring Wells near Detroit, the other to 
 Portage des Sioux above St. Louis. The members 
 of the latter were Governor Clark of Missouri, Gov 
 ernor Edwards of Illinois, and Auguste Chouteau of 
 St. Louis. About a score of treaties were negoti 
 ated with as many tribes during the summer of 1815. 
 Certain of the Sacs and Foxes still maintained a 
 belligerent attitude, however, and were not brought 
 to sign a treaty until the following year. 
 80 
 
Eife of 25Iatft 
 
 to go down saying, that if he started, he 
 would be taken sick and [64] die, as his brother 
 had done which was reasonable! We all 
 concluded, that none of us would go at this 
 time. 
 
 The Foxes returned. They said they "had 
 smoked the pipe of peace with the Americans, 
 and expected that a war party would be sent 
 against us, because we did not go down. This 
 I did not believe; as the Americans had always 
 lost by their war parties that came against us. 
 
 La Gutrie, and other British traders, arrived 
 at our village on Rock river, in the fall. La 
 Gutrie told us, that we must go down and 
 make peace that it was the wish of our Eng 
 lish father. He said he wished us to go down 
 to the Two-River country 25 to winter where 
 game was plenty, as there had been no hunting 
 there for several years. 
 
 Having heard that a principal war chief, 
 with troops, had come up, and commenced 
 building a fort near Rapids des Moines, we 
 consented to go down with the traders, to see 
 the American chief, and tell him the reason 
 why we had not been down sooner. We 
 arrived at the head of the rapids. Here the 
 traders left their goods and boats, except one, 
 in which they accompanied us to the Amer 
 icans. We visited the war chief, (he was on 
 board of a boat,) and told him what we 
 
 25 Probably this was the territory drained by the 
 Fabius River. 
 
 81 
 
Sife of 25Iacft 
 
 had to say explaining the reason we had 
 not been down sooner. He appeared angry, 
 and talked to La Gutrie for some time. I in 
 quired of him, what the war chief said ? He 
 told me that he was threatening to [65] hang 
 him up on the yard-arm of his boat. "But," 
 said he, "I am not afraid of what he says. 
 He dare not put his threats into execution. 
 I have done no more than I had a right to do, 
 as a British subject." 
 
 I then addressed the chief, asking permis 
 sion for ourselves and some Menomonees, to 
 go down to the Two-River country to hunt. 
 He said, we might go down, but must return 
 before the ice made, as he did not intend that 
 we should winter below the fort. "But," 
 said he, " what do you want the Menomonees to 
 go with you for?" I did not know, at first, 
 what reply to make but told him that they 
 had a great many pretty squaws with them, 
 and we wished them to go with us on that 
 account ! He consented. We all started down 
 the river, and remained all winter, as we had 
 no intention of returning before spring, when 
 we asked leave to go. We made a good hunt. 
 Having loaded our traders boats with furs and 
 peltries, they started to Mackinac, and we 
 returned to our village. 
 
 There is one circumstance which I omitted 
 to mention in its proper place. It does not 
 relate to myself or people, but to my friend 
 Gomo, the Pottowatomie chief. He came to 
 
 S2 
 
atife of S&Iacft f atofe 
 
 Rock river to pay me a visit. During his 
 stay, he related to me the following story: 
 
 "The war chief at Peoria is a very good 
 man; he always speaks the truth, and treats 
 our people well. He sent for me one day, 
 and told me that he was nearly out of provi 
 sion, and wished me to send my young men 
 out to hunt, to supply his fort. I promised to 
 do [66] so; and immediately returned to my 
 camp, and told my young men the wishes and 
 wants of the war chief. They readily, agreed 
 to go and hunt for our friend; and soon re 
 turned with about twenty deer. They carried 
 them to the fort, laid them down at the gate, 
 and returned to our camp. A few days after 
 wards, I went again to the fort to see if they 
 wanted more meat. The chief gave me some 
 powder and lead, and said he wished me to 
 send my hunters out again. When I returned 
 to my camp, and told my young men that the 
 chief wanted more meat, Ma-ta-tah, one of my 
 principal braves, said he would take a party 
 and go across the Illinois, about one day s 
 travel, where game was plenty, and make a 
 good hunt for our friend, the war chief. He 
 took eight hunters with him; his wife and sev 
 eral other squaws accompanied them. They 
 had travelled about half the day in the prairie, 
 when they discovered a party of white men 
 coming towards them with a drove of cattle. 
 Our hunters apprehended no danger, or they 
 would have kept out of the way of the whites, 
 83 
 
Slife of 2Macft fatoft 
 
 (who had not yet perceived them.) Ma-ta-tah 
 changed his course, as he wished to meet and 
 speak to the whites. As soon as the whites 
 saw our party, some of them put off at full 
 speed, and came up to our hunters. Ma-ta- 
 tah gave up his gun to them, and endeavored 
 to explain to them that he was friendly, and 
 was hunting for the war chief. They were 
 not satisfied with this, but fired at and wounded 
 him. He got into the branch of a tree that 
 had been blown down, to [67] keep the horses 
 from running over him. He was again fired 
 on by several guns and badly wounded. He 
 found that he would be murdered, (if not 
 mortally wounded already,) and sprung at 
 the nearest man to him, seized his gun, and 
 shot him from his horse. He then fell, cov- 
 vered with blood from his wounds, and almost 
 instantly expired! 
 
 "The other hunters, being in the rear of 
 Ma-ta-tah, seeing that the whites had killed 
 him, endeavored to make their escape. They 
 were pursued, and nearly all the party mur 
 dered! My youngest brother brought me the 
 news in the night, he having been with the 
 hunters, and got but slightly wounded. He 
 said the whites had abandoned their cattle, and 
 gone back towards the settlement. The re 
 mainder of the night was spent in lamenting 
 for the death of our friends. At daylight, I 
 blacked my face, and started to the fort to see 
 the war chief. I met him at the gate, and 
 84 
 
ife of SWacft 
 
 told him what had happened. His counte 
 nance changed; I could see sorrow depicted in 
 it for the death of my people. He tried to 
 persuade me that I was mistaken, as he could 
 not believe that the whites would act so cruelly. 
 But when I convinced him, he told me that 
 those cowards who had murdered my people 
 should be punished. I told him that my 
 people would have revenge that they would 
 not trouble any of his people of the fort, as 
 we did not blame him or any of his soldiers 
 but that a party of my braves would go towards 
 the Wabash to avenge the death of their friends 
 and [68] relations. The next day I took a 
 party of hunters and killed several deer, and 
 left them at the fort gate as I passed." 
 
 Here Gomo ended his story. I could relate 
 many similar ones that have come within my 
 own knowledge and observation; but I dislike 
 to look back and bring on sorrow afresh. I 
 will resume my narrative. 
 
 The great chief at St. Louis having sent 
 word for us to go down and confirm the treaty 
 of peace, we did not hesitate, but started im 
 mediately, that we might smoke the peace-pipe 
 with him. On our arrival, we met the great 
 chiefs in council. They explained to us the 
 words of our Great Father at Washington, 
 accusing us of heinous crimes and divers misde 
 meanors, particularly in not coming down when 
 first invited. We knew very well that our 
 Great Father had deceived us, and thereby 
 
 85 
 
Itife of 25Iatft l^atoft 
 
 forced us to join the British, and could not 
 believe that he had put this speech into the 
 mouths of these chiefs to deliver to us. I was 
 not a civil chief, and consequently made no 
 reply: but our chiefs told the commissioners 
 that "what they had said was a lie! that our 
 Great Father had sent no such speech, he 
 knowing the situation in which we had been 
 placed had been caused by him! The white 
 chiefs appeared very angry at this reply, and 
 said they "would break off the treaty with us, 
 and go to war, as they would not be insulted." 
 
 Our chiefs had no intention of insulting them, 
 and told them "that they merely wished to 
 explain [69] to them that they had told a lie, 
 without making them angry; in the same man 
 ner that the whites do, when they do not 
 believe what is told them!" The council then 
 proceeded, and the pipe of peace was smoked. 
 
 Here, for the first time, I touched the goose 
 quill to the treaty not knowing, however, that, 
 by that act, I consented to give away my village. 
 Had that been explained to me, I should have 
 opposed it, and never would have signed their 
 treaty, as my recent conduct will clearly prove. 
 
 What do we know of the manner of the laws 
 and customs of the white people? They might 
 buy our bodies for dissection, and we would 
 touch the goose quill to confirm it, without 
 knowing what we are doing. This was the 
 case with myself and people in touching the 
 goose quill the first time. 
 86 
 
Sife of SMacft 
 
 We can only judge of what is proper and 
 right by our standard of right and wrong, 
 which differs widely from the whites, if I have 
 been correctly informed. The whites may do 
 bad all their lives, and then, if they are sorry 
 for it when about to die, all is well! But with 
 us it is different: we must continue through 
 out our lives to do what we conceive to be 
 good. If we have corn and meat, and know 
 of a family that hajve none, we divide with 
 them. If we have more blankets than suffi 
 cient, and others have not enough, we must 
 give to them that want. But I will presently 
 explain our customs and the manner we live. 
 
 [70] We were friendly treated by the white 
 chiefs, and started back to our village on Rock 
 river. Here we found that troops had arrived 
 to build a fort at Rock Island. 26 This, in our 
 opinion, was a contradiction to what we had 
 done "to prepare for war in time of peace." 
 We did not, however, object to their building 
 the fort on the island, but we were very sorry, 
 as this was the best island on the Mississippi, 
 and had long been the resort of our young 
 people during the summer. It was our garden 
 (like the white people have near to their big vil 
 lages) which supplied us with strawberries, 
 blackberries, gooseberries, plums, apples, and 
 nuts of different kinds; and its waters supplied 
 us with fine fish, being situated in the rapids of 
 
 26 Fort Armstrong, on Rock Island, was built and 
 garrisoned in the summer of 1816. 
 
 87 
 
ilife of 2Macft 
 
 the river. In my early life, I spent many happy 
 days on this island. A good spirit had care 
 of it, who lived in a cave in the rocks immedi 
 ately under the place where the fort now stands, 
 and has often been seen by our people. He 
 was white, with large wings like a swan s, but 
 ten times larger. We were particular not to 
 make much noise in that part of the island 
 which he inhabited, for fear of disturbing him. 
 But the noise of the fort has since driven him 
 away, and no doubt a bad spirit has taken his 
 place! 
 
 Our village was situated on the north side 
 of Rock river, at the foot of its rapids, and on 
 the point of land between Rock river and the 
 Mississippi. In its front, a prairie extended 
 to the bank of the Mississippi; and in our rear, 
 a continued bluff, gently ascending from [71] 
 the prairie. On the side of this bluff we had 
 our corn-fields, extending about two miles up, 
 running parallel with the Mississippi; where we 
 joined those of the Foxes, whose village was on 
 the bank of the Mississippi, opposite the lower 
 end of Rock island, and three miles distant from 
 ours. We had about eight hundred acres in cul 
 tivation, including what we had on the islands 
 of Rock river. The land around our vil 
 lage, uncultivated, was covered with blue-grass, 
 which made excellent pasture for our horses. 
 Several fine springs broke out of the bluff, near 
 by, from which we were supplied with good 
 water. The rapids of Rock river furnished us 
 
3Ufe of 95Iacft i^atoft 
 
 with an abundance of excellent fish, and the 
 land, being good, never failed to produce good 
 crops of corn, beans, pumpkins, and squashes. 
 We always had plenty our children never 
 cried with hunger, nor our people were never 
 in want. Here our village had stood for more 
 than a hundred years, during all which time we 
 were the undisputed possessors of the valley 
 of the Mississippi, from the Ouisconsin to the 
 Portage des Sioux, near the mouth of the 
 Missouri, being about seven hundred miles in 
 length. 
 
 At this time we had very little intercourse 
 with the whites, except our traders. Our vil 
 lage was healthy, and there was no place in 
 the country possessing such advantages, nor 
 no hunting grounds better than those we had 
 in possession. If another prophet had come 
 to our village in those days, and told us what 
 has since taken place, none of our people would 
 have [72] believed him! What! to be driven 
 from our village and hunting grounds, and not 
 even permitted to visit the graves of our fore 
 fathers, our relations and friends? 
 
 This hardship is not known to the whites. 
 With us it is a custom to visit the graves of our 
 friends, and keep them in repair for many years. 
 The mother will go alone to weep over the grave 
 of her child! The brave, with pleasure, visits 
 the grave of his father, after he has been suc 
 cessful in war, and repaints the post that shows 
 where he lies! There is no place like that 
 89 
 
3tife of 2>lacft l^atoh 
 
 where the bones of our forefathers lie, to go 
 to when in grief. Here the Great Spirit will 
 take pity on us! 
 
 But, how different is our situation now, from 
 what it was in those days! Then we were as 
 happy as the buffalo on the plains but now, 
 we are as miserable as the hungry, howling wolf 
 in the prairie! But I am digressing from my 
 story. Bitter reflection crowds upon my mind, 
 and must find utterance. 
 
 When we returned to our village in the spring, 
 from our wintering grounds, we would finish 
 trading with our traders, who always followed 
 us to our village. We purposely kept some 
 of our fine furs for this trade; and, as there 
 was great opposition among them, who should 
 get these skins, we always got our goods cheap. 
 After this trade was over, the traders would 
 give us a few kegs of rum, which was gener 
 ally promised in the fall, to en- [73] courage us 
 to make a good hunt, and not go to war. 
 They would then start with their furs and pel 
 tries for their homes. Our old men would 
 take a frolic, (at this time our young men 
 never drank.) When this was ended, the next 
 thing to be done was to bury our dead, (such as 
 had died during the year.) This is a great 
 medicine feast. The relations of those who have 
 died, give all the goods they have purchased, 
 as presents to their friends thereby reducing 
 themselves to poverty, to show the Great 
 Spirit that they are humble, so that he will 
 90 
 
Hife of SMacfc 
 
 take pity on them. We would next open the 
 cashes, and take out corn and other provisions, 
 which had been put up in the fall and then 
 commence repairing our lodges. As soon as 
 this is accomplished, we repair the fences 
 around our fields, and clean them off, ready 
 for planting corn. This work is done by 
 our women. The men, during this time, are 
 feasting on dried venison, bear s meat, wild 
 fowl, and corn,, prepared in different ways; 
 and recounting to each other what took place 
 during the winter. 
 
 Our women plant the corn, and as soon as 
 they get done, we make a feast, and dance the 
 crane dance, in which they join us, dressed in 
 their best, and decorated with feathers. At 
 this feast our young braves select the young 
 woman they wish to have for a wife. He then 
 informs his mother, who calls on the mother 
 of the girl, when the arrangement [74] is made, 
 and the time appointed for him to come. He 
 goes to the lodge when all are asleep, (or pre 
 tend to be,) lights his matches, which have 
 been provided for the purpose, and soon finds 
 where his intended sleeps. He then awakens 
 her, and holds the light to his face that she 
 may know him after which he places the 
 light close to her. If she blows it out, the 
 ceremony is ended, and he appears in the lodge 
 next morning, as one of the family. If she 
 does not blow out the light, but leaves it to 
 burn out, he retires from the lodge. The next 
 
of 
 
 day he places himself in full view of it, and 
 plays his flute. The young women go out, 
 one by one, to see who he is playing for. The 
 tune changes, to let them know that he is not 
 playing for them. When his intended makes 
 her appearance at the door, he continues his 
 courting tune, until she returns to the lodge. 
 He then gives over playing, and makes another 
 trial at night, which generally turns out favor 
 able. During the first year they ascertain 
 whether they can agree with each other, and 
 .can be happy if not, they part, and each 
 looks out again. If we were to live together 
 and disagree, we should be as foolish as the 
 whites! No indiscretion can banish a woman 
 from her parental lodge no difference how 
 many children she may bring home, she is al 
 ways welcome the kettle is over the fire to 
 feed them. 
 
 The crane dance often lasts two or three 
 days. When this is over, we feast again, and 
 have our [75] national dance. The large square 
 in the village is swept and prepared for the 
 purpose. The chiefs and old warriors, take 
 seats on mats which have been spread at the 
 upper end of the square the drummers and 
 singers come next, and the braves and women 
 form the sides, leaving a large space in the 
 middle. The drums beat, and the singers 
 commence. A warrior enters the square, keep 
 ing time with the music. He shows the 
 manner he started on a war party how he 
 92 
 
SifeofSMacft^atoft 
 
 approached the enemy he strikes, and de 
 scribes the way he killed him. All join in 
 applause. He then leaves the square, and 
 another enters and takes his place. Such of 
 our young men as have not been out in war 
 parties, and killed an enemy, stand back 
 ashamed not being able to enter the square. 
 I remember that I was ashamed to look where 
 our young women stood, before I could take 
 my stand in the square as a warrior. 
 
 What pleasure it is to an old warrior, to 
 see his son come forward and relate his exploits 
 
 it makes him feel young, and induces him 
 to enter the square, and "fight his battles o er 
 again." 
 
 This national dance makes our warriors. 
 When I was travelling last summer, on a steam 
 boat, on a large river, going from New York 
 to Albany, I was shown the place where the 
 Americans dance their national dance [West 
 Point]; where the old warriors recount to their 
 young men, what they have done, to [76] stim 
 ulate them to go and do likewise. This 
 surprised me, as I did not think the whites 
 understood our way of making braves. 
 
 When our national dance is over our corn 
 fields hoed, and every weed dug up, and our 
 corn about knee-high, all our young men would 
 start in a direction towards sun-down, to hunt 
 deer and buffalo being prepared, also, to kill 
 Sioux, if any are found on our hunting grounds 
 
 a part of our old men and women to the 
 
 93 
 
atife of SSiacft 
 
 lead mines to make lead and the remainder 
 of our people start to fish, and get mat stuff. 
 Every one leaves the village, and remains about 
 forty days. They then return: the hunting 
 party bringing in dried buffalo and deer meat, 
 and sometimes Sioux scalps, when they are 
 found trespassing on our hunting grounds. At 
 other times they are met by a party of Sioux 
 too strong for them, and are driven in. If the 
 Sioux have killed the Sacs last, they expect to 
 be retaliated upon, and will fly before them, 
 and vice versa. Each party knows that the 
 other has a righ.t to retaliate, which induces 
 those who have killed last, to give way before 
 their enemy as neither wish to strike, except 
 to avenge the death of their relatives. All our 
 wars are predicated by the relatives of those 
 killed; or by aggressions upon our hunting 
 grounds. 
 
 The party from the lead mines bring lead, 
 and the others dried fish, and mats for our win 
 ter lodges. Presents are now made by each 
 party; the first, giving to the others dried 
 buffalo and deer, and they, in [77] exchange, 
 presenting them with lead, dried fish and mats. 
 This is a happy season of the year having 
 plenty of provisions, such as beans, squashes, 
 and other produce, with our dried meat and 
 fish, we continue to make feasts and visit each 
 other, until our corn is ripe. Some lodge in 
 the village makes a feast daily, to the Great 
 Spirit. I cannot explain this so that the white 
 
 94 
 
life of 25lacft f atoft 
 
 people would comprehend me, as we have no 
 regular standard among us. Every one makes 
 his feast as he thinks best, to please the Great 
 Spirit, who has the care of all beings created. 
 Others believe in two Spirits: one good and one 
 bad, and make feasts for the Bad Spirit, to 
 keep him quiet! If they can make peace with 
 him, the Good Spirit will not hurt them! For 
 my part, I am of opinion, that so far as we 
 have reason, we have a right to use it, in deter 
 mining what is right or wrong; and should 
 pursue that path which we believe to be right 
 believing that, "whatever is, is right." If 
 the Great and Good Spirit wished us to believe 
 and do as the whites, he could easily change 
 our opinions, so that we would see, and think, 
 and act as they do. We are nothing compared 
 to His power, and we feel and know it. We 
 have men among us, like the whites, who pre 
 tend to know the right path, but will not con 
 sent to show it without pay! I have no faith 
 in their paths but believe that every man 
 must make his own path! 
 
 When our corn is getting ripe, our young 
 people watch with anxiety for the signal to pull 
 roasting ears [78] as none dare touch them 
 until the proper time. When the corn is fit to 
 use, another great ceremony takes place, with 
 feasting, and returning thanks to the Great 
 Spirit for giving us corn. 
 
 I will here relate the manner in which corn 
 first came. According to tradition, handed 
 95 
 
ilife of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 down to our people, a beautiful woman was 
 seen to descend from the clouds, and alight 
 upon the earth, by two of our ancestors, who 
 had killed a deer, and were sitting by a fire, 
 roasting a part of it to eat. They were aston 
 ished at seeing her, and concluded that she 
 must be hungry, and had smelt the meat and 
 immediately went to her, taking with them a 
 piece of the roasted venison. They presented 
 it to her, and she eat and told them to return 
 to the spot where she was sitting, at the end 
 of one year, and they would find a reward for 
 their kindness and generosity. She then as 
 cended to the clouds, and disappeared. The 
 two men returned to their village, and ex 
 plained to the nation what they had seen, done, 
 and heard but were laughed at by their 
 people. When the period arrived, for them 
 to visit this consecrated ground, where they 
 were to find a reward for their attention to the 
 beautiful woman of the clouds, they went with 
 a large party, and found, where her right hand 
 had rested on the ground, corn growing and 
 where the left hand had rested, beans, and 
 immediately where she had been seated, tobacco. 
 The two first have, ever since, been culti 
 vated by [79] our people, as our principal pro 
 visions and the last used for smoking. The 
 white people have since found out the latter, 
 and seem to relish it as much as we do as- 
 they use it in different ways, viz. smoking, 
 snuffing and eating! 
 
 96 
 
Sjfe of 25Iacft 
 
 We thank the Great Spirit for all the benefits 
 he has conferred upon us. For myself, I 
 never take a drink of water from a spring, 
 without being mindful of his goodness. 
 
 We next have our great ball play from 
 three to five hundred on a side, play this game. 
 We play for horses, guns, blankets, or any 
 other kind of property we have. The success 
 ful party take the stakes, and all retire to our 
 lodges in peace and friendship. 
 
 We next commence horse-racing, and con 
 tinue our sport and feasting, until the corn is 
 all secured. We then prepare to leave our 
 village for our hunting grounds. The traders 
 arrive, and give us credit for such articles as 
 we want to clothe our families, and enable us 
 to hunt. We first, however, hold a council 
 with them, to ascertain the price they will give 
 us for our skins, and what they will charge us 
 for goods. We inform them where we intend 
 hunting and tell them where to build their 
 houses. At this place, we deposit part of 
 our corn, and leave our old people. The 
 traders have always been kind to them, and 
 relieved them when in want. They were al 
 ways much respected by our people and 
 never since we have been a nation, has one of 
 them been killed by any of our people. 
 
 [80] We disperse, in small parties, to make 
 our hunt, and as soon as it is over, we return 
 to our traders establishment, with our skins, 
 and remain feasting, playing cards and other 
 
 97 
 
Sife of SWacfe 
 
 pastimes, until near the close of the winter. 
 Our young men then start on the beaver hunt; 
 others to hunt raccoons and muskrats and 
 the remainder of our people go to the sugar 
 camps to make sugar. All leave our encamp 
 ment, and appoint a place to meet on the Mis 
 sissippi, so that we may return to our village 
 together, in the spring. We always spent our 
 time pleasantly at the sugar camp. It being 
 the season for wild fowl, we lived well, and 
 always had plenty, when the hunters came in, 
 that we might make a feast for them. After 
 this is over, we return to our village, accom 
 panied, sometimes, by our traders. In this 
 way, the year rolled round happily. But these 
 are times that were! 
 
 On returning, in the spring, from our hunt 
 ing ground, I had the pleasure of meeting our 
 old friend, the trader of Peoria, at Rock Island. 
 He came up in a boat from St. Louis, not as 
 a trader, as in times past, but as our agent. 
 We were all pleased to see him. He told us, 
 that he narrowly escaped falling into the hands 
 of Dixon. He remained with us a short time, 
 gave us good advice, and then returned to 
 St. Louis. 
 
 The Sioux having committed depredations 
 on our people, we sent out war parties that 
 summer, who succeeded in killing fourteen. 
 I paid several visits to fort Armstrong during 
 the summer, and was always [81] well treated. 
 We were not as happy then in our village as 
 98 
 
Hife of 25Iatft 
 
 formerly. Our people got more liquor than 
 customary. I used all my influence to prevent 
 drunkenness, but without effect. As the settle 
 ments progressed towards us, we became worse 
 off, and more unhappy. Many of our people, 
 instead of going to their old hunting grounds, 
 where game was plenty, would go near to the 
 settlements to hunt and, instead of saving 
 their skins to pay the trader for goods furnished 
 them in the fall, would sell them to the settlers 
 for whiskey! and return in the spring with 
 their families, almost naked, and without the 
 means of getting any thing for them. 
 
 About this time my eldest son was taken 
 sick and died. He had always been a dutiful 
 child, and had just grown to manhood. Soon 
 after, my youngest daughter, an interesting and 
 affectionate child, died also. This was a hard 
 stroke, because I loved my children. In my 
 distress, I left the noise of the village, and built 
 my lodge on a mound in my corn-field, and 
 enclosed it with a fence, around which I planted 
 corn and beans. Here I was with my family 
 alone. I gave every thing I had away, and 
 reduced myself to poverty. The only cover 
 ing I retained, was a piece of buffalo robe. I 
 resolved on blacking my face and fasting, for 
 two years, for the loss of my two children 
 drinking only of water in the middle of the 
 day, and eating sparingly of boiled corn at sun 
 set. I fulfilled my promise, hoping that the 
 Great Spirit would take pity on me. 
 
 99 
 
Hife of 2Macft 
 
 [82] My nation had now some difficulty with 
 the loways, with whom we wished to be at 
 peace. Our young men had repeatedly killed 
 some of the loways; and these breaches had 
 always been made up by giving presents to the 
 relations of those killed. But the last council 
 we had with them, we promised that, in case 
 any more of their people were killed by ours, in 
 stead of presents, we would give up the person, 
 or persons, that had done the injury. We 
 made this determination known to our people; 
 but, notwithstanding, one of our young men 
 killed an loway the following winter. 
 
 A party of our people were about starting 
 for the loway village to give the young man 
 up. I agreed to accompany them. When we 
 were ready to start, I called at the lodge for 
 the young man to go with us. He was sick, 
 but willing to go. His brother, however, pre-* 
 vented him, and insisted on going to die in his 
 place, as he was unable to travel. We started, 
 and on the seventh day arrived in sight of the 
 Iowa village, and within a short distance of it, 
 halted and dismounted. We all bid farewell 
 to our young brave, who entered the village 
 alone, singing his death-song, and sat down on 
 the square in the middle of the village. One 
 of the Iowa chiefs came out to us. We told 
 him that we had fulfilled our promise that 
 we had brought the brother of the young man 
 who had killed one of their people that he 
 had volunteered to come in his place, in con- 
 
 100 
 
a tfe of SWacfc 
 
 sequence of his brother beih g enable- tc : 
 from sickness. We had no [83] further con 
 versation, but mounted our horses and rode 
 off. As we started I cast my eye toward the 
 village, and observed the loways coming out 
 of their lodges with spears and war clubs. 
 We took our trail back, and travelled until dark 
 then encamped and made a fire. We had 
 not been here long, before we heard the sound 
 of horses coming towards us. We seized our 
 arms; but instead of any enemy, it was our 
 young brave with two horses. He told me 
 that after we had left him, they menaced him 
 with death for some time then gave him 
 something to eat smoked the pipe with him 
 and made him a present of the two horses and 
 some goods, and started him after us. When 
 we arrived at our village, our people were much 
 pleased; and for the noble and generous con 
 duct of the loways, on this occasion, not one 
 of their people has been killed since by any of 
 our nation. 
 
 That fall I visited Maiden with several of my 
 band, and twe] were well treated by the agent 
 of our British Father, who gave us a variety of 
 presents. He also gave me a medal, and told 
 me there never would be war between England 
 and America again; but, for my fidelity to the 
 British during the war that had terminated 
 some time before, requested me to come with 
 my band and get presents every year, as Colonel 
 Dixon had promised me. 
 101 
 
ifcof 25Iacft f atoft 
 
 -ec, ana, huijted that winter on the 
 Two-Rivers. The whites were now settling 
 the country fast. I was out one day hunting 
 in a bottom, and met [84] three white men. 
 They accused me of killing their hogs. I 
 denied it; but they would not listen to me. 
 One of them took my gun out of my hand and 
 fired it off then took out the flint, gave back 
 my gun, and commenced beating me with 
 sticks, and ordered me off. I was so much 
 bruised that I could not sleep for several 
 nights. 
 
 Some time after this occurrence, one of my 
 camp cut a bee-tree, and carried the honey to 
 his lodge. A party of white men soon fol 
 lowed, and told him the bee-tree was theirs, 
 and that he had no right to cut it. He pointed 
 to the honey and told them to take it; they 
 were not satisfied with this, but took all the 
 packs of skins that he had collected during 
 the winter, to pay his trader and clothe his 
 family with in the spring, and carried them 
 off! 
 
 How could we like such people, who treated 
 us so unjustly? We determined to break up 
 our camp, for fear that they would do worse 
 and when we joined our people in the spring, 
 a great many of them complained of similar 
 treatment. 
 
 This summer 27 our agent came to live at 
 Rock Island. He treated us well, and gave 
 
 27 The summer of 1819, apparently. 
 
 102 
 
Itife of 25Iacfe 
 
 us good advice. I visited him and the trader 
 very often during the summer, and, for the 
 first time, heard talk of our having to leave my 
 village. The trader, explained to me the terms 
 of the treaty that had been made, and said we 
 would be obliged to leave the Illinois side of 
 the Mississippi, and advised us to select a 
 good place for [85] our village, and remove to 
 it in the spring. He pointed out the difficul 
 ties we would have to encounter if we remained 
 at our village on Rock river. He had great 
 influence with the principal Fox chief, his 
 adopted brother, and persuaded him to leave 
 his village, go to the west side of the Missis 
 sippi river and build another which he did 
 the spring following. Nothing was talked of 
 but leaving our village. Ke-o-kuck had been 
 persuaded to consent to go; and was using 
 all his influence, backed by the war chief at 
 fort Armstrong and our agent and trader at 
 Rock Island, to induce others to go with him. 
 He sent the crier through the village to inform 
 our people that it was the wish of our Great 
 Father that we should remove to the west side 
 of the Mississippi and recommended the 
 loway river as a good place for the new vil 
 lage and wished his party to make such 
 arrangements, before they started on their 
 winter s hunt, as to preclude the necessity of 
 their returning to the village in the spring. 
 
 The party opposed to removing called upon 
 me for my opinion. I gave it freely and 
 103 
 
Hife of 2Macft f atoft 
 
 after questioning Quash-qua-me about the sale 
 of our lands, he assured me that he "never 
 had consented to the sale of our village." I 
 now promised this party to be their leader, and 
 raised the standard of opposition to Ke-o-kuck, 
 with a full determination not to leave my village. 
 I had an interview with Ke-o-kuck, to see if 
 this difficulty could not be settled with our 
 Great [86] Father and told him to propose 
 to give other land, (any that our Great Father 
 might choose, even our lead mines,} to be 
 peaceably permitted to keep the small point of 
 land on which our village and lands were situ 
 ate. I was of opinion that the white people 
 had plenty of land, and would never take our 
 village from us. Ke-o-kuck promised to make 
 an exchange if possible; and applied to our 
 agent, and the great chief at St. Louis, (who 
 has charge of all the agents,) for permission 
 to go to Washington to see our Great Father 
 for that purpose. This satisfied us for some 
 time. We started to our hunting grounds, in 
 good hopes that something would be done for 
 us. During the winter I received information 
 that three families of whites had arrived at 
 our village and destroyed some of our lodges, 
 and were making fences and dividing our corn 
 fields for their own use and were quarreling 
 among themselves about their lines in the divi 
 sion! I immediately started for Rock river 
 a distance of ten days travel, and on my 
 arrival found the report to be true. I went 
 104 
 
Stfc of 3Marft 
 
 to my lodge, and saw a family occupying it. 
 I wished to talk with them but they could not 
 understand me. I then went to Rock Island, 
 and (the agent being absent,) told the inter 
 preter what I wanted to say to these people, 
 viz: "Not to settle on our lands nor trouble 
 our lodges or fences that there was plenty 
 of land in the country for them to settle 
 upon and they must leave our village, as we 
 were coming back to it in the [87] spring." 
 The interpreter wrote me a paper, and I went 
 back to the village, and showed it to the in 
 truders, but could not understand their reply. 
 I expected, however, that they would remove, 
 as I requested them. I returned to Rock 
 Island, passed the night there, and had a long 
 conversation with the trader. He again ad 
 vised me to give up, and make my village 
 with Ke-o-kuck, on the loway river. I told 
 him that I would not. The next morning I 
 crossed the Mississippi, on very bad ice but 
 the Great Spirit made it strong, that I might 
 pass over safe. I travelled three days farther 
 to see the Winnebago sub-agent, and converse 
 with him on the subject of our difficulties. 
 He gave no better news than the trader had 
 done. I started then, by way of Rock river, 
 to see the prophet, 28 believing that he was a 
 
 28 The "prophet," White Cloud, a man of mixed 
 
 Winnebago and Sac descent, had a village on Rock 
 
 River some thirty-five miles above its mouth. In 
 
 Sac history and in Black Hawk s life he played a 
 
 105 
 
Ilife of 25Iatft 
 
 man of great knowledge. When we met, I 
 explained to him everything as it was. He at 
 once agreed that I was right, and advised me 
 never to give up our village, for the whites to 
 plough up the bones of our people. He said, 
 that if we remained at our village, the whites 
 would not trouble us and advised me to get 
 Ke-o-kuck, and the party that had consented 
 to go with him to the loway in the spring, to 
 return, and remain at our village. 
 
 I returned to my hunting ground, after an 
 absence of one moon, and related what I had 
 done. In a short time we came up to our 
 village, and found that the whites had not left 
 it but that others had come, and that the 
 greater part of our corn-fields had been [88] 
 enclosed. When we landed, the whites ap 
 peared displeased because we came back. 
 We repaired the lodges that had been left 
 standing, and built others. Ke-o-kuck came 
 to the village; but his object was to persuade 
 others to follow him to the loway. He had 
 accomplished nothing towards making arrange 
 ments for us to remain, or to exchange other 
 lands for our village. There was no more 
 
 role similar to that of the more famous "prophet," 
 the brother of Tecumseh, in the affairs of his people. 
 Thwaites characterizes White Cloud as Black Hawk s 
 "evil genius." "His hatred of the whites was in 
 veterate; he appears to have been devoid of humane 
 sentiments ; he had a reckless disposition, and 
 seemed to enjoy sowing the seeds of disorder for 
 the simple pleasure of witnessing a border chaos." 
 106 
 
Hifc of 2Hacft 
 
 friendship existing between us. I looked upon 
 him as a coward, and no brave, to abandon 
 his village to be occupied by strangers. What 
 right had these people to our village, and our 
 fields, which the Great Spirit had given us to 
 live upon ? 
 
 My reason teaches me that land cannot be 
 sold. The Great Spirit gave it to his children 
 to live upon, and cultivate as far as is necessary 
 for their subsistence; and so long as they occupy 
 and cultivate it, they have the right to the soil 
 but if they voluntarily leave it, then any other 
 people have a right to settle upon it. Nothing 
 can be sold but such things as can be carried 
 away. 
 
 In consequence of the improvements of the 
 intruders on our fields, we found considerable 
 difficulty to get ground to plant a little corn. 
 Some of the whites permitted us to plant small 
 patches in the fields they had fenced, keeping 
 all the best ground for themselves. Our 
 women had great difficulty in climbing their 
 fences, (being unaccustomed to the kind,) and 
 were ill-treated if they left a rail down. 
 
 One of my old friends thought he was safe. 
 His [89] corn-field was on a small island of 
 Rock river. He planted his corn; it came up 
 well but the white man saw it! he wanted 
 the island, and took his teams over, ploughed up 
 the corn, and re-planted it for himself ! The old 
 man shed tears; not for himself but the distress 
 his family would be in if they raised no corn. 
 107 
 
3tife of 25Iatft 
 
 The white people brought whisky into our 
 village, made our people drunk, and cheated 
 them out of their horses, guns, and traps! 
 This fraudulent system was carried to such an 
 extent that I apprehended serious difficulties 
 might take place, unless a stop was put to it. 
 Consequently, I visited all the whites and 
 begged them not to sell whisky to my people. 
 One of them continued the practice openly. 
 I took a party of my young men, went to his 
 house, and took out his barrel and broke in 
 the head and poured out the whisky. I did 
 this for fear some of the whites might be killed 
 by my people when drunk. 
 
 Our people were treated badly by the whites 
 on many occasions. At one time, a white man 
 beat one of our women cruelly, for pulling a 
 few suckers of corn out of his field, to suck, 
 when hungry. At another time, one of our 
 young men was beat with clubs by two white 
 men for opening a fence which crossed our 
 road, to take his horse through. His shoulder 
 blade was broken, and his body badly bruised, 
 from which he soon after died! 
 
 Bad, and cruel, as our people were treated 
 by the [90] whites, not one of them was hurt 
 or molested by any of my band. I hope this 
 will prove that we are a peaceable people 
 having permitted ten men to take possession 
 of our corn-fields; prevent us from planting 
 corn; burn our lodges; ill-treat our women; 
 and beat to death our men, without offering 
 108 
 
Sife of 2Macfe 
 
 resistance to their barbarous cruelties. This 
 is a lesson worthy for the white man to learn : 
 to use forbearance when injured. 
 
 We acquainted our agent daily with our 
 situation, and through him, the great chief 29 
 at St. Louis and hoped that something would 
 be done for us. The whites were complaining 
 at the same time that we were intriiding upon 
 their rights! THEY made themselves out 
 the injured party, and we the intruders ! And 
 called loudly to the great war chief to protect 
 their property. 
 
 How smooth must be the language of the 
 whites, when they can make right look like 
 wrong, and wrong like right. 
 
 During this summer, I happened at Rock 
 Island when a great chief arrived, whom I had 
 known as the great chief of Illinois, [Governor 
 Cole] in company with another chief, who, I 
 have been told, is a great writer [ Judge Jas. Hall.] 
 I called upon them and begged to explain to 
 them the grievances, under which me and my 
 people were laboring, hoping that they could do 
 something for us. The great chief, however, 
 did not seem disposed to council with me. 
 He said [91] he was no longer the chief of 
 Illinois that his children had selected another 
 father in his stead, and that he now only 
 
 29 This was General Wm. Clark of Lewis and 
 Clark fame, who had general administrative control 
 of the tribes tributary to St. Louis and west of the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 109 
 
Hife of SMacft l^atoft 
 
 ranked as they did. I was surprised at this 
 talk, as I had always heard that he was a good, 
 brave, and great chief. But the white people 
 never appear to be satisfied. When they get 
 a good father, they hold councils, (at the 
 suggestion of some bad, ambitious man, who 
 wants the place himself,) and conclude, among 
 themselves that this man, or some other 
 equally ambitious, would make a better father 
 than they have, and nine times out of ten they 
 don t get as good a one again. 
 
 I insisted on explaining to these two chiefs 
 the true situation of my people. They gave 
 their assent. I arose and made a speech, in 
 which I explained to them the treaty made 
 by Quash-qua-me, and three of our braves, 
 according to the manner the trader and others 
 had explained it to me. I then told them that 
 Quash-qua-me and his party denied, positively, 
 having ever sold my village; and that, as I had 
 never known them to lie, I was determined to 
 keep it in possession. 
 
 I told them that the white people had already 
 entered our village, burnt our lodges, destroyed 
 our fences, ploughed up our corn, and beat our 
 people: that they had brought whisky into our 
 country, made our people drunk, and taken 
 from them their horses, guns, and traps , and 
 that I had borne all this injury, without suffer 
 ing any of my braves to raise a hand against 
 the whites. 
 
 [92] My object in holding this council, was 
 no 
 
3life of S&Iacfc 
 
 to get the opinion of these two chiefs, as to 
 the best course for me to pursue. I had 
 appealed in vain, time after time, to our agent, 
 who regularly represented our situation to the 
 chief at St. Louis, whose duty it was to call 
 upon our Great Father to have justice done to 
 us; but instead of this, we are told that the 
 white people want our country and we must 
 leave it to them! 
 
 I did not think it possible that our Great 
 Father wished us to leave our village, where 
 we had lived so long, and where the bones of 
 so many of our people had been laid. The 
 great chief said that, as he was no longer a 
 chief, he could do nothing for us; and felt 
 sorry that it was not in his power to aid us 
 nor did he know how to advise us. Neither 
 of them could do anything for us; but both 
 evidently appeared very sorry. It would give 
 me great pleasure, at all times, to take these 
 two chiefs by the hand. 
 
 That fall I paid a visit to the agent, before 
 we started to our hunting grounds, to hear if 
 he had any good news for me. He had news! 
 He said that the land on which our village stood 
 was now ordered to be sold to individuals; 
 and that, when sold, our right to remain, by 
 treaty, would be at an end, and that if we 
 returned next spring, we would be forced to 
 remove ! 
 
 We learned during the winter that part of 
 the lands where our village stood had been sold 
 in 
 
atife of SMacft J^atoft 
 
 to individuals, and that the trader at Rock 
 Island had bought the [93] greater part that 
 had been sold. The reason was now plain to 
 me why he urged us to remove. His object, 
 we thought, was to get our lands. We held 
 several councils that winter to determine what 
 we should do, and resolved, in one of them, to 
 return to our village in the spring, as usual; 
 and concluded, that if we were removed by force, 
 that the trader, agent, and others, must be the 
 cause; and that, if found guilty of having us 
 driven from our village they should be killed! 
 The trader stood foremost on this list. He 
 had purchased the land on which my lodge 
 stood, and that of our grave yard also ! Ne- 
 a-pope promised to kill him, the agent, the 
 interpreter, the great chief at St. Louis, the 
 war chief at fort Armstrong, Rock Island, and 
 Ke-o-kuck these being the principal persons 
 to blame for endeavoring to remove us. 
 
 Our women received bad accounts from the 
 women that had been raising corn at the new 
 village the difficulty of breaking the new 
 prairie with hoes and the small quantity of 
 corn raised. We were nearly in the same sit 
 uation with regard to the latter, it being the 
 first time I ever knew our people to be in want 
 of provision. 
 
 I prevailed upon some of Ke-o-kuck s band 
 
 to return this spring to the Rock river village. 
 
 Ke-o-kuck would not return with us. I hoped 
 
 that we would get permission to go to Wash- 
 
 112 
 
ftife of 2Macfe 
 
 ington to settle our affairs with our Great 
 Father. I visited the agent at Rock Island. 
 He was displeased because we had returned 
 [94] to our village, and told me that we must 
 remove to the west of the Mississippi. I told 
 him plainly that we would not! I visited the 
 interpreter at his house, who advised me to do 
 as the agent had directed me. I then went to 
 see the trader and upbraided him for buying 
 our lands. He said that if he had not pur 
 chased them, some person else would, and that 
 if our Great Father would make an exchange 
 with us, he would willingly give up the land 
 he had purchased to the government. This I 
 thought was fair, and began to think that he 
 had not acted as badly as I had suspected. 
 We again repaired our lodges, and built others, 
 as most of our village had been burnt and 
 destroyed. Our women selected small patches 
 to plant corn, (where the whites had not taken 
 them within their fences,) and worked hard to 
 raise something for our children to subsist 
 upon. 
 
 I was told that, according to the treaty, we 
 had no right to remain upon the lands sold^ 
 and that the government would force us to 
 leave them. There was but a small portion, 
 however, that had been sold; the balance re 
 maining in the hands of the government, we 
 claimed the right (if we had no other) to "live 
 and hunt upon, as long as it remained the 
 property of the government," by a stipulation 
 
itife of SSlacft 
 
 in the same treaty that required us to evacuate 
 it after it had been sold. This was the land 
 that we wished to inhabit, and thought we had 
 the best right to occupy. 
 
 I heard that there was a great chief on the 
 Wabash, [95] and sent a party to get his ad 
 vice. They informed him that we had not 
 sold our village. He assured them, then, that 
 if we had not sold the land on which our vil 
 lage stood, our Great Father would not take 
 it from us. 
 
 I started early to Maiden to see the chief of 
 my British Father, and told him my story. 
 He gave the same reply that the chief on the 
 Wabash had given; and in justice to him, I 
 must say, he never gave me any bad advice: 
 but advised me to apply to our American 
 Father, who, he said, would do us justice. I 
 next called on the great chief at Detroit, and 
 made the same statement to him that I had 
 to the chief of our British Father. He gave 
 the same reply. He said, if we had not sold 
 our lands, and would remain peaceably on them, 
 that we would not be disturbed. This assured 
 me that I was right, and determined me to 
 hold out, as I had promised my people. 
 
 I returned from Maiden late in the fall. 
 My people were gone to their hunting ground, 
 whither I followed. Here I learned that they 
 had been badly treated all summer by the 
 whites; and that a treaty had been held at 
 Prairie du Chien. Ke-o-kuck and some of 
 114 
 
Hife of 2Wacfc 
 
 our people attended it, and found out that 
 our Great Father had exchanged a small strip 
 of the land that was ceded by Quash-qua-me and 
 his party, with the Pottowattomies, fpr a por 
 tion of their land, near Chicago ; and that the 
 object of this treaty was to get it back again; 
 and that the United States had agreed to [96] 
 give them sixteen thousand dollars a year, for 
 ever, for this small strip of land it being 
 less than the twentieth part of that taken from 
 our nation, for one thousand dollars a year! 
 This bears evidence of something I cannot 
 explain. This land they say belonged to the 
 United States. What reason, then, could have 
 induced them to exchange it with the Potto 
 wattomies, if it was so valuable ? Why not 
 keep it ? Or, if they found that they had made 
 a bad bargain with the Pottowattomies, why 
 not take back their land at a fair proportion of 
 what they gave our nation for it? If this 
 small portion of the land that they took from 
 us for one thousand dollars a year, be worth 
 sixteen thousand dollars a year forever, to 
 the Pottowattomies, then the whole tract of 
 country taken from us ought to be worth, to 
 our nation, twenty times as much as this small 
 fraction. 
 
 Here I was again puzzled to find out how 
 the white people reasoned; and began to doubt 
 whether they had any standard of right and 
 wrong! 
 
 Communication was kept up between myself 
 
Etfe of 2Macfc J^atoft 
 
 and the Prophet. Runners were sent to the 
 Arkansas, Red river and Texas not on the 
 subject of our lands, but a secret mission, 
 which I am not, at present, permitted to 
 explain. 
 
 It was related to me, that the chiefs and 
 headmen of the Foxes had been invited to 
 Prairie du Chien, to hold a council to settle 
 the differences existing between them and the 
 Sioux. That the chiefs and [97] headmen, 
 amounting to nine, started for the place desig 
 nated, taking with them one woman and 
 were met by the Menomonees and Sioux, near 
 the Ouisconsin and all killed, except one man. 
 Having understood that the whole matter was 
 published shortly after it occurred, and is 
 known to the white people, I will say no more 
 about it. 
 
 I would here remark, that our pastimes and 
 sports had been laid aside for two years. We 
 were a divided people, forming two parties. 
 Ke-o-kuck being at the head of one, willing 
 to barter our rights merely for the good 
 opinion of the whites; and cowardly enough 
 to desert our village to them. I was at the 
 head of the other party, and was determined 
 to hold on to my village, although I had been 
 ordered to leave it. But, I considered, as 
 myself and band had no agency in selling our 
 country and that as provision had been made 
 in the treaty, for us all to remain on it as long 
 as it belonged to the United States, that we 
 116 
 
Itife of 2Mach 
 
 could not be forced away. I refused, there 
 fore, to quit my village. It was here, that I 
 was born and here lie the bones of many 
 friends and relations. For this spot I felt a 
 sacred reverence, and never could consent to 
 leave it, without being forced therefrom. 
 
 When I called to mind the scenes of my 
 youth, and those of later days and reflected 
 that the theatre on which these were acted, 
 had been so long the home of my fathers, 
 who now slept on the hills around [98] it, I 
 could not bring my mind to consent to leave 
 this country to the whites, for any earthly con 
 sideration. 
 
 The winter passed off in gloom. We made 
 a bad hunt, for want of guns, traps, etc. that 
 the whites had taken from our people for 
 whisky! The prospect before us was a bad 
 one. I fasted, and called upon the Great 
 Spirit to direct my steps to the right path. 
 I was in great sorrow because all the whites 
 with whom I was acquainted, and had been 
 on terms of friendship, advised me so contrary 
 to my wishes, that I began to doubt whether I 
 had a friend among them. 
 
 Ke-o-kuck, who has a smooth tongue, and 
 is a great speaker, was busy in persuading my 
 band that I was wrong and thereby making 
 many of them dissatisfied with me. I had one 
 consolation for all the women were on my 
 side, on account of their corn-fields. 
 
 On my arrival again at my village, with my 
 117 
 
Eife of SMacft 
 
 band increased, I found it worse than before. 
 I visited Rock Island. The agent again ordered 
 me to quit my village. He said, that if we 
 did not, troops would be sent to drive us off. 
 He reasoned with me, and told me, it would 
 be better for us to be with the rest of our 
 people, so that we might avoid difficulty, and 
 live in peace. The interpreter joined him, and 
 gave me so many good reasons, that I almost 
 wished I had not undertaken the difficult task 
 that I had [99] pledged myself to my brave 
 band to perform. In this mood, I called upon 
 the trader, who is fond of talking, and had 
 long been my friend, but jiow amongst those 
 advising me to give up my village. He received 
 me very* friendly, and went on to defend Ke- 
 o-kuck in what he had done, and endeavored 
 to show me that I was bringing distress on 
 our women and children. He inquired, if 
 some terms could not be made, that would 
 be honorable to me, and satisfactory to my 
 braves, for us to remove to the west side of 
 the Mississippi ? I replied, that if our Great 
 Father would do us justice, and would make 
 the proposition, I could then give up honorably. 
 He asked me, "if the great chief at St. Louis 
 would give us six thousand dollars to purchase 
 provisions and other articles, if I would give 
 up peaceably, and remove to the west side of 
 the Mississippi?" After thinking some time, 
 I agreed that I could honorably give up, by 
 being paid for it, according to our customs; 
 118 
 
Eife of 2>Iacfe 
 
 but told him, that I could not make the pro 
 posal myself, even if I wished, because it 
 would be dishonorable in me to do so. He 
 said he would do it, by sending word to the 
 great chief at St. Louis, that he could remove 
 us peaceably, for the amount stated, to the 
 west side of the Mississippi. A steam-boat 
 arrived at the island during my stay. After 
 its departure, the trader told me that he had 
 requested a war chief, who was stationed at 
 Galena, and was on board the steam-boat, to 
 make the offer to the great chief at St. Louis, 
 and that he would soon be back, and bring his 
 answer." I did not let my [ IOO] people know 
 what had taken place, for fear they would be 
 displeased. I did not like what had been done 
 myself, and tried to banish it from my mind. 
 
 After a few days had passed, the war chief 
 returned, and brought for answer, that "the 
 great chief at St. Louis would give us nothing! 
 and said if we did" not remove immediately 
 we should be drove off!" 
 
 I was not much displeased with the answer 
 brought by the war chief, because I would 
 rather have laid my bones with my forefathers 
 than remove for any consideration. Yet if 
 a friendly offer had been made, as I expected, 
 I would, for the sake of my women and chil 
 dren, have removed peaceably. 
 
 I now resolved to remain in my village, and 
 make no resistance, if the military came, but 
 submit to my fate! I impressed the import- 
 119 
 
ilife of 2Macfc 
 
 ance of this course on all my band, and directed 
 them, in case the military came, not to raise 
 an arm against them. 
 
 About this time, our agent 30 was put out of 
 office for what reason, I could never ascer 
 tain. I then thought, if it was for wanting to 
 make us leave our village it was right because 
 I was tired of hearing him talk about it. The 
 interpreter, who had been equally as bad in 
 trying to persuade us to leave our village, was 
 retained in office and the young man who 
 took the place of our agent, told the same old 
 story over about removing us. I was then 
 satisfied, that this could not have been the 
 cause. 
 
 [ 101 ] Our women had planted a few patches 
 of corn, which was growing finely, and prom 
 ised a subsistence for our children but the 
 white people again commenced ploughing it up! 
 I now determined to put a stop to it, by clear 
 ing our country of the intruders. I went to 
 the principal men and told them that they 
 must and should leave our country and gave 
 them until the middle of the next day, to re 
 move in. The worst left within the time 
 appointed but the one who remained, repre 
 sented, that his family, ( which was large, ) 
 would be in a starving condition, if he went and 
 left his crop and promised to behave well, 
 if I would consent to let him remain until fall, 
 
 30 Thomas Forsyth. He retired to his home at 
 St. Louis, where he died in 1833. 
 
 120 
 
Kife of 25lacft 
 
 in order to secure his crop. He spoke reason 
 ably, and I consented. 
 
 We now resumed some of our games and 
 pastimes having been assured by the prophet 
 that we would not be removed. But in a little 
 while it was ascertained, that a great war chief, 
 [Gen. Gaines,] with a large number of soldiers 
 was on his way to Rock river. I again called 
 upon the prophet, who requested a little time 
 to see into the matter. Early next morning 
 he came to me, and said he had been dreaming ! 
 "That he saw nothing bad in this great war 
 chief, [Gen. Gaines,] who was now near Rock 
 river. That the object of his mission was to 
 frighten us from our village, that the white 
 people might get our land for nothing ! He 
 assured us that this "great war chief dare not, 
 and would, not hurt any of us. That the 
 [102] Americans were at peace with the Brit 
 ish, and when they made peace, the British 
 required, (which the Americans agreed to,) 
 that they should never interrupt any nation of 
 Indians that was at peace and that all we 
 had to do to retain our village, was to refuse 
 any, and every offer that might be made by 
 this war chief." 
 
 The war chief arrived, and convened a 
 council at the agency. Ke-o-kuck and Wa- 
 pel-lo were sent for, and came with a number 
 of their band. The council house was opened, 
 and they were all admitted. Myself and band 
 were then sent for to attend the council. 
 121 
 
Hife of 25iacfe 
 
 When we arrived at the door, singing a war 
 song, and armed with lances, spears, war clubs 
 and bows and arrows, as if going to battle, I 
 halted, and refused to enter as I could see 
 no necessity or propriety in having the room 
 crowded with those who were already there. 
 If the council was convened for us, why have 
 others in our room? The war chief having 
 sent all out, except Ke-o-kuck, Wa-pel-lo, and 
 a few of their chiefs and braves, we entered 
 the council house in this war-like appearance, 
 being desirous to show the war chief that we 
 were not afraid! He then rose and made a 
 speech. He said: 
 
 "The president is very sorry to be put to 
 the trouble and expense of sending a large 
 body of soldiers here, to remove you from the 
 lands you have long since ceded to the United 
 States. Your Great [ 103 ] Father has already 
 warned you repeatedly, through your agent, 
 to leave the country ; and he is very sorry to 
 find that you have disobeyed his orders. Your 
 Great Father wishes you well ; and asks 
 nothing from you but what is reasonable 
 and right. I hope you will consult your 
 own interests, and leave the country you are 
 occupying, and go to the other side of the 
 Mississippi." 
 
 I replied: "That we had never sold our 
 country. We never received any annuities 
 from our American father! and we are de 
 termined to hold on to our village!" 
 122 
 
Sife of 25lacft J^atoft 
 
 The war chief, apparently angry, rose and 
 said: 
 
 "Who is Black Hawk? Who is Black 
 Hawk?" 
 
 I responded: " I am a Sac! My forefather 
 was a SAC! and all the nations call me a 
 SAC!!" 
 
 The war chief said: 
 
 "I came here, neither to beg nor hire you 
 to leave your village. My business is to re 
 move you, peaceably if I can, but forcibly if I 
 must ! I will now give you two days to remove 
 in and if you do not cross the Mississippi 
 within that time, I will adopt measures to 
 force you away ! 
 
 I told him that I never could consent to leave 
 my village and was determined not to leave it! 
 
 The council broke up, and the war chief 
 retired to the fort. I consulted the prophet 
 again! He said he had been dreaming, and 
 that the Great Spirit had di-[iO4]rected that 
 a woman, the daughter of Mat-ta-tas, the old 
 chief of the village, should take a stick in her 
 hand and go before the war chief, and tell him 
 that she is the daughter of Mat-ta-tas, and that 
 he had alw-ays been the white man s friend! 
 That he had fought their battles been 
 wounded in their service and had always 
 spoke well of them and she had never heard 
 him say that he had sold their village. The 
 whites are numerous, and can take it from us 
 if they choose, but she hoped they would not 
 123 
 
3tife of SWacft 
 
 be so unfriendly. If they were, she had one 
 favor to ask; she wished her people to be 
 allowed to remain long enough to gather the 
 provisions now growing in their fields; that 
 she was a woman, and had worked hard to 
 raise something to support her children ! And, 
 if we are driven from our village without being 
 allowed to save our corn, many of our little 
 children must perish with hunger!" 
 
 Accordingly, Mat-ta-tas daughter was sent 
 to the fort, accompanied by several of our 
 young men. They were admitted. She went 
 before the war chief, and told the story of the 
 prophet! The war chief said that the presi 
 dent did not send him here to make treaties 
 with the women, nor to hold council with them! 
 That our young men must leave the fort, but 
 she might remain if she wished! 
 
 All our plans were now defeated. We must 
 cross the river, or return to our village and 
 await the coming of the war chief with his 
 soldiers. We determined on the latter: but 
 finding that our agent, interpreter, [ 105 ] trader, 
 and Ke-o-kuck, (who were determined on 
 breaking my ranks,) had seduced several of 
 my warriors to cross the Mississippi, I sent a 
 deputation to the agent, at the request of my 
 band, pledging myself to leave the country in 
 the fall, provided permission was given us to 
 remain, and secure our crop of corn, then 
 growing as we would be in a starving situa 
 tion if we were driven off without the means 
 of subsistence. 
 
 124 
 
:U iff of 23Uuh 
 
 The deputation returned with an answer 
 from the war chief, "that no further time 
 would be given than that specified, and if we 
 were not then gone, he would remove us!" 
 
 I directed my village crier to proclaim, that 
 my orders were, in the event of the war chief 
 coming to our village to remove us, that not a 
 gun should be fired nor any resistance offered. 
 That if he determined to fight, for them to 
 remain, quietly in their lodges, and let him 
 kill them if he chose ! 
 
 I felt conscious that this great war chief 
 would not hurt our people and my object was 
 not war! Had it been, we would have at 
 tacked, and killed the war chief and his braves, 
 when in council with us as they were then 
 completely in our power. But his manly con 
 duct and soldierly deportment, his mild, yet 
 energetic manner, which proved his bravery, 
 forbade it. 
 
 Some of our young men who had been out 
 as spies t came in and reported, that they had 
 discovered a large body of mounted men com 
 ing towards our village, who [ 106] looked like 
 a war party .^ They arrived, and took a 
 position below Rock river, for their place of 
 
 31 The "party" consisted of 1600 Illinois militia 
 under the leadership of Governor Reynolds, called 
 out to drive the Sacs across the Mississippi. Black 
 Hawk s narrative of what followed is much too tame 
 to do justice to the facts. For a fuller account, in 
 cluding a number of original documents, see Stevens, 
 op. cit., chaps. XII and XIII. 
 
 125 
 
ttife of S&lacfc 
 
 encampment. The great war chief, (Gen. 
 Gaines,) entered Rock river in a steam-boat, 
 with his soldiers and one big gun! They 
 passed, and returned close by our village; but 
 excited no alarm among my braves. No atten 
 tion was paid to the boat by any of our people 
 even our little children, who were playing 
 on the bank of the river, as usual, continued 
 their amusement. The water being shallow, 
 the boat got aground, which gave the whites 
 some trouble. If they had asked for assist 
 ance, there was not a brave in my band, who 
 would not willingly have aided them. Their 
 people were permitted to pass and repass 
 through our village, and were treated with 
 friendship by our people. 
 
 The war chief appointed the next day to 
 remove us! I would have remained and been 
 taken prisoner by the regulars, but was afraid 
 of the multitude of pale faces, who were on 
 horse back, as they were under no restraint of 
 their chiefs. 
 
 We crossed the Mississippi during the night, 
 and encamped some distance below Rock 
 Island. The great war chief convened another 
 council, for the purpose of making a treaty 
 with us. In this treaty he agreed to give us 
 corn in place of that we had left growing in 
 our fields. I touched the goose quill to this 
 treaty, and was determined to live in peace. 
 
 The corn that had been given us, was soon 
 found to [107] be inadequate to our wants; 
 126 
 
Jlife of 25lacft 
 
 when loud lamentations were heard in the 
 camp, by our women and children, for their 
 roasting-ears, beans and squashes. To satisfy 
 them, a small party of braves went over, in 
 the night, to steal corn from their own fields. 
 They were discovered by the whites, and fired 
 upon. Complaints were again made of the 
 depredations committed by some of my people, 
 on their own corn fields ! 
 
 I understood from our agent, that there had 
 been a provision made in one of our treaties 
 for assistance in agriculture, and that we could 
 have our fields ploughed if we required it. I 
 therefore called upon him, and requested him 
 to have me a small log house built, and a field 
 plowed that fall, as I wished to live retired. 
 He promised to have it done. I then went to 
 the trader, and asked for permission to be 
 buried in the grave-yard at our village, among 
 my old friends and warriors; which he gave 
 me cheerfully. I then returned to my people 
 satisfied. 
 
 A short time after this, a party of Foxes 
 went up to Prairie du Chien to avenge the 
 murder of their chiefs and relations, which 
 had been committed the summer previous, by 
 the Menomonees and Sioux. When they ar 
 rived in the vicinity of the encampment of the 
 Menomonees, they met with a Winnebago, and 
 inquired for the Menomonee camp; and they 
 requested him to go on before them and see if 
 there were any Winnebagoes in it and if so, 
 127 
 
3tife of 25lacft 
 
 to tell them that they had better return to their 
 own camp. He went, and gave the in- [108] 
 formation, not only to the Winnebagoes, but to 
 the Menomonees, that they might be prepared. 
 The party soon followed, killed twenty-eight 
 Menomonees, and made their escape. 
 This retaliation, (which with us is considered 
 lawful and right,) created considerable excite 
 ment among the whites ! A demand was made 
 for the Foxes to be surrendered to, and tried 
 by, the white people! The principal men came 
 to me during the fall, and asked my advice. 
 I conceived that they had done right, and that 
 our Great Father acted very unjustly, in de 
 manding them, when he had suffered all their 
 chiefs to be decoyed away, and murdered by 
 the Menomonees, without having ever made a 
 similar demand of them. If he had no right 
 in the first instance, he had none now; and 
 for my part, I conceived the right very ques 
 tionable, if not altogether usurpation, in any 
 case, where a difference exists between two 
 nations, for him to interfere! The Foxes 
 joined my band, with an intention to go out 
 with them to hunt. 
 
 About this time, Ne-a-pope, (who started 
 to Maiden when it was ascertained that the 
 great war chief, Gen. Gaines, was coming to 
 remove us,) returned. He said he had seen 
 the chief of our British Father, and asked him 
 if the Americans could force us to leave our 
 village? He said "If we had not sold our 
 128 
 
Eife of SMacft 
 
 village and land the American government 
 could not take them from us. That the right, 
 being vested in us, could only be transferred 
 by the voice and will of [109] the whole 
 nation; and that, as we had never given our 
 consent to the sale of our country, it remained 
 our exclusive property from which the Amer 
 ican government could never force us away! 
 and that, in the event of war, we should have 
 nothing to fear / as they would stand by and 
 assist us ! " 
 
 He said he had called at the prophet s vil 
 lage on his way down, and had there learned, 
 for the first time, that we had left our village. 
 He informed me, privately, that the prophet 
 was anxious to see me, as he had much good 
 news to tell me, and that I would hear good 
 news in the spring from our British Father. 
 The prophet requested me to inform you of 
 all the particulars. I would much rather, how 
 ever, you should see him, and learn all from 
 himself. But I will tell you, that he has re 
 ceived expresses from our British father, who 
 says that he is going to send us guns, ammu 
 nition, provisions, and clothing, early in the 
 spring. The vessels that bring them will come 
 by way of Mil-wa-ke. The prophet has like 
 wise received wampum and tobacco from the 
 different nations on the lakes Ottawas, 
 Chippewas, Pottowattomies; and as for the 
 Winnebagoes, he has them all at his command. 
 We are going to be happy once more! 
 129 
 
ilife of 25lacft 
 
 I told him that I was pleased that our British 
 Father intended to see us righted. That we 
 had been driven from our lands without re 
 ceiving anything for them and I now began 
 to hope, from his talk, that my people would 
 be once more happy. If [ 1 10 ] I could accom 
 plish this, I would be satisfied. I am now 
 growing old, and could spend the remnant of 
 my time anywhere. But I wish first to see 
 my people happy. I can then leave them 
 cheerfully. This has always been my constant 
 aim; and I now begin to hope that our sky 
 will soon be clear. 
 
 Ne-a-pope said: " The prophet told me that 
 all the different tribes before mentioned would 
 fight for us, if necessary, and the British 
 would support us. And, if we should be 
 whipped, (which is hardly possible,) we will 
 still be safe, the prophet having received a 
 friendly talk from the chief of Was-sa-cum- 
 mi-co, (at Selkirk s settlement,) telling him, 
 that if we were not satisfied in our country, to 
 let him know, and he would make us happy. 
 That he had received information from our 
 British father, that we had been badly treated 
 by the Americans. We must go and see the 
 prophet. I will go first; you had better re 
 main and get as many of our people to join us 
 as you can. You now know every thing that 
 we have done. We leave the matter with you 
 to arrange among your people as you please. I 
 will return to the prophet s village to-morrow. 
 130 
 
3tife of 
 
 You can, in the mean time, make up your mind 
 as to the course you will take, and send word 
 to the prophet by me, as he is anxious to assist 
 us, and wishes to know whether you will join 
 us, and assist to make your people happy!" 
 
 During that night, I thought over every 
 thing that Ne-a-pope had told me, and was 
 pleased to think that, [ 1 1 1 ] by a little exertion 
 on my part, I could accomplish the object of 
 all my wishes. I determined to follow the 
 advice of the prophet, and sent word by Ne- 
 a-pope, that I would get all my braves together, 
 explain every thing that I had heard to them ; 
 and recruit as many as I could from the differ 
 ent villages. 
 
 Accordingly, I sent word to Ke-o-kuck s 
 band and the Fox tribe, and explained to them 
 all the good news I had heard. They would 
 not hear. Ke-o-kuck said that I had been 
 imposed upon by liars, and had much better 
 remain where I was and keep quiet. When 
 he found that I was determined to make an 
 attempt to secure my village, and fearing that 
 some difficulty would arise, he made applica 
 tion to the agent and great chief at St. Louis, 
 for permission for the chiefs of our nation to 
 go to Washington to see our Great Father, that 
 we might have our difficulties settled amicably. 
 Ke-o-kuck also requested the trader, who was 
 going on to Washington, to call on our Great 
 Father and explain everything to him, and ask 
 for permission for us to come on and see him. 
 
Hife of 25Iatfe J^atofc 
 
 Having heard nothing favorable from the 
 great chief at St. Louis, I concluded that I 
 had better keep my band together, and recruit 
 as many more as possible, so that I would be 
 prepared to make the attempt to rescue my vil 
 lage in the spring, provided our Great Father did 
 not send word for us to go to Washington, [i 12] 
 
 The trader returned. He said he had called 
 on our Great Father and made a full statement 
 to him in relation to our difficulties, and had 
 asked leave for us to go to Washington, but 
 had received no answer. 
 
 I had determined to listen to the advice of 
 my friends and if permitted to go to see our 
 Great Father, to abide by his counsel, what 
 ever it might be. Every overture was made by 
 Ke-o-kuck to prevent difficulty, and I anxiously 
 hoped that something would be done for my 
 people, that it might be avoided. But there was 
 bad management somewhere, or the difficulty 
 that has taken place would have been avoided. 
 
 When it was ascertained that we would not 
 be permitted to go to Washington, I resolved 
 upon my course, and again tried to recruit 
 some braves from Ke-o-kuck s band to accom 
 pany me, but could not. 
 
 Conceiving that the peaceable disposition of 
 Ke-o-kuck and his people had been, in a great 
 measure, the cause of our having been driven 
 from our village, I ascribed their present feel 
 ings to the same cause ; and immediately went 
 to work to recruit all my own band, and made 
 132 
 
aiife of 25Iacft 
 
 preparations to ascend Rock river. I made 
 my encampment on the Mississippi, where fort 
 Madison had stood; requested my people to 
 rendezvous at that place, and sent out soldiers 
 to bring in the warriors, and stationed my 
 sentinels in a position to prevent any from 
 moving up until all were ready. 
 
 My party having all come in and got ready, 
 we commenced our march up the Mississippi 
 our women [113] and children in canoes, carry 
 ing such provisions as we had, camp equipage, 
 &c., and my braves and warriors on horse 
 back, armed and equipped for defence. The 
 prophet came down and joined us below 
 Rock river, having called at Rock Island on 
 his way down, to consult the war chief, agent, 
 and trader, who, (he said) used many argu 
 ments to dissuade him from going with us; 
 and requested him to come and meet us, and 
 turn us back. They told him also, there was 
 a war chief on his way to Rock Island with a 
 la*ge body of soldiers. 32 
 
 32 This was General Atkinson, who had set out 
 from Jefferson Barracks with the intention of com 
 pelling the surrender of the Foxes who had murdered 
 the Menominee at Prairie du Chien the preceding 
 year. Thus it came about that Atkinson with a 
 small force of regulars was on the spot, so to speak, 
 when Black Hawk s invasion precipitated the war. 
 Recognizing the insufficiency of his force to cope 
 with the situation, he called on Governor Reynolds 
 for assistance, and the latter, in turn, promptly 
 issued a fiery summons to the Illinois militia to 
 assemble " for the defense of their country." 
 
 133 
 
Itife of 2Macft 
 
 The prophet said he would not listen to this 
 talk, because no war chief dare molest us as 
 long as we are at peace. That we had a right 
 to go where we pleased peaceably; and advised 
 me to say nothing to my braves and warriors 
 until we encamped that night. We moved on 
 ward until we arrived at the place where Gen. 
 Gaines had made his encampment the year 
 before, and encamped for the night. The 
 prophet then addressed my braves and war 
 riors. He told them to "follow us, and act 
 like braves, and we had nothing to fear, but 
 much to gain. That the American war chief 
 might come, but he would not, nor dare not, 
 interfere with us so long as we acted peaceably! 
 That we were not yet ready to act otherwise. 
 We must wait until we ascend Rock river 
 and receive our reinforcements, and we will 
 then be able to withstand any army!" 
 
 That night the White Beaver, [Gen. Atkin 
 son,] [114] with a party of soldiers, passed up 
 in steam-boats. Our party became alarme^l, 
 expecting to meet soldiers at Rock river, to 
 prevent us from going up. On our arrival at 
 its mouth, we discovered that the steam-boats 
 had passed on. I was fearful that the war 
 chief had stationed his men on some bluff, or 
 in some ravine, that we might be taken by 
 surprise. Consequently, on entering Rock 
 river, we commenced beating our drums and 
 singing to show the Americans that we were 
 not afraid. 
 
 134 
 
3tife of 
 
 Having met with no opposition, we moved 
 up Rock river leisurely some distance, when 
 we were overtaken by an express from the 
 White Beaver, with an ORDER for me to re 
 turn with my band, and recross the Mississippi 
 again. I sent him word that "I would not, 
 ( not recognizing his right to make such a de 
 mand,) as I was acting peaceably, and intended 
 to go to the prophet s village, at his request, 
 to make corn." 
 
 The express returned. We moved on, and 
 encamped some distance below the prophet s 
 village. Here another express came from the 
 White Beaver, threatening to pursue us and 
 drive us back, if we did not return peaceably! 
 This message roused the spirit of my band, 
 and all were determined to remain with me 
 and contest the ground with the war chief, 
 should he come and attempt to drive us. We 
 therefore directed the express to say to the war 
 chief, " if he wished to fight us, he might come 
 on ! " We were determined never to be driven, 
 and equally so, not to [115] make the first 
 attack, our object being to act only on the de 
 fensive. This we conceived our right. 
 
 Soon after the express returned, Mr. Gratiot, 
 sub-agent for the Winnebagoes, with several 
 of the chiefs and headmen of the Winnebago 
 nation, came to our encampment. He had 
 no interpreter and was compelled to talk 
 through his chiefs. They said the object of 
 his mission was, to persuade us to return. 
 135 
 
Hife of 2Macft 
 
 But they advised us to go on assuring us that 
 the further we went up Rock river the more 
 friends we would meet, and our situation be 
 bettered; that they were on our side, and all 
 their people were our friends: that we must 
 not give up but continue to ascend Rock 
 river, on which, in a short time, we would 
 receive a reinforcement sufficiently strong to 
 repulse any enemy! They said they would go 
 down with their agent, to ascertain the strength 
 of the enemy, and then return and give us 
 the news : that they had to use some stratagem 
 to deceive their agent, in order to help us! 
 
 During this council, a number of my braves 
 hoisted the British flag, mounted their horses, 
 and surrounded the council lodge! I discov 
 ered that the agent was very much frightened! 
 I told one of his chiefs to tell him that he 
 need not be alarmed and then went out and 
 directed my braves to desist. Every warrior 
 immediately dismounted and returned to his 
 lodge. After the council adjourned, I placed 
 a sentinel at the agent s lodge, to guard him 
 fearing that some of my warriors might again 
 frighten him! I had always [116] thought 
 that he was a good man, and was determined 
 that he should not be hurt. He started, with 
 his chiefs, for Rock Island. 33 
 
 33 The family account of Gratiot s experiences 
 
 upon his mission to the Indians bears quite a 
 
 different complexion than does Black Hawk s 
 
 story. According to the former, Gratiot s escape 
 
 136 
 
Jttfe of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 Having ascertained that the White Beaver 
 would not permit us to remain here, I began 
 to consider what was best to be done, and con 
 cluded to keep up the river and see the 
 Pottowattomies, and have a talk with them. 
 Several Winnebago chiefs were present, whom 
 I advised of my intentions, as they did not 
 seem disposed to render us any assistance. I 
 asked them if they had not sent us wampum 
 during the winter, and requested us to come 
 and join their people and enjoy all the rights 
 and privileges of their country? They did 
 not deny this ; and said if the white people 
 did not interfere, they had no objection to our 
 making corn this year with our friend the 
 prophet ; but did not wish us to go any further 
 up. 
 
 The next day, I started with my party to 
 Kish-wa-co-kee. 34 That night I encamped a 
 short distance above the prophet s village. 
 After all was quiet in my camp, I sent for my 
 chiefs, and told them that we had been deceived! 
 That all the fair promises that had been held 
 out to us, through Ne-a-pope, were false! 
 But it would not do to let our party know it. 
 We must keep it secret among ourselves 
 
 was due to the active assistance of the Prophet, 
 and Black Hawk is given no credit in this con 
 nection. See Wisconsin Historical Collections, X, 
 252-55- 
 
 ^Kishwaukee River, which empties into Rock 
 River a few miles below Rockford, 111. 
 
 137 
 
Hife of 25lacft fatoft 
 
 and move on to Kish-wa-co-kee, as if all was 
 right, and say something on the way to en 
 courage our people. I will then call on the 
 Pottowattomies, and hear what they say, and 
 see what they will do. 
 
 [117] We started the next morning, after 
 telling our people that news had just come 
 from Mil-wa-kee that a chief of our British 
 Father would be there in a few days! 
 
 Finding that all our plans were defeated, I 
 told the prophet that he must go with me, and 
 we would see what could be done with the 
 Pottowattomies. On our arrival at Kish-wa- 
 co-kee, an express was sent to the Pottowat- 
 tomie villages. The next day a deputation 
 arrived. I inquired if they had corn in their 
 villages? They said they had a very little 
 and could not spare any! I asked them 
 different questions, and received unsatisfactory 
 answers. This talk was in the presence of all 
 my people. I afterwards spoke to them pri 
 vately, and requested them to come to my lodge 
 after my people had got to sleep. They came, 
 and took seats. I asked them if they had re 
 ceived any news from the lake from the British ? 
 They said no. I inquired if they had heard 
 that a chief of our British Father was coming 
 to Mil-wa-kee to bring us guns, ammunition, 
 goods and provisions? They said, no! I 
 then told them what news had been brought 
 to me, and requested them to return to their 
 138 
 
Sife of 2Macfe 
 
 village, and tell the chiefs that I wished to see 
 them and have a talk with them. 
 
 After this deputation started, I concluded 
 to tell my people, that if the White Beaver 
 came after us, we would go back as it was 
 useless to think of stopping or going on 
 without provisions. I discovered that the 
 [118] Winnebagoes and Potto wattomies were 
 not disposed to render us any assistance. 
 The next day the Pottowattomie chiefs arrived 
 at my camp. I had a dog killed, and made a 
 feast. When it was ready, I spread my medi 
 cine bags, and the chiefs began to eat. When 
 the ceremony was about ending, I received 
 news, that three or four hundred white men, 
 on horse-back, had been seen about eight miles 
 off. I immediately started three young men, 
 with a white flag, to meet them, and conduct 
 them to our camp, that we might hold a council 
 with them, and descend Rock river again. 
 And directed them, in case the whites had en 
 camped, to return, and I would go and see 
 them. After this party had started, I sent 
 five young men to see what might take place. 
 The first party went to the encampment of the 
 whites, and were taken prisoners. The last 
 party had not proceeded far, before they saw 
 about twenty men coming towards them in full 
 gallop! They stopped, and finding that the 
 whites were coming so fast in a warlike atti 
 tude, they turned and retreated, but were pur- 
 139 
 
Hife of 25iacft J^atofe 
 
 sued, and two of them overtaken and killed! 
 The others made their escape. When they 
 came in with the news, I was preparing my 
 flags to meet the war chief. The alarm was 
 given. Nearly all my young men were absent, 
 about ten miles off. I started with what I had 
 left, (about forty,} and had proceeded but a 
 short distance, before we saw a part of the 
 army approaching. I raised a yell, and said 
 to my braves: "Some-of our people have 
 been killed! [119] wantonly and cruelly mur 
 dered! We must revenge their death!" 
 
 In a little while we discovered the whole 
 army coming towards us in full gallop! We 
 were now confident that our first party had 
 been killed! I immediately placed my men in 
 front of some bushes, that we might have the 
 first fire, when they approached close enough. 
 They made a halt some distance from us. I 
 gave another yell, and ordered my brave war 
 riors to charge upon them expecting that we 
 would all be killed ! They did charge ! Every 
 man rushed and fired, and the enemy retreated! 
 in the utmost confusion and consternation, 
 before my little, but brave band of warriors! 
 
 After pursuing the enemy some distance, I 
 found it useless to follow them, as they rode 
 so fast, and returned to my encampment with 
 a few of my braves, (about twenty -five having 
 gone in pursuit of the enemy.) I lighted my 
 pipe, and sat down to thank the Great Spirit 
 for what we had done. I had not been long 
 140 
 
3ltfe of 
 
 meditating, when two of the three young men 
 I had sent with the flag to meet the American 
 war chief, entered! My astonishment was not 
 greater than my joy to see them living and 
 well. I eagerly listened to their story, which 
 was as follows : 
 
 "When we arrived near to the encampment 
 of the whites, a number of them rushed out 
 to meet us, bringing their guns with them. 
 They took us into their camp, where an Amer 
 ican, who spoke the Sac Ian- [120] guage a 
 little, told us that his chief wanted to know 
 how we were where we were going where 
 our camp was and where Black Hawk was? 
 We told him that we had come to see his chief; 
 that our chief had directed us to conduct him 
 to our camp, in case he had not encamped; 
 and, in that event, to tell him, that he [Black 
 Hawk] would come to see him; he wished to 
 hold a council with him, as he had given up 
 all intention of going to war. 
 
 "At the conclusion of this talk, a party of 
 white men came in, on horseback. We saw 
 by their countenances that something had hap 
 pened. A general tumult arose. They looked 
 at us with indignation talked among them 
 selves for a moment when several cocked 
 their guns in a second, they fired at us in the 
 crowd; our companion fell dead! We rushed 
 through the crowd and made our escape. We 
 remained in ambush but a short time, before 
 we heard yelling, like Indians running an 
 141 
 
3life of S&lacft i^atofc 
 
 enemy. In a little while we saw some of the 
 whites in full speed. One of them carne near 
 us. I threw my tomahawk, and struck him 
 on the head, which brought him to the ground! 
 I ran to him, and with his own knife, took off 
 his scalp! I took his gun, mounted his horse, 
 and took my friend here behind me. We 
 turned to follow our braves, who were running 
 the enemy, and had not gone far before we 
 overtook a white man, whose horse had mired 
 in a swamp! My friend alighted, and toma 
 hawked the man, who was apparently fast 
 under his horse! He [121] took his scalp, 
 horse, and gun/ By this time our party was 
 some distance ahead. We followed on, and 
 saw several white men lying dead in the way. 
 After riding about six miles, we met our party 
 returning. We asked them how many of our 
 men had been killed ? They said none, after the 
 Americans retreated. We inquired then, how 
 many whites had been killed ? They replied, 
 that they did not know; but said we will soon 
 ascertain, as we must scalp them as we go 
 back. On our return, we found ten men, be 
 sides the two we had killed before we joined 
 our friends. Seeing that they did not yet 
 recognize us, it being dark, we again asked, 
 how many of our braves had been killed? 
 They said five! We asked, who they were ? 
 They replied that the first party of three, who 
 went out to meet the American war chief, had 
 all been taken prisoners, and killed in the en- 
 142 
 
ffiife of SMacft 
 
 campment; and that out of a party of five, 
 who followed to see the meeting of the first 
 party and the whites, two had been killed! 
 We were now certain that they did not recog 
 nize us nor did we tell them who we were 
 until we arrived at our camp! The news of 
 our death had reached it some time before, 
 and all were surprised to see us again." 
 
 The next morning I told the crier of my 
 village to give notice that we must go and bury 
 our dead. In a little while all were ready. A 
 small deputation was sent for our absent war 
 riors, and the remainder started. We first 
 disposed of our dead, and then commenced 
 [122] an examination, in the enemy s deserted 
 encampment, for plunder. We found arms, 
 ammunition, and provisions, all which we were 
 in want of particularly the latter, as we were 
 entirely without. We found, also, a variety 
 of saddle-bags, (which I distributed among my 
 braves,) and a small quantity of whisky! and 
 some little barrels that had contained this bad 
 medicine; but they were empty! I was sur 
 prised to find that the whites carried whisky 
 with them, as I had understood that all the 
 pale faces belonged to the temperance societies! 
 
 The enemy s encampment was in a skirt of 
 woods near a run, about half a day s travel 
 from Dixon s ferry. We attacked them in the 
 prairie, with a few bushes between us, about 
 sundown, and I expected that my whole party 
 would be killed! I never was so much sur- 
 143 
 
Hife of 25lach I^atoft 
 
 prised, in all the fighting I have seen know 
 ing, too, that the Americans, generally, shoot 
 well as I was to see this army of several 
 hundreds, retreating! WITHOUT SHOW 
 ING FIGHT!! and passing immediately 
 through their encampment. I did think that 
 they intended to halt here, as the situation 
 would have forbidden attack by my party, if 
 their number had not exceeded half mine! as 
 we would have been compelled to take the 
 open prairie, whilst they could have picked trees 
 to shield themselves from our fire! 
 
 Never was I so much surprised in my life, 
 as I was in this attack! An army of three or 
 four hundred, [123] after having learned that 
 we were sueing for peace, to attempt to kill 
 the flag-bearers that had gone, unarmed, to 
 ask for a meeting of the war chiefs of the two 
 contending parties to hold a council, that I 
 might return to the west side of the Missis 
 sippi, to come forward, with a full determina 
 tion to demolish the few braves I had with me, 
 to retreat when they had ten to one, was un 
 accountable to me. It proved a different 
 spirit from any I had ever before seen among 
 the pale faces! I expected to see them fight 
 as the Americans did with the British during 
 the last war! but they had no such braves 
 among them! 35 
 
 35 The conflict here described, known as the battle 
 of Stillman s Run or Stillman s Defeat, occurred 
 May 14, 1832, a few miles southwest of the mouth 
 144 
 
3tife of 
 
 I had resolved on giving up the war and 
 sent a flag of peace to the American war chief 
 expecting, as a matter of right, reason and 
 justice, that our flag would be respected, (I 
 have always seen it so in war among the 
 whites,) and a council convened, that we might 
 explain our grievances, having been driven 
 from our village the year before, without being 
 permitted to gather the corn and provisions 
 which our women had labored hard to culti 
 vate, and ask for permission to return thereby 
 giving up all idea of going to war against the 
 whites. 
 
 Yet, instead of this honorable course which 
 I have always practised in war, I was forced 
 into WAR, with about five hundred warriors, 
 to contend against three or four thousand! 
 
 The supplies that Ne-a-pope and the prophet 
 told us about, and the reinforcements we were 
 to have, [ 124] were never more heard of; (and 
 it is but justice to our British Father to say, 
 were never promised his chief having sent 
 word in lieu of the lies that were brought to me 
 
 FOR US TO REMAIN AT PEACE, 
 AS WE COULD ACCOMPLISH NOTH 
 ING BUT OUR OWN RUIN BY GOING 
 TO WAR: } 
 
 What was now to be done ? It was worse 
 than folly to turn back and meet an enemy 
 
 of Sycamore Creek, in Ogle County, Illinois. Black 
 Hawk s description of the disgraceful affair is sub 
 stantially correct. 
 
fe of 2Macft l^atoft 
 
 where the odds were so much against us 
 and thereby sacrifice ourselves, our wives and 
 children, to the fury of an enemy who had 
 murdered some of our brave and unarmed 
 warriors, when they were on a mission to sue 
 for peace ! 
 
 Having returned to our encampment, and 
 found that all our young men had come in, I 
 sent out spies, to watch the movement of the 
 army, and commenced moving up Kish-wa-co- 
 kee with the balance of my people. I did not 
 know where to go to find a place of safety for 
 my women and children, but expected to find 
 a good harbor about the head of Rock river. 
 I concluded to go there and thought my best 
 route would be to go round the head of Kish- 
 wa-co-kee, so that the Americans would have 
 some difficulty, if they attempted to follow us. 
 
 On arriving at the head of Kish-wa-co-kee, 
 I was met by a party of Winnebagoes, who 
 seemed to rejoice at our success. They said 
 they had come to offer their services, and were 
 anxious to join us. I asked them if they knew 
 where there was a safe [125] place for my 
 women and children. They told me that they 
 would send two old men with us to guide us to 
 a good safe place. 
 
 I arranged war parties to send out in differ 
 ent directions, before I proceeded further. 
 The Winnebagoes went alone. The war par 
 ties having all been fitted out and started, we 
 commenced moving to the Four Lakes, the 
 146 
 
ttife of 
 
 place where our guides were to conduct us. 
 We had not gone far, before six Winnebagoes 
 came in with one scalp! They said they had 
 killed a man at a grove, on the road from 
 Dixon s to the lead mines. 36 Four days after, 
 the party of Winnebagoes who had gone out 
 from the head of Kish-wa-co-kee, overtook us, 
 and told me that they had killed four men, and 
 taken their scalps; and that one of them was 
 Ke-o-kuck s father, (the agent). 37 They pro 
 posed to have a dance over their scalps! I 
 told them that I could have no dancing in my 
 camp, in consequence of my having lost three 
 young braves; but they might dance in their 
 own camp which they did. 
 
 Two days after, we arrived in safety at the 
 place where the Winnebagoes had directed us. 
 In a few days a great number of our warriors 
 came in. I called them all around me, and 
 addressed them. I told them, "Now is the 
 time, if any of you wish to come into distinc 
 tion, and be honored with the medicine bag! 
 Now is the time to show your courage and 
 bravery, and avenge the murder of our three 
 braves!" [126] Several small parties went 
 
 36 This was William Durley, killed near Polo, Illi 
 nois, May 19, 1832. For an account of the affair 
 see Stevens, op. cit., 142. 
 
 37 Felix St. Vrain, successor of Thomas Forsyth 
 in charge of the Indian agency at Rock Island. On 
 the massacre of St. Vrain and his companions see 
 Stevens, op, cit., 169-70. 
 
 147 
 
Jlife of SWatfe 
 
 out, and returned again in a few days, with 
 success bringing in provision for our people. 
 In the meantime, some spies came in, and re 
 ported that the army had fallen back to Dixon s 
 ferry; and others brought news that the horse 
 men had broken up their camp, disbanded, and 
 returned home. 
 
 Finding that all was safe, I made a dog 
 feast, preparatory to leaving my camp with a 
 large party, ( as the enemy were stationed so 
 far off.) Before my braves commenced feast 
 ing, I took my medicine bags, and addressed 
 them in the following language : 
 
 " Br&ves and Warriors: These are the 
 medicine bags of our forefather, Muk-a-ta- 
 quet, who was the father of the Sac nation. 
 They were handed down to the great war chief 
 of our nation, Na-na-ma-kee, who has been at 
 war with all the nations of the lakes and all the 
 nations of the plains, and have never yet been 
 disgraced! I expect you all to protect them!" 
 
 After the ceremony was over, and our feast 
 ing done, I started with about two hundred 
 warriors, following my great medicine bags. 
 I directed my course towards sunset, and 
 dreamed, the second night after we started, 
 that there was a great feast for us after 
 one day s travel! I told my warriors my 
 dream in the morning, and we all started for 
 Mos-co-ho-co-y-nak, [Apple river.] When 
 we arrived in the vicinity of a fort the white 
 people had built [ 127] there we saw four men 
 148 
 
life of OTacft 
 
 on horseback. One of my braves fired and 
 wounded a man, when the others set up a yell, 
 as if a large force were near and ready to come 
 against us. We concealed ourselves, and re 
 mained in this position for some time, watching 
 to see the enemy approach but none came. 
 The four men, in the meantime, ran to the 
 fort and gave the alarm. We followed them, 
 and attacked their fort! 3S One of their braves, 
 who seemed more valiant than the rest, raised 
 his head above the picketing to fire at us, when 
 one of my braves, with a well directed shot, 
 put an end to his bravery! Finding that these 
 people could not all be killed, without setting 
 fire to their houses and fort, I thought it more 
 prudent to be content with what flour, pro 
 visions, cattle and horses we could find, than 
 to set fire to their buildings, as the light would 
 be seen at a distance, and the army might 
 suppose that we were in the neighborhood, 
 and come upon us with a force too strong. 
 Accordingly, we opened a house and filled our 
 bags with flour and provisions took several 
 horses, and drove off some of their cattle. 
 
 We started in a direction towards sunrise. 
 After marching a considerable time, I discov 
 ered some white men coming towards us. I 
 told my braves that we would get into the 
 
 38 Apple River Fort was about fourteen miles east 
 of Galena, Illinois. Black Hawk s futile attack upon 
 it occurred June 24, 1832. An interesting account 
 of the attack is given by Stevens, op. cit., 185-87. 
 149 
 
Slife of 2BIacfc 
 
 woods and kill them when they approached. 
 We concealed ourselves until they came near 
 enough, and then commenced yelling and firing, 
 and made a rush upon them. 39 About this 
 time, their chief, with a party of men, rushed 
 up to rescue the [ 128] men we had fired upon. 
 In a little while they commenced retreating, 
 and left their chief and a few braves, who 
 seemed willing and anxious to fight! They 
 acted like braves, but were forced to give way 
 when I rushed upon them with my braves. 
 In a short time the chief returned with a larger 
 party. He seemed determined to fight, and 
 anxious for a battle! When he came near 
 enough, I raised the yell and firing, commenced 
 from both sides. The chief (who seemed to 
 be a small man) addressed his warriors in a 
 loud voice; but they soon retreated, leaving 
 him and a few braves on the battle-field. A 
 great number of my warriors pursued the re 
 treating party, and killed a number of their 
 horses as they ran. The chief and his few 
 braves were unwilling to leave the field. I 
 ordered my braves to rush upon them, and had 
 the mortification of seeing two of my chiefs 
 killed, before the enemy retreated. 
 
 39 This was the attack made upon Major Dement s 
 company at Kellogg s Grove, on June 25. The 
 "chief" who excited the admiration of Black Hawk 
 was, of course, Major Dement. His conduct on 
 this occasion stands in brilliant contrast with that of 
 Stillman and others of the Illinois militia under 
 similar circumstances. 
 
 ISO 
 
3life of SMacft J^atoft 
 
 This young chief deserves great praise for 
 his courage and bravery; but fortunately for 
 us, his army was not all composed of such 
 brave men! 
 
 During this attack, we killed several men 
 and about forty horses, and lost two young 
 chiefs and seven warriors. My braves were 
 anxious to pursue them to the fort, attack, and 
 burn it. But I told them that it was useless 
 to waste our powder, as there was no possible 
 chance of success if we did attack them and 
 that, as we had run the bear into his hole, we 
 would there leave him, and return to our camp. 
 
 On arriving at our encampment we found 
 that sev-[i29] eral parties of our spies had re 
 turned, bringing intelligence that the army had 
 commenced moving. Another party of five 
 came in and said they had been pursued for 
 several hours, and were attacked by twenty- 
 five or thirty whites in the woods; that the 
 whites rushed in upon them, as they lay con 
 cealed, and received their fire without seeing 
 them. They immediately retreated, whilst we 
 reloaded. They entered the thicket again, and 
 as soon as they came near enough, we fired! 
 Again they retreated, and again they rushed 
 into the thicket and fired! We returned their 
 fire, and a skirmish ensued between two of 
 their men and one of ours, who was killed by 
 having his throat cut ! This was the only man 
 we lost. The enemy having had three killed, 
 they again retreated. 
 
of 2Macfc 
 
 Another party of three Sacs had come in, 
 and brought in two young squaws, whom they 
 had given to the Winnebagoes, to take to the 
 whites. They said they had joined a party of 
 Pottowattomies, and went with them as a war 
 party, against the settlers on the Illinois. 40 
 
 The leader of this party, a Pottowattomie, 
 had been severely whipped by this settler, 
 some time before, and was anxious to avenge 
 the insult and injury. While the party was 
 preparing to start, a young Pottowattomie 
 went to the settler s house, and told him to 
 leave it that a war party was coming to 
 murder them. They started, but soon returned 
 again, as it appeared that they were all there 
 when the war party arrived! [130] The Pot 
 towattomies killed the whole family, except 
 two young squaws, whom the Sacs took up on 
 their horses, and carried off to save their lives. 
 They were brought to our encampment, and 
 a messenger sent to the Winnebagoes, as they 
 were friendly on both sides, to come and get 
 them, and carry them to the whites. If these 
 young men belonging to my band, had not 
 gone with the Pottowattomies, the two young 
 squaws would have shared the same fate as 
 their friends. 
 
 40 The allusion in this paragraph is to the bloody 
 Indian Creek massacre a dozen miles north of Ottawa, 
 Illinois, May 20, 1832. The "young squaws" were 
 Rachael and Sylvia Hall, the only survivors of the 
 massacre. For their story see Stevens, op.cit., 146 ff. 
 152 
 
ft of SSlacfc 
 
 During our encampment at the Four Lakes, 
 we were hard put to obtain enough to eat to 
 support nature. Situate in a swampy, marshy 
 country, (which had been selected in conse 
 quence of the great difficulty required to gain 
 access thereto,) there was but little game of 
 any sort to be found and fish were equally 
 scarce. The great distance to any settlement, 
 and the impossibility of bringing supplies there 
 from, if any could have been obtained, deterred 
 our young men from making further attempts. 
 We were forced to dig roots and bark trees, to 
 obtain something to satisfy hunger and keep 
 us alive! Several of our old people became 
 so much reduced, as actually to die with hun 
 ger! And, finding that the army had com 
 menced moving, and fearing that they might 
 come upon and surround our encampment, I 
 concluded to remove my women and children 
 across the Mississippi, that they might return 
 to the Sac nation again. Accordingly, on the 
 next day, we commenced moving, with [131] 
 five Winnebagoes acting as our guides, intend 
 ing to descend the Ouisconsin. 
 
 Ne-a-pope, with a party of twenty, remained 
 in our rear, to watch for the enemy, whilst we 
 were proceeding to the Ouisconsin, with our 
 women and children. We arrived, and had 
 commenced crossing them to an island, when 
 we discovered a large body of the enemy com 
 ing towards us. We were now compelled to 
 fight, or sacrifice our wives and children to 
 153 
 
3life of 25Iacfe 
 
 the fury of the whites ! I met them with fifty 
 warriors, (having left the balance to assist 
 our women and children in crossing,) about a 
 mile from the river, when an attack immedi 
 ately commenced. I was mounted on a fine 
 horse, and was pleased to see my warriors so 
 brave. I addressed them in a loud voice, 
 telling them to stand their ground, and never 
 yield it to the enemy. At this time I was on 
 the rise of a hill, where I wished to form my 
 warriors, that we might have some advantage 
 over the whites. But the enemy succeeded in 
 gaining this point, which compelled us to fall 
 back into a deep ravine, from which we con 
 tinued firing at them and they at us, until it 
 began to grow dark. My horse having been 
 wounded twice during this engagement, and 
 fearing from his loss of blood, that he would 
 soon give out and finding that the enemy 
 would not come near enough to receive our 
 fire, in the dusk of the evening and knowing 
 that our women and children had had sufficient 
 time to reach the island in the Ouisconsin, I 
 ordered my warriors to return, in differ-[i32] 
 ent routes, and meet me at the Ouisconsin 
 and were astonished to find that the enemy 
 were not disposed to pursue us. 
 
 In this skirmish, with fifty braves, I defended 
 and accomplished my passage over the Ouis 
 consin, with a loss of only six men; though 
 opposed by a host of mounted militia. I would 
 not have fought there, but to gain time for my 
 
 154 
 
tfe of 25tatft 
 
 women and children to cross to an island. A 
 warrior will duly appreciate the embarrass 
 ments I labored under and whatever may be 
 the sentiments of the white people, in relation 
 to this battle, my nation, though fallen, will 
 award to me the reputation of a great brave, 
 in conducting it. 41 
 
 The loss of the enemy could not be ascer 
 tained by our party; but I am of opinion that 
 it was much greater, in proportion, than mine. 
 We returned to the Ouisconsin, and crossed 
 over to our people. 
 
 Here some of my people left me, and de 
 scended the Ouisconsin, hoping to escape to 
 the west side of the Mississippi, that they 
 might return home. I had no objection to 
 their leaving me, as my people were all in a 
 desperate condition being worn out with 
 travelling, and starving from hunger. Our 
 only hope to save ourselves was to get across 
 the Mississippi. But few of this party escaped. 
 Unfortunately for them, a party of soldiers 
 from Prairie du Chien, was stationed on the 
 Ouisconsin, a short distance from its mouth, 
 
 41 This fight, known as the Battle of Wisconsin 
 Heights, took place June 21, about twenty-five miles 
 northwest of Madison, Wisconsin. Except on the 
 point of the respective losses, white accounts of the 
 battle do not differ materially from Black Hawk s 
 story; and opinion may well accord the recognition 
 which Black Hawk here claims, of having conducted 
 a brave and clever action with the odds heavily 
 against him. 
 
 155 
 
3tife of 25Iatft 
 
 who fired upon our distressed people. Some 
 were killed, others drowned, and several taken 
 pris-[i33] oners, and the balance escaped to 
 the woods and perished with hunger. 42 Among 
 this party were a great many women and chil 
 dren. 
 
 I was astonished to find that Ne-a-pope and 
 his party of spies had not yet come in they 
 having been left in my rear to bring the news, 
 if the enemy were discovered. It appeared, 
 however, that the whites had come in a differ 
 ent direction, and intercepted our trail but a 
 short distance from the place where we first 
 saw them leaving our spies considerably in 
 the rear. Ne-a-pope, and one other, retired 
 to the Winnebago village, and there remained 
 during the war! The balance of his party, 
 being brave men, and considering our interest 
 as their own, returned, and joined our ranks. 
 
 Myself and band having no means to descend 
 the Ouisconsin, I started, over a rugged coun 
 try, to go to the Mississippi, intending to cross 
 it, and return to my nation. Many of our 
 people were compelled to go on foot, for want 
 of horses, which, in consequence of their hav- 
 
 42 The destruction of this party of fugitive non- 
 combatants, composed almost wholly of old men, 
 women, and children, constitutes one of the least 
 creditable aspects of the war from the white stand 
 point. After stating the expectations with which 
 the party set out, Thwaites dryly remarks, "But 
 too much faith was placed in the humanity of the 
 Americans." 
 
 156 
 
Hife of 
 
 ing had nothing to eat for a long time, caused 
 our march to be very slow. At length we 
 arrived at the Mississippi, 43 having lost some 
 of our old men and little children, who perished 
 on the way with hunger. 
 
 We had been here but a little while, before 
 we saw a steam boat (the "Warrior,") coming. 
 I told my braves not to shoot, as I intended 
 going on board, so that we might save our 
 women and children. I knew the captain 
 [THROCKMORTON,] and was determined 
 to [ J 34] gi ve myself up to him. I then sent 
 for my white flag. While the messenger was 
 gone, I took a small piece of white cotton, and 
 put it on a pole, and called to the captain of 
 the boat, and told him to send his little canoe 
 ashore, and let me come on board. The people 
 on board asked whether we were Sacs or Winne- 
 bagoes. I told a Winnebago to tell them that 
 we were Sacs, and wanted to give ourselves 
 up ! A Winnebago on the boat called to us 
 "to run and hide, that the whites were going to 
 shoot!" About this time one of my braves 
 had jumped into the river, bearing a white flag 
 to the boat when another sprang in after him 
 and brought him to shore. The firing then 
 commenced from the boat, which was returned 
 
 43 At a point about two miles below the mouth of 
 Bad Axe River, and almost directly opposite the 
 northern boundary of Iowa. Here was shortly 
 enacted the pitiful tragedy known as the battle of 
 Bad Axe. 
 
 157 
 
3tifc of 23Iach 
 
 by my braves, and continued for some time. 
 Very few of my people were hurt after the 
 first fire, having succeeded in getting behind 
 old logs and trees, which shielded them from 
 the enemy s fire. 
 
 The Winnebago, on the steam boat must 
 either have misunderstood what was told, or 
 did not tell it to the captain correctly ; because 
 I am confident that he would not have fired 
 upon us, if he had known my wishes. I have 
 always considered him a good man, and too 
 great a brave to fire upon an enemy when 
 sueing for quarters. 
 
 After the boat left us, I told my people to 
 cross, if they could, and wished : that I intended 
 going into the Chippewa country. Some com 
 menced crossing, and such as had determined 
 to follow them, remained [135] only three 
 lodges going with me. Next morning, at day 
 break, a young man overtook me, and said 
 that all my party had determined to cross the 
 Mississippi that a number had already got 
 over safe, and that he had heard the white 
 army last night within a few miles of them. 
 I now began to fear that the whites would 
 come up with my people, and kill them, before 
 they could get across. I had determined to 
 go and join the Chippewas ; but reflecting that 
 by this I could only save myself, I concluded 
 to return, and die with my people, if the Great 
 Spirit would not give us another victory! 
 During our stay in the thicket, a party of 
 158 
 
Eifc of 25facft 
 
 whites came close by us, but passed on with 
 out discovering us. 
 
 Early in the morning a party of whites, being 
 in advance of the army, came upon our people, 
 who were attempting to cross the Mississippi. 
 They tried to give themselves up the whites 
 paid no attention to their entreaties but com 
 menced slaughtering them! In a little while 
 the whole army arrived. Our braves, but few 
 in number, finding that the enemy paid no 
 regard to age or sex, and seeing that they 
 were murdering helpless women and little chil 
 dren, determined to fight until they were killed! 
 As many women as could, commenced swim 
 ming the Mississippi, with their children on 
 their backs. A number of them were drowned, 
 and some shot, before they could reach the 
 opposite shore. 44 
 
 One of my braves, who gave me this infor 
 mation, [136] piled up some saddles before 
 him, (when the fight commenced,) to shield 
 himself from the enemy s fire, and killed three 
 white men ! But seeing that the whites were 
 coming too close to him, he crawled to the 
 
 44 "Some of the fugitives succeeded in swimming 
 to the west bank of the Mississippi, but many were 
 drowned on the way, or coolly picked ofif by sharp 
 shooters, who exercised no more mercy towards 
 squaws and children than they did towards braves 
 treating them all as though they were rats instead of 
 human beings." Thwaites, "Story of the Black 
 Hawk War," in Wisconsin Historical Collections, 
 XII, 260. 
 
 159 
 
Jlife of 25lacft i^atofe 
 
 bank of the river, without being perceived, and 
 hid himself under it, until the enemy retired. 
 He then came to me and told me what had 
 been done. After hearing this sorrowful news, 
 I started, with my little party, to the Winne- 
 bago village at Prairie La Cross. 45 On my 
 arrival there, I entered the lodge of one of the 
 chiefs, and told him that I wished him to go 
 with me to his father that I intended to give 
 myself up to the American war chief, and die, 
 if the Great Spirit saw proper! He said he 
 would go with me. I then took my medicine 
 bag, and addressed the chief. I told him that 
 it was "the soul of the Sac nation that it 
 never had been dishonored in any battle 
 take it, it is my life dearer than life and 
 give it to the American chief!" He said he 
 would keep it, and take care of it, and if I was 
 suffered to live, he would send it to me. 
 
 During my stay at the village, the squaws 
 made me a white dress of deer skin. I then 
 started, with several Winnebagoes, and went 
 to their agent, at Prairie du Chien, and gave 
 myself up. 
 
 On my arrival there, I found to my sorrow, 
 that a large body of Sioux had pursued, and 
 killed, a number of our women and children, 
 who had got safely across the Mississippi. 
 The whites ought not to have permitted such 
 
 45 This was on the site of the modern city of 
 La Crosse. On the capture of Black Hawk see 
 Wisconsin Historical Collections, VIII, 316. 
 160 
 
life of 2Macft 
 
 conduct and none but cowards would ever 
 [137] have been guilty of such cruelty which 
 has always been practiced on our nation by 
 the Sioux. 
 
 The massacre, which terminated the war, 
 lasted about two hours. Our loss in killed, 
 was about sixty, besides a number that were 
 drowned. The loss of the enemy could not 
 be ascertained by my braves, exactly; but they 
 think that they killed about sixteen, during the 
 action. 46 
 
 I was now given up by the agent to the 
 commanding officer at fort Crawford, ( the 
 White Beaver having gone down the river.) 
 We remained here a short time, and then 
 started to Jefferson Barracks, in a steam boat, 
 under the charge of a young war chief, [ Lieut. 
 Jefferson Davis] who treated us all with much 
 kindness. He is a good and brave young 
 chief, with whose conduct I was much pleased. 47 
 
 46 Black Hawk s statement of the white loss is quite 
 accurate, but he greatly understates the Indian loss 
 in the battle and the succeeding massacre. For the 
 battle of Bad Axe, Thwaites gives the white casual 
 ties as seventeen killed and twelve wounded; while 
 of the Indians 150 were killed outright and as many 
 more were drowned. About 300 safely crossed the 
 Mississippi before and during the battle, one half of 
 whom were slain by the Sioux band set on them by 
 General Atkinson s orders in the massacre at which 
 Black Hawk expresses his indignation. 
 
 47 Apparently the feeling was reciprocated. A 
 campaign life of Davis published in 1851 at the time 
 of his candidacy for the governorship of Mississippi 
 161 
 
ttifc of 2Macfc l^atoft 
 
 On our way down, we called at Galena, and 
 remained a short time. The people crowded 
 to the boat to see us ; but the war chief would 
 not permit them to enter the apartment where 
 we were knowing, from what his own feel 
 ings would have been, if he had been placed 
 in a similar situation, that we did not wish to 
 have a gaping crowd around us. 
 
 We passed Rock Island, without stopping. 
 The great war chief, [Gen. Scott,] who was 
 then at fort Armstrong, came out in a small 
 boat to see us ; but the captain of the steam 
 boat would not allow any body from the fort 
 to come on board of his boat, in consequence 
 of the cholera raging among the soldiers. 48 I 
 [138] did think that the captain ought to have 
 permitted the war chief to come on board to 
 see me, because I could see no danger to be 
 apprehended by it. The war chief looked well, 
 and I have since heard, was constantly among 
 his soldiers, who were sick and dying, adminis 
 tering to their wants, and had not caught the 
 disease from them and I thought it absurd 
 to think that any of the people on the steam 
 boat could be afraid of catching the disease 
 
 states that "he entirely won the heart of the savage 
 chieftain, and before they reached Jefferson Barracks 
 there had sprung up between the stern red warrior 
 and the young pale face a warm friendship which 
 only terminated with the life of Black Hawk." 
 
 48 For an account of the cholera epidemic of 1832 
 and its bearing on the Black Hawk War, see 
 Quaife, op. /., chap. XIV. 
 162 
 
It ife of S&Iarft 
 
 from a well man. But these people have not 
 got bravery like war chiefs, who never fear 
 any thing ! 
 
 On our way down, I surveyed the country 
 that had cost us so much trouble, anxiety, and 
 blood, and that now caused me to be a prisoner 
 of war. I reflected upon the ingratitude of 
 the whites, when I saw their fine houses, rich 
 harvests, and every thing desirable around 
 them; and recollected that all this land had 
 been ours, for which me and my people had 
 never received a dollar, and that the whites 
 were not satisfied until they took our village 
 and our grave-yards from us, and removed us 
 across the Mississippi. 
 
 On our arrival at Jefferson barracks, we met 
 the great war chief, [White Beaver,] who had 
 commanded the American army against my 
 little band. I felt the humiliation of my situ 
 ation : a little while before, I had been leader 
 of my braves, now I was a prisoner of war! 
 but had surrendered myself. He received us 
 kindly, and treated us well. 
 
 We were now confined to the barracks, and 
 forced [ 139 ] to wear the ball and chain ! This 
 was extremely mortifying, and altogether use 
 less. Was the White Beaver afraid that I 
 would break out of his barracks, and run away? 
 Or was he ordered to inflict this punishment 
 upon me ? If I had taken him prisoner on the 
 field of battle, I would not have wounded his 
 feelings so much, by such treatment knowing 
 163 
 
life of 2Macft l^atoft 
 
 that a brave war chief would prefer death to 
 dishonor! But I do not blame the White 
 Beaver for the course he pursued as it is 
 the custom among white soldiers, and, I sup 
 pose, was a part of his duty. 
 
 The time dragged heavily and gloomily along 
 throughout the winter, although the White Bea 
 ver done every thing in his power to render 
 us comfortable. Having been accustomed, 
 throughout a long life, to roam the forests o er 
 to go and come at liberty confinement, and 
 under such circumstances, could not be less 
 than torture! 
 
 We passed away the time making pipes, until 
 spring, when we were visited by the agent, 
 trader, and interpreter, from Rock Island, 
 Ke-o-kuck, and several chiefs and braves of 
 our nation, and my wife and daughter. I was 
 rejoiced to see the two latter, and spent my 
 time very agreeably with them and my people, 
 as long as they remained. 
 
 The trader, presented me with some dried 
 venison, which had been killed and cured by 
 some of my friends. This was a valuable 
 present; and although he had given me many 
 before, none ever pleased me [140] so much. 
 This was the first meat I had eaten for a long 
 time, that reminded me of the former pleas 
 ures of my own wigwam, which had always 
 been stored with plenty. 
 
 Ke-o-kuck and his chiefs, during their stay 
 at the barracks, petitioned our Great Father, 
 164 
 
ffiife of 3Miirk 
 
 the president, to release us; and pledged them 
 selves for our good conduct. I now began to 
 hope that I would soon be restored to liberty, 
 and the enjoyment of my family and friends; 
 having heard that Ke-o-kuck stood high in the 
 estimation of our Great Father, because he 
 did not join me in the war. But I was soon 
 disappointed in my hopes. An order came 
 from our Great Father to the White Beaver, 
 to send us on to Washington. 
 
 In a little while all were ready, and left 
 Jefferson barracks on board of a steam boat, 
 under charge of a young war chief, whom the 
 White Beaver sent along as a guide to Wash 
 ington. He carried with him an interpreter 
 and one soldier. On our way up the Ohio, 
 we passed several large villages, the names of 
 which were explained to me. The first is 
 called Louisville, and is a very pretty village, 
 situate on the bank of the Ohio river. The 
 next is Cincinnati, which stands on the bank 
 of the same river. This is a large and beau 
 tiful village, and seemed to be in a thriving 
 condition. The people gathered on the bank 
 as we passed, in great crowds, apparently 
 anxious to see us. 
 
 On our arrival at Wheeling, the streets and 
 river s banks were crowded with people, who 
 flocked from [141] every direction to see us. 
 While we remained here, many called upon us, 
 and treated us with kindness no one offering 
 to molest or misuse us. This village is not 
 165 
 
ttife of 2Macft 
 
 so large as either of those before mentioned, 
 but is quite a pretty village. 
 
 We left the steam boat here, having travelled 
 a long distance on the prettiest river (except 
 our Mississippi,) that I ever saw and took 
 the stage. Being unaccustomed to this mode 
 of travelling, we soon got tired, and wished 
 ourselves seated in a canoe on one of our own 
 rivers, that we might return to our friends. 
 We had travelled but a short distance, before 
 our carriage turned over, from which I received 
 a slight injury, and the soldier had one arm 
 broken. I was sorry for this accident, as the 
 young man had behaved well. 
 
 We had a rough and mountainous country 
 for several days, but had a good trail for our 
 carriage. It is astonishing to see what labor 
 and pains the white people have had to make 
 this road, as it passes over an immense num 
 ber of mountains, which are generally covered 
 with rocks and timber; yet it has been made 
 smooth, and easy to travel upon. 49 
 
 Rough and mountainous as is this country, 
 there are many wigwams and small villages 
 standing on the road side. I could see nothing 
 in the country to induce the people to live in 
 it ; and was astonished to find so many whites 
 living on the hills! 
 
 49 This was the famous Cumberland Road, often 
 popularly known as the "National Road." For its 
 history see Archer B. Hulbert, The Cumberland Road, 
 (Cleveland, 1904). 
 
 166 
 
3tife of 
 
 I have often thought of them since my return 
 to my own people; and am happy to think that 
 they prefer [142] living in their own country, 
 to coming out to ours, and driving us from it, 
 that they might live upon and enjoy it as 
 many of the whites have already done. I think, 
 with them, that wherever the Great Spirit 
 places his people, they ought to be satisfied to 
 remain, and thankful for what He has given 
 them; and not drive others from the country 
 He has given them, because it happens to be 
 better than theirs! This is contrary to our 
 way of thinking; and from my intercourse 
 with the whites, I have learned that one great 
 principle of their religion is, "to do unto 
 others as you wish them to do unto you!" 
 Those people in the mountains seem to act 
 upon this principle; but the settlers on our 
 frontiers and on our lands, never seem to 
 think of it, if we are to judge by their actions. 
 
 The first village of importance that we 
 came to, after leaving the mountains, is called 
 Hagerstown. It is a large village to be so far 
 from a river, and is very pretty. The people 
 appear to live well, and enjoy themselves much. 
 
 We passed through several small villages on 
 the way to Fredericktown, but I have forgotten 
 their names. This last is a large and beautiful 
 village. The people treated us well, as they 
 did at all other villages where we stopped. 
 
 Here we came to another road, much more 
 wonderful than that through the mountains. 
 167 
 
ttife of SSlatft f atoft 
 
 They call it a rail road! I examined it care 
 fully, but need not describe it, as the whites 
 know all about it. It is the [ 143 ] most aston 
 ishing sight I ever saw. The great road over 
 the mountains will bear no comparison to it 
 although it has given the white people much 
 trouble to make. I was surprised to see so 
 much labor and money expended to make a 
 good road for easy travelling. I prefer riding 
 horseback, however, to any other way; but 
 suppose that these people would not have gone 
 to so much trouble and expense to make a 
 road, if they did not prefer riding in their new 
 fashioned carriages, which seem to run with 
 out any trouble. They certainly deserve great 
 praise for their industry. 
 
 On our arrival at Washington, we called to 
 see our Great Father, the president. 50 He 
 looks as if he had seen as many winters as I 
 have, and seems to be a great brave! I had 
 very little talk with him, as he appeared to be 
 busy, and did not seem to be much disposed 
 to talk. I think he is a good man; and 
 although he talked but little, he treated us 
 very well. His wigwam is well furnished with 
 every thing good and pretty, and is very 
 strongly built. 
 
 He said he wished to know the cause of my 
 gojng to war against his white children. I 
 thought he ought to have known this before; 
 and, consequently, said but little to him about 
 
 50 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 168 
 
Hife of SWacft 
 
 it as I expected he knew as well as I could 
 tell him. 
 
 He said he wanted us to go to fortress Mon 
 roe, and stay awhile with the war chief who 
 commanded it. But, having been so long from 
 my people, I told him [ 144 ] that I would rather 
 return to my nation that Ke-o-kuck had 
 come here once on a visit to see him, as we 
 had done, and he let him return again, as soon 
 as he wished ; and that I expected to be treated 
 in the same way. He insisted, however, on 
 our going to fortress Monroe ; and as our in 
 terpreter could not understand enough of our 
 language to interpret a speech, I concluded 
 it was best to obey our Great Father, and say 
 nothing contrary to his wishes. 
 
 During our stay at the city, we were called 
 upon by many of the people, who treated us 
 well, particularly the squaws! We visited the 
 great council house of the Americans the 
 place where they keep their big guns and all 
 the public buildings, and then started to for 
 tress Monroe. The war chief met us, on our 
 arrival, and shook hands, ahd appeared glad 
 to see me. He treated us with great friend 
 ship, and talked to me frequently. Previous 
 to our leaving this fort, he gave us a feast, 
 and gave us some presents, which I intend 
 to keep for his sake. He is a very good 
 man, and a great brave! I was sorry to 
 leave him, although I was going to return to 
 my people, because he had treated me like 
 169 
 
Eife of S&lacft l^atoft 
 
 a brother, during all the time I remained 
 with him. 
 
 Having got a new guide, a war chief, [Maj. 
 Garland,] we started for our own country, 
 taking a circuitous route. Our Great Father 
 being about to pay a visit to his children in 
 the big towns towards sunrising, and being 
 desirous that we should have an oppor- [145] 
 tunity of seeing them, directed our guide to 
 take us through. 
 
 On our arrival at Baltimore, we were much 
 astonished to see so large a village; but the 
 war chief told us that we would soon see a 
 larger one. This surprised us more. During 
 our stay here, we visited all the public buildings 
 and places of amusement saw much to ad 
 mire, and were well entertained by the people, 
 who crowded to see us. Our Great Father 
 was there at the same time, and seemed to be 
 much liked by his white children, who flocked 
 around him, (as they had done us,) to shake 
 him by the hand. He did not remain long 
 having left the city before us. 
 
 We left Baltimore in a steam boat, and 
 travelled in this way to the big village, where 
 they make medals and money, [Philadelphia.] 
 We again expressed surprise at finding this 
 village so much larger than the one we had 
 left ; but the war chief again told us, that we 
 would soon see another much larger than this. 
 I had no idea that the white people had such 
 170 
 
Eifc of 25lack 
 
 large villages, and so many people. They 
 were very kind to us showed us all their 
 great public works, their ships and steam boats. 
 We visited the place where they make money, 
 [the mint,] and saw the men engaged at it. 
 They presented each of us with a number of 
 pieces of the coin as they fell from the mint, 
 which are very handsome. 
 
 I witnessed a militia training in this city, in 
 which were performed a number of singular 
 military feats. [146] The chiefs and men 
 were well dressed, and exhibited quite a war 
 like appearance. I think our system of mili 
 tary parade far better than that of the whites 
 but, as I am now done going to war, I will 
 not describe it, or say any thing more about 
 war, or the preparations necessary for it. 
 
 We next started to New York, and on our 
 arrival near the wharf, saw a large collection 
 of people gathered at Castle-Garden. We had 
 seen many wonderful sights in our way large 
 villages, the great national road over the 
 mountains, the rail roads, steam carriages, 
 ships, steam boats, and many other things; 
 but we were now about to witness a sight more 
 surprising than any of these. We were told 
 that a man was going up into the air in a bal 
 loon! We watched with anxiety to see if it 
 could be true; and to our utter astonishment, 
 saw him ascend in the air until the eye could 
 no longer perceive him. Our people were all 
 
Sife of SEtfacft 
 
 surprised, and one of our young men asked the 
 prophet if he was going up to see the Great 
 Spirit ? 
 
 After the ascension of the balloon, we 
 landed, and got into a carriage, to go to the 
 house that had been provided for our reception. 
 We had proceeded but a short distance, before 
 the street was so crowded that it was impos 
 sible for the carriage to pass. The war chief 
 then directed the coachman to take another 
 street and stop at a different house from the 
 one we had intended. On our arrival here, 
 we were waited upon by a number of gentle 
 men, who seemed much pleased to see us. 
 [147] We were furnished with good rooms, 
 good provisions, and every thing necessary for 
 our comfort. 
 
 The chiefs of this big village, being desirous 
 that all their people should have an opportunity 
 to see us, fitted up their great council house 
 for this purpose, where we saw an immense 
 number of people; all of whom treated us 
 with friendship, and many with great gen 
 erosity. 
 
 The chiefs were particular in showing us 
 every thing that they thought would be pleas 
 ing or gratifying to us. We went with them 
 to Castle-Garden to see the fire-works, which 
 was quite an agreeable entertainment- but to 
 the whites who witnessed it, less magnificent 
 than the sight of one of our large prairies would 
 be when on fire. 
 
 172 
 
Sife of SMacft 
 
 We visited all the public buildings and places 
 of amusement, which to us were truly aston 
 ishing, yet very gratifying. 
 
 Every body treated us with friendship, and 
 many with great liberality. The squaws pre 
 sented us many handsome little presents, that 
 are said to be valuable. They were very kind, 
 very good, and very pretty tor pale fates ! 
 
 Among the men, who treated us with marked 
 friendship, by the presentation of many valu 
 able presents, I cannot omit to mention the 
 name of my old friend CROOKS, of the 
 American Fur Company. I have known him 
 long, and have always found him to be a good 
 chief one who gives good advice, and treats 
 [148] our people right. I shall always be 
 proud to recognize him as a friend, and glad 
 to shake him by the hand. 51 
 
 Having seen all the wonders of this big vil 
 lage, and being anxious to return to our people, 
 our guide started with us for our own country. 
 On arriving at Albany, the people were so 
 anxious to see us, that they crowded the street 
 
 51 Ramsey Crooks, to whom Black Hawk alludes, 
 was for almost a generation a prominent actor in 
 the conduct of the American fur trade. He was in 
 Wisconsin, in the employ of the North West Com 
 pany, as early as 1806. After participating in the 
 Astorian Expedition of 1811-12 and other hazardous 
 enterprises, Crooks entered the employment of John 
 Jacob Astor. He was made a partner in Astor s 
 American Fur Company in 1817, and in 1834, on 
 Astor s retirement, became president of the com 
 pany. He died at New York in 1859. 
 
 173 
 
tfe of 25Iacft 
 
 and wharves, where the steam boat landed, so 
 much, that it was almost impossible for us to 
 pass to the hotel which had been provided for 
 our reception. 
 
 We remained here but a short time, and 
 then started for Detroit. I had spent many 
 pleasant days at this place; and anticipated, on 
 my arrival, to meet many of my old friends 
 but in this I was disappointed. What could 
 be the cause of this ? Are they all dead ? Or 
 what has become of them ? I did not see our 
 old father 52 there, who had always gave me 
 good advice, and treated me with great friend 
 ship. 
 
 After leaving Detroit, it was but a few days 
 before we landed at Prairie du Chien. The 
 war chief at the fort treated us very kindly, as 
 did the people generally. I called on the father 
 of the Winnebagoes, [Gen. J. M. Street,] to 
 whom I had surrendered myself after the battle 
 at the Bad Axe, who received me very friendly. 
 I told him that I had left my great medi 
 cine bag with his chiefs before I gave myself 
 up; and now, that I was to enjoy my liberty 
 again, I was anxious to get it, that I might 
 hand it down to my nation unsullied. 
 
 [149] He said it was safe; he had heard his 
 chiefs speak of it, and would get it and send 
 
 52 Lewis Cass, who for many years was governor 
 of Michigan Territory and superintendent in charge 
 of the relations of the government with the Indian 
 tribes of the larger portion of the Northwest. 
 
 174 
 
Hife of 25Iacft J^atoft 
 
 it to me. I hope he will not forget his promise, 
 as the whites generally do because I have 
 always heard that he was a good man, and a 
 good father and made no promise that he 
 did not fulfil. 
 
 Passing down the Mississippi, I discovered 
 a large collection of people in the mining 
 country, on the west side of the river, and on 
 the ground that we had given to our relation, 
 DUBUQUE, a long time ago. I was surprised 
 at this, as I had understood from our Great 
 Father, that the Mississippi was to be the 
 dividing line between his red and white chil 
 dren, and he did not wish either to cross it. I 
 was much pleased with this talk, as I knew it 
 would be much better for both parties. I have 
 since found the country much settled by the 
 whites further down and near to our people, 
 on the west side of the river. I am very much 
 afraid, that in a few years, they will begin to 
 drive and abuse our people, as they have for 
 merly done. I may not live to see it, but I 
 feel certain the day is not distant. 
 
 When we arrived at Rock Island, Ke-o-kuck 
 and the other chiefs were sent for. They 
 arrived the next day with a great number of 
 their young men, and came over to see me. I 
 was pleased to see them, and they all appeared 
 glad to see me. Among them were some who 
 had lost relations during the war the year be 
 fore. When we met, I perceived the tear of 
 sor-[i5O]row gush from their eyes at the 
 175 
 
life of 2Wacft 
 
 recollection of their loss, yet they exhibited a 
 smiling countenance, from the joy they felt at 
 seeing me alive and well. 
 
 The next morning, the war chief, our guide, 
 convened a council at fort Armstrong. Ke-o- 
 kuck and his party went to the fort; but, in 
 consequence of the war chief not having called 
 for me to accompany him, I concluded that I 
 would wait until I was sent for. Consequently 
 the interpreter came, and said, "they were 
 ready, and had been waiting for me to come 
 to the fort." I told him I was ready, and 
 would accompany him. On our arrival there, 
 the council commenced. The war chief said 
 that the object of this council was to deliver 
 me up to Ke-o-kuck. He then read a paper, 
 and directed me to follow Ke-o-kuck s advice, 
 and be governed by his council in all things ! In 
 this speech he said much that was mortifying 
 to my feelings, and I made an indignant reply. 
 
 I do not know what object the war chief had 
 in making such a speech, or whether he in 
 tended what he said; but I do know, that it 
 was uncalled for, and did not become him. I 
 have addressed many war chiefs, and have 
 listened to their speeches with pleasure but 
 never had my feelings of pride and honor in 
 sulted on any former occasion. I am sorry 
 that I was so hasty in reply to this chief, be 
 cause I said that which I did not intend. 
 
 In this council, I met my old friend, a great 
 war chief, [Col. Wm. Davenport,] whom I had 
 176 
 
Ittfr of 231ach ttatoft 
 
 known [151] about eighteen years. He is a 
 good and brave chief. He always treated me 
 well, and gave me good advice. He made a 
 speech to me on this occasion, very different 
 from that of the other chief. It sounded like 
 coming from a brave. He said he had known 
 me a long time that we had been good friends 
 during that acquaintance and, although he 
 had fought against my braves, in our late war, he 
 still extended the hand of friendship to me 
 and hoped, that I was now satisfied, from what 
 I had seen in my travels, that it was folly to 
 think of going to war against the whites, and 
 would ever remain at peace. He said he would 
 be glad to see me at all times and on all 
 occasions would be happy to give me good 
 advice. 
 
 If our Great Father were to make such men 
 our agents, he would much better subserve 
 the interests of our people, as well as his own, 
 than in any other way. The war chiefs all 
 know our people, and are respected by them. 
 If the war chiefs, at the different military posts 
 on the frontiers, were made agents, they could 
 always prevent difficulties from arising among 
 the Indians and whites; and I have no doubt, 
 had the war chief above alluded to, been our 
 agent, we would never have had the difficulties 
 with the whites which we have had. Our agents 
 ought always to be braves! I would, there 
 fore, recommend to our Great Father, the 
 propriety of breaking up the present Indian 
 177 
 
Hife of 25lacfe 
 
 establishment and creating a new one and 
 of making the commanding officers, at the 
 different frontier posts, the [152] agents of 
 the government for the different nations of 
 Indians. 
 
 I have a good opinion of the American war 
 chiefs, generally, with whom I am acquainted ; 
 and my people, who had an opportunity of 
 seeing and becoming well acquainted with the 
 great war chief [Gen. Winfield Scott,] who 
 made the last treaty with them, in conjunction 
 with the great chief of Illinois, [Governor 
 Reynolds,] all tell me that he is the greatest 
 brave they ever saw, and a good man one 
 who fulfils his promises. Our braves speak 
 more highly of him, than of any chief that has 
 ever been among us, or made treaties with us. 
 Whatever he says, may be depended upon. 
 If he had been our Great Father, we never 
 would have been compelled to join the British 
 in their last war with America and I have 
 thought that, as our Great Father is changed 
 every few years, that his children would do 
 well to put this great war chief in his place 
 as they cannot find a better chief for a Great 
 Father any where. 53 
 
 I would be glad if the village criers, [editors,] 
 
 53 Probably Black Hawk was the first person to 
 put General Scott in nomination for the presidency; 
 Black Hawk s advice was adopted by the Whig 
 party eighteen years later, but in the ensuing elec 
 tion the American people registered their emphatic 
 dissent from it. 
 
 178 
 
Eife of 2Macft 
 
 in all the villages I passed through, would let 
 their people know my wishes and opinions 
 about this great war chief. 
 
 During my travels, my opinions were asked 
 on different subjects but for want of a good 
 interpreter, were very seldom given. Presum 
 ing that they would be equally acceptable now, 
 I have thought it a part of my duty, to lay the 
 most important before the public. 
 
 [153] The subject of colonizing the negroes 
 was introduced, and my opinion asked, as to 
 the best method of getting clear of these 
 people. I was not fully prepared at the time, 
 to answer as I knew but little about their 
 situation. I have since made many inquiries 
 on the subject and find that a number of 
 states admit no slaves, whilst the balance hold 
 these negroes as slaves, and are anxious, but 
 do not know, how to get clear of them. I 
 will now give my plan, which, when under 
 stood, I hope will be adopted. 
 
 Let the free states remove all the male 
 negroes within their limits, to the slave states 
 
 then let our Great Father buy all the/ema/e 
 negroes in the slave states, between the ages 
 of twelve and twenty, and sell them to the 
 people of the free states, for a term of years 
 
 say, those under fifteen, until they are 
 twenty-one and those of, and over fifteen, 
 for five years and continue to buy all the 
 females in the slave states, as soon as they 
 arrive at the age of twelve, and take them to 
 
 179 
 
Itife of 25Iatfe 
 
 the free states, and dispose of them in the 
 same way as the first and it will not be long 
 before the country is clear of the black skins, 
 about which, I am told, they have been talking, 
 for a long time; and for which they have ex 
 pended a large amount of money. 
 
 I have no doubt but our Great Father would 
 willingly do his part in accomplishing this ob 
 ject for his children as he could not lose 
 much by it, and would make them all happy. 
 If the free states did not want [154] them all 
 for servants, we would take the balance in our 
 nation to help our women make corn. 
 
 I have not time now, nor is it necessary, to 
 enter more into detail about my travels through 
 the United States. The white people know 
 all about them, and my people have started to 
 their hunting grounds, and I am anxious to 
 follow them. 
 
 Before I take leave of the public, I must 
 contradict the story of some village criers, 
 who (I have been told,) accuse me of "hav 
 ing murdered women and children among the 
 whites!" This assertion is false! I never 
 did, nor have I any knowledge that any of my 
 nation ever killed a white woman or child. I 
 make this statement of truth, to satisfy the 
 white people among whom I have been travel 
 ling, (and by whom I have been treated with 
 great kindness,) that, when they shook me by 
 the hand so cordially, they did not shake the 
 180 
 
Jlifc of 25lacft 
 
 hand that had ever been raised against any 
 but warriors. 
 
 It has always been our custom to receive all 
 strangers that come to our village or camps, 
 in time of peace, on terms of friendship to 
 share with them the best provisions we have, 
 and give them all the assistance in our power. 
 If on a journey, or lost, to put them on the 
 right trail, and if in want of moccasins, to 
 supply them. I feel grateful to the whites for 
 the kind manner they treated me and my party 
 whilst travelling amongst them and from my 
 heart I assure them, that the white man will 
 always be welcome in our village or camps, 
 as a [155] brother. The tomahawk is buried 
 forever! We will forget what has past and 
 may the watchword between the Americans 
 and Sacs and Foxes ever be "Friendship!" 
 
 I am now done. A few more moons and 
 I must follow my fathers to the shades ! May 
 the Great Spirit keep our people and the whites 
 always at peace is the sincere wish of 
 
 BLACK HAWK. 
 
 181 
 
Index 
 
ALBANY (N. Y.), Black Hawk visits, 93, 173-74. 
 
 Allegheny Mountains, as a boundary, 15. 
 
 American Bottom, in Illinois, 19. 
 
 American Fur Company, partner, 173. 
 
 Apple River (Moscohocoynak), fort on, 148-49. 
 
 Arkansas River, Indian embassy to, 116. 
 
 Astor, John Jacob, fur trader, 173. 
 
 Astorian expedition, 173. 
 
 Atkinson, Gen. Henry (White Beaver), in Black Hawk 
 War, 133, 139, 163; orders Sioux massacre, 161; 
 treatment of Black Hawk, 135, 137, 163-65; book 
 dedicated to, 7-8. 
 
 BAD AXE, battle of, 157-59, *6i, 174. 
 
 Bad Axe River, mouth of, 157. 
 
 Balloon ascension, Black Hawk describes, 171-72. 
 
 Baltimore, Black Hawk visits, 170. 
 
 Beans, legend of origin of, 95-96; raised by Indians, 
 99, 127. 
 
 Beaver, hunted, 98. 
 
 Black Hawk (Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiah), birth, 23, 
 30; early exploits, 30-35; visits factory, 50-52; in 
 War of 1812, 44-46,52-60; visits Maiden, 101, 104; 
 opposes removal from village, 102-7, 111-13, 116- 
 17; agrees to remove, 118-19, 124; nonresistance, 
 119-20, 125-26; signs treaty, 126; promised aid, 128- 
 31; speeches, no, 122-23, X 48; prepares for war, 
 131-32, 135; advances up Rock River, 131-36; coun 
 cil with Potawatomi, 138-39; defeats whites, 139- 
 44; forced into war, 145-46; early attacks, 146, 
 148-50; at Four Lakes, 153; battle of Wisconsin 
 Heights, 154-55; attempts to surrender, 157-58; 
 battle of Bad Axe, 158-59; capture of, 160-61, 174; 
 imprisoned, 161-64; ironed, 163; eastern tour, 21, 
 
 185 
 
93. 165-74; subjected to Keokuk, 176; family, 99, 
 164; undertakes autobiography, 5, 10, 13; dedica 
 tion, 7-8. 
 
 Black Hawk War, causes, ix, 17-20, 106-33, J 68; hos 
 tilities begun, 133-40; Stillman s defeat, 139-44; 
 flight through Wisconsin, 153-57; Bad Axe defeat, 
 157-59; Sioux massacre, 160-61; numbers engaged, 
 145; losses, 161; results, 21-22, 162; accounts of, 9. 
 
 British. See England. 
 
 Buell, Pauline, acknowledgments to, xi. 
 
 CAP AU GRIS (Capo Gray), on the Mississippi, 65. 
 
 Cass, Lewis, Black Hawk commends, 174. 
 
 Cherokee Indians, hostilities with, 33, 35. 
 
 Chicago, beginnings, 22; Indian treaties at, 17, 115; 
 in War of 1812, 56; trader at, 48-49; fur trade 
 factory, 49. 
 
 Chippewa Indians, hostilities with, 35; promise aid to 
 Black Hawk, 129-30; Black Hawk seeks refuge 
 among, 158. 
 
 Cholera, effect on Black Hawk War, 162. 
 
 Chouteau, Auguste, treaty commissioner, 80. 
 
 Cincinnati, Black Hawk describes, 165. 
 
 Clark, Gen. William, treaty commissioner, 80; Indian 
 superintendent, 109, 112, 118-19, 131-32. 
 
 Coles, Edward, governor of Illinois, 109-10. 
 
 Craig, Capt. Thomas E., in War of 1812, 59. 
 
 "Credit Island, 1814-1914," 76. 
 
 Crooks, Ramsey, Black Hawk meets, 173. 
 
 Cuivre (Quiver) River, 65-66, 70. 
 
 Cumberland (National) Road, Black Hawk traverses, 
 166-67, 171. 
 
 DAVENPORT, Col. William, Indian agent, 176-77. 
 
 Davis, Jefferson, in Black Hawk War, 22, 161; friend 
 ship with Black Hawk, 162. 
 
 Dement, Maj. John, bravery, 150-51. 
 
 Des Moines Rapids, fort at, 40, 77, 81. 
 
 Detroit, a frontier town, 19; in War of 1812, 44, 55-57; 
 treaty near, 80; commandant, 114; Black Hawk 
 visits, 174. 
 
 186 
 
Dickson (Dixon), Robert, British agent in War of 
 1812, 46, 52-54, 58, 98; promises to Indians, 101. 
 
 Dixon s Ferry, in Black Hawk War, 143, 147-48. 
 
 Dogs, eaten by Indians, 26, 148. 
 
 Dubuque, Julien, lead mines ceded to, 175. 
 
 Durley, William, killed, 147. 
 
 EDWARDS, Gov. Ninian, treaty commissioner, 80. 
 
 England, captures Canada 29; influence on Indians, 
 16, 19-20, 29, 38, 49, 54, 81, 86, 101, 114, 128-29, 
 136, 145, 178; relation to Black Hawk, 129-30, 
 145; wars with, 15-16, 46-47, 69, 101, 144; peace, 
 121; fort at Prairie du Chien, 72-76. 
 
 English River, hunting on, 68-69. 
 
 Erie Canal, effect of, 22. 
 
 FABIUS River, 81. 
 
 Factory system. See fur trade factory. 
 
 Farley, Mary, acknowledgments to, xi. 
 
 Fire works, compared to a prairie fire, 172. 
 
 Flags, at Indian village, 37-38, 74-75; at Fort Madi 
 son, 46; Rock Island, 52; presented to Indians, 52, 
 55; of truce, 69, 130, 157; British raised, 136. 
 
 Forsyth, Thomas, Indian agent, 48-49, 98, 102-3, 109, 
 in, 113; in War of 1812, 53, 55-56; attempt to 
 capture, 56, 58, 98; threatened, 112; advises Black 
 Hawk, 118; deprived of office, 120; successor, 147. 
 
 Fort Apple River, attacked, 148-49. 
 
 Fort Armstrong, built, 87; Indian agent at, 48; Black 
 Hawk visits, 98; commandant, 103, 112, 162; coun 
 cil at, 176-77. 
 
 Fort Crawford, at Prairie du Chien, 161. 
 
 Fort Dearborn, captured, 44, 56. 
 
 Fort Howard, in Missouri, 66. 
 
 Fort Johnson, built, 77; attacked, 78; abandoned, 77, 
 79- 
 
 Fort Madison, site, 133; built, 40-42; attack on, 44-46; 
 factory at, 49-52; commandant, 60; abandoned, 65. 
 
 Fort Wayne, 56. 
 
 Fortress Monroe, Black Hawk at, 169. 
 
 Foster, Mary S., acknowledgments to, xi. 
 187 
 
Four Lakes country, Black Hawk seeks, 146-47; refuge 
 
 in, 153. See also Madison. 
 Fox Indians, village, 38, 70, 75, 88; chief, 103; union 
 
 with Sacs, 29-30; agency for, 5, 10; killed by Sioux, 
 
 116; vengeance of, 127-28, 133; peace with, 80-81; 
 
 hunting party, 128; oppose Black Hawk, 131. 
 Fox River of Illinois, as a boundary, 17. 
 Fox (Sac) River (Wis.), Indians on, 29. 
 Frederick (Md.), Black Hawk visits, 167. 
 French, struggle for America, 15, 29; Indians first 
 
 meet, 24-25, 28-29; sell Louisiana, 36. 
 French- Canadian settlements, in Illinois, 19; at Peoria, 
 
 59; at Prairie du Chien, 47. 
 Frontiersmen, attitude toward Indians, ix, 19; western 
 
 advance, 15, 19. 
 Fur trade, American, 173; British, 52, 82; French, 29; 
 
 rivalry in, 15-16, 90; methods, 49-50, 52-53, 90, 97, 
 
 99, 117. 
 Fur trade factory, at Chicago, 49; Fort Madison, 41, 
 
 49-52. 
 
 Furs, stolen from Indians, 102. 
 GAINES, Gen. Edmund P., advances against Black 
 
 Hawk, 121, 124, 126, 128; makes treaty, 126, 133. 
 Galena (111.), 119, 149, 162. 
 
 Garland, Maj. John, accompanies Black Hawk, 170. 
 Gomo, Potawatomi chief, 56, 58, 69, 71, 82-85. 
 Gratiot, Henry, visit to Black Hawk, 135-37. 
 Green Bay, Indians at, 29; in War of 1812, 53-54. 
 HAGERSTOWN (Md.), Black Hawk visits, 167. 
 Hall, Judge James, Black Hawk complains to, 109-10. 
 Hall, Rachael, captured, 152. 
 Hall, Sylvia, captured, 152. 
 Hancock County (111.), 77. 
 Harrison, William H., governor of Indiana Territory, 
 
 17; holds treaty, 38. 
 Hashequarhiqua, Sac chief, 39. 
 Henderson River, 80. 
 Honey, stolen from Indians, 102. 
 Hulbert, Archer H., The Cumberland Road, 166. 
 1 88 
 
ILLINOIS, early settlements in, 19; hunting, 60; massa 
 cre, 152; militia, 20, 59, 125, 133, 150; land cession 
 in, 40, 103; governor, 80, 109, 178; effect of Black 
 Hawk War in, 22. 
 
 Illinois River, as a boundary, 17, 21; village on, 48; 
 Indians on, 56, 58, 71; hunting on, 83; massacre 
 on, 152. 
 
 Illinois State Historical Society Journal, 76. 
 
 Indian agent, at Rock Island, 5, 10, 48, 98, 102-3, 
 118, 177; for Winnebago, 105, 135; superintendent, 
 109, 112, 118-19, 131-32, 174; killed in war, 147; 
 changes recommended, 178. 
 
 Indian corn, legend of, 95-96; cultivation, 91, 93, 95, 
 99, 107, 117, 120, 124, 145, 180; harvested, 50, 89, 
 95> 97J given to Sacs, 126; stolen by Sacs, 127. 
 
 Indian Creek (111.), massacre on, 152. 
 
 Indiana Territory, governor, 17; in 1804, 18-19. 
 
 Indians, characteristics, ix, 20; food, 91, 98, 107, 112- 
 13; dress, 160; feasts, 26, 35, 90-92, 94-95, 139, 
 148; games, 97; dances, 31, 33, 75, 91-93* I47J 
 amusements, 50, 121; harvests, 50, 89, 95, 97; treat 
 ment of women, 65,91-92, 107, 180; courtship, 92; 
 marriage, 91-92; divorce, 92; women s influence, 
 117, 123-24; religion, 95, 97, 107; belief in dreams, 
 78, 121, 123, 148; legends, 23-28, 88, 95-96; code of 
 morals, 87; hunting customs, 35, 50, 93-94, 97-98, 
 117; drunkenness, 99,108, no; present giving, 90, 
 94; hospitality, 181; devotion to ancestral seat, 89, 
 106-7, iii-i2, 117, 127, 163; payment for murder, 
 39, 100; desire for vengeance, 127-28, 147, 152; 
 cause of wars, 15-16, 94; war customs, 62, 65, 92-93, 
 134, 142; war songs, 122, 134; neutrality, 49; peace 
 customs, 101; death songs, 68, 100; mourning cus 
 toms, 34, 35, 83, 89, 90, 99; maple sugar making, 
 98; medicine bags, 33, 79, 139, 147-48, 160, 174; 
 treatment by whites, x, 10, 12, 17, 43, 48, 86-87, 
 102, 104, 106, 108, no, 114, 141, 146, 163, 167, 
 175; land cessions to, 10, 17, 40; effect of confine 
 ment on, 164. 
 
 189 
 
Iowa, Annals of, 40. 
 
 Iowa, boundary, 157; Indians in, 20. 
 
 Iowa Indians, on the warpath, 34; hostilities with Sacs, 
 100-1. 
 
 Iowa (loway) River, affluent, 69; camp on, 68; village, 
 103, 105-6. 
 
 JACKSON, Andrew, Black Hawk visits, 168-69; at Bal 
 timore, 170. 
 
 Jefferson Barracks, troops at, 133; Black Hawk, 161-65. 
 
 Jeffreon River, in Missouri, 40. 
 
 Johnston, Albert Sidney, in Black Hawk War, 22. 
 
 KASKASKIA Indians, war with Sacs and Foxes, 30, 35. 
 
 Kellogg s Grove (111.), in Black Hawk War, 150-51. 
 
 Keokuk (Keokuck), Sac chief, 20, 63, 132; becomes 
 war chief, 64; removes village, 103-6, 112; attends 
 treaty, 114-15; at council, 121-22, 175-77; desires 
 peace, 131-32; visits Washington, 169; agent for, 
 147; defense of, 118; relation to Black Hawk, 106-7, 
 112, 116-17, 124, 131, 164-65, 176; speech, 64; 
 sketch, 63. 
 
 Kickapoo Indians, in War of 1812, 54, 56. 
 
 Kinzie, John, trader, 48. 
 
 Kishwaukee (Kishwacokee) River, Black Hawk on, 
 137-38, 146; Winnebago on, 147. 
 
 LA CROSSE (Prairie La Cross), Winnebago village at, 
 160. 
 
 La Gutrie, Edward, British trader, 52, 54, 81-82. 
 
 Lake Michigan, as a boundary, 22. 
 
 Lance, The Sac chief, 63. 
 
 Lead mines, region of, 44, 70, 80; settled, 21; cession 
 of, 104, 175; worked by Indians, 94; in Black 
 Hawk War, 147. 
 
 Leclaire, Antoine, interpreter for Black Hawk, 10, 13; 
 certificate, 5. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, in Black Hawk War, 22. 
 
 Louisiana, purchase, 36. 
 
 Louisville, Black Hawk visits, 165. 
 
 MACKINAC, Indians at, 29; massacre at, 43; in War of 
 1812, 44; fur trade post, 82. 
 190 
 
Madison (Wis.), 155. See also Four Lakes country. 
 
 Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiah. See Black Hawk. 
 
 Maiden, British defeat at, 69; Indians visit, 101, 114, 
 128. 
 
 Matatah, Potawatomi brave, 83-84. 
 
 Mattatas, Sac chief, 123; daughter, 123-24. 
 
 Medals, given to Indians, 25, 38-39, 55, 101; value, 26. 
 
 Menominee Indians, hunt with Sacs, 82; kill Foxes, 
 116; vengeance on, 127-28, 133. 
 
 Meramec River, 33. 
 
 Michigan, in 1804, 19; territorial governor, 174. 
 
 Milwaukee (Milwdke) as a fort, 129, 138. 
 
 Mint, Black Hawk visits, 171. 
 
 Mississippi, governor of, 161. 
 
 Mississippi River, as a boundary, 15, 17, 20, 22, 40, 60, 
 103, 109, 113, 118, 121-22, 124-26, 135, 144, 153, 
 155-56, J 63, 175; affluents, 33; island in, 87; ice 
 in, 105; fur trade on, 49; during War of 1812, 55, 
 63,65,72-77; Indians claim, 89; Indians cross, 158- 
 61; Black Hawk on, 133, 157, 175; Pike ascends, 
 .37-38. 
 
 Missouri, Indians in, 30, 60-61; governor, 80; land 
 cessions in 17; in War of 1812, 66-68, 70. 
 
 Missouri Gazette, 74. 
 
 Missouri River, Indians on, 31, 63, 70; mouth, 89. 
 
 Montreal, Indian habitat, 23, 29. 
 
 Moscohocoynak. See Apple River. 
 
 Mukataquet, Black Hawk s ancestor, 26-27, 148. 
 
 Muscow Indians, visit Sacs, 30. 
 
 Muskrats, hunted, 98. 
 
 NAMAH (Sturgeon), Sac chief, 23, 25-26, 28. 
 
 Nanamakee (Thunder), Black Hawk s ancestor, 23-28, 
 30, 148; speech, 27-28. 
 
 Napoleon I, sells Louisiana, 36. 
 
 National Road. See Cumberland Road. 
 
 Neapope, Sac chief, 112, 128-31, 137, 145; with rear 
 guard, 153; retires to the Winnebago, 156. 
 
 Negro colonization, Black Hawk s opinions on, 179-80. 
 
 New York City, Black Hawk visits, 93, 171-73. 
 191 
 
Nomite, Sac chief, 80. 
 
 North West Fur Company, in Wisconsin, 173. 
 
 OGLE County (111.), battle in, 145. 
 
 Ohio River, as a boundary, 15, 19; Black Hawk on, 
 165; characterizes, 166. 
 
 Old Northwest, last Indian war in, 16. 
 
 Osage Indians, intertribal relations, 30-35. 
 
 Osage River, 30. 
 
 Ottawa (111.), 152. 
 
 Ottawa Indians, in War of 1812, 54; promise aid to 
 Black Hawk, 120-30. 
 
 Ouchequ^ka, Sac chief, 39. 
 
 Ouisconsin River. See Wisconsin River. 
 
 PASHEPAHO, Sac chief, 39. 
 
 Paukahummawa (Sun Fish), Sac chief, 23, 26, 28. 
 
 Peoria, visited, 48; in War of 1812, 53, 55, 59, 
 63-64, 69; commandant, 71, 83-85. 
 
 Philadelphia, Black Hawk visits, 170. 
 
 Pike, Zebulon M., on the Mississippi, 37, 38. 
 
 Polo (111.), in Black Hawk War, 147. 
 
 Portage des Sioux (Mo.), treaties at, 80; as a bound 
 ary, 89. < 
 
 Potawatomi (Pottowattomi) Indians, habitat, 49, 56, 
 71; language, 71; in War of 1812, 53-54, 56, 58, 
 69-70, 82-85; treaty with, 115; promise aid to Black 
 Hawk, 129-30, 137; council with, 138-39; repudiate 
 Black Hawk, 139; participate in massacre, 152. 
 
 Prairie du Chien (Wis.), 44, 47; in War of 1812,47, 
 72-76; fort at, 72; council, 116; treaty, 114-15; 
 massacre near, 127, 133; in Black Hawk War, 155, 
 1 60; return to, 174. 
 
 Prairie La Crosse. See La Crosse. 
 
 Presidency, Black Hawk s nomination, 178. 
 
 Prophet. See Shawnee Prophet. 
 
 Prophet (Winnebago). See White Cloud. 
 
 Pyesa, Black Hawk s father, 23, 30-31; death, 33, 35. 
 
 QUAIFE, M. M., Chicago and the Old Northwest, 17, 43, 
 49, 56, 162. 
 
 Quashquame, Sac chief, 39, 63, 66, 104, no, 115. 
 192 
 
Quebec, British capture, 29. 
 
 Quiver River. See Cuivre River. 
 
 RACCOONS, hunted, 98. 
 
 Railroad, Black Hawk describes, 168. 
 
 Red River, Indian Embassy to, 116. 
 
 Reynolds, John, governor of Illinois, 125, 178; calls 
 out militia, 133. 
 
 Rockford (111.), site, 137. 
 
 Rock Island (111.), legend of, 88; agency at, 5, 10, 48, 
 98, 102-3, H3, 118,133,147,164; trader, 52, 1 12-13,* 
 133, 164; fort on, 87; interpreter at, 105, 113, 164; 
 council, 175; cholera, 162; visitors, 109; battles 
 near, 72-77; encampment, 126; village, 75, 87-88; 
 in Black Hawk War, 136. 
 
 Rock Rapids, in the Mississippi, 72, 76, 77, 88. 
 
 Rock River, rapids in, 88-89; islands, 107; source, 146; 
 affluent, 137; Winnebago on, 105; soldiers on, 121, 
 125-26; war party, 72; Indian village at mouth, 19, 
 23,30,36,42,49,58-59, 61-62, 71, 79, 81; signed 
 away, 87, no; removal from, 103-6, 116, 122; Black 
 Hawk ascends, 133-36. 
 
 SAC (Sauk) Indians, aboriginal habitat, 23; village built, 
 30; language, 141 ; myths, 23-28,88; superstitions, 
 160; customs, 90-98, 148; union with Foxes, 29-30; 
 Missouri band, 62-63, 7, 7 2 J intertribal relations, 
 93-94, 98, 100-1; agency for, 5, 10, 98, 102-3, 109, 
 in-12, 114; relation to British, 16, 19-20, 46-47, 
 72, 101 ; treatment by Americans, 102-6, 108, 111-14, 
 117-27; threaten hostilities, 112; rescue captives, 
 152; fugitives, 155-56; die of hunger, 156-57; mas 
 sacred by Sioux, 160-61; visit Washington, 48-49; 
 council with, 42; described, 88-89. See also Black 
 Hawk War. 
 
 Sac River. See Fox River. 
 
 Sacs and Foxes, unite, 29; treaty of 1804, 9, 17-18, 
 38-40; treaty of 1816,80,85-86, 127; treaty of 1833, 
 178. 
 
 St. Louis (Mo.), Spanish at, 34, 36; transferred to 
 United States, 36-37; treaty at, 10, 17, 38-40, 85-86; 
 
 193 
 
in War of 1812, 55, 63; peace announced at, 69, 71, 
 
 80; agency at, 98, 104, 108, 111-12, 118-19, 131-32, 
 St. Vrain, Felix, massacred, 147. 
 Salt River, 37, 54. 
 Sanatuwa, Potawatomi chief, 71. 
 Sangamon (Sangomo) River, hunting ground, 69. 
 Sauk Indians. See Sac Indians. 
 Scott, Gen. Winfield, in Black Hawk War, 22; at Rock 
 
 Island, 162-63; Black Hawk nominates for presi- 
 dency, 178. 
 Selkirk, Thomas Douglas, Earl, settlement on Red 
 
 River, 130-31. 
 
 Shaw nee Prophet, revolt of, 43-44, 106. 
 Sink Hole Battle, 66-68. 
 Siouan Indian stock, 30. 
 Sioux Indians, hostilities with, 93-94, 98, 116, 127; 
 
 massacre Sacs, 160-61. 
 Skunk River, hunting on, 50. 
 Slavery, Black Hawk s ideas on, 179-80. 
 Snelling, William J., Tales of the Northwest, 47. 
 Spanish, at St. Louis, 34, 36; transfer Louisiana, 36, 37. 
 Spring Wells (Mich.), treaties at, 80. 
 Squashes, raised by Indians, 127. 
 Stevens, Frank E., The Black Hawk War, 74, 125, 147, 
 
 149, 152. 
 
 Stillman s Defeat, 139-44, 150. 
 Street, Gen. J. M., Indian agent, 174-75. 
 Sturgeon, Sac chief. See Namah. 
 Sun Fish, Sac chief. See Paukahummawa. 
 Sycamore Creek, battle near, 145. 
 TATAPUCKEY, Potawatomi chief, 71. 
 Taylor, Maj. Zachary, in War of 1812, 76-77. 
 Tecumseh, Shawnee chief, 43, 106. 
 Texas, Indian embassy to, 116. 
 Throckmorton, Capt. John, commands the "Warrior," 
 
 157-58; characterized, 158. 
 Thunder, Sac chief. See Nanamakee. 
 Thwaites, Reuben G., opinion cited, 106, 156; "Story 
 
 of the Black Hawk War," 159, 161; Wisconsin, 76. 
 
 194 
 
Tippecanoe, battle of, 44. 
 
 Tobacco, legend of origin, 95-96. 
 
 Treaty of Paris (1763), 15. 
 
 Treaty of Paris (1783), 15-16. 
 
 Treaty of San Ildefonso (1800), 36. 
 
 Treaty of 1804, with Sacs and Foxes, 9, 17-18, 38-40, 
 103, no, 113-14- 
 
 Treaty of 1815, at Portage des Sioux, 80. 
 
 Treaty of 1815, at Spring Wells, 80. 
 
 Treaty of 1816, at St. Louis, 80, 85-86, 127. 
 
 Treaty of 1821, at Chicago, 17. 
 
 Treaty of 1825, at Prairie du Chien, 114-15. 
 
 Treaty of 1833, at Chicago, 17. 
 
 Two River country, hunting in, 77, 81-82, 102. 
 
 VENISON, given Black Hawk in captivity, 164. 
 
 Vincennes, capital of Indiana Territory, 19. 
 
 WABASH River, Indians on, 43-44, 85; visit to, 114. 
 
 Wacome, Sac chief, 64. 
 
 Wapello, Sac chief, 121-22. 
 
 War of 1812, cause, ix; in the West, 44-48, 52-59; in 
 Missouri, 66-68; at Prairie du Chien, 72-76; Indians 
 in, 178; peace made, 69-71, 80. 
 
 "Warrior," Mississippi steamboat, 157-58. 
 
 Warsaw (111.), site, 77. 
 
 Washeown, Potawatomi chief, 69-70; death, 71. 
 
 Washington, George, favors factory system, 49. 
 
 Washington (D. C.), capitol, 85; chiefs desire to visit, 
 131-32; Indians visit, 48-49, 51, 104, 113-14, 169; 
 Black Hawk visits, 165, 168-70. 
 
 Wassacummico, Chippewa band, 130. 
 
 West Point, Black Hawk describes, 93. 
 
 Wheeling (W. Va.), Black Hawk describes, 165-66. 
 
 Whig party, presidential candidate, 178. 
 
 White Beaver. See Atkinson, Gen. Henry. 
 
 White Cloud (Winnebago Prophet), village, 129-30, 
 I 35, i37; Black Hawk consults, 105, 116, 121; ad 
 vice, 121, 123, 129-31, 134, 145; joins war party, 
 133, 138; speech, 134; aids Gratiot s escape, 136-37; 
 sketch, 105-6. 
 
 195 
 
Winnebago Indians, villages, 105, 156, 160; inter 
 tribal relations, 127-28; assist Tecumseh, 43-44; in 
 War of 1812, 45, 54; agent for, 105, 135, 174; sym 
 pathize with Black Hawk, 129, 136, 146, 157-58; 
 oppose Black Hawk, 137, 139; join hostiles, 147; 
 rescue captives, 152; guide the whites, 153; at Black 
 Hawk s surrender, 160. 
 
 Winnebago Prophet. See White Cloud. 
 
 Wisconsin, Indians of, 29; fur trade in, 173; effect of 
 Black Hawk War, 21-22; history, 76. 
 
 Wisconsin Heights, battle of, 153-55. 
 
 Wisconsin Historical Collections, 46, 48, 66, 76, 137, 
 m 159-60. 
 
 Wisconsin (Ouisconsin) River, as a boundary, 17, 21; 
 mouth, 89, 155; Indians on, 30; Black Hawk, 153, 
 J 55-56; massacre on, 116; battle, 153-55. 
 
 196 
 
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