UC-NRLF 
 
ALEXANDER GOLDSTEIN 
 

THE PICTURE 
 
 AND 
 
 THE MEN: 
 
 BEING 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND HIS 
 
 CABINET ; TOGETHER WITH AN ACCOUNT OP THE LIFE OF 
 
 THE CELEBRATED ARTIST, F. B. CARPENTER, AUTHOR 
 
 OF THE GREAT NATIONAL PAINTING, 
 
 THE FIRST READING 
 
 OP THE 
 
 EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 
 
 BEFORE TUB CABINET BY PRESIDENT LINCOLN; 
 
 INCLUDING ALSO 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OP THE PICTURE ; AN ACCOT NT OP THE CRISIS WHICH PRO 
 DUCED IT ; AND AN APPENDIX CONTAINING THE GREAT PROCLAMA 
 TION AND THE SUPPLEMENTARY PROCLAMATION OP JAN 
 UARY 1, 1863; TOGETHER WITH A PORTRAIT OP THE 
 
 ARTIST, AND A KEY TO THE PICTURE. 
 COMPILED BY 
 
 FRED. B. (PERKINS, 
 
 EDITOR OP " THE GALAXY," FORMERLY ONE OP THE EDITORS OP THB NEW 
 YORK "TRIBUNE," AND OP THE NEW YORK "INDEPENDENT." 
 
 try 
 A. J. JOHNSON, NEW YORK. 
 
 F. G. & A. C. ROWE, CLEVELAND, OHIO. 
 C. ALLEN, M.D., CHICAGO, ILL. 
 
 1867. 
 
ENTERED, ACCORDING TO ACT or CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1SG7, BY 
 A. J. JOHNfTON, 
 
 IN TIIE CLERK S OFFICE OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK. 
 
 DATIES & KENT, 
 
 Electrotypers and Stereotypcrs, 
 
 183 WILLIAM ST., N. Y. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS rapidly-written little book is intended 
 to serve as a companion and key to Mr. Car 
 penter s., great picture. The sketches of the 
 persons whom that picture represents, the ac 
 count of the picture itself, of the crisis which 
 suggested it, and of the painter who executed 
 it, are all meant to give such information as 
 will help to a clearer and fuller understanding 
 of the painting. 
 
 The writer has no wish to conceal the fact 
 that he is what is called an "extreme Radi 
 cal ;" but he has sought to omit himself from 
 this subject, and to sketch the persons here 
 represented, not with reference to any ap 
 proval or disapproval of his own, but as they 
 may justly be believed to have meant while 
 laboring honestly to the best of their ability 
 for the preservation of the Union. 
 
 M773751 
 
iv PREFACE. 
 
 The principal authorities used in the work, 
 besides some standard books of reference ac 
 cessible to all, are : Mr. Carpenter s own very 
 interesting work, " Six Months at the White 
 House, 77 a singularly full collection of the 
 most graphic and entertaining anecdotes and 
 reminiscences ; the lives of Mr. Lincoln by 
 Raymond, Holland, Barrett, Crosby, and Mrs. 
 Hanaford ; Trowbridge s biography of Mr. 
 Chase, entitled "Ferry Boy and Financier;" 
 and Baker s Life of Seward. 
 
 Technical criticism of Mr. Carpenter s pic 
 ture has been avoided ; as the writer is one 
 of the very few persons living who do not 
 understand the business of art criticism. 
 
 FRED. B. PERKINS. 
 January 2d, 1867. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 LIFE OF FRANCIS B. CARPENTER 7 
 
 THE OCCASION 19 
 
 THE PICTURE 32 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN 50 
 
 SECRETARY SEWARD 114 
 
 SECRETARY CHASE 137 
 
 SECRETARY SMITU 156 
 
 SECRETARY WELLES 159 
 
 SECRETARY STANTON 164 
 
 ATTORNEY-GENERAL BATES 177 
 
 POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR 180 
 
 APPENDIX : THE PROCLAMATIONS . .185 
 
THE PICTURE AND THE MEN, 
 
 F. B. CARPENTER. 
 
 FRANCIS BICKNELL CARPENTER, painter of the picture 
 of " The First Reading of the Emancipation Procla 
 mation by President Lincoln to his Cabinet," is an 
 artist of high reputation, having already painted por 
 traits of Ex-President Tyler, President Pierce, Presi 
 dent Fillmore, Chief-Justice Chase, Secretary Marcy, 
 Secretary Seward, Senators Cass and Houston, Attor 
 ney-General Gushing, and many other eminent persons 
 besides. Like Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Fillmore, and many 
 more of the distinguished Americans who have sat to 
 him, Mr. Carpenter was born in humble circumstances, 
 and has earned his own prosperity and reputation by 
 good conduct and hard work a truly American career. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter was born in Homer, Cortland County, 
 New York, Aug. 6, 1830. His father was a respectable 
 farmer, of almost as practical a character as King 
 George the Second, whose whole doctrine about the 
 fine arts was expressed by his saying, in his German 
 brogue, " I hate bainting, and boetry too." Young 
 
8 THE PICTURE AND T1IE MEN. 
 
 Carpenter was intended by his good father for a farmer, 
 or perhaps a country merchant, and like other country 
 boys lie was sent to the " deestrick school," or American 
 university. 
 
 As soon as the boy was old enough to have any 
 preferences, he showed a strong love for Art. This was 
 when he was at school, and eight years old, and its 
 first occasion was his seeing and admiring a clever 
 pencil- drawing made on a panel of the school-room 
 door, one day at recess, by a schoolmate named Otis, 
 subsequently a distinguished physician in New York. 
 This door-panel picture stirred up in young Carpenter 
 the desire and resolve which made him an artist. For 
 the next five or six years the little fellow worked away 
 with untiring industry, drawing pictures of all sorts of 
 things, on whatever would hold a picture. He had 
 neither instruction, books, nor models. Farmers sons 
 seldom have much money, and the resolute boy often 
 traveled three miles to the village to invest his total 
 capital, usually not over two cents, in a sheet of unruled 
 foolscap and a pencil. Blank leaves out of old account 
 books, all manner of blank and waste papers, blank 
 walls, both inside of the house and out, smooth pieces 
 of board every available surface were industriously 
 used instead of canvas, and some of these monuments 
 of youthful effort still decorate the walls of the old 
 homestead. As in many other cases, this youthful pe 
 riod was one of ambition as great as its experience was 
 small ; the boy soareji promptly into the ideal realm 
 of historical painting, and among other scenes chalked 
 on the side of the old barn the capture of Andre, and 
 William Tell Shooting the Apple from his Son s Head. 
 
F. B. CAKPENTEK. 9 
 
 All this vigorous industry met with little response, 
 except snubs and sneers. Mr. Carpenter promptly re 
 buked every hint from his son about becoming a 
 
 painter. And Deacon I , one of the more eminent 
 
 dignitaries of the neighborhood, when somebody asked 
 him some question about all this drawing, answered, 
 with great scorn, " Humph ! you can t turn over a 
 chip on his father s farm without findin a pictur 
 of a chicken or sun thin on t other side on t !" And 
 this, by the way, is ail that is known of the eminent and 
 influential deacon. 
 
 When young Carpenter was thirteen, his father 
 sought to put him in the way of earning a, respectable 
 living, and secured for him, to this end, -employment 
 in a grocery store in Ithaca. But Drawing molasses 
 was not the kind of drawing which the young gentle 
 man preferred, and the worthy man of codfish soon 
 became sure that the youth was lt a poor creature." 
 For six months he tried faithfully to make the boy do 
 something useful, but all in vain ; and quite discour 
 aged, he sent him home to his father with a letter say 
 ing that he showed nothing of the intelligence neces 
 sary for mercantile business, and that his mind turned 
 entirely to drawing and reading. Therefore, advised 
 the good grocer, the best thing to be done with him is 
 to keep him at work on the farm ! This sage advice 
 was followed, and doubtless Mr. Carpenter, senior, and 
 the other elders, concluded, as Sir Isaac Newton s 
 teacher did about him, that the boy was a hopeless 
 dunce. 
 
 Just at this time Mr. George L. Clough, a young 
 artist from Auburn, N. Y., came to Homer to paint 
 
10 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 some portraits, and young Carpenter, getting permis 
 sion to see him work, watched the operation of paint 
 ing for the first time in his life, and with the keen 
 ness of a famished man s appetite. Some new ideas 
 on the subject of color were thus acquired, and with 
 the prompt executive impulse of a natural worker, 
 the boy quickly set himself to try them. Colors and 
 pencils lie had not, and could not buy, and the sugges 
 tion of a neighbor that house paint would do nicely to 
 begin with, was a welcome one. Away he went to 
 the village and got one pound of white lead ; back 
 again home, and there he found some lampblack which 
 was- used to mark sheep. This served for light and 
 shade; and for color, he discovered some lumps of 
 Venetian red, which had dried up in a corner of the 
 barn until so hard that he had to pound them up on 
 the door-step. His pencils were of the sort used by car 
 riage-painters, his pallet was whittled out of a piece 
 of shingle, and his canvas a piece of coat lining. Thus 
 armed, the youthful artist coaxed his mother to sit, 
 and soon outlined and almost completed an easily 
 recognized likeness, with what curious grays, reds, and 
 browns it is not easy to imagine. But all parties to 
 this great work were afraid of Mr. Carpenter, senior, 
 who had grown really angry in opposing the " non 
 sense," as he termed it, of his son ; and so it was kept a 
 profound secret. Now Master Frank had become 
 rather unpleasantly conspicuous on the farm for being 
 always invisible at work-hours ; he was always out of 
 the way " round the corner," like Mr. Chevy Slyinc 
 in the novel. One day the impatient father wanted 
 Frank s help, and so, instead of calling him, went right 
 
F. B. CARPENTER. 11 
 
 to his room. Striding angrily in, he saw the picture, 
 and stopped short : 
 
 " Who is that ?" he asked. 
 
 "Don t you know, father?" said the boy, roguishly, 
 and yet earnestly. 
 
 "It is your mother, I suppose," said the father, 
 gruffly, though honestly ; and he was somewhat con 
 science-struck at seeing that the boy who had not mind 
 enough for groceries could actually make a likeness. 
 He turned and hastily left the room without a word, 
 but his manner- toward his son at once- became much 
 more agreeable. Indeed, he even sat to him himself, 
 selecting only rainy days, when he could not work, 
 and feeling so slight an interest in the matter that he 
 fell asleep on one occasion at least, within ten minutes 
 after sitting down. Nevertheless, the likeness was un 
 mistakable, though rough ; and the neighbors said it 
 
 CD O / O 
 
 was decidedly better than the works of the wandering 
 artists who had been the only painters there before. A 
 small compliment, yet doubtless true. 
 
 At length the sturdy opposition of the father to the 
 single ambition of the son gave way, and it was agreed 
 that young Carpenter might obtain some regular pro 
 fessional instruction. Promptly and joyfully the boy 
 applied to Mr. Sandford Thayer, of Syracuse, who ex 
 amined him closely, received him into his studio, and 
 during five months gave him a course of judicious in 
 struction which, became a solid foundation for subse 
 quent technical acquirements. Mr. Thayer had been a 
 student under the eminent portrait-painter Elliott, who 
 visited Syracuse and painted several portraits in Mr. 
 Thayer s studio while young Carpenter was there. 
 
12 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Mr. Elliott, a genial and thoroughly kind-hearted man, 
 took a great interest in the zealous young apprentice, 
 allowed him full opportunity of observing his methods, 
 gave him advice which was of much service to him, 
 and has ever since been his steadfast friend. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter opened a studio for the first time, in 
 his native village of Homer, in the year 1846, before 
 he was sixteen. He boarded at home for a few weeks, 
 but his father soon notified him that, having chosen his 
 profession, he must live entirely by it ; so he stoutly 
 went into the village and electioneered for board from 
 house to house, offering to paint portraits in pay for 
 his meals. For the first year or two his " chariot- 
 wheels drave heavily" enough. His first commission 
 was to paint the portrait of a clerk in the village store, 
 who paid him with cloth enough for a pair of panta 
 loons; and his second brought him a pair of boots. 
 But this success, though not very brilliant, was exceed 
 ingly substantial, and it was real practice, too ; so the 
 youth worked on with good courage. His first large 
 cash fee was ten dollars. This sum was paid him by 
 Hon. H. S. Randall, who lived in the vicinity, for 
 drawings to illustrate his well-known book on sheep 
 husbandry. Mr. Randall, recognizing the talent of the 
 young artist, soon afterward employed him to paint 
 his portrait. Shortly afterward, he painted the por 
 traits of the nine survivors of the original Trustees of 
 Cortland Academy ; and the pictures, still adorning the 
 Academy library, though crude and rough, possess all 
 the chief characteristics of the artist s style. In 1848, 
 Mr. Carpenter sent to the " American Art Union," then 
 a flourishing institution in New York city, an ideal 
 
F. B. CAKPKNTEK. 13 
 
 female head. This was submitted to the purchasing 
 committee along with about four hundred other paint 
 ings, and was one of the twelve which they decided to 
 buy, out of the whole number; and the struggling 
 young countryman received what was to him the really 
 handsome sum of fifty dollars. This was a genuine 
 artistic and financial success, and was the beginning of 
 Mr. Carpenter s career of efficient professional labor 
 and prosperity, though he had poverty and difficulty 
 yet to encounter. The Art Union afterward bought 
 several others of Mr. Carpenter s pictures, being all that 
 he offered them ; and he now had a good many com 
 missions for portraits, though at low rates. 
 
 In the spring of 1851 Mr, Carpenter established him 
 self in New York city, sending to the Exhibition of 
 the Academy of Design a portrait of a young girl, 
 which was liked by many, and so much so by W. S. 
 Mount, the painter, that he took pains to become 
 acquainted with Mr. Carpenter, sat to him, and did all 
 in his power to make him known. In the next autumn 
 Mr. Carpenter married Miss Augusta II. Prentiss. 
 
 The following winter he executed a full-length portrait 
 of Mr. David Leavitt, which, at the next Exhibition of 
 the Academy, was very highly praised, and the artist 
 was now chosen Associate of the Academy, at what 
 was then an unusually early age. In the autumn of 
 1852, Hon. D. A. Bokee, of Brooklyn, commissioned 
 Mr. Carpenter to paint a full-length of President Fill- 
 more, which was a very successful picture, and re 
 ceived an extremely flattering testimonial in a letter 
 from the President. The city of New York bought a 
 duplicate of this picture. During the first winter of 
 
14: THE PICTUliE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Gen. Pierce s term, Mr. Carpenter was employed to 
 paint his picture, the President consenting only with 
 great reluctance, because several previous pictures had 
 all been unsatisfactory. lie, however, quickly found 
 himself much interested in the work, and both he and his 
 friends considered it beyond comparison the best por 
 trait ever taken of him. At the urgent request of 
 Mr. and Mrs. Pierce, Mr. Carpenter afterward exe 
 cuted successfully the difficult task of painting a pic- 
 .ture of their deceased son, the materials being only a 
 defective daguerreotype, and the recollections of sur 
 viving friends. The genial personal qualities of the 
 artist, and his peculiar professional abilities, had by 
 this time secured him efficient friends at Washington ; 
 and in the beginning of 1855 he went to Washington- 
 again, commissioned to paint Governor Marcy, and 
 Senators Cass, Chase, Houston, and Seward. Congress 
 adjourned before the work was completed, but Presi 
 dent Pierce invited the artist to stay at the White 
 House for the rest of his visit, and here he executed 
 two portraits of Gov. Marcy, one of Attorney-General 
 Gushing, and a profile head of the President. 
 
 Among the other portraits painted by Mr. Carpenter 
 may be mentioned those of Henry Ward Beecher, his 
 father, Rev. Lyman Beecher, Rev. R. S. Storrs, ex- 
 Mayors Talmadge, Brush, Lambert, and Hall of Brook 
 lyn, General McDonald, Professors Gibbs and Aiken, 
 General Fremont, Rev. Drs. Cox, Field, Bushnell, and 
 Bacon, Captain Hudson of the first telegraph fleet, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter is now comfortably established in New 
 York city, and is enjoying the reputation and income 
 
F. B. CAKPENTEK. 15 
 
 which are the just earnings of so much undiscouraged 
 toil and sincere thought and effort. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter is distinctly a portrait-painter, both 
 by natural preference and natural endowment. From 
 the very first awakening of his inclination for Art, his 
 attention was always drawn most keenly to the human 
 face and head. These he studies with instinctive 
 special love ; enjoys their traits and their meaning, and 
 labors with his happiest spontaneous thoughts and 
 skill to reproduce them on canvas. 
 
 This natural preference, however, would be very im 
 perfect without that fitness for the work which Mr. 
 Carpenter s mental and physical constitution affords. 
 lie has a quick and sensitive intuition of character, 
 ready sympathies, a calm and even cheerfulness of dis 
 position, is perfectly unassuming in fact and in manner, 
 and is at once kindly, receptive, and appreciative. The 
 student of character will easily see that these traits 
 constitute the agreeable companion as well as the in 
 telligent painter. This is just the combination calcu 
 lated to render Mr. Carpenter a welcome friend to the 
 numerous eminent political leaders whom he has 
 painted. They are quick-witted and clear-headed men, 
 and have a pretty good judgment on the essential 
 merits of a picture ; they spend their lives in contend 
 ing with rivals and opponents ; and they find in the 
 artist a painter just and competent without flattery, a 
 friend, calm and appreciative and genial, who wants 
 neither influence nor office, and whose easy conver 
 sation and pleasant society make his sitter s chair a 
 sort of rest and home. Mr. Fillmore was once asked 
 by a lady if his sittings to Mr. Carpenter were not 
 
10* THE PICTURE AND THK MEN. 
 
 todious? "O no, madam," he replied, promptly; "it 
 is the plcasantcst hour in the day." 
 
 Criticisms already printed have recognized more or 
 less clearly the peculiar traits above stated. Thus the 
 JJome Journal, in 1856, in speaking of Mr. Carpenters 
 works in the Exhibition of that year, observed : " The 
 painter of these pictures is perhaps the most variously 
 self-adaptable, the most symmetrically constituted, safe, 
 .Hid sure, of any of our portrait-painters. If he can be 
 characterized by anything, it is the almost unexampled 
 number of his variations of color and style, to suit the 
 complexion and character of his sitters." And the X. 
 Y. Evening Post subsequently remarked: "The por 
 traits by this artist are remarkable chiefly for their 
 subtile mentality ; for their faithful rendering of the 
 inward life and disposition." 
 
 Mr. Carpenter s character as a man may be in some 
 measure estimated by his career as an artist. He pos 
 sesses excellent mental and moral endowments, being 
 resolute, industrious, prompt, orderly, and efficient in 
 executive matters, and upright and blameless in all the 
 relations of a man and a citizen. During the first ten 
 months of his residence in Xew York he had but one 
 or two commissions for portraits; but he did not by 
 any means sit idle for that. One of his earliest resolves 
 was, to keep at work at something ; and if he had no 
 paying sitters, he would prevail on friends or acquaint 
 ances to sit, executing their pictures with as much consci 
 entious study and effort as if they had every one been 
 Presidents. This was sound business practice as well 
 as sound Art practice, because his skill increased just as 
 much as if his time were full ; and when the next com- 
 
F. B. CARPENTKK. 
 
 17 
 
 mission did come, he was sure to paint better than 
 ever before. Nor has he grown idle yet. The true 
 ideal of the artist s industry is exactly, in Art, what the 
 Christian s contest is in life : to labor all his life toward 
 a perfection which he is bound to work for just as hard 
 as if he could reach it. The eminent English painter 
 Mulready became, in 1817, one of the instructors or 
 " visitors" in the "life school," or place for learning 
 how to draw the human figure. In 1863, after holding 
 this position for forty-six years, the old man declared 
 " I have, from the first moment I became a visitor in 
 the life school, drawn there as if I were drawing for a 
 prize" Pie was, too; but it was a higher prize than 
 any Academy could give. Sir Charles Eastlake said 
 that Mr. Mulready was " the best and most judicious 
 teacher the Royal Academy ever had ;" and Charles 
 Landseer said, " Perhaps neither is there now, nor at 
 any time has there been, so great a draughtsman as Mr. 
 Mulready." Mr. Carpenter is not yet the first painter 
 in the world, but then he is not so old as Mulready, 
 who was born in 1786. But his industry is as thorough 
 in principle as that of the veteran painter ; it was only 
 the other day that he showed a friend " Chapman s 
 American Drawing Book," which he had under his 
 arm, stating that he had purchased it with the inten 
 tion of studying it thoroughly. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter s views of the ethics of Art, as well as 
 his moral and religious sentiments generally, *have 
 always been ideally high. In youth, he conceived that 
 the artist ought of necessity to be of the purest char 
 acter, and with boyish enthusiasm he resolved to en 
 deavor to realize in himself in some measure the union 
 
18 THE PICTDKB AND THE MEN. 
 
 of artistic ability and moral excellence. The endeavor 
 has consistently been made. The very endeavor enno 
 bles. It is the seeker himself after such high endow 
 ments who most deeply feels the weakness of human 
 efforts after goodness. But the high position and the 
 spotless name which Mr. Carpenter has gained are 
 most fully believed his just due by those who know 
 him best. 
 
 He is a man of wide intelligence and considerable 
 literary ability and attainment outside of his profes 
 sion, and his book, " Six Months at the White House," 
 giving the history of his stay there while at work on 
 his great picture, is a singularly interesting one. Mr. 
 Carpenter is of middle height, rather slender, with dcl- 
 licate features, abundant straight black hair, and dark 
 gray eyes. His voice is rather low and of agreeable 
 tone ; and in manner he is extremely quiet, meditative, 
 and often apparently quite absorbed in reflection or 
 revery, seeming to receive impressions from persons and 
 things around him unconsciously, rather than by keeping 
 his intellect at work to seize them ; in short, he is a 
 gentleman, and those who know hiin best love him most. 
 
THE OCCASION. 19 
 
 II. 
 
 THE OCCASION. 
 
 THE Emancipation of the Slaves in the United States 
 belongs to a class of events so lofty and so vast in 
 nature and meaning, that it is an effort to comprehend 
 them. It has often been said that no single deed so 
 great has been done on earth since Christ was crucified. 
 If any can be compared with it, they are the very 
 greatest : the Christianizing of the Roman Empire by 
 Constantino ; the issue of Magna Charta to England ; 
 the inauguration of the Reformation by Luther ; the 
 Declaration of Independence. Indeed, it would be 
 easy to show that it is linked w^ith these in one chain 
 of cause and effect. The last three of the series are ob 
 viously so related. The Declaration of Independence 
 was the logical result of the principles of Luther put 
 in practice by English Puritans, and announced in their 
 political applications by the descendants and successors 
 of those Puritans, the Continental Congress. Emanci 
 pation has made the United States the banner-bearer 
 of mankind the foremost nation in human progress 
 just as the Declaration did in 1776. 
 
 The train of circumstances that preceded President 
 Lincoln s Proclamation of September 22, 1862, is, of 
 course, of great historical interest and importance. 
 The Constitution of the United States was in its very 
 framing put together with compromises about Slavery. 
 
20 THE riCTUKK AND TIJK MEN. 
 
 The first period of the history of this subject comes 
 down to about the end of the last century. During 
 that period there was much opposition to slaveholding, 
 by men of high moral nature and profound political 
 insight, all over the country, and since business interest 
 coincided with the moral duty of the case, there was 
 decidedly a tendency toward a gradual dying out of 
 the system. 
 
 The second period begins with that great increase 
 in the production of cotton which resulted from the 
 invention and use of Whitney s cotton-gin, dating from 
 about 1793. This increase caused slaves to grow rap 
 idly more valuable, and it is a matter of course that 
 men desire to think, and therefore tend strongly to 
 think, that what is very profitable must be right, or at 
 least excusable. 
 
 The third period may be reckoned from the begin 
 ning of the abolition movement of Mr. Garrison and his 
 associates down to the date of the Proclamation, in 
 which it culminated. The first period was that of 
 feeble moral reprobation of slavery ; the second, that 
 of increasing financial acquiescence in slavery; the 
 third, that of earnest moral attack and defense of slav 
 ery, the financial and political aspects of it not being 
 now the really predominant ones. 
 
 In this third period came the successive excitements 
 of the Missouri Compromise, the " incendiary docu 
 ment" and " gag-law" time, the " Political Abolition" 
 time, the "Free Soil" time, the "Kansas" time, the 
 " John Brown" time, and lastly the rebellion. 
 
 The rebellion was the,, effort of the slave interest to 
 take a snap judgment, so to speak, on a question which 
 
THE OCCASION. 21 
 
 the country was evidently in a steady advance toward 
 deciding on the side of freedom. And so much organi 
 zation and preparation had the South, so utterly igno 
 rant of the scheme was the North, so strong was the 
 combination of a united South, Northern sympathizers, 
 and European monarchies, and so undecided and dor 
 mant were the convictions of very many even of the 
 loyal Northern men, that undoubtedly the nation had 
 a narrow escape from destruction, winning in the con 
 flict not merely nor even chiefly as the richest and 
 strongest of the two warring powers, but by means of 
 the strength of the patriotism and moral convictions 
 "^hat germinated and grew vigorously and fast by the 
 stimulus of the very fire that was kindled to consume 
 them. 
 
 The words in which Mr. Lincoln described the occa 
 sion on which the Proclamation was planned and issued 
 have all his striking and characteristic plainness, sim 
 plicity, directness, and graphic force. He said to Mr. 
 Carpenter, " Things had gone on from bad to worse, 
 until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on 
 the plan of operations we had been pursuing ; that we 
 had about played our last card, and must change our 
 tactics, or lose the game." 
 
 This time was the latter part of the summer of 18C2, 
 the period of the discouragement produced by the 
 " Peninsular campaign." It is true that Union suc 
 cesses had taken place at several points upon the outer 
 circumference of the rebellion ; but its main body yet 
 remained substantially untouched, and above all, its 
 mailed head consisting of the main army under Lee, 
 protected by the strong and extremely defensible coun- 
 
22 THE PICTUKE AND THE MEN. 
 
 try of Northern Virginia that mailed head which it 
 constantly thrust out at Washington and the North, 
 was still full of threatening and dangerous life. Al 
 though the Government had in the field in the begin 
 ning of that year more than 660,000 soldiers, and a navy 
 of 246 ships, 22,000 men, and 1,892 gnns, no decisive 
 injury had yet been done to the enemy. Political 
 opponents at home were raising an awful clamor about 
 the inefficiency and incapacity of the Administration, 
 and a good many even of its friends were joining in 
 the cry. There was a very visible and growing weari 
 ness among the people, of conscriptions, of taxes, of 
 the disordered currency, of the increasing prices of all 
 sorts of manufactured and imported commodities. Mr. 
 Greeley even goes so far as to say that it is doubtful 
 whether a popular vote on giving up the fight, if taken 
 during the year next after the issue of the Proclama 
 tion, would not have been affirmative. This opinion, 
 however, is probably shaded by its author s well-known 
 liability to look on the dark side, for the patriotism 
 of Mr. Greeley can not be doubted. 
 
 However, Mr. Blair urged to Mr. Lincoln as a reason 
 against the Proclamation, that its issue would cause 
 the loss of the fall elections ; and, sure enough, it appa- 
 re ntly did. In ten States which gave Mr. Lincoln in 
 1860 more than 208,000 majority, the Administration 
 candidates for State offices were beaten in the fall of 
 1862 by nearly 36,000. This, however, was rather the 
 result of the hesitating non-emancipation policy of the 
 previous two years, and its attendant ill success, than the 
 result of the new emancipation policy, only just an 
 nounced, and not yet proved as an influence in the war. 
 
THE OCCASION. 23 
 
 It was the result of the old mistakes, not of the new 
 correction. As soon as the new policy was well under 
 stood, and began to show its operation, there was no 
 more fear of losing elections by it. It became the policy 
 of the nation, and ceased to be a party question, just as 
 the support of the Government had ceased to be a party 
 question ever since Sumter was attacked. 
 
 Assuredly the people of the United States waited 
 long enough before resolving upon universal freedom. 
 Most undoubtedly the Proclamation was made at the 
 right time to take the great mass of the nation with it. 
 Any time would have been too late for extremists on 
 one side, and too early for extremists on the other. 
 But the deeds of Mr. Lincoln were the resolutions of 
 the loyal people as a whole, and his course was with a 
 sort of magnetic truth what they felt to be best. 
 
 It was therefore really the people who did the acts 
 which the President superintended, as their chief 
 manager. Even after the war broke out, it took nearly 
 two years to bring the people into the conviction that 
 emancipation must come that this vast moral justice 
 was absolutely indispensable, alike to free the Xorth 
 from its false position and to put the South in its true 
 one to unite and strengthen the right side and to 
 cripple the wrong. Accordingly, the war had com 
 menced with the most circumspect and systematic 
 observance of " conservative" precedent in this matter, 
 and went on for a long time in a manner which, so far 
 as slavery was concerned, " could not offend the feel 
 ings of the most fastidious" slaveholder. So cautious 
 and conservative a statesman as Edward Everett as 
 serted that it was matter of grave doubt " whether 
 
24 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 any act of the Government of the United States was 
 necessary to liberate the slaves in a State which is in 
 open rebellion." Prophetic minds felt from the very 
 first gun that the day of universal freedom was at 
 hand. But prophetic minds arc few ; national convic 
 tions and sentiments change very gradually ; and 
 before emancipation could be safely made the law, an 
 underpinning of public opinion had to be slowly laid 
 for it, even though thousands of millions of dollars 
 were expended in the building, and though the struc 
 ture was cemented and soaked in the* blood of our 
 bravest men. In the United States, no law will ope 
 rate which public opinion does not support. This is 
 true, no matter whether such law be right or wrong, 
 It is a fundamental fact in democracies. It has been 
 proved over and over in laws on the liquor question, 
 and perhaps an understanding of this may have influ 
 enced the President s delay in the matter. However 
 that may be, Mr. Lincoln, while personally profoundly 
 anxious for universal freedom, was utterly immovable 
 in the resolution to maintain the national existence 
 within undoubted constitutional forms if possible and 
 persisted in this course, until, as he said, its last card 
 had been played. This is most strongly shown in his 
 letter to Mr. Greeley of Aug. 22, 1862, a remarkably 
 terse and forcible statement in every possible variation 
 of assertion, of this object. "My paramount object," he 
 said, " is to save the Union, and not cither to save or 
 to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without 
 freeing any slaves, I would do it if I could save it by 
 freeing all the slaves, I would do it and if I could do 
 it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also 
 
THE OCCASION. 25 
 
 do that." Mr. Seward took it for granted that the war 
 would not touch the slavery question at all. In his 
 dispatch to Minister Dayton, of April 22d, 1861, he 
 said, with mistaken prediction, " The condition of slav 
 ery in the several States will remain just the same, 
 whether it (the rebellion) succeed or fail." The mani 
 festo of Gen. McDowell on his first entry into Vir 
 ginia, in July, 1861, contained nothing that showed 
 whether or not such a thing as slavery existed. Mc- 
 Clellan s proclamation in West Virginia of May 26, 
 1861, had before announced that he would "subdue 
 slave insurrection with an iron hand." Gen. T. W. 
 Sherman, after the victory at Port Royal, expressly dis 
 claimed any intention of meddling with slavery. Gen. 
 Dix, in occupying the Eastern Shore counties of Vir 
 ginia, did the like, and shut his lines to fugitives from 
 slavery ; Gen. Halleck, on succeeding Fremont in Mis 
 souri, did the like, and, moreover, expelled from the 
 protection of his lines such fugitives as had already 
 taken refuge there. Gen. Burnside published a similar 
 disclaimer on occupying Roanoke Island; Gen. Buell 
 in Tennessee and Kentucky, Gen. Hooker on the upper 
 Potomac, Gen. Williams in Louisiana, did the like, and 
 still further, they opened their camps to slave-catchers, 
 and officially helped them, by ordering the surrender 
 of fugitives, and even by furnishing detachments or 
 details to assist in the chase. Fremont s proclamation 
 of freedom in Missouri was at once modified within 
 the statutory limits; Hunter s in South Carolina was 
 promptly annulled ; Phelps at Ship Island would have 
 been, had not circumstances rendered it unnecessary. 
 Never since the creation of the world was there seen 
 
2G THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 any war before, conducted by the year together, on the 
 avowed principle and in the diligent and effective prac 
 tice of not touching the greatest source of the enemy s 
 strength, of assuring him the full enjoyment of it, of 
 carefully returning to him any of it that got away, and 
 of helping him chase it right through the very ranks of 
 the extra-magnanimous belligerents. It was exerting our 
 whole force to protect the enemy s powder-magazine. 
 
 Even when the course of events gradually forced the 
 nation from this strange method of making war by 
 guaranteeing the enemy, the change was made very 
 slowly and gradually. Officers commanding in one 
 and another locality found it a physical impossibility 
 to dispense with the services of the negroes, and a 
 moral impossibility to treat them otherwise than as 
 men and freemen. Such cases multiplied in number 
 and grew in importance for months and months, and a 
 series of partial measures, dealing with slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, or with slaves as contraband of 
 w T ar, or as subject to confiscation, or as fit material for 
 enlistment, had successively tested the public sentiment 
 of the country for a long time before the cautious 
 President could determine that the hour was come for 
 proclaiming "liberty throughout all the land." At 
 last, however, it was time. With true instinct, the 
 man of the people felt that the will of the people was 
 ripe for the new policy. The furious battles of South 
 Mountain and Antietam, and the subsequent retreat of 
 Lee, beaten and driven over the Potomac from his first 
 invasion of Maryland, constituted a turn in the tide of 
 affairs which enabled the Proclamation to appear in 
 victory instead of defeat. 
 
THE OCCASION. 27 
 
 As prompt at snatching ,111 occasion as he was slow 
 in maturing the purpose to be served, Mr. Lincoln in 
 stantly published the grandest utterance of the age. 
 It was not, it is true, an unconditional assertion either of 
 the rights of man, or of the freedom of any class of men. 
 In fact, as it was worded, it gave the rebels an oppor 
 tunity of retaining the system of slavery in every 
 Southern State ; for ifc was not in itself a gift of eman 
 cipation, but only contingent notice of emancipation at 
 one hundred days. Mr. Lincoln had no wish to seem 
 to do a great action himself, nor to put forth any im 
 pressive phrases. It is a feature most characteristic 
 of his simple, weighty, honest, unconscious, straight 
 forward nature, that in this great state paper, announc 
 ing a radical change in the social and political policy 
 of the strongest nation in the world, relieving the fore 
 most people on earth from a social blot and blunder 
 which would have disgraced and hampered the hind 
 most, admitting four millions of chattels personal into 
 the brotherhood of man, and completing for the first 
 time the exemplification of Christian morals in the 
 legal action of a democracy that in doing all this, he 
 so did it a^ to seem not to do it; as to allow it to hap 
 pen, not at once, by the force of an actual fiat, but after 
 three months, in the form of the obligatory fulfillment 
 of a past promise ; and even then, not by any act of 
 his, or even of the nation, but simply by the neglect of 
 the persons addressed to perform the plainest duties of 
 the citizen. For the reader of the Proclamation will 
 see at once how entirely it throws the responsibility 
 of the act upon the South. If the Southern States had 
 discontinued their rebellious organization and resumed 
 
28 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 their places in Congress within the hundred days, the 
 nation would have been bound to accept such action 
 and appearance as a reparation in lull, and to have 
 suffered the whole fabric of slavery to remain as before, 
 not merely upheld by the laws of each State and the 
 entire frame of Southern society, but, as before the 
 war, by the acquiescence and moral support of the 
 whole United States. Doubtless, Mr. Lincoln may 
 have felt that there was in fact no danger of such sub 
 mission and return ; but the absolute disinterestedness, 
 profound caution, sagacious foreseeing statesmanship, 
 and lawyer-like clearness, accuracy, and safety of the 
 drafting of the paper are none the less wonderful for 
 that. The Proclamation does not say one word nor do 
 one thing not absolutely necessary ; it neither discusses 
 a principle, nor argues a case, nor expresses a feeling. 
 It does not even put forth its real and vast significance 
 directly ; much less with ornaments of speech or large 
 ness of words. It is the barest, briefest notice to legal 
 delinquents to return to duty, with a proviso of further 
 action if they do not return. It is so arranged, that if 
 there be a chance not to secure emancipation, the 
 chance shall be taken ; that if the crowning glory of 
 the century can be avoided, it shall be avoided ; that 
 if the signer can escape the credit of freeing four mil 
 lions of slaves, he shall escape it ; that if the South can 
 be induced to retain their labor system, they shall re 
 tain it ; that if the actual responsibility of freedom is to 
 rest anywhere, it shall rest upon the rebel slaveholders 
 themselves. It embodies the utter abnegation of per 
 sonal merit or emotion ; the entire avoidance of contro 
 versy upon cither any principle in doctrine or any 
 
TDE OCCASION. 29 
 
 material interest or association of human "beings; it is 
 the simple, plain statement of one future fact, unless 
 there shall happen another future fact. And notwith 
 standing all this guarded negation of statement and 
 conditional assertion, yet such \vere the aspects of the 
 war in the field, and of the public opinion of the North, 
 that these two gigantic forces, embodying the moral 
 sum total of the United States for the time being, in 
 spired into the words of this plain short paper that 
 whole and complete and immense meaning which lias 
 rendered it immortal. 
 
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32 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 III. 
 
 THE PICTURE. 
 
 THE original conception of Mr. Carpenter s great 
 picture is due to his profound loyalty to the United 
 States, his fervent devotion to Freedom, his deep exul 
 tation when the issue of the Great Proclamation an 
 nounced that Slavery was Abolished, his strong desire 
 to execute some work within the field of his art which 
 should express his appreciation of the questions of the 
 war, and the nation s action upon them, and his hon 
 orable ambition to associate his own name and reputa 
 tion with an occasion so glorious. The artist thus de 
 scribes his own first clear conception of the time and 
 sentiment of his picture, in his "Six Mouths at the 
 White House :" 
 
 " The long-prayed-for year of jubilee had come ; the 
 bonds of the oppressed were loosed ; the prison doors 
 were opened. Behold, said a voice, how a man 
 may be exalted to a dignity and glory almost divine, 
 and give freedom to a race ! Surely Art should unite 
 with Eloquence and Poetry to celebrate such a theme. 
 I conceived of that band of men upon whom the eyes 
 of the world centred as never before upon ministers of 
 state, gathered in council, depressed, perhaps disheart 
 ened at the vain efforts of many months to restore the 
 supremacy of the Government. I saw, in thought, the 
 head of the nation, bowed down with his weight -of 
 
THE PICTURE. 33 
 
 care and responsibility, solemnly announcing, as he un 
 folded the prepared draft of the Proclamation, that the 
 time for the inauguration of this policy had arrived ; I 
 endeavored to imagine the conflicting emotions of satis 
 faction, doubt, and distrust with which such * an an 
 nouncement would be received by men of the varied 
 characteristics of the assembled councilors." 
 
 This was in the end of the year 1863, the first day of 
 which had witnessed the issuing of the Supplemen 
 tary Proclamation announcing the fulfillment of the 
 promise. For some weeks the painter, after his man 
 ner, brooded silently over his design. Gradually 
 the group assumed in his imagination such a form and 
 arrangement as satisfied his conception of what the 
 assembly must have been. Mr. Carpenter is not with, 
 out a decided tendency toward those lofty realms of 
 human aspiration and emotional thought, the mystical 
 and the supernatural ; and he records a coincidence in 
 the matter of adjusting his design which is sufficiently 
 striking. "In seeking a point of unity or action for 
 the picture," lie says, " I was impressed with the con 
 viction that important modifications followed the read 
 ing of the Proclamation at the suggestion of the Secre 
 tary of State, and I determined upon such an incident 
 as the moment of time to be represented. I was sub 
 sequently surprised and gratified when Mr. Lincoln 
 himself, reciting the history of the Proclamation to me, 
 dwelt particularly upon the fact, that not only was the 
 time of its issue decided by Secretary Seward s advice, 
 but that one of the most important Avords in the docu 
 ment was added through his strenuous representa 
 tions." 
 
34: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 The design thus determined, it remained to execute 
 it, and Mr. Carpenter first consulted Mr. Samuel Sin 
 clair, now publisher of the N. Y. Tribune, upon the 
 means of interesting in the scheme Messrs. Schuyler 
 Colfax-and Owen Lovejoy, who should, in their turn, 
 influence their personal and political friend the Presi 
 dent. This shrewd little piece of wire-pulling succeed 
 ed, for Mr. Sinclair, being the very next week in Wash 
 ington, went with Mr. Colfax to Mr. Lincoln, explained 
 the plan, and without much difficulty obtained his assent. 
 
 The road was now clear for the execution of the am 
 bitious scheme of the artist ; but how was he to travel 
 in it ? " Who goeth a warfare any time at his own 
 charges ?" and besides, he had not the means for such 
 unscriptural expenditure, even were he so anti-biblical 
 as to make it. A second coincidence attended the 
 solution of the difficulty. He left home one morning, 
 pondering deeply upon the financial lion in his path ; 
 and contriving and rejecting, with increasing discour 
 agement, one expedient after another, he reached the 
 door of the building where his studio was established, 
 and was about to enter. At that moment he happened 
 to observe a gentleman who was intently examining 
 some pictures in a shop" window. Something familiar 
 in the air of the figure attracted the artist, and when 
 in a few moments the gazer turned round, it proved to 
 be Frederick A. Lane, Esq., an old acquaintance who, 
 five years before, had lived near Mr. Carpenter in 
 Brooklyn, and, like him, had at that time been strug 
 gling hard for a living, though in the dry path of law, 
 instead of the supposed more flowery ways of Art. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter asked Mr. Lane up into his studio, 
 
THE riCTUKE. 35 
 
 and there was some comparing of old reminiscences 
 and late experiences. The lawyer had prospered in 
 business and in purse ; the artist was still poor. Sud 
 denly the sensitive painter was stirred with the thought 
 that this meeting was " providential." A less sponta 
 neous man would have reckoned this a mere conceit, 
 and would have reasoned away from it. But the men 
 tal constitution of an artist has often much of the same 
 quickness of intuition and instinctive reliance upon it, 
 which is usually attributed to women. Mr. Carpen 
 ter at once briefly laid before his visitor his whole 
 scheme. Mr. Lane quietly heard him through. " Are 
 you sure of Mr. Lincoln s consent and co-operation ?" 
 he asked. The painter told him of the promise which 
 Messrs. Sinclair and Colfax had received. " Then," said 
 this liberal friend, " you shall paint the picture. Take 
 plenty of time. Make it the great work of your life ; 
 and draw upon me for whatever funds you will require 
 to the end." 
 
 On the 4th of February, 1864, Mr. Carpenter went 
 to Washington, and calling next day upon Hon. Owen 
 Lovejoy, obtained a note of introduction to Mr. Lincoln. 
 After waiting in vain for two days for an opportunity 
 to present it, the artist at last went up to the White 
 House on the afternoon of Saturday, and taking his 
 place in what the French call the " tail" of citizens who 
 were filing past the patient President, each shaking 
 hands and uttering some observation as they went, 
 like so many customers popping their letters into some 
 crowded post-office window, he took his turn, and was 
 named to Mr. Lincoln. After a moment s recollection, 
 Mr. Lincoln said, "O yes, I know this is the painter;" 
 
36 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 and ^ standing up as tall as he could which was much 
 he added, with a queer look, " Do you think, Mr. 
 Carpenter, that you can make a handsome picture of 
 me ?" The painter w^as taken aback at this very direct 
 query, and too polite to say No, and too honest to say 
 Yes, he answered at random, coming, however, enough 
 to the point to ask if he could have a private interview 
 after the reception. " I reckon !" was the reply of the 
 Executive, as he went gravely on again with his pump- 
 handling. 
 
 When this tiresome ceremony was. over, the painter 
 was admitted to the President s office, where Mr. Lin 
 coln was already hard at work signing acts of Con 
 gress. He gave his visitor a seat, and received and read 
 Mr. Lovejoy s note of introduction. Then, taking off his 
 spectacles, he turned to the artist and said, in his char 
 acteristic way, " Well, Mr. Carpenter, we will turn you 
 in loose here" as if the painter were a harmless sort 
 of beast, safe in pasture without " poke" or " hobbling" 
 " and try to give you- a good chance to work out 
 your idea." It is curious to consider how many of the 
 rulers of the earth would have thus assented to an 
 artist s proposal for a great historical picture of one of 
 the turning-points in human progress, in a sentence of 
 twenty-one words (not counting the name of the per 
 son spoken to), all monosyllables but one, and express 
 ing their thought with a metaphor accurate, forcible, 
 a*nd taken from the pasture and the oxen. 
 
 The enthusiastic artist began to express as well as 
 he could, one or another lofty idea of his intended 
 work. The President paid little attention to this, but 
 after his fashion went straight to the root of the matter 
 
THE PICTURE. 37 
 
 and proceeded to give his auditor a history of the cir 
 cumstances. "We transcribe Mr. Lincoln s own words 
 as given by Mr. Carpenter.* 
 
 "It had got to be midsummer, 1862. Things had 
 gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had 
 reached the end of our rope on the plan of operations 
 we had been pursuing ; that we had about played our 
 last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the 
 game. I now determined upon the adoption of the 
 emancipation policy; and without consultation with 
 or the knowledge of the Cabinet, I prepared the origi 
 nal draft of the proclamation, and, after much anxious 
 thought, called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject. 
 This was the last of July, or the first part of August, 
 1862. This Cabinet meeting took place upon a Satur 
 day. All were present, excepting Mr. Blair, the post 
 master-general, who was absent at the opening of the 
 discussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the 
 Cabinet that I had resolved upon this step, and had 
 not called them together to ask their advice, but to lay 
 the subject-matter of a proclamation before them ; sug 
 gestions as to which would be in order after they had 
 heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy was in error when he in 
 formed you [viz., Mr. Carpenter, at a previous time] 
 that it excited no comment, excepting on the part of 
 Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were offered. 
 Secretary Chase wished the language stronger in refer 
 ence to the arming of the blacks ; Mr. Blair, after he 
 came in, deprecated the policy on the ground that it 
 would cost the Administration the fall elections. 
 
 * Six Months at the White House, pp. 20, 21, 22. 
 
38 THE PICTUKE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Nothing, however, was offered that I had not fully- 
 anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary 
 Seward spoke. He said in substance : Mr. President, 
 I approve of the proclamation, but I question the expe 
 diency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of 
 the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, 
 is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. 
 It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted 
 government ; a cry for help ; the government stretch 
 ing forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia 
 stretching forth her hands to the Government. His 
 idea was, that it would be considered our last shriek on 
 the retreat. Now, continued Mr. Seward, * while I 
 approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone 
 its issue until you can give it to the country supported 
 by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be 
 the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war. 
 The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State 
 struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of 
 the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I 
 had entirely overlooked. The result was that I put 
 the proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a 
 picture, waiting for a victory. From time to time I 
 added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, 
 anxiously watching the progress of events. "Well, the 
 next news we had was of Pope s disaster at Bull Hun. 
 Things looked darker than ever. Finally came the 
 week of the battle of Antietam. I determined to wait 
 no longer. The news came, I think, on "Wednesday, 
 that the advantage was on our side. I was then stay 
 ing at the Soldiers Home. Here I finished writing the 
 second draft of the preliminary proclamation ; came up 
 
THE PICTURE. 39 
 
 on Saturday; called the Cabinet together to hear it, 
 and it was published the following "Monday." 
 
 At the final meeting of September 20th, another in 
 teresting incident occurred in connection with Secretary 
 Seward. The President had written the important part 
 of the proclamation in these words : 
 
 " That, on the first day of January, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
 persons held as slaves within any State or designated 
 part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in 
 rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thence 
 forward, and forever FREE ; and the Executive Govern 
 ment of the United States, including the military and 
 naval authority thereof, will recognize the freedom of 
 such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such 
 persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make 
 for their actual freedom." " When I finished reading 
 this paragraph," resumed Mr. Lincoln, "Mr. Seward 
 stopped me, and said, * I think, Mr. President, that you 
 should insert after the word " recognize" in that sen 
 tence, the words " and maintain" 7 " I replied that I 
 had already fully considered the import of that expres 
 sion in this connection, but I had not introduced it, be 
 cause it was not my way to promise what I was not 
 entirely sure that I could perform, and I was not pre 
 pared to say that I thought we were exactly able to 
 * maintain this." 
 
 " But," said he, " Seward insisted that we ought to 
 take this ground ; and the words finally went in !" 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, having finished this account, explained 
 in detail how the Cabinet and he were grouped at 
 that meeting ; and when the artist showed the Presi- 
 
40 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 dent a pencil sketch of the picture as he had already 
 planned it, it was found altogether in accordance with 
 the facts, except that the whole composition had to be 
 turned end for end, in order to put Mr. Lincoln at the 
 right place, by the table. 
 
 The remaining necessary details of sketching were 
 now promptly completed ; the painter s easel was set 
 up in the library, but shortly removed to the state 
 dining-room, where the work was finished. The painter 
 was in good earnest " turned in loose," for he was, 
 during the succeeding six months, on terms almost as 
 intimate with Mr. Lincoln as were the President s own 
 private secretaries. He went and came at pleasure, 
 sat in Mr. Lincoln s private office while confidential 
 business was transacting, and when any one looked 
 suspiciously toward him, the President would say, 
 " Oh, you needn t mind him he is a painter." From 
 time to time the President and the members of the 
 Cabinet gave sittings for their respective portraits, 
 chatting easily and freely with -the companionable 
 artist on all manner of topics, and exchanging all sorts 
 of reminiscences, stories, reasonings, and opinions. 
 Frequently visitors at the White House came to ob 
 serve the progress of the great picture ; at other times 
 friends of the artist, sometimes brought in by Mr. 
 Lincoln. 
 
 The industry of the artist was unfailing and ardent. 
 His relaxation even was part of his work, for it con 
 sisted almost entirely of cultivating a more perfect 
 acquaintance with the* men whom he was to paint. All 
 day he worked at his designing, sketching, or paint 
 ing, and all day was not enough. When night fell, he 
 
TIIIC PICT CUE. 41 
 
 lighted up the great chandelier of the room, and often 
 labored straight onward, unconscious of the passage of 
 time, until the morning light found him still brush in 
 hand before the immense canvas, and drove him away 
 by spoiling the tone of the gas-light. 
 
 At the end of a half year the work was complet 
 ed, and the President and Cabinet, at the close of a 
 business session, adjourned to the temporary studio, 
 to hold a formal critical session upon the great pic 
 ture. Sitting in the midst of his chief assistants, Mr. 
 Lincoln pronounced what he called his " unschooled" 
 opinion of the work, in words which Mr. Carpenter 
 has not put on record, but which, he says, " could not 
 but have afforded the deepest gratification to any 
 artist." For two days before being removed, the 
 picture was now exhibited freely to the public, in the 
 East Room, several thousands of persons crowding in 
 to see it on each day. On the last afternoon, the Presi 
 dent and the painter went together to have a last look 
 at the work before it was rolled up for removal. Mr. 
 Lincoln sat down before the picture and gazed silently 
 at it. Mr. Carpenter remarked that he had worked out 
 his idea, and asked for Mr. Lincoln s final suggestions 
 and criticism. " There is little to find fault with," was 
 the reply ; " the portraiture is the main thing, and that 
 seems to me absolutely perfect." They discussed the 
 various accessories : the war maps, the portfolios, the 
 map showing the distribution of slaves in the South, 
 the book leaning against the leg of the chair, which 
 was painted as if bound in "lawcal f." The title placed 
 upon this was that of a work which Mr. Lincoln had 
 used in preparing his proclamation Whiting s " War 
 
42 THE PICTUKE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Powers of the President," and this not being a law 
 book, the President requested that the coloring of the 
 cover be changed accordingly. " Is there anything 
 else that you would like changed or added ?" asked 
 the painter. " No," was the reply, and the President 
 continued, repeating the very expression which he had 
 used on examining the first sketch, " It is as good as it 
 can be made." 
 
 The painter took the opportunity to describe the 
 enthusiastic feelings with which he had first thought of 
 the picture, and in which he had labored upon it, and 
 to thank Mr. Lincoln for his constant kindness in all 
 their intercourse. Mr. Carpenter adds, " He listened 
 pensively almost passively, to me his eyes fastened 
 upon the picture. As I finished, he turned, and in his 
 simple-hearted, earnest way said, Carpenter, I believe 
 I am about as glad over the success of this work as you 
 are. And with these words in my ear, and a cordial 
 good-bye grasp of the hand, President and painter 
 separated." 
 
 A single incident in the subsequent history of the 
 picture may be mentioned here, which has the interest 
 that always attaches to premonitions and signs, and 
 illustrates Mr. Lincoln s personal popularity. Mr. 
 Carpenter s picture was exhibited in the Rotunda of 
 the Capitol during a few days just before Mr. Lincoln s 
 second inauguration, and while it was being secured in 
 its place, a number of persons were looking at it, among 
 whom was a policeman of the Capitol squad. All at 
 once a stray sunbeam glanced through the dome and 
 settled full upon the face of the portrait of Mr. Lincoln, 
 the rest of the picture remaining in shadow. It was a 
 
THE PICTURE. 43 
 
 startling effect. The policeman pointed to it, exclaim 
 ing, " Look ! that is as it should be. God bless him ! 
 may the sun shine on his head forever !" 
 
 Mr. Carpenter s great picture, of whose conception 
 and execution the foregoing is a brief account, repre 
 sents the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln grouped around their 
 chief as they stood or sat when he read the Proclama 
 tion to them. It shows their ordinary costume and 
 their manner of carrying themselves ; and the table, the 
 chairs, the room and all its fittings and furniture of 
 every kind, are represented without ornament or addi 
 tion, exactly as they were at the time. The artist s 
 friends frequently told him that his picture would look 
 barren and commonplace unless he put in some urns, 
 pillars, curtains, tassels, velvet table-cloths, American 
 eagles, banners of our country, geniuses of liberty, or 
 other unmeaning symbols not there ; but he as often re 
 plied, with great good sense ad correct feeling, that he 
 would rather fail, while on the side of truth, by painting 
 the scene as it actually was, than to succeed by doing 
 what would be actual falsehood. He justly felt that 
 he had no more right to vary from the facts in the case, 
 than a rebel historian would have to assert that Mr. 
 Lincoln assassinated J. Wilkes Booth. The interest of 
 the scene, the truthfulness of its representation these 
 were the only means which he chose to use for produc 
 ing an impression, and in thus choosing he was* true to 
 his own principles and to those of real Art. " Art," to 
 use Mr. Carpenter s own words, " should aim to em 
 body and express the spirit and best thought of its own 
 age." To this end, when men and their actions are 
 painted, the men should be delineated, clothed, placed, 
 
4-J: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 and circumstanced as they actually were ; not as the 
 painter may fancy it most impressive to imagine them. 
 Greenough s statue of Washington, in the Capitol 
 grounds, which Attorney-General Bates called " a very 
 good representation of Jupiter Tonans," is a terrible 
 instance of the opposite of Mr. Carpenter s idea. This 
 statue represents the Father of his Country seated in 
 the open air, and clothed in a sheet swathed round him 
 so as to leave him naked, or nearly so, from about the 
 waist upward a costume in which General Washing 
 ton never appeared in public. To put our first Presi 
 dent into a garb which was an imaginary one eighteen 
 hundred years ago, is exactly such a blunder, only the 
 other end foremost, as that which a Dutch painter com 
 mitted in painting Abraham on Mount Moriah, draw 
 ing a fine bead on Isaac with a horse-pistol, for the 
 purpose of sacrificing him. Mr. Carpenter had too 
 much sense and tact to fall into any such errors of time, 
 or errors of association either ; and the very simplicity 
 and plainness of the furniture and fittings in his picture 
 constitute an important part of its value, because they 
 are an important part of its truth. A century from 
 this time it will be very interesting to know that thus 
 these men were dressed, and thus was their council 
 held, and their council-room furnished. But a fluted 
 pillar, a red curtain, an immense vase, could have in 
 such a place no meaning, purpose, or interest what 
 ever, except to show the shallowness, ignorance, and 
 conventionality of the artist. 
 
 The arrangement of the persons in this picture was 
 such as to throw them into two groups, which may be 
 called radical and conservative, the former composed of 
 
THE riCTUEE. 45 
 
 Messrs. Chase and Stanton ; the latter of Messrs. Scw- 
 ard, Welles, Bates, Blair, and Smith. Mr. Lincoln sits 
 between them, as if in the place of a point of union, 
 but still nearest to the radicals. The positions of the 
 individual men are further symbolical. Secretary 
 Stanton, representing the military force of the Govern 
 ment, is at the President s right hand, in the foreground, 
 and Secretary Chase, in behalf of the public purse, 
 stands by his side. Secretary Welles, of the Navy, is 
 at his left, and a little in the background, the navy 
 being secondary to the army in importance in the 
 struggle. And Secretary Seward, holding what is often 
 called the premiership or prime-ministership, and by 
 etiquette having precedence of the rest of the Cabinet, 
 is accordingly placed in the center foreground. With 
 hand partly spread and forefinger extended, Mr. 
 Seward emphasizes his approval of the Proclamation 
 to which he has just listened, but suggests that it " be 
 postponed until it can be supported by military suc 
 cess." At the opposite or left-hand end of the table 
 Attorney-General Bates, his arms folded, is thinking 
 steadily upon the new questions of constitutional law 
 which this Proclamation will call up ; and Secretary 
 Smith and Postmaster-General Blair stand together 
 near him. 
 
 The " still-life" or accessory portion of the picture is 
 also fully furnished with meaning. Over the mantle-piece 
 is the portrait of Andrew Jackson, who, after smashing 
 nullification, prophesied that the South would attack 
 the Government again, and that the pretext would be 
 slavery ; as if he were here present in the spirit to wit 
 ness the death-stroke of the enemy whose work he fore- 
 
4:6 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 told in the flesh. Behind Mr. Chase is the picture of 
 Secretary Stanton s predecessor in office, Simon Cam 
 eron, who was the first member of the Cabinet to avow 
 the radical belief as to what should be done with the 
 negro in the war. On the table before the President 
 lies a parchment copy of the Constitution. Behind 
 Mr. Seward is a portfolio marked " Commissions : War 
 Department." Above this, on the table, is a map marked 
 " Seat of War in Virginia," and another, leaning against 
 the table, shows the density of the slave population 
 in the various parts of the South. In the foreground 
 is Judge Whiting s strongly argued book on the 
 " War Powers of the President ;" -by its side, open on 
 the floor, lies Story s " Commentaries on the Consti 
 tution," and in a corner is a newspaper, to remind the 
 spectator of the newspaper press, and its great influ 
 ence in the cause of emancipation. 
 
 Mr. Carpenter s work is truly a historical painting. 
 It represents the significant point and moment of a 
 historical event of the very highest importance. It 
 does this by placing permanently on record the faces 
 and forms of the men who did the work, as they 
 gathered and consulted over the crisis. And this 
 it accomplishes with the clearness, the largeness, the 
 thoughtful truth and impressive moral power that be 
 long to unaffected simplicity and strict and conscien 
 tious adherence to fact. Besides the technical profes 
 sional value of the work as a specimen of composition, 
 drawing, and color ; besides its even higher value as a 
 collection of faithful and successful portraits, it has and 
 always will have the very much greater value of an 
 impressive and expressive monument to the enfranchise- 
 
THE PICTURE. 47 
 
 ment of the negroes from slavery, and the greater en 
 franchisement of the United States of America from 
 sustaining slavery. 
 
 It remains to bring the history of Mr. Carpenter s 
 great work down to the present time (December, 1866). 
 After being finished, the picture was exhibited to the 
 public in New York and Boston, and also in many of 
 the "Western cities, with very great success. Previous 
 to the opening of the exhibition in New York, upon 
 the arrival of the picture from Washington, while re 
 touching some injuries and remedying some defects in 
 minor details, Mr. Carpenter worked upon it for thirty- 
 six hours without intermission a remarkable feat of 
 physical and mental endurance ; and, it may be added, 
 a violation of natural laws for which he subsequently 
 suffered the penalty in a sickness which came near 
 proving fatal. 
 
 In Chicago and Milwaukie the picture was exhibited 
 for the benefit of the Sanitary Commission, fairs in 
 those two cities netting handsome sums in each place. 
 The re-nomination, re-election, and re-inauguration of 
 Mr. Lincoln for hii second term aided from time to 
 time in maintaining popular interest in the picture. 
 While it was at Pittsburg the assassination of Mr. Lin 
 coln took place, and public interest in this impressive 
 portrait of himself and his constitutional advisers, one 
 of whom, Mr. Seward, was also a victim to the conspir 
 acy, rose to such a pitch that, once at least, the doors 
 of the exhibition room had actually to be closed, so un 
 governable was the pressure. For about a year from 
 September, 1865, the picture was stored in Mr. Carpen 
 ter s studio. In the summer of 1866 the artist retouched 
 
4:8 THE PICTURE AND THE 
 
 and cleaned it, and placed it on exhibition for a couple 
 of days in his native town, Homer, N. Y. The fellow- 
 townsmen of the painter, and the people of the vicinity 
 for miles around, crowded the exhibition room, and the 
 artist enjoyed the peculiar satisfaction of the prophet 
 who does attain honor in his own country. 
 
 It may interest the reader to know how so large a 
 canvas (it is fourteen feet six inches long by nine feet 
 in height) can be safely transported about the country. 
 This is accomplished by means of joints in the frame at 
 top and bottom, which allow the picture to fold over 
 upon itself from each end, thus reducing it within man 
 ageable dimensions. Creasing is prevented by laying 
 a light and softly covered roller within the canvas at 
 each folding place, and the whole being firmly screwed 
 together and boxed, it travels in perfect security. 
 
 Soon after the completion of the picture, Mr. A. II. 
 Ritchie, of New York, the celebrated engraver, was 
 engaged to reproduce it upon steel, in the highest style 
 of the art. To facilitate this purpose Mr. Carpenter 
 painted a small copy of his large painting, of the exact 
 size of the proposed engraving twenty-one by thirty- 
 three inches. The engraver had nearly completed his 
 work, after more than a year s constant labor, when the 
 building containing his office was consumed by fire. 
 The plate was saved through the wise precaution of 
 Mr. J. C. Derby, who was interested in its publication, 
 in having it stored nights in a fire-proof building ; but 
 the small copy of the large painting, valued at $2,500, 
 was destroyed. This gave rise to a false report, widely 
 circulated, that the original painting was lost ; this, unin 
 jured, still remains in the possession of Mr. Carpenter. 
 
T1IE PICTURE. 49 
 
 Sympathizing, as Mr. Ritchie did, in the aim and object 
 of Mr. Carpenter s great work, he carried into his en 
 graving from it something of the same enthusiasm with 
 which Mr. Carpenter was himself inspired. The result 
 is an engraving which has been pronounced by high 
 authority the finest work of its class ever produced in 
 this country, and thus is placed within the reach of 
 every loyal household in the land a treasure which 
 must become more and more valuable with the lapse of 
 time and the increasing glory of the republic. 
 
50 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 IV. 
 LINCOLN. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born February 12, 1809, in 
 what was then Hardin, now Larue, County, Kentucky, 
 on Nolen Creek. His earliest ancestor who can be 
 determined, moved from Berks County, Pa., to Rock- 
 ingham County, Virginia, in 1750. Thirty years after 
 ward, Abraham Lincoln, the President s grandfather, 
 moved to Floyd s Creek, in Bullitt County, Ky., where 
 he was killed by an Indian. His widow soon remov 
 ed to Washington County. Her son Thomas mar 
 ried, in 1806, Nancy Ilanks, a Virginian, and the couple 
 moved to Hardin County, where Abraham was born. 
 The boy was born to poverty and hard work. In 181G 
 he obtained a very little schooling, but it quickly ended, 
 for the next year his father removed to Spencer County, 
 Indiana, an unsettled region, where he built a log cabin. 
 When Abraham was ten years of age his mother died. 
 Although all his school-days together barely amount 
 ed to six months time, still he worked at his stud 
 ies until he could not only read, but could write let 
 ters, which made him quite a sage, and often a scribe 
 (but never a Pharisee), among his neighbors. At 
 nineteen, young Lincoln, with a companion, took a 
 flatboat-load of produce to New Orleans and sold 
 |t. During . the down trip the two navigators beat 
 off seven negroes who attacked them with the design 
 of capturing boat and cargo. In 1830 his father moved 
 
. LINCOLN. 51 
 
 again, to Macon County ; next year the young man made 
 a second flatboat voyage to New Orleans, managing so 
 well that the owner who sent him employed him as 
 clerk and manager of a flour-mill. In 1832 young Lin 
 coln enlisted as a volunteer in the Black Hawk war, 
 and was chosen captain of his company, serving faith 
 fully, though he saw no actual fighting. Just after 
 the war he made his first entry into politics, by run- 
 ing for the State Legislature, as a Clay man in opposi 
 tion to Jackson, and was beaten (the only time) in a con 
 test before the people. In his own precinct, however, 
 he received 277 votes, out of the 284 cast. He now 
 opened a store, and got the postmastership.of the vil 
 lage, but had to sell out ; then tried surveying, but 
 became embarrassed again in 1837, and his instruments 
 were sold by the sheriff in execution. He had always 
 spent what time he could in reading and study ; and 
 he now gave up the idea of business, and went to read 
 ing law, with a view to a legal and political career. 
 Beginning in 1834, he was elected to the State Legis 
 lature for four successive two-year terms, during which 
 he gained considerable reputation as a speaker and a 
 sensible* man of business. In 1836 he was admitted 
 to the bar, and in 1837 he settled in Springfield. At 
 the end of his fourth legislative term, in 1842, he 
 declined a re-nomination, in order to bring up his law 
 studies ; and in the same year he married Mary Todd, 
 daughter of Hon. Robert G. Todd, of Lexington, Ky. In 
 1844 he stumped Illinois and part of Indiana, for Henry 
 Clay, and in 184C he was elected to Congress the 
 only Whig from Illinois and by the startling majority 
 of 1,511, where Henry Clay had only had 914 votes. 
 
52 TIIE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 While in Congress, with constitutional discrimination 
 about principles, he voted for all supplies needed to 
 carry on the Mexican war, but always refused to vote 
 that the war had been justly begun. He was a dele 
 gate to the convention which nominated Gen. Taylor, 
 in 1-848, and labored hard in canvassing for him. Dur 
 ing this congressional term, Mr. Lincoln had frequently 
 occasion to vote on questions involving slavery, and 
 always voted for freedom. In January, 1 849, he moved 
 a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 but it was too soon for public opinion, and the bill 
 failed. The Wilmot Proviso was often before the 
 House, in consequence of efforts to apply it to recently 
 acquired territory, and as Mr. Lincoln afterward said, 
 he voted for it, " in one way or another, about forty 
 times." 
 
 At the end of this session, in March, 1849, Mr. Lin 
 coln declined a re-nomination ; and was during the 
 year beaten as Whig candidate for United States 
 Senator from Illinois. He now passed a number of 
 years at home, practicing his profession, and enjoying 
 an increasing reputation as a lawyer and politician. 
 During this time he invented his " camels," or^machine 
 for carrying a ship over bars or obstructions, of which 
 a model is to be seen at the Patent Office in Washing 
 ton. This consisted of a couple of large cases that 
 could be inflated somewhat after the fashion of a bel 
 lows. These were to be sunk empty, secured under 
 the vessel, and then filled with air, so as to lift the ship. 
 
 The Nebraska Bill was passed May 22, 1854, and in 
 the following autumn the Illinois Legislature was to 
 choose a United States Senator in place of Gen. Shields, 
 
LINCOLN. 53 
 
 who had voted with Douglas for the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise. It was important that Judge 
 Douglas own State should indorse his course, and he 
 went himself into this canvass. So did Mr. Lincoln 
 on the other part, and with the better fortune. He 
 met Douglas in public debate, and it was generally 
 conceded on both sides that he decidedly gained the 
 advantage of him, powerful debater as he was. The 
 result of the canvass was accordingly the election of an 
 anti-Nebraska legislature, and the choice of that able 
 man and unswerving friend of freedom, Hon. Lyman 
 Trumbull, for United States Senator. Mr. Trumbull 
 had been a Democrat ; and Mr. Lincoln having been a 
 Whig, the friends of the latter were disposed to contest 
 this choice, and to insist that Mr. Lincoln should be 
 Senator. But with self-denying wisdom, he used his 
 own personal influence to carry the votes of his friends 
 to Mr. Trumbull, and thus secured Ins election. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s reputation was becoming national at 
 the time of the Fremont and Buchanan campaign, and 
 he had 110 votes for the nomination as Yice-Presidcnt 
 with Fremont, standing next to Mr. Dayton, who was 
 the nominee. 
 
 By this time Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas w^ere the 
 recognized leaders, in Illinois, on the two sides of the 
 great political controversy of the day. As Mr. Ray 
 mond says, in his " Life of Lincoln," " Whenever Mr. 
 Douglas made a speech, the people instinctively an 
 ticipated a reply from Mr. Lincoln." In June, 1 85 7, Mr. 
 Douglas made, at Springfield, that speech which publicly 
 committed him to the support of the Lecompton Con 
 stitution and of the Dred Scott decision. Mr. Lincoln, 
 
54: THE FICTUEE AND THE MEN. 
 
 two weeks afterward, replied in a speech at the same 
 place, and these speeches were a sort of preface to the 
 famous series of Lincoln-Douglas debates the next year, 
 which firmly established Mr. Lincoln s reputation as a 
 wise and just politician, and as a powerful speaker 
 and skillful and ready debater. The two combatants 
 were in that year candidates for the United States sen- 
 atorship, to be determined by the Legislature then to be 
 chosen. On one hand, Mr. Douglas fortunes were 
 staked on the election, because if his own State would 
 not continue him in the Senate, he would evidently not 
 be available on his intended further road as a Presiden 
 tial candidate. And on the other hand, the Republi 
 cans of Illinois felt it supremely important to register 
 the powerful voice of their great State in favor of free 
 dom, and against the oppressive measures forced on 
 the citizons of Kansas. Each of the candidates had 
 already pretty well denned his position, as they had 
 spoken thrice each in June and July of that year 
 (1858); when, on July 24, Mr. Lincoln challenged Mr. 
 Douglas to meet him in a scries of public debates dur 
 ing the pending campaign. Mr. Douglas, after a cor 
 respondence which indicates some reluctance to venture 
 on the contest, offered a programme of seven debates, 
 in four of which he was to have the opening and closing 
 turns, Mr. Lincoln to have them only in the other three. 
 But Mr. Lincoln, confident in- his own plain, keen, and 
 weighty reasoning, and straightforward, clear, common 
 sense, and in the overwhelming justice and rightfulness 
 of his cause, readily accepted the proposition, and the 
 meetings were held. 
 
 The seven places of meeting were in as many differ- 
 
LINCOLN. 55 
 
 ent portions of the State, and the series of debates 
 caused a very deep and genuine excitement. Each party 
 greeted and welcomed and " celebrated" its champion 
 by the ordinary means of marching in long rows, wav 
 ing flags, employing brass bands, shouting, and firing of 
 cannon. But these common and cheap manifestations 
 were underlaid and intensified into a real meaning, by 
 the confidence of each party in its champion, by a keen 
 enjoyment on the part of the audience of every good 
 point on a principle, and every successful hit at tho 
 opponent, and still more by the profound conviction 
 everywhere felt that the rights of man and the foun 
 dation principles of American civilization were really 
 in dispute. The result of the canvass was, that on the 
 popular vote, the Republican vote was 4,144 more than 
 that of Douglas ; but so shrewdly had the State been 
 districted in the Democratic interest, that that party 
 had a working majority in the Legislature, and Mr. 
 Douglas was elected Senator. If Mr. Lincoln had suc 
 ceeded, doubtless he would not afterward have become 
 President. 
 
 The Presidential election, of November, 1860, was 
 approaching. As early as in February of that year 
 Mr. Lincoln was invited by the New York Young 
 Men s Republican Club to speak in that city on the 
 political issues of the times. This he did, at Cooper 
 Institute, Feb. 27th; delivering a speech full of wisdom, 
 knowledge, and unanswerable political and statesman 
 like reasoning. That speech especially, in connection 
 also with. those afterward delivered in New England, 
 gave Mr. Lincoln as high a reputation at the East as 
 he had at the West, 
 
5G THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 The consequence of these speeches was undoubtedly 
 that Mr. Lincoln was at least the second choice of the 
 Chicago Convention from the start. He was nominated 
 for President at Chicago on Friday, May 18, 1860, was 
 elected Nov. G, 18GO, was re-elected in Nov., 1864, and 
 having led the country successfully through the most 
 powerful and dangerous rebel lion of the world s history, 
 was assassinated by J. Wilkes Booth on the evening 
 of Friday, April 14th, 1865, and died early the next 
 morning. 
 
 It is unnecessary to attempt here any formal ac 
 count of Mr. Lincoln s actions while President, or 
 of that vast expression of national mourning which 
 attended his funeral cortege from Washington to 
 Springfield. The facts of the war* the facts of that 
 unprecedented funeral, are sufficiently known. The 
 purpose of the present sketch will be better served \>y 
 an arrangement of some reminiscences and anecdotes 
 of the man, so treated as to form an illustration of the 
 principal points in his character. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, as President of the United States, bore 
 a load of responsibility and of difficulty beyond all 
 comparison greater than was ever imposed not only 
 upon any other President, but upon any other citizen 
 of the United States as such. His vexations and per 
 plexities find no parallel in our national history, except 
 in those of Washington, as commander-in-chief and 
 dictator during the Revolution. The great picture 
 which this little book is meant to illustrate, commem 
 orates the act which was the central and crowning one 
 of Mr. Lincoln s ofiicial life, and he occupies by right 
 the central place in the picture, his face wearing a 
 
LINCOLN. 57 
 
 characteristic expression of patience, melancholy, kind 
 ness, and perhaps a faint touch of humor. In his hand 
 ho holds the draft of the Emancipation Proclamation, 
 which he has just read to the assembled Cabinet ; and 
 thoughtful and intent, lie is listening with surprised 
 interest for he had never thought of the point before 
 to the weighty suggestion of Secretary Seward to 
 wait for a victory. 
 
 The chief significance of Mr. Lincoln as a historical 
 personage depends on his being a wonderfully true rep 
 resentative of the American character that is, of the 
 character of the American of the Northwest ; for that 
 region at this day controls the United States. It is as 
 a representative man that he will possess the most just 
 fame, and accordingly it is interesting to observe how 
 the leading traits in his character as an individual cor 
 respond to the leading traits in our national character. 
 
 HONESTY. 
 
 
 
 A Mr. Crawford lent Mr. Lincoln, when a boy, a 
 copy of Weems " Life of Washington," which he was 
 eagerly reading in the intervals of his labor. He left 
 it through one stopmy night so near the chinky wall of 
 the log cabin, that the rain drove in upon it, soaked 
 the book, and quite ruined its looks. Abraham was 
 entirely without money, but with a natural rectitude 
 perhaps equal to that of the hero of the spoiled volume, 
 he promptly carried it to Mr. Crawford, showed it, told 
 how the harm happened, and offered to work out the 
 damage. Crawford, with good judgment, gave the 
 honest little fellow the book, in return for three days 
 work at pulling fodder ; and the incident gained him 
 
58 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the lasting esteem of the Crawfords and of the neigh 
 borhood. 
 
 An entirely similar mixture of rectitude and inde 
 pendence of character Was shown in the account given 
 by Pollard Simmons about a county survey. Simmons, 
 it appears, met General Ewing (in charge of the United 
 States Surveys in the Northwest Territory), while Mr. 
 Lincoln was a needy young man, and asked for a job 
 for him. The General looked into his papers, and said 
 that such a county needed surveying; Mr. Lincoln 
 might do that ; the pay would be 8600. Simmons, in 
 great delight, told young Lincoln the great news as 
 soon as he got home, and was astounded to hear him 
 reply that he didn t think he would undertake the job. 
 " In the name of -wonder, why ?" asked poor Simmons ; 
 " six hundred dollars doesn t grow on every bush out 
 here in Illinois !" " I know that," was the answer, " and 
 I need the money bad enough, Simmons, as you know ; 
 but I never have been undev obligations to a Demo 
 cratic administration, and I never intend to be as long 
 as I can get my living another way. General Ewing 
 must find another man to do his work." 
 
 When Mr. Lincoln was a practicing lawyer, a post- 
 office agent came in one day arid asked for him. On 
 finding him, the agent said he wanted to collect a sum 
 of money due the Department since the office at New 
 Salem was discontinued. Mr. Lincoln for he was the 
 ex-postmaster of New Salem looked a little puzzled, 
 and a friend who was present, seeing this, offered to 
 furnish the money, but Mr. Lincoln, suddenly rising, 
 went and fished out a little old trunk from a pile of 
 books, and asked the agent what was the amount of 
 
LINCOLN. 59 
 
 his demand. The man told it it was over seventeen 
 dollars. Mr. Lincoln unlocked the trunk, took out 
 a parcel of coin done up in a rag, opened it, count 
 ed it, and handed it to the agent. It was the exact 
 sum. " I never use any man s money except my own," 
 said Mr. Lincoln, when the agent had left. Though he 
 had passed through much poverty and privation since 
 leaving the post-office, he had always had that money 
 ready in the rag. 
 
 He found no difficulty in applying his principle to 
 the famous lawyer s problem, of "How to do right 
 when you know your client is in the wrong." On this 
 point Mr. Lincoln seems never to have satisfied himself 
 with the common arguments that " the clieyt may be 
 right after all ; that every mail has a right to have his 
 side stated as well as it can be, and the other client 
 will have his side stated so ; that the best plan for the 
 judge or jury is to have the two sides each stated at 
 their best, each without reference to the other." These, 
 reasonings, which lead easily to sophistications, tricks, 
 and lies, Mr. Lincoln never relished ; and his less 
 squeamish colleagues used to say that he was even 
 " perversely honest." It was perfectly well known 
 that if he found himself on the wrong side, his help 
 was worth little. He could not put his heart into an 
 unjust cause. He would never engage on the wrong 
 side if he could find it out, but made it a rule to deter 
 mine the right and wrong of the case before taking it 
 up, and if the client was wrong, he refused the work 
 and the fee, and told the applicant that he had no case, 
 and ought not to go to law. Clients will sometimes 
 fool their own lawyers and deceive them about the case. 
 
GO THE riCTUKE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was once or twice so dealt with ; but even 
 in the middle of the suit, if the testimony revealed 
 such a fact, the whole audience could see Mr. Lincoln s 
 interest in his case fall and die, and the rest of his labor 
 in it was merely formal. On one such occasion, where 
 he had an associate counsel, Mr. Lincoln promptly in 
 formed him that he should not make the argument in 
 the case ; the associate made it, won the cause, receiv 
 ed the fee nine hundred dollars and offered Mr. Lin 
 coln his share. The upright lawyer would not touch 
 a cent of it. He was once defending a person who had 
 delivered certain lambs where sheep were contracted 
 for. This fact did not appear until the testimony show 
 ed it on th trial. When that happened, Mr. Lincoln 
 simply examined the witnesses to find how many such 
 lambs were delivered, and when he addressed the jury, 
 he plainly told them that their business was to give a 
 verdict against his client, and that all he asked of them 
 was to judge justly as to the extent of damages. In an 
 other case he had successfully sued a railroad company, 
 and was about to have judgment, a certain offset being 
 proved against his client, which offset was of course to 
 be deducted from the amount of the judgment. But 
 just in time to correct an error, the honest lawyer rose 
 and informed the court that the offset against his client 
 ought to be larger by such and such a sum, which he 
 proceeded to describe and allow; and the court de 
 ducted it accordingly. It is no wonder that such a 
 man was called " perversely honest." He was a capi 
 tal lawyer for honest men, but a miserable lawyer for 
 scoundrels. 
 
 A similar scrupulous honesty was shown in his habit 
 
LINCOLN. 61 
 
 of dividing joint fees when he received them. He al 
 ways did this with each separate fee, setting his asso 
 ciate s portion aside in* its own parcel, with the owner s 
 name and that of the case in which it was received. 
 This was only a habit, but it strongly marks the prin 
 ciple. 
 
 This ingrained instinctive honesty was, however, a 
 principal element of his power as a lawyer and as a 
 speaker. What jury could resist a prepossession to 
 begin with, in favor of a man who, it was perfectly no 
 torious, always refiised cases he did not believe in? 
 No man alive could help being disposed to give him a 
 verdict under such circumstances. What listener be 
 fore the orator s platform could help feeling the influ 
 ence of the visible effort to state the exact truth, which 
 so singularly fills period after period of all Mr. Lincoln s 
 arguments ? The contrast between his painfully earn 
 est, homely, direct struggle after mere fact as such, and 
 the skillful contrivances of the trained politician s ef 
 forts to make out a case, is wonderfully clear in the 
 speeches of the great series of debates with Mr. Doug 
 las. As the reader passes from one to the other and 
 back again, he feels a change of moral atmosphere, 
 almost like that of alternating between a juggler s gas- 
 lit exhibition-room and a cool sunshiny morning land 
 scape. 
 
 Before delivering that speech at Springfield which so 
 clearly and ably defined the essence of the whole ques 
 tion of slavery and anti-slavery, Mr. Lincoln made an 
 experiment on his law partner, Mr. Herndon, which 
 showed the same honesty in arguing a political point as 
 he used in arguing a legal point. Just before going to 
 
P,2 TIJE PICTUBE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the meeting he locked himself in with Mr. Ilcrndon, 
 and reading him the first paragraph of the speech, ask 
 ed, "What do you think of it-?" "I think it is all 
 true," was the reply, " but I doubt whether it is good 
 policy to say it now." "That," said Mr. Lincoln, 
 " makes no difference. It is the truth, and the nation 
 is entitled to it." 
 
 The utter and uncompromising honesty of the man 
 soaked and colored all his life. It was as quietly 
 prompt and effective on the question of the Presidential 
 nomination as on the question of the old rain-sopped 
 book. They telegraphed to him when the Chicago 
 Convention was in session, that to carry the Conven 
 tion he must have the votes of two delegations named, 
 and that for this he must pledge himself if elected to 
 put the chiefs of those delegations into his Cabinet. He 
 spoke instantly back by the wires, with Lincolnian 
 morals and phrase, " I authorize no bargains, and will 
 be bound by none." 
 
 COURAGE. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln possessed abundance of courage, both 
 physical and moral ; but of his physical courage it is 
 to be remarked that it was much more likely to be 
 aroused by offenses against honor or by abuses prac 
 ticed on the defenseless than by any impositions on 
 himself. He was far from being a fighter like General 
 Jackson ; and in fact so predominant was his kindliness 
 and shrinking from causing pain to others, that he only 
 bestirred himself when driven to the farthest endurable 
 limit. On one of his flatboat trips to New Orleans he 
 and his sole companion, armed with billets of wood. 
 
LINCOLN. G3 
 
 met and thoroughly thrashed and defeated seven ne 
 groes, who made a night attack on their boat. When 
 he kept a little grocery, and a local bully used some 
 coarse language before some women, Lincoln asked 
 him to refrain, and being rudely challenged in conse 
 quence, wrestled with the fellow, threw him, and with 
 an odd, grim jocularity held him down and rubbed 
 smart weed into his face and eyes until he roared in 
 agony. But then releasing him, he at once did all in 
 his power to relieve the pain, with so much genuine 
 good-nature that the beaten bully became his life-long 
 friend. When a gang of roughs in the neighborhood 
 forced him into a contest with their champion, and clos 
 ing on him in the struggle jointly leveled him to the 
 earth as he was winning in the combat, he was neither 
 enraged nor scared, but jumped up, joked over his own 
 defeat, and by sheer good -nature made them all so 
 much his friends that they invited him to become of 
 their worshipful company. This honor he thankfully 
 declined, but retained their friendship. Once when a 
 gang of political roughs threatened and attempted to 
 drive Colonel Baker off a platform, Mr. Lincoln unex 
 pectedly dropped down through a scuttle in the ceiling 
 to Colonel Baker s side and coolly observed, u This is a 
 land of freedom of speech. Mr. Baker has a right to 
 speak. No man shall take him from the stand if I can 
 prevent it." And they gave up the attempt. When 
 Mr. Linder, a powerful speaker, had been threatened 
 with violence for things uttered in a speech that was 
 disagreeable to the Democrats, Mr. Lincoln and Colo 
 nel Baker alone escorted him safe home to his hotel. 
 Plots and plans for the assassination of Mr. Lincoln 
 
C)-i THE riCTUHE AND TIIE MEN. 
 
 were diligently contrived from the time of his first nom 
 ination at Chicago until the final successful attempt in 
 1865. So many letters did he receive which threat 
 ened his life, that he kept a separate file of them. " The 
 first one or two," he said to Mr. Carpenter, " made me 
 feel a little uncomfortable, but I came at length to look 
 for a regular installment of this kind of correspondence 
 in every week s mail, and up to inauguration-day I was 
 in constant receipt of such letters. It is no uncommon 
 thing to receive them now [March, 1864, the year be 
 fore his death], but they have ceased to give me any 
 apprehension." When the artist expressed his surprise 
 at this, Mr. Lincoln answered, after his quaint fashion, 
 " Oh, there s nothing like getting used to things !" 
 When he left home for his first inauguration, an attempt 
 was made to throw the train from the track ; then a 
 hand-grenade was found secreted in the cars ; then an 
 organization to assassinate him was found to exist at 
 Baltimore. Yet he deviated not one inch from his pro 
 posed route, with the sole exception that he went from 
 Harrisburg to Washington one train earlier than had 
 been intended. He hoisted the flag at Philadelphia, 
 spoke at Harrisburg, and moved and acted in all other 
 particulars exactly on the pre-arranged plan, as if no 
 body could be killed by violence. All the arguments 
 and remonstrances of his friends at Washington failed 
 to reconcile him to the presence of the escort that pru 
 dence did in fact require. When General Wads worth 
 on one occasion sent such an escort, in part actually 
 against his will, he complained that Mr. Lincoln and he 
 "couldn t hear themselves talk" for the rattle of sabers 
 and spurs, and that he was much more afraid of being 
 
LINCOLN. 65 
 
 shot in consequence of the inexperience of some green 
 cavalryman than of being seized by any of Jeb 
 Stuart s troopers. lie used to walk and lide about 
 Washington at all hours, by day or by night, alone or 
 with some single friend ; and Colonel Halpine, then on 
 General Hallcck s staff, over and over again reminded 
 his superiors of the total defenselessness of the Presi 
 dent. " Any assassin^ or maniac," says Colonel Hal- 
 pine, " seeking his life, could enter his presence without 
 the interference of a single armed man to hold him 
 back. The entrance doors, and all doors on the official 
 side of the building, were open at all hours ot the day, 
 and very late into the evening ; and I have many times 
 entered the mansion and walked up to the rooms of the 
 two private secretaries as late as nine or ten o clock at 
 night, without seeing or being challenged by a single 
 soul." Mr. Lincoln was convinced that his death would 
 not help the rebels, and he seemed to think that they 
 would reason in like manner, and not seek his life. 
 The ease with which such reasonings satisfied him 
 shows that he was brave enough, but the mistake was 
 sadly demonstrated by the fact that he was killed in 
 just the way he thought out of the question, when 
 there was no longer any rebel confederacy to encour 
 age, and by exactly such means as a proper escort 
 would have effectually prevented. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s moral courage was even greater than 
 his physical. Indeed, he said that he thought himself 
 a great coward physically though he was certainly 
 partly at least in jest and he added, " Moral coward 
 ice is something which I think I never had." 
 
 While Mr. Lincoln was practicing law in Springfield, 
 5 
 
66 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the other lawyers in that city had, most of them, some 
 political ambition, and accordingly they were shy of 
 any legal business likely to make them unpopular, 
 and particularly of defending men accused of help 
 ing fugitive slaves to escape. At that time it was com 
 monly considered in that region that catching and sur 
 rendering " fugitives from labor" was a constitutional 
 duty to be performed with alacrity. Even that high- 
 spirited man Edward D. Baker afterward killed at 
 Ball s Bluffin those days, when applied to profession 
 ally by a person sued for helping off a fugitive slave, 
 plainly refused, and said openly that he could not afford 
 it as a political man. The defendant then consulted an 
 anti-slavery friend, who at once recommended Lincoln. 
 " HJs not afraid of an unpopular case," said he ; 
 " when I go for a lawyer to defend an arrested fugi 
 tive slave, other lawyers will refuse me ; but if Mr. 
 Lincoln is at home, he will always take my case." 
 
 Having made up his mind what was the real scope 
 and bearing of the political controversy which Mr. 
 Douglas was trying to conduct on his " popular sover 
 eignty" principle exclusively, Mr. Lincoln had not only 
 the foresight to judge correctly what course was best 
 for the political future, and the rectitude to unreserv 
 edly adopt that course as his own on principle, but the 
 moral courage in his Springfield speech of July, 1858 
 to avow the whole, clear, broad grounds of this line 
 of action, when even the party and personal friends 
 who were putting themselves into his hands by nomi 
 nating him for the senatorship, judged that it would 
 be better to be* silent. How just his perceptions were, 
 and how truly the heart of the people responded to the 
 
LINCOLN. 67 
 
 key-note which lie struck, was splendidly shown by his 
 actually beating Mr. Douglas on the popular vote, 
 though he failed of a majority and was " gerryman 
 dered" out of an election in the Legislature. 
 
 When he became President, his moral courage was 
 certainly not less required nor less conspicuous. With 
 out experience in war, diplomacy, or high executive 
 office, he found himself obliged to assume the responsi 
 bility of taking prompt and very critical and important 
 steps in all three. Only waiting to discover what 
 needed to be done, he did not fail to do it when the 
 right time came. He called out seventy-five thousand 
 volunteers ; he blockaded the Southern ports ; he seized 
 all the telegraph dispatches on file in all the offices of 
 the country for a year back ; and did other acts of like 
 kind, for which there was not, strictly speaking, any 
 legal authority. It is true that these measures were 
 necessary, were so jugded by the Cabinet, and were 
 morally certain to be legalized by Congress ; but would 
 Mr. Buchanan have had the moral courage to do them ? 
 By no means ; and the burden of their responsibility was 
 a grave one ev-en for the strong shoulders of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 The same perfectly cool moral courage, acting always 
 with a careful waiting upon the dictates of his slow 
 and patient and fearless judgment, but acting with the 
 most perfect promptness when the time came, was evi 
 dent on many a subsequent occasion. Whether ho 
 acted or refrained from acting, neither the threats and 
 abuse of enemies, nor the anger and impatience of 
 friend?, nor any fear of the face of man moved him. 
 He wanted n help in doing right he only wanted 
 consultation to convince him what ricrht was. When 
 
C8 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 a foolish staff-officer, Major Key, had the insolence to 
 tell him to his face that the generals in the field had a 
 political policy of their own not to win battles, he in 
 stantly dismissed him from the service. "When he 
 thought best to prepare his Emancipation Proclamation 
 he did so, and this time without asking advice of any 
 body. Just as steadily he postponed issuing it until the 
 right day, and just as promptly, when that day came, 
 he sent it forth. 
 
 WKATII. 
 
 Long - suffering and kindly as he was, Mr. Lincoln 
 could become powerfully angry. This, however, was 
 far harder where only he himself was concerned, than 
 where his country, some important and highly valued 
 interest, a friend, or some lowly and helpless person 
 were concerned. A poor negro steamboat-hand, from 
 Springfield or the vicinity, had been imprisoned in New 
 Orleans, merely for being a free negro from out of the 
 State, and was in danger of being sold for jail fees. 
 Mr. Lincoln, finding that the Governor of Illinois had 
 no power to do anything to prevent this rascality, 
 jumped up, exclaiming, " By the Almighty, I ll have 
 that negro back, or I ll have a twenty years agitation 
 in Illinois, until the Governor can do something in the 
 premises." And he would have done it, had not some 
 money been sent forward in time to rescue the poor 
 fellow. The strongest expression of indignation that 
 Mr. Carpenter ever heard him use w T as with reference 
 to the Wall Street gold-gamblers, about the time of 
 the Proclamation. " For my part," he exclaimed to 
 Governor Curtin, and striking the table with his clinch 
 ed fist, " I wish every one of them had his devilish 
 
LINCOLN. 69 
 
 head shot off!" An officer deservedly dismissed the 
 service tormented the President with repeated state 
 ments of a case that was bad on his own showing, and 
 on his third visit was impudent enough to say, " Well, 
 Mr. President, I see you are fully determined not to do 
 me justice!" Mr. Lincoln, his lips slightly closing to 
 gether, quietly rose up, laid down the papers in his 
 hand, seized the fellow by the coat-collar, walked him 
 by main strength to the door and flung him into the 
 passage, saying, " Sir, I give you fair warning never to 
 show yourself in this room again I can bear censure, 
 but not insult !" Once at least, when some rebel 
 women were impudent to him, he ordered them per 
 emptorily to be shown out of the house. 
 
 DESPOXDEXCY. 
 
 The profound despondency w T hich sometimes seized 
 Mr. Lincoln was no disproof either of his strength and 
 courage, or of his firm faith in the right. Such tempo 
 rary affections were in part constitutional for a vein 
 of melancholy ran through his character and were in 
 part the result of the long and terrible draughts of the 
 war upon his physical and mental forces. One day, in 
 the midst of reports from the Wilderness battle-ground, 
 Mr. Lincoln, with a face, tone, and manner of profound 
 sadness and doubt, said to one of his personal and polit 
 ical friends, " Has it ever occurred to you that in view 
 of the bad fortune that we have suffered so often and 
 so long, and in such important instances, it may be that 
 after all we are perhaps in the wrong ? That the Lord 
 is showing us that we are wrong ?" And the friend 
 answered him with similar sentiments, " Yes, it has, a 
 
70 THE PICTURE AND TIIE MEN. 
 
 great many times." Yet such feelings never varied the 
 direct line of his public policy or of his public utterances. 
 
 INDUSTRY PERSEVERANCE. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was industrious and persevering. In 
 deed, like other self-made men, had he not possessed a 
 remarkable share of those qualities, he would have re 
 mained obscure. He was almost as poor as poor can 
 be. His father s whole estate, when they removed to 
 Indiana, was worth just about 8300, and two thirds of 
 this was lost by a capsize in the river while moving. 
 The boy grew up in a sheer necessity of severe, un 
 taught hard labor. In this his strength was consumed. 
 His whole " education" covered just over one year of 
 school attendance, and that at little district schools and 
 scatteringly, here a little and there less, so as to make the 
 total as ineffective as possible. But with his own delib 
 erate slow strength, he toiled with immense toil after 
 
 O 
 
 what he felt was lacking. Reading whatever good books 
 he could grasp, he wrote out a careful analysis of each 
 after finishing it a task which few would ever begin, 
 and only the fewest of the few would ever continue or 
 complete. Pollard Simmons, a work-fellow with him 
 in his youth, thus reported of him on this point, in 1856 
 or thereabout : " Abe Lincoln was the likeliest boy in 
 God s world. He would work all day as hard as any 
 of us, and study by fire-light in the log-house half the 
 night, and in this way he made himself a thorough 
 practical surveyor." 
 
 He passed one summer and fall as " hired man" with 
 a Mr. Armstrong ; and his earnest and diligent studies 
 during that time so pleased his employer as to produce 
 
LINCOLN. 71 
 
 an offer to keep the youth through the winter, while he 
 should continue at work at his books. The offer was 
 accepted, though only on condition that the boarder 
 should work enough to pay for his board. 
 
 He always remained deeply conscious of the serious 
 misfortune of his early lack of culture ; and with the 
 same steady, deliberate, ceaseless effort sought to make 
 up for it. He was " always thinking," the Illinois law 
 yers said ; and he was reckoned an " improving man." 
 From the time of his election to the Presidency he 
 never knew what real rest or leisure was, but laboring 
 up to the. limit of his strength and far beyond it, he 
 toiled straight forward, though conscious that he was 
 exhausting himself. He had a distinct presentiment, 
 which he avowed to more than one friend, that ho 
 would not outlive the rebellion, and he felt plainly that 
 his labors were exhausting him. He had no fear of 
 being murdered, and he undoubtedly felt that he was 
 drying up the springs of his life by labor. He grew 
 over-tired, wiry and powerful and enduring as he was. 
 He remarked that such snatches of repose as he got 
 " never reached the tired spot." During -the last two 
 years of his life, the progress of this exhaustion was 
 shown "by the perceptible coming on and increase of a 
 certain nervous irritability, very far from his habitual 
 quiet, easy kindliness of manner. But fresh or weary, 
 his steady industry never once failed. 
 
 KINDNESS. 
 
 It seems scarcely possible for any human being to 
 have been more thoroughly friendly, kindly, and free 
 from hatred, revenge, jealousy, or ill-wishing than was 
 
72 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln. To many a woman and child, great and 
 small, he was the same sweet-minded and beneficently 
 disposed man. Doubtless he wished as well to the rich 
 and great as to the poor and helpless, but very natu 
 rally he found more good opportunities to help the lat 
 ter, and more of them have been put on record. 
 
 The teacher of the Mission School at the Five Points 
 House of Industry, in New York city, has given the 
 following enthusiastic account of Mr. Lincoln s bearing 
 even among children. It is a narrative of his visit to 
 the school during his Eastern campaigning trip in 1860. 
 " Our Sunday-school," says the teacher, " in the Five 
 Points w r as assembled one Sabbath morning, when I 
 noticed a tall, remarkable-looking man enter the room 
 and take a seat among us. He listened with fixed at 
 tention to our exercises, and his countenance expressed 
 such genuine interest that I approached him anct sug 
 gested that he might be willing to say something to 
 the children. He accepted the invitation with evident 
 pleasure ; and coming forward, began a simple address 
 which at once fascinated every little hearer and hushed 
 the room into silence. His language was strikingly 
 beautiful, and his tones musical with intensest feeling. 
 The little faces around him would droop into sad con 
 viction as he uttered sentences of warning, and would 
 lighten into sunshine as he spoke cheerful words of 
 promise. Once or twice he attempted to close his re 
 marks ; but the imperative shout of go on ! oh, do go 
 on ! would compel him to resume. As I looked upon 
 the gaunt and sinewy frame of the stranger, and mark 
 ed his powerful head and determined features, now 
 touched into softness by the impressions of the moment, 
 
LINCOLN. 
 
 73 
 
 I felt an irrepressible curiosity to learn something more 
 about him ; and when he was quietly leaving the room 
 I begged to know his name. He courteously replied, 
 * It is Abraham Lincoln, from Illinois. " 
 
 Mr. Lincoln loved children and babies with a love 
 much like that which women have for them. A woman 
 whose husband w r as to be unjustly shot, had waited, 
 her baby in her arms, for three days, in the President s 
 ante-room, when Mr. Lincoln, in leaving his office ibr 
 some refreshment, heard the child cry. He went 
 straight back to the office, rang the bell for his usher, 
 and said, " Daniel, is there a woman with a baby in the 
 ante-room ?" The usher said there was, and know 
 ing what was the poor woman s case he added that 
 her errand was one of life and death, and that he 
 ought to see her. He ordered her instantly in ; she told 
 her story, and her husband was pardoned. As she 
 came out of the room with her eyes lifted up, her 
 lips moving in prayer, the tears streaming down her 
 cheeks, old Daniel plucked her shawl and told her 
 who was her advocate. " Madam," said he, " it was 
 the baby that did it." 
 
 One of the editors of the Chicago Tribune says : " I 
 dropped in upon Mr. Lincoln and found him busily en 
 gaged in counting greenbacks. This, sir, said he, is 
 something out of my usual line ; but a President of the 
 United States has a multiplicity of duties not specified 
 in the Constitution or Acts of Congress. This is one 
 
 O 
 
 of them. This money belongs to a poor negro, who is 
 a porter in the Treasury Department, and at present 
 very sick with small-pox. He is now in the hospital, 
 and could not draw his pay because he could not sign 
 
74: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 his name. I have been at considerable trouble to over 
 come the difficulty and get it for him ; and have at 
 length succeeded in " cutting the red tape," as you news 
 paper men say. I am dividing the money and putting 
 by a portion labeled in an envelope, according to his 
 wish. " More than once he helped poor clients, not 
 only with free advice, but with gifts of money. Dur 
 ing his great debates with Douglas, the two contest 
 ants, with equally creditable good sense and good feel 
 ing, rode together to or from their appointments in the 
 same vehicle, chatting as pleasantly as if instead of 
 trying each to get into the Senate and keep the other 
 out, they were old friends meeting by pleasant chance. 
 The innate, irresistible, completely instinctive char 
 acter of the kindness of Mr. Lincoln is, perhaps, most 
 strongly shown where it made him simply incapable of 
 acquiescing in or inflicting suffering at such ; the inr 
 pulse being as unreasoning as that which makes a 
 person jump away from a scald with boiling water. 
 Riding an Illinois circuit one day, he found a pig, 
 struggling in some deep mud, and evidently nearly ex 
 hausted ; the sight hurt him, but having on a new suit 
 of clothes, he reluctantly rode on. But piggy had 
 got hold of the lawyer s heart-strings ; the farther he 
 went the more uneasy he became, and at the end of two 
 miles he turned round, rode back, made a bridge of 
 rails out into the mud, dug out the pig, and then resum 
 ed his journey, with very muddy clothes, but with his 
 mind at ease. As characteristic as the kindness, was 
 the self-analysis that followed. He fell to considering 
 what his motive had been. At first he said to himself 
 that it was benevolence; but he concluded in the end 
 
LINCOLN. 75 
 
 that it was selfishness ; for he rescued the pig, he said, 
 " in order to take a pain out of his own mind." 
 
 This irresistible shrinking from inflicting or allowing 
 suffering, no matter for what purpose, was perhaps 
 more strikingly exemplified in Mr. Lincoln s practice 
 about the pardon of deserters and other convicted 
 criminals, and on the military question of retaliation, 
 than in any other case. The real justice of the case, 
 the military bearings of it, the result of the decision on 
 society, or the influence of his action on others tempted 
 to imitate the offense, seemed to be considerations 
 almost without weight in Mr. Lincoln s mind, in com 
 parison with his invincible reluctance to inflict pain. 
 The instinct was as unreasoning as would be that of 
 a surgeon who should refuse to cut off a limb from 
 dread of giving pain, even though the pain would save 
 a life. Judge Bates said that he had sometimes told 
 Mr. Lincoln that he was unfit to .be trusted with the 
 pardoning power, because he was so sure to be over- 
 persuaded by beseechings, and particularly by the 
 prayers and tears of women. Secretary Stanton and 
 the generals in the field were often much vexed at hav 
 ing Mr. Lincoln mitigating or remitting punishments 
 which they felt were indispensable for the good of the 
 service. A well-executed representation of the sorrow 
 of a deserter s or criminal s friends was all but certain 
 to save the delinquent s life, and of course the result 
 often was to turn a hardened scoundrel loose to prey 
 on the community. When Mr. Colfax had specially 
 urged the sparing of the life of a son of a certain con 
 stituent of the Speaker s, about to be shot for desertion, 
 the President said, "Some of our generals complain 
 
T6 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 that I impair discipline and subordination in the army 
 by my pardons and respites, but it makes me rested, 
 after a hard day s work, if I can find some good excuse 
 for saving a man s life, and I go to bed happy as I think 
 how joyous the signing of my name will make him and 
 his family and friends." After pardoning, on his 
 mother s solicitation, a man condemned to death, the 
 President said : " Perhaps I have done wrong, but at 
 all events I have made that poor woman happy." 
 
 It is no wonder that doing such deeds transfigured 
 the gaunt and homely President into an angel of light 
 in the eyes of those whom he was blessing. On the 
 recommendation of Mr. Stevens, he had one day given 
 to an old lady a pardon for her son. In leaving the 
 White House, with Mr. Stevens, the old lady all at 
 once cried out, in an excited way, " I knew it was a 
 copperhead lie !" " What, madam ?" asked her com 
 panion. " Why," she exclaimed again, with vehemence, 
 " they told me he was an ugly-looking man. He is the 
 handsomest man I ever saw in my life !" 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had some idea of his own weakness in 
 this particular. In a case of application to pardon a 
 man of previous good character, but sentenced for 
 manslaughter, the President replied, " Well, gentlemen, 
 leave your papers, and I will have the Attorney-Gen 
 eral, Judge Bates, look them over, and we will see 
 what can be done. Being both of us pigeon-hearted 
 fellows, the chances are that if there is any ground 
 whatever for interference, the scoundrel will get* off." 
 
 Even when the infliction of suffering was the only 
 and the sure way of saving far greater suffering, Mr. 
 Lincoln could not do it. One of his generals found 
 
LINCOLN. 77 
 
 that deserters could not be shot, though desertion was 
 actually seriously weakening the army ; and he went 
 to Washington and said so. "Mr. President," he 
 urged, " unless these men are made an example of, the 
 army itself is in danger. Mercy to the few is cruelty 
 to the many." "Mr. General," said the President, 
 " there are already too many weeping widows in the 
 United States. For God s sake don t ask me to add to 
 the number, for I won t do it." When ample and 
 authenticated news was laid before him of the tortur 
 ing of our men to death by slow starvation in the rebel 
 prisons, Mr. Lincoln was profoundly moved. It was 
 urged upon him, and justly too, that the only possible 
 remedy was prompt and stern retaliation. But he said 
 to Mr. Odell, " I can never, never starve men like that. 
 Whatever others may say or do, I never can, and I 
 never will be accessory to such treatment of human 
 beings." Even further : after the awful devilism of the 
 Fort Pillow massacre, and when in a speech at the 
 Baltimore Fair he had pledged himself in public that 
 there should be a retaliation for it, yet no step or move 
 toward retaliation was ever taken. For Mr. Lincoln 
 it was simply an impossibility. The extreme extent of 
 this incapacity was assuredly a defect in Mr. Lincoln s 
 character ; but over-kindliness is not the fault which has 
 done most evil in this world. Mr. Bates, in a conver 
 sation with Mr. Carpenter, once referred to this trait as 
 the single flaw in Mr. Lincoln s character. " Mr. 
 Lincoln," he said, * comes very near being a perfect 
 man, according to my ideal of manhood. He lacks 
 but one thing." " Is that official dignity as Presi 
 dent ?" inquired the painter. "No," was the reply, 
 
78 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 " that is of little consequence. His deficiency is in the 
 element of will." But this is not exactly the way to 
 state it. The defect was based on two things : a too 
 small faculty for feeling anger, and a too great and 
 sensitive faculty for feeling the sufferings of others. He 
 had will enough, but these two mental characteristics, 
 standing behind the will, fixed it immovably in a reso 
 lution that he " never could and never would" do such 
 and such things. 
 
 SIMPLICITY, UNAFFECTEDNESS. 
 
 A very prominent trait in Mr. Lincoln was his entire 
 freedom from pride, affectation, assumption, or show of 
 any kind. His ways were singularly unconscious, and 
 even when any fact or characteristic of himself came in 
 question, he recognized it or stated it exactly as it was, 
 the mere fact appearing to be all that he required. 
 He seemed not to remember, or at least not to care, how 
 the statement of the fact was going to make him ap 
 pear. One exception to this rule is on record ; it was 
 about his duel with General Shields. This duel was 
 one of that numerous class of duels that did not happen ; 
 it only went so far as the sending of a challenge by the 
 hot-blooded Irishman and its acceptance by Mr. Lin 
 coln, who took the responsibility rather than allow the 
 authorship of certain satirical verses to be charged to 
 the real writer, a young lady, afterward Mrs. Lincoln. 
 Mr. Lincoln chose broadswords as the weapons, because 
 his arms were long, and he reckoned he could keep 
 Shields off; but friends interposed on the ground, and 
 a reconciliation was effected. Long afterward, at Wash 
 ington, during the February before his death, a distin- 
 
LINCOLN. 79 
 
 guished army officer, being at the White House, asked 
 Mr. Lincoln in conversation, " Is it true, Mr. President, 
 as I have heard, that you once went out to fight a duel 
 for the sake of the lady by your side ?" The President s 
 face flushed, and he replied with a good deal of warmth, 
 " I do not deny it ; but if you desire my friendship you 
 will never mention the circumstance again." 
 
 But Mr. Lincoln s total indifference whether natural, 
 or acquired, or both to the defects of his homely per 
 son, was a more characteristic illustration of his general 
 manner as to himself; he joked and told stories- about 
 himself exactly as he did about anybody else. When 
 all ready for a state dinner, he held up his hands, all 
 "in pimlico" with white kids, and said with a laugh, 
 " There s one of my Illinois friends who never sees my 
 hands in that predicament without being reminded of 
 canvassed hams !" He used to tell the following story, 
 and to enjoy it, too : " In the days when I used to bo 
 on the circuit, I was once accosted in the cars by a 
 stranger, who said, Excuse me, sir, but I have an 
 article in my possession- which belongs to you. * How 
 is that? I asked, considerably astonished. The stranger 
 took a jack-knife from his pocket. * This knife, he said, 
 * was placed in my hands some years ago, with the in- 
 junction that I was to keep it until I found a man 
 uglier than myself. I have carried it from that time 
 to this. Allow me now to say, sir, that I think you 
 are fairly entitled to the property. " 
 
 It was with genuine fun and enjoyment that when 
 Mr. Carpenter was first introduced to him, Mr. Lincoln 
 teased him with the sudden question, " Do you thinjc 
 you can make a handsome picture of me f n 
 
80 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 When a foreign minister is presented to the Presi 
 dent, a speech is usually prepared for the President 
 to make, by the person in charge of foreign relations, 
 i. e., the Secretary of State. One day a green clerk 
 was sent over with such a speech, and finding several 
 public men with Mr. Lincoln, he came close up and 
 said softly, as one does who wants to cover up the ig 
 norance of another, " The Secretary has sent the speech 
 you are to make to-day to the Swiss minister." But 
 the President answered in a loud tone, to the horror of 
 the poor clerk, "Oh, this is a speech Mr. Seward has 
 written for me, is it ? I guess I will try it before these 
 gentlemen, and see how it goes !" So he read it out 
 with comical tones, and observed slyly at the end, 
 " There ! I like that. It has the merit of originality !" 
 
 When Mr. Chase withdrew from the canvass of 1864, 
 a good deal of public interest was excited by an edi 
 torial statement in the New York Independent, that 
 Mr. Chase wrote the concluding paragraph of the 
 Proclamation. A friend who thought that perhaps Mr. 
 Chase had had the bad taste to set the story afloat, 
 went to see the President about it. " Oh," Mr. Lincoln 
 said, " Mr. Chase had nothing to do with it. I think I 
 mentioned the circumstance to Mr. Tilton myself." 
 He had taken the best sentence he knew of to end the 
 Proclamation with, adding two or three words, and was 
 simply well pleased to have it credited to its author. 
 
 He never seemed to have any idea that his being 
 President made it necessary for him to treat others 
 differently, or to be treated differently by them, except 
 so far as business or public interests made it necessary. 
 When a poor man came to him in the grounds of the 
 
LINCOLN. 81 
 
 White House with a trouble to be remedied, he bor 
 rowed card and pencil of by-standers, sat down on the 
 stone coping of the next fence and wrote the order 
 necessary to help the applicant. Some who stood by 
 smiled at the informality of the attitude; his mind 
 was simply bent on doing the right thing in the quick 
 est way. This unceremoniousness of his was well exem 
 plified in his reply to Lord Lyons, the bachelor English 
 minister, at the state audience where the British noble 
 man announced the marriage of the Prince of Wales. 
 Any one whatever of the other sixteen Presidents of 
 the United States would have uttered a formal series 
 of congratulations ; it is not improbable that Mr. Lin 
 coln had one, with what he once jocularly called " some 
 of Seward s poetry" in it, neatly drafted by the Secre 
 tary, all ready in his "coat-tail pocket at the time. But 
 the President replied as friendly man to man, " Lord 
 Lyons, go thou and do likewise !" 
 
 Mr. Raymond well states this curious want of any 
 sense of official importance in Mr. Lincoln. He says, 
 " It would be difficult, if not impossible, to find another 
 man who would not, upon a sudden transfer from the ob 
 scurity of private life in a country town to the dignities 
 and duties of the Presidency, feel it incumbent upon 
 him to assume something of the manner and tone be 
 fitting that position. Mr. Lincoln never seemed to be 
 aware that his place or his business were essentially 
 different from those in which he had always been en 
 gaged. He brought to every question the loftiest and 
 most imposing the same patient inquiry into details, 
 the same eager longing to know and to do exactly 
 what was just and right, and the same working-day, 
 6 
 
82 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 plodding, laborious devotion, which characterized his 
 management of a client s case at his law office in 
 Springfield." 
 
 FORESIGHT. 
 
 Remarkable care and thoughtful guardedness of 
 language are striking features in Mr. Lincoln s state 
 papers ; their assertions and provisions were prepared 
 with successful caution against any unnecessary colli 
 sion with future events. Mr. Lincoln s greatest exhi 
 bition of this quality, however, was displayed in his 
 early, clear, and positive understanding of the true scope 
 and bearings of the political struggle which ended in 
 the rebellion, both as a national matter and as restricted 
 to Illinois. His speech at Springfield, in June, 1858, 
 on accepting the nomination to the United States 
 Senate in opposition to Mr. Douglas, was a remarkable 
 instance of political foresight and intrepid plain speak 
 ing. This was the speech in which he avowed, " I believe 
 this government can not endure permanently half slave 
 and half free," and showed how Mr. Douglas and his 
 party were steadily advancing toward legalizing slavery 
 in all States of the Union. The bold avowals of this 
 speech, like the great Proclamation which answered 
 and decided its suggestions four years after, was delib 
 erately prepared without consultation with any of his 
 friends, and was only shown to his law partner, Mr. 
 Herndon, just before the hour of delivery; and it a 
 good deal startled and a little frightened many of the 
 speaker s friends by stating then the views and doc 
 trines which all patriots came swiftly up to, a couple of 
 years later. 
 
LINCOLN. 83 
 
 In a smaller matter, in this same campaign, Mr. Lin 
 coln showed equal shrewdness and justness of insight. 
 In the " seven debates" of that senatorial contest 
 between Lincoln and Douglas, the latter had amused 
 himself with a series of questions intended to plant 
 Mr. Lincoln by means of his own answers upon an un 
 popular anti-slavery platform. By the answers, how 
 ever, Mr. Lincoln told the truth and avowed his true 
 position, without becoming unpopular ; for the fact is, 
 that in that controversy Mr. Douglas totally failed to 
 discern the signs of the times ; he did not see at all 
 how the North was abolitionizing- itself by a perfectly 
 natural reaction against the aggressive measures of the 
 South. After answering Mr. Douglas questions, Mr. 
 Lincoln squared the account by proposing some in his 
 turn, which were so framed that Judge Douglas was 
 forced to answer them in such a manner as to show that 
 hie own " popular sovereignty" doctrine would upset 
 the effect of the Dred Scott decision in the Territories. 
 The question was this : " Can the people of a United 
 States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish 
 of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery 
 from its limits prior to the formation of a State Consti 
 tution ?" When Mr. Lincoln s friends found what he 
 was going to ask, they begged him to refrain ; ." for," 
 they said, " he will show that his doctrine of " squatter 
 sovereignty" will nullify the Dred Scott decision, will 
 thus satisfy public opinion on that point, and will be 
 chosen senator." " That may be," said Mr. Lincoln ; 
 " but if he takes that shoot he never can be President." 
 " But," they rejoined, " that is not your look-out. You 
 arc after the senatorship." " Xo, gentlemen," was the 
 
84: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 reply, " I am killing larger game. The battle of 1860 
 is worth a hundred of this." The point is perfectly 
 clear now : if Douglas answer should assert the power 
 of the Dred Scott decision to establish slavery in ter 
 ritories, his Presidential vote in the North was gone ; 
 if he denied it, or even showed how to dodge it by 
 means of " squatter sovereignty," the vote in the South 
 was gone or at least fatally weakened ; and this last 
 is exactly what happened. It is all clear now ; but it 
 required very clear sight and very strong faith to see 
 it so plainly and act upon it so decisively two years in 
 advance. 
 
 MELANCHOLY. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s strong enjoyment of fun and humor 
 did not prevent his character from being distinctly 
 marked with a deep vein of melancholy, a tendency to 
 which is not unusual in persons of his physical charac 
 teristics. All his biographers agree upon this natural 
 tendency ; and the dreadful responsibility and exhaust 
 ing labor of the war aggravated it. The risk of assas 
 sination does not seem to have troubled him at all, and 
 yet a steady presentiment appears to have gradually 
 settled upon him that he should not survive the war. 
 " Whichever way it ends," he said to Mrs. Stowe, " I 
 have the impression that I shall not last long after it is 
 over." To another friend he said : " I feel a presenti 
 ment that I shall not outlast the rebellion. When it is 
 over, my work will be done." Indeed, he is said to 
 have expressed the same expectation to Mr. Lovejoy, 
 and to other of his friends. But he was sad, even with 
 out this dim cloud of death hanging half visibly over 
 him. One morning, after receiving some bad news, 
 
LINCOLN. 85 
 
 Mr. Lincoln met Mr. Colfax, and told him, adding that 
 he had neither slept nor breakfasted, and exclaim 
 ed, " How willingly would I exchange places to-day 
 with the soldier who sleeps on the ground in the Army 
 of the Potomac !" This occasional despondency was 
 like the similar feelings that more than once overpow 
 ered General Washington, and the similarity even runs 
 into expressions. Almost exactly the same thought 
 was expressed by Washington in the dark days of the 
 Revolution, when he said to a friend, " Such is my sit 
 uation, that If 1 were to wish the bitterest curse to an 
 enemy this side of the grave, I should put him in my 
 stead with my feelings." 
 
 When on one occasion Mr. Lincoln was most strenu 
 ously begged by an energetic lady for a soldiers hospital 
 in her own State, at the North, she enforced her argu 
 ments by saying, " If you will grant my petition, you 
 will be glad as long as you live." In answer, the 
 lady says, * The President bowed his head, and with a 
 look of sadness which it is impossible for language to 
 describe, said, * I shall never be glad any more?" In 
 reply, she urged that of all men he would have most 
 reason to be glad ; but he answered, "I know, I know" 
 and he pressed his hand on his side " but the springs 
 of life are wearing away, and I shall not last." 
 
 Mr. Carpenter repeatedly speaks of the sadness of 
 Mr. Lincoln s face. " In repose," he remarks, " it was 
 the saddest face I ever knew. There were days when I 
 could scarcely look into it without crying." And the 
 same trait is shown by his literary preferences on the 
 serious side. Shakspeare, whose wonderful union of 
 sadness and mirth was so much like Mr. Lincoln s own, 
 
86 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 was his favorite author ; and Hamlet, the most thought 
 fully melancholy of tragedies, had for him a -peculiar 
 charm. The poem, " Oh, why should the spirit of mor 
 tal be proud ?" so famous as a favorite composition of 
 his, and so widely believed to have been written by 
 him, is a contemplation of the shortness and vanity of 
 life. He once repeated to Mr. Carpenter these lines 
 from Holmes "Last Leaf," as "inexpressibly touching :" 
 
 " The mossy marbles rest 
 On the lips that he has pressed 
 
 In their bloom ; 
 
 And the names he loved to hear 
 Have been carved for many a year 
 
 On the tomb." 
 
 And he added, " For pure pathos, in my judgment, 
 there is nothing finer than those six lines in the En* 
 
 O 
 
 glish language." Here again it is observable that the 
 author, who suited him so well, is remarkable for that 
 same union of fun and sadness. 
 
 KEL1GION. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had not a natural tendency toward forms 
 or formality in religion any more than in composing a 
 state paper, answering an announcement of the mar 
 riage of a prince, or conducting a conversation. But 
 as he was naturally a most thorough realist or believer 
 in the substance and actual facts of things, so was he 
 a believer in the Christian religion, and a doer, to the 
 best of his ability, of the commands thereof. He con 
 sidered himself a Christian, too. But a natural secre- 
 tiveness or disinclination to talk about what interested 
 him most profoundly, kept him almost always silent on 
 
LINCOLN. 87 
 
 sucli topics ; and this habit was probably strengthened 
 by his living so much among rough people, and among 
 sharp lawyers and busy politicians. He one day asked 
 a pious woman to describe a true Christian experience. 
 She answered, in substance, that it is a conviction of 
 one s own siufulness and weakness, and of one s per 
 sonal need of the support of the Saviour ; the feeling 
 of the need of Divine help and consequent seeking the 
 aid of the Holy Spirit for strength and guidance. The 
 President s reply was a very distinct avowal of his 
 Christian belief. He said : " If what you have told me 
 is really a correct view of this great subject, I think I 
 can say with sincerity that I hope I am a Christian. I 
 lived until my boy Willie died without realizing fully 
 these things. That blow overwhelmed me. It showed 
 me my weakness as I had never felt it before ; and if I 
 can take what you have stated as a test, I think I can 
 safely say that I know something of that change of 
 which you speak ; and I will further add, that "it has 
 been my intention for some time, at a suitable oppor 
 tunity, to make a public religious confession." On an 
 other occasion, when some person had referred to the 
 many silent and unknown prayers daily put up for him, 
 he said, after referring to the strength which he had 
 derived from believing that such prayers were made 
 and speaking with special deliberation and solemnity 
 " I should be the most presumptuous blockhead upon 
 this footstool, if I for one day thought that I could 
 discharge the duties which have come upon me since 
 I came into this place, without the aid and enlight* 
 enment of One who is stronger a.n4 wiser than all 
 others." 
 
88 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s profound sense of the nearness and 
 efficient action of God was impressively shown in the 
 manner of his final resolution to proclaim Emancipa 
 tion, as announced at the Cabinet meeting where it was 
 resolved on. lie introduced the subject at that meet 
 ing by saying: "The time for the announcement of 
 the Emancipation policy can no longer be delayed. 
 Public sentiment, I think, will sustain it many of my 
 warmest friends and supporters demand it ;" then in a 
 lower tone, as if speaking to himself, " and I have 
 promised my God that I would do it." Secretary 
 Chase, who was nearest to him, was the only one who 
 heard these last words at all, and he asked the Presi 
 dent if he had correctly understood him. Mr. Lincoln 
 replied : " I made a solemn vow before God, that if Gen 
 eral Lee was driven back from Pennsylvania, I would 
 crown the result by the declaration of freedom to the 
 slaves." The President s daily observance of family 
 devotions was just as sincere as his sanctioning a great 
 public act by a vow to God. The captain of his body 
 guard, Captain Mix, a gentleman of culture and intelli 
 gence, said : " Many times have I listened to our most 
 eminent preachers, but never with the same feelings of 
 awe and reverence as when our Christian President, 
 his arm around his son, with his deep earnest tone, each 
 morning read a chapter from the Bible." The depth of 
 his belief in the Christian God appears from his circu 
 lar of November 16, 1862, to the army, against Sab 
 bath-breaking ; in which he said, " The discipline and 
 character of the national forces should not suffer, nor 
 the cause they defend be imperiled, by the profanation 
 of the day, or of the name of the Most High." 
 
LINCOLN. 80 
 
 MEMORY. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had the same sort of memory for faces 
 and names which is said to exist by hereditary descent 
 and centuries of practice in the European royal families. 
 While President, some one mentioned to him a Mr. 
 
 C ; " I have known him now for almost thirty years," 
 
 was the reply. "My first board bill in Springfield 
 
 began on the 15th of April, 1837, and C came 
 
 along about strawberry time." A gentleman on shak 
 ing hands with him one day, said, "I presume, Mr. 
 President, that you have forgotten me ?" " No," was 
 the answer; " your name is Flood. I saw you last, twelve 
 
 years ago, at ," and he named the place and the 
 
 occasion. His memory for miscellaneous and literary 
 matter was almost as remarkable. When a clerk in 
 Offutt s grocery, he is said to have .been able to repeat 
 the whole of Burns, and to have been hard at work in 
 securing Shakspeare in the same repository. "While 
 President, he repeated on a casual occasion the soliloquy 
 in Hamlet, and with remarkable justness of conception 
 and force of expression. On another occasion he re 
 peated in like manner the opening soliloquy of Richard 
 the Third, and gave it an interpretation and significance 
 quite different from the usual one, and very appropriate 
 and striking. He even remembered, sometimes, the 
 driest statistics. At receiving a deputation of bankers 
 from several parts of the country, he observed to one 
 of them : " Your district did not give me so strong a 
 vote at the last election as in 1866." The banker 
 thought the President was in error, and that the fact 
 was the other way. " No," said Mr. Lincoln, " you fell 
 off about six hundred votes;" and taking from a shelf, 
 
90 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the official canvasses of the two elections, lie turned to 
 the name of the district and showed that it was as he 
 Ba-id. Only a very powerful memory, moreover, could 
 have retained and furnished that wonderful river of 
 stories which ilowed through all Mr. Lincoln s talk 
 ing. 
 
 ABSENCE OF MIND. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was frequently so absorbed in solicitous 
 thought, intense mental effort, or, in the years of his 
 Presidency, painful re very or sorrowful reflection, as to 
 become quite unconscious of his surroundings. This 
 tendency was aided by his natural freedom from self- 
 consciousness. When he lived at New Salem he used 
 so often to pass his most intimate friends in the street 
 without noticing them, that people reckoned him crazy. 
 He often sat down at his own table without realizing 
 
 O 
 
 the place or the company, and ate mechanically. lie 
 cared for eating, indeed, always, about as little as the 
 Duke of Wellington, and was far better pleased to 
 "browse round," as he called it one day at Washington, 
 than to sit out elaborate state dinners. Once, during one 
 of the official hand-shaking performances at Washing 
 ton, an intimate acquaintance of the President shook 
 hands, spoke, and was saluted in the usual form, but 
 saw that he was not recognized at all, and so he stopped 
 short a moment and spoke again. This waked up the 
 President, who now recognized his friend, and seizing 
 his hand, shook it heartily, exclaiming, " How do you 
 do ? How do you do ? Excuse me for not noticing 
 you. I was thinking of a man down South." This 
 " man down South" was General Sherman, who, with 
 
LINCOLN. 91 
 
 several other " men," was at that moment making a 
 promenade from Atlanta to the sea. 
 
 IIUMOK. 
 
 Decidedly the most prominent characteristic of* Mr. 
 Lincoln s mind was his extreme love for jokes, wit, 
 humor, and fun, especially for "stories," and he is 
 famous for the immense supply of the latter with 
 which he used on all occasions to illuminate his argu 
 ments, point his satire, ornament the thread of conver 
 sation, or occupy any corner or hint on which a simil 
 itude or an illustration could hang. In giving a general 
 view of his character, a few of his stories and sayings, 
 and of anecdotes that illustrate his love of mirthful 
 .matter, must be given. To repeat all of them would 
 fill a large book, and has in fact already filled much 
 larger books than the whole of this one. 
 
 As early as in the Black Hawk war, in 1832, Mr. 
 Lincoln s popularity with the soldiers of his company 
 and with the other troops of the command was attrib 
 uted to his "great physical strength, his excellent 
 care of the men in his command, his never-failing good 
 nature, and his ability to tell more stories and better 
 ones than any man in the service. This strong natural 
 talent was most powerfully developed during Mr. 
 Lincoln s long and active experience among the lawyers 
 and politicians of Illinois ; and his Presidential career 
 afforded a thick-coming series of occasions admitting of 
 illustration by all possible sorts of parables, sayings, 
 and comparisons, of which occasions Mr. Lincoln took 
 full advantage. We all remember how frequently this 
 trait was made the mark for all manner of attacks, 
 
92 THE PICTURE AND TDE MEN. 
 
 grave, satirical, and scurrilous. But so far from origin 
 ating in light-mindedness, frivolity, or badness of heart, 
 the fact is that the overburdened and heart-worn Presi 
 dent used the momentary relief that such things gave 
 him. *as a medicine, a rest, as he %night have used sleep, 
 could he have always commanded it. Sleep often re 
 fused to come ; but there is no account of Mr. Lincoln s 
 having failed to have a story whenever he wanted it. 
 His old friend Mr. Arnold understood this, and said 
 one day, on hearing Mr. Lincoln s hearty laugh : " That 
 laugh has been the President s, life-preserver." Mr. 
 Ashley, an Ohio Congressman, did not understand the 
 case so well one morning, when he callecT"on Mr. Lin 
 coln just after one of the disasters of the summer of 
 1862. The President began to tell some funny story, 
 when Mr. Ashley, provoked, rose up, saying, " Mr. Presi 
 dent, I did not come here this morning to hear stories. 
 It is too serious a time." Without irritation, Mr. Lin 
 coln at once answered, with entire seriousness : " Ash 
 ley, sit down. I respect you as an earnest, sincere 
 man. You can not be more anxious than I have been 
 constantly since the beginning of the war ; and I say 
 to you now, that were it not for this occasional vent, I 
 should die." 
 
 He always kept in his desk the latest humorous book 
 of the day, and from time to time, when fatigued or 
 troubled beyond endurance, he would take out his book 
 and read a chapter or two, with as much relief and of 
 a great deal better kind as a weary toper could find 
 in his glass of bitters. One evening, when he was 
 utterly worn out with office-seekers over and above his 
 usual heavy business, a delegation of public men came 
 
LINCOLN. 93 
 
 in, having matters in charge which required much at 
 tention and the examination of many extensive docu 
 ments. So, as if to stimulate him for a special effort, 
 the President took a dram of fun. " Have you seen 
 the Nasby Papers ?" he asked one of the party, at the 
 same time shoving all the documents to one side. 
 " No," was the reply ; " who is Nasby ?" Mr. Lincoln 
 said he was a " chap out in Ohio," writing in the 
 papers with the signature of Petroleum V. Nasby ; and, 
 he added, "I am going to write to Petroleum to come 
 down here, and I intend to tell him that if he will com 
 municate his talent to me, I will swap places with him." 
 So he took out the pamphlet collection of the Nasby 
 Papers, and read a chapter. All enjoyed it ; and Mr. 
 Lincoln, refreshed by his own enjoyment of it, and by 
 theirs, too, put away the book, and instantly coming 
 back to business and seriousness, took up the matter in 
 hand with prompt earnestness. 
 
 Dr. Holland says that when the President called the 
 Cabinet together to hear his Emancipation Proclama 
 tion, he began first of all by reading a whole chapter 
 from " Artemus Ward, his Book," laughing so wholly 
 and heartily at Artemus nonsense that some of those 
 present were much pained. If they were so, it was 
 merely from not understanding Mr. Lincoln ; for as 
 suredly he was as earnest as any of them in the matter 
 of the Great Proclamation itself. Still, few men could 
 possibly understand that singular intimate mingling of 
 humor and seriousness without injury by either to the 
 other, which was a feature of Mr. Lincoln s mind, un 
 less they possessed in some measure the same combina 
 tion of traits. But this intermingling was very com- 
 
94 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 pletc ; it was promoted by Mr. Lincoln s want of what 
 phrenology calls " self-esteem," and by his rough West 
 ern life among men who are no respecters of persons ; 
 and it sometimes occasioned rather startling and heter 
 ogeneous assortments of ideas in Mr, Lincoln s talk as 
 to both men and things. When Mr. Cameron left the 
 Cabinet, certain earnest persons wanted others to leave 
 too, and urged Mr. Lincoln to have it so. In reply he 
 told them how Joe Wilson found that skunks were de 
 stroying his chickens, and, getting excited, went out one 
 night and shot one, but it was " eleven weeks before 
 he got over killing that one," and accordingly gave up 
 the hunt for the rest. But Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Cam 
 eron were very good friends, and he did not at all 
 mean that he thought Mr. Cameron a skunk who ought 
 to be shot, or the rest of the Cabinet skunks that it 
 was unsafe to hunt. Exactly like this in style was the 
 story with which he answered some gentlemen who 
 asked what he would do with Jeff. Davis ? He told 
 them of a boy who bought a " coon" and led him about 
 with a rope, until the tormenting creature had scratched 
 half his clothes offand tired him completely out. When 
 a man found him sitting down, miserable and unhappy, 
 and asked him, " Why don t you get rid of your coon ?" 
 the boy answered, " Hush ! don t you see he s gnawing 
 his rope off? I m going to let him do it, and then I ll 
 cro home and tell the folks he got away from me!" 
 When Messrs. Wade and Davis published their violent 
 manifesto against him, he said it was not worth fretting 
 about, and told the story of the old man whose son 
 warned him not to eat the cheese, for it was full of 
 wrigglers. " Let em wriggle, my son," said the old 
 
LINCOLN. 95 
 
 gentleman, chewing away, " I kin stand it if they kin !" 
 When he was urged in the beginning of the war to 
 send a great fleet down South to draw off the rebels 
 from before Washington, he said it was like the man s 
 prescription to relieve the girl at New Salem who had 
 a singing in her head. This was to put a plaster of 
 psalm tunes on her feet and draw the singing down. 
 When he was told that " firing had been heard in the 
 direction of Knoxville," he said he was glad of it, and 
 w r hen some one intimated that it was rather singular to 
 be glad of what intimated that Burnside w r as in danger, 
 he said that he was like Mistress Sallie Ward, an old 
 neighbor of his, with a good many children. When 
 one of her young folks was heard crying, off in some 
 out-of-the-way place, she would remark, " There s one 
 of my children that isn t dead yet !" The parable of 
 the man who declined to swap horses while swimming 
 a river, which he used to illustrate the risks of taking 
 another candidate than himself in 1864, is known to 
 everybody. Of the same sort was his answer to the 
 inquiry which an earnest clerical friend made in the first 
 days of his administration, what his policy was going to 
 be on slavery. " Once," said he, " a young Methodist 
 preacher was worrying in the presence of old Father 
 B., lest a freshet in Fox River should prevent him from 
 filling some of his appointments. Father B. checked 
 him with his gravest manner. Young man, said the 
 old minister, * I have always made it a rule in my life 
 not to cross Fox River until I got to it. And I am 
 not going to worry myself about the slavery question 
 until I get to it." 
 
 The same perfect fusion of joke and earnest, meta- 
 
96 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 phoric illustration and weighty truth, was shown in in 
 numerable repartees, remarks, and comments on all sorts 
 of occasions, about himself, the war, politics, anything 
 that came np. A famous definition of eloquence is, 
 "Logic, red hot." Mr. Lincoln s idea of convincing 
 was, " Truth, made funny." It was almost always by 
 similitudes, in one form or another, that he enforced 
 his meaning, or -else by quaint and expressive .meta 
 phors from rustic life ; more rarely in the form of wit. 
 An instance of the latter is his reply to the clergyman 
 who " hoped the Lord was on our side." " I am not 
 concerned about that," was Mr. Lincoln s answer, " for 
 I know that the Lord is always on the side of the right. 
 But it is my constant anxiety and prayer that I and 
 this nation should be on the Lord s side." This was a 
 good specimen of grave and lofty wit, where a most 
 weighty truth is conveyed in a keen and sharply put 
 antithesis. There was, again, a somewhat unusually 
 satirical edge in his short answer to an anti-slavery deL- 
 egation which once urged upon him the instant adop 
 tion of the emancipation policy, and whose chairman, 
 the well-known racy preacher, Rev. Dr. George B. 
 Cheever, spiced his arguments, after his manner, with 
 many Old Testament quotations. Mr. Lincoln heard it 
 all through, meditated a moment, drew a long breath, 
 and observed, " Well, gentlemen, it is not often that 
 one is favored with a delegation direct from the Al 
 mighty !" 
 
 When somebody pressed him for a pass to go through 
 the Union lines to Richmond, he said " it was useless ; 
 that he had already given passes to four hundred thou 
 sand men to go there, and not one had got there unless 
 
LINCOLN. 
 
 97 
 
 he was carried." A civilian, so ignorant of military af 
 fairs as not even to know what appointment he wanted, 
 sent in a written request to be made " general." The 
 President indorsed the paper, by way of explanation 
 and joke together, "Major- general, I reckon. A. Lin 
 coln." He called the Presidency of the United States 
 " a scrape ;" for when somebody sent him a fine new 
 hat just after he was elected, he tried it on, and then 
 turning to Mrs. Lincoln said,, with a quizzical manner, 
 " Well, wife, there is one thing likely to come out of 
 this scrape, anyhow : we are going to have some new 
 clothes !" There was a decidedly comic element in his 
 sending Vallandigham over among the rebels ; it made 
 the Ohio " sympathizer" look ridiculous before the 
 whole United States, and killed him completely, in a 
 political sense ; the punishment was so funny that it 
 could not be whined over as a persecution. Of the 
 same kind was the reasoning indorsed on the decision 
 in the case of Franklin \V. Smith ; a document which 
 the Kavy Department will not allow to be copied. But 
 it was very nearly thus : Smith, it must be premised, 
 had been most vindictively pursued by a " military 
 court," whose w r hole finding Mr. Lincoln annulled in 
 the following quaintly reasoned indorsement : 
 
 " Whereas, Franklin "W. Smith had transactions with the 
 Navy Department, to the amount of one million and a quarter 
 of a million of dollars ; and whereas, he had a chance to steal 
 a quarter of a million, and was only charged with stealing 
 twenty-two hundred dollars, and the question now is about his 
 stealing a hundred therefore I don t believe he stole anything 
 at ail. Therefore the record and findings are disapproved, de 
 clared null and void, and the defendants are fully discharged." 
 
 Having completed his second inaugural which the 
 
 7 
 
98 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 London Spectator called " the noblest political docu 
 ment known to history" he brought it, on the Sunday 
 evening before the re-inauguration, into his office, where 
 several personal friends were sitting, and thus proclaim 
 ed its existence, and as much as he chose of its charac 
 ter: "Lots of wisdom, I suspect, in that document. 
 It is what will be called my second inaugural, contain 
 ing about six hundred words." He always had a joke 
 for any actual or real misadventure to himself. When 
 beaten for United States senator, in Illinois, he was 
 asked how he felt about it, and replied that he " felt 
 like the boy who had stubbed his toe too bad to laugh 
 and too big to cry." When some one brought him bad 
 news as to the prospect for his re-election, he said, 
 "Well, I can not run the political machine I have 
 enough on my hands without that. It is the people s 
 business the election is in their hands. If they turn 
 their backs to the fire and get scorched in the rear, 
 they ll find they ve got to sit on the blister /" A judge 
 who had in vain asfced General Halleck, and then Sec 
 retary Stanton, for a pass to go to Richmond, applied 
 to the President. " Have you asked Halleck ?" said 
 Mr. Lincoln, " Yes, and met with a flat refusal." " Then 
 you must see Stanton." "I have," said the Judge, 
 " and with the same result." " Well, then," stud Mr. 
 Lincoln, smiling, "I can do nothing; for you must 
 know, I have very little influence icith this administra 
 tion /" He remarked w r jth a very quiet but very satir 
 ical quaintness one day, that if McClcllan did not want 
 the army for anything, he " would like to borrow it." 
 He called his going to his work in the morning " open 
 ing shop." Speaking to Mr. Raymond in the begin- 
 
LINCOLN. 99 
 
 ning of his term of the absurd situation he found him 
 self in, with the rebellion upon him, and the horrible 
 mob of office-holders that besets every new President 
 howling and whining about him, and occupying so 
 much of his time, he said, " I am like a man so busy 
 letting rooms in one end of his house, that he can t stop 
 to put out the fire at the other end." Having signed 
 a great pile of commissions, he said to Mr. Carpenter, 
 " There, I ve got that job husked out" These instan 
 ces a few only out of a whole life-full are however 
 enough to show how completely Mr. Lincoln s ways of 
 thought and speech were homely, direct, metaphorical, 
 and humorous or witty. 
 
 LANGUAGE REASONING ORATORY. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was not a gipat orator, but he was a 
 very convincing public reasoner, and his language, 
 whether written or spoken for they were exactly 
 alike as well as his modes of reasoning, had some no 
 ticeable peculiarities. Of these, the chief is, the clear 
 ness and force with which the thought is conveyed, 
 notwithstanding what may seem awkward or undigni 
 fied forms of expression. There is a curious contrast, 
 which will strongly illustrate this point, between two 
 passages conveying precisely the same idea ; with one 
 of which Daniel Webster opened his magnificent reply 
 to Hayne, and the other is the beginning of Mr. Lin 
 coln s great speech at Springfield, on opening the sen 
 atorial campaign against Douglas. The great Massa 
 chusetts orator began thus : 
 
 " When the mariner has been tossed for many days, in thick 
 weather, and on an unknown sea, he naturally avails himself 
 
100 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 of the first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to 
 take his latitude, and ascertain how far the elements have 
 driven him from his true course. Let us imitate that prudence, 
 and before we float farther, refer to the point from which wo 
 departed, that we may at least be able to conjecture where we 
 now are." 
 
 In his speech at Springfield, a singularly clear, terse, 
 profound, and comprehensive statement of the slavery 
 and anti-slavery controversy, Mr. Lincoln covers exact 
 ly the same ground, as follows : 
 
 " If we could first know where we arc, and whither we are 
 tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it." 
 
 Mr. Webster here used eighty-two words, of which 
 twenty, almost a quarter, have more than one syllable. 
 Mr. Lincoln vised twenty-five words, of which three, or 
 less than one eighth, have more than one syllable. 
 This may seem a petty method of comparing orators ; 
 but it reveals a great secret of directness, clearness, 
 simplicity, and force in style it goes for to explain 
 how Mr. Lincoln convinced an audience. Of the same 
 condensed sort was a little " sermon" a very compre 
 hensive code for living a good life, which Mr. Lincoln 
 is said to have often repeated to his boys. It would be 
 a good discourse for every boy in the United States to 
 commit to memory and still better to live up to. 
 Thus it ran : 
 
 " Don t drink, don t smoke, don t chew, don t swear, don t 
 gamble, don t lie, don t cheat. Love your fellow-men and love 
 God. Love truth, love virtue, and be happy." 
 
 Almost as short was his first public political speech, 
 in 1832, at offering himself for the Illinois Legislature. 
 
LINCOLN. 101 
 
 His opponent bad set forth his views at great length, 
 ami Mr. Lincoln, when his turn came, spoke thus : 
 
 "Gentlemen, fellow-citizens: Ipresumeyou knowwhol am 
 I am humble Abraham Lincoln. I have been solicited by many 
 friends to become a candidate for the Legislature. My politics 
 can be briefly stated. I am in favor of a national bank. I am 
 in favor of the internal improvement system, and a high pro 
 tective tariff. These are my sentiments and political principles. 
 If elected, I shall be thankful If not, it will be all the same." 
 
 As a reasoner to juries, Mr. Lincoln was very suc 
 cessful. One great cause of this, as has been shown, 
 was the well-known fact that what he argued heartily 
 he believed in heartily. Thus his client had, besides 
 the justice of his cause, the whole weight of the lawyer s 
 personal character an advantage of vast importance, 
 but which few lawyers know or care about. But all 
 this was materially helped by the strenuous directness 
 with which Mr. Lincoln labored straight at the truth 
 the facts and the utter sincerity with which, when he 
 had grasped them himself, he strove to communicate 
 them to the jury in the plainest, simplest, clearest way. 
 To be sure, he told stories and used humorous turns of 
 expression. But these were so used as to be clear 
 lights flung direct upon the point in hand not, as with 
 rhetoricians, mere fireworks to dazzle and confuse. 
 After Mr. Lincoln s death, memorial proceedings of the 
 usual kind were had in the courts of Illinois. Ex-Judge 
 Caton, in the Supreme Court at Ottawa, in speaking to 
 the resolutions from the bar, observed, " Mr. Lincoln 
 knew the relations of things, and hence his deductions 
 were rarely wrong from any given state of facts. So 
 he applied the principles of law to the transactions of 
 
102 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 men with great clearness and precision. lie was a 
 close reasoner. He reasoned by analogy, and enforced 
 his views by apt illustrations." Judge Breese, on the 
 same occasion, said, " I have for a quarter of a century 
 regarded Mr. Lincoln as the finest lawyer I ever knew." 
 Judge Drummond, of Chicago, said, " He was one of the 
 ablest lawyers I have ever known." Long before he 
 became known in politics, he was pointed out to a 
 stranger by a citizen of Springfield as " Abe Lincoln, 
 the first lawyer of Illinois." 
 
 His success before popular audiences was based on 
 the same qualities as his success with juries. Both de 
 pended upon his complete mental sympathy with aver 
 age men, and his great power of stating and illustrat 
 ing facts upon the mental level of average men that 
 is, plainly, directly, forcibly, and humorously. An 
 account, by the Rev. J. B. Gulliver, of a conversation 
 with Mr. Lincoln, about his speech at Norwich, Conn., 
 during his visit at the East just after the Seven 
 Debates with Douglas, gives so just and striking a 
 portraiture of Mr. Lincoln s speaking and modes of 
 thought, that it is transcribed here. It is from the 
 New York Independent of Sept. 1, 1 804. Mr. Gulliver, 
 meeting Mr. Lincoln in the cars the day after the 
 speech, said, during the conversation, that it was " one 
 of the most extraordinary speeches he ever heard." 
 
 " As we entered the cars [continues Mr. Gulliver], he beck 
 oned me to take a seat with him, and said, in a most agree 
 ably frank way, "Were you sincere in what you said about 
 my speech just now ? I meant every word of it, Mr. Lin 
 coln. Why, an old dyed-in-the-wool Democrat, who sat near 
 me, applauded you repeatedly; and, when rallied upon his 
 conversion to sound principles, answered, " I don t believe a 
 
LINCOLN. 103 
 
 word lie says, but I can t help clapping him, he is so pat!" 
 That I call the triumph of oratory 
 
 When you convince a man against his will, 
 Though he is of the same opinion still." 
 
 Indeed, sir, I learned more of the art of public speaking last 
 evening than I could from a whole course of lectures on Rhe 
 toric. 
 
 " Ah ! that reminds me, said he, of a most extraordinary 
 circumstance which occurred in New Haven the other day. 
 They told me that the Professor of Rhetoric in Yale College 
 a very learned man, isn t he? 
 
 " * Yes, sir, and a fine critic, too. 
 
 " "Well, I suppose so ; he ought to be, at any rate they told 
 me that he came to hear me, and took notes of my speech, and 
 gave a lecture on it to his class the next day ; and, not satisfied 
 with that, he followed me up to Meriden the next evening, and 
 heard me again for the same purpose. Now, if this is so, it is 
 to my mind veiy extraordinary. I have been sufficiently aston 
 ished at my success in the West. It has been most unexpected. 
 But I had no thought of any marked success at the East, and 
 least of all that I should draw out such commendations from 
 literary and learned men. Now, he continued, I should like 
 very much to know what it was in my speech you thought so 
 remarkable, and what you suppose interested my friend the 
 Professor so much. 
 
 " The clearness of your statements, Mr. Lincoln ; the un 
 answerable style of your reasoning, and especially your illus 
 trations, which were romance and pathos, and fun and logic 
 all welded together. That story about the snakes, for example, 
 which set the hands and feet of your Democratic hearers in 
 such vigorous motion, was at once queer and comical, and 
 tragic and argumentative. It broke through all the barriers 
 of a man s previous opinions and prejudices at a crash, and 
 blew up the very citadel of his false theories before he could 
 know what had hurt him. 
 
 " Can you remember any other illustrations, said he, * of 
 this peculiarity of my style ? 
 
104: THE PICTUPwE AND THE MEN. 
 
 "I gave him others of the same sort, occupying some half 
 hour in the critique, when he said : I am much obliged to you 
 for this. I have been wishing for a long time to find some one 
 who would make this analysis for me. It throws light on 
 a subject which has been dark to me. I can understand 
 very readily how such a power as you have ascribed to me will 
 account for the effect which seems to be produced by my 
 speeches. I hope you have not been too flattering in your 
 estimate. Certainly, I have had a most wonderful success, for 
 a man of my limited, education. " 
 
 Perhaps the most characteristic of all Mr. Lincoln s 
 peculiarities of reasoning was his habit of arguing 
 against himself against the view to which he was in 
 clined, which he desired, which he expected to adopt, 
 and which he did in fact finally adopt. His widely- 
 known saying, when urged by a deputation of clergy 
 men to proclaim emancipation, " I do not want to issue 
 a document that the whole world will see must neces 
 sarily be inoperative, like the Pope s bull against the 
 comet !" was uttered more than a month after he had 
 declared to the Cabinet his confirmed purpose to issue 
 the Great Proclamation. While a lawyer, he used, in 
 the words of Div Holland, to " study both sides (of his 
 cases) with equal thoroughness. It was in the days of 
 his legal practice his habit to argue against himself, 
 and it always remained the habit of his life. He took 
 special interest in the investigation of every point that 
 could be made against him and his positions." Mr. 
 Colfax, in his Chicago funeral oration upon Mr. Lincoln, 
 thus described this trait : 
 
 " When his judgment, which acted slowly, but which was 
 almost as immovable as the eternal hills when settled, was 
 grasping some subject of importance, the arguments against his 
 
LINCOLN. 105 
 
 own desires seemed uppermost in liis mind, and in conversing 
 upon it, he would use those arguments, to see if they could be 
 rebutted." 
 
 After the same fashion, although he was thought to 
 hesitate a good while before he nominated to the place 
 of Chief-Justice of the United States, vacant by Judge 
 Taney s death, yet lie said himself that " there never 
 was a time during his Presidency when, in the event of 
 the death of Judge Taney, he had not fully intended 
 and expected to nominate Salmon P. Chase for Chief- 
 Justice." 
 
 ORIGINALITY. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln s methods of thinking and ways of ex 
 pressing his thoughts were so completely his own that 
 his mental operations gave an impression of lonesome- 
 ness. The expedients he used, the thoughts that came 
 into his mind, the phraseology in which he communi 
 cated them, were not only his own, but they were so 
 different from what others would have thought of, that 
 they surprise. This quality, indeed, had much to do 
 with the impressiveness of his reasonings; an idea 
 stated in a way that we never thought of before, is 
 very hard to forget or to disprove. A curious illustra 
 tion of this ready and out-of-the-way but sufficient 
 suggestiveness is the story of his getting his boat over 
 a dam. The boat was water-logged, and he got the 
 bow over the dam, and then bored a hole through the 
 bottom and let the water out, to lighten her. Other 
 men would have bailed her out. Nearly all the anec 
 dotes that have already been given to bring out other 
 points in Mr. Lincoln s character, do in fact show also 
 this same trait of originality. The punishment of Val- 
 
10G THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 landigham the " opening shop" almost every act and 
 word of the man, in fact, was of the same original, pecu 
 liar, and yet sufficient character. Nothing more strong, 
 ly illustrates and proves this trait of originality than 
 the fact that Mr. Lincoln said things that became pro 
 verbial. " If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong," 
 he wrote in a letter ; an expression which says, charac 
 teristically, in Mr. Lincoln s reasoning manner, what 
 Wesley put more epigrammatically, but not more pow 
 erfully, when he said, " Slavery is the sum of all vil 
 lainies." His great speech at New York ended with 
 the lofty thought: "It has been said of the .world s 
 history hitherto, that might makes right ; it is for us 
 and for our times to reverse the maxim, and to show 
 that right makes might." His phrase " to swap horses 
 while crossing the river," is even more widely current, 
 and the very noble antithesis in the second inaugural 
 " With malice toward none, with charity for all," is 
 not only proverbial but historical. 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, as has been mentioned, had but few 
 months schooling in all. He never read a novel. 
 He read newspapers, and indeed may be said to have 
 studied them, for a great part of his life, although after 
 he became President he hardly looked into any. He 
 found that facts themselves were all he could attend 
 to, without trying to see what editors thought of them. 
 He began " Ivanhoe" once, but did not finish it. The 
 class-books he studied most were neither grammar nor 
 geography, but the Bible, Shakspeare, ^Esop s Fables, 
 and the Pilgrim s Progress. Of the former three he 
 
LINCOLN. 107 
 
 . 
 
 could repeat considerable portions. And he read, also, 
 the Life of Washington, the Life of Franklin, and the 
 Life of Henry Clay. It would be very hard to choose 
 seven better books for a young man to feed on. But 
 Mr. Lincoln s real education was his life of strenuous 
 mental labor, first in learning the principles applicable 
 to his work, whatever that was, and secondly, in apply 
 ing those principles so as to do that work in the quick 
 est and most effective way. 
 
 PRESIDENT. 
 
 The merit of Mr. Lincoln s Presidency is, that he 
 judged so well what the people of the United States 
 willed, and when and how to do what they willed. If 
 he had able advisers, so much the greater his merit for 
 knowing good advice when it was given to him and 
 for following it. It is exactly the proper office of an 
 American statesman and ruler as distinguished from a 
 monarchical one, that he must see and do what the na 
 tion chooses, not what he himself chooses. For filling 
 his office in this way, Mr. Lincoln was fitted by the 
 same quality of mental sympathy with the average 
 citizen, which enabled him to reason so convincingly 
 before American audiences; and his natural kindness 
 of heart and rectitude in action were no less corre 
 spondent to the character of the nation. He was con 
 scious of the necessity of thus acting, not as an auto 
 crat, but as an agent. Mr. Carpenter says, " Mr. Lin 
 coln liked to feel himself the attorney of the people, 
 not their ruler. Speaking once of the probability of 
 his re-nomination, he said : * If the people think I have 
 managed their case for them well enough to trust me 
 
108 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 to carry it on to the next term, I am sure I shall be 
 glad to take it. " In conversing with Colonel then 
 Major Halpine, who suggested a plan to relieve him 
 from great part of the immense number of personal ap 
 plications and interviews that burdened him so heavily, 
 he expressed more fully the same idea. He said, "For 
 myself, I feel though the tax on my time is heavy 
 that no hours of my day are better employed than 
 those which thus bring me again within the direct con 
 tact and atmosphere of our whole people." * * * "I 
 tell you, Major, that I call these receptions my public- 
 opinion baths ; for I have but little time to read the 
 papers and gather public opinion that way ; and though 
 they may not be pleasant in all their particulars, the 
 effect as a whole is renovating and invigorating to my 
 perceptions of responsibility and duty." 
 
 PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 
 
 The following description of Mr. Lincoln s person, 
 from an address by his law partner, Mr. Hern don, is 
 almost as original a piece of work as any of Mr. Lin 
 coln s own, and is a very graphic representation of the 
 man : 
 
 " He was about six feet four inches high, and when he left 
 this city was fifty-one years old, having good health and HO 
 gray hairs, or but few, on his head. He was thin, wiry, sin 
 ewy, raw-honed ; thin through the breast to the back, and nar- , 
 row across the shoulders ; standing, he leaned forward was 
 what may be called stoop-shouldered, inclining to the consump 
 tive by build. His usual weight was one hundred and sixty 
 pounds. His organization rather his structure and functions 
 worked slowly. His blood had to run a long distance from 
 his heart to the extremities of his frame, and his nerve-force 
 
LINCOLN. 100 
 
 had to travel through dry ground a long distance before his 
 muscles were obedient to his will. His structure was loose and 
 leathery; his body was shrunk and shriveled, having dark 
 skin, dark hair looking woe-struck. The whole man, body 
 and mind, worked slowly, creakingly, as if it needed oiling. 
 Physically, he was a very powerful man, lifting with ease four 
 hundred or six hundred pounds. His mind w r as like his body, 
 and worked slowly but strongly. When he walked, he moved 
 cautiously but firmly, his long arms and hands on them, hang 
 ing like giant s hands, swung down by his side. He walked 
 with even tread, the inner sides of his feet being parallel. He 
 put the whole foot flat down on the ground at once, not land 
 ing on the heel ; he likewise lifted his foot all at once, not ris 
 ing from the toe, and hence he had no spring to his walk. He 
 had economy of fall and lift of foot, though he had no spring 
 or apparent ease of motion in his tread. He walked nndula- 
 toiy, up and down, catching and pocketing tire, weariness, and 
 pain, all up and down his person, preventing them from locat 
 ing. The first opinion of a stranger, or a man who did not ob 
 serve closely, was that his walk implied shrewdness, cunning 
 a tricky man ; but his was the walk of caution and firmness. 
 In sitting down on a common chair he was no taller than ordi 
 nary men. His legs and arms were, abnormally, unnaturally 
 long, and in undue proportion to the balance of his body. It 
 was only when he stood up that he loomed above other men. 
 
 " Mr. Lincoln s head was long and tall from the base of the 
 brain and from the eyebrows. His head ran backward, his 
 forehead rising as it ran back at a low angle, like Clay s, and, 
 unlike Webster s, almost perpendicular. The size of his hat, 
 measured at the hatter s block, was seven and an eighth, his 
 head being, from ear to car, six and a half inches, and from the 
 front to the back of the brain eight inches. Thus measured, 
 it was not below the medium size. His forehead was narrow 
 but high ; his hair was dark, almost black, and lay floating 
 where his fingers or the winds left it, piled up at random. His 
 check-bones were high, sharp, and prominent ; his ej ebrows 
 heavy and prominent ; his jaws were long, up-curved, and 
 heavy ; his nose was large, long, and blunt, a little awry toward 
 
110 MIK PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the ri"hl eye; his chin was long, sharp, and up curved ; his 
 c\el>rous cropped out like :i huge n.ck on thr brow of ;i hill; 
 his lacv was loii! ;, sallow, ami cadaverous, shrunk, shriveled, 
 wrinkled, and dry, having here ami (here a hair on the sur 
 face; his checks \\ err leathery; his cars were large, and ran 
 out almo I at ii: hl angles iVom his head, caused partly hy 
 heavy hats and partly hy nature; his lower lip was thick, ban. , 
 ::d under curved, while his chin reached tor the lip up- 
 cuned; his neck uas neat and trim, his head being well 1ml- 
 anccil on it ; there was the lone mole on the right cheek, and 
 Adam s apple on his throat. 
 
 "Thus stood, walked, acted, and looked Abraham Lincoln. 
 lie \\:n not a pretty man hy any means, nor was ho an Ugly 
 one; he was a homely man, careless of his looks, plain look 
 ing and plain acting. He had no pomp, display, or dignity, 
 M> called, lie appeared simple in his carriage and heariii";. 
 lie was a sad looking man ; his melancholy dripped from him 
 I lie \\alked. His apparent gloom impressed his friends, and 
 created a:yinpathy for him one means of his rival sueee-s. 
 He \\as gloomy, abstracted, and joyous rather humorous hy 
 turns. 1 do not, think he Knew what real joy was for many 
 years. 
 
 11 Mr. Lincoln sometimes walked onr streets cheerily gooil- 
 hnmoi-e.lly, perhaps joyously and then it was, on meeting a 
 friend, lie cried How d y V clasping one of his friend s hands 
 in both of his, : .i\ing a :>.ood hearty soul- welcome. Of a win 
 ter -; morniii";, lie might, be seen stalking and stilting it touard 
 the market house, basket on arm, his old gray sha\\ 1 wrapped 
 around his neck, his little Willie or Tad running along at his 
 heels, asking a thousand litlle quick questions, which his father 
 heard not, not even then Knowing that little Willie or Tad was 
 there, .-o ab.-.iiaeied u as he. When he thus met a friend, ho 
 .-aid that .something put him in mind of a Moiy which he heard 
 in Indiana or chew here, and tell it he \\otild, and there was no 
 allernalix e hut !> Ihten. 
 
 "Tliu.,1 My, ftO6d and \\alKed and looked this s .n-ular 
 man. lie \\ a , odd. but \\hen thai -lav e\ e and fan- and every 
 feature were lit up by the inward soul in tire., of emotion, tluii. 
 
in 
 
 it was that all these apparently ujrly features sprang int^ i 
 of beauty, or sunk themselves into a sea of inspi 
 (sometimes flooded lite fece. Sometime* it appeared U> me that 
 la s soul was just fresh from the presence of it 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was Lorn poor ; had scarcely the 
 bare rudiments of education a:. :iey; he I 
 
 in the backwoods, and had to xhausting and 
 
 time-consuming manual labor of frontier 
 order to live ; he had not one single brilliant intellec 
 tual trait or faculty to help him ; he had neither books, 
 
 a intellectual home 
 
 nor the culture of systematic study. Yet toiling to 
 the uttermost, and simply doing his best with unbroken 
 and uridiscouraged steadiness, lie lived a singularly 
 useful, successful, and even a heroically symmetrical 
 and noble life. He was a good citizen, a most benefi 
 cent friend and neighbor, a helper of the needy, only 
 over-kind as a parent, an honest and able lawyer, a 
 powerful and useful public speaker, a shrewd ar; 
 a fair politician, a justice and right, a patient 
 
 andjuntand deter ^gacious and far-seeing 
 
 ruler. His fa:.- with the saving of a nation and 
 
 t-be n r i of a race ; he is one of those very few 
 
 men whose names can not be rj, because his 
 
 goodness, as well as his office, marks a great epoch in 
 human history. 
 
 There is no room here to quote any of the very nu 
 merous and enthusiastic praises that friends an ] 
 alike have abundantly bestowed upon 3Ir. Lincoln. It 
 Is the fete of good and bad men alike to be reviled 
 while alive. But it must have been a good man whose 
 memory Fhines with such bright unspotted splendor of 
 
112 THE PICTURE AND THE 
 
 praise as lias been awarded to Mr. Lincoln Since his 
 death. The rulers of England who did their best to 
 help our nation into ruin under a lying pretense of neu 
 trality ; the English newspapers that had ranted and 
 sneered at us and at him all through the war ; life-long 
 political opponents, thorough-going rebels, underhand 
 traitors in the North, doubtful or dissatisfied partisans 
 and unqualified supporters, all alike joined in one im 
 mense voice of unbroken commendation and mourning 
 when he was taken away. And what was a far 
 nobler and more desirable possession than all he had 
 and still has the love and the ^prayers of the ignorant 
 and oppressed negroes ; a voice that makes but small 
 sound on earth, but which comes before the throne of 
 God with a far stronger and loftier tone than that of 
 all the white men who ever lauded him. If the Eman 
 cipation of the Slaves was the greatest deed since 
 Christ, assuredly the blessings of the black people arc 
 the best blessings that any man has had since Christ. 
 
 As one indication though doubtless an uncertain 
 test of the extent and cle pth of Mr. Lincoln s popu 
 larity with the American people, it may be mentioned 
 that since his death there has appeared a printed list 
 of three hundred and eighty books, sermons, eulogies, 
 and addresses upon his life or death ; and this list is by 
 no means complete. 
 
 The lessons of Mr. Lincoln s life are : the power of 
 determined labor and thorough honesty, and the value 
 of character, over and beyond any mere brilliancy or 
 force of intellect ; and still more, the justness and 
 soundness of the basis principles of our American lib 
 erty. Any European kingdom say England will be 
 
LINCOLN. 11, -J 
 
 as good a country as America, when a " hired man" 
 shall by merit become its king. That simple test is 
 typical of the two continents. In no other nation on 
 earth than the United States can good qualities alone, 
 without intrigue or lying, without shedding blood, or 
 privy conspiracy, or levying war, carry a man through 
 so lofty a career. 
 
114 THE riCTURE AiNl) THE MEN. 
 
 Y. 
 WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD. 
 
 SECRETARY SEWA.RD has during the rebellion had espe 
 cial official charge of the foreign relations of the United 
 States, and has likewise been often an adviser of the 
 President about home affairs. Mr. Scward, before be 
 ing Secretary of State, had been United States Senator 
 from New York, Governor of New York, and State 
 Senator. Besides holding those important offices, he 
 has been long and \vidcly known as a laborious student, 
 a good writer, a powerful orator, a shrewd and able 
 lawyer, a skillful and successful politician and party- 
 leader, and an enlightened statesman. Of the Cabinet 
 of Mr. Lincoln, he was the only one who suggested 
 any modifications actually adopted as to the Great 
 Proclamation, and these were important ones. He ad 
 vised and secured the insertion of the words " and 
 maintain" in that paper, where it had at first only said 
 that it would " recognize" the freedom of the emancipat 
 ed slaves. And he suggested waiting to issue the Procla 
 mation accompanied with victory instead of defeat. 
 
 Mr. Seward was bora at Florida, Orange County, 
 New York, May 16, 1801. He was therefore eight 
 years older than Mr. Lincoln, and is one year younger 
 than the century. His father s ancestors were Welsh, 
 and those of his mother, Mary Jennings, Irish. His 
 grandfather, John Seward, was a Colonel in the Revo 
 lutionary army, and an energetic Whig leader in Sus- 
 
BEWARD. 115 
 
 sex County, New Jersey, where he lived. The Colo 
 nel s son, Samuel S. Seward, father of the Secretary, 
 removed to Florida, New York, in 1795; and during 
 the next twenty years accumulated a considerable for 
 tune by practicing as a physician, and at the same time 
 doing a large mercantile business. After retiring from 
 active employment, he used to lend a good deal of 
 money to farmers in the vicinity, and he never excused 
 any one from paying the legal interest, never would 
 take more than that, and never demanded any of the 
 principal from any one who paid the interest regularly, 
 lie was for a long time a holder of public offices, and 
 for seventeen years county judge. 
 
 Mary Jennings Seward, the Secretary s mother, was 
 a woman of clear and strong mind, remarkable cheer 
 fulness, a most diligent housewife, and charitable, hos 
 pitable, and beneficent. It would be difficult to choose 
 a better parentage ; and it is easy to trace in Mr. Sew 
 ard the influence and the traits of both his parents. 
 His remarkable and unfailing hopefulness and belief in 
 the future is perhaps the most characteristic of all his 
 mental traits ; and this he received from his mother. 
 His father had chosen, instead of a portion in money, 
 to receive a liberal education ; and this trait of desiro 
 for knowledge was reproduced in the son, but greatly 
 intensified. He ran away, not from school, but to it ; 
 he was always reading ; and when some boys threw 
 stones at him as he was studying while driving the 
 cows home, he was so intent on the book that he mere 
 ly turned round and walke<l backward to escape the 
 missiles, still reading away. Coming to a small stream, 
 lie missed the bridge, and backed into the water. If 
 
116 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 an elder brother had not seen him and pulled him out 
 still alive, though unconscious, his career would have 
 ended then and there. 
 
 Mr. Seward s whole career has been marked by great 
 aptness to work in and by means of politically organ 
 ized forms and associations. This tendency was just 
 about as distinct in him from his ninth to his fifteenth 
 year, while he was at school at Goshcn Academy, as 
 when he bore a chief part in organizing and conduct 
 ing the Whig party, eighteen years afterward. At this 
 academy the boy was a leading member of the " Clas 
 sical Society" and of the " Goshen Club," and the 
 constitutions and minutes of both of them are mostly 
 in his handwriting. When fifteen, he went to Schen- 
 cctady to be examined for admission into Union Col 
 lege. He was found qualified for the junior class ; but 
 was advised to enter sophomore because he Avas so 
 young, and did so. 
 
 His college course was successful, as might be ex 
 pected. He was laborious in the extreme, as he has 
 been, both before and since ; he usually rose at four and 
 worked up all his lessons for the day, and passed the 
 evening in general reading, or studies and compositions 
 for class or society literary exercises or debates, while 
 the other students were doing the routine work that 
 he was going to do next morning before breakfast. 
 
 In the last year of his course, an affair occurred which 
 brought out in young Seward with curious accuracy, 
 and a singular sort of political antetyping, exactly the 
 chief traits that have marked his subsequent career ; 
 an ambition, subordinate to ethical principles ; an ex 
 treme faith in his own beliefs ; power in setting forth 
 
SEWARD. 117 
 
 those beliefs ; not an indifference to the judgments of 
 others, but rather a belief in the justice of the judg 
 ments of others when they should have considered the 
 whole matter ; and a strong love and reverence for the 
 United States as a nation, free, one, and undivided. 
 The circumstances were these : There were in the col 
 lege two literary societies, the Adelphic and Philoma- 
 thean, young Seward being a member of the former. 
 Some twenty-five Southern students had left Princeton, 
 come to Union, and joined the Philomatheans. Sec 
 tional debates quickly arose, and the vote on them was 
 against the Southerners, who seceded and formed a 
 third society. On this state of facts arose a, contro 
 versy within the Adelphic Society, whether the seces 
 sion was justifiable. On this controversy Seward, on 
 returning from an absence South, found himself a sort 
 of umpire in the society, heard arguments, and decided 
 that the secession was wrong. This was agreeable to 
 the freshmen and sophomores of the Adelphic, but 
 not to his own classmates, the seniors, who caused 
 a court of inquiry, with the view of expelling him 
 from the Adelphic. There was a prosecutor, and the 
 forms of a trial for misdemeanor were observed. Testi 
 mony was given, and Seward argued his own cause, 
 making a strong argument, and following with a spir 
 ited review of his own conduct. He closed by avow 
 ing with enthusiastic rhetoric that he was indifferent to 
 what the public prosecutor should say of him, had no 
 v/ish to know who voted for or who against him, and 
 would not embarrass any member either by being pres 
 ent at the vote or by inquiring about it afterward and 
 so ending, he ^ent straight out of the room. The re- 
 
118 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 suit was a triumphant victory over the prosecution, and 
 a handsome vindication of law and order, and of the 
 principles of the Union. 
 
 While still a student, Mr. Seward was chosen to make 
 an address, on behalf of the young Republicans of the 
 college, to Vice-President Tornpkins, then visiting Schen- 
 cctady ; and his speech on this occasion had so little 
 of the student or politician, and so much of the orator 
 and man in it, that it rendered the Vice-President, as 
 long as he lived, a firm and warm friend of the 
 speaker. 
 
 At graduation, Seward, against bitter opposition, ob 
 tained the highest honor of the day an appointment 
 by the Adelphic Society as commencement orator. The 
 theme on which he spoke was one which, like the name 
 of the college where he graduated, might be fancied a 
 premonition of many things in the speaker s subsequent 
 career. It was " The Integrity of the American Union." 
 In the same class with Mr. Seward graduated lion. 
 William Kent, Rev. Dr. L. P. Hickok, the well-known 
 metaphysician, and Rev. Tayler Lewis, who, like Dr. 
 Hickok, is now an officer of the college. 
 
 Mr. Seward studied law under John Anthon, of New 
 York city, and worked over his law books as hard as 
 over his class books. As he went through one work 
 after another, he completed and tested his mastery of 
 it by making a written analysis. He afterward studied 
 with Messrs. John Duer and Ogden Hoffman, of Go- 
 shen, was admitted to the bar in 1822, and in January, 
 1823, fixed his residence at Auburn and went into a 
 law partnership with Hon. Elijah Miller, an eminent 
 lawyer and first judge of Oayuga County. During 
 
SEWARD. 119 
 
 1824 lie married Judge Miller s youngest daughter, 
 Francis Adeline, who died during the rebellion. She 
 was a woman of great excellence and of remarkable 
 breadth of judgment and wisdom in counsel. 
 
 During the early years of his residence at Auburn, 
 Mr. Seward gave a good deal of time and labor to 
 militia affairs, and rose to be colonel of a regiment. It 
 is on record that he was " an excellent tactician and an 
 accomplished commander." Doubtless this work was 
 done in part for the sake of extending his acquaintance ; 
 a reason which has occasioned the very same step to 
 many a young lawyer, and with like success. 
 
 Mr. Seward, as his college career showed, was natu 
 rally disposed to politics. His tastes led that way, he 
 had the abilities needed to gratify them, and his pecu 
 niary prospects were not such as to imprison him con 
 stantly within mere legal labors. As soon therefore as 
 an occasion arose, he stepped promptly into the politi 
 cal arena, where he has been a strenuous and efficient 
 combatant ever since, and of whose prizes there re 
 mains but one for which he need naturally feel any 
 ambition. 
 
 The real political question before the United States 
 in those days was the same that has been forever de 
 cided by the rebellion. It was, Slavery or Freedom ? 
 In February, 1820, the Missouri Compromise had been 
 carried through Congress ; and doubtless the graduat 
 ing oration of young Seward, on " The Integrity of the 
 Union," must have been inspired in theme and in doc 
 trine by the threats and flourishes about disunion and 
 nullification which were flung about so freely in those 
 days by Southern politicians, Mr. vSeward g father was 
 
120 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 an earnest Jeffersonian Democrat, and, as frequently 
 happens, the son followed at first in the footsteps of his 
 parent. But he soon entered another road, and began 
 with boldness, decision, and foresight, not by joining a 
 powerful party, but by org anizing an apparently feeble 
 opposition. 
 
 This was in October, 1824, when he drafted the ad 
 dress of the Republican Convention of Cayuga Coun 
 ty. This address was perhaps the first positive step of 
 the measures which resulted in the formation of the 
 Whig party. What it actually did for this purpose 
 was, to make a public exposition of the history and 
 principles and practices of that famous political circle 
 the Albany Regency, thus preparing the way to attack 
 and break down the power of the Democratic party in 
 New York, so often the key State of our national 
 politics. 
 
 Within the next three years Mr. Seward on two im 
 portant occasions set forth in public his chief principles 
 as a politician, being the same in substance as they still 
 are. The first of these was a Fourth-of-July Oration, 
 at Auburn, in which he stated the powers of our na 
 tional government, claimed that the United States 
 should be a city of refuge for all that are oppressed, 
 and insisted with his accustomed zeal and confidence 
 upon the perpetuity of the Union. The second of these 
 occasions was during the Greek Revolution, when, in 
 February, 1827, he addressed at Auburn a meeting to 
 raise funds to aid the Greeks. This oration was an en 
 thusiastic appeal for liberty everywhere, and for liberal 
 aid from the United States to those seeking it ; and the 
 result was a most generous contribution. 
 
BE WARD. 121 
 
 At twenty-seven years of age, Mr. Seward presided, 
 with great ability and success, over the first political 
 convention of the young men of New York, held at 
 Utica, AugiVst 12, 1828. This convention was called 
 in favor of John Quincy Adams as against Andrew 
 Jackson ; but the general beat the statesman, and the 
 defeat dissolved the " National Republican" party, at 
 least in Western New York. The abduction of Wil 
 liam Morgan, of Batavia, in the autumn of 1826, had 
 meanwhile raised up a furious whirlwind of anti-ma 
 sonic excitement throughout Western New York, and 
 the political "Anti-Masonic" party was forthwith found 
 ed upon it. The issue was, however, not broad enough 
 for a national one. The anti-masons carried all before 
 them in Western New York for some years; once 
 elected a Governor of Pennsylvania; in 1827 polled in 
 New York a vote of 33,000, and two years later of 
 128,000, but never elected their Governor ; did govern 
 Vermont for some years ; had a Presidential ticket (the 
 Wirt and Ellmaker ticket) in the field in 1831, which, 
 however, carried no State but Vermont ; and in a few 
 years the tariff and currency questions of the Jackson 
 period quite superseded the anti-masonic controversy. 
 
 During the existence of the anti masonic party, which 
 was a sort of bridge between the Republicans and the 
 Whigs, Mr. Seward was adopted by the anti-masons in 
 1830, as candidate to the State Senate, and was elected 
 by 2,000 majority, though Granger, anti-masonic can 
 didate for Governor, was beaten in the State by 8,000. 
 
 The senatorship was followed by the Whig nomina 
 tion for Governor in 1834, Mr. Seward, however, being 
 defeated by Mr. Marcy. But in 1838 he was elected, 
 
122 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 and by a largo majority, and in 1840 was re-elected, 
 declining a third nomination, notwithstanding the earn 
 est efforts of his friends to the contrary. The State 
 senatorship and the service as Governor constitute Mr. 
 Seward s career in the administration of State affairs, 
 and his policy and the measures which he urged, adopt 
 ed, communicated, or originated give evidence of re 
 markable wisdom, practical judgment, foresight, and 
 elevation of view. 
 
 At entering the Senate Mr. Seward was not yet 
 twenty-nine years of age, and was the youngest man 
 who had ever been chosen to that body. The Legisla 
 ture, as well as the State, was largely Jacksonian Dem 
 ocratic, and Mr. Seward, who had already inaugurated 
 the opposition campaign in the country, at once enter 
 ed into the opposition ranks at the capital, and quickly 
 became their acknowledged leader. But in conducting 
 this opposition, as throughout his career in State ad 
 ministration, he sought to accomplish objects intrinsi 
 cally good, along with and as a means of, the objects 
 of party and political success. He was distinctly a 
 progressive legislator. Thus, he quickly set to work 
 to abolish imprisonment for debt, to improve the State 
 prison discipline, to obtain a separate prison for female 
 convicts, to promote the construction of the Chenango 
 Canal, and that of the Erie Canal, an enterprise then 
 struggling hard for life in the midst of political and 
 money perplexities. His very first speech was as char 
 acteristic of his political originality and foresight, as 
 his conduct of the college society prosecution was of 
 his faith in himself and independence in thinking. It 
 was a careful and elaborate argument for an entire 
 
SEWAED. 123 
 
 change of the State militia system, urging the plan of 
 volunteer uniform companies instead of the old fashion 
 of obliging every citizen to do military duty. His 
 views were adopted in substance twenty years after 
 ward. 
 
 Of a like wise and liberal spirit was his advocacy of 
 the plan for publishing the well-known Documentary 
 History of the State of New York, which was carried 
 out while he was Governor, though the work was not 
 published until after his term. When the people of 
 New York city asked leave to elect their mayor, in 
 stead of having him appointed at Albany, he strongly 
 urged the method by popular vote, for all other cities 
 as well as New York. 
 
 Mr. Seward was as young a Governor as he was sen 
 ator and student, being but thirty-seven when elected. 
 He was only thirty-three when first nominated. This 
 youthfulness was strenuously urged against him, but to 
 little purpose ; for the election carried him into the 
 Governor s chair by a strong majority, and gave the 
 Whig party then but six years old full control of 
 the Empire State. During his service as Governor, Mr. 
 Seward upheld in word and deed the measures and doc 
 trines of the Whig party. But with large wisdom, he 
 also strove to join with those measures a readiness to 
 adopt and perfect any improvement or scheme what 
 ever within the scope of government and calculated to 
 do good. To establish a reputation for doing this must 
 necessarily be a far more permanent kind of party cap 
 ital than to be exclusively identified with some one 
 measure or set of measures, whose definite victory or 
 defeat must in either event end the existence of the 
 
124: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 party whose life they were. Thus he promoted the es 
 tablishment of the normal school system, according to 
 the best lights of the day, and advocated that sound 
 modern doctrine, that the state needs to enforce the ed 
 ucation of all children. With judicious distinction be 
 tween true religion and religious intolerance, he favored 
 the employment of Roman Catholic teachers for the 
 children of those who would have no other. He urged, 
 and at length saw adopted, the abolition of the special 
 disabilities long inflicted on foreign-born citizens ; and 
 when the mayor of New York city advised a tax on 
 immigrants, with the idea of keeping them out and thus 
 avoiding some of the poverty and crime which they 
 brought with them, he met this short-sighted proposi 
 tion with a strong and clear explanation of the great 
 value of the foreign laborer in developing the resources 
 of our new country. Governor Seward clearly under 
 stood what the great French political philosopher DC 
 Tocqueville saw so clearly, that the free institutions of 
 the United States find one main security in the multi 
 plication of centers of political power, as distinguished 
 from the French or rather European or monarchical 
 practice of centralizing that power wholly in the hands 
 of the supreme government. Accordingly, lie labored to 
 secure the election of judges by the people, instead of 
 the previous method, which gave the State judicial ap 
 pointments either directly to the Governor or indirectly 
 to the managers of the prevailing party, whichever that 
 might be. 
 
 Governor Seward was a firm, vigorous, and efficient 
 friend of the Erie Canal, and stood by the great enter 
 prise through good report and evil, until it was at last 
 
SEWAHD. 125 
 
 completed. It is an odd circumstance, as he related 
 himself in a speech on the completion of the Eric Rail 
 road, that he wrote what he thought the chef-d oeuvre 
 of his college life, in the form of an argument to show 
 that cither the canal could never be completed, or if it 
 should be it would ruin the State. The spirit of this 
 production is very natural for a wise boy as contrasted 
 with a wise man, but the boy s argument is of exactly 
 the same intellectual character with the man s, in its 
 forecasting, its earnest effort to judge of the future. 
 He was as good a friend of railroads as of canals ; ma 
 terially aided in the completion of the Erie Railroad, as 
 subsequently in the United States Senate he advocated 
 the Pacific Railroad. Interest in such great industrial 
 enterprises is however to be credited to higher and 
 deeper views than those of party politics. It depends 
 not on notions of what is best for a party, but of what 
 is best for the community. 
 
 Several critical affairs of public or international in 
 terest during Governor Seward s two terms tested his 
 firmness and wisdom, and he stood the test very well. 
 One of these was the " anti-rent trouble," which after 
 ward broke out into what was called the " Helderbero: 
 
 O 
 
 War." The substance of this was an attempt, by the 
 heirs of Stephen Yan Rensselaer, Patroon of the manor 
 of Rensselaerwyck, to collect the arrears of rent on 
 certain perpetual leases of manorial lands. As the 
 manor was fifty miles square, the territory and popula 
 tion interested were enough to make quite a disturb 
 ance, the tenants resisting with violence and arms any 
 attempts to collect the rents. Governor Seward, to 
 begin with, issued a proclamation requiring submission 
 
126 TIIE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 to the laws and application to the Legislature for any 
 required relief, and at the same time a sufficient mili 
 tary force was sent with the sheriff, to enable him to 
 serve process. Gov. Seward, in his annual message for 
 1 840, recommended a commission to effect a compromise. 
 Such a one was accordingly accepted by the tenants, 
 but the landlords unwisely refused it, and the result has 
 been some insurrectionary troubles, a persistent politi 
 cal agitation, and an immense number of lawsuits, the 
 whole business ending in the gradual extinction of the 
 feudal-tenure leases to the footing of ordinary freeholds. 
 The landlords have thus been driven, with much vexa 
 tion and large expense, to just about the position where 
 Governor Seward s suggestions would have placed them 
 amicably a quarter of a century ago. 
 
 Another and even more troublesome affair was the 
 famous M Leod case. M Leod, a Canadian, having 
 boasted, while in Niagara County, N. Y., that he had 
 helped burn the steamer Caroline, on the night of 
 December 29, 1837, during the so-called " Patriot War," 
 was at once seized and held for trial on a charge of 
 arson. The British minister protested, claiming that 
 the burning was an act of war, and that M Leod was 
 therefore not liable to civil trial. President Van Buren 
 however decided that the act was a civil crime, of which 
 the New York courts had jurisdiction. In reply, the 
 British minister, after the manner of his nation, threat 
 ened hostilities if M Leod was not given up ; and Gen 
 eral Harrison, on succeeding Mr. Van Buren, in sub 
 stance reversed his predecessor s opinion, and urged 
 that a nolle should be entered in the State court in the 
 case. Thus Great Britain and the United States were 
 
SKWABD. 127 
 
 botli against New York ; but Mr. Seward quietly caused 
 M Leod to be tried in regular course of law. He was 
 acquitted ; and then, and not before, Governor Seward 
 had him sent under escort into Canadian territory. 
 The British did not fulfill any of their threats. 
 
 At the end of his term, Governor Seward resigned 
 his chair to his successor, Governor Bouck, whom he 
 introduced in form and with kindly courtesy to the 
 people of Albany a wise and good-natured deed, 
 never before done in the State. One week after leav 
 ing the governorship he was hard at work in his law 
 office in Auburn, and he at once resumed and largely 
 increased a profitable business in the State courts. 
 This was in a year or two somewhat modified, as his 
 talent for managing patent cases soon brought him a 
 large practice in the United States courts. During the 
 six years between the governorship and his election to 
 the United States Senate in February, 1849, besides his 
 large law business, he was constantly consulted by the 
 Whig leaders, and was an efficient laborer in aid of 
 that party during the Presidential campaigns of 1844 
 and 1848. He was elected United States senator by a 
 vote of 121 to 30. 
 
 Mr. Seward s senatorial career lasted twelve years, 
 including the administrations of Presidents Taylor, 
 Fillmore, Pierce, and Buchanan ; and covered that 
 historically important period during which the North 
 and South Avere verging toward the two opposite atti 
 tudes on the moral-political question of slavery, which 
 resulted in the rebellion. During all this period Mr. 
 Seward was a powerful and steadfast champion, ac 
 cording to his own views of expediency and right, of 
 
128 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 the anti-slavery extension sentiments of the North. 
 While President Taylor lived, Mr. Seward was one of 
 his closest friends and counselors. At the instant of 
 his reaching Washington, he found the principle of 
 slavery involved in a money bill then before the Senate, 
 to which. Mr. Walker, of Mississippi, had proposed an 
 amendment that would annul in the Mexican territories, 
 just acquired, the Mexican laws prohibiting slavery. 
 The Senate adopted the amendment ; but Mr. Seward, 
 without losing a moment, set to work to secure its de 
 feat in the House. After a long and violent debate 
 the House rejected it, and the Senate receded, on the 
 very last night of the session. The next crisis in the 
 great contest was the struggle over the admission of 
 California, and it was in his speech on this question, 
 March 11, 1850, that Mr. Seward used that phrase 
 " The Higher Law," which has since been so often re 
 peated in praise and blame. This famous term was 
 used in arguing that while the Constitution " devotes 
 the national domain to union, to justice, to defense, to 
 welfare, and to liberty," " there is a higher law than 
 the Constitution, which regulates our authority over 
 that domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes" 
 The term was thus used in proving the agreement of 
 the law of God with the Constitution of the United 
 States ; and it is difficult now to see what fault could 
 be found with it. 
 
 Whenever the question of human freedom arose, Mr. 
 Seward labored and voted in its favor. He was a con 
 sistent and vigorous opponent of the fugitive slave bill, 
 of the pro-slavery element in Mr. Clay s " compromise," 
 and of all those successive victories of slavery which 
 
SEWAKD. 120 
 
 culminated in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 
 the Kansas iniquities, the Dred Scott decision, and 
 which worked their own defeat through the reaction 
 which fhcy caused in the North. As in his youth he 
 had argued in favor of the Greeks in their strife against 
 Turkey, so now he spoke earnestly in favor of the Hun 
 garians. Upon questions affecting the industrial and 
 social interests of the United States, Mr. Seward s 
 course in the Senate was substantially a continuation 
 of that which he pursued while legislator and Governor 
 in New York. 
 
 As senator, he was remarkably successful in continu 
 ing on good terms personally with the imperious and 
 unscrupulous Southern politicians, whose plans he was 
 opposing with all his might. lie was, it is true, some- 
 " times treated with discourtesy. One violent fellow 
 proposed to expel him for words used in debate on the 
 fugitive slave bill, and to this threat he replied in his 
 place with dignity and force, quietly defying the threat, 
 and agreeing that on the trial of the question he would 
 use no defense except the very speeches for which the 
 expulsion was threatened. Of course the threat was 
 not fulfilled ; the gag-law day was twenty years before. 
 
 In 1858, in an election speech at Rochester, Mr. 
 Seward furnished to cotemporary English a second 
 phrase, which has perhaps been more repeated even 
 than " Higher Law." This was " Irrepressible Conflict." 
 The words were used in speaking of the collisions be 
 tween slave and free labor in the United States, in the 
 following sentences : 
 
 " Shall I tell you what this collision means ? They 
 who think it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of in- 
 9 
 
130 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 tercsted or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, 
 mistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible con 
 flict between opposing and enduring forces, and it 
 means that the United States must and will, sooner or 
 later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or 
 entirely a free-labor nation." This was exactly the 
 substance of what Mr. Lincoln said in his great speech 
 at Springfield, Illinois, in the same summer : " I believe 
 this Government can not endure permanently half slave 
 and half free," etc. But Mr. Lincoln was not then a 
 man of first-class national reputation, and he did not 
 put his thought into a neat phrase. In 1856 as well as 
 in 18G1 Mr. Seward was preferred by many Republi 
 cans as candidate for the Presidency, and on the first 
 ballot at Chicago in 1860 he received 173 votes to Mr. 
 
 O 
 
 Lincoln s 103. During both those campaigns, Mr/ 
 Seward in good faith and effectively supported his 
 party and its candidates, and Mr. Lincoln, upon elec 
 tion, at once offered to his late competitor the place 
 of Secretary of State. This office has given to Mr. 
 Seward a very influential part in managing the foreign 
 affairs of the United States during the difficult and 
 dangerous period of the rebellion. His performance 
 of this duty as indeed has been the case with most or 
 all his previous public labors has been highly praised 
 and deeply blamed. But whether his views have 
 always been correct or not, the fact remains, that while 
 the governments of Europe were ardently desirous of 
 the destruction of this republic, yet no foreign war 
 came upon us while hampered by the rebellion ; and 
 that it is certainly doubtful what the issue would have 
 been had the contrary taken place. Of both President 
 
SEWAKD. 131 
 
 Lincoln and President Johnson, Mr. Seward has been 
 a most constant and trusted adviser. During Mr. Lin 
 coln s visit to Richmond, Mr. Seward was thrown from 
 a carriage, and his arm and jaw were broken. He was 
 still confined to his bed when the President returned, 
 and making his first visit to the Secretary, he threw 
 himself down across the foot of his bed, and resting his 
 head on one hand, joyfully told the story of his trip 
 and of the entire success of Grant, ending with the 
 words, " and now for a day of thanksgiving !" The 
 Secretary advised, however, to wait until Sherman was 
 heard from, to which Mr. Lincoln agreed, though with 
 reluctance. Mr. Seward, in speaking of his own and 
 Mr. Lincoln s agreement as to government measures, 
 remarked to a friend, " Xo knife was ever sharp enough 
 to divide us upon any question of public policy, though 
 we frequently arrived at the same conclusion through 
 different processes of thought. Once only did we dis 
 agree in sentiment." When asked on what occasion, 
 the answer was, "His colonization scheme; which I 
 opposed on the self-evident principle that all natives of 
 a country have an equal right to the soil." 
 
 Mr. Seward was made a victim of the same conspir 
 acy which assassinated Mr. Lincoln. While confined 
 helpless to his bed by the injuries received from his 
 fall, he was attacked by a powerful young man named 
 Lewis Payne Powell, and fearfully stabbed and cut ; 
 and only v.ery wonderful vigor of constitution and te 
 nacity of life could have enabled him to recover so com 
 pletely from injuries so serious. Mr. Carpenter s ac 
 count of the way in which Mr. Seward detected the 
 fact of the President s death, which his attendants had 
 
132 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 been carefully concealing from him, is striking. He 
 says : 
 
 "The Sunday following, he had his bed wheeled 
 around so that he could see the tops of the trees in the 
 park opposite his residence just putting on their 
 spring foliage Avhen his eyes caught sight of the Stars 
 and Stripes at half-mast on the War Department, on 
 which he gazed awhile, then turning to his attendant 
 said : The President is dead ! The confused attend 
 ant stammered as he tried to say nay ; but the Secre 
 tary could not be deceived. If he had been alive, he 
 would have been the first to call on me, he continued ; 
 1 but he has not been here, nor has he sent to know how 
 I am ; and there is the flag at half-mast. 7 The states 
 man s inductive reason had discerned the truth, and in 
 silence the great tears coursed down his gashed cheeks 
 as it sank into his heart." 
 
 Perhaps the chief points in Mr. Seward s character 
 may be summed thus : In politics, he is a shrewd, prac 
 tical manager; in statesmanship, he is hopeful, liberal, 
 utilitarian, and far-sighted ; in mind, he is always 
 chiefly a reasoner though also a rhetorician, and a reas- 
 oner from first principles, with a peculiar tendency to 
 forecasting. Besides these chief traits, he is very in 
 dustrious, independent, self-reliant, and benevolent. 
 There have also been indications of the same desire in 
 him for a high future fame, which many great men of 
 ancient times possessed, and which grows rare in these 
 days. It is said that his life-long opposition to slavery 
 was first brought into vivid activity by an incident at 
 the South, where he passed a portion of his senior col 
 lege year as a teacher. He was traveling, it appears, 
 
SEWAKD. 133 
 
 on horseback, and found a slave woman, with a miser 
 able old blind horse and a bag of corn, on her way to 
 mill, but afraid to try to cross a broken-down bridge. 
 In trying to help her over, the old horse fell partly 
 through the bridge and stuck fast. The young man 
 was unable to get him out, and so he mounted his own 
 horse, rode to the house of the master of the slave, and 
 told him the story, seeking to excuse the slave. But 
 the planter replied with a monstrous bombardment of 
 curses on himself, the slave, the horse, the bridge, and 
 pretty much everything and everybody. The whole 
 affair so deeply disgusted him that the impression was 
 never forgotten. 
 
 Besides his political career and his labors as a lawyer, 
 Mr. Seward has shown decided ability as a business 
 man, and in literature. In the former capacity he acted 
 for the year or two about 1836 when he served as agent 
 to settle the complicated and confused affairs of the 
 Holland Land Company, which he adjusted with great 
 tact and judgment. His literary productions, the occa 
 sional hasty work of scanty leisure, include a number of 
 addresses on anniversary and society occasions, obitu 
 ary orations on John Quincy Adams, Daniel O Connell, 
 Lafayette, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and others 
 a published biography of John Quincy Adams, and the 
 historical introduction to the great State " Natural His 
 tory of New York." 
 
 A good instance of the effectiveness of Mr. Seward s 
 mode of arguing from general principles to particular 
 cases occurred in the New York Court of Errors about 
 1834. This court was the court of final appeal in the 
 State, and consisted of the chancellor, the judges of the 
 
13 i THE riCTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Supreme Court, and the members of the State Senate. 
 Mr. Seward was the youngest member* of this court, 
 but a diligent, laborious, and useful member. On the 
 occasion referred to the case of Parks vs. Jackson, the 
 appeal was from the Supreme Court, where a technical 
 legal rule had been so applied as to take away from 
 certain parties estates which they had honestly bought 
 and paid for. According to the forms of the Court of 
 Errors, Judge Nelson, now of the United States Su 
 preme Court, then of the State Supreme Court, stated 
 the reasons for the decision of his court. Then Chan- 
 ccllor^Wal worth delivered an opinion, in which he de 
 fended the decision. Mr. Seward now rose, and made 
 an argument on the contrary part, in which he urged 
 the claims of substantial justice as higher than those 
 of an arbitrary legal rule. The question was taken on 
 reversing the judgment. The judges of the court ap 
 pealed from did not vote ; but except Chancellor Wai- 
 worth, who abode by his technics, every vote was given 
 in favor of the reversal which Mr. Seward demanded. 
 
 A curious and characteristic specimen of Mr. Seward s 
 methods of thought when applied out of place, and of 
 his thorough confidence in the correctness of his own 
 views, is given in his criticism upon Mr. Carpenters 
 great commemorative picture. lie rather abruptly 
 said to the artist one evening, "I told the President the 
 other day that you were painting your picture on a 
 false presumption." The artist, surprised, asked why. 
 The Secretary explained, that it was the election of 
 Mr. Lincoln, not the proclamation, which was the 
 death-knell of slavery ; that the business of Mr. Lin 
 coln s administration was not abolition, but the salva- 
 
BE WARD. 135 
 
 tion of the nation; and, he continued, "Had you con 
 sulted me for a subject to paint, I should not have given 
 you the Cabinet Council on Emancipation, but the 
 meeting which took place when the news came of the 
 attack upon Sumter, when the first measures were or 
 ganized for the restoration of the national authority. 
 That was the crisis in the history of this administration 
 not the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation." 
 And referring again to the comparative unimportance 
 of the slavery question, he continued : " If I am to be 
 remembered by posterity, let it not be as having loved 
 predominantly white men or black men, but as one who 
 loved his country." Mr. Carpenter argued to the con 
 trary, but the Secretary stuck to his opinion. " Well," 
 he said, " you may think so, and this generation may 
 agree with you, but posterity will hold a different 
 opinion." It may be added, that the picture of Mr. 
 Buchanan in the corner, white with terror, and with 
 a stump of a cigar between his teeth, with his Cabinet 
 quarreling so hard that he had to turn them all out, 
 according to Mr. Stanton s description, would have 
 been a strange subject to adopt as the characteristic 
 scene of the war. In this preference Mr. Seward was 
 wrong. His reasoning as a statesman may have been 
 correct enough in one sense, but the chief cause or oc 
 casion of a circumstance is not necessarily the best art 
 istic representation of its spirit; and Mr. Carpenter 
 certainly judged justly as an artist. 
 
 The position and attitude of Mr. Seward in Mr. Car 
 penter s picture are prominent and characteristic. The 
 Secretary of State is by etiquette the senior member 
 of the Cabinet ; Mr. Seward was, moreover, by virtue 
 
136 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 of his abilities, attainments, and principles, a chief ad 
 viser with the President, unofficially. So he sits at the 
 front of the table, his hand rested upon it in an argu 
 mentative posture, with fore-finger, as it were, dis 
 tinguishing the exact point to be made. The face ex 
 presses steady sense and calm thought, as the Secretary 
 advises to wait for military success before the issuing 
 of the Proclamation, instead of putting it forth upon 
 the heels of disaster. 
 
CHASE. 13T 
 
 VI, 
 S. P. CHASE. 
 
 SALMON PORTLAND CHASE now Chief-Justice of the 
 United States, was born in Cornish, New Hampshire, 
 January 13, 1808. His .father was a fanner, and the 
 country was so unsettled, schools so scarce, and books so 
 costly, that when a three years of age it was time for 
 the boy to learn his letters, they were set down for him 
 on smooth pieces of birch-bark. 
 
 The name of Chase is somewhat widely spread in 
 New Hampshire and Vermont. It is said that it was 
 of the family to which the Chief-Justice belongs, that 
 the saying was first uttered which has since, with a dif 
 ference, been applied to Dr. Lyman Beecher. The story 
 is that some one said of an old yellow house in Corn 
 ish, long the Chase homestead, that in it had been born 
 more brains than in any other house in New England. 
 Philander Chase, the eminent pioneer Episcopal bishop 
 of Ohio, was the Chief-Justice s uncle ; and so was 
 Dudley Chase, at one time United States senator from 
 Vermont. Another uncle, Salmon, a lawyer in Port 
 land, had died there, and after him and the city the 
 Chief- Justice was named. The men of the Chase fam 
 ily are tall, strong, large-framed, large-headed, decided, 
 energetic, and progressive men, and the Chief-Justice 
 does no discredit to his kinsmen, either in physique or 
 in mind and will 
 
138 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 In 1815, his father, Ithamar Chase, removed to Keene, 
 to superintend a glass factory there in which he was 
 largely interested ; but three years afterward died sud 
 denly, probably by a sun-stroke. His affairs were at 
 the time much deranged in consequence of the ruinous 
 competition of English glass with the products of his 
 factory; and the widow, upon the settlement of the es 
 tate, was able to retain nothing, either from the factory, 
 or from a tavern, or a farm which the energetic man 
 had carried on at the same time with reasonable suc 
 cess. But Mrs. Chase had much of the prudence and 
 force of character of her own Scottish ancestry, and 
 having a small property of her own, she removed to a 
 little cottage in the neighborhood and set to work with 
 good courage and full faith to bring up her children. 
 Salmon, with one of his sisters, a little afterward spent 
 some time at a boarding-school, in Windsor, Vt., where 
 he made a good beginning in Latin, and where he par 
 took in an odd style of chastisement, invented appa 
 rently by the Yankee principal. This gentleman, when 
 the boys were noisy at night and awoke him, used to 
 come noiselessly up to tlteir door, burst in, drag them 
 all out of bed by the hair into a pile in the middle of 
 the floor, and disappear to allow them to digest his 
 hint. One of the youths shaved his hair close to elude 
 the teacher s hand ; but only to discover that portions 
 of the human frame, very distant from the head, could 
 also be made to suffer pain. 
 
 In 1820, Bishop Chase offered to take charge of the 
 boy in Ohio and give him an education, and with an 
 elder brother on the way to join the expedition of Gen 
 eral Cass to the upper Mississippi, and with Mr. School- 
 
CHASE. 139 
 
 craft, geologist to the same expedition, he went West. 
 The party stopped at Buffalo, and Alexander Chase 
 and Mr. Schoolcraft made a two days visit to Niagara, 
 leaving the boy behind as too young. He was, how 
 ever, quite as curious and enterprising as he was young ; 
 and finding at the tavern a companion of his own age 
 equally desirous to see the Falls, the two little fellows 
 walked through the snow twenty miles to Niagara, 
 saw the sight, found their surprised seniors, and return 
 ed with them. At Cleveland Salmon stopped, to pro 
 ceed to Worthington, Ohio, the other t\vo going on to 
 Detroit. As he could not go alone- through the woods, 
 he had to wait some weeks for convoy at Cleveland, 
 and turned the time to account by running a sort of 
 extempore ferry across the Cuyahoga. This was in 
 order to pay his board with his entertainer ; but that 
 gentleman, a warm admirer of Bishop Chase, refused 
 to accept the money. 
 
 At Worthington young Chase remained about two 
 years, and had a reasonably severe experience. His 
 uncle the bishop was a somewhat absolute person and 
 stern Jn his manner. He was poor besides; for in 
 Ohio in those days money was so scarce, transportation 
 so dear, produce so cheap, and postage so high, that 
 it took a bushel of wheat to pay the postage on a 
 letter, and the bishop used to say that all the rev 
 enues of his bishopric would not pay his postage bill. 
 So he kept a school, by means of an assistant, and car 
 ried on a farm, as unavoidable means for supporting 
 himself. Salmon, therefore, not being a boarder like 
 the other boys, but a member of the family, had to 
 work as the family did, " doing chores" and all sorts of 
 
14:0 THE PICTURE AND TUE LIEN. 
 
 farm labor, and learning and reciting his lessons in such 
 other time as he could command. lie toiled resolutely 
 through everything, however, and stood well in his 
 classes. He was quite near-sighted, which was an ad 
 ditional obstacle ; and he lisped considerably, besides ; 
 but he got rid of this last difficulty by pursuing for a 
 number of months a course of reading aloud for the 
 purpose. Notwithstanding the arbitrary and severe 
 ways of Bishop Chase, he seems to have discerned the 
 good qualities of his nephew ; for one day, when the 
 youth asked leave to go in swimming with some other 
 boys, the bishop refused, saying, " Why, Salmon, the 
 country might lose its future President if you should 
 get drowned !" 
 
 In the autumn of 1822 Bishop Chase removed to 
 Cincinnati to take charge of a college there, and took 
 his nephew with him. The youth entered freshman, but 
 worked rapidly ahead of the regular course by reciting 
 privately to a fellow-student, so that he was soon a*ble 
 to be examined for and enter into the sophomore class. 
 
 When in 1823 Bishop Chase left Cincinnati for that 
 journey to Europe in which he collected the mea^ of 
 founding Kenyon College, young Chase had to leave 
 too, and coming East with the bishop and his family, 
 he returned home to Keene, intending to enter and 
 graduate at Dartmouth. After an unsuccessful experi 
 ment at teaching district school, he passed the winter 
 at home in study ; during the following summer passed 
 a short time at the academy at Royalton, Vt, and then 
 entered junior at Dartmouth. 
 
 Here he worked as hard as ever, and graduated eighth 
 in rank. He was in those days occasionally somewhat 
 
CHASE. 141 
 
 absent-minded, and once, pulling off his trowsers, with 
 some vague notion of toilet management, and beating 
 them over a chair to get the dust out, pounded to 
 pieces his wat^ch, which he left in the fob. A rather 
 more creditable occurrence during his college days at 
 Dartmouth, showed the same quick and strong sense 
 of justice and indignation at wrong which has always 
 been a prominent trait in his character. A class-mate 
 was sent away from college by the faculty for some 
 transgression of which he was not guilty, having been 
 given, after the fashion of faculty tribunals, twenty-four 
 hours in which to confess what he did not do, and hav 
 ing been refused permission to see his accuser. Young 
 Chase hereupon remonstrated with the president, but 
 without avail, and he therefore coolly told the digni 
 tary that he would also leave, as he did not wish to re 
 main where his friends were liable to such injustice. 
 They -went together, accordingly, their class-mates 
 agreeing in regret for the injustice of the action. But 
 they had not driven fairly out of sight in their old gig, 
 before a student rode aftr them to notify them that the 
 sentence was reconsidered and that they might return. 
 They, however, observed that they must have a few 
 days in which to see if they would reconsider ; and 
 taking a week s vacation, they Avent back. 
 
 In the autumn of 1826 the young man went to Wash 
 ington, where his uncle, Dudley Chase, was senator from 
 Vermont. His intention-was to set up a private school, 
 but having advertised and waited in vain until his last 
 dollar was gone, he asked his uncle to obtain him a 
 place under the Government. The senator, however, 
 replied that he had once obtained an appointment for 
 
142 TUE PICTURE AND TUB MEN. 
 
 a nephew, and it ruined him. And he added, " If you 
 want half a dollar to buy a spade and go out and 
 dig for a living, I ll give it to you cheerfully ; but I 
 will not get you a place under Government." The dis 
 couraged youth departed, and waited some time longer, 
 until by good fortune a certain Mr. Plinnlcy made over 
 to him his classical school, already established and prof 
 itable. This was in consequence of the still greater suc 
 cess of a girls school which Mrs. Plumley had opened, 
 and which required the labor of both. Many years 
 afterward, Mr. Chase, when Secretary of the Treasury, 
 had the pleasure of returning Mr. Plumley s kindness 
 when a return was needed, by giving him a good posi 
 tion in the Treasury Department. 
 
 Mr. Chase continued his school until the end of 1839. 
 During this period he decided to study law, having 
 been hitherto uncertain whether not to become a cler 
 gyman, lie now, however, entered the office of William 
 Wirt as a student, and became also a visitor at his 
 house. From the savings of his income, now quite a 
 good one for him, he had the pleasure of repaying to 
 his mother the money she had advanced him, and of 
 securing to one of his sisters a good education. A cu 
 rious occurrence during this same period also seemed 
 to mark a great change in his health and personal ap 
 pearance. He had always been slender, pale, and 
 stooping, and this latter defect he set about trying to 
 remedy. As he stood one morning stretching himself 
 up straight by the fire, all at once a sensation of faint- 
 ness came over him and something in his side seemed 
 to give way and sink down. A physician told him that 
 this was the breaking of some inward adhesion conse- 
 
CHASE. 14o 
 
 qucnt upon his habit of stooping, and that its rupture 
 was a good thing. The young man now arranged his 
 desk and organized a set of exercises, to correct his 
 stoop. He succeeded entirely, and from that time he 
 grew straight and strong, until he acquired the erect 
 and massive dignity of person which has been so con 
 spicuous in his manhood. 
 
 In February, 1830, the young law-student passed his 
 examination for admission to the bar, and at its close 
 was recommended to read another year. But he an 
 swered that that was inconsistent with his plans, as he 
 had made all his arrangements to go into practice at 
 Cincinnati. 
 
 " To Cincinnati ?" said the examining judge, as much 
 as to say, " You know enough for that !" and continued, 
 with a smile, " Mr. Clerk, swear in Mr. Chase." 
 
 The young lawyer went to Cincinnati, then a rapidly 
 growing place of about 25,000 inhabitants, and opened 
 his office accordingly. His early experience here as a 
 lawyer was much like that of the outset of his career as 
 a teacher at Washington. For a long time he had ab 
 solutely no business except drawing one agreement for a 
 chance customer who paid him half a dollar, and about 
 a week afterward came and borrowed it back ! When 
 reduced almost to despair, however, as in Washington, 
 he had the good fortune to find a friend, a Mr. John 
 Young, who loaned him without security "all the 
 money he wanted." After a long time a little business 
 came in. His employers found him faithful and com 
 petent, and were pretty sure to come back to him. 
 Having once fairly started, his legal career was one of 
 steady and increasing success, and was marked by 
 
144 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 many occurrences of interest. In his very first case of 
 any importance the judge charged directly against him, 
 but the jury found in his favor. In the next case he 
 attacked and broke down together the testimony and 
 the character of a notoriously violent fellow, an import 
 ant witness against him, who threatened to have his 
 blood. Mr. Chase s friends begged him to arm him 
 self, but he declined, and the fellow at the close of the 
 court put himself in the lawyer s way with the evident 
 intention of assaulting him. But so calm and stern 
 was the lawyer s face that the rowdy s heart failed him, 
 and he walked off. 
 
 In 1834 Mr. Chase went to Columbus to make his 
 first argument before a United States court. On rising 
 to speak, he was so much agitated by apprehensions 
 about what was to him a matter of so much importance, 
 that he could not utter a single sentence. He sat down, 
 and recovering himself, and in a great rage at himself 
 for his failure, he rose again in a few moments, deliver 
 ed his argument, and then sat down again, still in deep 
 mortification at his false start. It was therefore with 
 surprise that he saw one of the judges come and shake 
 his hand, saying, smilingly, " I congratulate you most 
 sincerely !" 
 
 " On what, sir ?" asked the puzzled lawyer. 
 
 "On your failure," said the judge. "A person of 
 ordinary temperament and abilities would have gone 
 through his part without any such symptoms of nerv 
 ousness. But when I see a young man break down 
 once or twice in that way, I conceive the highest hopes 
 of him." 
 
 In this same year Mr. Chase married and established 
 
CHASE. 145 
 
 in Cincinnati a home of his own, and has ever since 
 been a resident of that city except when at Washing 
 ton. During, or before these earliest years of his pros 
 perity, Mr. Chase compiled a very thorough edition of 
 the Ohio statutes in three octavo volumes, with full 
 notes and an introductory history of the State. As no 
 complete edition had before been published, the work 
 was a very great assistance to the legal profession, and 
 quickly became the standard edition, recognized as 
 authority in all the courts. This work was in itself of 
 small direct pecuniary profit, but it materially advanced 
 the author s reputation. He soon became solicitor of 
 the United States Bank at Cincinnati, and also of one 
 of the city banks, and rose into a very good practice. 
 
 Those who become senators of the United States 
 have to prepare the way for election to that body by 
 becoming influential in the politics of their State. Mr. 
 Chase s public career from about 183G, the date of the 
 Cincinnati mob which destroyed Mr. Birney s aboli 
 tionist newspaper, the Philanthropist, brought him 
 into such a position. The road which he followed was 
 that successively of abolitionist lawyer, Liberty party 
 man, Free-soiler, and Republican, and in this road he 
 not only gratified his intense love of justice and human 
 right, and his intense hatred of wrong and oppression, 
 but, as it happened, represented and led from the first a 
 very considerable and increasing number of the voters 
 of Ohio. This State was so largely settled from New 
 England, and imbued with New England morals, that 
 it adopted early the anti-slavery tenets of the best 
 Eastern minds. More than this it is always found 
 that good things from the East grow large and strong 
 10 
 
14:6 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 when they arc transplanted to the West, like trees 
 transferred to a richer and deeper soil ; and thus Ohio 
 quickly became the strongest anti-slavery State in the 
 Union, except, perhaps, Massachusetts. 
 
 On the occasion of the mob before mentioned, their 
 noise had attracted Mr. Chase s attention, and he had 
 gone into the streets to see the proceedings. While 
 they confined themselves to a forcible entry into Mr. 
 Birney s printing-office, and the destruction of his 
 presses, type, paper, and other stock, he did not inter 
 fere. But when he heard them threatening to seize 
 Mr. Birney himself, he hastened by another road round 
 to the hotel where Mr. Birney was living, and quietly 
 stood in the doorway when they came up. As the 
 foremost would have forced a way in, he ordered them 
 back, and argued with them at the same time against 
 either assaulting him or injuring the premises. He 
 thus delayed them some time, until just as they were 
 getting so impatient as to be apparently on the point 
 of making a rush, a well-known citizen appeared and 
 assured the crowd that Mr. Birney was certainly no 
 where in the house, and they went disappointed away. 
 It was true. He had escaped while Mr. Chase singly 
 held back the mob, very probably saving the life of the 
 " abolitionist." 
 
 Almost immediately after this, Mr. Chase began a 
 noble series of unpaid defenses of colored persons seized 
 as fugitive slaves. This he did against a tremendously 
 bitter and angry public opinion, against the perfectly 
 open pro-judgments of the courts, and out of devotion to 
 justice and to the cause of the oppressed. The first of 
 these cases was that of the slave-girl Matilda, seized in 
 
CHASE. 147 
 
 Cincinnati as a fugitive slave in 1837, in whose defense 
 Mr. Chase argued on habeas corpus before the Court 
 of Common Pleas. The defense failed, and the girl was 
 surrendered to her owner and carried back. As Mr. 
 Chase went out of the court-room, a certain conserva 
 tive and respectable citizen observed, "There goes a 
 promising young man who has just ruined himself." 
 But not only was this series of defenses a principal 
 reason in general for Mr. Chase s influence and popu 
 larity with the .Free-soil party and the Republican 
 party, but this very case, where the wiseacre thought 
 him " ruined," was a direct and important cause of his 
 election to the United States Senate. There happened 
 to be present during this argument a young medical 
 student named Townsend, who was afterward, in 1848, 
 a member of the Legislature, and was an earnest advo 
 cate of Mr. Chase s election. As belonging to neither 
 party, he had much influence with the more liberal of 
 the Democrats, and with a few more of the same 
 opinions he succeeded in repealing a disgraceful code 
 of " Black Laws" then in force in Ohio, and in securing 
 Mr. Chase s election. 
 
 In 1842 came up the famous Van Zandt case. Van 
 Zandt, -who was the original of Van Tromp in Mrs. 
 Stowe s novel of " Uncle Tom s Cabin," had been sued 
 for damages for carrying off certain fugitive slaves. 
 lie did not know them to be such, however, though he 
 
 7 O 
 
 may have suspected it. Mr. Chase s argument in de 
 fense of Van Zandt was a wonderfully powerful and 
 convincing argument. It seemed to entirely convince 
 court, jury, and spectators, and the slaveholding plain 
 tiff himself, under the influence of this eloquent plea for 
 
14:8 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 human .rights, came to Mr. Chase, acknowledged that 
 he was in the wrong, said he did not doubt that he 
 had lost his case, and that lie was sorry for having 
 brought the action. So the plaintiff, as well as every 
 body else, was astounded when the jury gave him a 
 verdict. A second suit was brought against Van 
 Zandt, for a penalty for having " harbored and con 
 cealed" fugitives, and this was carried up to the Su 
 preme Court at Washington by the defense. Mr. 
 Chase and Mr. Seward argued it, Avithout compensa 
 tion; but that court, then, and long afterward, the 
 strongest citadel of the slave power, confirmed the de 
 cision of the courts below, and Van Zandt had to pay 
 the money. These two losses pretty much ruined him ; 
 but he is not known to have regretted the action for 
 which he suffered. 
 
 In the Watson case, the Rosctta case, the Parish 
 case, and other well-known fugitive-slave cases occur 
 ring during the period from 1845 to 185G, Mr. Chase 
 served with unfailing ardor the cause of freedom. The 
 prevailing pro-slavery opinions of the community and 
 the courts alike rendered this work futile so far as con 
 cerned the wretched negroes who were regularly thrust 
 back into the pit they had struggled out of. But the 
 labor was done for the sake of the principle involved; and 
 no such series of efforts can be made on the right side 
 without causing a gradual change in public sentiment. 
 This change, proceeding in Ohio as in the whole North, 
 was largely caused by Mr. Chase s powerful and fear 
 less advocacy of the helpless and penniless victims that 
 he could not save, and at the earliest possible moment 
 he took care to organize his friends into one of those 
 
CHASE. 149 
 
 party machines which, in the United States, must be 
 set up before a political principle can be embodied in 
 the laws. Mr. Chase has been called " the Father of 
 the Republican party." He was at any rate one of the 
 earliest and chiefest of those who formed the "Liberty 
 party," and who rose with it as it expanded into the 
 " Free -soil party," and then into the "Republican 
 party." In 1841 he assembled a small meeting at Cin 
 cinnati and addressed it, in explanation of the doc 
 trines on which a party for freedom could be organized, 
 and he then went on to issue a call for a convention of 
 those opposed to the extension of slavery at Columbus. 
 This Avas a line of political action so unpopular that 
 the newspaper editors who have a pretty keen scent 
 for such qualities would not publish his call, and he 
 had to pay for it as an advertisement. But the con 
 vention met, issued an address written by Mr. Chase, 
 and organized the Liberty party. 
 
 He was now a political leader, and from this time 
 forward he gave whatever of his life could be spared 
 from his business to the service of the new party. In 
 1843 he assisted at the National Liberty Convention 
 at Buffalo ; in 1845 he was the chief means of gather 
 ing a " Southern and Western Liberty Convention" at 
 Cincinnati. He was prominent at the Free Territory 
 State Convention of Ohio in 1848, and was chairman 
 of the Buffalo Convention of that year. Mr. Birney 
 was the first anti-slavery candidate for President. In 
 1840, he had received about 7,000 votes, Scattering and 
 spontaneous testimonials rather than from an organized 
 effort. In 1844 he received about 62,700 enough, it 
 was considered, to reduce Mr. Clay s vote and give the 
 
150 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Presidency to Mr. Polk ; and most furious was the 
 anger of the Whigs against what they considered the 
 unjust and wicked trick. Of course, when so many 
 voters began to declare for any principle, the regular 
 party leaders could begin to see that the principle 
 might be correct, and the Ohio Democratic State Con 
 vention took distinct ground against slavery extension. 
 Upon this, Mr. Chase joined himself politically with 
 that party, giving them at the same time notice that 
 he should leave them when they left that ground. He 
 did as he had said in 1852, on their accepting the 
 Pierce platform. 
 
 It was by a coalition between the Democrats and 
 Free-soilcrs of Ohio, greatly promoted, as we have 
 already described, by Dr. Townsend, that Mr. Chase 
 was elected United States senator, February 22d, 1849, 
 and returned as an influential ruler of the land, to the 
 city which he had left nineteen years before, an obscure 
 and unfledged lawyer. He entered the Senate at the 
 same time with Mr. Seward, and his labors as a states 
 man, like Mr. Seward s, were devoted to the cause of 
 freedom. With the same powerful indignation against 
 injustice that had impelled him in the Ohio fugitive- 
 slave cases, he fought the advance of the slave power, 
 and also with the same apparent certainty of defeat ; 
 for the compromise measures of 1850, and the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise in 1854, seemed at the time 
 to be permanent gains for slavery. 
 
 As his senatorial term grew toward a close, the Re 
 publican party had risen into existence, developing 
 from the Free -soil party as that had grown from 
 the Liberty party. The now party in 1855 nom- 
 
CHASE. 151 
 
 inated and elected him Governor of Ohio, in which 
 office he served for two consecutive terms, with great 
 dignity, judgment, energy, and consistency to his prin 
 ciples. During the first of these terms, in 1856, he de 
 clined to become a candidate for the Presidential nom 
 ination, although urged by many influential friends. It 
 was in 1856, also, that the Garner case occurred at Cin- 
 cinati, made horribly famous by the frantic conduct of 
 Margaret Garner, who, finding herself about to be cap 
 tured by the slave-hunters, snatched up a butcher-knife, 
 declared that she would kill all her children before they 
 should be carried back, and did actually kill one poor 
 little girl three years old. Margaret, her husband, and 
 the rest of the party of fugitives, were secured by 
 State officers, and would probably have escaped had 
 not some rapid legal hocus-pocus and connivance at 
 Cincinnati hurried them out of State custody into that 
 of a slave-hunting United States marshal, who thrust 
 them into an omnibus, guarded them with a force of 
 five hundred special deputies, and ran them off over 
 the river into Kentucky, while Governor Chase was at 
 Columbus at the annual session of the Legislature. 
 They disappeared into slavery, and have never been 
 heard of since. 
 
 In the next year* some Kentucky deputy marshals 
 went on a regular slave-hunt into Ohio, where they re 
 sisted the State authority, fired on the sheriff of Cham 
 paign County, escaped into Green County, resisted and 
 fired on the sheriff of that county also, but finally had 
 to surrender and go to jail at Xenia, They, however, 
 were quickly released on habeas corpus by Judge 
 Leavitt, of Cincinnati, the same person who had so 
 
152 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 swiftly sent off the miserable Garners into slavery. 
 This Green County case was violently asserted, by the 
 political party opposed to Governor Chase, to be an 
 actual armed attack by him or his friends upon the 
 United States Government. This absurd charge did 
 no harm. Indeed, the occurrences, themselves were in 
 directly of vast benefit to the cause of freedom, though 
 so inauspicious in themselves. The result of such de 
 cisions as those of this Judge Leavitt was, to assert 
 that a State could not execute its civil or criminal pro 
 cess if such execution interfered with the doings of 
 claimants under the Fugitive Slave Law. As no such 
 claim was set up in any other case, the distinction was 
 so invidious and so very discreditable, that it did much 
 to make that law odious to the public, and to prepare 
 for the overthrow of slavery. 
 
 Mr. Chase, who had been again elected to the United 
 States Senate, was a member of that " Peace Conven 
 tion" which met in Washington in consequence of the 
 invitation of Virginia, given in February, 1860. In 
 this convention he was perfectly willing, to assure the 
 revolting States of what they already knew very well 
 that their rights were not going to be invaded but 
 he was firm in the conviction that they ought at the 
 same time to be notified that slavery would not be al 
 lowed any further extension. The convention could 
 not, however, resolve upon so decided a course of con 
 duct, and accomplished nothing. When threats were 
 made that Mr. Lincoln should not be inaugurated un 
 less certain concessions were made by the Republican 
 party, Mr. Chase responded with four words, which 
 were at the time quite a rallying cry : " Inauguration 
 
CHASE. 153 
 
 first, adjustment afterward." The inauguration took 
 place accordingly, and Mr. Chase was appointed Secre 
 tary of the Treasury. This appointment had been of 
 fered to him by Mr. Lincoln a little after his election, 
 but he had not accepted, feeling disinclined to exchange 
 his senatorship for the management of a financial con 
 cern Avith such very doubtful and disorderly prospects 
 as those of the Treasury. His nomination was, how- 
 CA er, sent in to the Senate, as it happened in his ab 
 sence, and Avas at once confirmed unanimously. On 
 returning and finding Avhat had happened, he Avent at 
 once to Mr. Lincoln to haA r e the Avork undone. But 
 Mr. Lincoln insisted upon it that he must stay, and 
 so did several of his most valued friends, and he con 
 sented. 
 
 His management of the finances of the United States 
 during the beginning and main stress of the rebellion 
 Avas remarkably successful, and his money policy has 
 been substantially folloAved by his successors. He raised 
 by one loan after another, the money needed for the 
 rapidly increasing land and sea forces of the United 
 States, until the suspension of specie payment by the 
 banks of the country at the end of 1861 shoAved 
 that the end of the supply available from the existing 
 financial organization of the country had been reached. 
 He then carried into operation, Avith some difficulty and 
 some resistance, the plan of issuing a legal-tender 
 United States currency, and of organizing the banking 
 interest so that it should be forced to use LTnited States 
 bonds as a basis of business, having its own notes 
 clothed with a national character in return. These 
 two arrangements, together with the skillful negotia- 
 
154: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 tion of subsequent loans, carried the United States safe 
 through the war so far as the supply of money was 
 concerned, and effected something else besides. The 
 plan caused the money interest indeed, the money ex 
 istence of the banks and the Government to be abso 
 lutely identical ; and without doubting the patriotism 
 of the capitalists of the United States, it can well be 
 believed that they would not feel any less interest in 
 the success of a cause in which all, or almost all, their 
 means were thus ingeniously invested. 
 
 When Mr. Chase resigned the secretaryship of the 
 Treasury, June 30, 1864, the work to which he had set 
 his hand was either completed, or so distinctly planned 
 that other hands could continue it. In the summer of 
 that year he for the second time declined to allow him 
 self to be nominated for President, not wishing to head 
 an opposition to Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 On the 12th of October following died Roger B. 
 Taney, Chief-Justice of the United States, and on the 
 6th of December following, Mr. Lincoln appointed Mr. 
 Chase to that high position. He accepted it, and now 
 fills it. Mr. Lincoln had intended to make this ap 
 pointment in case of the death of the aged previous in 
 cumbent, ever since his accession to -the Presidency. 
 And it was one which combined in a very rare degree 
 fitness of personal selection and striking poetical justice. 
 It was most just that the highest legal place in the 
 land, so long the very impregnable citadel and arsenal 
 of the slave power, the place whence issued the ungod 
 ly Dred Scott decision, should now be occupied by that 
 " promising young man who had just ruined himself," 
 by vainly striving to secure freedom to a miserable 
 
CHASE. 155 
 
 negro girl more than a quarter of a century before, and 
 who bad been fighting ever since a battle seemingly 
 hopeless against the doctrines and decisions which he 
 was now to be able to contradict and reverse. It is 
 scarcely possible to imagine a more completely perfect 
 picture of a noble revenge than Salmon Portland 
 Chase delivering judgments on the side of freedom from 
 the chair of Roger Brooke Taney. 
 
15(5 THE PICTUliE AND THE MEN. 
 
 VII. 
 CALEB BLOOD SMITH. 
 
 SECRETARY SMITH, of the Interior, appears in Mr. 
 Carpenter s picture as the tall and personable gentle 
 man who stands behind the table, at Mr. Lincoln s left 
 hand. With him is the thin and upright form of Mr. 
 Blair, Postmaster-General. Caleb Blood Smith was a 
 native of Massachusetts, having been born in Boston, 
 April 16, 1808. When he was a boy of six, his parents 
 removed to Cincinnati, Ohio, which was in that day " The 
 Far West." Young Smith went through college in 
 Ohio, beginning his course at Cincinnati College, and 
 graduating at Miami University, and after studying 
 law was admitted to the bar and opened an office at 
 Conncrsville, Indiana. Hon. O. H. Smith, himself sub 
 sequently United States senator from Indiana, was the 
 lawyer with whom the future Secretary studied. He 
 thus relates their first interview, and his opinions of his 
 student. 
 
 " Oue day I was sitting in my office at Connersville, when 
 there entered a small youth, about five feet eight inches high, 
 large head, thin brown hair, light blue eyes, high, capacious 
 forehead nnd good features, and introduced himself as Caleb B, 
 Smith, from Cincinnati. He stated his business in a lisping 
 tone. He had come to read law with me if I Avould receive 
 him. I assented to his wishes, and he remained with me until 
 he was admitted to practice, and commenced his professional 
 as well as political career at Connersville. He rose rapidly at 
 
SMITH. 157 
 
 the bar, was remarkably fluent, rapid x and eloquent before the 
 jury, never at a loss for ideas or words to express them; if he 
 had a fault as an advocate, it was that he suffered his nature to 
 press forward his ideas, for utterance faster than the minds of 
 the jurors were prepared to receive them; still, he was very 
 successful before the court and jury. Pie was one of the most 
 eloquent and powerful speakers in the United States." 
 
 Mr. Smith early turned his attention to political life, 
 and became an influential member of the Whig party 
 in Indiana, serving in the Legislature of that State dur 
 ing the four consecutive years from 1833 to 1836, and 
 being Speaker of the House in 1835 and 1836. In 1840 
 he was one of the Whig electors who voted for General 
 Harrison for President, and during his State political 
 career he also held the responsible financial public 
 office of State Fund Commissioner for Indiana. He 
 was a member of Congress from the fourth district of 
 the State during that interesting period from 1843 to 
 1847, being the last part of Mr. Tyler s administra 
 tion and the first part of Mr. Folk s, when the Oregon 
 question, with its alliterative war-cry of "Fifty-four 
 forty, or fight !" stirred the country up so thoroughly 
 about England, and when the annexation of Texas and 
 the subsequent Mexican war showed so plainly how 
 bold, how large, and how dishonest were the plans in 
 operation to " extend the area of freedom" for the use 
 of slavery. Mr. Smith s course in Congress was one of 
 creditable and consistent co-operation with his party. 
 His efficiency as a working member caused him to be 
 appointed after the war as Commissioner of the Board 
 for adjusting war-claims against Mexico ; and having 
 completed this task, he established himself at Cincin 
 nati in the practice of the law. 
 
158 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 When the Republican party was organized, Mr. 
 Smith joined it, and was on the Ohio Fremont electoral 
 ticket in 1856. Two years later, in 1858, he removed 
 again to Indianapolis, and was there in practice at the 
 bar when appointed by Mr. Lincoln Secretary of the 
 Interior. This office was originally suggested in the 
 session of 1848-9, by Mr. R. J. Walker, then Secretary 
 of the Treasury, who found his own hands overloaded 
 with work. It includes the care of Patents, Public 
 Lands, the accounts of U. S. Marshals and other law 
 officers, Indian Affairs, Pensions, the Census, Public 
 Buildings, etc., being a department for the home and 
 domestic business of the United States. The law 
 creating it was passed March 3, 1849, and Hon. Thomas 
 Ewing was the first Secretary. Mr. Smith had long 
 been a political and personal friend of Mr. Lincoln, and 
 was appointed with full knowledge of his fitness for the 
 place. 
 
 In this responsible and important trust Secretary 
 Smith labored steadily and successfully, until his ap 
 pointment to be U. S. Judge for the District of Indi 
 ana, which was confirmed by the Senate, December 22, 
 1862; and he was succeeded in his place at Washing 
 ton by Hon. John P. Usher, also an Indiaman, Jan. 8, 
 1863. Judge Smith died only a few months after his 
 appointment, leaving an unspotted personal and official 
 reputation. 
 
WELLES. 159 
 
 Yin. 
 
 GIDEON WELLES. 
 
 THE grave, reflective features, long beard, and wig 
 of Secretary Welles are familiar to most persons, so 
 extensively has his portrait been placed before the pub 
 lic, either in earnest or in jest. In Mr. Carpenter s 
 picture he sits beyond the table, at Mr. Lincoln s left 
 hand, between him and the group of Messrs. Smith, 
 Blair, and Bates. 
 
 Mr. Welles descends from one of the oldest Puritan 
 stocks, being the sixth in direct descent from Thomas 
 Welles, Governor of Connecticut in 1655 and 1658. 
 The Secretary s brother, Thaddeus, still occupies the 
 same farm in Glastenbury which their ancestor the Pu 
 ritan Governor bought of Sowheag, the great Indian 
 sachem at Middletown, two hundred years ago. This 
 is a long time, in a country of cheap conveyances of 
 land, for real estate to remain in the same family. Mr. 
 Welles father lived to be 80 ; his grandfather to be 
 73; his great-grandfather to be 86; and the next an 
 cestor back to be 72. The wives of these stout old 
 gentlemen lived to about the same age; so that the 
 Secretary has a sort of inherited right to live long. 
 
 The father of the Secretary was a thrifty and re 
 spectable Glastenbury farmer, and gave his son a good 
 education. The boy, after some experience in the dis 
 trict school, was sent to the Episcopal Academy at 
 Cheshire, near New Haven, and afterward to Norwich 
 
160 THE PICTURE AND THE MEX. 
 
 University, Vermont, which was first established as a 
 military school, in 1820, by Captain Alden Partridge, 
 the well-known soldier and teacher. For some reason 
 or other, however, young Welles did not graduate there, 
 but returned to his native State and established -him 
 self in Hartford, which has remained his residence ever 
 since, except at the two periods when he has held office 
 in Washington. Here he studied law under Chief- 
 Justice Williams and Judge W. W. Ellsworth. But liis 
 natural inclination was much stronger toward politics 
 and political literature than toward the more plodding 
 legal industry of the courts ; and not having become 
 very deeply immersed in the practice of law, he found 
 it easy and agreeable, in 1826, to become a proprietor 
 and the editor #f the Hartford Times, a paper which, 
 whether its politics have been right or wrong, has al 
 ways been conducted with shrewdness, energy, and 
 power, and is so still. It was when Mr. Welles became 
 connected with it the recognized organ of the Demo 
 cratic party in Connecticut, and it is an influential 
 organ of that party now. 
 
 As editor of the Times, or as a principal writer for 
 it, Mr. Welles exerted a powerful influence in the poli 
 tics of his State, and to some extent in national poli 
 tics. This influence was in great measure exerted in 
 consultation with Hon. John M. Niles, for three terms 
 United States senator from Connecticut, and in his day 
 the leader of his party in his State. So complete was 
 his control over the Democracy supposed to be, that 
 " Xiles s cattle 7 was one of the regular sneers almost 
 every day cast at the " Locofocos" by their Whig ad 
 versaries. It was Mr. Niles who was foremost in es- 
 
WELLES. 161 
 
 tablishing the Times, in 1817, and until Mr. Welles 
 took his place he was principal editor. 
 
 Messrs. Niles and Welles were both devoted parti 
 sans of General Jackson, and the Times was the first 
 newspaper that urged his election to the Presidency of 
 the United States ; it stuck to him through evil and 
 good report until his election in 1828, and was a most 
 thorough and effective supporter of his administration 
 from beginning to end. 
 
 In 1827 Mr. Welles was elected to the State Legisla 
 ture, and was re-elected yearly until 1835 ; and as he 
 resigned his editorial chair at the end of General Jack 
 son s second term, his chief activity as*a State legis- 
 tor and politician may perhaps be placed within that 
 period of eight years. During this time he was a most 
 vigorous adversary to a scheme then proposed to pro 
 hibit from giving evidence in courts persons not be 
 lieving in a future state of rewards and punishments ; 
 he labored perseveringly to abolish imprisonment for 
 debt, which he finally succeeded in doing ; he advo 
 cated and carried the enactment of general laws for 
 the establishment of business corporations, in place of 
 the previous practice of legislating specially for each 
 new company ; and in the days when a silver quarter of 
 a dollar was the postage on " each sheet or piece of 
 paper," and long before the public at large were think 
 ing about it, he set on foot an important agitation for 
 cheap and uniform postage. The mere statement of 
 these " heads of controversy" shows the genuine " dem 
 ocracy" in the real, not the partisan political sense of 
 the word, of Mr. Welles views. 
 
 In 1835 Mr. Welles was controller of public ac- 
 11 
 
162 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 counts of the State ; in 1836 he was made postmaster 
 at Hartford, and retained the office until removed 
 under Harrison s administration in 1841 ; in 1842 he 
 was controller again ^ and in 1846, President Polk, 
 without any previous notice, offered him an appoint 
 ment as Chief of the Bureau of Provisions and Cloth 
 ing in the Navy Department at Washington. This 
 office he accepted, and retained until 1849. 
 
 Mr. Welles, as a Democrat, had always been an ad 
 mirer of Jefferson, and in accordance with the views 
 of that statesman, he was unconditionally opposed to 
 the extension of slave territory. When, therefore, the 
 annexation of. Texas, the Mexican War, the contest 
 over Mr. Clay s compromise, and the other measures 
 connected with these, showed that the Democratic 
 party was ceasing to be the progressive party and be 
 coming a retrogressive one was changing from the 
 party of human rights into a machine for promoting 
 slavery, he necessarily felt himself repelled from it a 
 feeling, by the way, in which his old friend Senator 
 Niles most fully sympathized. Both of them, although 
 they had not united with the Liberty party nor the 
 Free-soil party, joined heartily in the organization of 
 the Republican party in 1855; Mr. Welles was the 
 candidate of the new party for Governor of Connecti 
 cut in 1856 ; and on the establishment in the same year 
 of the Hartford Evening Press as the organ of the new 
 party, he transferred his counsels and his pen to the 
 new paper. Pie was soon appointed a member of the 
 Republican National Committee, and at the Chicago 
 Convention in 1860 which nominated Mr. Lincoln, Mr. 
 Welles was chairman of the Connecticut delegation. 
 
WELLES. 1C3 
 
 During Mr. Lincoln s tour in the East, in the beginning 
 of I860, Mr. Welles was much with him; and doubt 
 less may then have formed such an opinion of his Con 
 necticut companion as induced the subsequent selection 
 of him for Secretary of the Navy. The writer of the 
 present sketch very well remembers being in the State 
 Library at Hartford one day when Mr. Welles and 
 Mr. Lincoln entered together, and smiling to see the tall 
 form of Mr. Welles so effectually out-topped by the 
 lengthy Illinoian. It was not then generally foreseen 
 that Mr. Lincoln would be President, Mr. Seward being 
 the choice more usually expected ; and yet it is not 
 improbable that the experienced campaigner of the 
 times of Jackson and Van Buren may already have 
 speculated, in his own peculiarly silent and quiet man 
 ner, upon the chances of Illinois as against New York. 
 And if Illinois were to be the nominating State, it fol 
 lowed of course that Mr. Lincoln would be the man. 
 Be that as it may, Mr. Welles was appointed Secretary 
 of the Navy, and was retained in that place by Mr. 
 Lincoln s successor. His administration of his very im 
 portant trust has been often assailed for a variety of 
 reasons. Whatever the occasion or the violence of those 
 attacks, Mr. Welles has answered none of them. This 
 is not the place for any discussion of such matters ; but 
 it may properly be remarked that the United States 
 Navy during the rebellion was of gigantic size and 
 importance, far beyond comparison with its condition 
 at any previous period ; and further, that its growth, ef 
 ficiency, economy, and good management under Mr. 
 Welles will bear comparison with those of any other 
 department of the Government during the same period. 
 
164 THE PICTUEE AND THE MEN. 
 
 IX. 
 
 EDWIN M. STANTON. 
 
 MR, STANTOX was the youngest man of President 
 Lincoln s cabinet, having been born at Steubcnville, 
 Ohio, in 1815. His family, like those of Mr. Lincoln 
 and Attorney-General Bates, was of Quaker descent. 
 His parents had removed to Ohio from Culpepper 
 County, Virginia, where his mother s father once 
 owned the ground on which was fought the battle of 
 Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862, between Banks and 
 Stonewall Jackson. After an ordinary preparatory 
 training, he entered Kenyon College in 1833, but re 
 mained only a year ; after that time he became a 
 bookseller s clerk at Columbus, Ohio, but at the same 
 time studied law under L. D. Collier, Esq., and was 
 admitted to the bar in 1836. He began practice at 
 Cadiz, in Harrison County, and almost immediately at 
 tracted attention as a lawyer of ability. In the next 
 year, 1837, he was chosen prosecuting attorney of the 
 county. Soon afterwards he established himself in 
 Steubenville, where he very quickly attained an exten 
 sive business. In 1839 he became official reporter of 
 the decisions of the Supreme Court of Ohio, and so re 
 mained during three years. By this time Mr. Stanton s 
 reputation was very high throughout all southeast Ohio 
 and the neighboring part of Virginia, both for arguing 
 questions of law and for power in convincing juries. 
 AVhile established here, he went to Washington to de- 
 
ST ANTON. 165 
 
 
 
 fend C. J. McXulty, of Ohio, clerk of the House of 
 ^Representatives, on trial upon a charge of embezzle 
 ment in office, and succeeded in securing his acquittal. 
 
 While thus at work in his profession, he was also an 
 energetic and efficient politician, laboring vigorously in 
 the ranks of the Democratic party. In 1848, as his 
 reputation caused him to be employed in more and 
 more important causes, he removed to Pittsburg, as a 
 better center of operations, and remained until 1857. 
 Here Mr. Stanton speedily became the acknowledged 
 leader of the bar, and began to be employed in many 
 heavy and important cases before the United States 
 Supreme Court at Washington. One of these, the 
 Wheeling Bridge case, involved the same important 
 and violently and repeatedly contested question that 
 lias frequently arisen in similar cases, whether the con 
 venience of the land routes or of the water routes shall 
 be served, when a bridge is wanted over a navigable 
 stream. No lawsuits are fought with more energy, 
 anger, and force than these. This fact is easy to 
 understand when it is considered that they necessarily 
 occur between parties of large means, and of that pe 
 culiar obstinate, powerful, aggressive executive energy 
 of character that belongs to the promoters of great in 
 dustrial and social enterprises. Mr. Stanton s vast en 
 dowment of exactly those qualities rendered him a 
 sympathetic and interested lawyer for just such men ; 
 and his argument in the Wheeling case is perhaps the 
 best known of all his legal efforts. 
 
 In 1857, Mr. Stanton removed again from Pittsburg 
 to the still larger arena of Washington, where he 
 quickly entered into the peculiar and lucrative patent 
 
ICC THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 department of law practice. During the year after his 
 removal to Washington, he was selected by Attorney- 
 General Black to go to California to argue for the 
 United States some land cases involving principles and 
 values of very great importance, which came up before 
 the California State courts. 
 
 Late in the year 1860, after the secession of South 
 Carolina, great difficulties and vexations arose within 
 the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, from the operation of the 
 existing political troubles, and from the clashing views, 
 purposes, and characters of the members of the Govern 
 ment. Hon. Lewis Cass, then Secretary of State, un 
 able to control the course of events or to endure the 
 machinations of the dishonest officials around him, re 
 signed his place on the 14th of December, and Attorney- 
 General Black was appointed in his stead. Mr. Stanton, 
 well known hitherto as a Democrat in politics, and as 
 a prompt, energetic, and able laAvyer, was appointed to 
 the vacant post of Attorney-General, and as such he 
 bore a part in the disturbed and uneasy remainder of 
 Mr. Buchanan s administration. The -details of this 
 portion of his career are known only to himself and his 
 fellow-members of the Cabinet. But he took a strong 
 and determined position in defence of the United States, 
 and of the dignities and rights of the central govern 
 ment, as against the feeble and wailing acquiescence of 
 Mr. Buchanan, and one or two of the Cabinet, and 
 against the monstrous and impudent treasons of the 
 rest of it. In a conversation with Mr. Carpenter, Mr. 
 Stanton once gave the following brief glimpse into that 
 sufficiently contemptible interior: 
 
 " This little incident," said Stanton, speaking of Major 
 
8T ANTON. 167 
 
 Anderson s removal to Fort Sumter, " was the crisis of 
 our history the pivot upon which everything turned. 
 Had he remained in Fort Moultrie, a very different com 
 bination of circumstances would have arisen. The at 
 tack on Sumter commenced by the South united the 
 North, and made the success of the Confederacy impossi 
 ble. I shall never forget," he continued, " our coming 
 together by special summons that night. Buchanan sat 
 in his arm-chair in a corner of the room, white as a 
 sheet, with the stump of a cigar in his mouth. The 
 dispatches were laid before us ; and so much violence 
 ensued, that he had to turn us all out-of-doors." 
 
 Upon Mr. Lincoln s accession, Mr. Cameron was ap 
 pointed Secretary of War; and upon his resigning 
 January 14, 1862, to accept the appointment of envoy 
 extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Russia, 
 Mr. Stanton was appointed to the vacant secretaryship 
 on the 20th of the same month. It was with a just 
 consciousness of his powers of straightforward hard 
 work, of judicious organization, and of selecting and 
 controlling men, that he accepted the place, yet with 
 no vain-glory, nor with any idle under-estimate of the 
 problem to be solved. He had not been a member of 
 the Republican party, but a thorough Jacksonian 
 Democrat. Still, Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, and Mr. 
 Cameron himself were all well aware of the remarkable 
 energy, fearlessness, force of will, and unqualified pa 
 triotism shown in his position in the Buchanan Cabinet. 
 They knew that he, with Judge Holt and General Dix, 
 had substantially preserved the Government ; that had 
 it not been for those three men, doubtless the whole 
 frame of the administration would have been knocked 
 
168 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 out of the trembling and feeble hands of Mr. Buchanan, 
 to be broken into splinters, or to be grasped and con 
 trolled by the Southern traitors of that Cabinet. When 
 Mr. Stanton went to the White House to receive his 
 commission from Mr. Lincoln, the President and he had 
 never seen each other. It is said also that Mr. Stanton 
 had no notice whatever of the intended appointment 
 until the day before his nomination was sent to the 
 Senate, the information being given to him just as he 
 was about to argue a cause before the Supreme Court. 
 In a brief article on Mr. Stanton which appeared some 
 time ago in Harper s Weekly, and which is understood 
 to have been written by an intimate personal and po 
 litical friend, the writer says : " The relations thus com 
 menced between the President and the Secretary of 
 War always remained exceedingly cordial, or rather, 
 they, constantly became warmer and more confidential, 
 down to the last fatal day which ended Mr. Lincoln s 
 earthly career. While he was rarely seen at the offices 
 of the other executive departments, at the War Office 
 he was not merely a frequent but a constant visitor. 
 His tall form, wrapped in his familiar gray shawl, was 
 usually to be seen making its way along the back alley 
 that leads there from the White House, at from nine to 
 ten o clock in the morning, or about four in the afternoon ; 
 and persons who were admitted to see the Secretary on 
 important business in his private room at those hours 
 would sometimes find the President stretched upon the 
 sofa there, as if the discussion between him and the 
 Secretary had not yet been concluded. Indeed, the tie 
 between them seemed to be quite as much that of 
 private aifection as of official duty ; and when the catas- 
 
STAN TON. 169 
 
 trophe occurred which robed the nation in mourning, 
 all will remember how admirably the confidence of the 
 deceased statesman in his friend and adviser was justi 
 fied by the latter. For a brief time, in that awful 
 crisis, the whole government seemed to rest upon the 
 shoulders of the Secretary of War, and the country will 
 not soon forget the manner in which the momentous 
 trust was discharged." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, besides proceeding upon the recommen 
 dations of the other secretaries, chose Mr. Stanton with 
 a wise consideration of geography. In answering some 
 questions on the subject, he observed that his first wish 
 had been to choose a man from a border State, -but 
 that he knew Xew England would object; that on the 
 other hand he would have also been glad to choose a 
 New Englander, but he knew the Border States would 
 object. So, on the whole, he concluded to select from 
 some intervening territory ; " and to tell you the truth, 
 gentlemen," he added, " I don t believe Stanton knows 
 where he belongs himself." Some of the company now 
 said something about Mr. Stanton s impulsiveness, to 
 which Mr. Lincoln replied with one of those queer stories 
 with which he used to answer friends and enemies alike. 
 " Well," he said, " we may have to treat him as they 
 are sometimes objjged to treat a Methodist minister I 
 know r of out West. He gets wrought up so high in 
 his prayers and exhortations that they are obliged to 
 put bricks in his pockets to keep him down. We may 
 be obliged to serve Stanton the same way, but I guess 
 we ll let him jump awhile first!" 
 
 An interesting anecdote was a short time since print 
 ed in the Cincinnati Gazette, illustrating well the com- 
 
170 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 plcte confidence existing between the President and Ids 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 " While the President," says this account, " was on 
 his way back from Richmond, and at a point where no 
 telegraph could reach the steamer upon which lie was, 
 a dispatch of the utmost importance reached Washing 
 ton, demanding the immediate decision of the President 
 himself. The dispatch was received by a confidential 
 staff officer, who at once ascertained that Mr. Lincoln 
 could not be reached. Delay was out of the question, 
 as important army movements were involved. The 
 officer having the dispatch went with it directly to Mr. 
 Stanton s office, but the Secretary could not be found. 
 Messengers were hastily dispatched for him in all direc 
 tions. Their search was useless, and a positive answer 
 had been already too much delayed by the time it had 
 occupied. With great reluctance the staff officer sent 
 a reply in the President s name. Soon after Mr. Stan- 
 ton entered himself, having learned of the efforts made 
 to find him. The dispatch was produced, and he was 
 informed by the officer sending the answer, of what had 
 been done. 
 
 " Did I do right ? said the officer to the Secretary. 
 
 " Yes, Major, replied Mr. Stanton, * I think you 
 have sent the correct reply, but I should hardly have 
 dared to take the responsibility. 
 
 " At this the whole magnitude of the office, and the 
 great responsibility lie had taken upon himself, seemed 
 to fall upon the officer, and almost overcame him, and 
 he asked Mr. Stanton what he had better do, and was 
 advised to go directly to the President, on his return, 
 and state the case frankly to him. It was a sleepless 
 
ST ANTON. 171 
 
 night for this officer, and at the very earliest hour con 
 sistent with propriety he went to the White House, 
 Mr. Lincoln having returned late the night before, but 
 was refused admission by the usher, who told him that 
 , the President had given strict orders to admit no one 
 upon any pretense till after a certain hour. In vain 
 did the officer urge the importance of his errand ; the 
 usher would not take in his name, and he was about 
 turning away when the President s son came down 
 stairs, bade the officer good-morning, and, on hearing 
 he had been refused admission, said that his father 
 would certainly see the Major. Still the usher was not 
 to be moved, till the son went back himself, and re 
 turned with the message that the President would see 
 him. 
 
 " Mr. Lincoln was reclining on a lounge as the officer 
 entered, looking over a pile of papers. He appeared 
 a little annoyed at the interruption, but stopped at 
 once to hear his visitor s mission. The dispatch was 
 shown him, and the action upon it- stated frankly and 
 briefly. The President thought a moment and then 
 said, Did you consult the Secretary of War, Major? 
 The absence of the Secretary at the important moment 
 was then related to Mr. Lincoln, with the subsequent 
 remark of Mr. Stanton that he thought the right answer 
 had been given, but that he himself would have shrunk 
 from the responsibility. 
 
 " Mr. Lincoln, on hearing the story, rose, crossed the 
 room, and taking the officer by the hand thanked him 
 cordially, and then spoke earnestly of Mr. Stanton as 
 follows: Hereafter, Major, whenever you have Mr. 
 Stantorfs sanction in any matter, you have mine, for 
 
172 THE PICTURE* AND THE MEN. 
 
 so great is my confidence in his judgment and patriot 
 ism, that I never icish to take an important step my 
 self without first consulting him? " 
 
 The story of life within the Cabinet during the war 
 is varied with all manner of friendly and unfriendly 
 colorings ; but on the whole it is a fine picture of 
 strong and decided men striving to do their best for 
 the country, and to postpone or reconcile personal ob 
 jects and sentiments so far as they interfered with the 
 common object. Very many of its inside occurrences 
 have all the hearty friendliness of events in a family 
 of grown-up, positive, but kindly brothers. Mr. Car 
 penter tells a graphic anecdote of the strong regard of 
 Mr. Lincoln for Secretary Stanton. " A few days be 
 fore the President s death," he says, " Secretary Stan- 
 ton tendered his resignation of the War Department. 
 He accompanied the act with a heart-felt tribute to Mr. 
 Lincoln s constant friendship and faithful devotion to 
 the country ; saying, also, that he as Secretary had ac 
 cepted the position- to hold it only until the war should 
 end, and that now he felt his work was done, and his 
 duty was to resign. 
 
 " Mr. Lincoln was greatly moved by the Secretary s 
 words, and tearing in pieces the paper containing the 
 resignation, and throwing his arms about the Secretary, 
 he said : Stanton, you have been a good friend and a 
 faithful public servant, and it is not for you to say 
 when you will no longer be needed here. Several 
 friends of both parties were present on the occasion, 
 and there was not a dry eye that witnessed the scene." 
 
 At the Cabinet meeting which Mr. Carpenter once 
 attended, Mr. Usher, then Secretary of the Interior, 
 
STANTON. 173 
 
 told Mr. Stanton that he had a young friend whom he 
 wished to have appointed a paymaster in the army. 
 " How old is he ?" asked Mr. Stanton, gruffly. " About 
 twenty-one, I believe," answered Mr. Usher; "he is of 
 good family and excellent character. "Usher," ex 
 claimed Mr. Stanton, in reply, " I would not appoint the 
 Angel Gabriel a paymaster if he was only twenty-one." 
 
 A good instance of the kind of influence which Mr. 
 Stanton exerted upon the war, and of the way he used 
 it, is given in the account of a correspondent of the 
 Boston Commonwealth, of the occasion when negotia 
 tion upon political matters was forbidden to General 
 Grant. It w T as at the capital, on the night of March 
 3d, 1865, and while the last bills from Congress were 
 being read and signed, and the accounts from Grant of 
 the certain speedy destruction of Lee s army were be 
 ing discussed, that, the story says, " Mr. Lincoln was 
 elated, and the kindness of his heart was manifest in 
 intimations of favorable terms to be granted to the 
 conquered rebels. 
 
 " Stanton listened in silence, restraining his emotion, 
 but at length the tide burst forth. Mr. President, 
 said he, * to-morrow is inauguration day. If you are 
 not to be the President of an obedient and united peo 
 ple, you had better not be inaugurated. Your work is 
 already done, if any other authority than yours is for 
 one moment to be recognized, or any terms made that 
 do not signify you are the supreme head of the nation. 
 If generals in the field are to negotiate peace, or any 
 other chief magistrate is to be acknowledged on this 
 continent, then you are not needed, and you had better 
 not take the oath of office. 
 
174: THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 " * Stanton, you are right ! said the President, his 
 whole tone changing. Let me have a pen. 
 
 " Mr. Lincoln sat down at the table, and wrote as 
 follows : 
 
 " The President directs me to say to you that he 
 wishes you to have no conference with General Lee, 
 unless it be for the capitulation of Lee s army, or on 
 some minor or purely military matter. He instructs 
 me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer 
 upon any political question. Such questions the Presi 
 dent holds in his own hands, and will submit them to 
 no military conferences or conventions. In the mean 
 time you are to press to the utmost your military ad 
 vantages. 
 
 " The President read over what he had written, and 
 then said : 
 
 " * Now, Stanton, date and sign this paper, and send 
 it to Grant. We ll see about this peace business. 
 
 " The duty w r as discharged only too gladly by the 
 energetic and far-sighted Secretary ; with what effect 
 and renown the country knows full well." 
 
 Mr. Stanton s official doings as Secretary of War 
 have been very often and very violently attacked, and 
 charges of every sort, from oppression, cruelty, and 
 official brutality to the grossest and vilest malfeas 
 ance and corruption, have been made against him. 
 None of these, however, have ever lived long enough to 
 produce an impression upon the public, and Mr. Stan- 
 ton himself has treated them with utter neglect. This 
 disregard of cotemporary personal reputation was a 
 habit of his before he became Secretary ; for he never 
 took pains to preserve any of his legal productions, and 
 
STANTON. 175 
 
 the personal friend who prepared the sketch of Mr. 
 Stanton, above quoted from, says : " In one of these 
 cases, which related to the right of the Suspension 
 Bridge Company, at Wheeling, to construct their 
 bridge across the Ohio River, his plea is spoken of by 
 those who had the luck to hear it as a most remarkable 
 performance, but we have not succeeded in procuring a 
 printed copy of it." 
 
 We quote from the same paper its very well-outlin 
 ed sketch of Mr. Stanton s personal appearance : 
 
 " Mr. Stanton is about five feet eight inches in height, 
 and is a person of broad shoulders and heavy frame. 
 His features are rather round and full, his hair very 
 dark, though thin, and his complexion sallow. These 
 peculiarities, combined with his intense and penetrating 
 dark brown eyes, and his heavy beard sprinkled freely 
 with gray, give somewhat of an Oriental air to his 
 general appearance. Though his ordinary expression 
 is thoughtful, absorbed, and stern, his smile is gentle 
 and winning as a woman s." 
 
 In an enthusiastic account of the Secretary of War, 
 printed some time ago in the Illinois State Journal, is 
 given the following picture of his character as a busi 
 ness man : " His mind never ceases to act, and his body 
 is never fatigued with executing. The former never 
 rests, and the latter never bends beneath its work. The 
 writer, when a boy, used to study in a room under his 
 office, and knows that he was accustomed to work all 
 day and until the small hours of the night began their 
 increase. His industry would astonish ordinary men, 
 and the amount of work which he did could never have 
 been endured by other than a man of iron. When im- 
 
176 THE PICTUKE AND THE MEN. 
 
 mcrsed in business and surrounded by a multitude of 
 details he seemed at home confusion under his energy 
 soon became system. He seemed always posted in his 
 business, he never took up a wrong paper, turned to a 
 wrong page, or read a wrong extract. His memory 
 never deserted him, and his judgment never erred." 
 
 Mr. Stanton has been twice married, his present wife 
 having been a Miss Ellen Dickinson of Pittsburg. By 
 his first marriage he has a son, now about twenty-five 
 years of age ; and by his second, a son and two daugh 
 ters, all yet quite young. 
 
177 
 
 X. 
 EDWARD BATES. 
 
 JUDGE BATES was born in Goochland County, Vir 
 ginia a county in the heart of the State, on the north 
 bank of James River, and next above Henrico, in which 
 stands the city of Richmond in 1793. His family had 
 been Quakers, but his father, after the fashion of the 
 sect, had been cast out of it for bearing arms during the 
 Revolution. The education of the boy was conducted 
 under the supervision of a relative of much culture ; and 
 about 1814 he removed to Missouri in company with 
 his elder brother, Frederick, appointed Secretary of the 
 Territory under the well-known Western explorer Gov 
 ernor "William Clark, and afterward in 1824 himself 
 elected Governor of the State. St. Louis, where the 
 young man established himself, was then a town of less 
 than 5,000 inhabitants, and the whole Territory num 
 bered not more than about 50,000 souls. 
 
 Mr. Bates very soon became eminent as a lawyer 
 possessing excellent judgment, ample knowledge, and 
 much power of calm and deliberate argument. When, 
 on July 19, 1820, the convention to frame a State con 
 stitution met at St. Louis, Mr. Bates was an influential 
 member of it, and was for a long time a leading mem 
 ber of the Territorial and afterward of the State Leg 
 islature. During the Twentieth Congress, 1827-9, he 
 served as a representative in Congress from Missouri. 
 
 12 
 
178 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 Mr. Bates found political life well suited to his tastes 
 and acquirements, but the state of his private fortune 
 did not allow him to pursue such a career, and accord 
 ingly at the end of his Congressional term he went 
 quietly home to his law practice in St. Louis. Here he 
 labored faithfully and obscurely, well known within his 
 own State, but very little out of it, until the Internal 
 Improvement Convention of 1 847, which met at Chicago. 
 To this assembly Mr. Bates was a delegate, and here 
 he astonished the Convention by delivering a speech 
 upon the question before them, so powerful, eloquent, 
 and conclusive, as to fill his audience with surprise and 
 delight. An attempt was quickly made to enlist so 
 much ability in the service of the Whig party ; but 
 Mr. Bates persistently declined either to accept any 
 State office, or to take the Secretaryship which Presi 
 dent Fillmore offered him. 
 
 On questions of national policy Mr. Bates was a fol 
 lower of Henry Clay. On the subject of slavery he 
 had excellent opportunities for forming his opinions, as 
 the admission of his State to the Union was the occa 
 sion of the Missouri Compromise. The debates attend 
 ing that measure had powerfully discussed the subject, 
 and it had naturally been considered and argued fully 
 within the State whose existence as a State was brought 
 into question. Mr. Bates was by natural constitution of 
 mind a conservative, but he was also a fearless and just 
 man. While he was far from holding the views of the 
 political abolitionists, he was still decidedly an emanci 
 pationist of the school of Henry Clay ; and he exempli 
 fied his beliefs on the subject by manumitting his own 
 slaves. When the question of the repeal of the Mis- 
 
BATES. 179 
 
 souri Compromise came up, he was energetic and thor 
 ough in his opposition to it ; and from that time for 
 ward he labored for the party of freedom in Missouri, 
 taking the ground that free labor was right in itself, 
 and was far more profitable to the State. He was also 
 a firm opponent of the whole series of measures pursued 
 by Mr. Buchanan s administration toward the infant 
 State of Kansas. 
 
 At the Chicago Convention to nominate a Republican 
 candidate for the Presidency, in 1860, Mr. Bates was 
 the favorite candidate of many members, both from 
 the West and East. Upon Mr. Lincoln s election, Mr. 
 Bates appointment to the place of Attorney-General 
 was the very first of the Cabinet appointments defi 
 nitely determined upon. His course while a Cabinet 
 officer was marked by entire personal good feeling 
 toward Mr. Lincoln, and by a steady and cautious offi 
 cial conservatism ; while his earnest and resolute Union 
 ism was never doubted nor questioned. After Mr. Lin 
 coln s re-election, Mr. Bates resigned his post, as he had 
 once before retired from political life, for reasons per 
 sonal to himself, and not in accordance with any desire 
 of Mr. Lincoln s, and once more returned to his home 
 at St. Louis, where he has since remained in private 
 life. 
 
ISO THE riCTUKE AND THE HEN. 
 
 XL 
 MONTGOMERY BLAIR. 
 
 POSTMASTER-GENERAL MONTGOMERY BLAIR is ill the 
 
 third generation of his family who have been prominent 
 in political life. About the year 1800, in the days of 
 the violent political warfare between the Federalists 
 and the Republicans, and when Kentucky was still 
 harassed along her borders by the Indians, whose war 
 fare had given it the name of "The Dark and Bloody 
 Ground," James Blair, a Virginian of Scotch descent, 
 was living at Abingdon, Washington County, Vir 
 ginia, a small town in the southwestern comer of that 
 State, on the head waters of the Holston River, and in 
 the district so well known during the war for the 
 Union, as the scene of one of those adventurous and 
 damaging cavalry raids which struck so sharply and 
 deeply into the heart of the rebellion. Mr. Blair re 
 moved to Kentucky, taking with him a son, Francis 
 Preston Blair, then about ten years old. Mr. James 
 Blair became an influential politician, and was at one 
 time attorney-general of Kentucky. 
 
 Francis P. Blair, the son, was educated at Transyl 
 vania University, and was a partisan of Henry Clay in 
 1824, but soon afterward became an advocate of Gen 
 eral Jackson s views. 
 
 In the winter of 1830-1, President Jackson discov 
 ered that the leading party "organ," the Telegraph, 
 
BLAIR. 181 
 
 though still professedly his advocate, was about to go 
 over to the side of Mr. Calhoun, who was then just ap 
 pearing in Congress as the leader of the nullification 
 scheme. During the previous summer, a gentleman 
 had casually shown the President an article in the 
 Frankfort Argus, a Kentucky paper, containing a 
 strong review of a late nullification speech in Congress. 
 The President, much pleased with the power of the 
 article, had inquired who wrote it, and was told, Mr. 
 Francis P. Blair. When, therefore, he found out the 
 proposed desertion of his allies of the Telegraph, he 
 caused a proposition to be made to the Kentuckian, to 
 come and establish a Jackson paper in Washington. 
 Mr. Blair, holding a well-paid position as elerk of the 
 Kentucky Circuit Court, being also the president of the 
 Commonwealth Bank with a salary, and owning also a 
 good plantation, had supposed himself permanently 
 established, and was entirely taken by surprise by this 
 application. Being, however, an ardent friend of Gen 
 eral Jackson s policy, he very soon gave up his Ken 
 tucky interests, came to Washington, and established 
 that famous newspaper the Globe. John C. Rives 
 was soon afterward associated with him in the manage 
 ment of the new paper; and the important part which 
 it played under their management in the disturbed and 
 violent political contests of thirty years ago is matter 
 of history. The Congressional Globe, a sort of suc 
 cessor of the Globe, is still regularly issued at Wash 
 ington; and the important though unobtrusive influ 
 ence exerted by Mr. Blair both in those days and even 
 down to the period of the rebellion, as a shrewd and 
 trusted adviser of the managers of the Democratic 
 
182 THE PICTURE AND TUB MEN. 
 
 party, is perhaps as well known as the fame of the 
 newspaper which he edited. 
 
 Mr. Blair controlled the Globe until Mr. Polk became 
 President, when Mr. Ritchie was put in his place. On 
 being afterward urged to resume the place, he declined ; 
 he also declined an offer of the mission to Spain, and 
 an offer of some other diplomatic appointment for his 
 son, and took up his abode at a country seat called 
 Silver Spring, in Maryland, where he has resided ever 
 since, busying himself with farming when not employed 
 in politics. Mr. Blair supported the Van Buren or 
 Free-soil Democratic movement in 1848, and the Fre 
 mont movement in 1856. 
 
 Montgomery Blair, son of the editor of the Globe, 
 was born in Kentucky, May 10, 1813. He studied at 
 West Point, where he graduated at the age of 22, and 
 being according to custom commissioned as second 
 lieutenant, he served in the Seminole war. After 
 about a year s soldiering, however, he resigned, and 
 settled at St. Louis, as a lawyer, in 1837. Here he 
 was prosperous in law and in politics, holding at vari 
 ous times, during the period from 1839 to 1849, the 
 offices of United States District Attorney, Judge of the 
 Court of Common Pleas, and Mayor of the city. In 
 1852 Mr. Blair removed to Maryland, where he estab 
 lished himself in his father s neighborhood, in a house 
 called Montgomery Castle. 
 
 Mr. Blair, like his father, was a Jacksonian Demo 
 crat; but when the Missouri Compromise was repealed 
 he cast in his lot with the Republican party. Upon 
 this, President Buchanan promptly removed him from 
 the solicitorship of the Court of Claims, a post given 
 
BLAIR. 183 
 
 him by Mr. Pierce. Mr. Blair, like his father and 
 brother, is a thorough politician, and also like them is 
 a man of strong and unconditional likes and dislikes, 
 and prompt and decided in action. Moreover, the 
 father and the two sons very naturally and properly 
 co-operated with each other in advice, influence, and 
 management. Accordingly, they were all more or less 
 interested in the appointment of General Fremont to 
 Missouri, and afterward in his removal. Mr. Mont 
 gomery Blair and his brother F. P. Blair had both 
 been active and influential St. Louis politicians also, 
 and thus they were pretty intimately mixed up with 
 the peculiarly turbulent and passionate politics of Mis 
 souri and Kansas during the war. These experiences 
 necessarily procured them enemies, and these enemies 
 worked hard to procure Mr. Blair s ejection from the 
 postmastership. So much hostile feeling at last grew 
 up within the Republican party on the subject, that Mr. 
 Blair, with correct and manly feeling, requested Mr. 
 Lincoln to tell him when to resign, and he would do so. 
 The President accordingly requested it, September 23, 
 1864, and the resignation was offered and accepted ac 
 cordingly. The correspondence is so creditable to both 
 parties, and so brief, that we give it in full : 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, Septembor 23, 1864. 
 HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR : 
 
 My Dear Sir : You have generously said to me, more than 
 once, that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me, 
 it was at my disposal. The time has come. You very well 
 know that this proceeds from no dissatisfaction of mine with you 
 personally or officially. Your uniform kindness has been un 
 surpassed by that of any other friend, and while it is true that 
 the war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your de- 
 
184 THE PICTURE AND THE MEN. 
 
 partinent as to those of some others, it is yet much to say, as I 
 most truly can, that in the three years and a half during which 
 you have administered the General Post-Office, I remember no 
 single complaint against you in connection therewith. 
 
 Yours, as ever, A. LINCOLN. 
 
 MR. BLAIR S REPLY. 
 
 My Dear Sir : I have received your note of this date, refer 
 ring to my offers to resign whenever you should deem it ad 
 visable for the public interest that I should do so, and- stating 
 that, in your judgment, that time has now come. I now, there 
 fore, formally tender my resignation of the office of Postmas 
 ter-General. I can not take leave of you without renewing the 
 expressions of my gratitude for the uniform kindness which 
 has marked your course toward, 
 
 Yours truly, M. BLAIR. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 The four years term of office thus filled by Mr. Blair 
 was by the nature of his occupation far less calculated 
 to keep him prominently before the public, than the 
 Secretaryships of War, of the Navy, and of the Treas 
 ury. In them success draws attention, but the better 
 the Post-Office Department is managed the less will be 
 said about it. This Department was conducted witli 
 decided ability by Mr. Blair, and the fewness of com 
 plaints against his administration of it is equivalent td 
 high positive praise. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, and 
 Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby 
 proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will 
 be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the con 
 stitutional relation between the United States and the people 
 thereof in those States in which that relation is, or may be, 
 suspended or disturbed ; that it is my purpose upon the next 
 meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a 
 practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free accept 
 ance or rejection of all the Slave States, so-called, the people 
 whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United 
 States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or 
 thereafter may voluntarily adopt, the immediate or gradual 
 abolishment of Slavery within their respective limits, and that 
 the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their con 
 sent, upon the continent or elsewhere, with the previously 
 obtained consent of the government existing there, will be 
 continued ; that on the first day of January, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons 
 held as slaves within any State, or any designated part of a 
 State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the 
 United States, SHALL BE THEN, THENCEFORWARD, AND FOR 
 EVER FREE ; and the military and naval authority thereof will 
 recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will 
 do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in 
 
186 APPENDIX. 
 
 any efforts they may make for. actual freedom ; that the Ex 
 ecutive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by procla 
 mation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in 
 which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion 
 against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the 
 people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented 
 in the Congress of the United States by members chosen 
 thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters 
 of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of 
 strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence 
 that such State and the people thereof have not been in rebel 
 lion against the United States. 
 
 That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress en 
 titled, " An act to make an additional article of war," approved 
 March 13, 1802, and which act is in the words and figures fol 
 lowing : 
 
 " Be it enacted by tJie Senate and House of Representatives of 
 the United States of America, in Congress, assembled, That here 
 after the following shall be promulgated as an additional article 
 of war for the government of the Army of the United States, 
 and shall be observed and obeyed as such : 
 
 " ARTICLE . All officers or persons of the military or naval 
 service of the United States are prohibited from employing any 
 of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose 
 of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have 
 escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is 
 claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by 
 a court-martial of violating this article, shall be dismissed from 
 the service. 
 
 " SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, that this act shall take 
 effect from and after its passage." 
 
 Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, " An 
 act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to 
 seize and confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes," 
 approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words 
 and figures following : 
 
 " SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, that all slaves of persons 
 who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Govern- 
 
APPENDIX. 187 
 
 ment of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or 
 comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge 
 \vithin the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such 
 pei-sons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of 
 the Government of the United States, and all slaves of such 
 persons found on (or being within) any place occupied by Rebel 
 forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United 
 States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever 
 free of their servitude and not again held as slaves. 
 
 " SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, that no slave escaping 
 into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any 
 of the States, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or 
 hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offense against 
 the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first 
 make oath that the person to whom the labor or sendee of such 
 fugitive is alleged to be due, is his lawful owner, and has not 
 been in arms against the United States in the present rebellion, 
 nor in any way given aid or comfort thereto ; and no person 
 engaged in the military or naval service of the United States 
 shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the 
 validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of 
 any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claim 
 ant, on pain of being dismissed from the service." 
 
 And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order all persons engaged 
 in the military and naval service of the United States to ob 
 serve, obey, and enforce within their respective spheres of serv 
 ice the act and sections above recited. 
 
 And the Executive will, in due time, recommend that all citi 
 zens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto 
 throughout the rebellion, shall (upon* the restoration of the 
 constitutional relation between the United States and their re 
 spective States and people, if the relation shall have been sus 
 pended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of 
 the United States, including the loss of slaves. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
 the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day of 
 September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 
188 APPENDIX. 
 
 and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States 
 the eighty-seventh. 
 
 By the President : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY PROCLAMATION. 
 
 WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a 
 proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, 
 containing among Qther things, the following, to wit : 
 
 That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as 
 slaves w ithin any State, or any designated part of a State, the 
 people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United 
 States, shall be thenceforward and forever free, and the Execu 
 tive Government of the United States, including the military 
 and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the 
 freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress 
 such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for 
 their actual freedom : 
 
 That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore 
 said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, 
 if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be 
 in rebellion against the United States, and the fact that any 
 State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith 
 represented in the Congress of the United States by members 
 chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified 
 voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence 
 of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evi 
 dence that such State and the people thereof are not then in 
 rebellion against the United States : 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
 States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in- 
 chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of 
 
APPENDIX. 189 
 
 actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government 
 of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for 
 repressing aid rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
 and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro 
 claimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day 
 of the first above-mentioned order, and designate, as the States 
 and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are 
 this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, 
 to wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the parishes of St. 
 Bernard, Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, 
 Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. 
 Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, Mis 
 sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North 
 Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty-eight counties desig 
 nated as West Virginia, and also % the counties of Berkeley, 
 Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, 
 and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, 
 and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as 
 if this proclamation were not issued. 
 
 And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I 
 do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said 
 designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward 
 shall be free ; and that the Executive Government of the United 
 States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will 
 recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. 
 
 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, 
 to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense, 
 and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they 
 labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make known that such persons of 
 suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the 
 United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other 
 places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 
 And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, 
 warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I in 
 voke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious 
 favor of Almighty God. 
 
100 APPENDIX. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused 
 the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this first day of 
 January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
 [L. s.] eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Indepen 
 dence of the United States of America, the eighty- 
 seventh. 
 
 By the President : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 WILLIAM U. SEWARD, Secretary of State. 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 THE STANDARD PORTRAIT NOW READY. 
 
 PAINTED FROM LIFE, AT THE WHITE HOUSE, IN 1864, 
 
 BY F. B. CARPENTER. 
 
 ~ln<l magnificently reproduced on Steel, in Line and Stipple, 
 BY F. HALPIN. 
 
 SIZE OP SHEET, 24 BY 30 INCHES. 
 
 For six months MR. CARPENTER was an inmate of the "WHITE HOUSE, study 
 ing the countenance and character of President Lincoln. His great painting, 
 
 "The First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation," 
 
 engraved upon Steel by A. H. RITCHIE, of which engraving thousands have 
 been sold, with an increased demand since the reduction in price bvthe un- 
 dersigned ; and his book, " SIX MONTHS AT THE WHITE HOUSE," at 
 test the closeness of his intercourse with Mr. Lincoln and the fidelity of his 
 study. Carpenters " Lincoln" must soon become a household word. It is 
 
 THE FAVORITE PORTRAIT OF THE LINCOLN FAMILY. 
 The following distinguished persons were painted from life by Mr. Carpen 
 ter : Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, John Tyler, Wm. L. Marcy, Wm. 
 H. Seward, Lewis Cass, Salmon P. Chase, Sam Houston, Edwin M. Stanton, 
 Gideon Welles, Schuyler Colfax, Edward Bates, Caleb Gushing, Montgomery 
 Blair, John C. Fremont. Horace Greeley, Gov. Myron H. Clark. Judge Stephen 
 J. Freld, Dr. Lyman Beecher, Henry Ward Beecher, Rev. Drs. Cox, Field, 
 Storrs, Bacon, Bushnell, John Pierpout, and many others. 
 
 From the Publisher of the New York Tribune." 
 
 I well remember the occasion of Mr. Lincoln s sitting to you, at which I 
 was present. * * * Mr. Lincoln then made this remark : I feel that 
 there is more of me in this portrait than in any representation which has 
 ever been made." I think these were his very words. 
 
 Truly yours, SAMUEL SINCLAIR. 
 
 From MRS. LINCOLN. 
 
 F. B. CARPENTER : My Dear Sir * * * I write you to-day to thank you 
 for the most perfect likeness of my beloved husband that I have ever seen. 
 The resemblance is so accurate in Mr. Halpin s engraving that it will require 
 far more calmness than I can now command to have it placed continually be 
 fore me. * * * Very truly your friend, MARY LINCOLN. 
 
 From MR. ROBERT T. LINCOLN. 
 
 MR. F. B. CARPENTER : My Lear Sir I received your letter and engraving 
 several days ago, and I beg you to excuse my delay in acknowledging your 
 kindness. Mr. Halpin has had most extraordinary success in engraving your 
 portrait of my father, and has made the best likeness that I have seen. I do 
 
 b 
 
 fectly satisfied with it as a likeness. Mr. Marshall made a very good picture, 
 but there is something unsatisfactory about it which I can not explain, and 
 I would have no hesitation in choosing between the two. Mr. Fuller, one of 
 the gentlemen in whose office I am studying, who was an old personal friend 
 of my father, was about purchasing Marshall s portrait, but on seeing this, 
 immediately said that yours was the one he wanted. Speaking on the sub 
 ject a day or two afterward, he said that your picture left a satisfied impres 
 sion on his mind, which Marshall s, though pleasing while he was looking at 
 it, did not. I mention this to slum what is thought of your engraving by the 
 only one of my father s personal friends who has seen it. * * * Please ac 
 cept my thanks, and my heartiest wishes for the success which your work 
 merits. Very sincerely yours, ROBERT T. LINCOLN. 
 
 From HON. WM. H. HERNDON,/OT twenty years Mr. Lincoln s law-partner. 
 MR. F. B. CARPENTER: My Dear Sir * * * I received per express, 
 yesterday morning, your admirable and exquisite engraving by Halpin. 
 When I opened the box and unrolled the portrait, Mr. Lincoln flashed on me 
 as never from picture. As a portrait a likeness it is Lincoln. His head 
 rests naturally, easily, symmetrically on his shoulders ; his hair parted upon 
 
the proper side, the side he chose to part it on. * * * It looks to me and 
 is a Better portrait and likeness than Marshall s. It seems to me to be a supe 
 rior work of art. If art is perfection of likeness and exquisite culture of 
 execution, then I give your picture the decided preference. * * * Now let 
 me give you a thousand thanks. Your friend, W. H. HERNDON. 
 
 A Testimonial from New York Steel Plate Engravers. 
 
 MR. F/HALPIN, Engraver, etc. : Dear Sir You have called our attention 
 to a card over the signature of Ticknor & Fields, containing an unwarrant 
 able fling at the character of your engraving of Carpenter s Lincoln the ob 
 ject of which is patent upon its face. This attack, as you say, provokes a 
 reply, and at your request, we have examined Marshall s engraving of Lin 
 coln side by side with yours, and while we can not speak of any work of art 
 as the " Atlantic Monthly" (Ticknor & Fields publication) does of Marshall s 
 engraving, viz. : " What it lacks, art is incapable to express, what it has lost, 
 memory is powerless to restore," yet after a careful examination, we unhes 
 itatingly say that your engraving of Lincoln is the finest and most artistic 
 piece of portraiture-engraving ever executed on this continent, and is decid 
 edly superior to Marshall s engraving of Lincoln, published by Ticknor & 
 Fields. We say this without any unfriendly feeling toward Ticknor & Fields 
 or Mr. Marshall, but simply as an act of justice to you, and also that the pub 
 lic, who are not judges of engraving, may understand the facts in the case. 
 
 A. H. Ritchie, J. 0. Buttre, George E. Ferine, G. W. Posselwhite, Charles 
 T. Giles, N. Lott, W. L. Titsworth, Wm. Murray, and others. 
 
 From the HON. ROBERT DALE OWEN, autJior of the forthcoming * Life and 
 Times of Abraham Lincoln."" 
 
 F. B. CARPENTER, ESQ. : My Dear Sir You expressed n desire that I should 
 give you my opinion of the comparative merits of your engraved portrait of 
 our late President, just published, and that previously offered to the public 
 by Mr. Marshall. Last evening, at the house of a friend, I had, for the first 
 time, an opportunity of placing side by side the two likenesses. 
 
 My opinion, even if it seems presumptuous, so to express it, is, that your 
 portrait of Mr. Lincoln, as presented by Ilalpin, is the most faithful repre 
 sentation that has ever been or (now that death has taken from us the original) 
 ever will be executed, of one among the best and greatest men who in any 
 age ever occupied a position so exalted as that to which our late chief mag 
 istrate was called. 
 
 Mr. Marshall s likeness, finished work of art as it is, docs not bring up be 
 fore my mind any vivid recollection of Mr. Lincoln as I knew him. Most 
 persons may say that it represents a handsomer man than your embodiment 
 does. It is not handsomer to me. The strong, somewhat rugged features, 
 the sad, dreamy eyes, even the coarse, rebellious hair, are all so associated for 
 me with the noble qualities of the man, that I prefer them just as they \vere, 
 to any smoother or more conventional a rendition of them. 
 
 I intend, in thus speaking, no expression of opinion touching the compar 
 ative merits of the two artists. Ruskin has well said that it behooves an art 
 ist to study, not Rafaelle. but what Rafnelle studied. No copies of nature 
 can supersede the teachings of nature. You had daily before you for mouths 
 the man himself an advantage which no other artist ever had. It was fortu 
 nate for you and for the world. Future ages will know as truthfully as pencil 
 and graver can tell them, the features, the expression, the idiosyncrasy of 
 Abraham Lincoln. I am, my dear sir, faithfully yours, 
 
 ROBERT DALE OWEN. 
 
 P. S. I 
 ser 
 
 interviews with him, during his Presidency, some of them on important 
 subjects. 
 
 . S. I am so far a competent judge as to likenesses in this case, that I 
 rved two years in Congress with Mr. Lincoln, and had some thirty or forty 
 
 PRICES : Artist s Proofs, $15 ; India Proofs, $7 75 ; Prints, $4 75. 
 C3f" Agents wanted to sell the above everywhere. Sold by Subscription only. 
 Address for the East, 
 
 J. 3. jrOlTTVSOlV, Publisher, 
 No. 113 FULTON STREET, NEW YORK. 
 
 For Ohio and Michigan, F. G. & A. C. ROWE, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 For territory farther West, DR. C. ALLEN, Chicago, 111. 
 
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