LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 C 
 
THE 
 
 LIYES OF THE SIGNERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Her tetum of Stiftepettiwe, 
 
 BY 
 
 N. DWIGHT, ESQ. 
 
 or THE 
 UNIVERSITY Ik 
 
 * 
 
 OF 
 
 PUBLISHED BY A. S. BARNES & CO 
 
 No. 51 JOHN STREET. 
 CINCINNATI: H. W. DERBY & CO 
 
 1852. 
 

 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by 
 A. S. BARNES & CO., 
 
 In the Clerk s Office of the District Court for the Southern District of 
 New- York. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 The following work has been compiled principally 
 with a view to its introduction into schools, throughout 
 our country. It was believed by the author, that a gene 
 ral knowledge of the distinguished men, whose names 
 are set to the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, would at 
 all times be considered as desirable by the young and rising 
 generations of the union. That the names and charac 
 ters of those persons who risked their lives in defence of 
 their country s rights, liberties, and privileges, and under 
 whose counsels its independence was achieved, and es 
 tablished, should be had in remembrance to the latest 
 period of time, will be acknowledged by all. The his 
 tory of them wnich has been published, is too voluminous, 
 and too expensive, for a very large proportion of the 
 community ; and altogether inconvenient to be used as 
 a reading book for schools. This publication is fixed at 
 so moderate a price, as to be within the reach of all who 
 may wish to put it into the hands of their children, or to 
 introduce it into their families. As such it is submitted 
 to the public. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 
 
 OP THE 
 
 SIGNERS 
 
 OP THE 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 JOSIAH BARTLETT. 
 
 DOCTOR JOSIAH BARTLETT was of French extract. His 
 ancestors went from Normandy, in France, and settled in the 
 south of England, at a very early date of English history. 
 One branch of the family, in the seventeenth century, came 
 to America, and settled at Beverly, in Massachusetts. From 
 thence, succeeding generations scattered into various towns 
 in Massachusetts. Stephen, the father of Josiah, married a 
 Miss Webster, and settled in Amesbury, in that province. 
 In that town Josiah was born, in the month of November, 
 1729. It does not appear that he received a regular classi 
 cal education at any college ; but having, by other means, 
 acquired some knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages, 
 he, at the age of sixteen years, commenced the study of me 
 dicine in his native town, under the tuition of Doctor Ordway, 
 who was a distant relative of the family. As private libra 
 ries at that age of the country, were neither numerous nor 
 extensive, Mr. Bartlett, having a taste for literary improve 
 ment, sought and obtained access to those of gentlemen in 
 neighboring towns, having early gone through with that of 
 his instructor. He faithfully improved his opportunities, and 
 
 1 
 
2 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 
 
 privileges, insomuch, that at the close of his medical educa- 
 tion, he was deemed well qualified to commence the practical 
 duties of his profession. 
 
 With a view to an establishment in the medical practice, 
 he settled himself at Kingston, in New Hampshire. There 
 he soon became distinguished, as a skillful and successful 
 practitioner, and acquired an extensive and lucrative employ 
 ment. His success in treating a disease of a malignant charac 
 ter, (denominated, in common language, at that time, " Black 
 Canker,") which was suddenly, and almost universally mor 
 tal, and which resisted the treatment of the faculty, gave to 
 Doctor Bartlett the reputation of possessing pre-eminent skill. 
 And to this he was justly entitled ; for his success was the 
 result of deep investigation, and decision of character ; a de 
 cision that refused to be bound down by arbitrary theories, 
 and resolved to act according to the dictates of his own judg 
 ment, in cases in which the judgment of others had proved 
 almost universally erroneous. In that respect, he seems to 
 have resembled the immortal Sydenham. 
 
 Perhaps nothing will more endear a man to his fellow citi 
 zens than a successful practice of physic, in cases where 
 others have failed, and where many lives have been saved 
 from immediate death, apparently by the instrumentality of 
 superior skill. If his moral character is irreproachable, such 
 a physician is an object of much more than common esteem 
 and respect in a community. Such was the general and 
 professional character of Doctor Bartlett. And this, com 
 bined with an amiable temper, affability of manners, instruc 
 tive conversation, uprightness of conduct, inflexible integrity, 
 and promptness in deciding and acting, all concurred in ren 
 dering him extensively popular. He was also a stern un 
 bending republican in his principles ; and no special proffers 
 of royal favor would allure him to desert the path which 
 duty pointed out as his course. 
 
 He early received the commission of a civil magistrate, 
 and about the same time, the command of a regiment of mi 
 litia ; both of which offices were conferred during the admi 
 nistration of Governor Benning Wentworth. In 1765, during 
 that administration, he entered on his political career, as a 
 representative to the provincial legislature from Kingston. 
 He there had opportunity to learn the mercenary conduct of 
 the royal governor, and the subserviency of a majority of 
 the representatives to the will and views of the royal governor. 
 Here, though in a minority, an upright performance of his 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 3 
 
 auty required him to oppose measures which he deemed 
 corrupt, and to record his vote against what he deemed fla 
 grant violations of moral rectitude, on the part of the adminis 
 tration, and unwarrantable usurpations, by which the rights 
 of the people were wantonly trampled on. 
 
 In granting charters for new towns, Governor Went 
 worth would reserve some of the most valuable rights for 
 himself, and others for the benefit of the episcopal church, 
 as glebe lands. His successor, (who was his nephew,) and 
 came into the office in 1768, adopted the plan of his uncle, 
 re-granted some towns that had been granted by his prede 
 cessor, and chartered new towns, so that they interfered, and 
 clashed with former grants. But he was never, in these 
 acts, unmindful of his own emolument. He always took es 
 pecial care to appropriate some of the best tracts to himself. 
 There were numerous individuals whose interest was sacri 
 ficed by this conduct. They felt aggrieved. The people 
 generally were puritans, and felt no partiality for episcopacy. 
 They disapproved of the grants of glebe lands for the benefit 
 of the episcopal church, apprehending that it was leading to 
 an establishment of a privileged order of religion, like that 
 in England. Both looked around them for a leader, who 
 would espouse and vindicate their interests ; and in Doctor 
 Bartlett they found their champion. He was from principle 
 with them ; and he fearlessly placed himself in bold opposi 
 tion to regal power, in support of the rights of the people 
 which were already, in some instances, shamelessly sacri 
 ficed to feed official cupidity, or to strengthen the arm of the 
 ministry at home 
 
 These were some of the causes which operated on the 
 feelings of the inhabitants of New Hampshire, and predispo 
 sed them to unite with those of other colonies in open resist 
 ance, so soon as the ministerial usurpations became mani 
 fest, and oppressive to the people. That time was now at 
 hand. 
 
 At the termination of the French war, the heavy expenses 
 incurred in its prosecution furnished the ostensible ground. 
 It was said, that it was waged and carried on especially for 
 the defence of the American colonies, and that was made the 
 pretext for taxing the colonists, that they might be compelled 
 to bear the burden incurred for their benefit. The colonists 
 did not deny that they ought to bear their portion of the ex- 
 pense ; but they did deny the right of parliament to tax them 
 without their consent, and without their being represented in 
 
4 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 
 
 parliament; and they maintained that they had furnished 
 their quota of men, and their proportion of the expenses of 
 the war. In 1767, Governor John Wentworth, perceiving 
 that Doctor Bartlett was a leading and influential member 
 of the legislative assembly, resorted to the same measure 
 that Governor Hutchinson did in Massachusetts. He tried 
 to sway him by the gift of office. He appointed him a jus- 
 tice of the peace ; evidently, as appeared afterwards, to in 
 duce him to use his influence in favor of the royal interests. 
 But, in this he failed entirely. For, in the session of the 
 assembly that next followed that appointment, Doctor Bart 
 lett, true to his principles, strenuously opposed the grant 
 which the governor called for. 
 
 By the year 1774, the opposition to the British interest, 
 which had hitherto been a minority, received so many acces 
 sions, that it was foreseen it would soon become a majority. 
 The governor resorted to a measure for preventing that re 
 sult, which evidently, and contrary to his calculations, acce 
 lerated it. He arbitrarily caused three new members to be 
 added to that body, from towns much less populous than se 
 veral others which were left unrepresented ; and because 
 they were known partizans to the royal cause. The impru 
 dent and overbearing conduct of one of them alarmed some, 
 who had before been supine, and decided others who were 
 wavering, on the side of opposition. 
 
 The conduct of the governor and his adherents, keeping 
 steadily in view the plans of the British ministry, and the 
 successive and increasing evidence of their ultimate purpose, 
 which their measures and conduct furnished alarmed the 
 citizens for the safety of their rights and privileges, as Brit 
 ish subjects, and stimulated them to devise measures for 
 their defence against ministerial intrigues and despotism. 
 Hence, in 1774, some of the leaders of the opposition began 
 to hold private meetings. Doctor Bartlett was always an 
 active and influential leader in those meetings. The time 
 had now arrived for the assembly to display the banner of 
 resistance to British power. In 1774, the house, conforming 
 to the example of other assemblies, appointed a committee of 
 correspondence. The governor took the alarm, and in the 
 exercise of his executive authority, dissolved the assembly. 
 They dispersed, but on a call from the committee, they as 
 sembled again, and acted without the governor s aid or au 
 thority. They, by their circular, requested the towns to 
 choose delegates to a convention, to meet in Exeter, with tht 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 5 
 
 express object in view, of choosing delegates to attend the 
 congress in September, in Philadelphia. This convention, 
 among other important transactions, chose Doctor Bartlett, 
 and John Pickering, Esq. as their delegates to the general 
 congress. Mr. Pickering did not accept the appointment ; 
 and Doctor Bartlett, having recently had his house consumed 
 by fire, was unable to leave his family ; and, consequently, 
 did not attend. Early in the year 1775, by Governor Went- 
 worth s orders, his name was struck from the commission of 
 the peace, and he was dismissed from his military com 
 mand. Several of his patriotic associates received the like 
 treatment at the same time. 
 
 In 1775, the former minority having become a strong ma 
 jority in the house of assembly, in opposition to Governor 
 Wentworth, he summoned a new assembly. But the incon 
 sistent conduct of General Gage, and the blood of Americans, 
 which had been previously shed in Lexington, Massachu 
 setts, had so far roused the spirit of the people of New Hamp 
 shire, that he succeeded no better with this, than with the 
 assembly he had recently dissolved. They signified that 
 they would repose no confidence in the propositions of the 
 British parliament that had been submitted to them, nor dis 
 cover any spirit of conciliation in them, while they were ac 
 companied with acts of open hostility. 
 
 On receiving the communications of the governor, at the 
 opening of their session, they requested a short adjournment, 
 to allow them time to examine the important measures re 
 commended for their decision. This was granted. And, 
 on their coming together, after their term of adjournment had 
 elapsed, they clearly indicated their feelings, by expelling 
 the three new members from the house. This was done in 
 compliance with a recommendation of the convention. One 
 of these members, having given offence to the people by his 
 language out of the house, was assaulted by the inhabitants 
 of Portsmouth. He took refuge in the governor s house. 
 But he was demanded in such a threatening and peremptory 
 manner, that he found it necessary, for his own safety, to de 
 liver him up to the people. Thus it became manifest tha* 
 the governor s authority had become prostrated, and he found 
 it necessary for his own safety, to retire on board an English 
 man of war, then lying in the harbour. In all the steps taken 
 by the patriots of New Hampshire, in opposition to the Bri- 
 tvsh projects and regal authority, Doctor Bartlett was always 
 a consistent and uniform partizan ; and one of the most con- 
 
 ]* 
 
6 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 
 
 spicuous leaders. On the expulsion of those obnoxious 
 members, the governor immediately adjourned the assembly. 
 They came together, according to adjournment, in June. 
 In that assembly, Doctor Bartlett found himself encumbered 
 with arduous duties. He was not only a member of that 
 body, but of the committee of safety, and of the provincial 
 convention. The governor, however, sent a messenger to 
 the house, and adjourned them to a future day. He had re 
 tired from what he deemed an unsafe situation, in New 
 Hampshire, to Boston ; in September he went to the Isle of 
 Shoals, within the limits of his government ; and from thence, 
 issued his proclamation, in which he adjourned the legislative 
 assembly to April of the following year. This was his last 
 official act as governor of New Hampshire, and the close 
 of the British government in that province a government 
 that had existed for the term of ninety-five years. 
 
 The absconding of the governor left the province destitute 
 of any legitimate government ; but the provincial congress 
 assumed the government, with the approbation of the people. 
 That congress continued the existence of the committee of 
 safety, and authorized it to exercise, during their recess, all 
 the powers of civil government, executive and legislative. 
 That congress re-appointed Doctor Bartlett to the command 
 of a regiment. 
 
 In August, 1775, he was again chosen a delegate to the 
 continental congress, and took his seat in that venerable as 
 sembly in September following. There, like the other de 
 voted patriots, who had given their whole powers to promote 
 the cause of their country, he attended ably, and with exem 
 plary fidelity to the discharge of those duties which were 
 devolved on him. He once, and for but a short time, visited 
 his family ; and then hastened back to the scene of his pub 
 lic services, and devoted himself to them until the close of 
 his term. In 1776, he was again elected. He now had, 
 for his colleagues, William Whipple and John Langdon, 
 Esquires. In June, of that year, he was appointed one of 
 the committee for devising a plan of confederation, for unit 
 ing the colonies in a general government, to enable congress 
 the better to bring forth the energies of the country, and to 
 maintain the arduous conflict in which the country was in 
 volved. 
 
 After the Declaration of Independence had been discussed 
 in congress for a considerable time ; it having been ascer 
 tained that there was a decided majority in congress, ready 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 7 
 
 .o te in its favor. On the fourth day of July, when the 
 decision was to be irrevocably made, congress, beginning 
 with the most northern state, called on Josiah Bartlett of 
 New Hampshire, who gave his answer in the affirmative. 
 The other colonies being called in regular order, the question 
 was decided. John Hancock, being then president of con 
 gress, first signed the instrument, and the next signature was 
 that of Josiah Bartlett. He was the first who voted for, and 
 the second who signed the Declaration of the Independence 
 of the United States of North America. 
 
 He was again elected to the same station in 1777, but did 
 not attend congress, by reason of ill health. But in the year 
 following, he returned to his duties in that body, which had 
 then retired to Yorktown, in consequence of the British hav 
 ing occupied Philadelphia. 
 
 After Philadelphia was evacuated by the enemy, congress 
 re-assembled there ; and in their return from Yorktown, some 
 of the members, and he among them, were exposed to consi 
 derable danger, on their way, from those freebooters who 
 were stiled " Cow-boys." 
 
 In October, 1778, he obtained leave of absence from con 
 gress, and returned to his family ; where his private affairs 
 needed his superintendence. These had suffered derange 
 ment, and sustained loss, by reason of his long absence , 
 and he found it inexpedient for him to return to congress 
 again. Consequently, he did not again take his seat. 
 
 After his return to New Hampshire, he was, in 1779, ap 
 pointed chief justice of the court of common pleas, for the 
 county in which he resided ; and the next year, muster- 
 master of the troops then raising in that state, for the conti 
 nental service, for a term of three years, and " during the 
 war." In 1782, he was appointed a side judge of their first 
 court; and in 1788, he was promoted to the office of chief 
 justice. 
 
 He was an influential advocate, in the convention of New 
 Hampshire, for the adoption of the federal constitution of the 
 United States ; and, when it went into operation, he was 
 elected a senator to the first congress that assembled under 
 that constitution, in the city of New York. But he declined 
 that office, and did not attend. 
 
 In 1790, he was chosen president of New Hampshire. 
 He continued to perform the responsible duties of that office 
 till 1793, at which time he was elected the first governor 
 that New Hampshire ever had, as an independent state. 
 
8 WILLIAM WHIFFLE, 
 
 After continuing in that office about one year, he closed his 
 long, honorable, and useful public life, by resigning the chief 
 magistracy of the state, and retired to the repose of private 
 life, enjoying the grateful esteem of a community, in whose 
 service he had spent many years, and for whose benefit he had 
 devoted his best talents and efforts. Here he might reflect, with 
 a good conscience, on a well-spent life ; and, had it been per 
 mitted to him, he might have contemplated with pleasing an 
 ticipations, the rising prosperity, and future greatness of the 
 nation, whose independent existence he magnanimously de 
 clared, at a time which was appalling, and when many men s 
 hearts were failing them with fear. But he was allowed 
 this indulgence only for a short season. For in May, 1795, 
 he closed his earthly existence, in the sixty-sixth year of 
 his age. 
 
 His wife, whose family name also was Bartlett, died six 
 years previous to her husband, leaving an estimable charac 
 ter among her surviving acquaintance. His sons are justly 
 distinguished among the most respectable and eminent citi 
 zens of New Hampshire. 
 
 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 
 
 IN 1759, when he was but twenty-nine years of age, Mr. 
 Whipple quitted the sea-faring life, and entered into mer 
 cantile business in Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, in con 
 nection with his brother Joseph Whipple ; and the connection 
 was continued, until one or two years before the revolution 
 ary war began. 
 
 He early espoused me cause of the colonies, in opposition 
 to the claims of the British government, and manifested such 
 an ardent patriotic zeal in favor of his native country, that 
 he soon became distinguished by his fellow citizens ; and 
 was, by their united suffrages, appointed to several offices of 
 trust and importance, at that period. In him, firmness and 
 moderation were happily blended ; and in their exercise, he 
 never disappointed the confidence reposed in him by his 
 constituents. When the citizens of New Hampshire deemed 
 it expedient to call a provincial congress, to elect delegates 
 to the continental congress, Mr. Whipple was chosen, by the 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 9 
 
 citizens of Portsmouth, one of their representatives to that 
 body. He attended its meeting, which was held in Exeter, 
 in May 1775, and was then chosen one of the provincial 
 committee of safety ; an executive body, whose business it 
 was to regulate the general concerns of the government du 
 ring the continuance of the war. Soon after this he was 
 placed on the committee of safety for the town of Portsmouth. 
 The reader of these memoirs will doubtless recollect the 
 great importance of such committees, in sustaining the cause 
 of America, during that period when the utmost vigilance 
 and precaution were required, to guard against the intrigues 
 of internal enemies and spies, and secret emissaries sent into 
 the colonies by the enemy. The office was one of vast rn- 
 portance, and required constant activity, and great prudence 
 and firmness, in those to whom was entrusted the discharge 
 of its duties. 
 
 In 1775, the people of New Hampshire formed a tempo 
 rary government, comprised of a house of representatives, 
 and a council of twelve members ; Mr. Whipple was chosen 
 a member of the council. Within one month from that elec 
 tion, viz. on the twenty-third of January 1776, he was ap 
 pointed a delegate to the general congress in Philadelphia. 
 He took his seat in the month following for the first time, 
 and in the course of the year, set his name to the Declara 
 tion of Independence. He was re-elected to the same office 
 for each of the three years, immediately following. Within 
 that period he was occasionally absent from his seat in con 
 gress, serving the public in the military department. The 
 remainder of the term he was president, and attended to the 
 discharge of his duties with diligence and fidelity, until the 
 middle of September, 1779, when he finally retired from con 
 gress. Daring his continuance a member of the great coun 
 cil of the nation, his previous acquaintance with maritime 
 and commercial pursuits, rendered him an important member 
 of committees to which these two great interests of the pub 
 lic were submitted. He was appointed one of the superin 
 tendents of commissary and quarter-master s departments, 
 in which, it was alledged, much irregularity and improper 
 management had existed, by which the public had been 
 abused and defrauded. It required much labor and patient 
 investigation, to ascertain and correct the evils ; and to place 
 those departments on such a foundation, as would, in the best 
 manner practicable, secure the public from similar abuses, 
 and promote the service of the country in future. To these 
 
10 WILLIAM WHIPPLE, 
 
 duties, Mr. Whipple applied himself with great assiduity, and 
 much benefit to the cause of his country. He was one ol 
 /hose members of congress who assumed a firm stand in op 
 position to the proposal, warmly advocated by some, for issu 
 ing farther emissions of a paper currency, after the continental 
 money of previous emissions had become greatly depreciated. 
 He, with some others, contended, that the system had already 
 been pursued to a very dangerous extent ; and the proposal for 
 carrying it still farther, was fraught with extreme danger ; 
 and if actually pursued to a greater extent, the apprehended 
 danger would inevitably be realized, in a total destruction of 
 the public credit. 
 
 In the beginning of 1780, the office of a commissioner of 
 the board of admiralty was offered to Mr. Whipple ; but, for 
 reasons growing out of his private affairs, he declined the 
 offer. 
 
 In the year 1777, while Mr. Whipple was a member of 
 congress ; at the time when General Burgoyne was advanc 
 ing from Canada upon the northern frontier, at the head of 
 a powerful combined army of disciplined troops and savages ; 
 by whose approach the border settlers were threatened with 
 destruction, and the whole northern and eastern states were 
 justly alarmed at the danger with which the country was 
 menaced in that quarter, Mr. Whipple was called, by the 
 government of New Hampshire, to gird on the military ar 
 mour, and go forth to meet the enemy. The militia of that 
 state were divided into two brigades ; one was placed under 
 the command of General Stark, and the other under that of 
 General Whipple. General Stark, in obedience to his or 
 ders, marched with a part of the force to encounter the enemy, 
 and check his progress by every means in his power. He 
 met Lieutenant Colonel Baum at Bennington in Vermont 
 with his undisciplined militia, and gained the well known vic 
 tory, that decked him and his patriotic band with laurels, 
 which will remain flourishing so long as history endures. 
 While General Stark, and his detachment, were gathering a 
 harvest of imperishable glory for themselves, and achieving 
 great benefits to the American cause, General Whipple 
 marched at the head of a combined force, consisting of a 
 large part of his brigade, and volunteers from all parts of 
 New Hampshire, to join the army under command of Gene- 
 ral Gates at Saratoga, and Stillvvater in New York. When 
 General Burgoyne was compelled to surrender his army to 
 the victorious troops under Gates, the latter appointed Gene- 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 11 
 
 ral Whipple and Colonel Wilkinson as his representatives, 
 to meet two officers of the British army to settle the articles 
 which grew out of the conditions proposed by the commander 
 in chie" of the British army. After all the terms of capitula 
 tion were settled, and preparatory measures for the purpose 
 adjusted, General Whipple was selected as one of the officers 
 appointed to command the marching of the British troops to 
 the encampment appointed for them by congress at Winter- 
 hill in the vicinity of Boston. 
 
 There is an anecdote connected with this expedition of 
 General Whipple, which is deemed too valuable to be omit 
 ted in the history of his life. 
 
 When General Whipple set out to join the army, he took 
 with him for his waiting servant, a colored man named Prince, 
 one whom he had imported from Africa many years before. 
 He was a slave whom his master highly valued. As he ad 
 vanced on his journey, he said to Prince, " If we should be 
 called into an engagement with the enemy, I expect you will 
 behave like a man of courage, and fight like a brave soldier 
 for your country." Prince feelingly replied, " Sir, I have 
 no inducement to fight, I have no country while I am a slave. 
 If I had my freedom, I would endeavor to defend it to the 
 last drop of my blood." This reply of Prince produced the 
 effect on his master s heart which Prince desired. The 
 general declared him free on the spot. The act was cer- 
 tainly highly to the general s honor ; had he not done so, the 
 character of Prince would have stood forth the fairest of the 
 two. 
 
 In 1778, when a British force was in possession of Rhode 
 Island, and a concerted plan of attacking them had been 
 agreed upon by a combined force of the French and Ameri 
 cans the French by water with their fleet under command 
 of the Count d Estaing ; and the Americans by land under 
 General Sullivan General Whipple joined Sullivan with a 
 detachment of the New Hampshire militia. By the surpris 
 ing conduct of Count d Estaing, one of the fairest opportuni 
 ties for weakening the British, and of obtaining a splendid 
 victory in favor of the United States, which was presented 
 during the revolutionary war, was entirely frustrated. The 
 consequence of his strange and most unaccountable conduct 
 was extreme disappointment, mortification, and disgust, on 
 the part of the Americans ; and impelled by those feelings, 
 many of the militia who had collected for the occasion, be 
 lieving that nothing valuable would be achieved, left the sei- 
 
12 WILLIAM WHIPPLE, 
 
 vice. In a few days, the army under General Sulhrtn was 
 reduced by desertion, to nearly one half its numbers, [which 
 had been collected for besieging the British in Newport.] 
 In consequence of this, which was the result of Count d Es- 
 taing s perverse conduct, the situation of Sullivan s forces 
 became extremely critical. He consequently raised the siege 
 of Newport, and withdrew his troops to the north part of the 
 island ; and soon after, crossed the river and retreated to 
 Tiverton. 
 
 The design for calling out the militia having thus failed, 
 many of them were discharged ; and General Whipple with 
 those under his command, returned to New Hampshire. He 
 was engaged in that mortifying and abortive expedition: about 
 six weeks. 
 
 The people manifested their confidence in him, and their 
 approbation of his services as their representative in the ge 
 neral congress, immediately on his retiring from it, by re 
 peatedly returning him a member of their state legislature. 
 
 After congress had constituted Robert Morris superinten 
 dent of finance for the government, he appointed a receiver 
 in each of the several states. For those agencies, not gene 
 rally popular, and very arduous in the duties which they in 
 volved, the superintendent invariably selected those men 
 whose characters were established for strict integrity 
 and patriotism. With General Whipple he had been ac 
 quainted in congress, and his estimation of his character 
 may be determined by the fact, that he selected him for that 
 office in New Hampshire. This took place in 1782. He 
 had not retained the office more than one year, before he be 
 came desirous of relinquishing it. The backwardness of the 
 legislature in aiding him to collect the sums appointed to be 
 paid by New Hampshire, as her quota of the national expen 
 ses, their almost total disregard of his communication on the 
 subject, and the sluggishness of the state in paying the re 
 venue for which they were assessed, so disgusted General 
 Whipple, that he urged Mr. Morris to suffer him to with 
 draw from the office, arid that another man might be appointed 
 to supply his place. The spirit of the citizens, and the dif 
 ficulties to be encountered in performing the duties of that 
 office, may be inferred from the fact, that although he received 
 his commission in May, 1782, and he had labored continually 
 to forward the collection of money, that he might be able 
 to remit something for the public service, then in a most suf 
 fering condition ; it was not till January, 1784, after peace 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 13 
 
 took place, that he was enabled to make his first remittance 
 to the treasury, and the amount of that remittance was but 
 three thousand dollars. Having suffered mortification from 
 the constant disregard to his remonstrances, and repeated 
 disappointments of his expectations, he determined to indure 
 them no longer, and resigned his commission to Mr. Morris 
 in July, 1784. 
 
 General Whipple was appointed, in conformity to a resolve 
 of congress, one of the commissioners to hear and settle the 
 dispute long subsisting between Pennsylvania and Connecti 
 cut, relative to the Wyoming lands. They met in Trenton, 
 New Jersey, in November, 1782. He was appointed presi 
 dent of the court, and during its long and arduous session, 
 from the eighteenth of November, to the thirteenth of De 
 cember, he conducted their proceedings with great dignity, 
 decorum, and impartiality. 
 
 His health had suffered, and had become impaired in some 
 degree by the fatigues he had endured, and the exertions he 
 had made previously for promoting the public service of the 
 country ; but about the time when that court of commission 
 ers met, he began to be afflicted with painful strictures 
 across the chest. This infirmity rendered his situation not 
 only painful, and at times extremely distressing, but very 
 dangerous. By reason of it, he was almost precluded from 
 necessary exercise ; as even that which was moderate, pro 
 duced violent palpitations, and riding on horseback sometimes 
 caused him to faint and fall to the ground. 
 
 It was the custom at that period, when General Whipple 
 retired from congress, for the courts in New Hampshire to 
 be constituted of four judges ; the chief justice only was a 
 lawyer by profession, and the side judges were selected from 
 among the civilians who were supposed to possess a sound 
 judgment, a discerning mind, and integrity of principle ; 
 these, together with a good general education, were deemed 
 adequate to qualify for a seat on the bench. Mr. Whip- 
 pie was appointed a side judge of the superior court of New 
 Hampshire, in 1782. In an effort which devolved on him, 
 and which he undertook, of summing up the arguments of 
 the counsel, stating the evidence and submitting the case to 
 the jury, he brought on a violent palpitation, which so affect 
 ed him, that he never after attempted a similar exercise while 
 he remained a member of the court. He continued to ride 
 the circuits two or three years. 
 
 In the autumn of 1785, the affection in his chest became 
 2 
 
14 MATTHEW THORNTON, 
 
 so distressing, that he left the circuit before he had complex 
 ed it and returned to his home. He immediately retired to 
 his chamber, which was the place of his confinement to the 
 close of his life. The nature of his complaint prevented him 
 from taking a recumbent posture. All the refreshment by 
 sleep during his confinement, he received while sitting in an 
 easy chair. 
 
 He gave direction some time before his decease, that after 
 his death, an examination should be made, to ascertain the 
 nature of his malady. He continued to endure an increas 
 ing distress, until the twenty-eighth day of November, 1785, 
 when he expired in the fifty -fifth year of his age. 
 
 On an examination, it appeared that a part of his heart 
 had become ossified. Thus terminated the life of a man, 
 the commencement and early education of whom, presented 
 no greater probability for rising to distinction and eminence, 
 than thousands of others who are born and reared in this 
 country. To him in the morning of life, no stronger motives 
 for exertion, nor animating inducements to perseverance were 
 furnished, than are placed in view of a large proportion of 
 American youth. Yet, we have seen him rise from the sta 
 tion of a cabin-boy, to the command of a ship. Disembark 
 ing from thence, we have seen him with the feelings of ardent 
 patriotism, acting at the same time in the character of a mer 
 chant and a politician ; possessing the confidence of his fel 
 low citizens, we have seen him promoted to high military 
 office, and through successive gradations rising rapidly to a 
 seat in the first legislative council in the nation, and then on 
 the bench in the highest court of law in the state where he re 
 sided. All this was achieved by him, aided by a prepara 
 tory education more limited than is acquired by hundreds of 
 youth in New England, from year to year. And all this was 
 affected before he had reached fifty-five years of age. 
 
 MATTHEW THORNTON. 
 
 MATTHEW THORNTON, was a native of Ireland. He was 
 born in that island about the year 1744. His father, when 
 he was about three years old, came with his family to America, 
 and took up his first residence at Wiscasset in Maine. Bat 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 15 
 
 after a few years residence there, he removed to Worcester, 
 in Massachusetts ; where he availed himself of an opportunity 
 of giving his son an academical education. This he did 
 preparatory to fitting him for one of the learned professions, 
 which he designed he should pursue. 
 
 Having gone through his preparatory course, he selected 
 the medical profession for the object of his pursuit, and com- 
 inenced his professional studies under the instruction of Doc- 
 tor Grout of Leicester, but a few miles from Worcester. 
 Having passed through the usual course of preparation, ac 
 cording to the usage at that period, he began his professional 
 career in Londonderry in New Hampshire. That town was 
 originally settled by Irish emigrants : there, among his native 
 countrymen, he was cordially welcomed with that warmth of 
 national attachment, for which the Irish are distinguished, 
 wherever they are assembled. His success in his practice 
 was answerable to his wishes ; for he soon established a repu 
 tation which gave him extensive employment, and after seve 
 ral years, comparative affluence. 
 
 Previous to the convulsions, a few years antecedent to the 
 beginning of the revolutionary conflict, Doctor Thornton, 
 with but one exception, spent his time in the regular pursuit 
 of his professional business in Londonderry. He joined the 
 expedition against Cape Breton, as surgeon to the troops em 
 ployed in that successful enterprise. With this exception, 
 no occurrence of his life is recorded, demanding a particular 
 notice, during the intervening period, between 1745 and 1775. 
 In the latter year, when the royal government was subvert 
 ed, and dissolved in New Hampshire, and a provincial con 
 vention was formed, Matthew Thornton was appointed the 
 first president. At that time he was in commission of the 
 peace, having been appointed by Governor Benning Went- 
 worth ; and he held also the commission of a colonel, in the 
 militia of New Hampshire. He was, however, an attentive 
 observer of the political measures adopted by the British 
 parliament, and their oppressive bearings upon the liberty, 
 rights, and prosperity of the colonists. He was determined 
 respecting the proper course to be pursued that the oppres 
 sive system, begun and adhered to by parliament, notwith 
 standing petitions and remonstrances, must be met by the 
 provincial inhabitants with an uniform, firm, and united oppo 
 sition. In his intercourse with the people of New Hamp 
 shire, he was actively useful in exciting and directing their 
 spirits, and thus preparing them to assume that position of 
 
16 MATTHEW THORNTON, 
 
 determined resistance; which would be indispensable for the 
 maintenance of their civil rights and privileges, as subjects 
 of the British empire, or as members of an independent go 
 vernment adopted by themselves. So popular had he be 
 come among the people of New Hampshire, that he was ap 
 pointed president of the government formed in that province, 
 on the abdication of Governor Went worth, when he fled from 
 apprehended danger to preserve his life, and thus he was 
 placed in the station of chief magistrate of the colony. The 
 convention was comprised of men not educated for political 
 life, and for a term of six months only. Sensible that they 
 were not well versed in the theory of government, and real 
 izing their unorganized condition, they applied to the conti 
 nental congress for counsel and advice how to proceed in that 
 emergency. They adopted other wise and prudent mea 
 sures, more immediate!} affecting the conduct of the inhabi 
 tants, during the interregnum, which were productive of hap 
 py results. Licentious meetings, and acts of insubordina 
 tion and lawless violence, but too common when men are 
 without an acknowledged legitimate government, were wholly 
 avoided ; and the public peace and tranquillity preserved, 
 until a system of government was adopted, and put into oper 
 ation, according to the recommendation of congress. In all 
 these proceedings Doctor Thornton had a leading influence. 
 
 Soon after, their system of government was adopted, and 
 a general assembly convened for legislative business. Doc 
 tor Thornton was chosen speaker of the house. This was 
 in January, 1776. In September of the same year, he was 
 appointed a delegate to the continental congress, for the term 
 of one year. He took his seat in the ensuing November 
 and was then admitted to sign his name to the Declaration o 
 Independence; although the vote sanctioning the measure 
 had been taken on the fourth day of July preceding. In this 
 indulgence, however, he was not singular. Several other 
 delegates were similarly situated by their not being present 
 at the time when the question was settled in congress hall. 
 
 Previous to his first election to a seat in congress, so early 
 as January, 1776, he was appointed a judge of the superior 
 court of New Hampshire; and before that date, he had been 
 elected a member of the court of common pleas. In Decem 
 ber, 1776, he was again elected to congress for the term o 
 one year, from the 23d of January, 1777. Having repre 
 sented the state of New Hampshire during that term, he closed 
 his labors in congress, and withdrew to his domestic resi- 
 
NEW HAMPSHIRE. 17 
 
 dence. His office of judge in the superior court he retained 
 until 1782. 
 
 In the latter part of 1779, he left his residence in London 
 derry, and removed to Exeter. He there purchased a farm, 
 and divided his time between agriculture and his official pub 
 lic employments. His farm was very pleasantly situated on 
 the margin of the Merrimack River ; where, in an attendance 
 on his diversified employments, some of which, as pastimes, 
 served the twofold purposes of recreation and amusement, he 
 spent the latter years of his life in tranquillity. Being ad 
 vanced in years, he principally relinquished the business of 
 his medical profession, attending to its calls only when re 
 quested in cases of special urgency. He was once or twice 
 elected a member of the general court, and served in that 
 capacity; and was once chosen a senator in the state legisla 
 ture. 
 
 His society was not only acceptable to, but courted by peo 
 ple of all ages and distinctions in society ; and his own affec 
 tions and friendships were warm, ardent, and sincere. Few 
 men, in their intercourse with mankind, had more numerous 
 friends, and still fewer greeted them with an attachment more 
 pure or fervent. 
 
 He was a firm believer in the divine revelation, and a con 
 stant, and reverential attendant on the public institutions of 
 the Christian religion, whenever he was not prevented by the 
 necessary calls of his professional duties, or others which 
 were indispensable. 
 
 After he had passed his eightieth year, he was attacked 
 with the whooping-cough, and survived it several years, al 
 though it frequently affected his lungs with extreme violence. 
 
 In 1803, being then on a visit to his daughters, who were 
 settled in Newburyport in Massachusetts, he was removed 
 from the world by death, on the twenty-fourth day of June, 
 in the 89th year of his age. 
 
 His children who survived him were two sons and two 
 daughters. 
 
19 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 THIS gentleman, who made a conspicuous figure in the 
 period which preceded the revolutionary struggle, by which 
 the American colonies were severed from the mother coun 
 try, and whose name stands first on the list of signers of the 
 Declaration of Independence was born in the year 1737, 
 near the village of Quincy, in the province of Massachusetts 
 Bay. The spot on which his paternal residence stood, con 
 stitutes a part of the estate of the first President Adams. 
 
 Both his grandfather and his father were ministers of the 
 gospel. The first settled and continued for near half a cen 
 tury in Lexington, the town celebrated for the scene of the 
 first enterprise of the British troops, and the commencement 
 of open hostilities with this country. His father, John Han 
 cock, seems to have been a laborious, faithful, pious minis 
 ter ; a friend of learning, and a patron of the literary institu 
 tions of the province which gave him birth. His early 
 decease, which occurred during the infancy of the subject of 
 this memoir, left his son under the care of an uncle, who 
 was an enterprising and successful merchant, and had risen 
 to wealth and eminence among the merchants of New Eng 
 land. This affectionate relative took the charge of his 
 nephew s education, and sent him to Harvard College, where 
 he graduated in 1754, at the age of seventeen years. It is 
 not known that he was distinguished among his contempora 
 ries at college for any thing remarkable in his application to 
 study, or in the brilliance of his genius. 
 
 Soon after he closed his collegiate life, his uncle entered 
 him as a clerk in his own counting house, and during the 
 period of three years, his attainments in the knowledge of 
 his business were such, that in the year 17GO, he sent him 
 to England. During his residence there, the death of George 
 II. and the accession of George III. occurred. He was pre 
 sent at the funeral of the former, and the coronation of the 
 latter. Soon after his return from England, he was called 
 to mourn the death of his kind and benevolent patron. This 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 19 
 
 event left him, at the age of twenty -seven years, in possession 
 of one of the largest estates within the province of Massa 
 chusetts. 
 
 Having an ample provision for all his temporal wants thus 
 secured to him, he seems to have relinquished all commer 
 cial enterprises, and to have early entered on a political career. 
 
 The first public office he sustained, was that of selectman 
 or the town of Boston. This is a municipal office in every 
 town in Massachusetts, and in several other states in New 
 England. Mr. Hancock continued to perform its duties for 
 a number of years. 
 
 In 1766, at the age of twenty-nine years, he was chosen a 
 representative of Boston in the general assembly of the pro 
 vince, having for his colleagues, James Otis, Samuel Adams, 
 and Thomas Cushing ; all of them able men and ardent pat 
 riots, who exerted an extensive and salutary influence, directed 
 by wisdom and sound discretion during the subsequent period 
 of their political lives. 
 
 Seasons of much excitement, in which the feelings of a 
 whole community are strongly interested, connected with or 
 resulting from measures that bear upon the whole people of 
 a state or nation, are known to afford opportunities for the 
 display of talents in individuals, which, but for such seasons 
 had never been made known to the public, perhaps even to 
 the individuals themselves. Such was the era in which the 
 subject of this memoir and his compatriots in Massachusetts 
 were ushered upon the theatre of political life, in his native 
 province. Perhaps he was more indebted for the rank he 
 sustained among his fellows, to the times, than to any pre-emi 
 nent greatness of talents which he possessed. His talents 
 were beyond all doubt respectable ; and the emergencies of 
 the time in which he was called to act, furnished the most 
 powerful incentives and the most favorable opportunity for a 
 brilliant display of them. His conduct through all his sub 
 sequent life, evinced that they were adequate to the occasions 
 which called for their various exercise. 
 
 For some time antecedent, to Mr. Hancock s entrance into 
 public life, the measures of the British cabinet, relative to 
 the American provinces, were of such a kind as justly to ex 
 cite jealous apprehensions of their ultimate designs upon the 
 chartered rights and liberties of the provinces. Such a jea 
 lousy, once excited, stimulated those who had the best oppor 
 tunity to witness the course of events, to an untiring watch 
 fulness of all their purposes, and to provide effectually against 
 
 2 
 
20 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 every insidious encroachment upon their privileges. Mr. 
 Hancock from his infancy, had imbibed an attachment to civil 
 liberty. This attachment influenced and regulated his con- 
 duct to the termination of his life. He was placed in a 
 situation where he had the best opportunities for detecting 
 the machinations of the government of Great Britain relative 
 to the provinces ; and he, in connection with others, began 
 early to concert measures, effectually to avert and frustrate 
 their designs. 
 
 An occasion for making this manifest, was not long want 
 ing. The British government undertook to impose duties on 
 foreign merchandise imported into the colonies ; and to in- 
 flict other injuries on their commerce, which impaired the 
 colonial prosperity. These measures were very obnoxious 
 to the people, being generally considered by them as an 
 unjust encroachment upon their rights, and an unconsti 
 tutional infringement of their chartered privileges. They 
 early determined not to submit to them, without resorting to 
 all lawful measures of resistance. 
 
 Mr. Hancock was a member of the provincial assembly 
 for the town of Boston, at the period when parliament adoptee, 
 those obnoxious measures. To procure a revocation of them, 
 he with a few others, formed associations to prevent the im 
 portation of British merchandise. They commenced a sys 
 tem of opposition to British oppression in Massachusetts, that 
 was afterwards adopted in other colonies ; and which led to 
 the pursuit of measures, that contributed largely to the se 
 curity of their liberty and independence, against all foreign 
 encroachments in future. The feelings of the people being 
 greatly excited, a predisposition to resist every aggression 
 attempted by the English government and its agents, was 
 every where excited, and was ready, at a moment s warning, 
 to be brought into action when an occasion should be pre 
 sented. Such an one soon appeared. It was said Mr. Han 
 cock had a vessel loaded contrary to the revenue laws. 
 This vessel was seized by the custom house officers, and 
 placed for security, under the guns of an armed ship of the 
 government. By this act, the people were so exasperated, 
 that they assembled, and pursued arid beat the officers with 
 clubs ; and drove them on board their vessel, or to a neigh 
 boring castle for security. They also burnt the collector s 
 boat, and a mob rased to the ground the houses of some of 
 the most obnoxious and active partizans of the collector. 
 
 The name of Hancock was only incidentally connected with 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 21 
 
 this transaction. He was already popular with the commu 
 nity ; and from this incident that popularity was increased. 
 He was young, of an ardent temperament, active in vindica 
 ting the rights of the people against attempts at usurpation ; 
 and above all, he was affluent and hospitable. It is not 
 strange therefore, that he should, as he in fact did, become a 
 favorite leader with the great body of the people. 
 
 This occurrence furnished a pretence, which the go- 
 vernor probably was glad to embrace, to justify himself for 
 introducing several regiments of British troops into Bos. 
 ton. His ostensible plea was, that the measure was required 
 for maintaining tranquillity in the town, for protecting the of. 
 fleers of the customs against similar violence in future, and 
 to guard against civil commotions among the inhabitants. 
 There was already, a hostile feeling existing between the 
 people and soldiery. This measure of the governor served 
 to increase and inflame it ; and to nourish the seeds of in 
 surrection which were even then germinating among the in 
 habitants. They regarded the armed soldiers as the instru 
 ments of a tyranny, to which they were determined never to 
 submit. The soldiers despised the people, and the people 
 abhorred the soldiers thus quartered among them. With 
 these feelings and sentiments mutually indulged, it required 
 only a slight cause to produce violent outrage. An occasion 
 of this kind was not long delayed. On the 5th of March, 
 1770, as a small party of British soldiers were parading in 
 King-street, an assemblage of the people collected near by, 
 doubtless not influenced by the kindest feelings, but on the 
 contrary, provoked by repeated insults which the soldiers 
 had given them, assailed them with snow balls and such 
 other missiles as were at hand. To repel this assault, the 
 soldiers, by order of their officers, fired on their assailants ; 
 killed several and wounded more of the citizens. This event 
 is stiled the Massacre of Boston. This occurrence, in which 
 the first blood was shed since the commencement of their 
 contentions, caused great excitement in the town ; and al 
 though the mob gave the provocation, the inhabitants viewed 
 it as an outrage which demanded the most signal revenge 
 The troops, anticipating the consequences of this rash action 
 to themselves, withdrew to their rendezvous ; and, by this 
 measure, were saved from falling a sacrifice to the enraged 
 populace : who flocked in from every part of the town, pre 
 pared to avenge, in a summary manner, the deaths of their 
 fellow citizens. 
 
22 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 The citizens who had for some time felt aggrieved by the 
 introduction of the troops among them, seized on this, as a 
 favorable occasion, to urge on the governor the necessity of 
 having the soldiers immediately withdrawn from the town. 
 The citizens were convened on the following day ; and they 
 appointed Mr. Hancock, and some others, to call on the go 
 vernor, and request that he would direct their removal with- 
 out delay. This was ultimately accomplished, though not 
 without reluctance on the governor s part ; nor until after a 
 second deputation of the people. Mr. Hancock exerted a 
 leading influence on this occasion. At a period of life com 
 paratively early, he had acquired such a degree of confidence 
 among the people, that he seems to have been constantly 
 selected as a leader, to direct all measures which concerned 
 the public welfare. The governors of the province succes 
 sively, and the partizans of the administration, watched him 
 with the closest attention. They discovered that his princi 
 ples of government were opposed to their measures, that he 
 was an able and vigilant sentinel, watching all their motion? 
 with a fixed determination to obstruct, and when practicable, 
 to frustrate their obnoxious designs ; and stedfastly to vin 
 dicate and uphold the just rights of his fellow subjects. The 
 panders of power, and the royal sycophants, would gladly 
 have induced him by intimidation or by flattery, to desist from 
 the course he had adopted. Both of these methods were in 
 succession tried upon him, but they were tried equally in 
 vain. His integrity, though assailed by addresses to hi? 
 fears, and to his ambition and vanity, was found by those who 
 wished to detach him from the popular interest, too stern 
 and inflexible. He was equally unmoved by a proffer of 
 royal favors on the one hand, if he complied ; and on the 
 other, with the threatened vengeance of his sovereign, if he 
 persisted. These facts being evinced, he became highly 
 exalted in the public esteem ; and proportionately obnoxious 
 to the officers of government. 
 
 On one of the annual returns of the 5th of March the day 
 of the Boston Massacre, he was selected by the citizens, to 
 deliver an oration commemorative of that event. This he 
 did in such a manner, as gave great satisfaction to the 
 people ; but caused strong feelings of umbrage in the parti 
 zans of the government. It is a favorable specimen of po 
 pular eloquence, and exhibited him, as a man well fitted for a 
 popular leader ; better adapted however, to raise and keep 
 alive a feeling of excitement in the populace, than wisely tc 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 23 
 
 regulate and guide its efforts to beneficial results. Happily 
 for the country, in the most important interests of which he 
 was destined to become a conspicuous actor, he was asso 
 ciated with others whose patriotism was as pure, whose wis, 
 dom was more matured, whose discretion, as sound, and 
 whose zeal, though less ardent than his, was nevertheless as 
 persevering ; and whose integrity was equally secure against 
 the corrupting influence of honorary or pecuniary tempta 
 tions. 
 
 Having been early elected by his fellow citizens, a mem- 
 ber of the provincial assembly, he was soon chosen -their 
 speaker. This choice did not receive the approbation of the 
 governor. In 1767, he was chosen a member of the executive 
 council. This also was displeasing to the governor ; and he 
 was consequently rejected by his authority, in the same 
 honorable manner. This was not done in, a solitary instance 
 merely. It had been repeated several years successively 
 which had the effect to increase his popularity with the citi 
 zens, and seemed to have become necessary to his fame. It 
 was, however, suspended by the governor, without any os 
 tensible reason assigned for the change of conduct on his 
 part ; and he gave his sanction to the nomination of Mr. 
 Hancock to the council. 
 
 Previous to this, some persons, influenced perhaps by envy, 
 had entertained a suspicion of his integrity. This had 
 been put into circulation with a cautious industry ; and had 
 the effect of lowering the public confidence in his sincerity. 
 This change of conduct in the governor, from open opposi 
 tion, to favor equally open, was considered as evidence which 
 justified their jealousy, and strengthened, if it did not con 
 firm their belief of a depravation of principle on his part. 
 To counteract and eradicate their jealousy, and the effect 
 in their minds, of art, and of unsought civilities of the gover 
 nor, he refused to take his seat at the council board ; and at 
 no very distant period, pronounced his oration, in commemo 
 ration of "the massacre" above mentioned. By these mea 
 sures, he successfully refuted the insidious suggestions of 
 his rivals ; triumphed over his enemies, retrieved his waning 
 popularity, and resumed with increased favor his standing 
 in the public estimation. Nor was this the only immediate 
 effect which this line of his conduct produced. It reconciled 
 those whose former attachment had become cooled for a sea 
 son. He was restored to their confidence ; and in the same 
 proportion, his magnanimous display of firmness and integrity 
 
24 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 incurred the vengeance of the British government. A 
 man so influential as Mr. Hancock, the ministry would gladly, 
 by the use of any means in their power, have secured in 
 their favor. Intimidation and corruption they had tried; 
 and tried in vain. 
 
 Their only remaining resource for destroying his influence, 
 which was likely to oppose them in all their measures for 
 oppressing the colonists, was to put him out of the way : the 
 attempt to accomplish this was made at a subsequent period ; 
 when he, with his untiring friend and colleague, Samuel 
 Adams, was excepted, from the clemency of his majesty, in 
 the proclamation issued by the governor, after the battle at 
 Lexington ; in which he offered pardon to all whose penitence 
 evinced their submission except the notorious offenders, 
 Samuel Adams and John Hancock. These had been too 
 guilty to escape punishment; and were consequently except, 
 ed, and held in reserve, when secured, to sate the vengeance 
 of the government. 
 
 He had, for some time, commanded, with the rank of a 
 captain, the cadet company, which was the governor s guard. 
 Governor Gage removed him from that office. The company, 
 in resentment, returned the standard which they received 
 on the governor s accession to this office, and disbanded 
 themselves. What gave a signal importance to this mea 
 sure of the governor, was the fact that the company consist 
 ed of some of the most respectable inhabitants of Boston. 
 
 Governor Barnard was peculiarly obnoxious to Mr. Han 
 cock. In 1767, he complimented him with a lieutenant s 
 commission. This commission Mr. Hancock tore in pieces, 
 in presence of many citizens. By this act, he gave offence 
 to royal dignity, and received the reprehension and threats 
 of the governor. He was, subsequently, chosen captain, 
 with the rank of a colonel. This took place a short time 
 after Governor Barnard had taken his departure. Dur 
 ing a period of several years, immediately preceding the bat 
 tle of Lexington, which was the commencement of open hos 
 tilities in the revolutionary war, the conduct of Messrs. Sam 
 uel Adams, and John Hancock, had been attentively watche d 
 by the existing government. Their influence on the peo 
 ple was strongly deprecated by the governor and his parti, 
 zans. Various attempts were made, but without success, to 
 detach them from the cause of the people, which they had 
 espoused, and boldly manifested on various occasions. As 
 these several attempts proved unsuccessful as they would 
 
MASS AC HUSETTS. 25 
 
 neither be frightened, nor allured, into a compliance with the 
 governor s wishes, it was deemed an object of no small im 
 portance to get possession of their persons, that they might 
 be held in safe custody, to prevent further injury, and that 
 they might be brought forth to answer for their treasonable 
 practices. Their consciousness of this fact brought them 
 much together. 
 
 The night preceding the Lexington battle, these two gen 
 tlemen lodged together in that village. To secure their per 
 sons, is supposed to have been one motive for the expedition, 
 which resulted in that sanguinary conflict. 
 
 They narrowly escaped being captured. For as the party 
 detached for securing them, entered the house in which they 
 lodged, by one avenue, they retired through another, and 
 thus eluded their pursuers, at the moment when they believed 
 they had secured their victims. The governor, mortified 
 and incensed by his failure, issued his proclamation, by the 
 terms of which, they were cut off from all hope of clemency, 
 even should they voluntarily surrender themselves. This ex 
 clusion was viewed by their fellow citizens, as an honorable 
 distinction in their favor ; since it clearly indicated the de 
 gree of importance, which the enemies of their liberty attach 
 ed to their characters and influence. In proportion as they 
 were feared and proscribed by the governor and his adher 
 ents, they were exalted and confirmed in the esteem and af 
 fections of the people. 
 
 The provincial congress of Massachusetts, in October 
 1774, unanimously elected Hancock their president. In 
 the following year he was chosen president of the continen 
 tal congress. The office was the most honorable distinction 
 his country could confer on him. He was peculiarly qualified 
 to discharge its arduous duties, with benefit to the country, 
 and honor to himself, by his previous experience as a pre 
 siding officer, in various deliberative assemblies, in his na 
 tive state ; and by reason of a dignity of manners, always de 
 sirable in such an office, and which he possessed in a pre-emi 
 nent degree. This distinguished office he held on the ever 
 memorable fourth of July, 1776; and hence his signature 
 stands foremost on the Declaration of Independence of the 
 United States of North America. It may be added in this 
 place, that the most important document, in which every Ameri 
 can citizen feels the most lively interest, when first publish 
 ed, went abroad to the world, with the name of John Han- 
 
 3 
 
26 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 cock only subscribed to it. This fact, though the result of 
 his official station, gave signal importance to the man, in the 
 public estimation for a season ; and served, in no inconsidera 
 ble degree, to enhance his fame. 
 
 He entered on the discharge of the arduous, and somewhat 
 embarrassing duties of his office, with a becoming modesty, 
 highly proper in itself, and becoming in him, in the presence 
 of a number of distinguished men, his seniors in age and ex- 
 perience. Those duties he performed with such an appro 
 priate wisdom, and such a display of personal dignity, as de 
 manded and received the approbation even of his enemies. 
 
 In 1777, he resigned the office of president of congress, 
 and retired to his native residence. He was induced to take 
 this measure, by long continued application to the arduous 
 duties which had devolved on him, and by the increasing 
 ravages of the gout, by which his health was considerably 
 impaired. In this retirement to domestic life, the esteem and 
 applause of his countrymen followed him ; which they espe 
 cially evinced by public and splendid demonstrations. 
 
 But he was not suffered long to enjoy the tranquil plea 
 sures of domestic retirement, for he was elected a member 
 of the convention which was appointed about this time, to 
 form a constitution of government for the commonwealth of 
 Massachusetts. Inaction has few attractions for a man who 
 has been used to an active life. Such a man was Hancock. 
 As might have been anticipated from a knowledge of his es 
 tablished character, he was very assiduous and faithful in the 
 discharge of those public duties which that important station 
 devolved on him, 
 
 After the constitution was adopted by the people of that 
 state, Hancock had the honor conferred on him, of being 
 chosen the first governor of that commonwealth, and was the 
 first man ever preferred to that station, who derived his au 
 thority from the voluntary suffrages of a free people. To 
 that office he was annually chosen, five years successively. 
 And after two years, during which, the office was conferred 
 iipon the honorable James Bowdoin, he was again elected, 
 and by annual reappointment, held the office to the close of 
 his life. 
 
 It is well known that the period intervening between the 
 termination of the revolutionary war, and the adoption of the 
 federal constitution of government, was a season of great 
 agitation and solicitude, throughout the country. During the 
 struggle for securing the national independence, a feeling ot 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 27 
 
 common interest, and a sense of common danger, influenced 
 the states, under the old confederation, to act in concert. 
 And this, in the existing state of the country, was found ade 
 quate to the great purposes for which it was formed. But 
 after the war was terminated, and the people had time to at 
 tend to their own immediate concerns, experience soon taught 
 them that there was a deficiency in the general government, 
 which rendered it unfit to answer the necessities of a na 
 tion, comprised, as this was, of a number of independent sove 
 reignties. Conflicting interests of different states were 
 found to operate injuriously on those of individuals, in their 
 commercial transactions.^/ -One state, as a sovereign power, 
 claimed a right to exact an impost duty on the citizens of 
 another. This, as was natural, excited a disposition to re-* 
 taliate. The people were impoverished by the expenses of 
 the war. Many were in debt. Creditors resorted to legal 
 measures to enforce a collection of their demands, which in 
 volved many families in deep embarrassment. Taxes for the 
 support of government, though indispensable, by many were 
 deemed exorbitant; and their collection resisted. t)wing to 
 these and other causes, a spirit of disaffection to government 
 prevailed extensively in New England: and in Massachusetts, it 
 at length broke out in an open insurrection. \Wise reflecting 
 men perceived the necessity of a remedy*Tor these evils. 
 This was eventually sought and obtained in the formation, 
 adoption, and successful operation of the federal constitution 
 of government, under which we now live. 
 
 During this period, almost a period of anarchy, Mr. Han- 
 cock was called to administer the government of Massachu- 
 setts. The difficulties which he had to encounter were many 
 and perplexing. With the aid of his compatriots he was 
 enabled to surmount them. Insurrection was subdued ; and 
 gradually the agitation of the public feeling settled into a 
 state of tranquillity, worthy of a people, who, under difficulties 
 and burdens almost unparalleled, had achieved their inde 
 pendence. He was not exempted, however, from imputa 
 tions of being actuated by sinister motives, unworthy at all 
 times of distinguished public characters. And, in this res 
 pect, he was not singular. For no purity of character no 
 professions of disinterested intentions no line of conduct, 
 corresponding with such professions, during a long life, ac 
 tively devoted to his fellow men, could secure the great 
 Washington from similar aspersions, generated by envy in 
 the breasts of those who uttered them. 
 
28 JOHN HANCOCK, 
 
 Mr. Hancock was chosen a member of the Massachusetts 
 convention, for discussing the great question of adopting or 
 rejecting the federal constitution. In that body, the constitu 
 tion met with many opposers. It was believed that these con . 
 stituted a majority of the members. Probably owing to the 
 impression which prevailed, that he disapproved of it, he was 
 chosen president of the convention. But sickness prevented 
 him from taking his seat, till the last week of their session. 
 He then attended, and voted in favor of its adoption. Its 
 adoption by Massachusetts, about which, many fears were 
 entertained in other states, was probably effected, in a great 
 measure, by his influence, activity, and personal efforts to ob 
 viate the objections of many opposing members. But for his 
 exertions in its favor, there is a strong probability that the 
 constitution would have been rejected by that commonwealth. 
 
 After the general government was organized, and had 
 gone into operation, in a suit against that state, before the 
 court of the United States, he was summoned, as governor, to 
 answer the prosecution. He resisted the process, on the ground, 
 that an independent sovereign state could not be arraigned 
 before a civil court to be tried. In this resistance he was 
 successful. And a recurrence of such an event was prevented 
 by an amendment of the federal constitution. By this act, 
 which was one of the last of his eventful life, he probably in 
 troduced a barrier against many controversies, which would 
 otherwise have ensued, and have disturbed the public harmony 
 with acrimonious contentions. 
 
 About twenty years before his death, he married a Miss 
 Quincy, a native of Boston, and a member of one of the most 
 ancient, and distinguished families of New England. His 
 only son dying in his youth, he was left without a child tc 
 perpetuate his name, or to inherit his fortune. 
 
 That Hancock was a popular leader in his native common 
 wealth, is admitted by friends and foes. No rival competition 
 for office could run successively against him. That he was 
 fond of popular favor cannot be denied ; but he sustained the 
 imputation of having sought it at times, by methods not wholly 
 commendable. That he was well fitted for the times in which 
 he lived, and for the theatre on which he acted a most con 
 spicuous part, will now be acknowledged by all who are ac 
 quainted with the history of his life and that he was a bene 
 factor to his country, will not be called in question by pos 
 terity 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. , 
 
 This gentleman, who was destined, in the course of Provi. 
 dence, to act a conspicuous part in events which led to, and 
 introduced the revolutionary struggle between Great Britain 
 and her American colonies, and to become a leader of dis 
 tinguished eminence in the civil concerns connected with 
 that great event, was born at Quincy in Massachusetts, a 
 short distance from Boston, on the nineteenth day of October, 
 (O. S.) 1735. He was a lineal descenderit, in the fourth 
 generation, from Henry Adams, who fled from persecution in 
 England ; and, maternally, from John Alden, who was one 
 of the Pilgrims who landed on the Plymouth-rock, and sought, 
 with that worthy band of pious adventurers, an ayslum 
 for civil and religious liberty, which was denied them in their 
 native country. The first settlers of this country, having been 
 long refused the enjoyment of their natural rights " at home," 
 (as it was then called,) had, before they embarked, acquired 
 a clear and definite understanding of what constituted those 
 rights. This knowledge, they not only brought with them 
 into this their new country, but carefully instilled it into the 
 minds of their posterity. They came well prepared to claim 
 and establish a full emoyment of. their civil and religious 
 rights for themselves, and to ensure their transmission, secure 
 and unimpaired, to future generations. No class of men pro 
 bably ever lived, who more carefully instilled their own princi 
 ples into the minds of their children, than the New England 
 Pilgrims ; nor was there ever a class of men who more faith 
 fully performed the duty of instructors, in this respect, than they. 
 They clearly foresaw that their immunities, however securely 
 guarded by royal charters, might have to encounter attempts to 
 wrest them from the possession of their descendants, by go 
 vernors and other representatives of regal power. They 
 therefore took much pains to provide that all children should 
 have the means of education within their reach, that they might 
 grow up with a correct understanding of their rights, from 
 childhood, and be prepared to defend them by truth and sound 
 argument, against all the arts of cunning and ingenious sophists. 
 
 In this school John Adams was born. He began to re 
 ceive its instructions at the earliest dawn of his intellectual 
 
 3* 
 
80 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 perception ; and he was introduced to the political stage as a 
 prominent actor, at that period of his country s history, 
 when all his powers were necessary to vindicate his own and 
 his country s rights, against the unjust claims of the British 
 ministry, and to rescue them from their grasp, that they might 
 be preserved inviolate to posterity. To prepare him for entering 
 college, his father placed him under the tuition of a compe 
 tent instructor in Braintree. After completing his preparatory 
 course, he was admitted a member of Harvard College, at 
 Cambridge, in 1751, where he graduated at the end of four 
 years. His collegiate life, as far as is known, was not marked 
 by any thing very distinguishing. But for this deficiency, 
 the after years of his life abundantly compensated. 
 
 Having resolved to engage in the profession of law, soon 
 after leaving college he repaired to Worcester, and placed 
 himself under the instruction of an eminent barrister, of the 
 name of Putnam. At that early period of the history of 
 America, the opportunities for acquiring education in this 
 country were very limited, compared with the present. Few 
 extensive libraries were possessed by individuals, even among 
 professional men. But in the office of Mr. Putnam, Mr. 
 Adams found as good advantages as could readily be ob- 
 ;ained at that period, which he improved with great industry, 
 although he was engaged in instructing a grammar school at 
 the same time. It was long customary for young gentlemen 
 in New England, to pursue such an employment, that they 
 might, in a course of useful labors fjjf the benefit of others, 
 support themselves during their professional studies. 
 
 His connection with Mr. Putnam was the means of intro 
 ducing him to acquaintances, who were of much value to him 
 during his preparatory studies. Among them was the attor 
 ney general of the province, Jeremy Gridley, Esq. Their 
 first interview, which was effected by the kind offices of his 
 instructor, was the commencement of a mutual friendship, 
 which proved highly beneficial to Adams. In a manner in 
 dicative of peculiar affection, Mr. Gridley led his friend into 
 a private room, as if to communicate a confidential secret ; 
 in which apartment was a book-case, containing treatises on 
 civil law works rarely to be met with in New England at that 
 time. While Adams was anxiously expecting the disclosure of 
 some important communication, pointing to the book-case, Mr. 
 Gridley addressed him thus : " There is the secret of my 
 eminence, of which you may avail yourself, if you please." 
 Bv faithfully and perseveringly improving those means, which 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 31. 
 
 this act of special friendship put at his command, he soon be 
 came distinguished by his familiar acquaintance with a branch 
 of science but little known, at that time, by either judges 
 or practitioners. This enabled him to begin his professional 
 career with peculiar advantages, not possessed by his contem 
 poraries. A mine of rich treasure was thus thrown open to 
 him, from which his competitors were wholly excluded. 
 
 There are documents still preserved, which clearly demon 
 strate that Mr. Adams very early began to turn his mind to a 
 contemplation of the general politics of his country. A let 
 ter, written by him in 1755, when he was but twenty years 
 of age, gives a specimen of his views and his manner of re 
 flecting on this subject, at that early period. This letter is a do 
 cument of so remarkable a character, that it has been deemed 
 worthy of preservation. It discloses great strength of mind ; 
 and exhibits a comprehensive range of speculation, and an 
 extensive forecast, which must be admitted to be remarkable 
 for such a youth, in any country. Its length precludes its in 
 sertion in this brief sketch. 
 
 Mr. Adams was admitted to the bar in 1758, and settled 
 with the intention of practising law, in Braintree. 
 
 During several years, prior to the stamp act and othei 
 measures of the British parliament, which were peculiarly 
 obnoxious to the feelings, and injurious to the commercial 
 prosperity of the colonists, there had existed a rooted bitter 
 ness between the people in Boston, engaged in foreign trade, 
 and the officers of the customs. .Those officers, to some de 
 gree odious in every community, by the measures they adopt 
 ed to strengthen their powers and legalize their arbitrary 
 acts, became very obnoxious to the inhabitants. The former 
 were actuated by a desire to render themselves popular with 
 the ministry, that they might possess the means and oppor 
 tunity to amass property. The latter, by a jealous guardian- 
 shjp of their own liberties, and an unbending determination 
 to resist and combat every attempted encroachment upon 
 them, destroyed all harmony, and established mutually a 
 fixed aversion, that widened the breach continually. At this 
 early date, though not openly active, Mr. Adams espoused 
 the cause of the citizens in the most decided manner. He 
 steadily but cautiously watched the progress of events 
 abroad ; and, in his private study, made himself minutely 
 acquainted with the law and justice appertaining to both sides 1 
 of the controversy. As, therefore, he increased in years, ho 
 advanced in qualifications to assume and maintain the impor 
 
32 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 tant station he held in the revolutionary struggle whicn en- 
 sued. 
 
 He was admitted to the rank of a barrister in 1761. As 
 his professional business increased, favorable opportunities 
 were successively given him for exhibiting his talents to the 
 public, and for attracting their attention ; and, on these oc 
 casions, public approbation was liberally awarded to him. 
 He was neither an indifferent, nor an inactive spectator of 
 the interesting events that occurred, affecting in an alarming 
 manner, the rights and liberties of the colonists ; and espe 
 cially those of his native province. This enabled him, even 
 at the commencement of his career, to exhibit a mind well 
 informed on every subject presented for discussion, upon 
 principles purely republican ; and with an integrity that pur 
 sued an undeviating course, uninfluenced by bribery, flattery, 
 or threats, though all these were successively attempted. 
 
 The first instance of material importance, in which Mr. 
 Adams appeared publicly to advocate the cause of his coun 
 try, and to defend her against the arbitrary proceedings of 
 the parliament, was in 1765, on its -being made known that 
 the celebrated stamp act had passed into a law, and to be 
 enforced in the colonies. It was on this occasion, that he 
 wrote and published his " Essay on the Canon and Feudal 
 Law ;" an elaborate and bold appeal to the people. This 
 publication presented him before the community, in a manner 
 peculiarly favorable for his future promotion. Indeed, il 
 ushered him rapidly into public notice ; insomuch that 
 though young, he was the same year associated with the dis 
 tinguished James Otis and some others, possessed of conge 
 nial feelings, to demand, in presence of the governor and 
 council, that the courts should dispense with the use of 
 stamped paper in their administration of justice. From this 
 moment, he was always prompt to step forward and act in 
 unison with the leading master spirits of that town and vici 
 nity, in all their efforts to obstruct, and effectually counter 
 act the schemes of the ministry. 
 
 In 1766, he removed from Braintree and settled in Boston. 
 A short time before his removal, he was married to Miss 
 Abigail Smith, daughter of a respectable clergyman of that 
 name, with whom he lived more than half a century. 
 
 After the military had been stationed in the town of Bos- 
 ton, among the citizens, on the pretended ground that theit 
 aid was requisite to enable the officers of the customs to 
 execute the duties of their office ; considering it a violation 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 33 
 
 of the citizens rights, and a gross calumny upon their cha 
 racter, he united with Otis, Hancock, S. Adams and others, 
 in opposition to the governor and his satellites, and with 
 them perseveringly prosecuted measures for effecting their 
 removal from town. In these efforts he manifested such de 
 cided talents, that Governor Barnard judged it expedient to 
 try to detach him from his associates, and secure his aid on 
 the side of government. Accordingly, he authorized Mr. 
 Sewall, the attorney general, and Adams s personal friend, to 
 offer him the lucrative office of advocate general in the court of 
 admiralty. But it was promptly rejected. He magnanimously 
 chose rather to expose himself to dangers and suffer afflic 
 tion with his fellow citizens and republican brethren, than to 
 sacrifice his integrity for the reward of a lucrative office. The 
 office, which was one that would have placed him in the line of 
 promotion, yielded a handsome income ; and withal, required 
 no ostensible abandonment of his principles or friends. Yet, 
 knowing that all of these would be expected of him, of which 
 his acceptance of the offer would be considered as a virtual 
 pledge, he viewed it as an insidious attempt upon his prin 
 ciples, and he peremptorily declined to accept the appoint 
 ment. 
 
 It will be recollected, that all the efforts of the people of 
 Boston to effect .the removal of the military from the town, 
 proved unsuccessful, until after that affray, in which the sol 
 diers fired on a collection of the citizens, and killed several 
 in 1770, called the Boston Massacre. 
 
 After some delay, those who were supposed the guilty ones, 
 were arrested and tried by a civil court. Mr. Adams was 
 applied to, to undertake their defence as their counsellor and 
 advocate in the court. This was a trying situation, and es 
 pecially in such circumstances. He had been one of the 
 foremost of the citizens in seeking to have the soldiers re 
 moved to their barracks ; he had united with the militia as a 
 private, in mounting guard and patroling the streets by night 
 and day for the common Safety of the inhabitants ; he was a 
 man of the people, he lived among and for the people ; and 
 depended on their favor for his professional prosperity; yet 
 he was now called on to defend the cause of men, who were 
 not only obnoxious to the citizens, but who had killed, as they 
 thought wantonly, several of their friends and townsmen. 
 In this trying situation, he adopted a manly and independent 
 course. He did what his friends applauded him for doing, 
 at no small hazard of losing the favor and esteem of his 
 
34 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 neighbors and friends ; he appeared as their advocate^ and 
 conducted their defence in such a manner as merited and 
 received the universal applause of the community. The 
 pledge which he had given of his integrity, in refusing the 
 office proffered him two years before, secured him against 
 any suspicion of sacrificing his principles on that occasion. 
 That he lost no favor among his fellow citizens, is evinced 
 by their choosing him their representative that same year, in 
 place of Mr. Bowdoin, who then took a seat in the council. 
 It required, however, no small share of moral courage, under 
 such circumstances, to take the stand which he did. And 
 his election to the legislature, so soon after the trial, was no 
 equivocal evidence of their undiminished confidence in his 
 integrity. 
 
 In all the controversies between the royal governors on 
 the one side, and the colonists on the other (and these were 
 numerous and perplexing during the few years immediately 
 preceding the open rupture that followed,) Mr. Adams 
 always stood forward in defence of their chartered rights ; 
 and whether he was a member of the house of assembly or 
 not, his talents were always put in requisition connected Math 
 the other leading patriots of that age, and always exerted 
 with such effect, as to baffle, if they did not wholly subvert, 
 the machinations of the advocates of ministerial supremacy. 
 Having refused to be bought over, he became peculiarly 
 odious to the two governors, Barnard and Hutchinson ; inso 
 much, that when, by the votes of his constituents, he was placed 
 on the list of counsellors, Governor Hutchinson erased his 
 name ; and thus in the exercise of a right which he held, 
 but which was never exercised except for the indulgence of 
 vindictive feelings or personal hostility, he excluded him from 
 his seat. Such treatment was not calculated to conciliate, 
 but had a tendency to widen the breach already existing. 
 
 Governor Gage succeeding Hutchinson, brought with him 
 similar feelings towards Mr. Adams, which his predecessor 
 had indulged. He made this manifest not long after his ar 
 rival, for the people having again placed his name on the 
 list of consellors, Governor Gage following Htitchinson s ex 
 ample, erased it. The first assembly under Governor Gage s 
 administration, was convened in Salem. It was in this as 
 sembly, of which Adams was a member, that the proposal 
 for calling a continental congress to deliberate concerning 
 the general interests of the colonies was proposed and adopt 
 ed, in spite of the governor s opposition. On that occasion, 
 
MASSACHUSETTS 35 
 
 five delegates were elected. They were J. and S. Adams 
 Paine, Gushing, and Bowdoin. 
 
 This was a bold measure, and considered as audacious by 
 some judicious men, who were particular friends of John 
 Adams. Mr. Sewall, in particular, tried to dissuade him 
 from engaging in an enterprise fraught with so much danger. 
 It was on this occasion, after having listened to his friendly 
 admonitions and advice, that Adams made that memorable 
 reply, which has been considered as peculiarly characteris 
 tic that sink or swim, live or die, to survive or perish with 
 his country, was his unalterable determination. As to his 
 fate, the die was cast ; he had passed the Rubicon. 
 
 By his election to the first meeting of delegates of the first 
 continental congress, he was called to act in a new, difficult, 
 and highly responsible station. The views and sentiments 
 of the delegates from the different colonies were very dissi 
 milar, respecting the important subjects that were to be dis 
 cussed in that assembly. But even in this situation, he soon 
 showed that he was adequate to a faithful discharge of the 
 momentous duties that had been entrusted to him by his 
 country. 
 
 Being fully convinced with his friend, Joseph Hawley, of 
 Northampton, even at that early period, that all conciliatory 
 measures on the part of the colonists would prove unavailing, 
 and that " they must fight after all," he felt it to be neces 
 sary to rouse the feelings of the delegates from other colo 
 nies, to realize, more clearly and more correctly than they 
 did, the true situation of their country. This he saw was in 
 dispensable, that they might be prepared for that distressing 
 crisis of their political affairs, which it was obvious was ap 
 proaching ; and which he even then, with a few others, be 
 lieved was unavoidable. In his views, he had the satisfaction 
 to find some highly influential gentlemen from the south 
 ward entirely concur. Particularly the celebrated Patrick 
 Henry, of Virginia, and Thomas M Kean, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The measure adopted by congress in this their first session 
 though necessary to unite the public sentiment, and elevate 
 the public feeling of opposition to the persevering despotism 
 of the British cabinet, proving ineffectual, as he had predicted, 
 it was soon found necessary for congress to hold another 
 session. To this he was elected, in connection with all of 
 his former colleagues, except Mr. Bowdoin, who, being 
 about to sail for Europe, was omitted, and John Hancock 
 appointed in his stead. 
 
36 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 The second congress convened in Philadelphia in May, 
 1775. As the British had actually commenced hostilities 
 previous to this meeting of congress, in their attack on Lex 
 ington and Concord, in Massachusetts, it became necessary to 
 make preparation to raise a military force, and to organ 
 ize an army for the defence of the country. As articles of 
 agreement had been settled, and signed by congress, accord, 
 ing to which the first aggression of the British on the people 
 of Massachusetts, became the common cause of all the colo 
 nies, it became the duty. of congress to direct in all things ap 
 pertaining to the defence of the country, and the prosecution 
 of the war, already begun. He-nce a commander in chief 
 was to be appointed by the congress now in session. John 
 Adams of Massachusetts, nominated George Washington of 
 Virginia, to the chief command of the armies of the United 
 States. This nomination, in which Adams was one of the 
 prime movers, was preconcerted by him and his associates, 
 with such secrecy and promptitude, that though Washington 
 was a member of the body, he was wholly unapprized of the 
 design, until he heard his name announced for that appoint 
 ment. Sitting in his seat, Adams nominated him ; advocated 
 nis appointment ; and had the high satisfaction of seeing his 
 nomination confirmed by the house. Had this been the only 
 public act of his whole life, his country would have abundant 
 cause for gratitude to John Adams, as having been their bene 
 factor. His talents had been industriously exerted, after he 
 first conceived the project, for some days before he announ 
 ced it, to secure a majority in the house to sanction his motion. 
 This was effected, though not without difficulty. But after 
 the nomination had been postponed one day, it received the 
 unanimous approbation of congress. This fact shows the 
 ascendency of his talents and influence, even at that early 
 date, among his fellow patriots, who had the best means and 
 opportunity for forming a correct estimate of his character. 
 
 On the sixth of May, 1776, he introduced a motion to con 
 gress, almost equivalent to a Declaration of Independence, 
 and which directly led to it that the colonies should form 
 governments, independent of the crown. 
 
 Having long been convinced that congress must soon issue 
 such a declaration, he laboured assiduously, in conjunction 
 with others, who he knew agreed with him in sentiment, to 
 prepare the way for it, by bringing the delegates from other 
 colonies to feel the indispensable necessity of the measure, 
 in order to unite the people in vindicating their rights against 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 37 
 
 their invading enemy. When this preparation was effected, 
 and the motion was introduced by Mr. Lee, of Virginia, Mr. 
 Adams became its warm and decided advocate, until it was 
 adopted by a vote of congress. 
 
 He was appointed one of the committee for preparing a draft 
 of a Declaration of Independence, associated with Jefferson 
 and Franklin, and others ; and taking into consideration his 
 efforts, from the time when he became convinced of its neces 
 sity, to the period of its consummation, which probably included 
 not less than three years, it is believed that we shall not exceed 
 the limits of truth when we say, that John Adams, of Massachu 
 setts, was the most efficient agent in procuring a public Decla 
 ration of Independence of the United States of North America, 
 of all those who were concerned in that memorable achieve 
 ment. His exertions were not restricted to the limits of his own 
 state, nor confined within the hall of congress. Some states were 
 tardy in expressing their approbation of such a measure ; par 
 ticularly Pennsylvania and Maryland. It was important to 
 have a public avowal of their approbation, before congress 
 came to a final result. This was accomplished by his friends 
 Chase and Rush, in their respective states, aided by his coun 
 sel and influence, in due season for taking the final vote in 
 congress. 
 
 In addition to the unremitting labors of Mr. Adams in 
 congress, during a visit he made to his family, soon after the 
 decision of the great question of independence, the legisla 
 ture of Massachusetts elected him a member of their council. 
 They also appointed him chief justice of their highest courts. 
 He however declined this office ; but took his seat in the 
 council, and assisted in their deliberations. He chose to ad 
 here to the national government, to the establishment of 
 which he had contributed so much ; although, by acting in 
 the capac.-ty of judge in his native state, he might have en 
 joyed the pleasures of domestic life in a much greater degree, 
 than his continuance in congress would permit. 
 
 When Lord Howe arrived in this country, and made 
 known that he was commissioned to confer with such persons 
 as congress would designate, on the means of an accommo 
 dation with Great Britain, although Mr. Adams disapproved of 
 even considering the proposition, yet it was assented to, and 
 he was appointed one of the committee to treat with his lord 
 ship. They met at the British head quarters on Staten Is 
 land, and held an interview ; but, according to his predic. 
 don, it proved entirely abortive. 
 
 4 
 
38 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 To give some idea of his immense labors, the following 
 summary may suffice. He was a member of ninety differ 
 ent committees, during the remainder of 1776, and 1777. 
 He was chairman of twenty-five. Some of these incurred 
 great responsibility, and required incessant labors. The im 
 portant duties thus imposed on him, he continued to discharge 
 with fidelity and assiduity till December, 1777 when he 
 was appointed a commissioner to France. This appointment 
 he accepted ; and embarked on his mission, in the frigate 
 Boston, in the month of February, 1778. It was on this voy 
 age that he evinced his courage as well as his, patriotism, in 
 a personal engagement with the enemy of his country. Captain 
 Tucker, of the Boston, having discovered an English ship, 
 with the consent of Mr. Adams gave chase to her ; and, coming 
 up with, engaged her. He had stipulated, as a condition of 
 attacking the ship, that Mr. Adams should keep below, out 
 of danger. But he soon saw him with his musket, among th 
 mariners on deck, personally engaged in the conflict. 
 
 As the immediate object of this mission to France ha<x 
 been accomplished by Doctor Franklin, previous to his ar. 
 rival in that kingdom ; Mr. Adams, having but little public, 
 business requiring his attention, with the consent of congress, 
 returned home, in the summer of 1779. 
 
 He was immediately requested to assist in forming a con 
 stitution of government for his native state ; and was one of 
 the committee for presenting a plan for the consideration of 
 the convention. While he was engaged in this service for 
 his native commonwealth, he was appointed by congress a 
 minister to Great Britain, to negotiate a treaty of peace, and 
 a treaty of commerce with that government. 
 
 For this voyage the French minister to the United States 
 offered him a passage in the frigate La Sensible, which was 
 accepted. He, with the secretary of legation, accordingly 
 embarked in her at Boston, in October, 1779, and arrived at 
 Ferrol, in Spain, after a long passage ; and journeyed by land 
 from thence to Paris. In a short time after his arrival, he 
 became satisfied that England had no serious thoughts of con 
 cluding a peace with America that she was not yet pre 
 pared to adopt the first preliminary, an acknowledgment of 
 American Independence, the sine qua non with the United 
 States ; and having little business of a public nature to re 
 quire his attention, he was desirous of returning home ; but 
 congress sent him a mission to Holland, to negotiate a treaty 
 of amity and commerce with the states general. In this mis 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 39 
 
 sion congress also entrusted to his agency, other interests oj 
 signal importance in relation to their contest with England. 
 
 To show the confidence reposed in him by congress, the 
 following statement will be sufficient ; and at the same time^ 
 it will prove that this confidence was almost unlimited. While 
 he was in Holland, congress sent him credentials, in addition 
 to those he took with him from home, which constituted him, 
 at one period, minister plenipotentiary for making peace ; the 
 same for making a treaty of commerce with Great Britain , 
 the same to their high mightinesses, the states general ; the 
 same to the Prince of Orange and Stadtholder ; the same for 
 pledging the faith of the United States, as a party to the 
 armed neutrality ; and a commissioner of the United States 
 for negotiating for 1 a loan of ten million of dollars, for their 
 benefit. Perhaps no public agent was ever entrusted by his 
 government with so many important national interests, at the 
 same time, as Mr. Adams was by congress. 
 
 The Count de Vergennes, the prime minister of France, an 
 able but wily politician, had long been making his calcula 
 tions for the preliminaries of a peace between England and 
 the United States. His leading object was, to form the trea 
 ty in such a manner, that the United States should, with a 
 nominal independence as a nation, be, to a considerable de 
 gree, dependent on France. It was within the plan of this 
 minister, to have Mr. Adams act according to his counsel, 
 and thus become a subordinate agent of France, which calcula 
 ted in the negotiation for peace, so to direct the business, as 
 in the result, to give to France a large share of the commer 
 cial advantages the United States might have it m their 
 power to bestow. He wished also, that the United States 
 might not be admitted to the fisheries the right to which, it 
 was his object to secure to France. Against all his art, and 
 influence, Mr. Adams had to watch, and to guard himself 
 against being improperly swayed by the general feeling of gra 
 titude to France for aiding his country, in their arduous strug 
 gle ; which feeling, though well grounded, was unduly in 
 dulged, even by some members of congress. He saw the 
 delicacy of his situation, and the danger to which he was ex 
 posed, of being instrumental in sacrificing important interests 
 6*f his country. But he resolved to act according to the true 
 import of his commission, as a minister plenipotentiary, in 
 stead of receiving his instructions from the French cabinet. 
 And it was owing to his discernment, and his resolution to act 
 in that character, together with the firmness and patriotism of 
 
40 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 Mr. Jay, that the privileges in the cod fishery, which /he Unl. 
 ted States now enjoy, were secured to them in the treaty ot 
 peace with Great Britain. To the same united causes are 
 we also indebted for the establishment of the Mississippi as 
 the western boundary, and for preservation from an obliga 
 tion to indemnify the tories, for the losses which they sus 
 tained by opposing the independence of their country. 
 
 In his agency, when he was attempting to negociate a loan 
 of several millions in Holland, for the United States, in order 
 that he might succeed, he had to encounter and overcome 
 numerous and powerful obstacles. He was almost unknown 
 in Europe. He had to deal with a prudent and cautious peo 
 ple. They knew little of the country he represented, except 
 that it was poor at that time, and had but limited resour 
 ces ; that many doubted whether the confederation could be 
 sustained after peace, even if they established their in 
 dependence ; and that for establishing this, they were still 
 contending with their powerful adversary. Should they 
 loan their money under these circumstances, they justly an 
 ticipated much danger that it would not be repaid. Yet not 
 withstanding all these difficulties, he finally succeeded in his 
 object ; and in a short time after, he also concluded a treaty 
 of amity and commerce with the Dutch government, by which 
 the commerce of the United States was placed on the footing 
 of that of the most favored nations. 
 
 This he accomplished, not by the friendly aid of the Count 
 de Vergennes not with the collateral assistance of able col 
 leagues, but by the force of his own powerful and sagacious 
 mind. 
 
 Having accomplished these two most important objects, 
 and signed the treaty of peace with Great Britain ; Mr. 
 Adams remained during a part of 1784 in Holland. But 
 having been appointed at the head of a commission by con 
 gress, consisting of himself, Franklin, and Jefferson, to nego 
 tiate treaties of commerce with any foreign nations which 
 might be disposed to form commercial relations with the 
 United States, he returned to France, and took up his resi 
 dence in the vicinity of Paris. 
 
 Early in the year 1785, congress appointed him minister 
 plenipotentiary, to represent the United States at the court 
 of St. James. The situation in which his acceptanc% ot 
 that appointment placed him, was novel, and for various rea 
 sons, peculiarly trying to his feelings, and difficult to sustain 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. m 41 
 
 with that propriety and dignity which the rjiles of established 
 etiquette required. Yet he acquitted himself in a manner 
 acceptable both to the government which he represented, 
 and that to which he was deputed. A lively and interesting 
 account of his presentation to his majesty of Great Britain, 
 was given by himself in a letter to Mr. Jay, then secretary 
 of foreign relations, written by him in conformity to his in- 
 structions. 
 
 It was while he resided in his public character, that he 
 wrote his elaborate defence of the American constitutions. 
 
 After an absence of more than eight years, he asked and 
 obtained permission to return to the United States. This 
 event took place greatly to the satisfaction of himself and 
 his family, in 1788. In the autumn of that year, he was 
 elected vice president of the United States, and took his seat 
 as president of the senate, in the first congress under the fe 
 deral constitution, on the 4th day of March following, when 
 the new constitution went into operation. He was then, by 
 the voice of his fellow citizens placed in office next to " him, 
 who was first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of 
 ,iis countrymen." This was a voluntary expression of their 
 esteem and gratitude to him for so many years of his life 
 devoted to their service. 
 
 In 1792, he was re-elected to the same office with entire 
 unanimity. During this period, until Washington s retire 
 ment at the close of his second presidential term, Mr. Adams 
 enjoyed more tranquillity than in any other period of his life, 
 of equal duration, until after his retirement from office. 
 It is well known that the four years of his presidency were 
 among the most threatening to the peace and prosperity of 
 the United States, of any during the French revolution. 
 
 When the French revolution commenced, the people of 
 the United States were universally predisposed in its favor. 
 Having but a very imperfect knowledge of the national cha 
 racter, political, civil, or religious, of France, there were 
 some facts existing, which caused a deep interest in their 
 favor among the people of this country. France had aided 
 us in effecting the establishment of our independence. This 
 excited gratitude. The people of France were ruled by a 
 monarchy. With a kingly government our countrymen as 
 sociated the idea of tyranny or despotism. From such a 
 government we had but recently been liberated ; and for this 
 liberation, the people gratefully acknowledged their obliga 
 tion to the French. We had established a republican con- 
 
 4* 
 
42 m JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 stitution of government. The French nation, having destroyed 
 their monarchy, established ostensibly a republican govern 
 ment also. The friend of our nation, General Lafayette, 
 had taken an efficient part in their revolution, and contribu 
 ted much to the favorable sentiments of the people of the 
 United States, which were indulged, even enthusiastically, 
 in behalf of their revolution. They were too remote from 
 the theatre, to realize the enormities which were exhibited ; 
 and to a great extent, too strongly biassed in their favor, to 
 admit the full force of evidence which was derogatory to 
 their friends and benefactors when it was placed fully before 
 them. 
 
 Those who opposed the violence of the French, or de 
 nounced their unprincipled enormities, were stigmatized as 
 monarchists and British agents. On the other hand, those 
 who adhered to the French cause ; or, who did not denounce 
 them openly, were stiled jacobins and French partizans, who 
 were ready to sacrifice the liberty of their own country tc 
 French rapacity. General Washington was looked to as the 
 head of the former ; and Mr. Jefferson, as head arid chie 
 counsellor of the latter party. 
 
 Thus, the people of the United States were divided into 
 two great parties. Each party had selected its candidate 
 to succeed Washington, who had announced his determina 
 tion to retire from public life. An arduous struggle resulted 
 in the election of Adams, by a small majority of votes over 
 Jefferson, his popular competitor, who then succeeded him 
 as vice president. The influence of the French rulers, 
 which Jefferson was believed decidedly to favor, had been 
 openly exerted by their minister in the United States to 
 favor, and if possible to secure his election to the pre 
 sidency. The two great political parties were marshalled 
 by their respective leaders, and arrayed in open hostility 
 to each other. The period was full of anxiety and dan 
 ger. Foreign politics were so interwoven with those of 
 our own, that the latter were considered interesting and im 
 portant, only in proportion as they were favorable or opposed 
 to the cause of revolutionary France. The depredations on 
 our commerce, and the violations of our neutrality, perpetra 
 ted by the French, excited the just indignation of one party ; 
 while by the other, they were vindicated, and even justified 
 on the ground of expediency, although they were acknow 
 ledged to be illegal and unrighteous. In such a state of agi 
 tated public feeling, Mr. Adams was called to direct the 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 43 
 
 executive government of the United States. At the same 
 time, the national councils were much divided. His success 
 ful progress depended, not on a united people whose confi 
 dence he possessed, but on so managing, as to ensure the 
 continued support of the party by which he had been chosen. 
 He was vigorously sustained by them for a time, although 
 his policy did not entirely meet with their approbation. 
 Their confidence in him from wavering, became feeble. 
 Distrust and disaffection ensued. Harmony between him 
 and his cabinet was disturbed. His party, by whom he had 
 been supported, considered themselves as insulted tjy his 
 treatment, and ungratefully requited, forsook him ; and at 
 <he end of four years, he was permitted to retire from public 
 employment, amid the triumphant rejoicings of those who pa 
 tronized his successor ; and attended with the censure and 
 disgust of those, by whom he had been upheld. He seems 
 to have imbibed the idea, that his friends sought to prescribe 
 his course, and dictate his measures. A full measure of self 
 sufficiency, and a consciousness of official importance, which 
 have never been denied him, instead of conciliating the es 
 teem and ensuring the cordial support of his party, caused 
 disaffection and terminated in his political prostration ; and 
 after the lapse of a few years, he united himself with the 
 party who had persecuted him for more than ten years. 
 
 Some time after he retired to his home at Quincy, he was 
 offered a nomination as a candidate for governor of Massa 
 chusetts. But having escaped from the political tempest, to 
 the retreat of domestic tranquillity, he had no desire to appear 
 again on the arena ; but determined to remain the rest of his 
 life, a quiet, though not an indifferent spectator of passing 
 events. He declined the nomination. 
 
 In 1820, the convention of the commonwealth, appointed 
 for revising the state constitution, unanimously requested him 
 to act as their president. This honor he declined on account 
 of his age and infirmities. The highly respectful terms in 
 which the preamble to the vote, by which his election to that 
 honorable station were expressed, and the flattering manner 
 in which they were communicated to him, were peculiarly 
 grateful to his feelings, and worthy of the assembly from 
 which they proceeded. A committee of twelve members 
 deputed by the convention, waited on him at his residence, 
 and there presented to him the document containing the re 
 solution of the convention. He received them with great 
 kindness and with deep felt gratitude for this gratifying mark 
 B 
 
44 SAMUEL ADAMS, 
 
 of the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens ; but ex< 
 pressed his regret that his age and infirmities prevented his 
 taking any active part in their important deliberations. 
 
 In the autumn of 1818, he buried his consort, with whom 
 he had passed more than half a century in conjugal felicity. 
 But for himself, it was reserved to see just half a century 
 pass over, from the day when he fixed his signature, with his 
 worthy compatriots, to the Declaration of American Indepen 
 dence and Sovereignty, as a nation among the nations of the 
 eart\j. On that very day, while his fellow citizens were in 
 joyful festivity, commemorating that event on the day of 
 jubilee, he, with another member of the committee which 
 congress selected to prepare that instrument, breathed his 
 last, and closed his mortal existence on the earth. 
 
 This event, which occurred near the close of his ninety, 
 first year, so remarkable in many particulars, was extensive 
 ly commemorated in the country, with many significant 
 tokens of public mourning, orations, and eulogies ; in which 
 the real sentiments and feelings of the people were frankly 
 expressed. 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS, the subject of this memoir, was born in 
 Boston, Massachusetts, on the 22d day of September, 1722. 
 The respectable family from which he descended, was one 
 among those which early emigrated and settled in New Eng 
 land. His father, during many years, held the commission 
 of justice of the peace, and was one of the board of select 
 men of Boston ; and was annually chosen a representative 
 of that town, in the Massachusetts house of assembly during 
 a long period under the colonial government. He was pos 
 sessed of considerable wealth ; and having resolved to give 
 this son a public education, he placed him under the tuition 
 of Mr. Lovell, at that time a celebrated teacher of a gram 
 mar school in Boston, to prepare him for admission to Har 
 vard university. He was received a member of that literary 
 institution at an early age, and took his degree of A. B. in 
 1740; and in two years after, received his second degree 
 He was an uncommonly sedate youth ; and both in the pre- 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 45 
 
 paratory school and throughout his collegiate term, he was 
 remarkable for his assiduity in attending to his studies, and 
 for punctuality in performing his collegiate duties. 
 
 The tendency of his reflections at that early age, may be 
 inferred from the question which he proposed for discussion 
 when he took his second degree. It was this, whether it be 
 lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth 
 cannot be otherwise preserved. He adopted and defended 
 the affirmative of the proposition ; and in his manner of sus- 
 taining it, at that early age, evinced a decided attachment to 
 the liberties of the people. 
 
 He also practised a very commendable frugality from early 
 life. For being allowed a regular and fixed stipend by his 
 father, without incurring the sneers or reproaches of his 
 comrades, he saved from his paternal allowance a sum suf 
 ficient to defray the expense of publishing a pamphlet, enti 
 tled " Englishmen s Rights." 
 
 His father intended to have him educated for the profes 
 sion of law. Whether at his own instance, is not known ; 
 but it was relinquished by his father, and he was put an ap 
 prentice to Thomas Gushing, a distinguished merchant of 
 Boston, to qualify him for mercantile pursuits. He seems, 
 however, not to have been partial to that business, for which 
 his feelings were but ill adapted. Politics had engaged his 
 thoughts even before he left college ; and to the study of them 
 he devoted much of his attention. For mutual benefit, he 
 with several associates possessed of kindred feelings formed 
 a club, which often met for political discussion, and to fur 
 nish, each in his turn, an essay to be published in The In 
 dependent Advertiser. The general character of those 
 essays may be presumed from the title of the gazette in 
 which they were published ; and by means of them, the wri 
 ters, by way of derision, incurred the nick-name of the Whip 
 ping Club. 
 
 His father gave him a considerable capital to commence 
 business as a merchant. But having devoted his attention, 
 during his apprenticeship, more to politics than to the object 
 of his immediate pursuit, he was but indifferently qualified to 
 manage a mercantile establishment. His success was there 
 fore such as might have been anticipated. By imprudence 
 in intrusting others with property, and remissness in attend 
 ing to a business which never much engrossed his affections, 
 his affairs soon became embarrassed, and at no very distant 
 
46 SAMUEL ADAMS, 
 
 period, so effectually deranged, that he became completely 
 reduced. 
 
 When he was but twenty-five, his father died, and he, being 
 the eldest son, was left with the care of the family. And on 
 him also, devolved the management of the estate left by 
 his deceased parent. His slight attention to business, and 
 his predominating regard to politics, but poorly qualified 
 him for a careful discharge of the duties which his situa 
 tion demanded. His attention was bestowed continually on 
 the proceedings of the parental government, that he might 
 detect every beginning encroachment on the rights of the 
 colonists. And he employed much time, both in writing, and 
 in conversing with others, endeavoring to excite in them a 
 similar vigilance. In this he was indefatigable. He was 
 always on the popular side ; hence in a later period, when the 
 aspect of the times became more threatening, and the inter- 
 ests of the people more endangered by the projects and mea 
 sures of the British parliament, he was always put forward by 
 his fellow citizens, to oppose them, as their prime leader. 
 
 When intelligence was communicated by their agent in 
 England, of the design to tax the colonies, and raise a reve 
 nue, which should be at the disposal of the parliament, he 
 took his firm stand in opposition to the measure. 
 
 It was the custom at that period, when the towns met to 
 elect their representatives to the general assembly, to in 
 struct them respecting their legislative duties. By the first 
 meeting for choosing representatives, after that intelligence 
 had reached them, Mr. Adams was on the committee foi 
 drawing up their instructions. As chairman he was require*? 
 to draft them. The instrument still remains in his hard 
 writing ; and in that manuscript is found the first public de 
 nial of the right of the British parliament, to tax the colonies 
 without their own consent the first denial of the supremacy 
 of parliament and the first public suggestion of an union on 
 the part of all the colonies, as necessary to protect themselves 
 against British aggression. This was as early as the year 
 1763. In 1764 there was a political club in Boston, which 
 held private meetings. At those meetings, of which he was one 
 of the most active members, decisive measures were project 
 ed, and so managed as -to give a spring and direction to the 
 public feelings. Here the determination was first made to 
 oppose paying the duty on stamped paper. Although Mr. 
 Adams was in favor of the opposition given to the stamp act, 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 4? 
 
 by destroying the stamped paper, and the office whence it 
 was issued in Boston, he was opposed to the riotous proceed, 
 ings of the populace, in accomplishing this object ; and aided 
 the civil magistrates in stopping them. He commenced his 
 public life as a legislator in 1765, having been chosen a 
 representative in the general assembly by the town of Boston. 
 He became early distinguished in that body, for his intelli 
 gence, sagacity, and active exertions in supporting the popu 
 lar rights of the colonies against the deep laid policy and 
 the insidious aggressions of the ministry and parliament of 
 Great Britain, by which they were intending to subject the 
 colonists to their domination. His influence and great ac 
 tivity, in opposition to the arbitrary measures of the parlia 
 ment, and their agents in Massachusetts, soon pointed him 
 out to the governor s notice, as one whom it would be inexpe 
 dient to pass by with negle.ct. He was therefore represented 
 by Governor Hutchinson, in a letter to a friend, who had in 
 quired why Mr. Adams had not been silenced by office or 
 governmental patronage ; that " such is the obstinacy and 
 inflexible disposition of the man, that he can never be con 
 ciliated by any office or gift whatever." This is an honor 
 able attestation to his integrity and patriotism ; especially 
 when it is recollected that he was a poor man, as it respects 
 property. Yielding to the overtures of the administration, 
 would at once have placed him free from pecuniary embar 
 rassment, and secured to him wealth and importance. The 
 ofler was made to him ; and it was promptly rejected. 
 
 He was chosen clerk of the house of representatives, soon 
 after he took his seat the first time in that body. With him 
 originated the suggestion of assembling the first congress ; 
 which subsequently met in New York. This led, at a later 
 period, to the meeting of the continental congress, to the 
 confederation, and finally to that chain of great events con 
 nected with the war of independence. 
 
 During that period of contention between the military force 
 which was quartered in Boston, and the citizens, which last 
 ed several years, and came to its crisis in the Boston Massa 
 cre, he bore his full share, with his associates, John Adams, 
 Hancock, Otis, &c. in the efforts which were resolutely made 
 to effect their removal from the town. And it was owing to 
 his decision of character, more than the influence of any 
 other cause, that their removal was effected. A committee 
 was chosen by the inhabitants of Boston, assembled in town 
 mee ling the morning after the outrage was committed by the 
 
48 SAMUEL ADAMS, 
 
 soldiers, to call on the acting governor, Hutchinson, and de 
 mand their immediate removal from the town. At the head 
 of that committee, was Samuel Adams. Their first call on 
 him proved unsuccessful the governor pretending that he 
 did not possess the power for removing them. This was a 
 mere evasion, and was used solely to avoid doing a duty, for 
 the performance of which he was fully empowered, as com 
 mander in chief of the military forces, but which did not cor- 
 respond with his ideas or feelings. The town meeting, con- 
 tinuing in session to learn the result of their mission, on being 
 informed that the governor did not comply with their request, 
 directed their committee to wait on him again. The address 
 of Mr. Adams to Governor Hutchinson, on this occasion, 
 convinced him, not only that he had the power to remove 
 them, but that any longer neglect or refusal to exercise it, in 
 conformity to the expressed will of the citizens of Boston, 
 would be at his own peril ; and that whatever consequences 
 resulted from it would be chargeable to him. The gover 
 nor, with whatever reluctance, found it necessary to submit. 
 He promised a compliance with their demands ; that it 
 should be commenced the day following ; and that it should 
 not be remitted until the entire removal of both regiments 
 was effected. 
 
 Among the incidents which led on to the great American 
 revolution, and had a powerful influence in preparing the 
 people for deciding on the measure, was the establishment 
 of committees of correspondence in the several colonies. 
 The first suggestion of this is claimed both by Massachusetts 
 and Virginia, to have been the suggestion of one of their dis 
 tinguished citizens; Samuel Adams, by the former; and 
 Richard Henry Lee, by the latter. But it appears, by their 
 private correspondence, since brought before the public, that, 
 without any interchange, they both conceived the plan about 
 the same time. It was proposed to a town meeting in Boston, 
 by Mr. Adams, in the latter part of the year 1772, and 
 eagerly embraced by that body. 
 
 Although there exists no certain evidence to prove that 
 either Governor Barnard, or Governor Hutchinson ever made 
 any direct attempt by offers, or assurances of patronage, to 
 detach Mr. Adams from his opposition to the ministerial pro 
 jects against the rights of his country; yet it was reported, 
 and believed, that such was the fact with respect to the former. 
 The latter knew him too well to venture on such a step. 
 But, such was the popularity and influence of Mr. Adams, 
 
MASSACHUSETTS 49 
 
 that the ministry deemed it expedient to try the experiment 
 directly. For this they authorized Governor Gage ; and he 
 selected Colonel Fenton as his agent, to negotiate with him. 
 It seems that these men had been so much accustomed to 
 witness the consciences of public men as articles in market, 
 at the command of him who became the highest bidder, that 
 they did not dream of any want of success in this case. They 
 had yet to learn that the human mind could be actuated by a 
 principle, which rendered it proof against venality and cor 
 ruption. In the result of this negotiation, they were effec 
 tually impressed with that truth. The celebrated answer of 
 Mr. Adams, which he returned to Governor Gage by Fenton, 
 was such, as left no room for doubts. After he had atten 
 tively listened to the offers of " such benefits as would be 
 satisfactory, on the condition of his ceasing to oppose the 
 measures of government, about which he was authorized 
 to confer with Mr. Adams ;" and, to the menaces of the 
 evils that would be incurred by his rejecting his proposals 
 evils formidable indeed ; Mr. Adams returned this message 
 to Governor Gage, " I trust I have long since, made my peace 
 with the King of kings. No personal consideration shall 
 induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. 
 Tell Governor Gage, it is the advice of Samuel Adams to 
 him, no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated peo 
 pie." 
 
 When it is recollected that his pecuniary embarrassments 
 were urgent, and that his situation was peculiarly perilous, 
 being marked out as an object of ministerial vengeance, 
 this rejection of favor and gain and a steady adherence to 
 the cause of his country, whose prospects were far from 
 promising, evinces an integrity of principle, and a patriotic 
 virtue, which would have been celebrated in the brightest pe 
 riods of Grecian or Roman history. The immediate conse- 
 ouence of this message to Governor Gage was, the issuing his 
 memorable proclamation of his majesty s pardon to all of his 
 misguided subjects, who should forthwith lay down their arms, 
 and submit themselves, from which royal clemency and spe 
 cial favor, Samuel Adams and John Hancock only were 
 excluded. This honorable exception operated powerfully to 
 t)ind them still more strongly in the confidence and affection 
 of the people ; and prepared the way for their future promo- 
 lion and advancement in public life. No event could have 
 t ccurred at that time, better calculated to enhance their popu- 
 
 rity in the community at large, for the support of whose 
 
 ft 
 
t SAMUEL \IUMS, 
 
 rights and dearest interests they had become such promi- 
 nent champions, as to render them thus obnoxious to royal 
 vengeance. To the people, it was a pledge of their future 
 fidelity in every trust. And, to themselves, it was a perpetual 
 stimulant to greater exertions, in opposing the encroachments 
 of despotic power. 
 
 Mr. Adams, from his first admission into the Massachu 
 setts house of assembly, as a representative of Boston, ap 
 pears to have taken the lead in all the important measures 
 presented for discussion. He was the first and most efficient 
 member of that house, when delegates were chosen to repre 
 sent the colony of Massachusetts in the first continental con 
 gress that met in Philadelphia. He projected the measure ; 
 and at a time when men s minds were not maturely decided 
 on the expediency of the project, he, by his activity and 
 address, procured a meeting of some influential members, 
 whose opinion in its favor he secured ; by perseverance he 
 obtained a majority to act with him ; and then in a secret ses 
 sion, five delegates were elected, notwithstanding the gover 
 nor issued his official injunction to stay their proceedings, and 
 to dissolve the assembly. Mr. Adams was one of the five 
 delegates chosen on this occasion. In this transaction, the 
 authority of the governor was put at defiance, and the door 
 of their hall bolted against his entrance. His secretary, who 
 was sent with a commission to dissolve the assembly, was re 
 fused admission, and staid oh the door-steps outside, while 
 the key was safely lodged in Samuel Adams s pocket. 
 
 Having now succeeded in obtaining the concurrence of 
 the assembly to send delegates to the congress, and having 
 been designated a one of the number, on the fifth day of the 
 month of September , 1774, he took his seat in congress, 
 in the city of Philadelphia, Of that great national assembly, 
 he continued an active and efficient member until 1781, ex 
 hibiting an example of persevering attention to the numerous 
 duties that devolved on him ; a parallel to which can hardly 
 be found. His name is to be found among the signers of 
 the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 During his whole term of congressional life, he was ac 
 tively employed in promoting those great national measures, 
 which were devised and pursued for sustaining the nation un 
 til the happy termination of the great struggle in which it was 
 engaged. The journals of congress, during that period, from 
 time to time, will show his name on almost every important 
 committee appointed by that, body. In the most gloomy sea- 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 51 
 
 sons, and in those times when the prospects of the country 
 were the most disheartening and adverse, when the hearts 
 of many and even some of the members of that body were 
 failing them for fear, he always ke-pt up a cheerful spirit, 
 and mildly reproved others for showing indications of des 
 pondency, well knowing that congress was looked to for u.n 
 example by the people, and that such indications would pro 
 duce a most unhappy influence through the community. 
 
 He had been accustomed for years, to confide in a just 
 over-ruling Providence. He felt assured that the cause of 
 his country was just and righteous ; and during the darkest 
 times of the war, which had been waged by the colonists for 
 protecting their chartered rights against arbitrary usurpation, 
 he always was persuaded, that ultimately success would 
 crown their labors. " He trusted in God, and he was not 
 confounded." 
 
 In 1781 Mr. Adams retired from congress, and returned 
 to Boston, his place of domestic residence. After so long a 
 term spent in the service of the public, and having largely 
 participated in the most important transactions which led to 
 a final separation of the colonies from the parent country, and 
 to their establishment as an independant sovereign nation ; on 
 the near prospect of terminating hostilies in peace, and hav 
 ing obtained the great objects for which the country had 
 taken up arms, by the acknowledgment of their independence 
 by Great Britain ; at his time of life, it might have seemed 
 desirable to him to be allowed to pass his future years in the 
 tranquillity of private life. But his fellow citizens still felt 
 that they wanted his services, and by preferring him to public 
 employment, they designed to manifest their continued con 
 fidence in him, and thus to express a grateful sense of obli. 
 gations to him for his former patriotic exertions, and their 
 approbation of his wisdom and fidelity. He was a member 
 of the convention which formed the constitution of Massa- 
 chusetts, and of the committee which drafted it. 
 
 He was successively a member of the senate of the com- 
 monwealth, president of that body, and a member of the 
 convention of that state, which adopted the federal constitu- 
 tion of the United States. To these several expressions of 
 the respect and attachment of his fellow citizens, ensued an 
 election to the offices of lieutenant governor, and governor of 
 the commonwealth. In the latter office he was annually re. 
 elected, until age and infirmities required him to retire to 
 private life. He died on the 3d day of October, 1803, in 
 the eighty-second year of his age. 
 
52 ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 
 
 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 
 
 ROBERT TREAT PAINE was born in Boston, 1731. Hi9 
 parents were esteemed for their piety and respectability. His 
 father was educated for the gospel ministry, and was for a 
 few years pastor of a church in Weymouth, in the colony of 
 Massachusetts. But his health being feeble, he found him 
 self unable to perform the duties of the pastoral office, and 
 he sought and obtained his dismission from the people of his 
 charge. For the same reason, he also relinquished the mi- 
 nistry, and removed to Boston, where he entered on the busi 
 ness of merchandise. His mother was the daughter of the 
 Rev. Mr. Treat, who was settled in Eastham, in the county 
 of Barnstable. His maternal grandfather was Governor 
 Treat, of Connecticut. His maternal grandmother was a 
 daughter of the Rev. Samuel Willard, of Boston, who was 
 much respected and greatly celebrated for piety and learn 
 ing by his contemporaries. 
 
 If we remember the ardent piety of a large portion of the 
 people of New England at that early period, their strict 
 moral observances, and the careful attention which was given 
 by parents to the cultivation of correct principles in their 
 children, it will be very natural to conclude, that the mind 
 of young Paine was cultivated with pious care. Such was 
 the fact. 
 
 To prepare him for entering college, his father placed him 
 under the instruction of the same Mr. Lovell, to whom the 
 preliminary education of John Adams, Hancock, and others, 
 who became distinguished in after life, had been intrusted. 
 
 From this time but little is known of him, till after he gra 
 duated ; except that he was entered a member of Harvard 
 College, at the age of 14 years. 
 
 After he left the university, he devoted himself for some 
 months to keeping a school ; an employment in which a large 
 proportion of the literary men of all professions in New Eng 
 land, have been engaged during a part of their lives. 
 
 Having closed his business of school keeping, he made a 
 voyage to Europe. To this he was induced by filial piety. 
 His father proving unsuccessful in his business, had become 
 reduced in his pecuniary circumstances, and was afflicted 
 with sickness in some members of his family. 
 
 Mr. Paine pursued the study of theology for some time, 
 and served as a chaplain, in an expedition of the provincia. 
 
M ASSAC HUSETTS 53 
 
 K> ehe north, in 1755 ; and he occasionally preached 
 for some of the ministers in Boston, and the neighborhood. 
 
 But for some reasons, the nature of which we are left 
 to infer, he thought proper to renounce the ministry of the 
 gospel for the bar. This subject, however, is not deemed 
 of sufficient importance to merit an investigation. Having 
 resolved on the measure, he entered the office of Benjamin 
 Pratt, a barrister of considerable distinction in the county of 
 Suffolk, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and subse 
 quently chief justice of the colony of New York. While 
 pursuing the study of law, he was necessitated to resort again 
 to the employment of school keeping, to procure the requisite 
 means for defraying his expenses. 
 
 On his being admitted to the bar, he settled in Boston, but 
 after a short residence there he removed to Taunton, the 
 shire town of Bristol county, thirty-six miles from Boston. 
 In that town he resided many years, and had often to mea 
 sure his strength, as an opposing advocate, with the celebra 
 ted Timothy Ruggles, a gentleman much distinguished for 
 some singular traits of character, and more extensively known 
 by the appellation of " Brigadier Ruggles ;" of whom many 
 singular anecdotes are even now related in that region. To 
 Brigadier Ruggles Mr. Paine soon became a formidable 
 rival in business ; and this at that era, was viewed as an hon 
 orable testimony in his favor, and an indication of no incon 
 siderable merit in the public estimation. 
 
 Although Mr. Paine decidedly espoused the cause of civil 
 liberty, as being the cause of the people of the colonies, in 
 opposition to the oppressive measures of the ministry ; and 
 acted in unison with the other patriots of the age in that re 
 gion ; yet he seems to have conducted himself with so much 
 prudence and discretion, that he possessed the full confidence 
 of the executive of the province. For an attempt having 
 been made to evade the revenue laws (which were of recent 
 date and very obnoxious to the people,) in Bristol county, by 
 clandestinely removing by night from the custody of the re 
 venue officer, some property lately imported into that county 
 from abroad, on which duties were payable ; and when the of 
 ficer was about to take possession of the property, to subject 
 it to the exactions of the law, he was opposed by force ; an 
 application was made to the governor and council for redress. 
 To provide the requisite relief, a commission of five magis 
 trates was appointed in that county, to investigate the matter 
 of complaint, and support the officer in performing his legal 
 
54 ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 
 
 duties. Mr. Paine was designated as a member of that com- 
 mission, and he discharged the duty thus devolved on him, 
 in connection with his colleagues, in a manner which received 
 the full and entire approbation of the executive. 
 
 In 1768, after Governor Barnard had dissolved the legis 
 lature, because they had with closed doors resolved on send 
 ing a circular to the other colonies, requesting them to act 
 in concert for the public good, which circular they would not 
 rescind to gratify his excellency ; some leading men of Bos 
 ton called a convention of delegates from the several towns 
 in the province, to devise measures for protecting the rights 
 of the people against the encroachments which the ministe 
 rial party had been systematically pursuing, Mr. Paine at- 
 tended as delegate from Taunton. 
 
 When the soldiers, who had perpetrated the Boston Mas 
 sacre, were arraigned for trial on the charge of murder, he 
 was employed by the town of Boston as counsel against the 
 prisoners. The attorney general, whose official duty it was 
 to prosecute, was unable to attend the court by reason of 
 sickness. It became necessary to provide a substitute. The 
 occasion was one of singular interest with all parties. And 
 the selection of Mr. Paine for the station, if we consider the 
 state of the times and the peculiar excitement existing among 
 the people, is a strong indication of the estimation in which 
 they viewed him, both as a firm patriot and an able lawyer. 
 
 The opinion of his talents and patriotic integrity, which 
 was entertained by the inhabitants of Taunton at that critical 
 period, when the public were universally agitated and dis 
 trustful, may be inferred from the various appointments to 
 which they successively preferred him. In 1773 there was 
 a committee of vigilance and correspondence established in 
 the several towns in the province, with one of a similar cha. 
 racter in Boston. Mr. Paine was chairman of that commit 
 tee in Taunton. In the year following, the citizens elected 
 him a representative to the provincial legislature ; and again 
 in 1774. This included the time when Chief Justice Oliver 
 was impeached on a charge of receiving his stipend directly 
 from the king, instead of the established usage of a grant 
 from the general assembly. And he was one of the mana 
 gers appointed by the house of representatives, to prosecute 
 that impeachment. This impeachment of Mr. Justice Olivei 
 was placed on the ground, that he was by reason of the modt 
 of receiving his compensation, rendered more liable to bt 
 swayed by ministerial influence, being himself dependant 01 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 55 
 
 the king directly for his salary, and entirely independent of 
 the people, in whose courts he presided, and to whose de 
 cision their controversies and interests were subjected. 
 
 Mr. Paine was among the first of those, in Massachusetts, 
 who advocated the appointment of delegates to a continental 
 congress was a member of that assembly by which the 
 measure was resolved on, in a session of that body, after they 
 had closed their doors against those active messengers, whom 
 Governor Gage had sent to dissolve the assembly but who 
 were refused admission ; Mr. Paine was one of those chosen 
 to represent Massachusetts in the first congress of the states, 
 that convened in Philadelphia. He was returned to the same 
 body the next year ; and the continued confidence of his 
 townsmen was manifested by their electing him a member of 
 the provincial congress, which met in Concord, in the autumn 
 of 1774 and spring of 1775. By that body he was placed on 
 a committee to consider the state of the province. 
 
 In ordinary circumstances of peace, when the public 
 mind is tranquil, when there exists nothing to excite suspi 
 cion and alarm, incidents like these just recited, would justly 
 be considered as of trivial importance. But it was not so 
 in the instance before us. Then every interest of the peo 
 pie was known to be in jeopardy ; there was a settled pur 
 pose, on the part of the British government, to subject the 
 colonies to their absolute control ; to tax them arbitrarily, 
 according to their pleasure ; to withdraw all evidence of char 
 tered rights from their possession ; and to render the colonists 
 entirely subservient to their will and pleasure. All this was 
 well understood by the citizens. And, what rendered their 
 situation still more perplexing, there was no inconsiderable 
 portion of the inhabitants, concerning whose fidelity to their 
 interests they were justly very suspicious. They felt it to 
 be, as in truth it was, very important, when selecting men to 
 perform the duties of any public office, to choose such only 
 as were decidedly with them in principle and feeling, who 
 possessed superior talents, in whose firmness, decision, pa 
 triotism, and virtue, they had confidence ; and such as would 
 be vigilant sentinels to guard and protect them against all 
 invasions of their birthright and possessions. In such a time 
 it was that Mr. Paine was ushered into public life, and such 
 were the testimonials of the people s confidence repeatedly 
 given him. It is on these grounds, and for these reasons, 
 that they are considered as valuable records, worthy of being 
 inserted in his biography. 
 
56 ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 
 
 Among the many cares which devolved on him, as a com- 
 missioner, those relating immediately to the war may be no- 
 ticed with propriety. It is well known that the colonies, at 
 the commencement of the revolutionary war, were very de 
 ficient in fire arms and ammunition articles indispensible for 
 prosecuting it with success. Congress early took these sub 
 jects into their consideration, with a view to furnishing them. 
 They appointed a committee to introduce and encourage the 
 manufacture of saltpetre ; of which committee Mr. Paine 
 was chairman. In this business his labors were abundant ; 
 and the success of the measures proposed and the plans sug 
 gested, was very beneficial to the country. 
 
 In the autumn of 1775 he was deputed by congress, with two 
 colleagues, to visit the army under the command of General 
 Schuyler, which was on the northern frontier. A commission 
 of this kind is of a delicate character, and requires prudence, 
 wisdom, and sound discretion in those entrusted with its execu 
 tion. In this case the duties were important, and the powers 
 committed to the deputies almost unlimited ; yet they were 
 discharged to the entire satisfaction of congress. He was 
 then placed on a committee, of which he was chairman, to 
 make contracts for muskets and bayonets, and to encourage 
 and promote the manufacture of fire arms. 
 
 In, 1775 Massachusetts having formed their constitution, 
 organized their courts. John Adams was selected for the chief 
 justice, and Mr. Paine was appointed one of the side judges. 
 But of that appointment he declined acceptance, and was 
 again returned a member of congress in December, 1775. 
 In April, 1776, he was on a committee for procuring cannon 
 for the public service. And in June following, he, Mr. Jef 
 ferson, and Mr. Rutledge, by appointment, reported rules for 
 regulating congress in their debates. In the same month he 
 was designated with others to investigate the causes of the 
 miscarriages of the plans which had been adopted for making 
 an impression in Canada. And on the fourth day of July, 
 he was present, and fully prepared, to affix his signature to 
 that instrument which severed for ever, from the parent go 
 vernment of Great Britain, the United States of North Ame 
 rica, and introduced them to the rank of an independent peo 
 ple among the sovereign nations of the world. 
 
 He was chosen a delegate to congress again, for 1777, and 
 1778, and during a portion of that period was employed in several 
 offices in the government of Massachusetts, and a part of the 
 session of their legislature he was speaker of the house of 
 
MASSACHUSETTS 57 
 
 representatives ; and in 1777, he was appointed attorney 
 general of the commonwealth, by an unanimous vote of the 
 council and house of representatives. 
 
 Such was the fluctuating value of the currency of the 
 country, that it was deemed necessary, in order to sustain the 
 operations of the government, to adopt some measure for 
 giving it a standard value. For this delicate purpose a com 
 mission was designated to meet at New Haven, in Connecti 
 cut. He was one of the committee chosen by Massachusetts. 
 Indeed, either in his native state, or as their delegate to con 
 gress, his whole time was engrossed by incessant employ 
 ment to promote the great interests of his country ; and this at 
 the time when her prospects were more gloomy, and her 
 burdens more oppressive, than at an}* other period of the 
 struggle in which she was involved. 
 
 Early in the year 1778, it was proposed to form a consti 
 tution of civil government for Massachusetts, and Mr. Paine 
 was one of a committee for that purpose, appointed by the 
 legislature. As the draught which that committee presented, 
 did not meet with acceptance by the people, the business 
 was resumed in the year following ; and he was chosen a 
 delegate to the convention which formed the constitution, 
 and one of the committee which reported the constitution. 
 It was adopted in 1780, and has been in operation almost 
 half a century, having experienced only some slight amend 
 ments in the meantime. 
 
 He held the office of attorney general until 1790, when, 
 having been appointed a judge of the supreme judicial court, 
 he took his seat on the bench ; although for reasons which 
 operated at the time of his appointment to the office at a for 
 mer period, he had declined it. He continued to discharge 
 the duties of a judge until 1804, a period of fourteen years ; 
 at which time he was admonished by age and infirmities, to 
 retire from active life. He was, however, elected to the 
 office of counsellor of the commonwealth for the year 1804. 
 
 He died in 1814, at the age of eighty-four years. He de 
 voted a large portion of the active years of his long life to 
 the public service, in which he had filled numerous and va 
 rious offices ; the several duties of which he performed with 
 usefulness and fidelity to his country. 
 
 He was ostensibly stern in his deportment, and austere in 
 his manners ; but kind and gentle in his family, and sincere 
 and warm in his friendships. He took a lively and feeling 
 interest in the civil, literary, and religious institutions of the 
 
58 ELBRlnOE GERRY, 
 
 country, particularly of his native New England; and mani- 
 Tested, on all proper occasions, his sense of the great impor 
 tance of the religious establishments of New England, in their 
 connection with the welfare of society. 
 
 Thus lived, and thus died Robert Treat Paine, whose name 
 will go down to future ages in the history of his times, as 
 one of the fathers of the American republic, and one of the 
 patriotic founders of the infant nation. And to him will be 
 long the distinguished honor of having, together with his col 
 leagues, heroically affixed his name to the Declaration of 
 the Independence of the United States of North America. 
 
 ELBRIDGE GERRY. 
 
 THIS gentleman, whose name is inscribed on the Declara 
 tion of Independence of the United States of North America, 
 was born in the province of Massachusetts, in the town of 
 Marblehead, in July, 1744. This town is situated about 14 
 miles N. E. of Boston, and borders on Massachusetts Bay. 
 It is built in a rustic manner, and its inhabitants have been, 
 at all times, distinguished for their hardy and successful 
 enterprise in prosecuting the fisheries, particularly the cod 
 fishery. Here his father settled, and found ample scope for 
 exerting his commercial enterprise. And here, by his per 
 severing and successful industry, he acquired a considerable 
 fortune. Being possessed of the requisite means, he deter 
 mined to give his son a literary education ; and for this pur 
 pose, after having obtained the necessary preparation, by the 
 usual course of studies, he was entered a member of Harvard 
 university. During his collegiate term, he acquired the re 
 putation of a good scholar ; and at its close, graduated a 
 bachelor of arts in 1762. 
 
 Soon after his return from college, he entered into com 
 merce ; and prosecuted it with such success, that in a few 
 years he had acquired a handsome property and established 
 a very favorable character among his fellow citizens. Hav 
 ing previously to that period devoted his attention to the pro 
 gress of events in relation to Great Britain and his native 
 country^and he early became persuaded with his compatriots 
 of Massachusetts, that measures were fast ripening for open 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 59 
 
 hostilities. Although for many reasons they sincerely depre 
 cated such a result, yet they soon found it necessary, in 
 order to meet it in the best manner they could, to adopt such 
 preliminary measures as the condition of the colonies would 
 admit of. As Mr. Gerry had become popular in his native 
 town, and had manifested decision of purpose, and much in 
 telligence on those subjects which interested every indivi 
 dual in the community, he was early selected by his fellow 
 citizens to represent them in the general court of the pro 
 vince. In the latter part of May, 1773, he appeared the 
 first time in that body, as a representative of Marblehead ; 
 and very soon became distinguished as a leading, fearless, 
 active, and zealous member, and as one of the influential 
 political leaders in the country, in opposition to the British 
 ministry, and their hostile measures towards the North Ame 
 rican colonies. Having been called to act his part in the 
 new theatre he had now entered, he seems to have been 
 qualified like the other patriots who were destined to take 
 their several parts, as actors with him in the great drama, 
 and well fitted to perform them in the best manner for the 
 future and lasting benefit of the country. The crisis was 
 appalling ; the rencounter, tremendous ; but he arid his dis 
 tinguished fellow laborers were found adequate to meet it ; 
 and they came out of the conflict with triumph. 
 
 Mr. Gerry was an active and useful member of all the 
 important committees of vigilance, of correspondence, and 
 of devising and putting in operation measures of defence 
 against the designs of the foes. A civil war was deprecated 
 by all the leading patriots of that day. But the measures 
 which the British government had long pursued towards the 
 colonies, had fully persuaded them that it must take place ; 
 that they could no otherwise avoid it, than by submitting pas 
 sively to whatever impositions the ministry might please to 
 lay on them. This only other alternative was wholly inad 
 missible, and they unitedly determined to prepare for the storm 
 in the best manner they were able, contend with it manfully, 
 and triumph or perish. Although that era is still remembered, 
 and its terrors are yet fresh in the minds of many still living, 
 a few years only will pass away, and they will be known to 
 the living, only as facts recorded in the history of the times. 
 
 During the administration of Governor Hutchinson, in Mas 
 sachusetts, some person, (supposed to have been the gover 
 nor himself) had written, and forwarded to England, letters 
 of an inflammatory character, which were designed to increase 
 
60 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 
 
 the bitter feelings that existed in the government at home, to- 
 wards the inhabitants of that province. By some means, 
 Doctor Franklin, then in England, got possession of them, and 
 forwarded them to his friend in Boston. Soon after they had 
 been received and canvassed, Mr. John Adams introduced 
 resolutions into the general court, which had a direct relation 
 to the governor ; and which probably hastened his return to 
 England. Mr. Gerry, though young in public life, united 
 with Adams and others in supporting and prosecuting the 
 objects comprised in those resolutions. He also united 
 with him in most of those measures which he instituted about 
 that time ; and which ultimately terminated in the prostration 
 of the royal government in Massachusetts. 
 
 He took an active part, with his associates, in impeaching 
 the judges ; in opposing the importation of tea"; the Boston 
 port bill ; in establishing a non-intercourse system ; and 
 in arranging an intercourse with the other colonies, for or 
 ganizing and securing effectual measures of defence, against 
 the encroachments of the British upon their liberties and pri 
 vileges. He was ever active in concerting the most efficient 
 measures for securing and guarding the public welfare. 
 These were numerous ; but not necessary to be repeated here, 
 as they are carefully enumerated in the lives of some of his 
 colleagues, who inscribed their names on the same document 
 which bears his. 
 
 Mr. Gerry was a member of the first provincial congress, 
 which was organized in Salem, and adjourned to Concord, 
 in Massachusetts. This was soon after Governor Gage suc 
 ceeded Governor Hut6hinson. In that congress, he was an 
 active and leading member ; and zealously promoted all the 
 important measures which they adopted. At the expiration 
 of the term for which the delegates were chosen to this first 
 congress of the province, a second was organized. Of this 
 also he was a member ; and was placed on the two great 
 committees of safety and supplies. These committees were 
 executive, and required the utmost activity and vigilance. 
 The times and circumstances of the country, were such as 
 rendered these indispensable. They had an artful power to 
 oppose, which was planning to collect in Boston, all the arms, 
 cannon, and ammunition, which had been deposited in differ 
 ent towns in the province, that they might be under the con- 
 trol of the government, and arrested from the power of the 
 inhabitants. This was m the year 1775; the year in which 
 
MASSACHUSETTS 61 
 
 the British force marched to Concord, and Lexington, wnere 
 open hostilities between the two countries commenced. 
 
 It was during the march of the English force to Concord, 
 through Cambridge, when the committee of supplies had 
 been in session, that Mr. Gerry, and Colonels Lee and Orne, 
 had remained over night. They were very near being captured 
 by a detachment that surrounded the house in which they 
 were lodged. With much difficulty, however, they made 
 their escape to a secure retreat, with very little covering be 
 side their night-dresses. There they concealed themselves 
 until the danger to which they had been exposed had passed 
 by. They then returned, and spread the alarm among the 
 inhabitants. 
 
 On the night preceding the battle of Bunker s Hill, Mr. 
 Gerry, with his intimate friend, General Warren, who fell in 
 that engagement, retired to the same bed. In the morning 
 they separated with an affectionate farewell, to meet no more 
 in this world. Mr. Gerry went, as his duty called him, to at 
 tend a meeting of the congress in Watertown on that day; 
 and Warren, to meet death on Bunker s memorable battle 
 ground. 
 
 Mr. Gerry was appointed a judge of the court of admiralty, 
 by the first general assembly that was chosen, as a substitute 
 for the provincial congress, which had for some time constitu 
 ted the civil government of the state. It was an office of 
 much importance, and considerable emolument. But he de 
 clined accepting the appointment, because he preferred a 
 more active life, which he thought better adapted to his age 
 and his habits ; and in which he was convinced he should be 
 more useful in promoting the cause of his fellow citizens. 
 This decision did not lessen the confidence they had reposed 
 in him ; for, in January, 1776, he was chosen a member of 
 the continental congress, then sitting in Philadelphia, with 
 Hancock, Paine, and the two Adams. In this body, where 
 there was important business enough to occupy the attention, 
 and demand the talents of all, Mr. Gerry was early ap 
 pointed to act on many of the most important interests of the 
 public. To him and his colleagues, were committed the se 
 veral duties of superintending the treasury, of reporting the 
 best method of supplying the army in Canada for raising 
 the necessary supplies for defraying the expenses of the war, 
 for the year 1778 ; and various other stations, the duties of 
 which were momentous, and of vast importance to the na 
 tional success. In the performance of these duties, he was 
 
52 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 
 
 active, and acquitted himself with fidelity, to the approba 
 tion of congress, and the state which he represented. This 
 was fully evinced by their appointing him again to represent 
 them the following year, in the same honorable body. In 
 1777, he was not only continued in the several employments 
 which had been assigned to him the year preceding, but ap 
 pointed to others, various in their objects and details, and in 
 volving an importance in their consequences, fully equal to 
 any with which he had been before intrusted. Among these 
 was " a committee of commerce ;" a committee to visit the 
 main army under Washington,, to adjust some difficulties 
 in the commissary department. He, with Mr. Livingston 
 and Mr. Clymer, were instructed to repair to head quarters ; 
 and were vested with full powers to adopt whatever measures 
 the state of the case rendered necessary. 
 
 When the subject of the confederation came before con 
 gress, which measure was found necessary for providing a 
 more efficient government than had hitherto been adopted 
 by the existing congress Mr. Gerry resolutely opposed the 
 measure, brought forward by the delegates from Virginia, 
 for depriving the small states of their equal representation in 
 congress ; and of allowing votes in proportion to population. 
 The subsequent formation of the federal constitution, and its 
 adoption by the people of the several states, have furnished 
 proof of the correctness of his views, in relation to that sub 
 ject, even at that early period. It was vehemently urged by 
 delegates from Virginia, and some other of the large states ; 
 but as strenuously opposed by those of the small states, who 
 found zealous coadjutors in Mr. Gerry, and his colleagues. 
 
 When his friend and colleague, Hancock, vacated the 
 office of president of congress, after having held it for nearly 
 three years, a vote of thanks to him was proposed by a mem 
 ber from another state. This Mr. Gerry opposed as anti- 
 republican, (though personally his warm friend,) and as tend 
 ing to render such testimonies unimportant by their frequency. 
 During his subsequent continuance in congress, Mr. Gerry 
 was laboriously engaged in the various measures which were 
 projected by himself and others, for remedying existing evils 
 relative to the army department, and giving effect and success 
 to the military operations. This department appears to have 
 been a favorite one with him ; and for promoting its interests 
 he seems to have been peculiarly and happily adapted in his 
 views and disposition. 
 
 After having devoted about five years of his time exclu- 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 63 
 
 sively to the service of the public in congress, in 1780 he 
 retired, with a view to his private affairs, which had suffered 
 by reason of his absence, and which required his immediate 
 superintendence. In 1783, however, he was, by joint ballot 
 of both houses of the legislature, again returned a member of 
 congress. _He was elected in June, and took his seat in 
 August ; and he immediately entered on the course of active 
 usefulnesss which he had formerly pursued. His extensive 
 acquaintance with financial concerns, the warm interest ho 
 felt for every thing which regarded the welfare of the arm\ 
 and the large experience he had acquired in almost even 
 department of public affairs, at once designated him to con 
 gress as a candidate for his former stations on the most iin- 
 portant committees appointed by that body. His knowledge 
 of the intricate business of finance, pointed him out as a com 
 petent member of a committee for revising the system, whica 
 had long been conducted in a loose and embarrassing man 
 ner, and to suggest and devise such improvements, as the 
 condition and circumstances of the country were susceptible 
 of. To his qualifications for this important service, the lato 
 President Adams bears full testimony, in a letter written some 
 years since ; in which he also gives him the honorable credit 
 of having, while a member of the committee of finance, ori 
 ginated the most valuable provisions of the system subse 
 quently adopted, and now in successful operation. No man 
 was better acquainted with his character and qualifications 
 than Mr. Adams. 
 
 It would exceed the limits which can be allowed to this 
 sketch, were we to specify all the particulars in which Mr. 
 Gerry zealously advocated the interests of the army ; and 
 urged an honorable remuneration of the officers and soldiers, 
 for their patient endurance of privations and sufferings, and 
 their meritorious and patriotic services. He was v^\ from 
 the first their sincere, warm-hearted, and zealous advocate ; 
 insomuch that they voluntarily gave him the title of the " Sol 
 dier s Friend." 
 
 In December, 1784, he took his seat in the old congress 
 for the last time. During this term, the same honorable con 
 fidence in congress in his talents, integrity, and patriotism, so 
 long manifested, was continued ; and he justified it by his 
 fidelity and activity in performing the duties which continually 
 devolved on him. 
 
 Having served his country in congress, through variou 
 seasons of trial and difficulty, with h^pfffjjjjjjjg^Qnd bene- 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
64 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 
 
 fit to the public, he retired in September, 1785, to his native 
 state, and fixed his residence at Cambridge, the seat of Har 
 vard university, a few miles from Boston, where he had re 
 ceived his collegiate education. From this retirement he was 
 again called to take an active part in forming a new constitu 
 tion of government, the old confederation having been found 
 insufficient for the exigencies of the nation in a time of peace, 
 however well it had answered in a time of war, when a sense 
 of common danger, and the external pressure of a powerful 
 foreign enemy bore strongly upon the states. He was chosen a 
 delegate to the convention, which met at Philadelphia, when 
 the present constitution of the United States was formed. 
 Many of the leading principles incorporated in the constitu 
 tion, he strenuously opposed. And so objectionable did it 
 appear to him, as a whole, that he never subscribed the instru 
 ment. He wrote a long letter to his constituents, in which 
 he assigned his reasons at length for disapproving of it. Nor 
 has it ever been ascertained that his objections were so obvi 
 ated, as that he cordially approved of it ; though after its adop 
 tion, he deemed it to be his duty, and the duty of all, to support 
 it with fidelity. 
 
 After it had become the supreme law, and the states which 
 had adopted it were prepared to elect their representatives 
 to the first congress, under its auspices, (Massachusetts hav 
 ing been divided into districts for electing representatives,) 
 Mr. Gerry was chosen to represent the district in which he 
 resided. This was not, however, without considerable oppo 
 sition, as his objections to the constitution had rendered him 
 unpopular with a considerable portion of the community. He 
 was twice returned a member of the house of representatives 
 under the new constitution, and served during the four years, 
 in a manner correspondent with his former activity and intel 
 ligence in the old congress. At the close of his second term, 
 he was again proposed by his constituents as a candidate ; 
 but he declined standing for another election ; and retired 
 once more to his own residence at Cambridge. 
 
 From his retirement he was called by the first President 
 Adams, who nominated him, together with Messrs. Pinkney 
 and Marshall, an envoy to the French republic. It was soon 
 after Citizen Genet had arrived in the United States, as mi 
 nister from France to our government. Taking advantage 
 of the enthusiastic predilection of republican institutions, and 
 their ignorance of the characters and designs of the then rulers 
 of France, this tiiimsmr nad artfully excited party divisions 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 65 
 
 in the states, which have not ceased to this day. After Mr. 
 Pinckney had been refused by that government to be received 
 as a minister plenipotentiary from the government of the 
 United States ; and when the political relations of the two 
 nations were in a very critical situation, it must be acknow 
 ledged that the appointment, though highly important, was 
 of a singularly delicate character. The joint mission was 
 not received ; and after remaining some time unaccredited, 
 and holding an unofficial intercourse with the French govern, 
 ment, in the spring of 1798, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall 
 were ordered to quit the French territory, with an intimation 
 that Mr. Gerry was desired to remain. In the excited state 
 of feeling in this country, and which was greatly aggravated 
 by this indignity cast on the people by the treatment their 
 envoys had received at the hands of the French rulers, it 
 was considered improper in Mr. Gerry, not immediately to 
 reject the proffer, and with his colleagues instantly leave 
 the French territory. But he deemed it his duty to remain. 
 He did so. And by so doing, he degraded himself in the esti 
 mation of a large portion of the people of this nation, who 
 felt for the honor and independence of their government ; 
 and rose in the estimation of another portion of the people, 
 who, at that period, entertained a strong partiality for the 
 French republic. From that period of strong party excitement 
 the great popularity which he had enjoyed with many of his 
 revolutionary friends declined. 
 
 After his return from France, the party in Massachusetts, 
 with which he was now identified, selected him as their can 
 didate for governor. The first effort was unsuccessful. The 
 next year he declined being a candidate for the office ; but 
 consented to run as an elector of president and vice president. 
 
 In 1810, he consented to stand again as a candidate for 
 the office of governor of the commonwealth. In this attempt 
 his partizans succeeded ; and the following year he was re- 
 elected to the same honorable office. The period when he 
 acted as governor of Massachusetts, was one in which party 
 politics were in a high state, of excitement ; and as he had 
 become identified with that party which assumed the name 
 Republican, it would hardly be expected that a man of his 
 temperament would be able, if disposed, wholly to exempt 
 himself from the sway of party influence. 
 
 After Mr. Jefferson s election as president of the United 
 States, many members of both houses of congress, to ensure 
 their ascendency in future, commenced the system of what 
 
00 STEPHEN HOPKINS, 
 
 was emphatically stiled, caucus nominations. By this means, 
 although pretending to act only in their individual capacity, 
 but departing entirely from the spirit of the constitution, in 
 violation of every true principle of real republicanism, they 
 by publicly nominating, virtually elected, the two first officers 
 of the government. It was during the existence of this power 
 ful system, that Mr. Gerry was nominated by a congres 
 sional caucus, for the office of vice president of the United 
 States. He was of course elected ; and after having sustained 
 the office, and performed its duties as president of the senate, 
 during a part of two sessions of congress, and less than two 
 years from his inauguration, he suddenly closed his life in 
 Washington City, November 23, 1814, at the age of seventy 
 years. His remains are entombed in the congressional ce 
 metery in Washington City ; and a handsome monument 
 was erected by direction of congress over his remains. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 STEPHEN HOPKINS. 
 
 STEPHEN HOPKINS was a native of the colony of Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations. He was born in what 
 was then the town of Providence, but is now, by a subsequent 
 division of that town, within the limits of Scituate. His birth 
 occurred on the 7th day of March, 1707. His father was 
 William Hopkins, an only child of his parents ; and his mo 
 ther was Ruth Wilkinson, a daughter of one of the first bap 
 tist ministers of Providence. 
 
 Stephen was favored with but few advantages for procuring 
 an education in early life. Those he did enjoy, were not 
 extended beyond what could be derived from an ordinary 
 country school. He advantageously improved these, so that 
 he acquired an excellent acquaintance with penmanship, and 
 to some extent with mathematics* He was a good practical 
 surveyor of lands. 
 
 His early occupation, like that of his father, was tilling his 
 
RHODE ISLAND. 67 
 
 farm. He prosecuted the business of a farmer until 1731, 
 when he sold his estate in Scituate, and removed to Provi 
 dence. There he afterwards made his home to the close of 
 his life. 
 
 His first public employment, was the town clerkship of 
 Scituate, from which he rose by a regular gradation to the 
 first offices in the gift of the state. He was governor and 
 chief justice of the state alternately ; and had filled almost 
 every office of a subordinate grade, in his progress to the 
 highest honors. Industry and perseverance were prominent 
 traits of his character. 
 
 He was chosen a representative for Scituate to the general 
 assembly, first in 1732 ; and was re-chosen annually until 
 1738, inclusive. Again he was chosen in 1741, and became 
 speaker of the house of representatives. After he removed 
 into Providence, he commenced mercantile business ; but 
 such was the popular confidence in him, that he was elected 
 by the people of that town the year he became an inhabitant 
 of it, to the same office ; and he was continued in the chair 
 of speaker of the house of representatives. He was, with 
 occasional omissions, chosen a representative for Providence 
 and elected speaker of the house up to 1751 ; when he was 
 returned for the fourteenth time. In that year he received 
 the appointment of chief justice of the colony. In 1754, he 
 was a commissioner to a convention which met in Albany, 
 consisting of delegates from the several colonies, to hold a 
 conference with the Indians, and secure their friendship ; and 
 also to form some plan for security against French encroach- 
 ments through Canada, in the approaching war. 
 
 In 1756, he was elected governor of the colony, and con 
 tinued to discharge the duties of that office, at intervals, until 
 1767, inclusive. At that time, political dissension was exten 
 sive in the colony, and parties were so much exasperated, 
 that to appease them, and restore peace and harmony, he 
 deemed it expedient to decline a re-election, which he did 
 publicly, in an official communication to the legislature in 
 session. 
 
 In the alarming period of the French war, in 1757, Gover 
 nor Hopkins greatly exerted himself to strengthen the Eng 
 lish and colonial army, by promoting volunteer enrolments in 
 Rhode Island. It was at the time when the British forces, 
 "having sustained serious disasters in the preceding cam 
 paigns, were incompetent to stop the progress of the French 
 under Moritcalm, and when the English settlements in th* 
 
68 STEPHEN HOPKINS, 
 
 north were almost without protection, that he ra sed a company 
 of volunteers in Providence, took the command of them, to 
 which they had elected him, and was about to march for the 
 scene of action, when by an unexpected withdrawment of 
 the French Canadians and Indians, it became unnecessary. 
 
 After the parties, which had so long distracted and divided 
 the colony, had subsided, and tranquillity had been restored, he 
 appeared again in the legislature. He represented Provi 
 dence in that body in 1772, 3, 4, and 5, and in the two last 
 years he represented the colony in congress, in Philadelphia. 
 In 1774, he was again appointed chief justice, holding at the 
 same time three offices, viz. that of representative of Provi 
 dence in the general assembly of the colony, delegate to the 
 general congress, and chief justice of Rhode Island. 
 
 The first appointment to congress was in August, 1774. 
 He attended the first congress that ever met, as a national 
 council, in Philadelphia, and discharged his duty with an 
 honorable fidelity, which met with the approbation of his con 
 stituents. 
 
 At this period he introduced a bill into the assembly of 
 Rhode Island, to prevent the importation of slaves into the 
 colony. In 1773, he manumitted all his own slaves ; and 
 had, in his last will and testament, which was drawn and 
 executed before that date, decreed them liberty at his decease. 
 
 In 1775, he sustained and executed the duties of the im 
 portant office of a member of the committee of public safety ; 
 a body of men existing in all the towns of the colonies, con 
 sisting of warm-hearted and trusty men, who did as much 
 in their respective spheres to promote the cause, and secure 
 the liberties of the colonists, perhaps, as the several legisla 
 tive bodies did in theirs. They were executive committees 
 of vigilance, armed with a power undefined, and almost un 
 limited ; and they were efficient engines for carrying into 
 immediate effect all the measures for the public security, re 
 commended by the assemblies in the several provinces. 
 
 In May, 1775, Governor Hopkins was again elected a de 
 legate to congress ; and again in the same month, in 1776, 
 Mr. Ellery was his colleague ; and in this year it was that 
 they both voted for, and set their names to, the Declaration of 
 Independence. 
 
 There is a very striking feature in the signature of M 
 Hopkins to that document, which has immortalized all who 
 signed it ; it is the uneven, tremulous appearance, indicating 
 a hand agitated by trepidation of mind. It was caused, not 
 
RHODE ISLAND. 69 
 
 by fear, for he knew not fear, but by a bodily infirmity, com 
 monly stiled " shaking palsy," which had attended him for 
 many years, insomuch that most of his writing was done for 
 him by an amanuensis. When he attempted to affix his signa- 
 ture, it was done only by steadying his right hand, as much 
 as possible, with his left. 
 
 In that alarming period, which has been emphatically 
 styled "the time that tried men s souls," Mr. Hopkins was 
 continually employed, and very active in some public service. 
 In 1776, he was chosen a commissioner to meet with others 
 from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, for 
 special purposes in relation to the defence of the New Eng 
 land colonies ; and when they met in Providence, he was 
 chosen their president. He presided also at a similar meet 
 ing convened the following ye-ar, at Springfield, in Massa 
 chusetts. In May, 1778, he was chosen a representative to 
 congress the last time ; and in the years 1777, 8, and 9, he 
 was a member of the general assembly of Rhode Island, not 
 withstanding his advanced age. He was over seventy, and 
 yet active and unwearied in his exertions for the public good. 
 
 His business in early life eminently fitted him for useful 
 ness on several committees in congress, in which his services 
 were both able and valuable. This was particularly the fact, 
 on committees for fitting out armed vessels to war against 
 the enemy s commerce ; to devise ways and means for fur 
 nishing the colonies with a naval armament; and on the 
 rules and orders for regulating a navy. He was a member, 
 for Rhode Island, on the committee which drew up and re 
 ported the confederation. 
 
 This gentleman furnishes another striking instance of the 
 power of a strong mind, and application to study, by which a 
 want of enlarged means for acquiring an early and system 
 atic education is overcome many of which may be seen 
 recorded in these biographical sketches of those truly great 
 men, who exerted a commanding influence in the struggle for 
 American independence. His early means for improving his 
 mind, were those usually found in a common school, and 
 limited at that time to reading, writing, and arithmetic. But, 
 by indulging his desire after knowledge, with a close appli 
 cation to books, he stored his mind with much general in 
 formation, and became, to a good degree, a scholar, a man of 
 science, and general literature. He mingled considerably in 
 public debate ; but, though he always spoke to the point on 
 
70 STEPHEN HOPKINS, 
 
 every subject, he was, by his brevity, sure never to weary his 
 hearers. 
 
 He was, in his time, a distinguished mathematician, and 
 rendered great assistance in observing the transit of Venus, 
 which occurred in June, 1769. 
 
 He was friendly to diffusing the means ot education. 
 Having himself felt the want of instruction in early life, and 
 afterwards realized the benefits of extensive attainments in 
 knowledge by his own efforts, he was desirous that others 
 should possess and enjoy the means for cultivating and im 
 proving their minds on a liberal and broad foundation. He 
 was a friend and patron of all measures which promoted the 
 general education of youth. He was one of the prime movers 
 in forming a public library in Providence, in 1750. It was 
 afterwards burnt, and he assisted in re-establishing it. 
 
 During a long period he was chancellor of Rhode Island 
 college. He was also a member of the American Philosophi 
 cal Society. He was a projector and patron of the free 
 schools in Providence, which have long existed in that hand 
 some and flourishing town, by which it has acquired, and long 
 sustained, a reputation for the general intelligence of its in 
 habitants. 
 
 As a man of business, whether he was employed in public 
 or private service, he was eminently industrious and sys 
 tematic. 
 
 He was an advocate for both religious and civil liberty 
 He was a regular attendant at the Friends meeting, whose 
 religious principles he professed, though it is not known that 
 he was an avowed member of that society. It was often the 
 fact that their meetings were held in his own house. 
 
 He was twice united by marriage. His first wife was 
 Sarah Scott, who was a descendant from the first man pro 
 fessedly of that religious persuasion who settled in Provi 
 dence. They were united in 1726. She expired in 1753, 
 in the forty-seventh year of her age. Of seven children by 
 her, five sons and two daughters, he lost by death four. One 
 of the daughters died in childhood. 
 
 In 1755, he was married a second time to Anna Smith. 
 This was her second marriage also. She was the widow of 
 Benjamin Smith. 
 
 After having served his generation with great fidelity and 
 distinguished usefulness, in the fear of God, through a long 
 and chequered life, he expired on the 13th day of July, 1785, 
 in the seventy-ninth year of his age. 
 
RHODE ISLAND. 71 
 
 His memory is much revered and respected by those who 
 remember him, and is handed down with veneration in the 
 state which he served in numerous offices of public trust, and 
 in the town where he resided ; and posterity will long esteem 
 him their benefactor. 
 
 WILLIAM ELLERY. 
 
 WILLIAM ELLERY, the subject of this brief sketch, was 
 born at Newport, Rhode Island, the 22d day of December, 
 1727. His father, who had himself received a liberal edu 
 cation, devoted much time and care in instructing and super- 
 intending the early education of his son. By his judicious 
 efforts, William early imbibed a fondness for reading, and a 
 more than common eagerness for acquiring useful inform 
 ation. Having obtained the requisite qualifications for ad 
 mission to college, his father placed him at Harvard uni 
 versity in Cambridge, Massachusetts. While a member of 
 that seminary he was distinguished, among his contemporary 
 students, as a close applicant to books, and particularly ar 
 dent in acquiring a correct knowledge of the Greek and 
 Latin languages, in which he became a singular proficient ; 
 and he retained his partiality for them even to his very last 
 hour of life. In his hours of relaxation, from business, the 
 study of the Greek and Latin classic writers was his favorite 
 employment, which he uniformly perused in the original^ 
 without the assistance of any translation, and with the utmost 
 facility. 
 
 He passed through his collegiate term with uncommon 
 industry, and graduated in 1747, at the age of twenty, with 
 the reputation of being a good scholar. He immediately 
 returned to the place of his nativity, and commenced the 
 study of law, the profession of his choice for his future busi 
 ness of life. 
 
 Newport was at that early date, one of the most flourish 
 ing places in the British American colonies. It lies on the 
 eastern side of one of the finest harbor in the world, and 
 on the western declivity of as beautiful a rising ground as can 
 be found in any portion of this widely extended country. 
 
 Newport, at the time when Mr. Ellery commenced the 
 
72 WILLIAM ELLERY, 
 
 practice of law, afforded as fair a prospect of success to a 
 man of industry and talents in the profession, as almost any 
 other in the country. There he opened an office, and con 
 tinued in the practice, for about twenty years. His success 
 was flattering, and enabled him to acquire a competent for 
 tune. It also presented him before his fellow citizens in a 
 favorable manner, and enabled them to form a just estimate 
 of his character. He closely observed, and carefully investi 
 gated, all the public measures of the government in England, 
 their tendency, and the bearing they were intended to have 
 upon the rights of the colonies. No citizens in the North 
 American provinces, were more jealous of encroachments on 
 their constitutional and chartered rights, than those of Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations. This small colony had 
 been more favored, or rather less oppressed, than some of 
 the neighboring and adjoining colonies. But, althougn the 
 people of that colony had no particular cause of complaint ; 
 they, nevertheless, beheld with the cautious jealousy of free 
 dom, the encroachments attempted to be made and establish 
 ed in other provinces ; and felt a full measure of alarm at 
 the arbitrary conduct of the British parliament, towards the 
 neighboring colonies. The intelligent and reflecting in 
 habitants of Rhode Island, clearly foresaw, if the measures 
 attempted to be imposed on Massachusetts, New York, and 
 some others of the provinces, were suffered to go into opera 
 tion, the same, or others equally burdensome and unconstitu 
 tional, might be put in force in their colony. This state of 
 things so highly interesting to the common interests of all the 
 colonies, induced the patriotic citizens of that province, to in 
 quire what measures ought to be taken to check the progress 
 of the public danger. 
 
 Among these, William Ellery held a high rank in the 
 esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. 
 
 The determination to resist encroachments on their rights, 
 diffused among the citizens of that province, was nobly 
 evinced in the attack on the armed sloop Liberty, by citizens 
 of Newport, in June, 1769 ; and on the Gaspee in June, 1772. 
 That resolute spirit had been kindled by the leading and in 
 fluential individuals, who directed the public sentiments ; and 
 it was faithfully, and continually cherished by them, until it 
 became a common feeling through the whole population of 
 the province. 
 
 The same spirit was again manifested in a bold and open 
 defiance of the royal authority, when the proclamation reached 
 
RHODE ISLAND. 7? 
 
 them, prohibiting the importation of fire arms from Great Bri. 
 tain to the colonies ; they rose in such force, that they took 
 possession of the king s fort in Newport, dismantled it, and se 
 cured all the cannon, amounting to forty pieces. In truth, 
 while Massachusetts and Virginia have been contesting the 
 question to which belongs the honor of beginning the contest, 
 that led to the independence of the American colonies, the 
 truth of history awards it to the state of Rhode Island. In 
 that province, there was no demurring on the great question 
 of adopting decisive measures of resistance to the usurpations 
 of the British parliament. The determination to resist, and 
 to defend their rights, was universal : and when the proposal 
 for the meeting of a general congress of delegates from all 
 the provinces in 1774 was made, it found in Rhode Island, 
 an universal readiness tq concur, and to elect delegates for 
 the purpose. In truth, that colony was so far in advance of 
 the others, in her views of what was necessary, and her 
 resolution to pursue it, that by a legislative act, as early as 
 May, 1776, Rhode Island withdrew her allegiance from the 
 king of Great Britain, and declared herself independent of 
 the British government. The reasons for taking this step, 
 were published in a pamphlet by legislative authority at the 
 time. 
 
 Thus prepared, and with such feelings, Rhode Island ap 
 pointed Stephen Hopkins and William Ellery, her delegates 
 to the congress which was to convene in May, 1776, to carry 
 the records of their decision, and of their readiness to concur 
 with the other colonies in such measures, for the common de 
 fence and common interests of the whole, as congress might 
 deem it wise and expedient to adopt. Those gentlemen at 
 tended, and entered on the duties of their appointment in con 
 gress in May, 1776. 
 
 It is well known that the old congress submitted the pro 
 jecting and maturing of all important measures to select 
 committees. Mr. Ellery, as may be seen by the journals of 
 congress, while he was a member, sustained his full share of 
 appointments of that kind ; and he discharged the several du 
 ties assigned to him with activity, promptitude, and sound 
 discretion. It was in this session, that the independence of 
 the colonies was declared. He voted for it ; and signed the 
 engrossed declaration, on the second day of August, 1776 ; 
 the day on which the parchment was presented to congress 
 for the individual signatures of the members. 
 
 Mr. Ellery felt a strong interest, and took an active par-t in 
 
74 WILLIAM ELLERY, 
 
 promoting whatever measures were urged for advancing the na . 
 val and marine affairs of the country. While he was thus la 
 boring to promote, and secure the best interests of the states, it 
 will be recollected that his own private interests were destined, 
 by their peculiarly exposed situation, to suffer by the depreda 
 tions of the British, whose hostile feelings were much embit 
 tered against the delegates to congress. Having taken pos 
 session of Newport, and the south part of Rhode Island, in 
 1774, the British wreaked their resentment against Mr. Ellery, 
 by burning his dwelling house, and depredating on his pro 
 perty. Notwithstanding the exposure of his estate urgently 
 required his retirement from congress, with a view to its pre 
 servation, so far as it might be practicable ; being persuaded 
 that his presence in his seat was requisite, he did not vacate 
 it ; but left his private concerns to the fate that might befall 
 them. 
 
 During the year 1778, Mr. Ellery remained in congress, 
 with the exception of only a few weeks, which he spent in 
 Rhode Island, throughout the year. 
 
 In June of this year, having been empowered by the legis 
 lature, he ratified, on behalf of that state, the articles of the 
 confederation. 
 
 The few weeks which he spent in Rhode Island in 1778, 
 were not devoted to his private concerns, but to the public 
 benefit. 
 
 A project had been concerted for compelling the British 
 to evacuate the island ; and Mr. Ellery, believing that he 
 should be more useful on the ground, than he would be by 
 remaining in Philadelphia, left congress for a few weeks, and 
 repaired to the scene of action to render whatever assistance 
 might be in his power, in ridding the island of its invaders. 
 The plan though well devised, it is known proved abortive ; 
 and he immediately returned to the scene of his public duties 
 in Philadelphia. 
 
 In consequence of the invasion of Rhode Island by the 
 British, a number of the inhabitants were compelled to leave 
 their habitations, and relinquish their employments. By rea 
 son of this necessity, they were cast destitute of the neces 
 sary means of subsistence, upon the settlements in the vicinity, 
 and subjected to severe sufferings. They were in danger of 
 starvation. There was an embargo laid on the exportation 
 of provisions, by Connecticut and New York, which was then 
 in force. Mr. Ellery exerted his influence in congress, 
 to procure a recommendation from that body to the gover- 
 
RHODE ISLAND. 75 
 
 nors of those respective states, to have their embargoes so 
 far suspended, as to admit of the supplying those sufferers in 
 Rhode Island, with the provisions necessary for their preser 
 vation from the distresses and horrors of famine. 
 
 During the year 1779, in which those measures were 
 adopted for the relief of his suffering fellow citizens, he was 
 called to engage in two important concerns of public interest 
 and of a delicate nature. The first was, arranging and set 
 tling some diplomatic difficulties, in which the commissioners 
 who had been sent by congress to Europe, had become in 
 volved. The other was, an adjustment of embarrassments 
 which arose from the admiralty courts, the proceedings of 
 which, as they were then constituted, were found sometimes 
 to lead to a conflict between the rightful authority of congress 
 and that of the individual states. Mr. Ellery presented a re 
 port to congress, as the agent of the committee to which the 
 business had been referred, which was adopted ; and put those 
 difficulties at rest for that time. But in 1781, they again 
 recurred, and the subject was again referred to him and two 
 others, and the evils were once more removed. 
 
 Early in the year 1782, Mr. Ellery was designated by 
 congress, as their organ for communicating to Major General 
 Greene, their sense of his important military services in the 
 southern states. 
 
 In 1784, he was one of the committee to whom the defi 
 nitive treaty of peace with Great Britain was submitted. 
 
 One of his latest efforts in congress, in 1785, (which was his 
 last year in the old congress,) was an united effort with Mr. 
 Rufus King, to abolish slavery in the United States. Mr. 
 King offered, and Mr. Ellery seconded the resolution for 
 this purpose, and advocated it with his utmost powers. Thus 
 evincing, at that early period, his view of the traffic in slaves, 
 by the practice of which his state was engaged for many 
 years after. 
 
 In 1786, congress elected him commissioner of the con 
 tinental loan office for Rhode Island ; and the legislature 
 of that state appointed him chief justice of their highest 
 court. 
 
 After the federal constitution was adopted, and the new 
 government put in operation, he was appointed under Presi 
 dent Washington, collector of the customs for the port of 
 Newport. This office he retained to the close of his life. 
 The business of this office, which he conducted during the 
 long term of thirty years, he managed with such consummate 
 
76 ROGER SHERMAN, 
 
 prudence and carefulness, that the government sustained the 
 loss of only a single bond, amounting to two hundred dollars; 
 and on that he had taken the endorsement of no less than 
 five different sureties. 
 
 The evening of his life was spent in tranquillity and in the 
 enjoyment of a moderate competence. This competence he 
 derived from the income of his office, and the savings he was 
 able to make out of the wreck of his property, which the 
 British had destroyed while in possession of Rhode Island. 
 
 He read the Bible much, and from its contents, of which 
 as a Divine Revelation, he was a firm believer, he derived 
 his support and confidence in all the adversities of this life, 
 and his hope of happiness in the life to come. He continued 
 his attachment to the Latin and Greek classics, which he 
 read in the original, to the last hour of his life. He had 
 been perusing Tully s Offices the morning before his decease, 
 sitting in his chair. A short time before he expired, with 
 his consent, he was placed on a bed in a sitting posture. In 
 that situation he continued to read Cicero for a short time, 
 when his attendants casting their eyes upon him, found he 
 was dead, but still holding his book in his hand. This event 
 occurred on the 15th of February, 1820, in the ninety-third 
 year of his age. 
 
 He was worthy of the memorable age in which he lived, 
 and of being associated with the venerable patriots with 
 whom he acted. And the part which he performed was 
 worthy of this character, as a patriot and a Christian. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 ROGER SHERMAN. 
 
 IN a free nation, where the pathway to the highest offices 
 and the most honorable employments, is open to every aspi 
 rant, in which there are no legal obstructions to the advance 
 ment of the poor more than the rich, it is sometimes the 
 
CONNECTICUT. 77 
 
 fact, that individual enterprise, and persevering industry, 
 achieve for the children of parents in humble life, and limited 
 property, what the sons of the affluent, accomodated with every 
 facility, but wanting enterprise- and application, are never 
 able to attain. Instances have existed, and instances do now 
 exist in the United States, in which this remark has been 
 verified ; and since the way is equally open to all, and the 
 prize is placed in clear view before them, as a sure reward 
 to all who reach the goal, it may be reasonably expected, 
 that many more will hereafter have it verified, as a reward 
 for their honorable exertions. 
 
 The most distinguished and the most useful men, do not 
 always lay the foundation of their fame, and honorable dis 
 tinction, in the classical halls and lecture rooms of an uni 
 versity. 
 
 Probably there have been but few instances, in which 
 the preceding remarks have been more literally illustrated 
 and verified, than in the one now under consideration. 
 
 Roger Sherman s ancestor, his great grandfather, John 
 Sherman, came to America, from Dedham, England, and 
 settled at Watertown, Massachusetts, in the year 1635. WiU 
 liam Sherman, the grandson of John, and the father of 
 Roger, lived at Newton in Massachusetts, where he cultiva 
 ted his small farm, and thus obtained support for his family 
 by honest industry, until 1723, two years after the birth of 
 his son Roger. This took place in Newton in 1721, on the 
 19th day of April. In 1723, the family removed to Stough- 
 ton, in that state. There his father continued his residence 
 until his death in 1741, when the support of the family and the 
 superintendence of its concerns, devolved on Roger ; who 
 was the second son of his parents. His elder brother had 
 previously removed to Connecticut, and settled in New Mil- 
 ford in the county of Litchfield. Roger, at the time of his 
 father s decease, was but nineteen years old. He had en 
 joyed no other means for obtaining an education, than such 
 as the country common schools at that time afforded ; and 
 these were extremely limited, as is well known by all who 
 are acquainted with the state of the country, for a considera 
 ble period subsequent to that date. 
 
 His father s family was numerous ; and being in humble 
 life and moderate circumstances, Roger was apprenticed to 
 a shoemaker. 
 
 He continued to reside with his mother s family about three 
 years after his father s decease, and was employed princi, 
 
 7* 
 
78 ROGER SHERMAN, 
 
 pally in cultivating the farm, and otherwise in providing for 
 the bereaved family. About that time it was judged expe 
 dient to change their residence, and remove to a distance. 
 The property which they owned in Newton, was disposed 
 of, and the family r*emoved to New Milford in Connecticut, 
 in 1 743. Mr. Sherman made the journey on foot, carrying 
 his tools with him, from Massachusetts to their new place of 
 residence. There he continued to work at his trade with 
 industry for some time. He then commenced business as a 
 merchant, in company with his elder brother, who had esta 
 blished himself in that town some years before. 
 
 While he was engaged in learning his trade, he availed 
 himself of all the means he could command, for improving 
 his mind by reading. It is reported of him, that while at 
 work on his bench, he had a book placed in such a position, 
 that he could read all the time when his eyes were not ne 
 cessarily fixed on his work. In this manner he acquired 
 information, under such circumstances as none would have 
 thought of improving in that way, except one whose desire 
 for obtaining knowledge was unconquerable. By thus em 
 ploying all the means in his power, with an untiring perseve 
 rance, he made himself well acquainted with the principles 
 of mathematics. And as early as 1748, he made astrono 
 mical calculations for an almanac that was published in New 
 York during several years. These facts show his ardent 
 desire for acquiring knowledge generally, since they were 
 sciences quite beyond the ordinary range of his reading, and 
 in no way connected with his regular pursuits. Stimulated 
 by the same eager desire for mental improvement, and hav 
 ing to encounter all the disadvantages of his defective educa 
 tion, he applied himself to the study of law. Whether he 
 did this simply for his own intellectual gratification, or whe 
 ther he looked forward to admission to the bar, as a practising 
 lawyer, is not known. But it is most probable it was only 
 the former, and that his rising to distinction as a practising 
 attorney and counsellor,, and to high eminence as a judge of 
 the highest court in the state, were results of his persevering 
 application without the aid of an instructor, which were not 
 even contemplated at the time when he commenced the study 
 of law. While he was thus employed in business and study, 
 he acquired such a favorable reputation as a lawyer among 
 his surrounding friends, that they persuaded him to apply for 
 a regular admission to the bar. He applied, and was admit 
 ted an attorney at law, in December,1754. Two years after 
 
CONNECTICUT. 79 
 
 his settlement in New Milford, he was appointed a county 
 surveyor for the county in which he resided. We not un- 
 frequently see young men possessed of aspiring minds, with 
 only a limited preparatory education, commence and pursue 
 the study of law, under a qualified preceptor, and by enter- 
 prise and a persevering application to the business, rise to 
 distinction, and obtain extensive and lucrative employment in 
 the profession. But for one with no director but himself, 
 with no library but such as he could borrow, to rise from 
 deep obscurity to high eminence as a jurist, is indeed a rare 
 occurrence. Such, however, was the highly honorable dis 
 tinction acquired by Roger Sherman. His success, which 
 attracted to him, during his succeeding years, such signal ho 
 nors, did not inflate him with vanity and self-sufficiency; 
 neither did he manifest pride and superiority in his own esteem 
 of himself. Roger Sherman was a humble Christian, and he 
 cultivated the talents with which his Creator had endowed 
 him, with a conscientious desire of being useful ; and few 
 men, under any variety of advantages, have succeeded to a 
 greater extent, or sustained their acquired honors with a 
 greater degree of meekness, and a more exemplary upright 
 ness of character. 
 
 In 1755, Mr. Sherman was chosen a representative for 
 New Milford to the general assembly of Connecticut, and the 
 same year he was commissioned as a justice of the peace. 
 He was successively returned a representative from year to 
 year, during almost the whole time he continued to reside in 
 New Milford. This may be considered the commencement 
 of his political life. It was when he was thirty-three years 
 of age. 
 
 A summary retrospect will show us the following facts. 
 At nineteen years of age he lost his father. He was, at that 
 age, left with the charge of providing for his widowed mother, 
 and a large family of younger children. Without education, 
 an apprentice to a humble mechanical business, prosecuting 
 his trade till he was twenty-two years old, then placed as a 
 partner in a country store, acting as a county surveyor, with 
 out assistance from any qualified instructor, and with no 
 library but such as he casually obtained he had become a 
 regularly admitted practising lawyer, a civil magistrate, and 
 a representative to the general assembly of the colony of 
 Connecticut. This summary account exhibits the honorable 
 results of enterprise, industry, and perseverance rarelv 
 equalled. 
 
80 ROGER SHERMAN, 
 
 After a regular practice of the law about five j^ears, he 
 was appointed a judge of the county court for Litchfield 
 county, in May, 1759. In 1761 he removed from New Mil- 
 ford to New Haven. The same appointments were soon 
 conferred on him in the county to which he had removed with 
 those he had previously held. He was commissioned as a 
 magistrate, appointed a judge of the county court, and often 
 represented the town in the general assembly. He was also 
 chosen treasurer of Yale College, which office he held many 
 years, and received from that seminary the honorary degree 
 of A. M. in 1765. 
 
 In the year following the freemen of the colony elected 
 him an assistant. [In other words, a member of the upper 
 house of the legislative body another name for senate.] 
 
 Mr. Sherman was an observer of the measures contem 
 plated by the British ministry, for asserting and establishing 
 the right of parliament to tax the colonists for the purpose of 
 raising revenue, to be disposed of by their authority, to the 
 exclusion of the voice of the colonists. These attempts were 
 commenced and laid aside, received and abandoned, several 
 times, by the ministers, between the termination of the French 
 war, and the passing of the celebrated " Stamp act," which 
 decidefl the colonists in their opposition to the arbitrary mea 
 sures of the British government. He steadily watched all 
 their motions and projects for establishing their claim, and 
 as steadily and uniformly, opposed all acknowledgment 
 of their right. It was at a period when this great principle, 
 which caused much discussion in public, and agitated the 
 whole community, that he was brought forward into public 
 life, to take a leading part in the politics of his country. He 
 was well prepared for performing the part assigned him. He 
 had examined with great caution; he deliberated with calm 
 ness and discretion ; and, when he decided, it was done for 
 the best of reasons. Rectitude of purpose, unbending in 
 tegrity, and decision of character were uniformly exhibited 
 by Mr. Sherman, through his whole life. He had been ac 
 customed to encounter and overcome embarrassments in the 
 pursuits of private life ; and when, as a public man, formida 
 ble obstacles were presented in his path of duty, he was not 
 disposed to yield without an effort to surmount them. Few 
 men, of any age, ever possessed more entirety the confidence 
 of their fellow citizens, than Roger Sherman ; and few men 
 ever improved it for the general good with a more uniform 
 approbation of their fellow men. 
 
CONNECTICUT. 
 
 In the month of May, 1776, he received an Appointment to 
 the office of a judge of the highest court of Connecticut. 
 This office, which was an annual appointment, and made by 
 the legislature, he held, in connection with his seat as a 
 member of the council, for nineteen years ; when a law being 
 passed rendering it incompatible to sustain both, he resigned 
 his seat at the council board, and retained that on the bench ; 
 where he remained until 1789, when he was elected a mem 
 ber of the first congress under the federal constitution. 
 
 It cannot be expected that a particular detail can be given, 
 in a summary biographical sketch like this, of every public 
 employment in which Mr. Sherman was engaged. It will 
 therefore, be briefly remarked, in this place, that he zealously 
 engaged in the long continued controversy between Pennsyl 
 vania and Connecticut, respecting the Susquehannah pur 
 chase, in behalf of the Susquehannah company. It caused 
 great commotion in the colonies respectively claiming the right 
 to the disputed territory; and, for several years, kept Con 
 necticut divided into parties, which mutually indulged feelings 
 of great animosity. But, although ridicule, satire, and cri 
 minations were made use of by both parties, Mr. Sherman 
 pursued the straight forward course of integrity ; and by his 
 influence, contributed much more toward quieting and paci 
 fying the opposing parties in that state, than could have been 
 effected by all other means, short of a legal decision. Such 
 was the state of the times, that could not then be obtained. 
 
 But to return from this digression. As the time ap 
 proached, when it was deemed necessary, in the several 
 colonies, to concert some united system for more effectually 
 opposing the encroachments of the British government, on 
 the rights and liberty of the colonists, the people naturally 
 sought for men to manage their interests, who were wise, 
 able, faithful, and of undoubted patriotism. In Connecticut, 
 Roger Sherman, Joseph Trumbull, Eliphalet Dyer, and Silas 
 Deane, Esquires, were nominated by the committee of cor 
 respondence, to attend the general congress of the colonies, 
 to consult and advise concerning their good. Mr. Sherman 
 was present on opening the first congress in 1774, and in 
 July, 1776, set his name to the Declaration of Independence. 
 He also held a seat in one or the other house, from the form 
 ation of the government under the new constitution in 1789 
 until his death in 1793. 
 
 The reputation he acquired, both as a representative and u 
 senator in congress, was such as gave him an extensive in 
 
82 ROGER SHERMAN, 
 
 fluence in those most respectable bodies. Few men were 
 sent to congress from any colony or state, whose judgment 
 and opinions were more sought for, or held in higher esteem. 
 He sought not after the splendor of eloquence. He did not 
 affect the external suavity and polish of the gentleman. In 
 deed, he affected nothing. He always appeared exactly 
 what he was a man of sound common sense ; strong na 
 tural powers of mind ; of deep thought ; of much reflexion ; 
 of deliberate judgment ; and a steady integrity uniformly 
 seeking to promote the cause of righteousness in the most 
 upright manner. His personal appearance was venerable ; 
 his manners plain and simple, and his whole character so 
 entirely consistent in all respects, that he possessed the re- 
 spect, esteem, and confidence of his associates, both in public 
 and private life, to an extent rarely equalled in any age or 
 . country. 
 
 It has been stated, that he was present on the opening of the 
 first continental congress. The confidence reposed in him 
 by the members of congress, put in requisition his services 
 for arranging and reporting on a large share of the impor 
 tant business referred to committees, to be subsequently dis 
 cussed, and decided upon by congress, in that critical and 
 ominous period, in which the vital interests of all the colonies 
 were in jeopardy. It is not easy for any one, who did not 
 live in that period of agitation and perplexity, to form an 
 adequate estimate of the great responsibility, wljich devolved 
 on congress, individually and collectively, at the time under 
 consideration ; and, perhaps no collection of men were ever 
 associated, who were more competent to the purposes for 
 which they were selected, than the American congress ; to 
 whom were committed the interests and concerns of their na 
 tion, then just springing into life. To be one of the first 
 among such an association, affords no equivocal evidence of 
 honorable distinction, and personal worth. Such was the 
 acknowledged merit of Roger Sherman, and such the station 
 assigned to him by his distinguished patriotic associates; and 
 it will be remembered to his high honor, that he attained to 
 this by his own persevering efforts, almost unaided by others, 
 from the humble station of a shoe maker, without wealth or 
 education. 
 
 It would be a task, which the limits of this work do not 
 admit, to mention in detail, all the important committees, on 
 which he was placed by the congress in 1775, and 1776. 
 But it would be stly deemed improper to omit to*mention, 
 
CONNECTICUT. 83 
 
 that he was selected, with his distinguished colleagues, to 
 prepare a Declaration of Independence. Perhaps in no in 
 stance was the confidence of congress in the talents of Mr. 
 Sherman more honorably manifested than in this appointment. 
 
 Mr. Sherman was a standing member of the board of war 
 and ordnance, of the marine committee, and of the board of 
 the treasury. These were not incidental, litae many of the 
 committees raised for temporary objects. But they had as- 
 signed to them the superintendence of the vital and most im 
 portant interests of the country, situated as it then was, en 
 gaged- in a war with a powerful nation, and but very poorly 
 provided, in almost every respect, with requisite means for 
 prosecuting it successfully. 
 
 His employments in congress were of a very active kind, 
 and they were incessant. But notwithstanding this, he was 
 during the war a member of the council of safety, in Con 
 necticut ; and when New Haven was incorporated with city 
 privileges, he was elected to the office of mayor ; which of 
 fice he sustained till the close of his life. 
 
 In 1783, the legislature of Connecticut appointed him, to 
 gether with the honorable Judge Law, of New London, a com 
 mittee, to revise the statutes to reduce all those which rela 
 ted to the same subject into one ; to arrange them in a regu 
 lar order, and suggest such alterations as they should judge 
 expedient ; and to submit their report to the general assem 
 bly. In their performance of this difficult and arduous ser 
 vice, they received the general approbation of the state. 
 
 When in 1787 it was resolved to call a convention of the 
 several states, to form a constitution of government for the 
 United States, Mr. Sherman, the late Judge Ellsworth, and the 
 no less distinguished Doctor Johnson, were appointed dele 
 gates, to represent Connecticut in that augtist and venerable as 
 sembly of patriotic sages. In the convention, Mr. Sherman ma 
 nifested his usual wisdom and sagacity, and had an important 
 influence in moderating conflicting spirits, and soothing the 
 feelings of vehement partizans ; and he contributed, perhaps 
 as much as any one member, to framing and maturing the 
 federal constitution of government of the United States, under 
 which, for forty years, the people of this country have enjoyed 
 as much real liberty, and experienced as great a degree of 
 prosperity, as were ever allotted to any other people, during 
 equal number of years, since nations have existed. 
 
 When the convention had performed their duty, and the 
 constitution which they had formed, was proposed to the 
 
84 ROGER SHERMAN. 
 
 people of the several states, for their examination, and adop. 
 tion, Mr. Sherman was present in the Connecticut conven 
 tion, to which it was submitted. He there used his great influ 
 ence with much success, in behalf of its adoption on the 
 part of Connecticut. He was returned a representative 
 from that state, to the first congress which met under the con- 
 stitution ; in the forming of which he had so important a 
 share. After holding his seat in the house of representatives 
 two years, he was promoted to the senate ; in which body he 
 continued to exert his useful talents, for the benefit of his 
 country, whose independence he had proclaimed fifteen 
 years before, and which he had uniformly labored to pro 
 mote, from the moment it was declared, to the close of his 
 virtuous and useful life. This event occurred on the twen 
 ty-third day of July, 1793. 
 
 During his life, he had sustained many offices of impor 
 tance, with uniform honor, and an untarnished reputation. 
 His death, although it occurred when he had passed his se 
 venty-second year, was felt to be a great loss, as extensively 
 as he was known. Although he was gathered to his fathers 
 in a ripe old age, fully possessed of all his honors, which he 
 had acquired by nearly a half a century of active usefulness, 
 he was yet in full possession of his mental powers unbroken ; 
 and would probably have been capable of eminent usefulness 
 for several successive years, had his life been thus continued. 
 His loss, though deeply felt, and sincerely mourned by the 
 country ; by the people of Connecticut, and by the citizens of 
 New Haven, generally, whose chief magistrate he had been 
 from its city incorporation ; yet, by none was it more sincerely 
 lamented than the society and church, of which he was an 
 eminent and useful member. 
 
 Mr. Sherman was twice married. At the age of twenty- 
 eight years, he was first married to Miss Elizabeth Hartwell 
 of Staughton, in Massachusetts, for several years the place 
 of his father s residence. By her he had seven children. 
 After her decease in 1760, and subsequent to his removal to 
 New Haven, he married Miss Rebecca Prescot of Danvers, 
 also in Massachusetts. By this second marriage he had eight 
 children. 
 
 It would require more room than can be appropriated, in 
 this sketch, to exhibit the character of this truly great man, as 
 it merits. It will therefore be closed with the summary, 
 yet comprehensive inscription, recorded on the tablet that 
 covers his tomb. 
 
CONNECTICUT. 85 
 
 In memory of the 
 HONORABLE ROGER SHERMAN, ESQ. 
 
 Mayor of the city of New Haven, and Senator 
 
 of the United States. 
 
 He was born at Newtown, in Massachusetts, April 19, 1721, 
 And died in New Haven, July 23d. A. D. 1793, 
 
 Aged LXX1I. 
 Possessed of a strong, clear, penetrating mind, and singular 
 
 perseverance, 
 He became the self-taught scholar, eminent for 
 
 jurisprudence and policy. 
 He was nineteen years an assistant, and twenty-three years 
 
 a Judge of the Superior Court, in high reputation. 
 
 He was a delegate in the first Congress, signed the glorious 
 
 act of Independence, and many years displayed 
 
 superior talents and ability in the 
 
 National Legislature. 
 
 He was a member of the General Convention, approved the 
 
 Federal Constitution, and served his country with 
 
 fidelity and honor in the House of Representatives, 
 
 and in the Senate of the United States. 
 
 He was a man of approved integrity, a cool discerning 
 
 Judge, a prudent sagacious politician, a true, 
 
 faithful, and firm patriot. 
 
 He ever adorned the profession of Christianity which he 
 made in youth, and distinguished through life for public 
 usefulness ; died in prospect of a blessed immortality. 
 
 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 
 
 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON w-s descended from a family, which 
 at an early period of its settlement, arrived at Saybrook, in 
 Connecticut. Like most of those families, which left their 
 native land to avoid ecclesiastical and civil oppression, his an 
 cestors came to America to enjoy the right of worshipping 
 God, according to what they conscientiously believed was 
 agreeable to His revealed will. This family was much re 
 spected for piety and intelligence. He was the eldest son of 
 Nathaniel Huntington, who settled at Windham in Connecti 
 cut, and industriously pursued the business of a farmer. He 
 
 8 
 
S6 SAMUEL HUNT1NGTON, 
 
 was blessed with the inestimable privilege of having a pious 
 and intelligent mother. As it was the intention of his father, 
 that his oldest son should inherit his patrimony, he gave him 
 no other means and advantages for obtaining an education, 
 than the common schools of Connecticut at that early period 
 supplied ; and these, limited as they were, were deemed ade 
 quate to the object in view. Prompted, however, by the na 
 tive vigor of his own mind, and perhaps, by the distinction 
 which his brothers derived from the advantages of a col 
 legiate education, he was not contented to remain in the 
 obscurity of a practical farmer, however respectable the 
 business of an agriculturist was justly esteemed. Being 
 possessed of a strong mind, and having a relish for mental 
 cultivation, he devoted much of that portion of his time which 
 was not occupied in his agricultural pursuits, in reading and 
 study. In this manner he divided his time between labor and 
 his books, lentil he was twenty-two years of age. Notwith 
 standing the obstacles which were to be surmounted in his 
 situation, his decision of character and persevering efforts 
 enabled him to surmount them, and achieve the object he 
 sought ; so that at the age of twenty -two, he had acquired 
 quite a respectable stock of scientific information. 
 
 He then relinquished his agricultural pursuits, and com 
 menced the study of law. Being conscious that such an ac 
 quaintance with the Latin language, as would enable him to 
 comprehend many passages contained in law books, was in 
 dispensable, he acquainted himself with that language suffi 
 ciently for that purpose. 
 
 Actuated by the laudable ambition of rising to distinction 
 in society, and of obtaining a competence by other means 
 than labor, he began the study of law in a manner very simi 
 lar to that pursued by his colleague, Sherman, in a distant 
 part of Connecticut. He had not the advantages of instruc 
 tion by*a regulaf practitioner at the bar. He borrowed books 
 from a member of the profession in Windham county, who 
 obligingly furnished him with those necessary to his pursuits. 
 Although this method of studying was attended with difficul 
 ties of considerable magnitude, they were all obviated and 
 overcome by his perseverance and fortitude. 
 
 Being deemed qualified, he commenced his career as a 
 practising lawyer in Windham, his native town. At the age 
 of twenty-eight years, when his reputation was extending, 
 he removed from Windham to Norwich, a half-shire town in 
 New London county, where he became more extensively 
 
CONNECTICUT. 87 
 
 known ; and his success in business, and his celebrity as a 
 man of talents, made rapid advances. Even at that early 
 period, after commencing his business, few lawyers obtained 
 a more extensive practice, or possessed a higher reputation 
 among their fellow citizens. Although it may be admitted 
 that the opportunities for becoming learned in the science, 
 at the time when Mr. Huntington was engaged in business, 
 were comparatively small ; it must also be admitted, that 
 they had in general an equal bearing on him as on others. 
 It is, therefore, no equivocal evidence in favor of his faithful 
 improvement of them, and his assiduous application, as well 
 as of his superior talents, that he was early appointed king s 
 attorney for the county in which he resided. His extensive 
 practice, which was the result of a general confidence in his 
 good sense, intelligence, and probity, embraced all of the 
 most important causes in his native county and in those ad- 
 joining. 
 
 Four years after his removal to Norwich, he was chosen 
 to represent that town in the general assembly of Connecti 
 cut. This was the beginning of his political life. Ten years 
 from that date, he was appointed an associate judge ot the 
 superior court of the colony. And the next year, he was 
 elected a member of the council. This, in Connecticut, is 
 but another name for senate. 
 
 On the second Thursday of October, in 1775, he was ap 
 pointed a delegate ,to congress, in connection with Roger 
 Sherman, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, and William Wil 
 liams, Esquires. Having in obedience to this call of his fel 
 low citizens, taken his seat in that assembly, in January, 
 he was present in July following, and was called upon to 
 sign his name to the Declaration of Independence. He 
 was a member of congress during that and the three follow 
 ing years. In that whole period, the most ominous which 
 the country ever experienced, he was busily employed in the 
 business of the public, and rendered services to his fellow 
 citizens of the highest importance. His stern integrity, 
 and unbending patriotism, his sound judgment, and active 
 discharge of business, rendered him conspicuous and at 
 tracted his full share of employment, as a member of many 
 important committees. So high was his reputation in the 
 estimation of congress, that in 1779, he was appointed presi 
 dent of that body ; which was at that time the first office in 
 the nation. In that office he succeeded Governor Jay, who 
 had received and accepted the appointment of minister pie- 
 
88 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, 
 
 nipotentiary to the court of Spain. He was again appointed 
 to the same place in 1780. This station he held, and per- 
 formed its arduous duties with universal approbation, until 
 the following year; when in consequence of impaired health 
 and being worn down by the fatigues of his unremitted ap 
 plication to the duties of his office, he desired leave of ab 
 sence, that he might by a relaxation from business recruit 
 his impaired constitution. By reason of a reluctance to dis 
 pense with his services, congress forbore to nominate his 
 successor for two months. In consequence, however, of his 
 renewed application, made in a way still more pressing and 
 urgent, they acceded to it, and chose a new president. In 
 a few days after his departure, they passed a vote of thanks 
 to him, " in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in 
 the chair, and in the execution of public business." 
 
 On his return to Connecticut, he resumed his seat at the 
 council board, and on the bench ; both of which had been 
 continued vacant during his absence in congress. This may 
 be justly viewed as a signal evidence of the respect and 
 esteem which his constituents entertained for him ; and these 
 were farther evinced by the subsequent promotions which he 
 experienced. 
 
 In the spring of 1782, he was elected a delegate to con- 
 
 fress. But for reasons which he deemed imperative, he 
 id not attend under that appointment. His health not being 
 fully re-established, and his duties as a member of the high 
 est court in the state, he viewed a sufficient justification ol 
 his absence. In the following year, however, having been 
 again elected, he took his seat in congress, soon after they 
 had removed to Princeton, in New Jersey, in consequence of 
 a tumult that occurred in Philadelphia. He retained his seat 
 till the following November, when he retired finally from 
 congress. But, although he had withdrawn himself from 
 that august assembly, where his public services had been so 
 important, and where he had received the first honors which 
 his country could confer on him ; yet his fellow citizens 
 held a demand for his talents to be further employed in their 
 service. Soon after his return to his native state he was ap 
 pointed chief justice of the superior court of Connecticut. 
 Having held this office one year, he was chosen lieutenant 
 governor of the state ; and, in 1786, he was chosen gover 
 nor, as successor to Governor Griswold. To this office he 
 was annually re-chosen, with great unanimity, till his death. 
 
CONNECTICUT. 89 
 
 This event happened at Norwich, on the fifth day of January, 
 1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. 
 
 Governor Huntington was for many years, a professor of 
 religion. In the sickness which terminated his life, he 
 realized the consolation which a strong confidence in the 
 faithfulness of his Saviour, in whom he put his trust, was 
 calculated to inspire. He was a devout attendant on public 
 worship, and appeared uniformly in the Divine presence, 
 with the aspect of solemn reverence and sincere devotion. The 
 practice of investigating whatever subjects were presented to 
 his contemplation, which he adopted while yet a youth, pro 
 duced a habit of deep reflection, which he observed through 
 life. His words were few ; and when he delivered his 
 opinions, it was apparent that they were the result of much 
 thinking and thorough deliberation. Notwithstanding the 
 many honors and high distinction which had been conferred 
 on him, he never betrayed any feeling of that conscious supe 
 riority, which is wont to spring from an indulgence of false 
 pride. Indeed his modesty, by those not intimately ac. 
 quainted with him, was frequently mistaken for haughtiness 
 of spirit. But those who knew him intimately, formed a very 
 different and far more correct judgment of his motives. Self- 
 possession was, at all times, a prominent trait of his charac 
 ter ; and so cautious was he in his remarks respecting his 
 fellow men, that a competent witness, who resided in his 
 family more than twenty years, bore testimony, that during 
 that whole period, he was not heard to give utterance to one 
 remark that could wound the feelings of another, or injure 
 the reputation of an absent person. 
 
 For a considerable time previous to his decease, he suf 
 fered severely from a dropsy in the chest. Undoubtedly, 
 this, connected with a complication of infirmities, accelerated 
 the termination of his life. 
 
 In retracing the life of Governor Huntington, what an ani 
 mating and encouraging example does it furnish to the young 
 men of genius and enterprise in our free country ? Here is 
 exhibited, in the result of his efforts, what may be accom 
 plished by others who will pursue the same course in simi 
 lar circumstances. With facilities for obtaining early edu 
 cation, far inferior to those now at the command of youths in 
 Connecticut, he rose, from the condition of a common plough, 
 boy, and by his almost unaided exertions, to great respect 
 ability and distinction. 
 
 He rendered services of great utility to his native state and 
 R* 
 
90 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 
 
 country. And, at length attained the most honorable and 
 distinguished offices which his fellow men had in their power 
 to bestow. During his whole progress, his life was irre 
 proachable ; and his death such as became the man of virtue 
 and Christian piety. 
 
 WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 
 
 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, who inscribed his name on the Decla 
 ration of Independence of the American colonies, was de- 
 scended from a respectable and pious ancestry, who emi 
 grated from Wales in the year 1630, and settled at Roxbury 
 in the colony of Massachusetts Bay. His grandfather was 
 settled in the gospel ministry at Hatfield, in the county of 
 Hampshire, in Massachusetts. Hatfield lies bordering on the 
 western shore of Connecticut River. His father, the Rever 
 end Solomon Williams, was during more than half a century, 
 pastor of the first congregational society in Lebanon, a 
 pleasant agricultural town in Windham county in Connecticut. 
 In this town Colonel Williams was born on the 8th day of 
 April, 1731. He was the fourth son of his parents, and one 
 of a family which consisted of eight children ; five sons and 
 three daughters. He received his education at Harvard 
 university, which he entered in 1747 when he was sixteen 
 years old ; and graduated with honorable distinction in his 
 class in 1751. Soon after he left the university, he com 
 menced a course of theological studies under the direction 
 of his father; which he pursued with assiduity for some time. 
 But in the year 1755, during " the French war," he went 
 with Colonel Ephraim Williams, a relative of his, to Lake 
 George, as one of the staff of his regiment. This brought 
 him into the society of British officers who were employed 
 in that war, and gave him a good opportunity to acquaint 
 himself with, and to form a correct estimate of their charac 
 ters ; and to learn their dispositions towards the inhabitants 
 of the American colonies. At the close of the campaign, the 
 subject of this memoir left the army, and returned to his native 
 town, much disgusted with the British manners and dispositions 
 of the officers, who manifested a great degree of haughtiness, 
 as well as indifference for the interests and welfare of the 
 
CONNECTICUT. 91 
 
 colonies. Then and there it was that he imbibed that feeling 
 of opposition to British domination in this country, which 
 after a few years produced the war of the revolution, and 
 strengthened and confirmed that decided patriotic resistance 
 to every encroachment on the rights and liberties of the 
 colonists. 
 
 Having returned to his native residence, where he deter- 
 mined to take up his abode for life, he commenced business 
 as a merchant which he pursued until the beginning of ti 
 revolutionary war. He early became possessed of the confi 
 dence of the inhabitants of the town, both for his capacity 
 and integrity. This they manifested by choosing him town 
 clerk at the age of twenty-five years; and soon after he was 
 chosen one of their representatives to the general asssembly 
 of the colony, at a period of life considerably earlier than 
 was customary in that community. Excepting the time he 
 was absent, attending the duties of his appointment as a mem 
 ber of the old congress, he was, during a long life> almost 
 uninterruptedly, a member of one of the branches of the le 
 gislature of his native state. He acted as clerk of the gene 
 ral assembly, and afterwards as speaker, for many years. 
 In 1780, he was chosen an assistant, and was annually re- 
 chosen to that body twenty-four successive years ; and in 
 1804, he declined a re-election, resigned all his public offices, 
 excepting that of judge of probate, retired to his family, and 
 devoted himself to the duties of private life. 
 
 Punctuality was a strong trait in the character of Colonel 
 Williams. During somewhat more than ninety sessions of 
 the state legislature, which intervened between the begin 
 ning and close of his connection with that body, he was sel 
 dom absent from his seat ; except when he was called to per 
 form his higher duties in congress. 
 
 He was a judge of the c.ounty court, for Windham county, 
 and a judge of the court of probate for the district of Wind- 
 ham, during the long period of forty years. He was one of 
 the committee of safety during the greatest part of the war. 
 The meetings of that committee were held daily; and business 
 of much interest and importance was continually devolving on 
 them. It may, therefore, be truly said of him, that he devoted 
 his whole life to the service of his fellow citizens, in promoting 
 their welfare and prosperity ; and this with conscientious up 
 rightness rarely equalled. 
 
 In October, 1775, he was appointed by the general assem 
 bly of Connecticut, a delegate to the general congress; this 
 5 
 
92 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 
 
 congress he attended. And on this occasion, he resigned the 
 command of a regiment of militia, to which he had been ap 
 pointed two years hefore ; justly considering it incompatible 
 to hold two offices, both of which were, at that era, highly 
 important ; and the duties of but one of which he could 
 perform. 
 
 He was re-elected a delegate to congress in the year fol 
 lowing. And this placed him among those who proclaimed 
 the independence of their country ; and with them he set his 
 name to the instrument, which is to insure him an unperish- 
 ing remembrance to future generations. 
 
 Among the incidents of his life, it is proper to mention here ; 
 that, when the traitor Arnold destroyed New London ; on 
 being informed of his invasion, Colonel Williams mounted his 
 horse, and rode the distance of twenty-three miles in three 
 hours ; but was not able to reach the scene of destruction, 
 until the mischief was done, and the enemy was ready to 
 embark. 
 
 On another occasion, a short time after the battle of Ger- 
 mantown, he saved one of his colleagues, (Colonel Dyer) 
 from being captured by the enemy ; and so much exposed 
 was he in the enterprise, that he escaped himself with great 
 difficulty, and much danger, falling into the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 At the commencement of the revolutionary conflict, Colonel 
 Williams was engaged in the business of a merchant in his 
 native town. At that period, he embarked with ardor in 
 the cause of his country, and closed his mercantile business, 
 and settled up his concerns, that he might experience no 
 embarrassing interruptions from that source ; and that he 
 might be able to devote his whole time and all his exertions 
 to his country s service. 
 
 In summing up the character of Colonel Williams, it 
 will be proper to look to the basis on which the whole super 
 structure was raised and compacted. This basis was a firm 
 unwavering belief in the Bible as a divine revelation to men. 
 His faith in this was in conformity to the sentiments of the 
 Puritans who first landed at Plymouth, and in accordance 
 with leading doctrines of the great reformers ; usually de 
 nominated " the doctrines of grace." 
 
 At a time during the war, when the continental currency 
 would not procure those services which the necessities of the 
 country demanded, Colonel Williams was in possession of 
 about two thousand dollars in specie. This he exchanged 
 
CONNECTICUT. 93 
 
 for the paper currency, to promote the public service, and ulti> 
 mately lost the whole sum. 
 
 As an instance of his devotedness to the interest of the 
 public, which will evince his disinterested patriotism, may be 
 mentioned the fact, that when Lawrence s legion was sta 
 tioned at Lebanon, in the winter of 1781, to accommodate 
 the officers with comfortable quarters, he relinquished his 
 own house to them, and removed his family to another. 
 
 He was a member of the state convention which was 
 called to decide on adopting the. federal constitution. Although 
 a majority of the people of Lebanon were opposed to adopt 
 ing it, and although he was an advocate for its adoption ; 
 they, notwithstanding, chose him for their delegate ; and 
 when there, in opposition to their opinions, he advocated its 
 acceptance by the state. And it was not long before his 
 constituents expressed their gratitude to him for the part he 
 took on that occasion ; and convinced of his correctness and 
 their error, after a little time for reflection, they coalesced in 
 the opinion he had expressed on the momentous subject. 
 ^ In 1772, he was united by marriage to Mary, the second 
 daughter of Jonathan Trumbull, Esq. of Lebanon, who was 
 then governor of Connecticut. 
 
 The early death of his oldest son, deeply affected Colonel 
 Williams. That afflicting event occurred in the year 1810, 
 in the month of October. Being now far advanced in age, 
 he never recovered from the shock. His health obviously 
 declined from that time, arid after an unbroken silence of 
 four days continuance, while lying on his bed, he audibly 
 and with a full and clear voice, pronounced the name of his 
 son, and required him to attend on his dying parent. Hav 
 ing, thus spoken in that remarkable manner, he almost in- 
 stantly expired. 
 
 Thus lived, arid thus died the Hon. William Williams, of 
 Connecticut, on the 2d day of August, 1811, in the eighty- 
 first year of his age. 
 
 OLIVER WOLCOTT. 
 
 THE family bearing the name of Wolcott, was among the 
 early settlers in Connecticut. And there has been no time 
 since their distinguished ancestor, with a few associates, 
 commenced the settlement of Windsor, in that state, when 
 
94 OLIVER WOLCOTT, 
 
 the name, in some one or more of its branches, has not sus. 
 tained the reputation of possessing a full share of talents, in 
 fluence, and respectability. Henry Wolcott, the English an- 
 cestor, came from Tolland, in Somersetshire ; where he was 
 born in 1578. Having imbibed the principles of the In 
 dependents, excited the jealousy of the government, and he 
 determined to leave his native island, and repair to the wilds 
 of America. He first arrived in New England in 1628, and 
 resolving to remove his family, he returned, and brought them 
 with him in 1630. He first settled in Dorchester, in Massa 
 chusetts, a short distance from Boston. In 1636, with a few 
 associates, he began the settlement of Windsor. Not only 
 some of his descendants, but those of several of his most dis 
 tinguished associates, continue to reside in that town to this 
 day. 
 
 Henry Wolcott was not only a leading man in the settle 
 ment of Windsor, but he was distinguished among the first 
 of those who organized the government of Connecticut, then 
 comprising the three towns, Windsor, Hartford, and Wethers- 
 field ; and assisted in forming their constitution of govern 
 ment, the principles of which were incorporated in the char 
 ter, afterwards granted by Charles II. to the colony of Con 
 necticut. He lived to a good old age, and died in his seven 
 ty. eighth year. He was a member of the first general assem 
 bly of Connecticut in 1639, and continued a member, or held 
 some office in the magistracy until his death in 1655. From 
 that time to the present, some individuals of the family have 
 almost constantly been members of the assembly, magistrates, 
 judges of courts, or in the executive chair ; and have wielded 
 a full share of influence in the state, with much respectability 
 and usefulness. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott, a sketch of whose life we are now to give, 
 was the great-grandson of Henry Wolcott, and the youngest 
 son of Roger Wolcott, who, though destitute of the advan 
 tages of a public education, rose by his own efforts to high 
 rank and office both civil and military in Connecticut. He 
 was a member of the assembly and of the council. He was 
 a major general, judge of he county court, judge of the su 
 perior court, lieutenant governor, and governor of the state 
 successively. 
 
 Oliver, his youngest son, was born on the 26th day of No 
 vember, 1726. He received his education at Yale College, 
 where he graduated in 1747. The same year in which lie 
 left college, he received a captain s commission in the army 
 
CONNECTICUT. 95 
 
 He immediately raised a company and marched them to the 
 northern frontier, to aid in protecting the border settlements, 
 against the incursions of the Canadian French and hostile 
 savages, until the peace was settled at Aix-la-Chapelle ; 
 when the regiment, to which he was attached, was disbanded. 
 He then returned to Connecticut, and soon commenced the 
 study of medicine under the instruction of his brother, Doctor 
 Alexander Wolcott, a distinguished practitioner in Windsor. 
 He, however, did not commence the regular practice of me 
 dicine ; for about the time when he was contemplating it, the 
 general assembly organized the county of Litchfield, and ap 
 pointed him the first sheriff of the county. 
 
 In 1774, the freemen of Connecticut chose him a member 
 of the council, and his election was annually renewed till 
 1786. During that term he was chief judge of the county 
 court for Litchfield county, and for many years judge of the 
 court of probate for Litchfield district. In the militia, he 
 rose from a captain regularly to the rank of major general, 
 and served in every intermediate grade of office. 
 
 In 1775, congress appointed him one of the commissioners 
 of Indian affairs for the northern department. The object 
 of this commission was, to persuade the Indians to remain 
 neutral in the controversy in which the United States were 
 engaged with the British. It was an agency that required 
 to be conducted with wisdom, caution, and prudence. While 
 Mr. Wolcott was employed in the objects of this appoint 
 ment, the controversies between Connecticut and Pennsylva 
 nia, respecting boundaries, and between New York and Ver 
 mont, were in a high state of excitement, and threatened to 
 produce much injury to the American cause, by exposing the 
 people to the seductive arts of British partizans. In settling 
 and composing these jarring elements, and in uniting the 
 citizens of the New England class, who were settled in the 
 controverted territory, to support the common cause, Mr. 
 Wolcott s influence was steadily and successfully exerted. 
 Thus, by the wisdom of those commissioners, was wrested 
 from the grasp of the vigilant British emissaries, one power, 
 ful engine which they were anxious to seize and wield with 
 effect, to the great injury of the American interest. 
 
 In the beginning of 1776, he attended congress in Phila- 
 delphia, and continued there until the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence was adopted, and had recieved his signature ; he 
 then returned to Connecticut ; and by an appointment of 
 Governor Trumbull and the council of safety, he took com- 
 
96 OLIVER WOLCOTT, 
 
 mand of a detachment of Connecticut mih ia, consisting of 
 fourteen regiments, which were ordered for the defence of 
 New York. Having performed this service, and the command 
 having been transferred to other hands, he returned to his 
 home ; and after a short time, resumed his seat in congress 
 in the month of November of that year, and retired with that 
 body to Baltimore, in the winter of 1777, at the time when 
 their safety in Philadelphia was menaced by the approach of 
 the British army. 
 
 In the summer of this year, he was continually and very 
 assiduously engaged in superintending the raising of recruits ; 
 organizing and despatching detachments of militia to aid th"? 
 general interests of the military service of the United States ; 
 and in carrying on an extensive correspondence relative to 
 their military concerns ; and after having forwarded several 
 thousands of men to the aid of General Putnam, on the Hud- 
 son, he took the command of a body of volunteers, and with 
 them proceeded to join General Gates and the northern army. 
 There, under the command of Gates, he aided in subduing and 
 capturing the British army, under Major General Burgoyne. 
 
 After the capture of Burgoyne s army had been achieved, 
 and the alarm of that season was somewhat allayed, by reason 
 of that joyful event, General Wolcott returned to the em 
 ployments of civil life ; and, in February, 1778, he took his 
 seat in congress at Yorktown, and continued with that body 
 till July. 
 
 In the summer of 1779, Connecticut was invaded by a 
 British force He immediately took the command of a divi 
 sion of the Connecticut militia, for the defence of their south 
 ern coast, where the inhabitants were imminently exposed 
 to sudden attack. This called for activity and fidelity ; and 
 both were promptly rendered by General Wolcott, whose 
 personal vigor, patriotic integrity, and Christian benevolence, 
 admitted of no mediocrity of character or indecision of con- 
 duct. He continued to attend to his various duties in his 
 native state ; and from 1781 to 1783 he was occasionally en 
 gaged in his congressional duties. In 1784 and 1785, he was 
 actively employed as one of the commissioners for Indian 
 affairs in the northern department. His colleagues were 
 Richard Butler and Arthur Lee. They conjointly prescribed 
 the terms of peace with the Six Nations, or Mohawk Indians 
 
 In 1786, he was elected lieutenant governor of Connecti 
 cut, and was annually re-elected until 1796. In the spring 
 of this year he was chosen governor of the state, and re- 
 
CONNECTICUT. 9? 
 
 elected in 1797, and he retained the office till the close of his 
 life. This event occurred in December of that year, and in 
 the seventy -second year of his age. 
 
 In the character of Governor Wolcott there was an uni. 
 form consistency throughout his life. As a patriot he was 
 intelligent, bold, active, inflexible, and persevering. As a 
 statesman, he was capable, cool, and decided. As a man, 
 he always, and in every situation, exhibited a dignified mo- 
 desty never courting popularity, but always improving that 
 portion of favor gratuitously bestowed on him by his fellow 
 citizens, disinterestedly for their good. As a Christian he 
 embraced the orthodox principles of the Pilgrim Fathers of 
 New England. These he adorned by an uniform life of 
 conscientious piety, in a conformity to the precepts of the 
 gospel. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 WILLIAM FLOYD. 
 
 WILLIAM FLOYD, whose name, signed with his own hand, 
 stands on the original Declaration of Independence, was the 
 grandson of a gentleman of respectability, who came to this 
 country from Wales, in the year 1680, and established him- 
 self, as an agriculturist, at Setauket, on Long Island, in the 
 colony of New York. He soon acquired considerable dis 
 tinction among the inhabitants, by reason of his wealth and 
 public spirit. His second son, Nicoll, the father of William, 
 followed the employment of his father, and confined himself 
 principally to the occupations and enjoyments of domestic 
 life. He was removed, by death, at an early age ; and left 
 this, his eldest son, to take the superintendance of his patri 
 monial estate into his own hands. 
 
 He was born on the seventeenth day of December, 1734. 
 His father, who was a wealthy farmer, gave him a liberal 
 education, which he restricted to those branches of learning 
 that were useful, rather than the more scientific and specula- 
 
 9 
 
98 WILLIAM FLOYD, 
 
 tive studies. His academic course was hardly closed, before 
 his father s death made it necessary for him to take the over- 
 sight of his patrimonial estate. 
 
 His sound mind, disciplined and enlightened by educa 
 tion ; his friendly disposition, his kindness, and affability, all 
 united in rendering him popular in the society where he lived, 
 and early in life, designated him as a leading man among his 
 fellow citizens. His fidelity in discharging the duties of the 
 minor offices which they conferred on him, prepared them to 
 promote him to those of more importance ; and thus he was 
 introduced to an acquaintance with many of the distinguished 
 public men in different parts of the province. 
 
 The controversy between Great Britain and her American 
 colonies early engaged his attention. As in its progress, it 
 assumed a more serious and threatening aspect, he took a de 
 cided stand in opposition, and manifested a patriotic zeal and 
 an increasing ardor, in favor of the cause of the colonies. 
 In this he became early conspicuous. In all his public em 
 ployments, his conduct had fully justified, in the estimation 
 of the people, the confidence they had reposed in him ; and 
 his zealous and uniform opposition to the usurpations of the 
 British parliament, having rendered him extensively popular, 
 constituted the grounds for his being appointed a delegate to 
 the first continental congress, from New York. In that body, 
 he was associated with statesmen and patriots, who may be 
 said to have given birth to a nation. 
 
 The principal measures which immediately demanded the 
 attention of that congress, were, to enlighten the people re 
 specting the controversy in which they were soon to be uni 
 versally interested, to a degree, as it respected them, unpre 
 cedented. To direct their attention to the leading points on 
 which their opposition to the parent government rested ; to 
 rouse the languid, that they might be prepared for action of 
 that decisive character which the crisis demanded ; and to de 
 cide and confirm the wavering, that they might not, in the 
 time of trial, be found in the ranks of the enemy ; were the 
 great objects of attention. 
 
 It may be questioned whether any deliberative assembly 
 of men, collected, as the first continental congress was, from 
 different provinces, trained up under governments somewhat 
 dissimilar, placed in such a situation, in such trying circum 
 stances, called to act not only for those then living, but for 
 posterity, almost without the lights of experience to guide 
 them, ever evinced more consummate wisdom, prudence, and 
 
NEW YORK. 99 
 
 sound discretion, than the first American continental con- 
 gress, which convened in Philadelphia, in 1774. 
 
 On his return from the session of the first congress, he 
 learned that Long Island was threatened with an invasion, by 
 a naval force which had collected in Gardiner s Bay, near 
 the east end of the island. He had been appointed to the 
 command of the militia of Suffolk county, previous to his at- 
 tending in congress ; and being informed of the threatened 
 invasion, and that a landing had been effected by them, he 
 assembled the militia, put himself at their head, and promptly 
 marched to the scene of danger to drive them from the island. 
 They had, however, no occasion to try their courage, as the 
 intelligence of their approach had effected the object, without 
 having occasion to expose their lives in action. The informa 
 tion so intimidated the invading force, that they abandoned 
 their design, and returned to their ships. 
 
 He was again appointed to congress in 1775, and met with 
 his colleagues early in the session, and continued assiduously 
 employed in the discharge of his momentous duties more 
 than two years. This period embraces the time when the 
 great question of our national independence was divided. On 
 that memorable occasion, General Floyd s heart and hand 
 were in unison with those of his associates. 
 
 On the journals of that congress are recorded the numer 
 ous committees of which he was a member, and the impor 
 tant services his intelligence and active habits enabled him 
 to render, in promoting the common cause. But it is deemed 
 unnecessary to insert them particularly here ; since they 
 were similar to those which have been recorded of others, 
 who were his coadjutors. 
 
 Few of those leading patriots, who acted a conspicuous 
 part in opposing the British in the revolutionary conflict, 
 were more exposed to their ravages, or suffered more severe 
 ly by their depredations, than General Floyd. His estate 
 was on Long Island. It was a fine plantation, well stocked 
 with an abundance of fruit trees of various kinds, and very 
 excellent quality. This, together with large forests of timber 
 and firewood, lying contiguous to the New York market, ren 
 dered it of great value. All these, with his splendid mansion 
 house, and the stock on his farm, were exposed to become a 
 prey to his vindictive foes, as soon as they should be able to 
 establish themselves on the island. This event took place 
 during his attendance in congress. The American troops 
 found it necessary to evacuate the island, and the British 
 
100 WILLIAM FLOYD, 
 
 took possession. By reason of this event his family were 
 turned out of their house, and exiled from their home and 
 their property. The produce and stock of his estate were 
 seized by the enemy, to furnish provisions for their army ; 
 and his mansion house was used as a rendezvous for a party 
 of horse. Thus, for seven years, he derived no benefit from 
 his property, while he and his family were driven from their 
 home, to find safety and shelter in Connecticut. This expo 
 sure, though it subjected him to great inconvenience and se 
 rious loss of property, as well as much anxiety on account 
 of his family, did not cause any abatement in the ardor of 
 his patriotism, nor call forth regrets for the active part he had 
 taken in opposition to the enemies of his country. 
 
 After the Declaration of Independence had been proclaimed, 
 the state of New York, in conformity to the recommendations 
 of congress to the states, called a convention, and formed a 
 constitution of government for the state, as an independent 
 sovereignty. General Floyd was elected a senator in the 
 first legislative body that was convened under that constitu 
 tion. This election took place while he was yet busily em 
 ployed, in performing his duty in congress. Very important 
 duties devolved on the first legislature that met, in conformity 
 to the state government. It became necessary for them to 
 organize the new government, and adopt a code of laws, suited 
 to their new condition as a sovereign state. General Floyd 
 was a member of that assembly, and rendered important aid 
 in putting the new system of government in operation. With 
 an exception of some short intervals, he attended and was ac 
 tively engaged more than a twelvemonth. Nearly two 
 months before he finished his services in the state legislature, 
 he was again elected a delegate to congress. He took his 
 seat in January, 1779, and continued busily engaged in pro 
 moting the public interests till the June following, when he 
 obtained leave of absence, and returned to the state of New 
 York, where his services were again demanded in the legis 
 lature. 
 
 The paper currency had at that time become so much de 
 preciated, that great alarm pervaded the whole community ; 
 and loudly called for the adoption of some measure which 
 would check its declining progress ; and as,, far as might be 
 practicable, remedy the evils already incurred. This delicat o 
 and difficult subject was referred to a joint committee of the 
 two houses, of which General Floyd was a member from the 
 senate. In his report to that body, which he rendered in 
 
NEW YORK. 101 
 
 September, are contained those correct financial principles, 
 the application of which soon began to produce a beneficial 
 change ; and when he retired from public life, he had the sa 
 tisfaction of witnessing the happy results, in the truly prosper 
 ous condition of the finances of the state. The state had thus 
 been rescued from a condition verging on bankruptcy, and 
 raised to one of prosperity almost unparalleled. 
 
 About this time, speculators had begun an extensive prac 
 tice of purchasing provisions, with a view to a monopoly. 
 They carried it to such an extent, that a famine was threaten 
 ing the country. It was well known that the public must 
 have provisions for the army, at any price that holders pleased 
 to demand. In these circumstances, a convention of dele 
 gates from several states was appointed to meet in New Eng 
 land, to adopt some regulations respecting public supplies. 
 The delegates from New York were William Floyd, John 
 Sloss Hobart, and Ezra L. Hommedieu. To attend that 
 service they were appointed on the 14th day of October, 
 1779. Three days previous to this appointment, General 
 Floyd was re-elected a delegate to congress ; where he took 
 his seat on the second day of December following. By this 
 congress he was appointed a member of two of the most im 
 portant executive boards then recognized in the government ; 
 the treasury and the admiralty. He, however, soon asked 
 permission to be discharged from the treasury board ; finding 
 his health too much impaired by his incessant employments, 
 to enable him to attend on the services which both demanded. 
 Indeed, his health had become impaired to such a degree, by 
 his constant employments, as made another recess from pub 
 lic service indispensable. Consequently, on the first of April, 
 1779, he asked for, and obtained leave of absence. But the 
 demands of the public for his service did not suffer him to 
 enjoy that relaxation from active duties, which the state of his 
 health required. In the month of May following his retire 
 ment from congress, the senate of New York was convened ; 
 and by their direction their clerk notified him, that his at 
 tendance in his place was required without delay. In com 
 pliance with that notification he repaired to their place of ses 
 sion, and appeared in his seat. He was immediately placed 
 on a committee, to which was submitted a resolution of con 
 gress, which embraced all the most important relations sub 
 sisting between congress, as the government of the country, 
 and that of the state. On these relations they were to delib 
 erate, and make their report to the senate. At that session thi 
 
 9* 
 
102 WILLIAM FLOYD, 
 
 question of making bills of credit a legal tender was introdu 
 ced. This subject had begun to agitate the country, and was 
 justly producing much warmth of feeling. It was urged on 
 the one part, as a necessary expedient, growing out of the 
 existing exigencies of the country. Genera! Floyd, however, 
 strenuously opposed its sanction by the state government, 
 though unsuccessfully. He was fully persuaded that the evils 
 which would result from its adoption, would far more than 
 counterbalance any temporary benefits which could accrue 
 from it to the general government. The correctness of his 
 sentiments on that subject, has long since been settled by 
 the sanction of the whole community. 
 
 He was one of those who clearly perceived, and early ad- 
 vocated, the importance of so organizing the general govern 
 ment, as that it should be empowered by other means than 
 requesting and petitioning the several members of the confed 
 eracy, to draw on them for their proportion of aid to the com 
 mon cause, in order that the requisite supplies for the public 
 service should be more promptly rendered. Hence, in the 
 egislature of New York, he reported in favor, and advocated 
 the forming of a confederation of the several states, in order 
 hat this indispensable power should be vested in congress. 
 
 In April, 1780, he was once more elected a delegate to 
 congress, but he continued his attendance in the state senate 
 till the autumn following, and took his seat in congress in De 
 cember. In this session he was much occupied on two subjects 
 of great interest to the state of New York; one was the cession 
 of the western territory to the general government, and fix 
 ing the western limits of the state ; the other, the controversy 
 with New Hampshire, respecting their mutual claim to that 
 territory which is now the state of Vermont. He was suc 
 cessively chosen to represent the state in congress till 17S3, 
 when peace having taken place, the independence of his 
 country acknowledged by Great Britain, and the country 
 conducted safely through that long and arduous struggle, by 
 which their freedom had been achieved, he joyfully returned 
 with his family to his own house, after an exile of seven years ; 
 nnd his return to reside with them, in peace and tranquillity, 
 was hailed with numerous demonstrations of the pleasure 
 which the event occasioned. 
 
 As might have been expected, when he re-occupied his 
 estate, he found it in a state of dilapidation, and almost ruined. 
 Having taken such a conspicuous stand in support of the 
 cause of his country s independence, and having been so 
 
NEW YORK. 103 
 
 prominent an actor in opposition to the British domination, he 
 was marked by the tories as an object of especial vengeance ; 
 and his property, wherever it was accessible, as legitimate 
 plunder. Hence, the naked soil was almost the only thing 
 that remained without marks of destruction. In consequence 
 of the state of his private affairs he declined a re-election 
 to congress ; but continued to serve his native state in their 
 senate till 1788. 
 
 Upon the adoption of the federal constitution, when the 
 general government was to be new organized, he was re 
 turned a member of the first congress, wj^ich was convened 
 in the city of New York, on the fourth *ay of March, 1789. 
 Having served during that congress, he de-dined being again 
 a candidate for the office. 
 
 The very numerous instances of popular favor which were 
 conferred on General Floyd, during a term of more than half 
 a century, will indicate, with sufficient clearness, the estima 
 tion in which he was held by his constituents ; and the up 
 rightness and integrity with which he discharged the duties 
 assigned him, are evinced by their long continued approbation. 
 
 In 1784, he purchased a tract .of land on ihe PtlohaAvk 
 River. It was then in a state of nature, without inhabitants, 
 and without culture. As he was now freed from public de 
 mands on his time, he undertook to improve it ; and in a 
 few years, transformed it from a wilderness into a number of 
 flourishing and productive farms. As the western part of 
 this state had already begun to attract the attention of set 
 tlers, the beauty of the country, and the productiveness of the 
 soil induced him to transfer his residence thither in 1803, at 
 the age of sixty-nine. 
 
 In 1800, he was appointed an elector of president and vice 
 president of the United States. In the year following he 
 was chosen a delegate to the convention that was called for 
 revising the constitution of New York. He. served after 
 this repeatedly as a presidential elector the last time the 
 year before his death. Subsequently he was chosen to the 
 senate of that state. With some few exceptions, he had en 
 joyed sound health, till a short period previous to his decease. 
 His mental powers seemed to have retained their pristine 
 vigor to the close of his iife. That event occurred on the 
 fourth day of August, 1821, and at the age of eighty-seven 
 years. 
 
 His life was long, active, and useful to the public. He 
 was a man of business, rather than a debating politician. 
 
104 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 
 
 Having once formed his opinions, he set himself about ac 
 complishing his purposes ; and often encountered and sur 
 mounted obstacles, where men of less decision of character 
 would have yielded, and given over the pursuit, as a hopeless 
 enterprise. His patriotism was undeviating ; his integrity 
 inflexible ; and his name, inscribed on the national charter, 
 will descend to posterity, in connection with others, as one of 
 the veterans who contributed to establish that independence 
 of the United States, which they so magnanimously asserted 
 and proclaimed to the world. 
 
 PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 
 
 PHILIP LIVINGSTON was descended from a respectable an 
 cestry, and his family name has long been distinguished in 
 New York. H.s grandfather, John Livingston, was a minister 
 of the gospel in the Scotch church, who lived an exemplary 
 life, and in a manner consistent with his public character. In 
 663, he left Scotland, and emigrated to Rotterdam. There 
 ne ended his life and ministry in 1672. Robert Livingston, 
 his son, soon after his father s decease, came to America, 
 and obtained a grant of the manor of Livingston, in what 
 was then the colony of New York. He had three sons, -of 
 whom Philip was the oldest ; and was consequently heir to 
 the manor. His brother Robert was grandfather of Chan 
 cellor Livingston, and his youngest brother Gilbert, was 
 grandfather of the Reverend Doctor John Livingston, late 
 president of Rutgers College, at New Brunswick, N. Jersey, 
 now deceased. Philip, the subject of this memoir, was the 
 fourth son of his father, to whom he gave his own name. 
 He was born in Albany, on the fifteenth day of January, 1716. 
 
 At the time when his preparatory education was sufficiently 
 advanced for him to become a member of a college, there 
 were no flourishing schools of a high order existing in the 
 province of New York ; and those intended for the elementary 
 instruction were few and inferior. 
 
 To obtain the advantages of a collegiate education the 
 father of Mr. Livingston sent him to Yale College, at New 
 Haven, in Connecticut, where he graduated in 1737. 
 
NEW YORK. 105 
 
 Soon after he returned from college he engaged in com. 
 merce, and was soon concerned in extensive business. His 
 views were comprehensive ; and an established character for 
 integrity, sagacious management, and uprightness in his 
 dealings, laid a foundation for prosperity, which was amply 
 realized in the success that attended his enterprise. He 
 established himself in the city of New York ; and in 1754, 
 when the city contained less than eleven thousand souls, he 
 was elected an alderman of the east ward of the city. This 
 was his commencement in public life. To that office he was 
 annually re-elected for nine successive years ; and he per- 
 formed the duties which his office required to the universal 
 approbation of his constituents. 
 
 Sir Charles Hardy, governor of the colony of New York, 
 having been appointed a rear admiral in the navy, resigned 
 his office, and the government devolved on Lieutenant Go- 
 vernor Delancey. On the occurrence of this change in the 
 administration, he dissolved the general assembly of the co 
 lony, and a new election of members was consequently made. 
 Although the compensation of the members was at that time 
 a mere trifle, their elections were contested with a zeal and 
 in a manner very similar to the choice of members of parlia 
 ment in England. To that assembly he and one of his 
 brothers were members. The population of the whole colony 
 was about 100,000. 
 
 The meeting of that assembly was during what is well 
 known in this country by "the -French war." Mr. Living 
 ston s superior education, and activity as a man of business, 
 rendered him conspicuous among his colleagues, and made 
 him a leading member of the house. Much of the important 
 business which that assembly had to act upon related to the 
 war operations in the north. Mr. Livingston was forward in 
 devising and maturing those measures, which, in conjunction 
 with the efforts of the other colonial governments and the 
 mother country, resulted in the capture of Ticonderoga, 
 Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec, and shortly after in the 
 subjugation of the whole of Canada. 
 
 Previously to the revolution, each of the American colonies 
 had its agent in Great Britain, w r ho was employed to pay 
 particular attention to their interests in the parliament. Ro- 
 bert Charles, Esq. had been an agent for the province ot 
 New York. On his decease, the renowned Edmund Burke 
 was employed to fill that office. A special committee was 
 appointed, as a standing body, to hold correspondence with 
 
106 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 
 
 their agent ; and Mr. Livingston being on that committee at 
 .he time of Mr. Burke s engagement, he was in constant corres. 
 pondence with him. It is supposed that this correspondence 
 of Mr. Livingston, was one principal source from whence Mr. 
 Burke derived his enlightened and correct views of the policy 
 which he so strenuously supported in favor of the Americans 
 in opposition to the ministry. Mr. Livingston early imbibed 
 principles of determined resistance to all the measures of hos 
 tility against the rights of the Americans, which ministers at- 
 tempted, insidiously and by circumvention, to enforce. In 
 this respect he anticipated most of the public men in that 
 province. This remark is confirmed by a reported answer 
 to the speech of the acting governor, Golden, on whom, as 
 president of the council, the administration devolved, on the 
 decease of the lieutenant governor. The reported answer 
 was rendered in 1784, after Mr. Golden had been appointed 
 lieutenant governor of New York. It was drawn up by Mr. 
 Livingston, and breathed sentiments much more consonant 
 with the spirit that had then begun to operate in Fanuiel Hall, 
 han the government house of New York. From those senti 
 ments he never swerved ; but boldly, and with an animating 
 eloquence, sustained them in the provincial assemblies, and in 
 the continental congress, to the close of his honorable life 
 With him were associated George Glinton, Pierre Van Gort- 
 land, General Philip Schuyler, Abraham Ten Broeck. 
 Charles De Witt, and Henry Wisner. These men, of whom 
 the mention of their names is sufficient, placed Philip Living, 
 ston as their leader, and they enlisted under his banner. They 
 were all members of the general assembly that was elected 
 when Sir Henry Moore was governor, to succeed one which 
 he had dissolved, on his accession to the office. 
 
 When the assembly met in October, 1768, Mr. Livingston 
 was chosen speaker by twenty members, when the house 
 consisted, if all were present, of but twenty-seven. This fact 
 will show how great was the comparative strength of the 
 whig party in the assembly at that period. But this subse 
 quently was so diminished, that the governor could command 
 a majority who were subservient to his views and purposes, 
 during several years. From that time he did not take a 
 seat in the provincial assembly. 
 
 He was chosen a member of the first congress that met 
 September 5th, in Philadelphia, in 1774. He was ap 
 pointed on a committee, to prepare an address to the people 
 of Great Britain. 
 
NEW YORK. 107 
 
 The spirit of opposition having now risen to a height that 
 precluded all hope and prospect of a compromise, while the 
 assembly contained a majority who were creatures of the royal 
 governor, the counties of New York, Albany, Dutchess, Ul 
 ster, Orange, Westchester, Kings, and Suffolk, united in 
 choosing deputies to a provincial convention, which was held 
 at New York, in April, 1775. That convention appointed 
 Philip Livingston, George Clinton, James Duane, John Alsop, 
 Simon Boerum, William Floyd, John Jay, Henry Wisner, 
 Philip Schuyler, Lewis Morris, Francis Lewis, and Robert R, 
 Livingston, delegates to the congress, which had adjourned on 
 the 26th of October preceding, to meet again in May, 1775. 
 
 The convention authorized any five of these delegates, to 
 act for them ; and gave them full powers to concert with dele 
 gates from other colonies, and determine upon and adopt such 
 measures, as should be deemed most effectual for a restoration 
 of the rights of Americans, for securing their preservation in 
 future, and for restoring harmony with Great Britain. 
 
 It was this congress which declared the independence of 
 the United States ; and Mr. Livingston, with his colleagues, 
 William Floyd, Francis Lewis, and Lewis Morris, was pre 
 sent to subscribe his name to the much admired and memo 
 rable state paper. On the ninth of the same month, their act 
 received the unanimous sanction of the convention of New 
 York, then in session at White Plains. 
 
 On the 15th day of the month, which gave birth to the 
 American nation, congress appointed Mr. Livingston a mem 
 ber of the treasury board ; and of the marine committee in 
 the following April. 
 
 The American Independence having been declared and 
 proclaimed, congress recommended to the several states to 
 adopt each a government for itself, that their acts might have 
 the sanction of laws, by authority derived from the people. 
 In compliance with that recommendation, a new government 
 was formed by a convention of delegates, chosen by the peo 
 ple of New York ; and after it had been adopted by the peo 
 ple, Mr. Livingston was chosen a senator under it. That 
 was the first senate of the state of New York. Their first 
 meeting was on the 10th day of September, 1777, and on the 
 2d of October following, he, James Duane, Francis Lewis, 
 William Duer, and Governeur Morris, were elected the first 
 delegates to congress by authority of the state government. 
 
 In 1778, at the most gloomy period of the contest, after 
 the British had obtained possession of Philadelphia, con 
 
108 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 
 
 gress had to retreat to York, in Pennsylvania for their own 
 safety. Their situation was most critical and dishearten, 
 ing. Mr. Livingston, then in poor health and quite feeble, 
 in compliance with a request of the state government, con 
 sented to leave his family, and take his seat in congress. 
 
 In view of his precarious state of health, he had a presenti 
 ment that he should not return ; and under that impression, 
 previous to taking his departure, he visited his friends in Al 
 bany for the last time. On his return to his family, (then in 
 Kingston) he addressed to them a valedictory letter, express 
 ing his belief that he should not see them any more. The 
 same opinion, in reference to his own family, he expressed, 
 when prepared for his journey to congress ; and, on taking 
 his departure, he bade them a final farewell. This took place 
 in May/ 1778 ; and on the 12th of June following, the melan 
 choly event, so truly anticipated by him, and so ardently de 
 precated by his family and friends, was realized. He had la 
 bored under a dropsy in the chest, for a considerable time ; 
 and well assured of the fatal termination of that disease, he 
 would have chosen to remain in the quiet of domestic life, 
 and to have yielded up his life in the midst of his family. But 
 his duty called him to leave them, for the benefit of his coun- 
 ry ; and a call of duty was imperative with him. Thus, as 
 .ie anticipated, death met him at a distance from home, de 
 prived of the consolations and the society of all his family, 
 except his son Henry, then but eighteen years of age. This 
 youth was then residing in the family of General Washington. 
 On being informed of his father s illness, he immediately re 
 paired to him, to perform for him the last duties which were 
 prompted by filial piety and affection. 
 
 When intelligence of his decease was announced to con 
 gress, they immediately took the necessary measures for 
 having his funeral obsequies attended with such testimonials 
 of respect, as became the occasion ; and put on the usual 
 badge of mourning, to be worn by them during the term of 
 one month. 
 
 Thus terminated the life of Philip Livingston, one of the fa 
 thers of the American republic ; a life usefully and patriot 
 ically devoted to the good of his fellow men, with untarnished 
 honor to himself, and extensive usefulness to his country ; and 
 what reflected a peculiar lustre over his character was, he 
 was a Christian. He honored its institutions in his life ; and 
 left the world with a joyful anticipation of those inestimable 
 
NEW YORK. 109 
 
 blessings in the life to come, which the gospel assures to 
 every true believer. 
 
 He was a liberal patron of several institutions for public 
 benefit. He, and several associates of a kindred spirit, about 
 the middle of the eighteenth century, were accustomed to 
 hold weekly meetings of a social and friendly nature, in the 
 city of New York. At one of those meetings the plan of a 
 public library was suggested. It was promptly adopted, and 
 carried into execution ; this was the beginning of what is now 
 the New York city library ; and his name is mentioned in the 
 act of incorporation, as one of those who set on foot a sub 
 scription for its establishment. 
 
 He was one of the first governors of the New York hospi 
 tal, which received a charter in 1771. He was also, one of 
 the founders of the chamber of commerce ; and he actively 
 promoted the establishment of what was then called " Kings, 
 (but now Columbia College.) He took much pleasure in pro 
 moling commerce, and agriculture, as the then leading, and 
 most sure sources of the country s wealth and prosperity. 
 
 His patriotism was pure, ardent, and undeviating. Evi 
 dence of this has already been furnished, in the progress of 
 this sketch ; another may be added with propriety. Indeed 
 it is too honorable to his character to be withheld. A short 
 time previous to his death, and with a full presentiment of the 
 approach of that event, he sold a part of his property, to help 
 sustain the public credit, which was then much depressed, 
 and in a suffering condition. 
 
 FRANCIS LEWIS. 
 
 FRANCIS LEWIS, whose life was chequered with many in 
 cidents, was a native of the island of Great Britain, born in 
 the principality of Wales in 1713, in the town of Landaff. 
 His father was a minister of the episcopal church in that 
 town. His mother was the daughter of another clergyman of 
 the same standing and profession in North Wales. Francis 
 was the only child of his parents ; and he was deprived of 
 them by death, when he was but four or five years old. Being 
 thus left at that early age an orphan, he was taken by a ma 
 ternal aunt, who was unmarried, and who took the best possi- 
 
 10 
 
110 FRANCIS LEWIS, 
 
 ble care of him in her power. She took pains to have him 
 taught fully to understand his native language ; and he also 
 jearned the Gaelic tongue in Scotland, whither he was sent 
 while young to a family o relatives in the Highlands. These 
 languages he retained for many years, perhaps to the close 
 of his life. 
 
 At a suitable age he was taken by an uncle, who was 
 Dean of St. Paul s in London, and put to the celebrated West- 
 minster school, where he finished his classical education, and 
 left it with the reputation of a good scholar. On leaving 
 school, he was put an apprentice to a merchant in London, 
 and served in his compting room a regular clerkship ; and 
 .here became qualified for the business of his future life. 
 
 Having at the age of twenty. one years come into posses 
 sion of a sum of money, he vested it in articles of merchan- 
 disc, and with it embarked for New York. As the market 
 In that city was comparatively small, and not sufficient to de 
 mand his whole cargo, he formed a partnership with a Mr. 
 Annesley ; left a part of it with him, and went with the 
 residue to Philadelphia. After spending about two years 
 in that city, he returned to New York, and made it his future 
 place of business and abode. He entered extensively into 
 navigation and foreign commerce. He now became more 
 intimately connected with his partner in trade, by marrying 
 his sister ; by her he had seven children, three only survived 
 infancy. 
 
 His commercial pursuits called him much abroad ; in pro 
 secuting his business, he travelled extensively in Europe. 
 Twice he went to Russia, and pushed his trade in all her sea 
 ports from St. Petersburgh to Archangel ; he was also in the 
 northern isles of Scotland ; and two several times was ship 
 wrecked on the coast of Ireland. He took an active part in 
 the " old French war," and was with his friend Colonel Mer 
 sey, (or Mercer,) in the fort of Oswego, as a purchaser of 
 supplies for the British troops, when Montcalm reduced the 
 fortress, and imprisoned the garrison. Colonel Mersey having 
 command, Mr. Lewis served as his aid. Mersey was killed, 
 and Lewis was captured, and taken to Canada. From thence, 
 after some time, he was sent to France, and regularly ex 
 changed. At the close of that war, the British government 
 gave Mr. Lewis five thousand acres of land as a compensa 
 tion for his military services. 
 
 After Mr. Pitt became minister, Mr. Lewis began, with 
 
NEW YORK. Ill 
 
 other patriots, to oppose the encroachments of the English 
 government on the colonial rights, and undeviatingly persist 
 ed in his opposition till the revolution. 
 
 When the house of representatives of Massachusetts recom 
 mended a congress of delegates, from all the colonies, to be 
 held in New York, in 1765, after the information of the stamp 
 act having passed had reached this country, Mr. Lewis was 
 a delegate to that congress for New York. He entered fully 
 into the measures which were adopted by that body, and gave 
 them his cordial support. When an attempt was made to 
 put that odious law into operation, Mr. Lewis retired from 
 business to a country residence which he owned on Long 
 Island, where he resided until 1771. He then recommenced 
 business, with a view of establishing his eldest son, and 
 formed a partnership under the firm of " Francis Lewis and 
 Son." But he again relinquished trade on the commencement 
 of hostilities, in 1775. 
 
 On the twenty-second of April, 1775, by a convention of 
 delegates from several counties in the province of New York, 
 which convened in that city, Mr. Lewis was appointed a dele 
 gate to the continental congress. And in December follow, 
 ing, he was continued by the provincial congress of New 
 Y^ork, a member for 1776. His conduct and that of his 
 colleagues, in voting for and signing the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence, was fully sanctioned by a convention of the state 
 representatives, which fhet at White Plains on the 9th of July, 
 the same month in which they had given their sanction to the 
 act. 
 
 When the representatives of New York met in May, 1777, 
 at Kingston, Mr. Lewis received a public vote of thanks of 
 the convention, for his long and faithful services rendered to 
 the colony and state of New York ; and in October of the 
 same year, he was again chosen to a seat in the continental 
 congress. A year after that election, he was chosen a fourth 
 and last time to represent New Y ork in that national assem 
 bly. 
 
 While he was in congress, he acted in various capacities ; 
 for which his extensive knowledge of commercial business 
 eminently qualified him. He was always active, always in 
 telligent, always patriotic, and always upright. He was 
 employed in purchasing clothing for the army, in contracting 
 for provisions, for importing arms and ammunition, and in 
 secret services for the government. He was also, on the 
 committee of claims, which was instituted for putting the 
 
112 LEWIS MORRIS, 
 
 accounts of the continent in a condition for settlement. He 
 acted on many other committees, the duties of which, though 
 not splendid, were nevertheless of much importance. It is 
 deemed needless to enumerate them all. He, with Messrs. 
 Sherman and Gerry, was appointed to repair to head quarters, 
 near New York, to inquire into the state of the army, and to 
 devise the best means for supplying its wants. 
 
 Not long after his retirement from congress, that body was 
 not unmindful of his valuable services, and they appointed 
 him a commissioner for the board of admiralty ; that office he 
 accepted. 
 
 The British wasted his property, they plundered what they 
 could remove, and destroyed all that was immovable ; inso 
 much, that at the termination of the war, he had but little 
 more left than sufficient to pay his debts contracted before the 
 war began. But they carried their resentment still farther ; 
 they took Mrs. Lewis a prisoner, and confined her in a close 
 prison for several months, without a bed, and without a change 
 of raiment. She, after immense suffering, was exchanged 
 through the agency of General Washington. But she came 
 from her severe confinement with a ruined constitution, and 
 in about two years paid the debt of nature. 
 
 Mr. Lewis survived his wife until 1802, dying in December 
 of that year, in the ninetieth year of his age. He left behind 
 him an unsullied character. 
 
 LEWIS MORRIS. 
 
 LEWIS MORRIS, of whom we now speak, was born in Mor- 
 risania, in his paternal mansion, in the year 1726. Being 
 the oldest of several sons he of course became proprietor 
 of the manorial estate. 
 
 After having prosecuted the usual preparatory studies to 
 qualify him for admission to college, he entered Yale College 
 at the age of sixteen years, where he prosecuted his studies, 
 under the presidency of the Reverend T. Clapp. At the 
 end of four years, the usual period of the academic course in 
 that seminary, he graduated, receiving " the honors of col- 
 lege" at twenty years of age. From college he returned to 
 his estate, and devoted his attention to the business of agricul 
 
NEW YORK. 113 
 
 ture. Possessing in a pre-eminent degree those personal 
 attractions, which are usually estimated at their full value, 
 abounding with wealth and having a social disposition, he 
 was the universal favorite in every circle ; and at an early 
 age he became very popular throughout the colony. Though 
 thus formed to adorn polite society, such as concentrates in 
 commercial cities, he notwithstanding devoted himself to the 
 endearments of domestic life, and his favorite pursuits of 
 agriculture. 
 
 Thus was Lewis Morris situated, in possession of every 
 property which could contribute to a pleasurable life ; blessed 
 with a numerous offspring, esteemed by a large circle of 
 warm hearted friends, with whom, at his mansion, he shared 
 his hospitality, it would appear that he could have no induce 
 ment to encounter the effects of any change in the condition 
 of his country. Much he had to lose ; and nothing to gain. 
 
 When the time arrived, in which it was deemed necessary 
 to choose his side of the great question about to be discussed, 
 had he felt disposed to delay and equivocate, he had the coun 
 tenance of numerous and distinguished examples in the colony, 
 to sustain him in such a war; but he was not compounded 
 of such materials as would allow him to hesitate. Like 
 some others in that, and in several of the other colonies, 
 he was among the first to perceive, what the ultimate 
 resort, and the final termination of that dispute, which was 
 the first attempt by parliament to assert their sovereign right 
 to impose taxes on the colonies, without their consent, would 
 produce. He also descried what must be the condition ot 
 these colonies, should that principle be carried into effect, 
 and become an established precedent, as it would, if the stamp- 
 act, and others which followed, embracing the same princi 
 ple, were put in force without opposition. Looking with a 
 discerning eye to the end of the contest, he perceived the 
 indispensable necessity of a determined resistance to that 
 claim. 
 
 While many of his friends were cheering their hearts with 
 the delusive hope, held forth in the repeal of the stamp act, 
 and some other gleams of a fairer prospect, which occasion 
 ally broke through the impending cloud, and partially bright 
 ened this western hemisphere, with a prospect of reconcilia 
 tion, Morris, like Hawley, J. and S. Adams, Hancock, and 
 others in Massachusetts and in other colonies, clearly per 
 ceived that this would not be realized. He saw that nego 
 tiation, petitions, and remonstrances would all fail, and that 
 
 10* 
 
114 LEWIS MORRIS, 
 
 " after all we must fight." From this conclusion, early 
 formed, he never varied. In the course it indicated he never 
 faultered ; and for the safety of his country, and for se 
 curing the rights and liberty of her inhabitants, he felt deeply 
 the necessity of entering on a system of measures for placing 
 her in the best possible posture for resisting invasion. 
 
 He was a patriot that knew not how to temporize. Although 
 not precipitate, he was determined ; and his determination 
 was of that calm, deliberate kind, which results from convic 
 tion. Hence it was that in his views, he was far in advance 
 of many of the influential men in that colony. His circum 
 stances shielded him against any suspicion of espousing the 
 American cause with a view to sinister objects. He was 
 not ambitious or aspiring. He might have office if he desired 
 it. His domestic life and comforts silenced every suggestion 
 that selfish motives might have urged upon him. He could 
 gain nothing. He might sacrifice all, by resisting the parent 
 government. Yet he chose to resist ; and he did resist. 
 
 When the act of parliament was made known, which re 
 quired a part of the inhabitants of the colony of New York, 
 and others in other colonies, to furnish additional articles for 
 the king s troops quartered among them, it gave rise to feel 
 ings of strong displeasure among the colonists at large. But 
 n no one were they more general and decided than in New 
 jfork. The law was entirely partial, operating exclusively 
 )n the inhabitants of those places where the troops were sta 
 tioned. 
 
 In New York it was determined to resist the law, and pre 
 sent its being executed. Mr. Morris, although a private 
 citizen, did not hesitate about declaring openly and on any 
 occasion, that the law was unconstitutional and tyrannical, 
 and that it was not to be submitted to unless by compulsion. 
 The legislature refused to comply with the requisition ; and 
 although compelled to submit by a superior force, he never 
 wavered in his sentiments, nor in his exertions to rouse the 
 people to prepare for the conflict which he saw approaching. 
 
 The tragic scenes which were acting in New England, and 
 especially in Massachusetts, about this time, combined their 
 influence in convincing the colonies generally, that to pro- 
 tept themselves, and preserve their liberty, it was necessary 
 to act in concert. This conviction *led to the establishment 
 of committees of correspondence, committees of safety, and 
 to the general congress of 1774. To all these patriotic mea 
 sures Mr. Morris gave his countenance openly and without 
 
NEW YORK. 115 
 
 reserve. At this era, when many even of his friends and 
 fellow citizens clung to the hope that an amicable adjustment 
 of the dispute would yet be effected, and the tranquil state ot 
 the colonies be no further disturbed, he saw no medium where 
 he could indulge such a hope. With him the alternatives 
 were persist decidedly, or-submit to tyranny ; fight, and 
 conquer your enemies ; or yield to slavery on yourselves and 
 posterity. Between these he would not hesitate. 
 
 When the delegates to the first congress were chosen, few 
 comparatively, even among the best informed and decidedly 
 patriotic, contemplated war as the result of the dispute be 
 tween the colonies and England. The object sought and 
 desired from the deliberations of that assembly, was a settle 
 ment in a pacific manner, of all the existing difficulties, and 
 a preservation of the constitutional rights of the colonists, and 
 yet continue connected with the parent government. 
 
 Mr. Morris was too decided and frank in expressing hiss 
 opinions, to be selected by the people of New York, with their 
 feelings, for a member of that congress. His sentiments in 
 favor of the rights of the colonies were too decided and ar- 
 dent; and his avowed opposition to the arbitrary conduct of 
 ihe British parliament, was too bold and unaccommodating to 
 ake a part in the deliberations of an assembly, whose views 
 extended no farther than loyal addresses, remonstrances, and 
 petitions. 
 
 But the time was near, and soon arrived, when men of 
 other views, and other feelings, were required to take the 
 .ead, and give a direction to the course to be pursued in fu 
 ture. Although the congress of 1774, contained a number of 
 hat character, there were others, whose resolution wa 
 vered, and whose hopes withered, when contemplating an 
 open resistance of the power of Great Britain. The period 
 between the first and second congress had disclosed occur 
 rences, and presented facts, which wrought a great change 
 in the sentiments of the people at large ; and prepared them 
 to commit their cause to the management of men, whose 
 views and feelings corresponded with those which Mr. Mor 
 ris had long and openly avowed. He was now elected a 
 delegate from the province of New York. In that assembly 
 he found men of kindred spirits, and possessing views corre 
 sponding with his own. He was elected in April, and took 
 his seat in congress, in May, 1775. 
 
 With such sentiments as he had long entertained, respect 
 ing the nature and design of the contest, and the great object 
 
 6 
 
116 LEWIS MORRIS, 
 
 the English government had in view, relative to the American 
 colonies, on the one part, and the necessity, and the extent of 
 resistence, by the colonies, on the other, he entered the hall 
 of congress, and he was already prepared to enter on, and 
 prosecute to the greatest, extent, and the fullest effect, such 
 measures of defence, and of resistence, to every invasion of 
 his country s just rights, as congress might command. 
 
 Before the session closed, he went to the westward, on 
 the difficult service of endeavoring to dissuade the Indians 
 from joining the British, and to induce them to unite with the 
 Americans. On this mission he was absent in Pittsburgh, 
 until the setting in of winter, constantly employed in promo 
 ting the views of congress, and in regular correspondence 
 with the government, on the business in which he was en- 
 gaged. In truth, he was employed, either in congress or out, 
 continually, in providing for the defence, and safety of his 
 country, whose cause he had espoused, with the fullest con 
 viction of its rectitude, and with a determination to sustain it 
 till victory should perch on the banner of liberty, or to be 
 buried in its ruins. 
 
 The reluctance with which the great body of citizens, and 
 also the provincial congress of New York, approached the 
 subject of declaring independence, even after it had been 
 noarly, if not fully resolved on by congress, was a serious 
 embarrassment to the proceedings of their delegation. They 
 were fully convinced of its indispensable necessity, to a suc 
 cessful resistance of England, and a vigorous prosecution of 
 the war; and they were strangely impressed with the great 
 importance of having the measure sustained by an unani 
 mous vote, if practicable, at least by a majority in the dele 
 gation from the several states. But this awkwardness on the 
 part of the people, and the congress of that province, lay as a 
 heavy weight on their delegates, while the cannon of General 
 Howe roused them from their lethargy, and in a few days, 
 advanced them to a point of decision, which some other colo 
 nies had attained six months before. 
 
 It cannot be surprising that the inhabitants of New York 
 should feel some reluctance, when agitating the proposal of 
 declaring independence. They had the desolation of the 
 town of Falmouth, and some other places, presented before 
 them, the sufferings inflicted on Boston by the occupation of 
 a British army ; and their peculiar exposure to a bombard 
 ment by the British fleet then on the coast, as solemn admo 
 nitions of what they might expect would soon be dealt ont 
 
NEW YORK. 117 
 
 to them, in their defenceless condition. But, in all their 
 danger, Mr. Morris shared as amply as any other individual 
 of the province. His elegant mansion, his fine estate, his 
 valuable timber, then growing in the vicinity of the city, and 
 the exposed situation of his family all these presented con 
 siderations of much weight to his mind, and all tending power- 
 fully, to repress his ardor in favor of adopting such a bold 
 and irrevocable measure, as that of renouncing allegiance to 
 the royal government. But he acted not from selfish mo 
 tives in this instance. A high principle, a disinterested re 
 gard for the happiness of the country in all future time, which 
 he believed would be secured by it, impelled him to advocate 
 the measure at the moment when his own dwellings and fa 
 mily were within reach of the guns of an English squadron, 
 then riding at anchor opposite to his residence. 
 
 It is not easy to contemplate a situation attended with con 
 siderations more strongly tending to excite and quicken the 
 feelings of a selfish heart, than that in which Mr. Morris was 
 placed at the time when the question of independence was 
 discussed on the floor of congress. But he was unmoved by 
 them. He was stedfast ; and moved directly forward to the 
 point; and without hesitation sanctioned by his vote and sig 
 nature, that measure, which devoted his establishment to 
 havoc and desolation, himself to the peculiar vengeance of 
 the enemy, and his family to dangers and sufferings severe 
 and numerous, but which rescued his country from vassalage. 
 
 The result proved those sufferings to have been as many and 
 severe, as the most gloomy imagination with all its fore 
 bodings could have anticipated. His house was ruined, and 
 his farm wasted. His cattle were driven off, and appro 
 priated to the subsistence of the invaders. His beautiful 
 forest, of more than a thousand acres, given up to " havoc 
 and spoil." His family driven into exile, and his whole estate 
 subjected to all the desolating effects of an enraged soldiery, 
 urged on in their work of destruction by feelings of vengeance 
 toward the man who had boldly renounced allegiance. But 
 the patriotism of his family, like his own, induced them to 
 submit without, murmuring to all the privations and sufferings 
 they were called to endure, in the combat which was to de 
 cide the future condition of their country. 
 
 His three eldest sons took up arms, and entered the field 
 in defence of their country. They served with reputation in 
 UfTerent capacities, and received, as they had merited, the 
 Approbation of congress. 
 
ll RICHARD STOCKTON, 
 
 Mr. Morris relinquished his seat in congress in 1777, and 
 was succeeded by his brother, Governeur Morris, and on 
 his retirement, the same convention which elected his brother 
 to supply his vacancy, .passed a vote of thanks to him and his 
 colleagues, " for their long and faithful services rendered to 
 the colony and state of New York." 
 
 He continued to serve his native state in her legislature, 
 and as an officer of her militia until independence was ac 
 knowledged, peace restored, and the country was settled un 
 der the federal constitution. 
 
 After the restoration of peace, he returned to his dilapidated 
 estate ; and resumed his former employment of agriculture. 
 In this he spent his declining years with that serenity 
 which is derived from a consciousness of having devoted his 
 life and talents in promoting the interest and happiness of his 
 fellow men. 
 
 He died in January, 1798, in the seventy-second year of 
 his age. He was buried in the family vault at Morrisania, 
 with many tokens of respect from his fellow citizens, and 
 with the military honors due to his rank of major general of 
 the militia of New York. 
 
 NEW JERSEY* 
 
 RICHABD STOCKTON. 
 
 THIS gentleman was descended from an English ancestry. 
 His great grandfather came from England between the years 
 1660 and 1670, and took up his residence a few years on 
 Long Island, in the vicinity of New York. He is reported 
 to have been possessed of a large property. A few years 
 after he was settled on Long Island, he turned his attention to 
 New Jersey ; and about 1680, he purchased a tract of land in 
 that colony, near to Princeton, a beautiful town, containing a 
 respectable and flourishing seminary of learning, Nassau Hall 
 
 Two or three years after making the purchase, he with a 
 few associates commenced the first settlement which had 
 been begun by any Europeans in that district. There he 
 
NEW JERSEY. 119 
 
 Qved in 1705. His name was Richard. To a son, bearing 
 the same name, he bequeathed the principal part of his landed 
 estate, in conformity with the existing custom in England, and 
 the law of primogeniture. He, however, at his decease in 
 1720, devised the family seat to his youngest son, whose 
 name was John. He was a patron of science ; held several 
 public offices ; and was an upright and strictly religious 
 man. In the latter part of his life, Princeton College was 
 established near to his estate ; and possessing both the means 
 in an ample fortune, and the disposition, he was a liberal 
 contributor to its funds. After a well-spent life, he expired 
 in 1757, leaving to his eldest son, the subject of this memoir, 
 abundant means for procuring the best education which could 
 be obtained in the country. 
 
 Richard Stockton, who signed the Declaration of American 
 Independence, was born at his paternal residence in Somer 
 set county, near to Princeton, New Jersey, in the year 1730, 
 on the first day of October. 
 
 He commenced his education under the tuition of the Rev. 
 Lemuel Finley of West Nottingham, in the then province of 
 Maryland. That was the seat of an academy, which at. that 
 early period, was one of the most flourishing seminaries 
 south of New England. Having spent about two years in 
 that school pursuing his preparatory studies, he was placed 
 in New Jersey College, in Newark, then the seat of that insti 
 tution. He graduated in 1718, at its first annual commence 
 ment. 
 
 After leaving college, he entered on the study of law, under 
 the instruction of the Hon. David Ogden of Newark, a dis 
 tinguished barrister, and the most eminent lawyer in that 
 province. Under the tuition of that gentleman, Mr. Stockton 
 enjoyed the best advantages to be obtained at that early age 
 of the country. He was admitted to the bar in August, 1754, 
 and four years after, to the grade of counsellor at law. He 
 returned to his paternal residence, and rose with unusual 
 rapidity, to the first rank of his profession ; and in a short 
 time he became confessedly the first lawyer in New Jersey, 
 in reputation and employment. In 1763, he received tho 
 degree of sergeant at law, a distinction established in the Eng 
 lish courts, and then recognized in their American colonies. 
 
 Wishing to enjoy an opportunity for improving his mind, 
 by means not to be procured in America, he relinquished 
 business during two years ; and embarked at. New York in 
 June, 1766, for London , wlnre, after a pleasant voyage, he 
 
120 RICHARD STOCKTON, 
 
 safely arrived. He was received and treated with a flatter, 
 ing distinction, by some of the most eminent men in the king 
 dom ; and even had the honor (then considered a mark of 
 great respect and distinction,) of being presented to the sove 
 reign by one of the ministers of state. During his visit 
 in Great Britain, he procured much patronage to the infant 
 college ; of whose honors he was one of the first recipients. 
 His services in behalf of that institution were recognized on 
 his return to New Jersey, in a manner highly creditable to the 
 board of trustees, and honorable to himself, in a public vote 
 of thanks. 
 
 At that date, the affairs of the American colonies had begun 
 to assume an interesting attitude in England ; insomuch that 
 some of the most distinguished men in the kingdom had 
 become partizans, for and against the colonies. He was 
 consulted on the state of American affairs by the Marquis of 
 Rockingham, by whom he was kindly and hospitably received, 
 and entertained at his country-seat, during a week he spent 
 at the mansion of his lordship. 
 
 After passing some time in England, in prosecution of the 
 objects of his visit to that country, he went to the north of the 
 kingdom, and visited Edinburgh, where he was treated with 
 marked civility and attention, by the most distinguished gen- 
 tlemen, nobles, and civilians in North Britain. The Earl of 
 Leven was very particular in his polite civilities to Mr. Stock 
 ton. He was received by the citizens of Edinburgh with 
 much respect, visited by the lord provost of the city, invited 
 to a public dinner, provided as a compliment to him, addressed 
 by the lord provost on that occasion, and had the freedom of 
 the city conferred on him by an unanimous vote of the city 
 government, as a testimony of their respect. 
 
 On that occasion he visited Doctor Witherspoon, at his resi 
 dence in Paisley, who had been a short time previously cho 
 sen president of Princeton College. Doctor Witherspoon had 
 declined accepting the office, much to the regret of the trus 
 tees and others, who were interested in the prosperity of that 
 college ; and by their request, Mr. Stockton waited upon Dr. 
 Witherspoon, to try to prevail with him to reverse his first 
 decision. And probably, his exertions had their desired 
 effect. For a few months, subsequent to his visit, Doctor 
 Witherspoon announced his acceptance of the appointment. 
 
 In his progress through the united kingdom, Mr. Stockton 
 visited Ireland, ;;nd received marked demonstrations of respect 
 from distinuished jrt- iiJiemen of Dublin. 
 
NEW JERSEY. 121 
 
 Indeed, civilities and respectful attentions, highly grateful 
 to his feelings, seem to have been rendered to him by the 
 people, in all parts of the kingdom that he visited. 
 
 During the time he spent in Great Britain, he experienced 
 two providential escapes, when his life had been exposed to 
 imminent danger; once by an attack of a robber in Edinburgh, 
 and the other by shipwreck. After engaging his passage 
 across the Irish channel in a packet, his baggage having been 
 left behind, he was in consequence of that mistake prevented 
 from embarking, and remained on shore. This proved the 
 cause of his preservation, for the packet was lost in a violent 
 storm, and every person on board perished. This interposi 
 tion of Divine Providence in his behalf, made a deep and last- 
 ing impression on his mind. He often spoke of the event with 
 emotions of solemnity, and with lively gratitude to his Great 
 Preserver. 
 
 While Mr. Stockton was in London, he attended at West 
 minster Hall, and closely observed the various forensic elo 
 quence of the most distinguished barristers then living. At 
 the same time, the decisions of the learned judges of their 
 high courts, were attended to by him, with a view to his own 
 improvement as an orator, and to enlarge his stock of legal 
 science. Even the theatre was not wholly neglected by him ; 
 as he correctly believed that he might derive benefit from the 
 unrivalled talents of Mr. Garrick ; although in principle 
 opposed to visiting theatres simply for amusement. He re 
 turned to his home, with his mind, originally brilliant, en 
 riched and improved with benefits derived from these vari 
 ous sources of instruction. He also, while in Ireland, became 
 deeply impressed from actual observation, with the evils that 
 would result to his country, by continuing in a colonial rela 
 tion with Great Britain. 
 
 Having been absent from his family and friends more 
 than a twelvemonth, and having left the charge of his busi 
 ness in the hands of others, he hastened to close his concerns 
 abroad, and prepared for his return to the endearments of 
 home. He reached America in September, 1767 ; and his 
 arrival was greeted by his friends and neighbors with much 
 pleasure ; which they evinced, by escorting him from the port 
 where he arrived to his residence. 
 
 In 1768, the year after his return from England, he com 
 menced his public life. He was elevated to a seat in the su 
 preme royal legislative, judiciary, and executive council of 
 that province. In 1774, he was placed on the bench of the 
 
 11 
 
122 RICHARD STOCKTON, 
 
 supreme court ; where, for a time, he sat by the side of his 
 early friend, and preceptor, the Honorable Mr. Ogden. 
 
 He had received marks of personal respect, esteem, and 
 confidence, from the king, and many of the distinguished 
 statesmen, besides the several offices which had been given 
 to him. He respected the private character of the king, but 
 thought him influenced by bad advisers in his policy respect. 
 ing the American colonies. Besides the motives arising out 
 of these considerations, he had others which might very natu 
 rally incline him to favor the royal cause. His own fortune 
 was ample. This, in the event of an open conflict, would be 
 liable to suffer depredations ; his family would be exposed to 
 many privations, if not immediate dangers, in case an inva 
 sion ensued ; and he must be necessitated to separate from 
 numerous personal friends, and thus sacrifice strong and en 
 deared attachments. But all these, weighed in opposition to 
 the welfare of his country, were not suffered to influence his 
 determination. He had used his best exertions to prevent the 
 anticipated crisis, while in Great Britain, but without success. 
 After his return, he discovered, as he believed, a fixed and 
 determined purpose, on the part of the parliament, to prose- 
 cute the system of measures they had begun, until they had 
 forced the Americans to acquiesce in their domination. He 
 could discover no prospect of closing the breach already 
 made, consistently with the civil rights and liberty of his coun 
 trymen ; and, when the time of preparation came, he girded 
 on his armor, and breasted himself for the storm. 
 
 In June, 1776, the provincial congress of New Jersey 
 elected Mr. Stockton a member of the general congress, at 
 that time in session, at Philadelphia. The instructions given 
 to him and his colleagues, by the provincial congress, were 
 so ample, and of such a nature, that they were authorized to 
 unite with delegates from other colonies, to take the most 
 vigorous measures for supporting the rights and liberties of 
 America; and if necessary for the attainment of these objects, 
 to concur in declaring the united colonies independent of 
 Great Britain ; and adopt such other measures as that step 
 would render indispensable for framing a confederate govern 
 ment, negotiating treaties with foreign powers, for aid for 
 commerce, and all other requisite acts, which the emergency 
 might make it necessary to adopt. Although thus instructed 
 and empowered; and although he foresaw it must ultimately 
 come to that result ; notwithstanding he had long weighed the 
 important subject with much reflection ; yet, when the proposal 
 
NEW JERSEY. 123 
 
 .- - >., < "v 
 
 was discussed by congress, he deliberately listened to all the 
 arguments presented in the debate. It had been supposed, 
 that at the beginning of the discussion, he entertained some 
 doubts as to the expediency of an immediate Declaration of 
 Independence. But before it was closed, having attentively 
 listened to all the arguments urged for and against it ; on 
 hearing the remarks of Mr. John Adams, his mind was con 
 clusively determined in favor of adopting the momentous 
 measure, without further delay ; and when the measure was 
 carried, he signed the declaration. 
 
 In September of the same year that he voted for, and set 
 his signature to the Declaration of American Independence, 
 he became a candidate for the office of governor of New 
 Jersey, under the new constitution of the state. His com 
 petitor was William Livingston. On counting the ballots, the 
 vote was equal. The friends of Mr. Stockton, however, 
 were induced to concur in the election of Mr. Livingston, for 
 urgent reasons then operating on their minds ; but he was 
 immediately chosen chief justice of the state, by an unani 
 mous vote. He, however, declined the appointment. In the 
 November following he was re-chosen a delegate to congress. 
 He continued an active and very useful member of congress 
 during the summer and autumn of 1776, attending to his ar 
 duous duties, until in September, when he was deputed with 
 Mr. Clymer of Pennsylvania, on a committee, to visit and in- 
 spect the northern army, then under the command of Gene 
 ral Schuyler ; the powers with which they were invested were 
 ample ; of great importance ; and of a very delicate charac 
 ter. Yet they were managed with so much wisdom, pru 
 dence, and sound discretion ; and the result was so beneficial 
 to the cause, that the report of the services they performed, 
 when rendered to congress, received the entire appro 
 bation of that body. On the termination of that mission 
 he immediately resumed his seat in congress. His duty to 
 his family, however, soon called his attention, and required 
 his exertions to secure them from being captured by the ene 
 my, who were then triumphantly marching through New Jer 
 sey. His family residence lay in the supposed rout of their 
 march ; and the American army was so reduced, and in 
 such a suffering condition, that it could afford no protection to 
 the inhabitants. The families of those who had signed the 
 instrument which severed the colonies from the parent state, 
 were peculiarly obnoxious to the British forces ; and Mr. 
 Stockton was constrained to retire from congress to convoy 
 
124 RICHARD STOCKTON, 
 
 his own to a place of safety. After having conducted them 
 into the county of Monmouth, about thirty miles from his 
 residence, he resided with Mr. Covenhoven, a patriotic 
 friend of his; and he, together with Mr. Covenhoven, was sur 
 prised, and made a prisoner, by a party of refugees, who had 
 been informed of the place of his temporary residence, by a 
 treacherous wretch. They were dragged from their beds at 
 a late hour of the night ; stripped and plundered of their pro 
 perty, and conducted to New York. They first conveyed 
 him to Amboy, shut him in the common goal, exposed him, 
 thus destitute, to severe suffering by the cold weather ; and in 
 New York, he was subjected to a similar confinement, and 
 extreme suffering. The severities he endured, during his 
 imprisonment in Amboy and New York, laid the foundation 
 for the disease which closed his life not long after. While 
 in the latter place, the enemy withheld from him, not only the 
 comforts, but even the necessaries of life ; and this, not 
 withstanding his respectability of character and standing in 
 life, and a very delicate state of health. At one time he was 
 left absolutely without food more than twenty-four hours ; and 
 afterwards supplied with that which was coarse in quality, 
 and scanty in amount. This treatment of Mr. Stockton, by 
 the British, engaged the attention of congress, and General 
 Howe was informed, if Mr. Stockton was not treated in a man 
 ner becoming his condition, and in conformity to the dictates 
 of humanity, which had been observed by the Americans to 
 wards their prisoners, and which the established rules of mo 
 dern warfare demanded, he might expect a practical retalia 
 tion on those of the British who might fall into the power of 
 the Americans. 
 
 The complicated sufferings he endured w r hile in captivity, 
 the burning of his papers and fine library, the plundering 
 of his property, particularly of his stock of horses and cattle ; 
 the general depredations committed on his estate, real and 
 personal, wherever it was exposed to the ravages of an 
 incensed foe, and the losses he sustained by reason of thfc 
 ruinous depreciation of the continental paper currency, left 
 him only the remnants of a large fortune, exhausted so entirely 
 that it seemed to him only a mass of ruins ; and finding him 
 self so destitute of the means for providing comfortably foi 
 his family, he was compelled to resort to friends for a tem 
 porary accommodation, to procure the absolute necessaries of 
 life. This caused a depression of spirits, out of which he 
 never fully rose ; and aggravated a lingering disease which 
 
NEW JERSEY. 125 
 
 terminated his life. He languished for a considerable time 
 under this calamity which, in the latter part of his life, was 
 much increased by a cancer in his neck, whose insidious and 
 fatal approaches are always clearly perceived, without the 
 least hope of remedy. He died on the twenty-eighth day of 
 February, 1781, in the fifty-first year of his age. 
 
 A minute delineation of character, does not comport with 
 the design or limits of this work ; on ] y a brief summary can 
 be given. The character of Mr. Stockton as a patriot, inflexi 
 bly devoted to the liberty, rights, and independence of his 
 country, may be easily understood by what has been already 
 stated. He not only pledged " his life, his fortune, and his 
 sacred honor," for the attainment of his country s indepen 
 dence ; but he fully redeemed the pledge by becoming a 
 martyr to her cause. His life was a sacrifice ; his fortune 
 was nearly so ; and his sacred honor attended him to his 
 grave; and remains behind him an untarnished legacy to 
 his posterity and his country. As a lawyer, he was learned 
 and upright. He falsified the charge sometimes alledged 
 against " all lawyers," that they will espouse any cause for 
 the pecuniary reward. He would not engage to defend or 
 advocate a case which he was not persuaded was just ; and 
 he often defended the widow, the fatherless, and the poor, 
 gratuitously, when by engaging against them, an ample com- 
 pensation would have been given him. In this respect, he 
 was strictly conscientious and exemplary. His eloquence 
 was of a superior kind; pleasing, chaste, forcible, and per 
 suasive. As a judge on the bench, he was upright, perspi 
 cuous, and impartial ; and withal, so clear, that his decisions 
 were generally satisfactory to the interested parties. 
 
 As a member of the community in which he resided, he was 
 in many respects a benefactor. He was dignified in his de- 
 portincnt ; affable, kind, and condescending to his inferiors 
 a.nd dependents ; a patron of science ; an uniform promoter 
 of virtues and honorable enterprise, but an enemy to every 
 thing dishonest, hypocritical, and disingenuous. And, as a 
 Christian, he was a firm believer in the evangelical doctrine 
 of the gospel; regulated his life by its precepts and injunc 
 tions, in a consistent and exemplary manner ; and in a pro 
 tracted and very painful disease, he was sustained by a hope 
 derived from its promises of attaining through death, to that 
 rest which remains for the pious, beyond the grave. 
 
 U* 
 
120 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 
 
 JOHN WITHERSPOON. 
 
 THIS venerable gentleman, who was eminently distinguish- 
 ed for his piety, learning, and a strong and powerful mind, 
 as a divine, a president of a seminary of learning, and a 
 statesman ; and whose name stands enrolled among those who 
 signed the Declaration of American Independence, was born 
 at Tester, a parish in the vicinity of Edinburgh, in Scotland, 
 on the fifth day of February, 1722. He was lineally descended 
 from the celebrated John Knox, the great and intrepid leader 
 of the Reformation in Scotland. His father was a respectable 
 minister in the church of Scotland, settled in the parish of 
 Tester ; and was much respected and beloved by the people 
 of his pastoral charge. He, as might have been expected 
 from such a father, bestowed much care and watchful attention 
 upon the early instruction of his son, to pre-occupy his infant 
 mind with moral and religious impressions, before it should 
 De engrossed with those of an opposite character. Being 
 convinced that it is much easier, by beginning right, to im 
 press the infant mind with right principles, as fast as it opens 
 o receive them, and thus shut out wrong ones, than it is to 
 eradicate the latter, after they have obtained admission through 
 neglect. And he was not disappointed. It was his early wish 
 lhat his son might be fitted for the gospel ministry ; and he 
 was gratified in eventually realizing the object of his wishes. 
 For this care and wisdom of his father, in choice of the object 
 for which he wished to educate his son, and the fidelity with 
 which he attended to its accomplishment, Doctor Witherspoon 
 felt, and often expressed a pious gratitude towards his vene 
 rable parent. 
 
 At an early age he was placed at the public school in 
 Haddirigton, where he soon was distinguished for his assidu 
 ous application to study, for his superior native powers of 
 mind, and uncommon attainments in learning. Nor was he 
 less distinguished for a discriminating power and quickness 
 of perception, which comprehended whatever subject engaged 
 his attention. With such native talents, thus faithfully im 
 proved, he was prepared for an early transfer from the pre 
 paratory academic school to the higher seminary, where he- 
 was to finish his literary course ; qualified to commence his 
 professional studies. He was removed from Haddington 
 
NEW JERSEY. 12? 
 
 school to the university of Edinburgh, at fourteen years of 
 age. There great credit was awarded him, for his diligence 
 and attainments in the various branches of learning, taught in 
 that eminent seat of science ; and at an early stage of his the 
 ological studies, he gave indications of talents in sacred criti 
 cism, which characterized him in all his future life. He 
 prosecuted his professional course in the theological hall at 
 the university, and left it at twenty-one years of age, a licen 
 sed preacher of the gospel. 
 
 Such was the esteem in which he was held in the place of 
 his nativity that the people of his father s parish, invited him 
 to settle with them as an assistant minister with him, stipulat 
 ing for the right to succeed him in the charge after his father s 
 decease. But having received another* invitation from the 
 west of Scotland, to settle in the parish of Beith, he gave the 
 latter his preference ; and was ordained there, with the univer 
 sal approbation of that congregation. In Beith he labored 
 faithfully in the ministry several years, enjoying the esteem 
 and affections of a grateful and attentive people. 
 
 When the battle of Falkirk was fought, he with several 
 others had the curiosity to be present, that they might wit 
 ness the contest. Although they were near the scene of 
 action, they took no part in the contest ; but, after the victory 
 was decided in favor of the rebels, these persons paid rather 
 a dear price for gratifying their curiosity. They were taken 
 prisoners, and confined in the castle of Doune. Several of 
 them effected an escape at a great risk of their lives. One 
 lost his life in consequence of the attempt; but Doctor With- 
 erspoon seeing the disaster of his companion in the attempt, 
 being the last of the number, concluded to remain till regu 
 larly liberated. 
 
 After attending faithfully to the duties of his ministry at 
 Beith for several years, he was transferred to the large manu 
 facturing town of Paisley. He resided there, ministering to 
 an affectionate people, and enjoying the respect and esteem of 
 the surrounding country; when an application was made to 
 him to come to America, and take the presidency of the col 
 lege of New Jersey. While he resided in Paisley he was 
 invited to Dublin, in Ireland; to Dundee, in Scotland, and to 
 Rotterdam, in Holland ; to take the pastoral charge of a large 
 congregation in each of those places, besides the application 
 from the board of directors of New Jersey College. But he 
 declined them all. To the latter ho was invited in 3766, by 
 an unanimous vote of the trustees of the institution, and was 
 
128 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 
 
 informed of it by Richard Stockton, Esq. who was then in 
 London. The trustees addressed a letter to Mr. Stockton, 
 requesting him to visit Paisley, and personally inform Doctor 
 Witherspoon of their request, and solicit his acceptance of 
 the appointment. Little did either of them anticipate at that 
 time, that they would become colleague members of the Ame 
 rican congress, and act together in declaring the independence 
 of the American colonies, and setting their names, side by 
 side, on the instrument by which that act was proclaimed to 
 the world. Yet that event occurred in ten years from that 
 date. Doctor Witherspoon declined this application for two 
 seasons. There were considerations respecting the then ex 
 isting condition of the college, which decided him to give a 
 negative reply to the application. But Mrs. Witherspoon 
 felt an unwillingness to leave the land of her nativity, and the 
 residence of her connections, and this strengthened and con 
 firmed his decision at that time. Happily, however, both of 
 these impediments in the way of his acceptance were re- 
 mo\ed, at a subsequent and no very distant period. Despair 
 ing of obtaining him, the trustees, about two months previous 
 to their being informed by Mr. Stockton, that the obstacles to 
 Doctor Witherspoon s acceptance were removed, had made 
 choice of Doctor Samuel Blair ; but they immediately re- 
 elected Doctor Witherspoon ; and Doctor Blair, on being in 
 formed that Doctor Witherspoon would now accept, imme 
 diately tendered his resignation. By that noble act of gene 
 rosity and disinterestedness of Doctor Blair, the trustees were 
 relieved from a perplexing embarrassment, and the services 
 of Doctor Witherspoon were secured to the seminary, to the 
 great gratification of its friends and patrons. 
 
 Doctor Witherspoon arrived at Princeton in August, 1768, 
 accompanied by his family. On his arrival being announced, a 
 special meeting of the board of trustees was called, which met 
 on the seventeenth day of that month, and inaugurated him 
 as president of Princeton College. For some time previous 
 to his arrival, the reputation of that college, once justly high, 
 had been on the wane. His entering on his office as presi 
 dent marked a new era in its prosperity. His reputation had 
 been widely diffused before he left Scotland, and had given 
 rise to high anticipations in this country. On his arrival, and 
 taking upon himself the charge of presiding over its interests, 
 the effect in the country to revive its prosperity, was almost 
 immediately beneficial. The number of students who sought 
 instruction in that college increased rapidly. He brought 
 
NEW JERSEY. 129 
 
 with him, and incorporated in the system of instruction, 
 now revised, all the recent improvements that had taken 
 place in the older seminaries of Great Britain, so far as was 
 practicable in that comparatively feeble and infant institution. 
 Indeed his acceptance of the presidency of Princeton College, 
 conferred an important benefit on the cause of literature and 
 science in America. Immediately after he entered on the du 
 ties of his office, the party feuds and dissensions that had ex 
 isted in the board of trustees, by his influence and prudence 
 speedily subsided. The funds of the college, which were in a 
 low condition, and still sinking, were in a short time aug. 
 merited by the active exertions made use of in various parts 
 of the country ; and the province of New Jersey, which had 
 done nothing for the benefit of the institution previously to that 
 time, was induced to lend some aid in promoting its prosper 
 ity. But his learning and his judicious and advantageous 
 system of managing the establishment, were not among the 
 greatest advantages resulting from the accession of Doctor 
 Witherspoon to the presidency. Although the study of the 
 ology had occupied much of his time and attention, that he 
 might be thoroughly furnished for a faithful discharge of the 
 duties of his pastoral office, yet he was far from limiting his 
 reading to works on theology. Sensible that a knowledge 
 of every valuable science would contribute and enlarge the 
 sphere of his usefulness to mankind, he applied himself to 
 other branches of science, and became possessed of a know 
 ledge of almost every subject embraced in the circle of the 
 sciences. He was well informed respecting the grounds of 
 the controversy between Great. Britain and her American 
 colonies ; arid early after his arrival in this country, became 
 a decided advocate of the latter. Hence, when the college 
 of Princeton was broken up by the incursions of the enemy, 
 the citizens of New Jersey turned their attention to him to 
 represent them in the general congress. By an election to a 
 seat in that council of the nation, he was called to exercise 
 his talents on a new theatre, where the variety of his learning 
 and the vigorous powers of his mind were so happily displayed 
 as to gather fresh lustre to his already extended reputation. 
 
 iTe was caTTe^B5^he~-triti7rCTis-oi -New Jersey, to assist 
 them in framing a new constitution of government for that 
 state, in 1776. And when he appeared in that body, and 
 exhibited his knowledge of legislative science, those present 
 who had made politics the object of their principal researches, 
 were not a little surprised at the readiness and intelligence 
 
130 JOHN W1THERSPOON, 
 
 with which he investigated every subject which was discussed 
 in that convention. 
 
 He was chosen a delegate to the general congress, on the 
 twenty-first of June. 1770, by the provincial congress of New 
 Jersey ; and he took his seat in that body, a few days before 
 the fourth of July, the memorable birth day of the American 
 nation. He had deliberated on the great question which 
 was then to be settled forever, in domestic retirement ; and 
 when he was introduced, to take a part in the discussions of con 
 gress, on that important subject, he at once gave evidence of 
 his preparation. 
 
 Before his election, he had taken an active and decided 
 part in the conventions, and revolutionary committees of New 
 Jersey ; and had manifested his superior qualifications to 
 conduct the interests of the state in a higher station. 
 
 The maturity and decision of his judgment, on the great 
 question of the independence of this nation, is shown in the 
 laconic reply he gave to a remark made by a distinguished 
 member of congress ; " That the people were not ripe for a 
 Declaration of Independence," Doctor Witherspoon observed, 
 " In my judgment, sir, we are not only ripe, but rotting." 
 
 Doctor Witherspoon was continuad_n representative_of 
 New" Jersey, in congress,during the years 1776, 1777, 1778^ 
 tTe was so "constantly attentive to his 
 
 duties, that it was a very unusual fact that he was absent from 
 his seat, during the whole period of his appointment, for a 
 single day. And he regarded the importance of sustaining 
 his ministerial character in such a prominent point of view, 
 that he never consented to substitute his clerical dress, for 
 another more consonant with civil employment. This was 
 done by some ministers who were also members of that 
 body. But he considered it correct for himself, always to 
 appear, wherever he might be, and however employed, in the 
 insignia of his professional character, and strictly adhered to 
 his views of propriety. It is proper in this place to remark, 
 that he never, during his civil employments, lost sight of his 
 ministerial duties, but embraced every opportunity that pre 
 sented, for preaching the gospel to his fellow men. 
 
 It is deemed needless to specify particularly the various 
 services, which he rendered as a member of congress. It is 
 well known, that most of the important business transacted 
 in that body, was submitted to special committees, to investi 
 gate, and report their views to the house. The superior in 
 telligence of Doctor Witherspoon on all the great, subjects to 
 
NEW JERSEY. 131 
 
 be decided by congress, presented him as a member pre 
 eminently qualified to be placed on most committees of great 
 responsibility. His services were incessant, arid unremitted ; 
 and they were also of immense advantage to the cause of the 
 country s liberty and independence. 
 
 He took a firm stand in opposition to the ruinous sysipm 
 of emitting a paper currency, alter its excess had caused a 
 considerable depreciation in its value. In communicating 
 his views on that subject, which he maintained consistently to 
 the end, he astonished his contemporaries by the extent of 
 his financial knowledge, and minute and particular acquaint 
 ance with that intricate science. He also opposed the waste- 
 ful system which had been adopted, for supplying the conti- 
 nental army, by allowing a commission to the contractors, on 
 all the moneys they paid out, instead of the system of forming 
 special contracts, which he advocated, arid which has since 
 been adopted. 
 
 ^ji debatiniiiJiis usual practice was to listen attentively to 
 the remarks of others ; take minutes of what he wished to no 
 tice particularly ; compose his speech , commit it to memory, 
 which he did with much facility ; and when he appeared on 
 the floor, he began with an exordium, in which he disposed of 
 what had just been delivered, and then proceeded with his 
 prepared speech, with so much regularity in noticing the 
 several points brought forward in the course of the debate, in 
 such regular order, and with so much force of argument, as 
 both surprised and delighted those who heard him. His 
 mind was quick in apprehending, and his memory powerful 
 in retaining, what he read or heard. It was so much so, that 
 his common method of preparing for the desk was, to com 
 pose his sermon, read it over three times only, leave his manu 
 script at home, and go and address his audience from memory. 
 
 While he was a member of congress, he acted a conspicu 
 ous part, in the board of war, and the board of finance. H 
 was also one" of a commission, appointed by congress, on a 
 request from New York and New Hampshire, to repair to 
 Vermont, and adjust, if practicable, the disputes which had 
 arisen between the settlers on the Green Mountains ; the juris 
 diction over which was claimed by both of these states, and 
 disallowed by the settlers. The duty assigned him he per 
 formed ; but it was without the desired result ; nor was it 
 finally settled until Vermont was acknowledged as an inde 
 pendent state, and became united to the confederacy. 
 
 Doctor Witherspoon voluntarily retired from congress at 
 
132 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 
 
 the close of the year 1779, although he was again called 
 Upon to renew his important labors in that assembly. At the 
 time of his retirement, he applied himself to the object of 
 reviving the institution over which he presided, which had 
 fallen into decay during the British invasion of New Jersey. 
 The more active part of recommencing the course of instruc 
 tion was committed to his son-in-law, Vice President Smith ; 
 while he sought some relaxation in a retirement to his own 
 country-seat, about a mile from the college. But the in 
 fluence of his name and character, in connection with the 
 college, was not withdrawn, but continued to be felt with a 
 benign effect, on its reviving prosperity ; and its former re 
 putation was soon restored. 
 
 Soon after the preliminaries of peace were settled between 
 the United States and Great Britain, in 1783, on the urgent 
 request of the trustees of that college, but contrary to his 
 own judgment, he crossed the Atlantic to England, to try to 
 obtain funds in behalf of that seminary, in the country from 
 which this had but just then been severed for ever ; and while 
 the feeling of resentment was still warm in England on that 
 account. He predicted that the enterprise would probably 
 prove unsuccessful : and thus it did in fact prove. He ob 
 tained but little more than sufficient to defray the expenses 
 of the visit. On this excursion he was absent about nine 
 months. On his return to New Jersey, he immediately en 
 tered upon his retirement, in which he spent the remainder of 
 his life, as far as was consistent with the duties he was requir 
 ed to perform to the college, by reason of his office of presi 
 dent, and those belonging to his ministerial profession. 
 
 If Doctor Witherspoon is viewed as a composer of ser 
 mons, he must be placed among the first rank of orthodox 
 divines, in this or any other country. His printed sermons 
 published in his works, in four vols. 8vo. are alone sufficient 
 to confirm this opinion. But the public voice has already 
 decided this as his character. And it is believed that no ju 
 dicious person, who reads his works, will dissent from the 
 judgment of the public in this particular. 
 
 His manner in the pulpit was grave, solemn, and deeply 
 impressive. He engaged the attention of his audience at 
 the beginning of his sermon, and it was continued unabated 
 to the end. He was for some years occasionally subject to 
 spasmodic convulsion fits, which were supposed to be of the 
 apoplectic kind ; and these were connected with a peculiar 
 nervous susceptibility and a dizziness, which were wont to 
 
NEW JERSEY. 133 
 
 he produced if he yielded to that ardency of manner, which 
 his natural warmth of feeling strongly urged him. But having 
 been subject to that calamity from an early period of his 
 life he found it indispensable to his own safety, to adopt a 
 grave solemn manner of delivery, in his public addresses, and 
 carefully to discipline his natural ardor into a more safe and 
 moderate manner. It was difficult to hear him without being 
 both instructed and benefitted by his discourses. He possessed 
 a strength of thought, and a force of expression, happily 
 adapted to usefulness in a preacher of the gospel, rarely 
 equalled, and still more rarely surpassed. 
 
 About two years before his decease he lost his eyesight. 
 But this affliction did not make him relinquish his ministerial 
 duties. After he was unable to see his own way, he was 
 often conducted into the pulpit by the hand of another, both 
 at home and abroad. And when there, standing in the pre 
 sence of Him, who is the God of the sanctuary, with his 
 own eyes shut in perpetual darkness, and precluded from the 
 light of the sun, he presented to the beholders, one of the 
 most impressive scenes imaginable. A venerable minister 
 of the gospel, more than seventy years of age, himself blind, 
 addressing to an assembly of accountable beings, the message 
 )f their Creator and Judge, concerning the most weighty sub 
 jects that can be imagined with a feeling of deep and ten 
 der concern for their welfare, with unabated earnestness, 
 and with the grave solemnity of one who stood on the verge 
 of eternity, hastening to finish his work, and preparing to give 
 an account of his stewardship. If any combination of circum 
 stances could produce salutary impressions on the heart, we 
 might naturally look for them in a case like that just mentioned. 
 
 As a writer, Doctor Witherspoon possessed a great versa 
 tility of Talent, which he could successfully apply to any sub 
 ject he chose to handle. His talent for wit and satire was 
 almost unrivalled ; a weapon which he knew how to apply 
 with irresistible force against an antagonist. Perhaps these 
 remarks were never more fully verified, than in his " Eccle 
 siastical Characteristics." He could on a proper occasion, 
 exercise his pen with the ease and graceful pleasantry of 
 Addison. 
 
 He possessed a gigantic mind ; he wrote and published on 
 many subjects ; and on each he gave the impress of his pow 
 erful intellect. 
 
 His essay on the " nature, value, and uses of monej^-is ac 
 knowledged as one ol" the best that ever appeared in this country 
 
 12 
 
134 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 
 
 and produced a happy influence on the minds of the commu 
 nity, on that intricate subject. Indeed, he never composed 
 an essay for publication, without he had something important 
 to communicate ; and he never published his views, without 
 producing a good effect on the minds of his readers. 
 
 His " Serious Enquiry into the Nature and Effects of the 
 Stage," evinces a thorough acquaintance with the subject, a 
 minute investigation of its influence and consequences on so 
 ciety, and a deep and intimate knowledge of the human 
 heart. 
 
 T^t ajnnn^rjiig \unrjffi., ti\ose^on theological subjects held the 
 pre-eminence. And of these,~may be selected, as ariiong~TlTe 
 happfest of his efforts, his essay on "justification by free 
 grace, through Jesus Christ;" and on "the nature, and ne 
 cessity of regeneration ;" and that on " the importance of 
 truth in religion," or " the connection that subsists between 
 sound principle and a holy practice." These several pro 
 ductions are not surpassed by any writings on those sub 
 jects, hitherto published in the English language. 
 
 As a manager in civil and ecclesiastical politics, he wa^ 
 eminently skilful, wise, and successful. This he evinced be 
 fore he left his native country, in the controversy between 
 " moderate," and " orthodox" parties, into which that branch 
 of the Scottish church was divided ; and which called forth 
 the " Ecclesiastical Characteristics," before mentioned. Al 
 though for a time he was in the minority, by his address 
 and prudent, management, without resorting to any unwor 
 thy or improper measures, he succeeded in obtaining the ma 
 jority to co-operate with him, and in securing a complete tri. 
 umph of the cause which he believed to be just ; in which be 
 lief many of the wisest and most upright ministers and 
 dignitaries of the English church, fully concurred. In the 
 presbyterian church of the United States, his character and 
 jrifluence were justly held in high respect and estimation. 
 In their judicatories he was eminently useful, by his know 
 ledge of the general subjects which came before them, by 
 his acquaintance with the correct rules of conducting them, 
 and the facility with which he disentangled the intricacies and 
 embarrassments, with which they were sometimes encum 
 bered. " He was clear and conclusive in reasoning ; and \ 
 from a peculiar soundness of judgment and a habit of busi- 1 
 aess, skillful in conducting every discussion to the most speedy / 
 ^ind decisive termination." And when he was taken away 
 
NEW JERSEY. 135 
 
 by death, it might have been said with truth, that a great 
 man had fallen. 
 
 At length, bodily infirmities, which had been creeping upon 
 him for years, and gradually undermining his constitution, 
 attacked him with an accumulated force, which was increas 
 ed by the loss of his sight. His regular bodily exercise was, 
 by this affliction, necessarily greatly diminished, by reason of 
 which his health suffered ; and it was apparent that his useful 
 life was fast approaching to a close. He endured his suffer, 
 ings with a patience and cheerfulness becoming the charac 
 ter of a Christian minister, when called to exemplify the gospel 
 he had preached to others, in the closing scene of life. He 
 was released from his labors, trials, and sufferings, on the fif 
 teenth day of November, 1794, in the seventy-third year of 
 his age. 
 
 Doctor Witherspoon was twice married. His first wife 
 was a Scottish lady, a Miss Montgomery, to whom he was 
 united in early life. She was a pious, benevolent, exemplary 
 Christian. 
 
 .His posterity, (all by his first marriage,) consisted of three 
 sons and two daughters. Ann, the eldest, was married to the 
 Reverend Samuel Stanhope Smith, his successor in the presi 
 dency of the college. Frances was married to Doctor David 
 Ramsey, of Charleston, South Carolina, the historian of the 
 American revolution. Her interesting memoirs, written by 
 her husband, have been extensively read and admired by the 
 pious, throughout the United States. 
 
 FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 
 
 FRANCIS HOPKINSON was born at Philadelphia, in the year 
 1737. His parents were English people of respectable stand 
 ing in their native country, whence they emigrated while 
 young, and settled in Philadelphia. His mother s name was 
 Johnson, a niece of the then Bishop of Worcester. Mr. 
 Hopkinson and his wife appear to have been well educated ; 
 and to have been connected with literary and polite society in 
 England ; and they maintained a corresponding standing in 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Hopkinson, the father of Francis, was the 
 
136 FRANCIS HOPKINSON, 
 
 personal friend of Doctor Franklin, and was associated with 
 him in some of his philosophical experiments, 
 
 Mr. Hopkinson did not continue long to benefit and adorn 
 society. He was removed by death in the prime of life ; and 
 he left his amiable and excellent wife a widow, with a large 
 family of children, with but a moderate income for their sup 
 port and education. At the time of his father s death, his son 
 Francis was but fourteen years old ; but he was blessed with 
 a good mother. 
 
 She devoted herself to the early education and moral and 
 religious instruction of her children ; superintending them 
 herself, until their religious principles were so formed and 
 established, that they might be trusted away from her imme 
 diate inspection, which was requisite for finishing their edu 
 cation. To this interesting employment Mrs. Hopkinson 
 devoted herself, denying herself every indulgence and enjoy 
 ment which interfered with this her first of earthly duties. 
 To the formation of their manners and character, on correct 
 principles of morality and religion, she applied herself with 
 care and assiduity, until she deemed it safe to send Francis to 
 a literary seminary. She then sent him to the college of 
 Philadelphia, in the first class of which he was a graduate. 
 
 On his leaving that school, he commenced the study of law, 
 in which science he made rapid proficiency. After having 
 finished his studies as a pupil, and been admitted to the bar as 
 a practitioner of law, in the year 1765, he took a voyage to 
 England to visit his relatives, and to improve his mind. There 
 he spent about two years ; after which he returned in 1768, 
 to his native land, and soon after he was united by marriage 
 to Miss Ann Borden, of Bordentown, in New Jersey. 
 
 The incidents to be recorded of Mr. Hopkinson s public 
 life are few ; he represented the state of New Jersey in con 
 gress, in 1776, and set his signature to the Declaration of In 
 dependence, with the other patriots who adopted that most 
 important measure in the name of their country. He had the 
 appointment of loan officer for a number of years, the duties 
 of which he discharged with fidelity. On the decease of 
 George Ross, Esq., he received an appointment to the office 
 of judge of admiralty for the state of Pennsylvania; which 
 office he held until 1790, when President Washington ap 
 pointed him district judge of the same state. He discharged 
 the duties of both these offices with fidelity and ability. 
 
 During the time of his entire life parties ran high, both iu 
 Pennsylvania and in the United States. A man of his warm 
 feelings and ardent patriotism, who had embarked his fortune 
 
NEW JERSEY. 137 
 
 and exerted his best efforts to secure the benefits of the revo 
 lution, it was not to be supposed would be idle, or an indiffe 
 rent spectator, looking quietly on without becoming a decided 
 partizan. He was a firm whig in the revolution, a decided 
 republican in principle, and in politics a federalist. Mr. Hop- 
 kinson was an able, sagacious, and efficient advocate of the 
 principles of the party he espoused. He had a great talent 
 for humor and satire. His country will long remain indebted 
 to his writings, the fruits of his peculiar genius for their effects 
 in the revolutionary conflict. His numerous publications, 
 happily adapted to the times when they appeared, were very 
 popular, were read with great avidity ; and they produced in 
 a great degree, the effects he wished, in cheering and anima 
 ting his countrymen, when public disasters had a tendency to 
 produce public despondency. 
 
 His literary acquirements were various ; and he appears to 
 have possessed the talent, not very common, of handling 
 any subject to which he gave his attention, with peculiar 
 facility. And all his native powers and various acquisitions 
 he devoted to the good of his country, with a peculiarly happy 
 adaptation to the occasions when he exerted them. His hu 
 mor was refined and chaste ; always giving pleasure, without 
 wounding or offending any person. This rendered him a 
 pleasing companion in every social circle in which he min 
 gled. 
 
 The effect of his writings on the occasions which called 
 them forth, was powerful and decisive. Although several of his 
 tracts were as ephemeral as the occasion which elicited them, 
 having answered the end designed, they have passed away 
 with the pleasure which they afforded to their interested rea 
 ders. But there are some of his effusions which will remain, 
 to perpetuate his reputation to a remote age, at least, so long 
 as men are pleased with pure wit and genuine humor. Among 
 several, it will not be amiss to particularize " The battle of the 
 kegs" and his " Essay on the properties of a salt box. " 
 
 He had been for several years subject to the gout, which 
 at length was of that kind that is denominated misplaced by 
 medical writers. It frequently attacked him in the head ; 
 and though he had experienced a considerable respite from 
 those attacks for some time previous to his decease, at length 
 he was seized with an apoplectic fit, which caused his death 
 in the course of two hours, in the filly-third year of his age. 
 
 He left behind him a widow and five children ; two sons 
 and three daughters. 
 
 12* 
 
138 JOHN HART, 
 
 JOHN HART. 
 
 THE gemieman whose life we are now to sketch, was one 
 who could be induced by no sinister motives to assume the 
 posture of resistance. He had nothing to hope for which 
 could add to or increase his domestic comfort and enjoyment. 
 Although not affluent, yet he possessed a farm sufficiently 
 large and productive, to furnish all the means necessary for 
 the support and education of his numerous family. This 
 farm, lying in Hunterdon county, New Jersey, he superin 
 tended and cultivated ; his house was the seat of hospitality, 
 charity, and piety. Surrounded by a promising family, arid 
 in the midst of a neighborhood, who by common consent 
 gave him the deserved and most honorable title of " Honest 
 John Hart," and respected by all for his consistency of charac 
 ter, and loved for his moral, social, and religious virtues ; what 
 more had this man to wish for ? What had he not to hazard, 
 and not improbably to sacrifice, by resisting the authority of 
 Great Britain, and the laws of the English parliament ? He 
 sought not for honor ; he desired not office ; he felt no eager 
 ness for emolument ; happy in his family and neighbors ; 
 contented with his possessions, and desirous of no change in 
 his circumstances ; what could influence him to rebel against 
 a government that never had oppressed him ; and which, if it 
 established its claims, and carried them into practical opera 
 tion, would never subject him to any pecuniary burden de 
 serving a moment s regard? His motive was the maintenance 
 of a principle imbibed in childhood, that liberty was his ina 
 lienable right, which he was under an indispensable obligation 
 to deliver unimpaired to his children, and to defend against 
 tyranny and usurpation at the hazard of life and fortune. 
 
 His father, from whom he inherited considerable patri 
 mony, was Edward Hart, of Hopewell township, in Hunter 
 don county, New Jersey. He raised a volunteer corps, 
 called " The Jersey Blues," with whom he inarched to Que 
 bee, and arrived there in season to share in the victory, 
 and witness the fall of General Wolfe, in the " Old French 
 war." From that corps the title of Jersey Blues has been 
 continued, and handed down, with honorable distinction to 
 the present time. His son John took no active part in the 
 military achievements and enterprises of that period. In 
 
NEW JERSEY. 139 
 
 dulging his domestic predilections, he remained at home, cul- 
 tivating his farm with his own hands. In possession of every 
 thing which this world could furnish to render him contented 
 he remained with his family; but at the same time he kept, 
 his eye steadily fixed on the proceedings of parliament in 
 relation to the colonies, and was one of the first to become 
 persuaded of the direct tendency and certain consequence 
 of the principle set forth in the stamp act ; and was convinced 
 that nothing short of absolute slavery would be the condition 
 of the colonists, unless they resisted the claim of taxing them 
 without their consent. There he early took his stand, and 
 uniformly maintained it, in accordance with the principle he 
 avowed, that an imposition of taxes on a people, without their 
 concurrence by representation, was despotism ; and to this 
 he resolved never to submit. Hence he cordially united 
 with others in electing delegates to the first general con 
 gress, which convened in the city of New York, in the au 
 tumn of 1765. 
 
 The repeal of the " Stamp act, " and the dismissal of the 
 Duke of Bedford and Mr. Grenville from the ministry, and 
 ihe appointment of the Marquis of Rockingham, afforded 
 cordial satisfaction throughout the colonies ; and the people 
 of New Jersey participated in the general pleasure in full 
 proportion with the other colonists. They flattered them 
 selves that the design of parliament, which had caused so 
 much alarm, and produced such a general excitement through 
 out the provinces, was now laid aside, not to be renewed. 
 What strengthened this confidence greatly was the popularity 
 of the new minister in America, who was supposed to favor 
 the claims of the colonies, and to entertain friendly feelings 
 toward them generally. 
 
 While some viewed "the declaratory act," as it was called, 
 as intended to sooth the feelings of those lofty spirited men 
 who had upheld the Grenville administration, there were not 
 a few who were better acquainted with the disposition of the 
 men from whom the king would select his cabinet ; and 
 whatever they might hope, their fears still prevailed that 
 it was a secret reserve to be called into operation whenever 
 the parliament should deem it expedient. These, of course, 
 carried their views forward, anticipating the time when the 
 claim of a right to impose taxes on the colonists with 
 out their consent would be insisted on again. Nor were 
 they deceived. For when, in 1767, Charles Townsend 
 brought the plan of revenue, including a number of articles 
 
140 JOHN HAKT, 
 
 on which a duty was to be paid on their being impoited into 
 the British American colonies, the whole community took 
 alarm again, and were fully convinced that the repeal of the 
 stamp act was only a lure to deceive them, and quiet their 
 former apprehensions. Perhaps no man felt this spirit of re 
 sistance more uniformly or with a more inflexible determina 
 tion than Mr. Hart. He resolved not to yield the principle 
 but with life. To this determination he adhered without 
 wavering, until the revolutionary war was closed, and the 
 object for which it was maintained had been achieved. In 
 the prosecution and progress of that war few individuals suf 
 fered more in pecuniary losses and personal afflictions than 
 himself. 
 
 He cheerfully and with the utmost cordiality united in the 
 non-importation agreement, and promoted it with his utmost 
 influence. The oppressive measures of the ministry were 
 sustained by parliament, as has been often mentioned in this 
 volume. The partial repeal of Townsend s revenue system 
 still left the duty on tea. The opposition to its importation 
 into the colonies became universal ; and the situation of that 
 brought into Boston and New York is well known to every 
 reader in the least degree conversant with the history of the 
 poriod. The destruction of the tea in Boston produced the 
 retaliation of the parliament in the Boston port bill ; and this, 
 together with preceding measures, brought together the con 
 gress of 1774. Of that venerable and ever to be respected 
 body, Mr. Hart was a member. 
 
 From congress, when it adjourned, he returned to his do- 
 mestic pursuits, awaiting the result of the measures which 
 they had adopted. 
 
 In the early part of the following year, he was again ap 
 pointed a delegate to congress by the general assembly of 
 New Jersey, and attended in his seat in the May following. 
 
 " The Lexington Battle" having intervened between hi? 
 election in January, and the meeting of congress in May, 
 1775, a spirit of resentment was roused throughout the pro 
 vinces, and pervaded congress as well as their constituents. 
 Mr. Hart being then about sixty years of age, was found to 
 be very useful, by the influence which he exerted in modera 
 ting the more youthful delegates, especially those from the 
 southern colonies. 
 
 As congress before their adjournment had adopted such 
 measures of defence as the situation of the country demanded, 
 so far as the means within, their power would justify, an ad 
 
NEW JERSEY. 141 
 
 journment took place ; when Mr. Hart again resumed his do 
 mestic employments, with that simplicity and singleness of 
 mind which he had evinced in every situation where he harf 
 been called to act. He now found that the concerns of his fa mi. 
 ly and his estate demanded his care and attention ; and feeling 
 convinced that his presence was less needed in congress than 
 at home, he requested the assembly which elected him, foi 
 reasons he assigned, to accept his resignation, which he then 
 tendered. This was accepted, and he in a great measure 
 withdrew for a short period from public business. During that 
 time, however, he continued a member, and was vice presi 
 dent of the colonial assembly. 
 
 At that time, the royal authority having ceased in the pro 
 vince, the assembly gave place to a convention of deputies 
 from several counties, which consisted exclusively of whigs 
 of decided character. This convention exercising the execu 
 tive and legislative powers of the province, immediately re 
 solved to put in requisition Mr. Hart s services, which they 
 deemed too valuable to the interests of the country to be dis 
 pensed with; and on the fourteenth day of February, 1776, 
 reappointed him a delegate to the general congress. Impress 
 ed with the importance which was attached to the election, 
 he again took his seat in that national council, when it came 
 together. With great promptness and unanimity, the conven 
 tion instructed their delegates to unite with the delegates 
 from other provinces, to consent and agree to what ever rnea- 
 sures congress might deem necessary, for the defence and 
 security of the rights and liberties of the American colonies ; 
 and pledged themselves as the legal representatives of New 
 Jersey, to execute whatever measures congress might adopt, 
 with their utmost power. 
 
 Although the language of their instructions would have 
 justified the delegates in uniting at once, in dissolving their 
 allegiance to the king and parliament of Great Britain, and 
 the state would have stood pledged to approve of arid support 
 their decision ; yet it is more than probable, that few if any 
 of their leading men, at that time, even contemplated such a 
 measure being presented for the consideration of congress. 
 It appears evident that all hope of a reconciliation with Great 
 Britain was not then extinguished ; but as in the adjoining pro 
 vince of Pennsylvania, so in New Jersey, a few months only 
 produced a general and entire revolution of feeling and sen 
 timent on that subject, throughout New Jersey, and the peo 
 ple were ripe for an entire separation from the parent govern- 
 
142 JOHN HART, 
 
 ment. In producing this revolution, the information which 
 was received, that England was in treaty with some of the 
 German princes, to obtain mercenary troops to assist them in 
 subduing the colonies, had much influence to induce their re 
 presentatives in congress to harmonize in sentiment with the 
 people. It was deemed all important that their delegates should 
 not nn^y truly represent the feelings of the people, but that they 
 sh i do it unanimously. The provincial congress therefore 
 pro -eded to effect the changes necessary for these objects. 
 In this new choice, while some of the existing delegates were 
 omitted, and others substituted, Mr. Hart, whose views and 
 sentiments had been uniform, and were well known, was 
 retained in his office. This was effected subsequently to the 
 introduction to congress by Richard Henry Lee, of the reso 
 lution, which brought the question of declaring the indepen 
 dence of the colonies immediately into discussion. This placed 
 him among the bold advocates and signers of that declara 
 tion, which was decided on the memorable fourth of July, 
 1776, and gave him a passport to immortality. 
 
 It has been mentioned before, that in the event of open 
 hostilities, the situation of Mr. Hart s estate would peculiarly 
 expose him, his family, and property, to the ravages and 
 desolations of the enemy. The time had now arrived when 
 he was to realize the full measure of the evils which he had 
 anticipated. 
 
 It may be remembered, that all those patriots who advo 
 cated the independence of the colonies, were pre-eminently 
 the objects of British resentment, and when their names were 
 disclosed by the publication of the declaration, they were im 
 mediately pointed out to the soldiery, to be captured and se 
 cured if possible, as victims of royal and military vengeance. 
 
 The invasion of New Jersey by the British, as was clearly 
 anticipated, placed Mr. Hart in that condition in each of these 
 particulars. His family, by a timely and distant retreat from 
 their dwelling, were saved from personal violence. His 
 farm was ravaged, his stock, which was large and valuable, 
 became the enemy s spoil; and Mr. Hart himself compelled 
 to find lodging where he might, never deeming it safe to remain 
 under the same roof two nights in succession. This condi 
 tion of himself and family continued until General Washing 
 ton s successful march upon Trenton, and capture of the Hes 
 sians posted there, compelled the foe to evacuate New Jersey. 
 
 Although he did not live to see the war terminated by an 
 acknowledgment of American Independence, yet he survived 
 
NEW JERSEY. J43 
 
 long enough to see a brighter prospect open to his country, 
 giving strong indications, if not assurance, that the object for 
 which he had suffered and sacrificed so much, would b*> 
 achieved. Contemplating with pleasing anticipations the 
 opening prospect of a political regeneration of the nations 
 and steadily pursuing the way of holiness, by a faithful cli? 
 charge of his daily duties to God, and his fellow men, h< 
 calmly waited for the summons, which he daily expected to 
 call him home. At length that summons arrived, and found 
 him prepared. Tn the year 1780 he closed his useful and 
 honorable life. 
 
 .-, e~- 
 
 ABRAHAM CLARK. 
 
 The gentleman whose name stands at the head of this arti 
 cle, was a native of New Jersey, born in the borough of Eli- 
 zabethtown, on the fifteenth of February, 1726. He was the 
 only child of his parents, who were farmers ; and to him their 
 patrimony descended regularly from his first American ances 
 tor, who settled upon it. He was educated to the business of 
 agriculture, which his predecessors had followed ; but having 
 a slender constitution, he did not pursue it. 
 
 He devoted his early years to study, and became a practi 
 cal surveyor; and was employed in the business of surveyor 
 and conveyancer. He also paid considerable attention to the 
 study of law. He did not enter professionally into the prac 
 tice of law ; but by his acquaintance with the science, he be 
 came very useful as a counsellor among his neighbors; and 
 his services which were much sought after, were rendered 
 gratuitously. For this he was highly esteemed by his neigh 
 bors, and it procured him the enviable title of the " poor man s 
 counsellor." 
 
 Under the colonial government, Mr. Clark had held the of 
 fice of sheriff of the county of Essex, and also that of clerk of 
 the general assembly. Of the various offices which he held 
 in the province, while it was under the royal government, he 
 discharged the several duties with fidelity. But when the 
 question was presented for his consideration, either to submit 
 to the oppressive measures of the parent government, or to 
 resist, and stand boldly in defence of the just constitutional 
 rignts of the colonies, his patriotic love of country left him no 
 
144 ABRAHAM CLARK, 
 
 grounds for hesitation. He felt the allegiance which was 
 due to his country ; and he decided to espouse its cause, and 
 stand or fall with it. He devoted the remainder of his life to 
 the public interests. He stepped forward in the rank of her 
 first citizens, and became one of the chief actors in the impor 
 tant scenes, which appalled many less firm and resolute men, 
 whose wishes were on the side of the country. 
 
 After the state of the country became so alarming, that it 
 was deemed necessary to institute committees of vigilance 
 and public safety, and to resort to other means of protection 
 against the influence of the existing royal governments, and 
 their adherents, the tories, Mr. Clark was placed by his fellow 
 citizens on several such committees, but especially on that 
 of public safety ; as a member of which he soon became dis 
 tinguished for his activity and watchfulness. He omitted no ex 
 ertions for promoting the rising spirit of opposition among the 
 people, and for increasing that patriotic energy, which was 
 essential for ensuring success to the cause in which he was 
 engaged. 
 
 His distinguished activity and important services in promo 
 ting the common interest, attracted the attention of the com 
 munity, and pointed him out as worthy of their confidence, to 
 serve them on a more conspicuous theatre. Consequently 
 in 1776, he was appointed together with Hart, Hopkinson 
 and Witherspoon, to represent New Jersey in the general 
 congress. Their instructions were ample, and caused them 
 no embarrassment when the question of independence came 
 up for decision ; for that subject was explicitly recognized in 
 them, giving therm full power to unite with the delegates from 
 other colonies, in effecting a separation from the government 
 of Great Britain. To that memorable act he gave his cor 
 dial assent ; and in doing it committed to the hazard of an un 
 certain result, his life, his family, and his property. His first 
 appointment to congress was in June, and his second in No 
 vember, of 1776 ; and he was annually returned a member of 
 that body until 1783, with a single exception only. During 
 that long term of service, he, like all his fellow patriots of 
 that assembly, was actively employed in the service of the 
 country, which was then struggling for political existence. 
 
 After the return of peace, he seems to have retired from 
 congress for some years. But in 1788, he was again brought 
 forward by his countrymen, and took his seat again in the 
 general congress. 
 
NEW JERSEY. 145 
 
 During the time of his absence from congress, he was 
 a member of the state legislature, in which he maintained a 
 leading influence. 
 
 After the close of the revolutionary war, when the nation 
 was almost without a government, popular commotions were 
 excited in New Jersey, of a kindred spirit with those in Mas 
 sachusetts, although they did not extend, as in the latter state, 
 to insurrection and civil war. Against these, and the claims 
 of those who favored them, Mr. Clark, at the hazard of his 
 personal safety, opposed his influence in an open and decided 
 manner. 
 
 He opposed also the commutation of pay to the officers of 
 the army. The act of congress proposing it, caused great 
 popular commotion through the whole country, and excited 
 strong opposition to the measure. On the propriety of it, 
 eminent men were found on both sides of the question. The 
 objection to it probably arose from the impoverished condition 
 of the people, who had been drained of their means of subsist 
 ence by the long and burdensome war of the revolution. Mr. 
 Clark was honest and conscientious in the course he took. 
 
 He early saw the insufficiency of the old confederation 
 for the necessities of the country in a time of peace, and 
 exerted himself to procure a more efficient government, better 
 adapted to the national wants. One thing which especially 
 urged him to this, was the conduct of the legislature of 
 New York, in passing laws for levying duties, and collecting 
 revenue on vessels of other states, which visited her ports. 
 When a convention was resolved upon to frame a new constitu 
 tion, in 1787, he was chosen a delegate for New Jersey, but 
 did not join that assembly, having been prevented by ill 
 health. He was opposed to the constitution, as it came from 
 the convention ; but subsequent amendments having removed 
 his objections, he became its friend, and advocated its adoption. 
 
 He was a -candidate for election to the first congress un 
 der the new constitution, but failed. He was then appointed 
 by the legislature, a commissioner for settling the accounts 
 of the state with the United States of America, which had 
 been contracted during the war. This was an arduous ser 
 vice. He held the office, and discharged its duties, until the 
 next choice of representatives to congress ; when being a 
 candidate, he was elected, arid took his seat in the second 
 congress under the federal government, and under the presi- 
 dency of General Washington. He was re-elected to the 
 same office until near the close of his life. 
 
 13 
 
146 ABRAHAM CLARK, 
 
 Constitutionally Mr. Clark was ardent. He zealously sup 
 ported whatever he conscientiously believed was right. But 
 his ardent temperament predisposed him to be a warm parti- 
 zan ; and such he manifested to be himself on several occasions. 
 He zealously favored " Mr. Madison s discriminating resolu 
 tions" in favor of French commerce, which he introduced 
 into congress a short time previous to the nomination, by 
 President Washington, of Mr. Jay, as minister to Great Bri 
 tain. He also laid a resolution before congress for suspend 
 ing all intercourse with Great Britain, until she had made 
 compensation to American citizens for injuries they had sus 
 tained by the British cruisers, and delivered up the western 
 posts, according to the stipulation of the treaty of peace. 
 But neither of those measures was sanctioned by congress, 
 though warmly discussed, according to the party feelings of 
 that period, which the French revolution had occasioned in 
 the United States. The wisdom of the president suggested 
 a different course ; and Mr. Jay having successfully pursued 
 it, by negotiating a treaty with England, the United States 
 were, for that time, saved from the evils of a war with which 
 they were threatened. 
 
 During his public life, Mr. Clark seems to have acted with 
 honest conviction, and disinterested motives. He had two 
 sons, who held commissions in the American army, who 
 were captured by the British, and confined in the Jersey 
 Prison Ship, during a part of their captivity; and their suffer 
 ings were severe ; but a representation to congress, by caus 
 ing a retaliation on a British officer, soon produced a miti 
 gation of their severity. 
 
 Mr. Clark retired from public life when congress adjourned 
 in June, 1794, and in the autumn fell a victim to a stroke of 
 the sun, of which he died in the sixty-ninth year of b } age 
 and was buried in the church yard of Rahway. 
 
 Thus closed the life of a man, who 
 
 " Firm and decided as a patriot, 
 Zealous and faithful as a friend to the public 
 
 He loved his country, 
 And adhered to her cause 
 In the darkest hours of her struggles 
 Against oppression."* 
 
 * JnrTpt.i(.-n on his monument. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 147 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 THE gentleman, on whose memoirs we now enter, in the 
 important services he rendered to this country in her struggle 
 for establishing her liberty and independence, stands second 
 only to Washington. Indeed, it might almost be doubted, 
 whether the contest could have been brought to a successful 
 close, if the nation had not enjoyed the benefit of his active 
 and powerful mind, and his extraordinary financial talents. 
 His wisdom, skill, arid activity, in a short period, raised the 
 desponding spirit of the states from a depression verging on 
 despair, to a reviving prosperity, and a cheering prospect of 
 ultimate success, which appeared at the time almost miracu 
 lous. He seems to have been qualified for that particular 
 juncture, and entirely educated for the sphere he occupied. 
 And it may be repeated, without fear of contradiction, that 
 the inhabitants of the United States are under greater obliga 
 tions to Robert Morris, than to any other individual, except 
 the Father of his country. 
 
 Robert Morris was a native of England, born in Lanca 
 shire, in January, 1733. His father was a respectable mer 
 chant in Liverpool, who was extensively engaged in the co 
 lonial trade, particularly the American. He came to this 
 country while his son was but a child, and established himself 
 in Oxford, on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay, leaving 
 his son in the care of his grandmother. After he had become 
 settled, he sent to England for his son, who arrived at his 
 father s residence, when he was but thirteen years of age. 
 His advantages for obtaining an education were very limited. 
 He was placed at a school in Philadelphia. But the qualifi 
 cations of his instructor were imperfect, and his advantages 
 for improvement were, consequently, of an inferior grade. 
 On one occasion, having been reproved by his father, for his 
 fc iow progress in learning, he replied " Why, Sir, I have 
 Larned all that he could teach me." 
 
 Young Morris was left, like his colleague Ciymor, an or 
 
148 ROBERT MORRIS 
 
 phan early in life. His father was .at off in the midst of 
 his prosperity in the following manner. He had, on the ar- 
 rival of a ship from Liverpool, of which he was appointed an 
 agent by the foreign owner, invited a large party of his 
 friends to dine on board of her. Just as he was prepared to 
 leave the scene of festivity, to return on shore, the commander, 
 to honor the occasion, fire-d a salute. A wad from one of the 
 guns struck Mr. Morris on his arm, which inflicted a wound 
 that mortified, and caused his death. This occurred about 
 two years after young Morris arrived in America, and when 
 he was about fifteen years old. His father had placed him 
 in the compting room of Mr. Charles Willing, one of the first 
 merchants in Philadelphia. By the fidelity of his conduct he 
 soon acquired the confidence and esteem of his master ; and 
 by his activity and intelligence in conducting the business of 
 the house, he not only manifested his superior capacity in 
 mercantile transactions, but added to the prosperity of the 
 connection, by some speculations, the responsibility of which 
 he assumed in the absence of his principals. The address 
 of Mr. Willing to him, when on his death-bed, furnishes a 
 strong and unequivocal evidence of his esteem for Morris s 
 character and conduct. Shortly before he expired, Morris 
 being present, he thus addressed him, " Robert, always con 
 tinue to act as you have done." 
 
 In 1754, Mr. Morris formed a connection in mercantile 
 business with Mr. Thomas Willing. He was the acting 
 partner in that firm, which continued till 1793, (a period of 
 thirty-nine years;) and which soon became one of the first 
 commercial houses in Philadelphia ; and their importations 
 from England were very extensive. Yet, notwithstanding the 
 loss they must sustain by agreeing to a non-importation com 
 pact, when the interest of the colonies required the sacri 
 fice, to counteract the designs of the British ministry, this 
 sacrifice was at once cheerfully made on the altar of his 
 country. He not only signed an agreement not to import 
 from Great Britain, but was very active and influential in 
 prevailing on others, who were more cautious and timid, to 
 unite in the same measure. He readily came into every 
 plan that was proposed for resisting the encroachments of the 
 British government on the rights of the colonists; and such 
 was his liberal patriotism, that he would not suffer his private 
 interest to militate against the common interest of his coun 
 trymen. 
 
 If he ever indulged a hope that an open war with Great 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 149 
 
 Britain might be avoided, from the passing of the " Stamp 
 act," till American blood was shed by the British in Lexing 
 ton, Massachusetts, the instant he was informed of that event 
 it unalterably settled his determination respecting the course 
 he would pursue. It was at a scene of conviviality, when he 
 with a large number of gentlemen was celebrating the anni 
 versary of St. George s Day, that the information of the Lex 
 ington battle arrived, and was communicated to the members 
 of St. George s Society. From a scene of cheerful festivity 
 the change was instantaneous and universal. An electrical 
 shock could hardly have been more sudden. The company 
 left the board instantly, and retired in a state of feeling not 
 easily described. A few remained, and contemplated the 
 subject with silent astonishment. It was there, in that hall, 
 and on that occasion, that Robert Morris, Richard Peters, and 
 their remaining associates, vowed an irrevocable determina 
 tion to support revolutionary measures, and promote by 
 every means, the liberty of the American colonies. The 
 decision then made he invariably adhered to, through all sue 
 ceeding vicissitudes in the circumstances and prospects of tni 
 colonies ; and even in the most gloomy and appalling seasons 
 his confidence in the ultimate triumph of the American cause, 
 and his determination to persevere in the conflict, were never 
 seen to waver for one moment. When others trembled with 
 fearful apprehension, he stood firm; and his cheerfulness 
 never forsook him. 
 
 Although a very popular and active leader among his fel 
 low citizens, in vindicating their rights, Mr. Morris had not 
 hitherto appeared on the stage of public life, where he after 
 wards acted a most conspicuous part in the great political 
 drama that ensued. But on the third day of November, 
 1775, the legislature of Pennsylvania appointed him a dele 
 gate to the second congress. He there soon evinced such 
 a character for talents, information, and untiring activity, that 
 he became one of the most influential and efficient members 
 of that dignified assembly. One of the first marks of dis 
 tinction conferred on him was an appointment on the secret 
 committee, of which he acted as chairman. The duties which 
 devolved on that committee, were of immense importance to 
 the ultimate success of the American cause. It belonged to 
 them to import arms and ammunition to supply the army. 
 Soon after this, he was placed on a committee to devise ways 
 and means for providing a naval armament, to consist of such 
 a number of ships as they could furnish, with the means they 
 
 13* 
 
150 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 could command. After that committee presented their re. 
 port, and the report was accepted, he was designated on the 
 committee for carrying it into execution. 
 
 Mr. Morris s extensive knowledge of mercantile and com 
 mercial business brought him forward, at an early period of 
 his public life, as an able assistant in supervising the finances 
 of the government. But it was not until a later period, when 
 his services in that department became so important to the 
 United States, that he stood so deservedly high as one of the 
 most efficient agents, in securing the great objects of the revo 
 lutionary conflict. In the spring of 1776, he was specially 
 commissioned to negotiate bills of exchange, and to endorse 
 them, to procure revenue for the government ; and congress 
 engaged to indemnify him against eventual loss, by his thus 
 becoming responsible. 
 
 He was returned a delegate to congress a second time, for 
 Pennsylvania, in July, 1776, fourteen days after the great 
 question of American Independence was settled in that body. 
 
 At that dark period, when the British army was passing 
 without resistance through New Jersey ; when General 
 Washington, with a small half starved, half naked, inefficient, 
 disheartened army, was retreating before the enemy, without 
 the power of meeting him in the field, to check his advance 
 on Philadelphia; when congress had to withdraw to a place 
 of safety, to hold their deliberations; " when everyface gathered 
 blackness, and the stoutest men s hearts were failing them for 
 fear ;" when deep gloom and despondency marched over the 
 country, suggesting the apprehension that all was lost, and 
 that the country would soon have to submit at discretion, to a 
 proud, conquering foe; at that very time, and on the very day 
 that congress was compelled to withdraw from Philadelphia. 
 Mr. Morris still, and almost alone, maintained his confidence ; 
 and evinced it by negotiating a loan of ten thousand dollars 
 for the use of the marine committee ; depending on the 
 guarantee of congress for his indemnification, at a moment, 
 when it was extremely doubtful whether that body would 
 have an existence at the end of a fortnight. In that most criti 
 cal time, he did more to prevent the occurrence of all those 
 awful calamities with which the country was then threatened, 
 by his single agency, than all the other public men in the na 
 tion. It was he who procured indispensable means for ena 
 bling General Washington to bring his small force into an 
 action, by which the progress of the enemy was arrested, the 
 
 tits of the American troops reanimated, new hopes raised, 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 151 
 
 and a new confidence inspired in the whole community. This 
 all turned on the pecuniary aid which he procured for the 
 commander in chief, by means of which he carried his plans 
 into operation, and without which he could have effected 
 nothing. 
 
 Mr. Morris was one of the committee which was left to re 
 main in Philadelphia, with almost unlimited discretionary 
 powers, when congress, fleeing before an approaching enemy, 
 retired to Baltimore. He placed his family in the country for 
 safety, but took lodgings himself with a friend in the city. It 
 wast in these circumstances the following interesting occur 
 rence took place : 
 
 The enemy, before whom General Washington had been 
 obliged to retreat, was encamped on the opposite shore of the 
 Delaware. His little army was at a place now called New 
 Hope. The enemy was able to obtain an accurate know 
 ledge of his position and circumstances ; while he, for the 
 want of money, could learn nothing respecting theirs. He 
 was meditating an attack on the enemy, but could make none 
 of the calculations indispensable to his operations, without a 
 specified sum in specie. In these circumstances, he address 
 ed a letter to Robert Morris, stating those particulars. The 
 communication was brought from the general to Mr. Morris, 
 by a confidential messenger. It reached him at a time when 
 the inhabitants of the city had generally retired from it foi 
 safety. This fact rendered the prospect of procuring the 
 sum almost hopeless. After receiving the despatch, he con 
 fined himself to his compting room, revolving the question, by 
 what means he might be able to furnish the aid so indispen 
 sable to the commander in chief, until the time for closing k, 
 and retiring to his lodgings. Gloom and depression for 
 once gathered over his spirits. He discovered not the source 
 of relief; when passing towards his home, he casually met a 
 gentleman of the society of Friends, with whom he was ac 
 quainted, and who also placed the most entire confidence in 
 his integrity. This gentleman inquired of Mr. Morris for 
 the news. He replied, " The most important news is, I re 
 quire a certain sum in specie, and must have it." The Friend 
 thought for a moment, when Mr. Morris continued, " your se 
 curity is to be my note and my honor." " Robert thou shall 
 have it," the Friend replied. The specie was furnished, and 
 sent immediately to General Washington. This loan of the 
 " Friend," to Mr. Morris, and by him borrowed for his coun 
 try, on his own credit, enabled General Washington to obtain 
 
152 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 the victory at Trenton, which produced such an auspicious 
 change in the circumstances of the country from desponden 
 cy, to a cheering hope and animation. In March, 1777, Mr 
 Morris was chosen a third time, by the legislature of Penn 
 sylvania, to represent that state in the general congress. 
 
 " The secret committee" was dissolved during this year, 
 and the committee of commerce substituted in its place. Of 
 this committee Mr. Morris was a most prominent and effi 
 cient member. 
 
 In this year, in the month of November, he was selected, in 
 connection with Mr. Gerry and Mr. Jones, to repair to h^ad- 
 quarters, and in a private and confidential interview with 
 General Washington, to devise and consider of the best means 
 for conducting a winter campaign with vigor, and in the most 
 successful manner ; and also, in concurrence with the com- 
 mander in chief, to direct all such measures for its prosperity 
 and success, as might be demanded by the circumstances of 
 the public service. His fiscal talents were almost constantly 
 in exercise for the benefit of the country ; and in that branch 
 of the public business, it is acknowledged he had not his 
 equal, at any time in the congress, while he was a member 
 of that assembly, although it embraced a large share of the 
 first talents of the country for wisdom and patriotism. 
 
 It is universally acknowledged that Robert Morris possessed 
 talents, such as the country at that particular juncture stood 
 in need of, which were of the first and highest order ; and his 
 patriotism was of an equally elevated character. The whole 
 of his time, and all his mental faculties, were zealously 
 devoted to his country s service ; and his commercial credit 
 abroad, than which none in the country stood higher, or was 
 more extensive, he often dedicated to the public service. 
 Provisions were furnished and pecuniary aid procured in 
 great emergences, by his individual exertions, and on his 
 own private responsibility, applied to the public benefit, when 
 the want of them was most pressing and urgent ; and when 
 the government were unable otherwise to procure them. 
 One instance, in proof of the correctness of this remark, 
 shall be now stated, on the high authority of the late 
 venerable Judge Peters, of Pennsylvania, who was, at the 
 time referred to, placed at the head of the war department. 
 He remarks, " that in 1779, or 1780, tired of the most dis- 
 /ressirig years of the war, General Washington wrote to him 
 a most alarming account of the prostrate condition of the mili- 
 tary stores, und enjoined his immediate exertions to supply 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 153 
 
 the deficiency. There were no musket cartridges, but those 
 in the men s boxes; and they were wet; of course, if attacked, 
 a retreat or rout was inevitable. The board of war had ex 
 hausted all the lead which they could procure, having ordered 
 even the spouts of houses to be melted, and had offered the 
 equivalent in paper of two shillings specie per pound. He 
 went in the evening of the day on which he received this lette^ 
 to a splendid entertainment given by Don Miraillis, the Span 
 ish minister ; his heart was sad, but he had the faculty of 
 brightening his countenance, even under gloomy disasters. 
 Mr. Morris, who was one of the guests, and knew him well, 
 discovered some casual traits of depression. He accosted 
 him in his usual easy and disengaged manner. " I see some 
 cloud passing across the sunny countenance you assume. 
 What is the matter?" After some hesitation, he showed him 
 the general s letter, which he had brought with him. After some 
 time, with sincere delight he called him aside, and told him 
 that the Holkar privateer had just arrived at his wharf, with 
 ninety tons of lead, which she had brought as ballast. It 
 had been landed at Martinique, and stone ballast had sup 
 plied its place ; but this had been put on shore, and the lead 
 taken in again. " You shall have my half of this fortunate 
 supply" said he, " and there are the owners of the other 
 half, (pointing to the gentlemen in the apartment.) But I am 
 already under heavy personal engagements, as guarantee for 
 the department, to those and other gentlemen. " Well," re 
 joined Mr. Morris, "they will take your assumption, with my 
 guarantee." Instantly on these terms, he secured the lead, 
 left the entertainment, sent for the proper officers, and set 
 more than one hundred people to work during the night. Be 
 fore morning a supply of cartridges was ready, and sent off 
 to the army. Many more such occurrences might be related." 
 At this distance of time, it would hardly seem possible, 
 that a man of such nobleness of soul, such exalted patri 
 otism, often manifested in the most disinterested manner, 
 could become a subject of suspicion and aspersion ; but 
 such was the fact. Robert Morris was assailed on the floor of 
 congress hall by a member, with an impeachment of his honor 
 and integrity. The accusation was made by Mr. Laurens, 
 on apparently plausible grounds ; but, in truth, a result of in 
 correct information of the manner of transacting the public 
 business, on which the accusation was founded. It was in 
 troduced while congress was setting in Yorktown. The 
 charge amounted to this, that the house of Willing, Morris, & 
 
154 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 Co. when employed as agents, to do business for the sole be 
 nefit of the public, had availed themselves of the opportunity 
 to make shipments in France, as private speculations, arid for 
 their own benefit, to the detriment of government, by whom 
 they were employed. The truth was, that for greater security, 
 the public business had been transacted ostensibly, as for their 
 private account. But the recorded transactions on the books 
 of the secret committee, always placed the whole concerns of 
 that committee on a correct foundation, and might at any 
 time have been adduced to substantiate, or obviate any char 
 ges against them, if disingenuousness or a departure from 
 uprightness had existed. Mr. Laurens having discovered his 
 error, afterwards magnanimously retracted the charge, and 
 acquitted Mr. Morris entirely. But to remove all doubts 
 from every mind, respecting their honorable and upright 
 dealings, at his request, congress appointed a special com 
 mittee to investigate the books containing an account of 
 all the transactions of the secret committee, and report to 
 congress. And never was a triumph more complete in any 
 case, than was that of Willing, Morris, & Co. furnished in 
 the report of that special committee. Mr. Morris very cor 
 rectly considered, that the preservation of his honor and 
 integrity, pure and untarnished, in the public estimation, was 
 indispensable for performing the services devolving on him as 
 an agent for government, for the benefit of the public ; and, 
 that if he had justly merited the imputations thrown upon his 
 character, he had forfeited the confidence reposed in him. 
 This he communicated to congress, when he requested the 
 appointment of a committee to investigate the whole of his 
 transactions in his public agency. The report of that com 
 mittee was fully sanctioned by congress, and placed him on 
 such elevated ground, as would effectually secure him against 
 similar charges in future. But such was not the fact. During 
 his life, however, when he thought any assault of the kind 
 worthy of notice, and he undertook his own justification, they 
 were all dissipated, and manifested to be unfounded, in a man 
 ner equally conclusive and satisfactory, with that improperly 
 urged in congress at Yorktown. His reputation as a true 
 patriot, and one of the greatest, and most disinterested bene 
 factor of his country, wiH descend to posterity with a just de 
 mand on the gratitude of the American people ; and with a 
 lustre increasing in each succeeding generation. 
 
 In the year 1780, one of the most disastrous and gloomy 
 years of the revolutionary period, Mr. Morris instituted a 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 155 
 
 bank in Philadelphia with the aid of other patriotic citizens, 
 the sole object of which was to establish a credit, by means 
 of which congress could be furnished with pecuniary accom 
 modations for relieving a suffering and almost disbanding 
 army. The facilities thus furnished for the public service, 
 were large in amount, and incalculable in their results. This 
 bank he originated, digested the plan, and when the scheme 
 was matured, headed the list with a subscription of ten thou 
 sand pounds in Pennsylvania currency. Others, through his 
 instrumentality, augmented the capital to three hundred and 
 fifteen thousand pounds ; the benefits of which accrued solely 
 to the public. 
 
 Thus it was a fact, as honorable as it was unusual, that by 
 the industry and talents of one individual, aided by a number 
 of patriotic associates and kindred spirits, a plan was origi 
 nated, matured, and put in successful operation ; which ena 
 bled government in its most pressing need, and destitute of 
 resources, to obtain and transport to the army, three millions 
 of rations, and a large amount of other stores ; at the same 
 time the subscribers pledged themselves, that no personal 
 or individual emolument whatever should be derived from the 
 institution. Had this taken place in Rome, even in her most 
 virtuous age, posterity would justly have considered it as 
 adorning one of the fairest and most splendid eras of her history. 
 
 Mr. Morris was elected a member of congress but once 
 more, previous to the adoption of the federal constitution. 
 This was on the 13th of December, 1777. During the whole 
 time that he was a member of congress, he was constantly 
 employed in promoting the great cause in which he had 
 embarked his all. It would be impracticable to enume 
 rate particularly the duties he performed, and the servi 
 ces he rendered, within that period. But his exertions 
 were not limited to his public offices. He labored with his 
 fellow citizens to arouse the lukewarm, to cheer and encour 
 age the desponding, and to stimulate the whole, to put forth 
 their aid, to carry the struggle to a successful issue. Be 
 sides, he improved his extensive commercial correspondence 
 abroad, for the public benefit. He had numerous friends in 
 England, with whom he held a private correspondence ; and 
 they, being friendly to the cause of the Americans, took pains 
 to inform him early of the measures parliament adopted, rela 
 tive to the American war ; and the debates in that assembly. 
 In this way, much useful and highly important information 
 was communicated to a collection of his friends, at their fre- 
 
156 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 quent meetings for business ; and by them it was spread widely 
 among the citizens, and served to keep alive their spirit of 
 opposition ; which, in many instances seemed to be growing 
 cool and languid. This practice he commenced early ; even 
 before the intercourse between the countries was suspended ; 
 and he continued it through the whole war. 
 
 Although his patriotic career had been useful and splen 
 did before, yet it may be safely affirmed, that it was the 
 most distinguished in 1781. It was then that he accepted an 
 office, urged on him by congress, and given him bv their 
 unanimous vote, in which he exhibited the vast powers - 4 his 
 creative genius, and performed services which no other indi 
 vidual in the country was competent to render ; services too, 
 without which, it appears as if the cause of the United States 
 must have failed, and the country have remained in a state of 
 colonial vassallage. Thus immensely important to American 
 liberty were the services of one individual. 
 
 At the time when he undertook to discharge the duties of 
 that office, the public accounts were in a state of almost cha 
 otic disorder ; the debt was of a vast amount ; the army in a 
 starving condition ; the military chest empty ; the credit of the 
 government prostrated ; and even Washington s confidence 
 was supposed to be shaken. Under these circumstances, 
 Robert Morris assumed the superintendence of the finances 
 of the United States. It required a Herculean effort ; and 
 that effort he applied. By himself alone, upon his own indivi 
 dual credit, and from his own private resources, he furnished 
 those pecuniary supplies ; without which, all the other means 
 which the government could command, or even allure to their 
 aid, must have proved in vain. 
 
 His great principle of conduct, he expressed to a commit 
 tee of congress, in a single short sentence. It was, " to 
 raise the public revenues by such modes as may be most 
 easy and equal to the people, and to expend them in the 
 most frugal, fair, and upright manner." The situation of 
 the general government, under the old confederation, left 
 congress little more power than a grand committee of ways and 
 means, whose duty it was to report to the several state legis 
 latures what they deemed necessary ; and to urge them to 
 see that the measures they reported, were executed. The 
 several states had all the power of taxation within their con- 
 trol. If the states failed to comply with the recommenda 
 tions of congress, to levy and collect taxes, to supply the na 
 tional treasury, as was too often the fact, the national credit 
 
PENNSYLVANIA 157 
 
 must be prostrated. This had already been realized. If con- 
 gress devised any plan for raising a revenue, aside from taxa 
 tion by the individual states ; for instance, by collecting an in- 
 post duty on imported and prize goods, landed in the United 
 Stales, it was in the power of a single state, to prevent its 
 execution. This power was possessed equally and indepen 
 dently by thirteen such states. The individual consent of 
 each must be obtained, before it could be done ; and in the 
 most urgent and pressing emergency of the public wants, al 
 though either an imposition, and ready collection of taxes, or 
 the power of laying and collecting an impost, would have re 
 vived and sustained the national credit, the states would do 
 neither. The refusal of Rhode Island and Georgia prevent 
 ed the last measure from being adopted, although the other 
 states had acceeded to it. Of these two resources, therefore, 
 Jie superintendent of finance was wholly deprived. To re 
 vive public credit, already destroyed, would seem impossible. 
 But this was done by Robert Morris alone. When he as 
 sumed the duties of his office, the treasury was more than 
 two millions and an half in arrears. His maxim was, to fulfil 
 every obligation he entered into with strict punctuality. 
 This he adhered to in every instance in which he pledged 
 nimself. This was one means by which he raised public con 
 fidence ; and by it he was enabled to draw forth resources 
 from the wealth of many individuals, who otherwise would 
 not have put it into circulation. It will not be practicable in 
 this sketch to mention more than a part of the expedients his 
 comprehensive mind devised and adopted to excite public 
 confidence. Yet, when congress could not obtain the loan 
 of a thousand dollars, Robert Morris, on his individual re 
 sponsibility, would, and did, obtain vast sums for the benefit 
 of the government. 
 
 One of the principal means for effecting this, and by which 
 he, to a great extent, succeeded in establishing a credit, from 
 which the government derived immense benefit, was institu 
 ting the Bank of North America, already mentioned. 
 
 He devised the measure ; digested the plan ; procured the 
 subscriptions for the stock ; and after obtaining a charter 
 from the legislature of Pennsylvania, got the bank into opera 
 tion. It was a new thing in the country, and looked at with 
 a cautious jealousy, by moneyed men, for a time ; but the 
 facilities which it rendered to business transactions, the con 
 fidence which was inspired in the community, by a little ex- 
 perience in getting the specie for its bills, whenever they 
 
 14 
 
158 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 were presented for the purpose, soon quieted all solicitude on 
 the subject ; and its paper in a short time took the place of 
 specie at par, as being more convenient. It shortly became 
 the circulating medium through all the states ; and the bank 
 was the place of large deposits of gold and silver. But before 
 this important aid to the funds of the government could be 
 established and be put into operation, several difficulties were 
 necessarily to be overcome, or rather obviated, which it is 
 unnecessary to mention. At length, however, these were by 
 his industry, influence, and perseverance, overcome ; and in 
 1782, the North American Bank commenced business. The 
 capital paid in at that time was limited ; but the aid it afforded 
 the government was of great value. This will be evident 
 from the following statement. The bank, with a capital of 
 but three hundred thousand dollars, within six months from its 
 commencing business, advanced to government four hundred 
 and eighty thousand. Although such an institution was un 
 precedented in the country, and it had to overcome the uni 
 versal prejudice against a paper medium, which had resulted 
 from the ruinous depreciation of the ruinous continental ana 
 state emissions, and the consequent fear that this would soon 
 follow the course of its predecessors, it rose in its reputation, 
 extended its credit, increased its strength, and diffused its re. 
 viving influence on the public confidence throughout the ex 
 tent oft the country. This was the first important operation 
 in the system of the financier ; and it became the right arm 
 of his strength, in rendering the others beneficial and prosper 
 ous. , As the confidence of the public in the soundness of the 
 bank became established, many individuals, who held specie, 
 which they could not invest in any profitable business, situated 
 as the country then was, deposited it in the bank for safe 
 keeping, and thus indirectly enlarged the means for more 
 extended accommodations. 
 
 Another part of his system was to establish a firm credit for 
 his own private notes, that he might give the public the bene 
 fit of his individual credit. To effect this he instituted a pri 
 vate banking establishment, under the superintendance of Mr. 
 Swanwick, where he displayed large piles of gold and silver 
 coins, in the full view of all who entered the office. It might 
 have been taken from the bank early in the morning, and re 
 turned to its vaults in the evening, and so repeated succes 
 sively from day to day. But it was there in full view, till his 
 own credit was established on the repeated application of 
 holders of his paper for the specie. They uniformly obtained 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 159 
 
 it; he was deemed safe, since the specie was there, and 
 might be obtained at pleasure, by the holders of his notes. 
 Applications for it soon ceased ; his paper was good, more 
 easy of transportation than bags of dollars ; and it passed cur. 
 rently to a large amount, at par with gold and silver. In this 
 manner his individual credit was an auxiliary of immense ad- 
 vantage to the government ; by means of which he, to a great 
 extent, fed and clothed the continental army, at a time when 
 congress could do nothing towards it ; and at a time when with 
 out this aid, the army must have been disbanded, or subsisted 
 by forced contributions from the inhabitants. But a full de 
 tail of all his measures for supplying the necessities of the go 
 vernment, at that season of distress and calamity, the dread 
 of which, caused even General Washington almost to trem 
 ble, would demand a volume, and a full history of the two 
 last years of the revolutionary war. 
 
 If it were not demonstrable by official record, posterity 
 would hardly be made to believe, that the campaign of 1781, 
 which resulted in the capture of Cornwallis, and virtually 
 closed the revolutionary war, was sustained wholly on the 
 credit of an individual merchant. 
 
 It is well known that the plan had been formed by General 
 Washington, and the commander of the French allies, with 
 their combined force, to attack the British in New York, and 
 recover possession of that city. By the determination of 
 Count de Grasse, not to hazard his heavy ships in the bay of 
 New York, and to sail for the Chesapeake, the plan was 
 disconcerted. At the time when intelligence of this fact 
 reached General Washington, Mr. Morris and Mr. Peters 
 \vere at head-quarters, on a secret mission to the general, 
 He, on receiving the intelligence, was for a little time agi 
 tated and disconcerted ; but his clear and comprehensive 
 mind at once resolved to turn the disappointment to the advan 
 tage of America in the southern states. 
 
 Early in the morning, after the determination of the Count 
 de Grasse was communicated to General Washington, at the 
 beating of the reveille, Messrs. Morris and Peters were awa 
 kened by a messenger from the commander in chief, request 
 ing their immediate attendance. The circumstance being 
 somewhat unusual, they immediately complied with the re 
 quest. It was then that they witnessed his agitation, which the 
 total derangement of his plans, by the determination of the 
 French admiral had caused. The event was of a nature to 
 excite strong feelings. Such feelings were excited in the 
 
160 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 breast of Washington ; insomuch that he exclaimed Against 
 the breach of faith on the part of Count de Grasse. At the 
 usual hour of breakfast, they found him as composed as if 
 nothing unusual had taken place, and calmly busied in mak- 
 ing out his estimates of what supplies he should want for his 
 southern expedition, in pursuit of Cornwallis. Within that 
 very short lapse of time had his comprehensive mind sug 
 gested that decisive enterprise, and entered on an estimate 
 of the various particulars requisite for accomplishing it. He 
 immediately inquired of Mr. Peters, (who was at the head of 
 the war department,) " Well, what can you do for me, under 
 this unexpected disappointment?" Mr. Peters replied, " With 
 money, every thing ; without, it, nothing ; and immediately 
 turned with a look of anxiety towards the financier. Mr. Mor 
 ris instantly said, " I understand you ; but I must know the 
 amount you require." Before the hour of dinner the amount 
 was placed before him. Mr. Morris informed the general, 
 that he had not any possible means of furnishing money to 
 that amount ; and that he should be compelled to rely on 
 credit his own individual credit solely ; and that he could de 
 cide whether he thought it safe to depend solely on that credit 
 which it would be necessary for him to risk. General Wash 
 ington immediately remarked ; " The measure is inevitable ; 
 and therefore resolved on ; and I must pursue it at all hazards." 
 Thus, in the course of a few hours, was the expedition devi 
 sed, resolved on, and the means necessary for carrying it 
 forward put into a course of provision, by these three men ; 
 and this immediately after having experienced one of the 
 most deranging disappointments which occurred during the 
 whole war. The disappointment that preceded it was sud 
 den, unlocked for, and perplexing to the commander in chief. 
 It led to the adoption of a plan, the most eventful, glorious, 
 and happy in its results the triumphant termination of the 
 struggle for American Independence, which it established for 
 ever. The usual commission paid to mercantile brokers, on 
 the sums which Mr. Morris obtained for the United States, 
 on his own individual responsibility, when the credit of the 
 national government could not have obtained ten thousand 
 nay one thousand dollars, would alone have amounted to an 
 immense fortune. A more magnanimous, disinterested pa 
 triot has rarely, if ever arisen in any country. 
 
 It may be affirmed, without any fear of refutation, that, 
 without the military talents of Washington, and the financial 
 talents of Morris, mutually co-operating to effect the object, 
 
PENNSYLVANIA 161 
 
 the Independence of the United States, though declared in 
 July, 1776, could not have been achieved and secured. 
 
 After the war was terminated, and he had retired from of 
 fice, he was chosen once or twice, to represent Philadelphia 
 in the legislature of Pennsylvania. And when it was deter 
 mined to call a convention of the states, to form the federal 
 constitution under which we now live, Mr. Morris was re - 
 turned a member from Pennsylvania. 
 
 After the adoption of the constitution and the election of 
 a congress, to organize the government, Mr. Morris was 
 chosen a member of the first senate of the United States for 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 General Washington, when about to select his cabinet, of 
 fered Mr. Morris the office of secretary of the treasury, and 
 urged his acceptance. But this he declined. He was re 
 quested by the president to name the candidate. He instantly 
 mentioned Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 Mr. Morris, in his management of the pecuniary concerns 
 of the United States, under the old confederation, practically 
 experienced its inefficiency so effectually, in respect to all 
 great national purposes, that he became early impressed with 
 the indispensable necessity of a different constitution of 
 government, to conduct the national concerns. His opinions 
 expressed from time to time, embraced many of the leading 
 principles, which were afterwards incorporated irt the federal 
 constitution. But he had witnessed such feelings on the sub 
 ject in the congress, among members from the different states, 
 as almost made him despair of ever seeing it established. 
 Yet he lived to aid in forming such a government, to see it 
 adopted by the states, and go into operation, and then to be a 
 member of one branch of that same government, under the 
 administration of that great captain, by whose military talents, 
 sustained by his own exertions, the nation was liberated from 
 foreign dominion, and established in independence. This 
 was pleasing to his latter years. But they were otherwise 
 clouded with gloom. 
 
 That tide of prosperity in his private commercial transac 
 tions, which had continued to flow, almost unchecked for 
 years, and which laid the foundation of his credit which he 
 used so beneficially in favor of the government, probably led 
 him to indulge to an immeasurable extent in wild specula- 
 lions ; it then forsook him, and involved him to such a degree 
 that he never was able to extricate himself. Whether his 
 unparalielled success in surmounting difficulties, when super- 
 
162 ROBERT MORRIS, 
 
 intending the money concerns of the government, superad- 
 ded to his extensive private commercial negotiations, had ex 
 cited a species of enthusiasm, so that he thought he could ac 
 complish impossibilities, may perhaps, admit of a doubt ; but 
 owing to this, or some other cause, he persuaded himself that 
 the nations of Europe would pour their population in a contin 
 ual and swelling current into this now free country, to settle 
 our wild uncultivated land ; and thus create a market which 
 could hardly be supplied. He made purchases, which swal 
 lowed up his immense fortune, and left him still involved in 
 inextricable embarrassment. 
 
 His academical education was limited, as we have stated ; 
 but he had acquired much information, by his general read 
 ing, which was extensive, and by his intercourse with men of 
 intelligence and learning ; and with commercial science, he 
 was probably more extensively acquainted than any other 
 man on this continent. 
 
 His style of writing is before the public, in his official com 
 munications to congress, his numerous letters to the gover 
 nors of the several states, and to other correspondents. It 
 will not be rendering him justice, if it is only acknowledged 
 to be handsome. It is more, it is easy, flowing, forcible, and 
 often eloquent. That he possessed native powers of mind of 
 a high order, will hardly be questioned by any one who is 
 qualified to judge correctly. 
 
 His hospitality was almost unbounded ; and his liberality 
 in aiding public institutions for beneficial purposes, and merit, 
 striving to rise from indigence and obscurity to usefulness 
 and respectability, are well known to persons now living, and 
 to some who experienced his generous aid and patronage 
 when commencing business in early life. 
 
 For many years, he was afflicted with the asthma, a dis 
 ease distressing in its nature and effects. With such an infir 
 mity oppressing him, and often suddenly attacking him with 
 great violence, it is difficult to perceive how he could possi 
 bly discharge the active duties he was called in person to 
 perform. Exercise was his specific, which he applied for 
 temporary relief. And this he often found efficacious in a 
 few minutes. 
 
 Worn down by years of public labor and private misfor 
 tunes, Mr. Morris yielded up his life on the eighth day of 
 May, 1806, in the seventy-third year of his age. 
 
 He was married to Miss Mary White, a sister of Bishop 
 White, on the second day of March, 1769. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 163 
 
 It may be remarked as rather a singular fact, that three ot 
 the most efficient among the agents, in securing the establish, 
 ment of American Independence, after it had been declared 
 by congress, were unfurnished with a classical education ; 
 Washington, Franklin, and Morris ; men who, in their re- 
 spective spheres of action, have rarely been equalled, and 
 never surpassed. 
 
 BENJAMIN RUSH 
 
 DOCTOR RUSH claims a descent from a republican parent 
 age of considerable distinction on the eastern side of the At 
 lantic. His great grandfather was an officer in the army of 
 Oliver Cromwell. He had the command of a company of 
 horse in the service of that extraordinary man. He was a 
 native of England ; and at the death of Cromwell he left his 
 native country, and emigrated to Pennsylvania, about the 
 commencement- of its settlement by William Penn. 
 
 His great grandson Benjamin was born in the township ot 
 Berberry, situated about twelve miles northeast of Philadel 
 phia, on the twenty-fourth day of December, 1745. At the 
 early age of six years, he and a brother were, by the death 
 of their father, left entirely to the care of their mother. If we 
 are allowed to judge of her qualifications and fitness for such 
 an interesting and important charge, by his character and 
 eminent usefulness in his after life, the decision must exalt 
 her to high eminence in our estimation. According to that 
 standard, few men whom our country has produced will hold 
 a rank superior to Doctor Rush ; and very few indeed, whose 
 moral character and consistent conduct, will reflect back on 
 their parents a more desirable reputation. 
 
 It was the settled wish of his mother to furnish him with a 
 classical education, but she found the income from her farm, 
 which was all that she possessed, inadequate for the pur- 
 .jose. To remedy this she removed into Philadelphia, and 
 commenced some commercial business ; by the fruits of 
 which, and a very frugal economy, she was enabled to accom 
 plish her design. She undertook herself to instruct him in 
 the elements of his native language ; and then, when he was 
 but nine years old, she placed him under the care of the 
 
 8 
 
164 BENJAMIN RUSH, 
 
 Reverend .Doctor Findley, who had married her sister. At 
 hat time he resided in Nottingham, Maryland, where he su. 
 erintended an academy, or grammar school, of a good repu 
 tation, from which he was, at a subsequent period, called to 
 the presidency of Princeton College, in New Jersey. The 
 advantages he enjoyed under the care of this eminently pious, 
 learned, and excellent man, were of immense value to young 
 Rush, and having been applied at that time of his life, when 
 impressions are made on the mind with an indelible force, 
 their effects were displayed in the most desirable manner 
 during the whole of his life. When speaking of President 
 Findley, as a Christian, as a divine, as a faithful, pious minis 
 ter, or as an instructor of youth, there is little danger of tran 
 scending his real merits. With him the dictates of con 
 science would, in every case, supply an adequate motive to a 
 faithful discharge of his duties to the youths committed to his 
 care ; yet, in the instance of young Rush, there were su- 
 peradded the interested affection he felt for his fatherless 
 nephew, stimulated by that regard, which teachers almost 
 always feel for youths who possess amiable dispositions 
 faithfully apply to their studies, and evince a genius ana 
 powers of intellect beyond their years. In this promising 
 youth, Doctor Findley, had the happiness of witnessing all 
 these, holding forth a promise in his mature years which he 
 confidently expected would be realized. The result verified 
 his expectations. 
 
 When he was qualified for admission to college, he was 
 removed from the care of his excellent preceptor at Notting 
 ham, to Princeton College, and placed under the superintend 
 ing care of the Reverend Samuel Davies, the then president 
 of that seminary. He took his degree at that college in 1766, 
 at the age of about sixteen years. The affectionate guar 
 dianship of two such eminent men for wisdom, piety, and 
 learning, as Doctors Findley and Davies, was of inestimable 
 value to young Rush. 
 
 Having finished his collegiate course, he was inclined to 
 pursue the profession of the law ; but, influenced by the ad 
 vice of Doctor Findley, and some pecuniary considerations 
 rendering it expedient, he was induced to study medicine. 
 He began his professional education under the direction of 
 Doctor Redman, a gentleman of great eminence in the city 
 of Philadelphia, who superintended his studies with much 
 care and fidelity, and afterwards generously patronized him 
 with the sincerity of a friend in his practice. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 165 
 
 In his wholu course, from his preparatory studies, while in 
 college, and in his medical education, his close and constant 
 application insured to him the favor of his several teachers 
 in a high degree. 
 
 The life of Doctor Rush may be contemplated to the best 
 advantage, in a threefold point of view as a physician, as 
 a statesman and as a writer. In this brief sketch, however, 
 brevity must be observed on each of these heads. 
 
 First. We shall take notice of him as a medical man, as 
 a practitioner, and an instructor of medicine. 
 
 Under the instruction of Doctor Redman he spent six 
 years in such a severe application to his preparatory studies, 
 that he has recorded concerning himself, that he could not 
 enumerate more than two days of absence from his proper 
 business. If this maybe regarded as but a fair specimen of 
 his application, it will not be difficult to account for his high 
 attainments in the science of his profession, and his almost 
 unequalled success in practice. A man possessing an ori 
 ginal mind, like that of Doctor Rush, cultivated and improved 
 with such faithfulness, and such distinguished advantages, 
 could not fail, in due time, of appearing illustrious, even 
 among great men. 
 
 After having availed himself of the best advantages his 
 country afforded, for improvement in his professional course, 
 he, in 1766, went to Great Britain, and spent two years in 
 attending the lectures and the hospital practice in that medi 
 cal school. He then repaired to London, and spent the 
 winter of 1768, in attending upon the hospitals and medi 
 cal lectures which that metropolis furnished. The sum 
 mer following he repaired to Paris, and derived signal 
 advantages for increasing his stock of useful knowledge, 
 which that celebrated school of the arts and sciences fur 
 nished him. Having thus been favored with opportunities for 
 improvement, such as very few young men of that period, on 
 the American side of the Atlantic could obtain, Doctor Rush 
 returned to his native land, bearing the title of " Doctor of 
 Medicine ;" his diploma of which was conferred at Edin 
 burgh. On his return, thus qualified, he settled in Philadel 
 phia, where he had to encounter a competition with men of 
 the first reputation in the country, already known to that 
 community, and men who had been firmly established in 
 practice for many years. Notwithstanding all the embar 
 rassing considerations and causes he had to struggle with, he 
 was, even in the first year of his practice, associated with 
 
166 BENJAMIN RUSH, 
 
 Doctors Shippen, Morgan, Bond, and Kuhn, as a professor 
 in the Medical College of Philadelphia ; and although com 
 paratively young, called by them to aid in the most difficult 
 arid important consultations which occurred in their profes- 
 si nal labors. 
 
 His natural and acquired endowments he carried into so 
 ciety with such pleasing manners arid graceful demeanor, as 
 produced, almost universally, an impression highly favorable 
 to himself among the citizens of Philadelphia. His society 
 was much esteemed by all the companies he frequented. His 
 mental powers were of a superior grade. To these he added 
 the polished address and manners of a gentleman, and a con 
 versation both pleasing and instructive. His deportment in the 
 sick room was prepossessing, by the affectionate manner with 
 which he addressed his patients, and the strong interest he 
 manifested for their recovery. In these he showed no dif 
 ference between the rich, who could amply reward him, and 
 the poor, whose o nly requital was their cordial gratitude and 
 their prayers. 
 
 From this time he advanced rapidly in a course of pros 
 perous and successful practice, uninterrupted by any remark- 
 cable events, until the memorable epidemic yellow fever of 
 1793. His celebrity as an instructor of pupils, and his 
 lectures, annually gathered youths from every part of the 
 (Tnited States; who were engaged in acquiring medical 
 science, that they might enjoy the advantages of his instruc 
 tion. But the occurrence of that awfully afflicting and deso 
 lating scourge, was the occasion of presenting his character 
 to public view, as a skillful physician, a philanthropist, and a 
 Christian, in a manner pre-eminently distinguished. After 
 the appearance of that disease, which it was soon ascertained, 
 baffled all the remedies which were applied, and the sick 
 were hastened in vast numbers to the grave ; when every 
 rnind was panic-struck, while contemplating the sick and 
 dying, and trembling for the dreaded event of each succeed 
 ing hour ; when the physicians, taught by melancholy ex 
 perience the imbecility of their own resistance to the gigantic 
 destroyer of their fellow men, were fleeing from the unavail 
 ing conflict to places of imagined safety, arid seeking security 
 for themselves in an uninfected atmosphere ; then it was that 
 Doctor Rush, with a magnanimity worthy of all praise, and a 
 Christian devotedness to his duty, resolved, that whatever 
 physicians might do, if they all fled, he would remain in the 
 scene of desolation, and do all in his power to alleviate the 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 16 F / 
 
 / 
 
 sufferings of the afflicted, and contend with the destroyer till he 
 was vanquished, or himself should full in the conflict. He 
 did remain in the midst of gloom and desolation ; and devoted 
 his whole time and services, and those of his family, to the 
 cause of benevolence, among the numerous sick, helpless, and 
 dying, until he was disabled for a time by a serious attack of 
 the disease. By means of this noble resolution and conduct, 
 many valuable lives were" preserved, which in all human 
 probability would have fallen a sacrifice, and swelled the 
 number of victims to the most destructive epidemic fever that 
 ever visited any city in the United States. 
 
 Doctor Rush, when many of the resident physicians had 
 hastened from the scene of danger, and left the inhabitants 
 to seek for medical aid where they might, called some of his 
 brethren and pupils together, to consider the question of their 
 duty in that urgent emergency. He stated that when gentle- 
 men entered into the medical profession and they volunta 
 rily assumed responsibilities and duties to society, which de 
 pended on them for aid in their necessities, which they were 
 obliged conscientiously to perform. The present was a case 
 in which the physicians of the city were bound in duty to 
 remain at their post, however dangerous they might appro 
 hend it to be. The community were already justly alarmed. 
 If they saw physicians fleeing from the danger, it would en 
 hance their fears. Fear was one powerful predisposing 
 cause of taking it ; and in this instance would produce the 
 most baneful effects upon the sick, by depressing their spirits, 
 and banishing the hope of recovery. It would most probably 
 prove, indirectly, the cause of many deaths in that way, as 
 well as by depriving the sick of the aid which they needed, 
 if the physicians sought their own safety by fly ing from the field. 
 He requested those present to continue in the city, and as many 
 as were willing, to signify it at that time. " As for myself," 
 he added, " I am determined to remain, and render all the aid 
 I can. I may fall a victim to the epidemic ; and so may you, 
 gentlemen. But I prefer, since I am placed here by Divine 
 Providence, to fall in performing my duty, if such must be 
 the consequence of staying on the ground, than to secure 
 my life by fleeing from the post of duty allotted in the provi 
 dence of God. I will remain, if I remain alone." He did 
 remain in the city, together with some of his noble spirited 
 pupils, and a few of his medical brethren, and labored unin 
 terruptedly night and day, for the benefit of his suffering and 
 distressed fellow citizens, until he was attacked by the fever. 
 
168 BENJAMIN RUSH, 
 
 Even then he did not remit in his labors, but according to 
 his remaining strength, he prescribed for those who gathered 
 around his bed for his counsel and advice. Some of his be- 
 nevolent pupils fell victims to the disease, while magnani 
 mously laboring to preserve the lives of others. 
 
 The fame of Doctor Rush, became established in Europe 
 and America; and he is remembered with gratitude and 
 respect. 
 
 As a teacher of medicine, his reputation was deservedly 
 high, and widely extended. He had many private pupils from 
 the commencement of his practice. His public lectures as 
 a professor, in several chairs which he filled, were the most 
 popular of any delivered at that period in this country. His 
 fame drew medical students to the school in Philadelphia, 
 from every part of the United States, and some from foreign 
 countries. In the nine last years, his private pupils amounted 
 to fifty; and in 1812, those in the class who attended his 
 lectures, amounted to four hundred and thirty. It has been 
 estimated, that during the professional life of Doctor Rush, he 
 gave instruction to more than two thousand pupils. 
 
 He was first appointed professor of chemistry, in the col- 
 lege of Philadelphia, in 1769. In 1789, he was professor of 
 the theory and practice of medicine. In this he succeeded 
 Doctor Morgan. 
 
 In the medical college of Pennsylvania, he held the profes 
 sorship of the institutes of medicine, and of chemical practice. 
 And on the resignation of Doctor Kuhn in 1796, he took by 
 appointment, the professorship of the practice of physic ; the 
 three last mentioned offices, he retained through his life, and 
 performed the arduous duties which they required, with his 
 usual characteristic industry and application. 
 
 In addition to these, he was during many years one of the 
 physicians to the Philadelphia hospital, and did much to ele 
 vate its reputation, promote its interests, and enlarge the 
 1 -mdaries of its utility. 
 
 Having thus summarily taken a view of Doctor Rush as a 
 physician, in the two capacities of a practitioner and instruc 
 tor of medicine, we now proceed to present him in the se 
 cond particular as a statesman. 
 
 In principle he was a republican ; as such he was held in 
 high estimation by his enlightened contemporary patriots. 
 Generally he harmonized in sentiment with the distinguished 
 politicians of the age in which he flourished. To promote 
 the cause of American liberty and independence, he not only 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 169 
 
 devoted his talents as a writer, to rouse the spirit of his coun 
 trymen, and prepare their minds for declaring and maintain, 
 ing independence ; but he exerted himself to engage others 
 to come forward in behalf of the same cause. His political 
 character was so fully established in his native state, and his 
 sentiments so generally known, that when the places of those 
 members of congress from Philadelphia, who declined voting 
 for independence, were vacated by their withdrawing from 
 them, he was immediately selected by their legislature, with 
 his colleagues, to fill them, and set their names to that instru 
 ment, on behalf of Pennsylvania, although they were not 
 appointed till after the vote had passed in congress, on the 
 fourth day of July, 1776. In support of the independence of 
 the country, as that which was to prove the foundation of her 
 future glory and prosperity, he cordially devoted his influence 
 and his talents, during the war of the revolution. 
 
 In the year 1777, he received an appointment by congress, 
 to the office of physician general of the military hospitals for 
 the middle department. 
 
 After the federal constitution was submitted to the states for 
 their consideration and decision, he was chosen a member of 
 the convention of Pennsylvania, by which it was adopted. 
 
 After the federal government went into operation. Doctor 
 Rush retired from all active participation in public life. The 
 only office he held, was that of president of the mint ; the du 
 ties of which interfered but little with the performance of 
 those connected with his profession, while it furnished some 
 addition to his income. He held it fo-r the term of fourteen 
 vears. 
 
 Although in the political department in which he w r as called 
 to act, there was nothing that furnished occasion for splendid 
 achievements, yet the services he rendered to the country were 
 numerous and valuable ; and not the less so, for being of that 
 humble, unobtrusive character, which will not necessarily em 
 blazon his name on the page of history. With the ardent feel 
 ings of an enlightened and inflexible patriot, he espoused the 
 cause of his country; and with a zeal, worthy of such a charac 
 ter, he devoted his best talents to the promotion of its highest 
 interests. And while he is esteemed as a benefactor of man- 
 Kind, in the valuable contributions he has made for improving 
 and advancing the medical science, he will be esteemed no less 
 so by future generations, who will learn his real merits from 
 history, for the benefits he conferred on his fellow citizens, in 
 
 15 
 
170 BENJAMIN RUSH, 
 
 the valuable services he rendered his country, as a politician 
 and a statesman. 
 
 As a writer, if the various and important subjects on which 
 he wrote, the easy, and pleasing style in which he clothed 
 his valuable thoughts, the clearness of his own perceptions, 
 the impressions his ideas made on the minds of his readers, 
 and the aggregate amount of his publications, Doctor Rush 
 will be allowed to sustain a rank, inferior to few American 
 writers. As a medical author, he hitherto has stood confesr 
 sedly at the head. If there are any persons who can read his 
 account of the yellow fever, which visited Philadelphia in 
 1793, without having the strong emotions of their hearts 
 powerfully excited, we think such readers are not to be envied. 
 
 He was a member of numerous useful societies, literary, 
 and others, both in this country, and in foreign lands, and an 
 officer in several in the United States. 
 
 In the American Society for the abolition of slavery, he 
 held the office of president. He was also president of the 
 Philadelphia Medical Society ; a vice president of the Phila 
 delphia Bible Society ; and one of the vice presidents of the 
 American Philosophical Society. This list comprises but a 
 small part of the literary honors which were conferred on him, 
 both in this country and in several of the countries in Europe. 
 So that if the estimation of his literary character may be cor 
 rectly inferred from the number and variety of testimonials 
 he received of this description, the standing of Doctor Rush 
 must be highly distinguished. 
 
 His cultivated mind, enlarged by Christian benevolence, 
 and warmed by evangelical piety, induced him to patronize 
 benevolent and charitable institutions, for meliorating the 
 condition of mankind. In the year 1786, he formed the Phila 
 delphia Dispensary ; the first institution of the kind that had 
 an existence in the United States. The example has since 
 been followed in several of the large commercial cities, north 
 and south of Philadelphia. These valuable institutions, have 
 already been productive of much benefit to the afflicted ; and 
 they will continue useful for ages to come, while they redound 
 to the honor of their founders and patrons. 
 
 Doctor Rush was one of the principal founders of Dicker 
 son College, at Carlisle in Pennsylvania. 
 
 He was a warm and eloquent advocate for establishing 
 common schools, in behalf of which he wrote and published 
 some interesting and instructive essays. But not to enlarge ; 
 it will be proper to close this memoir by remarking, that the 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 171 
 
 crowning giory of Doctor Rush s character, and without which 
 it would have been less useful, and less venerable, was his 
 firm belief in the divine inspiration of the Bible ; and both in 
 his writings and public lectures, avowed that belief at a time 
 when infidelity was fashionable with men in high standing, 
 and evinced his sincerity, by an uniform reverential observ 
 ance of the sacred institutions of the gospel. 
 
 His life, which was filled up with active usefulness to man- 
 kind, was terminated on the nineteenth day of April, 1813, in 
 the sixty-eighth year of his age. As a testimony of the res 
 pect and esteem which were entertained for him, by his fellow- 
 citizens of Philadelphia, it is proper to state, that during his 
 last illness, his dwelling was continually thronged by mul 
 titudes who were anxious to learn the probable result of his 
 attack. And after the result was known, the city was over 
 cast with a general gloom. His remains were followed to the 
 cemetery by a great number of the inhabitants of the city, as 
 a voluntary token of the last respect to a great man, and a 
 benefactor, who had fallen among them. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN was born at Boston, in the colony 
 of Massachusetts, on the 17th day of January, 1706. His fa 
 ther was one of the puritans, who, that he might enjoy his re 
 ligious sentiments in peare, left his native land, and came to 
 Massachusetts in 1682. Although many of his ancestor s 
 and connections were mechanics, he was not ; and being un 
 used to agriculture and commerce, he entered on the business 
 of a soap boiler and tallow chandler, without any previous 
 apprenticeship ; and this he pursued through the remainder of 
 his life. 
 
 His mother s name was Folger, a native of Boston. 
 
 His pious parents felt a strong desire that he might be a 
 minister of the gospel; and put him to school early that he 
 might begin an education which would qualify him for a 
 preacher. But their means did not allow of his prosecuting 
 his studies ; and the plan was soon abandoned. 
 
 He early manifested an ardent desire for instruction, and 
 gave at eight years of age, some indications of that thirst for 
 
172 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 intellectual improvement, which he manifested through his life. 
 His education wa-s restricted to what he could acquire at a 
 common school, during a very few years. He was then taken 
 by his father into his own service, that he might learn the 
 business he was pursuing. This however did not please Ben- 
 jamin. He then entered for probation on that of a cutler. 
 But the fee which was demanded for his apprenticeship being 
 thought unreasonable, he left that business. His father then 
 put him under the instruction of an elder son, to learn the 
 trade of a printer. In every situation in which he was placed, 
 he indulged most industriously his strong desire for acquir 
 ing knowledge. For this purpose, he spent all the time he 
 could command in reading such books as he could procure, 
 instead of squandering it in unprofitable amusements or idle 
 ness. He was a close observer of what he read ; and he 
 early began to apply suggestions he found in the books he 
 perused, for the formation of his own character, and the regu 
 lation of his conduct ; and some which he thus applied when 
 he was quite young, had an important influence on his charac 
 ter and usefulnesstfiroughout his future life. For instance, a 
 hint he found in a book recommending a vegetable diet, he 
 adopted as a rule for himself; which he practised for several 
 years. From it he derived several advantages, in promoting 
 his health, in a saving of money, in a saving of time at his 
 meals, which he devoted to reading, in rendering his mind 
 clear, and in leading him to practise habits of frugality in his 
 living. 
 
 When he was quite a lad, he expressed a strong inclination 
 to become a sailor, and was dissuaded from it only by the de 
 cided opposition of his father. 
 
 His time at school was so limited, that he had no opportu 
 nity to acquire a knowledge of arithmetic. This deficiency 
 he supplied by his own efforts, without the aid of any in 
 structor. 
 
 While he continued in his brother s employment as an ap 
 prentice, he industriously improved all the time he could 
 redeem from labor, in cultivating his mind, both by reading, 
 and in attempts at composition. But owing to some cause, 
 the harmony which should always exist between persons so 
 nearly allied, was interrupted, and Benjamin resolved on leav 
 ing his brother s service. On finding it impracticable to ob 
 tain employment in Boston, if he left his brother as he wished, 
 he resolved on quitting the place of his birth; to accomplish 
 his purpose, he embarked on board a vessel then in the har- 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 173 
 
 bor, bound for New York ; where after a short passage he ar 
 rived, without experiencing any disaster. 
 
 After a few days spent in a fruitless search of employment 
 in that city, he set out for Philadelphia, making the journey on 
 foot. When he arrived in Philadelphia, he was but seven 
 teen years old, without a friend or an acquaintance, and with 
 but one dollar in his possession. 
 
 His first appearance on entering Philadelphia was some 
 what grotesque so much so, as to excite the attention of 
 the people in the streets which he traversed, after leaving the 
 boat in which he arrived in that city. With his wardrobe in 
 his pockets, and a roll of bread under each arm, he bent his 
 way, first through Market-street, and thence from one street 
 to another, (it being a Sabbath morning) until he found him 
 self in a Quaker Meeting. There he sat down, and soon fell 
 into a sound sleep until their worship was closed. He was 
 then kindly awakened by one of the congregation, and ad 
 monished to seek out another resting place. 
 
 There were but two printing establishments in Philadelphia, 
 when Franklin arrived there. In one of these he soon found 
 employment as a compositor ; here he secured the esteem of 
 his employer by industry ; for he pushed his business during 
 those hours, when others usually indulge in relaxation, and 
 too often in prodigal expenses. But Franklin scrupulously 
 observed the system of frugality he had previously begun ; 
 and by means of these, and his habit of the strictest punctu 
 ality in all his engagements, he attracted the observation, and 
 acquired the esteem of the public, and became a favorite 
 among the citizens of Philadelphia. 
 
 He had written an account of his journey, and his recent 
 adventures, to a friend at Newcastle, in Delaware. The 
 letter containing this account, had been shown to Sir William 
 Keith, governor of the province ; which gave him such ap 
 opinion of his merits and talents, as induced him to seek foi 
 an acquaintance with the youthful journeyman printer. He 
 called on Franklin, and invited him to his house as a visitor, 
 on terms of friendship, whenever it suited his convenience ; 
 and on that occasion, took him to a neighboring inn, and par 
 took with him of a bottle of wine, with which the governoi 
 familiarly commenced their friendship. This friendship 
 although grateful to the feelings of Franklin, was subsequently 
 the means of involving him in some temporary embarras 
 ments. 
 
 In consequence of a proposal of Governor Keith, to set up 
 15* 
 
174 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 an independent establishment of his own, he made a journey 
 to Boston, after an absence of seven months, to obtain the 
 sanction of his father, and to visit his friends. By the advice 
 of his father this project was relinquished ; but another more 
 extensive, soon followed from the same source ; which meet- 
 ing with Franklin s concurrence, led him to embark for Lon 
 don, to prepare the way for accomplishing it, under the 
 governor s patronage. But his patronage being of no bene 
 fit to him, Franklin found himself again in straightened cir 
 cumstances, without friends or money, three thousand miles 
 from home, and in the metropolis of England. But here his 
 genius did not forsake him , though embarrassed, he did not 
 sink under his difficulties. He soon obtained employment in 
 one of the principal printing offices in London. There he 
 observed the same course of industry, punctuality, and econo 
 my, which he had done in Philadelphia ; and the general re 
 sult was similar in his new situation. He secured the confi 
 dence and esteem of his employers, and a decent subsistence 
 for himself and was enabled to contribute to the necessities 
 of a friend, who had accompanied him in his Transatlantic 
 voyage, as a literary adventurer ; and who, being destitute 
 of pecuniary resourses, was involved in indigence, and was 
 kept from suffering and want by Franklin s liberality and 
 friendship. 
 
 Wherever he was, whether in Boston, Philadelphia, or 
 London, he pursued the same course of industry, and paid 
 the same careful attention to the cultivation of his mind. It 
 was during his short residence in London, that he became 
 acquainted with, and received the flattering attentions of a 
 number of distinguished Infidels ; among whom was Lord 
 Mandeville. This unfortunate acquaintance was the conse 
 quence of his writing and publishing a pamphlet, upon deistical 
 metaphysics. This was a step which he afterwards con 
 demned either from a conviction that the principles of deism 
 were untenable, or on the ground of its having been inexpe 
 dient. Whatever were his religious principles in his riper 
 age, it cannot be denied, that in his early years he was tine 
 tured with the views of Hume, Voltaire, and Gibbon. 
 
 After spending about eighteen months in London, he con 
 templated making a tour over the European continent. P>om 
 this project, however, he was diverted by a mercantile ac. 
 quaintance, who was about making a voyage to America, 
 to carry out some merchandise to Philadelphia. He propo 
 sed to take Franklin with him in the capacity of a clerk ; to 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 175 
 
 which proposal he readily, acceded, relinquished his intended 
 tour of Europe, and returned to his friends in his native coun 
 try. They embarked tor America on the twenty-second day 
 of July, 1726, when he was some months more than twenty 
 years of age: and arrived at Philadelphia on the llth of 
 October following. 
 
 During the voyage, Franklin kept a journal of all the inci 
 dents he deemed worthy to be recorded ; and drew up a set 
 of rules for the government of his conduct through his future 
 life. To these he ever afterwards scrupulously adhered. 
 
 His patron commenced business in Philadelphia, and took 
 Franklin into his employment. His prospects now rapidly 
 brightened fast ; and a scene of prosperity and wealth opened 
 before him, which was highly flattering to his youthful mind. 
 But it was only of short duration. It was wholly obscured and 
 closed, by the early decease of his patron and friend. This 
 event left him again without employment, and threw him on 
 the world once more a journeyman printer. He re-entered 
 the service of his former employer ; but continued with him 
 only a few months. Soon after this separation, he formed a 
 connection with another printer ; and by the aid of his pecu 
 niary means set up an establishment on their own account. 
 
 The knowledge of the art which he had acquired was 
 superior to that of his competitors ; and that combined with 
 his assiduous industry, and attention to business, his abstain 
 ing from all irregularities common to young men, and his 
 entire punctuality in meeting all his engagements, enabled 
 him to obtain the confidence of the community, to extend his 
 acquaintance, and to secure the aid of friends. 
 
 From this period, the vicissitudes of his previous life gave 
 place to a more uniform and prosperous course. His busi 
 ness increased ; his reputation became established ; his cha 
 racter extensively known, and was uniformly respected and 
 esteemed. 
 
 In 1730, he was married to a lady, whose maiden name 
 was Read. He had paid his addresses to her before he went 
 to England. The intimacy was suspended, and she had been 
 married to another man in the mean time. But having be 
 come a widow, he renewed his attentions, married her, and 
 lived with her in the enjoyment of much conjugal felicity. 
 
 As he was ever desirous of promoting scientific improve 
 ment and useful knowledge in the community, about this 
 time, in connection with some respectable young men, he in 
 stituted a club, called The Junto ; in the meetings of which 
 
17G BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 many important subjects were discussed. This club was 
 continued for thirty years, and was followed by the Philadel 
 phia Philosophical Society. Its influence on society was 
 salutary in several respects, and contributed to excite a lite 
 rary taste and emulation in the society in which its influence 
 was immediately felt. 
 
 He began his almanac in 1732, under the title of " Poor 
 Richard s Almanac" and continued to publish it annually 
 for thirty years. It was a very useful and popular work. 
 The last of the series was published in 1757. In this he 
 collected the principal articles contained in the preceding 
 annuals ; and this was republished in several editions, and 
 various forms, in Great Britain ; and was translated into seve 
 ral foreign languages, and published on the continent of 
 Europe. 
 
 About this time he printed a newspaper in Philadelphia ; 
 which, as might have been expected, sustained a respectable 
 character, quite superior to several of its contemporaries. 
 
 By his assiduous attention to reading, in which he perse 
 vered in every situation in life, he acquired a knowledge of 
 the Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish languages ; and 
 accomplished this almost unaided by teachers. 
 
 In the club, called " The Junto," a small collection of 
 books was made by him for the use of the members ; and 
 this was the commencement of the Philadelphia Library 
 Thus Franklin became the founder of the first public library 
 in this country. 
 
 Shortly after he commenced his newspaper, several things 
 concurred to extend his reputation, render him popular, 
 and increase his prosperity. He composed a pamphlet in 
 1729, concerning the nature and necessity of paper currency, 
 which was a favorite subject with the public at that period. 
 He assisted in promoting its use. This rendered him a 
 favorite with a people predisposed to adopt the measure. He 
 wrote, and published, several miscellaneous essays, which 
 were *ead with avidity, and with much satisfaction. Such 
 essays were less common then than in after years ; and 
 were doubtless more highly valued for that reason, in ad- 
 dition to their own intrinsic merit, than they would otherwise 
 have been. He had also the public printing committed to 
 him, by the government of Pennsylvania. These things all 
 combined to increase the subscription list of his newspaper ; 
 and his prospect of passing from indigence to affluence, was 
 continually and rapidly brightening. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 17? 
 
 In 1736, the general assembly of the province appointed 
 him their clerk ; and the following year they added the office 
 of postmaster of Philadelphia. Being now relieved from the 
 drudgery of constant labor, which a provision for his domestic 
 necessities had till then demanded of him, by means of his 
 official income, added to that derived from his establishment, 
 he found leisure to devote more of his time and attention to 
 the promotion of other objects, in which he felt a strong in- 
 terest. He began his schemes of public utility by organizing 
 fire companies ; reforming the city watch ; and devising and 
 procuring the means for paving and lighting the streets of 
 the city. " The American Philosophical Society," " The 
 Pennsylvania University," and " The Pennsylvania Hospi 
 tal." all owe their existence to Benjamin Franklin. And all 
 the military discipline which existed in Pennsylvania, origi 
 nated with him. Until his efforts in its favor, it had been 
 entirely neglected in that province. 
 
 He commenced the publication of The General Magazine 
 and Historical Chronicle, for the British Plantations, in 1741. 
 This periodical was very popular, and was judiciously adapted 
 to the taste of the public, during the time it was published. 
 In 1742, he composed and published his treatise on the improve 
 ment of chimnies, and invented the well known stove which 
 bears his name. From this invention he neither sought nor 
 obtained any pecuniary benefit. He gave it to the public. 
 
 By his disinterested and persevering labor for the public 
 good, he gained the esteem and respect of his fellow citizens ; 
 and they began to confer on him their popular favors. The go 
 vernor appointed him successively a justice of the peace, and 
 an alderman of the city ; and by the corporation he was chosen 
 a member of the common council. In 1744, he was elected 
 a member of the provincial legislature ; to which station he 
 was annually re-elected for ten years, without intermission, 
 and without soliciting a vote from any person. 
 
 About this time he commenced his philosophical course, 
 which in a few years spread his fame over the civilized world, 
 arid placed him in the first rank among eminent men. 
 
 His attention to electricity was excited by some experi 
 ments exhibited by some foreigners at Boston, in 1747, when 
 he was casually there, and witnessed their exhibitions. Hav 
 ing repeated them with entire success, on his return to Phi 
 ladelphia, and added some others of his own devising, or he 
 had received in some account from a friend in England, he 
 became much attached to that study, and devoted a large 
 
178 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 portion of his time to its cultivation. It is well known, 
 that he enlarged the science of electricity, far mdre than all 
 his predecessors. He was the first man who kindled gun- 
 powder with electricity, magnetized steel needles, melted 
 metals, and killed animals of a considerable size by the same 
 means. He greatly improved the Leyden Vial, by means of 
 which he could regulate his experiments with safety, as he 
 discovered its properties of accumulating, retaining, and 
 throwing off any quantity of the fluid he wished. It was then 
 that he discovered the utility of points, and the positive and 
 negative state of electricity. Having made considerable pro- 
 gress in his discoveries, he conceived the idea that the elec 
 tric fluid and lightning were the same. This led him to 
 devise a plan for drawing the fluid from a thunder cloud, and 
 discharging it into the earth. Having succeeded in his ex- 
 periment with the kite, and established the principle of iden 
 tity of the electric fluid and lightning, when it was pub 
 lished, his fame spread with great rapidity over the world, 
 and he acquired, and ever afterwards sustained, an exalted 
 rank among eminent natural philosophers, notwithstanding 
 numerous attempts were made to deprive him of the merit of 
 his discoveries, prompted by the envy of contemporary phi 
 losophers in England and elsewhere, but principally in Great 
 Britain. 
 
 An account of his experiments he transmitted to London, 
 in letters to a friend, soon after they were made in 1752. 
 These, when published, excited many others to repeat them, 
 and to admire and extol the inventor. They called forth the 
 honorary degree of Master of Arts from Yale College and 
 Harvard University, in honor of his discoveries. 
 
 Having more time at his command than formerly, he paid 
 much attention to experiments in various subjects of natural 
 philosophy ; and wrote and published treatises on several 
 branches of science. His time was constantly occupied in 
 something designed to meliorate the condition, and promote 
 the comfort of mankind. But these speculations and philoso 
 phical experiments did not interfere with his active duties in 
 society. He continued to be a political favorite with the peo. 
 pie of the province. 
 
 In 1758, he was appointed by the government to conclude 
 a treaty with the Indians at Carlisle. The next year he was 
 sent to Albany to attend a congress, which the British govern 
 ment had caused to be assembled, for devising a plan of de- 
 fence for the colonies against the French and hostile savages 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 179 
 
 The deputy post master general, having deceased about 
 this time, Franklin was appointed to that office. The office had 
 been heretofore unproductive ; but under his management, it 
 became a source of considerable revenue to the government. 
 
 After the defeat of General Braddock, he took a lively in 
 terest in the protection of the colonies against their insidious 
 foes ; and having obtained a law for establishing and disci- 
 plining a corps of volunteer militia, he by request of the gover 
 nor raised a small body of men, and marched with them to the 
 protection of the frontiers, which were much threatened by 
 the French and Indians. But he generally declined military 
 honors ; assigning as his reason for it, his unfitness for mili 
 tary life. 
 
 A dispute having arisen in Pennsylvania, between the pro. 
 prietors of large estates and the provincial assembly, the for. 
 mer claiming to have their private property exempted from 
 taxation, and the latter deeming it unsafe, it was referred to 
 the mother government for a final decision. Franklin was 
 selected as agent to manage the cause on the part of the 
 assembly. He took a decided stand against the unjust preten 
 sions of the executive ; and so conducted the controversy as to 
 obtain a decision in favor of his clients. While he was in 
 England, engaged in this important business, he formed many 
 acquaintances which were highly useful and of much impor 
 tance to him in the scenes in which he was afterwards called 
 to act so conspicuous a part. He arrived in London on this 
 agency, in July, 1757. While there, the honors of some 
 of the English and Scottish universities were conferred on 
 him. 
 
 During his residence in England, he visited the birthplace 
 of his father, in Northamptonshire. He there traced the his 
 tory of his ancestry ; an account of which he afterwards pub 
 lished, with a favorable exhibition of their character for me- 
 chanical ingenuity, integrity, and moral uprightness, for which 
 they were held in good esteem by that community. 
 
 He travelled into Scotland also, and there formed many 
 distinguished acquaintances ; among whom was the celebra 
 ted author of " Sketches of Criticism," Lord Kaimes. Their 
 friendship, kept alive by a literary correspondence, lasted 
 to the close of life. 
 
 After an absence of about five years, he returned to Ame 
 rica ; and on his arrival he received the honor of a public 
 vote of thanks from the assembly of Pennsylvania, as a testi 
 mony of their approbation, together with the sum of five thou- 
 
180 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 snnd pounds, as a compensation for his important services 
 rendered to the province. His election to a seat in that body 
 had been continued during his absence, and he consequently 
 took it, and resumed his duties in the legislature without in- 
 terruption. 
 
 During the following year, he was employed in visiting the 
 northern colonies, and regulating the post offices, and in act 
 ing on his return, as a commissioner for raising troops for the 
 defence of the frontier against the incursions of the hostile In- 
 dians. He was also engaged, some part of the time, in quell 
 ing insurrections which occurred in the interior of the province. 
 
 In 1764, the proprietors recommenced the controversy 
 which had occasioned Franklin s tour to England in 1757 ; 
 and their efforts to exclude from the assembly, the man whose 
 influence in that body they most dreaded, having succeeded, 
 he was not a member for this year. But his friends having a 
 majority in the house, came to a resolution to petition the 
 king to abolish the authority of the proprietors. This measure 
 was suggested by Franklin ; and it caused his exclusion from 
 the assembly. They having resolved to present their peti 
 tion to the king in person, again appointed him on the agency, 
 much to the chagrin of the proprietors. On this agency, he 
 embarked for England, in November, 1764, and arrived 
 there the third time the following month. His arrival was 
 cordially greeted by his friends in that country. After 
 spending a year in England, having nothing then to prevent 
 him, he went into Holland, Germany, and France ; in all of 
 which countries, his reputation having preceded him, he was 
 received with marked attention, and treated with great re 
 spect, and the kindest hospitality, by those in high political 
 station, and the most distinguished philosophers and gentle 
 men of literary eminence. He was introduced to Louis XV. 
 and the members of his family, and was received, and enter 
 tained with marks of particular distinction by the nobility and 
 gentry, who were members of the French court. He was 
 also noticed with particular attention by the va-rious literary 
 bodies in Paris, but especially by the Academy of Sciences, 
 who elected him an honorary member of their body. 
 
 Franklin embarked for England the third time, in the year 
 in which the British ministry procured the passage of the 
 celebrated "Stamp act." He exerted himself with the mi 
 nority, and his personal friends, to prevent its being carried 
 into operation, and to prevent the troubles which he clearly 
 foresaw and predicted would ensue from the course of mea- 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 181 
 
 sures the government were resolved on, respecting the 
 American colonies. His established character, and the 
 high estimation in which he was held in that country, gave 
 him so much influence, that the opposition party thought it 
 expedient to have him examined at the bar of the house of 
 commons, and publicly interrogated concerning the interests 
 and feelings of the American colonists. They therefore pro 
 cured a summons for that purpose, on the 3d of February, 
 1766, which he most cheerfully obeyed. He acquitted him 
 self on the occasion in such a manner, as raised his reputa 
 tion still higher than it was before, in the estimation of both 
 parties. This examination being afterwards published in 
 England and America, in both countries it was sought after, 
 and read with great solicitude ; and in the latter, it not only 
 very much exalted his character, but endeared him to the 
 hearts of his countrymen. While he was in England, he 
 carefully watched the projects of the ministry, respecting the 
 colonies ; and foreseeing their consequences, which he depre 
 cated, he exerted his utmost efforts to prevent them ; and to 
 his sincere regret, without success. He would gladly have 
 effected a reconciliation at that time, had it been in his power. 
 He foresaw an ultimate separation of the two countries ; but, 
 like many others, he thought the time for it had not yet come, 
 and that an attempt to bring it about must be premature. 
 
 The time which he spent in England during this visit, 
 (having been, appointed agent for several of the colonies,) he 
 devoted to watching the designs and projects of the ministe 
 rial party, and in efforts to ward off the approaching evils, 
 which he painfully anticipated. And as he early perceived 
 that it was impracticable to prevent their occurrence, he en 
 deavored to obtain information relative to their purposed 
 measures, which he might improve for the best advantage 
 of his country. In the course of his efforts to accomplish 
 these objects, he met with open and gross insults from the 
 minions of the ministry, which he endured with calm dignity, 
 and great self command. Artful attempts were made to de 
 tach him from the interests of his country, and gain him on 
 the side of the ministry ; all of which he penetrated and 
 evaded with adroitness and decision. In this manner he 
 spent several years in England, experiencing much which 
 wounded his feelings, effecting none of the objects for which 
 his mission was undertaken, but extending an acquaintance, 
 which he knew would befriend the colonies in the approach, 
 ing conflict, and acquiring information which he hoped would 
 
182 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 be beneficial to them. Being satisfied that his longer stay in 
 England would be productive of no good results, and having 
 learned that he might be marked out for ministerial ven- 
 geance, he left that country somewhat precipitately, and 
 arrived at Philadelphia, early in May, 1775. On his ar 
 rival, his friends and fellow citizens greeted him with great 
 cordiality, and with marks of sincere respect and gratitude. 
 These he had well merited, by his zeal and fidelity in their 
 cause, and the eminent services he had rendered them. 
 
 Immediately on his return, he was elected to a seat in the 
 general congress. He was soon deputed on a mission to 
 Canada, to prevail with that province to make a common 
 cause by joining with the other colonies, in resisting the Bri 
 tish aggressions. He was also appointed by congress, to 
 manage the general post office. And he devoted a share of 
 his attention to providing for the defence of Philadelphia 
 against the approach of an enemy by water. It was he who 
 projected the chevaux de frise as one means of defence of 
 that city. He also united his zealous endeavors with others, to 
 procure a Declaration of Independence. He was on the 
 committee by whom it was reported ; and he signed it upon 
 its adoption by congress. 
 
 In May, 1777, Doctor Franklin was appointed by congress, 
 together with John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, to hear 
 the proposals of commissioners sent by the English govern 
 ment, to negotiate with congress a reconciliation. Lord 
 Howe was at the head of that commission. With him Doc 
 tor Franklin had formerly become acquainted when he was 
 in England. 
 
 After the general congress had advised the several states 
 to form a government for themselves, a convention was call 
 ed for that purpose. Doctor Franklin was chosen its presi 
 dent. 
 
 In 1776, congress appointed him a commissioner to repair 
 to the court of France, to negotiate with that government for 
 aid to the United States, in their conflict with Great Britain. 
 He undertook this embassy in the seventy-first year of his age. 
 He sailed from America the latter part of October, and arri 
 ved in Nantz, without any disaster ; and after a few days of 
 rest in that city, during which he learned intelligence which 
 augured favorably for his mission, he proceeded to Paris. He 
 reached there in December. Here he met with a very flat 
 tering reception from the men in power, and received much to 
 encourage and strengthen his hopes of accomplishing the 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 183 
 
 great object for which he undertook the mission. He had been 
 endeavoring to prepare the way for it some time previous to the 
 appointment, by corresponding with gentlemen in Holland, 
 and elsewhere in Europe. The acquaintances he had formed 
 in his previous missions, with distinguished men in different 
 nations, eminently fitted him, in addition to his other qualifica 
 tions to undertake this service for his country. Before he 
 left home, he committed his pecuniary funds to congress, 
 which showed his confidence of ultimate success in the strug 
 gle, gave a new practical evidence of his patriotism, and set an 
 example which he hoped would be followed by others, who 
 possessed the means of aiding congress to maintain the war. 
 
 To avoid the expense of a residence in Paris, after a short 
 time, he took up his abode at Sassay, a neighboring vil 
 lage, where he resided during the whole time he remained 
 in France. Although he was so favorably received in France, 
 and was very much esteemed and respected there although 
 the feelings of both the government, and people of France 
 were hostile to England, and in favor of the Americans, yet 
 the cautious policy of the ministry kept them from openly 
 espousing the American cause, though at the same time they 
 secretly furnished aid to congress ; and he could not succeed 
 in the great purpose of bis mission, until some signal success of 
 the Americans rendered it probable that the issue of the con 
 flict would be in their favor. This success was obtained in 
 the capture of Burgoyne s army in 1777. That event gave 
 such a favorable aspect to their affairs, that a treaty was ne 
 gotiated ; the American ambassadors were openly recognized ; 
 and the French government, in alliance with the United 
 States, openly espoused the cause of American Independence. 
 On this joyful occasion, to show his feelings, he wore the 
 same dress, when rejoicing on account of this success, which 
 to him was a triumph over the British ministry, that he had 
 on at the time he received an insult from them some years 
 before. 
 
 The services which now devolved on Doctor Franklin, 
 were complicated, arduous, and often perplexing ; but of 
 great importance and much value to the United States ; and 
 these he performed with zeal and activity, though at a period 
 when most men would retire from active labors, and enjoy 
 the repose of old age. 
 
 To his duties of a minister, he superadded those of a con 
 sul ; of judge of admiralty, for commissioning privateers, &c. ; 
 and of a merchant, for purchasing and superintending the 
 
184 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 shipment of property to the United States. To tLese was 
 added much business of a subordinate character, important to 
 his government, attended with great labor and perplexing 
 anxiety, and for which congress had made no appointment of 
 an agent. 
 
 While he was thus engaged in France, congress sent him 
 a commission to negotiate a treaty with the Spanish govern, 
 merit. But their slow and temporizing course .disgusted 
 Franklin, which he manifested in a letter to Mr. Jay, then in 
 Spain, in the following significant expressions. " They have 
 taken four years to consider whether they would treat with 
 us ; give them forty, and let us mind our own business." 
 He carried on his negotiation with that government, through 
 the Spanish minister in France. 
 
 The successful result of his negotiation with the French 
 government, placed Doctor Franklin in an attitude which 
 called forth marks of respect from several of the European 
 powers, highly flattering to his feelings; especially as through 
 him, they evinced their own, in relation to the country which 
 he represented, and the cause she was supporting. These 
 were evinced, in various ways, by Sweden, Denmark, and 
 Austria. 
 
 After the treaty with France was known in England, it 
 excited no small alarm in that nation ; and the ministry espe 
 cially felt muc*h solicitude about the effect it might have on 
 themselves, and their hold upon the places they held in the 
 government. Besides sending commissioners to America, to 
 treat for peace, which they would gladly have obtained on 
 any terms short of acknowledging the independence of the 
 United States, they despatched emissaries, secret and open, to 
 try their efforts for securing his influence in their favor. He, 
 however, too well understood their characters to be influenced 
 by their flattering attentions ; or to listen to any proposals 
 from them, as a basis of an accommodation, short of what 
 had been pledged to the world, in the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence, which received his signature in 1776. 
 
 The British made various attempts to detach the Ameri 
 cans from their allies, and to make a separate peace. All of 
 these, whether they were attempted through him, or in the 
 United States, Doctor Franklin opposed with an uniform de 
 cision and firmness, highly honorable to his character. 
 
 \Vhen at length the British, wearied with the procrastinated 
 struggle, and the unsuccessful manner of conducting it, were 
 willing to treat for peace on the basis of independence, Doctor 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 185 
 
 Franklin with his colleagues, had the happiness to sign a 
 definitive treaty of peace with Great Britain, highly honorable 
 and auspicious to the interests, and grateful to the feelings 
 of his countrymen, on the third day of September, 1783. 
 
 Having now consummated the great object of his mission, 
 and having attained to a great age, he solicited permission 
 from congress to return to his home and friends. But he 
 was detained there until 1785, when he was succeeded by 
 Mr. Jefferson. While he was in Europe, he negotiated a 
 treaty with Sweden and Prussia. 
 
 While he was in France, he caused to be published in the 
 French language, the several constitutions of the individual 
 states, and placed two copies of each in the possession of all 
 the foreign ministers at that court. 
 
 After the supposed discovery of animal magnetism by Mes- 
 mer had excited much speculation in Europe, and particu 
 larly in France, by the express desire of the king of France, 
 Doctor Franklin engaged with a committee to investigate its 
 claims, and united with his colleagues in exposing its im- 
 Dosture. 
 
 After a residence in France of fourteen years, he took 
 eave of the king and court, by whom such signal aid had 
 been given to the United States, and from whom he had re 
 ceived marks of respect and distinction, which were con 
 ferred on few ministers of the most powerful governments, 
 and prepared for his return to his beloved country ; which, 
 on his arrival, he could greet with the deep-felt congratula 
 tions upon the restoration of peace, and a successful issue to 
 their long and distressing contest. 
 
 He crossed from France over to England ; and after 
 spending a few days in the society of some of his old friends, 
 who visited him, he continued his voyage, and reached Phila 
 delphia on the fourteenth day of September. 
 
 Although now eighty years of age, he spent this voyage 
 across the Atlantic as he had done those in earlier life, in 
 writing on various subjects, and making philosophical experi 
 ments. 
 
 His arrival was greeted by all the evidences of pleasure 
 and satisfaction, and the testimonies of respect, esteem, and 
 gratitude, which could be demonstrated by an admiring and 
 grateful people. Congratulatory addresses flowed in from 
 public bodies, and distinguished individuals, continually, ex 
 pressive of the sense which his country entert 
 character and services. 
 
186 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 But his fellow citizens would not suffer him, notwithstand 
 ing his great age, to repose in the undisturbed tranquillity of 
 domestic life. He was appointed president of the Pennsyl 
 vania convention, in which office he served that state the 
 constitutional term of three years. 
 
 In 1787, he was chosen a delegate to the federal conven 
 tion, which framed the constitution of the United States. He 
 approved of it as it was accepted by the convention, and ur 
 gently recommended its adoption by the several states. 
 
 After his age and infirmities constrained him wholly to 
 withdraw from public life, he spent all the intervals of ease 
 rrom those pains which the gout and stone caused him to 
 ufier, in reading, writing, and corresponding with his nu 
 merous friends, with the same industry which had charac 
 terised his whole life, and the decays of his body appeared 
 greatly in advance of those of his mind. Indeed the latter 
 Teem to have been scarcely impaired at all, even after he 
 ;ras wholly confined to his bed. His cheerfulness and phi- 
 eosophieal composure remained to the last. But being worn 
 out with his boaily and mental exertions for the good of man 
 kind, he at iength breathed his last, and yielded up his long 
 and useful life, on the seventeenth day of April, 1790, in the 
 eighty. fourth year of his age, in the city of Philadelphia. 
 
 He was buried with great ceremony, and his funeral was 
 attended by a vast concourse of people, notwithstanding he 
 had in his will enjoined, that his interment should be unat 
 tended with pomp and parade. He also ibrbade, in the same 
 instrument, the erection of all monumental ornaments at his 
 grave. His burial took place on the 21st of April ; and an 
 universal mourning for him through the United States, was 
 directed by congress to be continued for thirty days. 
 
 The event, on its having been announced in Fiance, was 
 noticed with tokens of grief and public respect, of various 
 kinds, by the municipality of Paris and ihe national con 
 vention. Funeral orations were pronounced under the direc 
 tion of the former ; and it was decreed, that each of the 
 members should wear mourning for three days ; and that a 
 letter of condolence should be directed to the American con 
 gress, for the irreparable loss they had sustained. 
 
 His immediate posterity were two children ; a son and a 
 daughter. His son, who had been governor of New Jersey, 
 under the British government, adhering to the royal party, 
 repaired to England, and closed his life there. His daughter 
 married Mr. Bache, of Philadelphia ; and her posterity now 
 reside in that city. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 187 
 
 JOHN MORTON. 
 
 IN the gentleman, whose name stands at the head of this 
 article, we are presented with another instance of a man 
 rising, almost unassisted, from a condition in which he would 
 have continued undistinguished from the thousands who sur 
 rounded him, and like them have descended to the grave, 
 unremembered and unknown, but for the resolute and perse 
 vering efforts of a determined and vigorous mind. 
 
 He was descended from Swedish ancestors, who came to 
 America, and settled in the now state of Delaware, a short 
 distance from Philadelphia. He received the name of his 
 father, who married a Miss Richards, and died before his son, 
 the subject of this sketch, was born. This event occurred in 
 1724, in the township of Ridley, in the county of Delaware. 
 At a suitable period after his father s decease, his mother was 
 again married to Mr. John Sketchley, an English gentleman, 
 who became fond of his young charge, and treated his little 
 step-son with the kind endearment and affectionate care, 
 which would have become his own father. He was a gen 
 tleman of education, was much employed as a surveyor, and 
 was well qualified and happily disposed to become the affec 
 tionate tutor of his ward, which he did with fidelity, and no 
 ordinary success. He taught him in several branches of 
 mathematics, and especially in the art of surveying, and ren 
 dered him skilful in the business which he pursued. His 
 mind by nature was strong ; and the benefits he derived from 
 his step-father s paternal instructions, he subsequently im 
 proved with a success at once honorable and exemplary. 
 Afterwards he realized the fruits of his faithful and industrious 
 labor, in a rich harvest of honors which were awarded to 
 him by his fellow citizens. 
 
 His early employment was surveying new lands, and cul 
 tivating his patrimonial farm. In these he continued until he 
 was called into public service, by the suffrages of his neigh 
 bors. 
 
 In 1764, when he was about forty years of age, he was 
 commissioned as a justice of the peace, under the provincial 
 government of Pennsylvania. Soon afterwards, he was cho 
 sen a representative to the general assembly of that province ; 
 and was, for a succession of years, speaker of the house i 
 
 9 
 
188 JOHN MORTON, 
 
 After he was introduced to public employment, he seems to 
 have rapidly risen in the esteem and confidence of his fellow 
 men. By their concurrence he was sent a delegate to the 
 congress of 1765, which met at New York, in conformity to 
 the circular addressed to the legislative assemblies of the se 
 veral colonies, by the house of representatives of Massachu 
 setts, in consequence of the passing of the " Stamp act." 
 
 There happening a vacancy in the office of high sheriff of 
 the county where Mr. Morton resided, by the death of the in- 
 cumbant, in 1768, he was appointed to fill the office, by the 
 governor ; and this appointment was confirmed by the gene 
 ral assembly, at the next general election, by such a majority, 
 as proved his extensive popularity, and the confidence which 
 the public reposed in him. That office he held three years, 
 to the entire satisfaction of the public. 
 
 After American blood had been shed by the king s troops, 
 at Lexington, in Massachusetts, the military spirit was kindled 
 through the colonies. In Pennsylvania, in his immediate 
 vicinity, it was manifested by the organization of a volunteer 
 battalion, which elected him for their colonel and commander. 
 He however declined accepting the office, on account of 
 other public, engagements, which he deemed to be incompati 
 ble) with military services. He had held the office of presi 
 ding judge of the provincial court of quarter sessions and 
 common pleas ; the duties of which he discharged with so 
 much intelligence and fidelity, that about the time of the mili 
 tary honor proffered him, he was appointed one of the judges 
 of the supreme court of the province. 
 
 When it had been resolved to convene a general congress, 
 from the several colonies, in Philadelphia, to consider of the 
 alarming prospects of the country, the assembly of Pennsyl 
 vania appointed Mr. Morton a delegate to that body, on the 
 22d day of July, 1774. He was re-elected to congress in 
 December of the same year. In November, 1775, while he 
 was officiating as speaker of the assembly, he was . again 
 chosen to represent the province in congress; and in July, 
 1776, he was once more, and for the last time, honored by 
 ** appointment to the same important office. Although his 
 iast election was, by some days, subsequent to the day on 
 which the great question of the independence of the United 
 States was determined, his previous election had retained him 
 in his seat on that memorable day ; and he was then called 
 on officially, to decide the question whether there should be 
 an unanimous vote of the colonies, or whether Pennsylvania 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 189 
 
 would cling to her opposition to the measure, and remain an 
 exception to the otherwise unanimous decision. The opinions 
 and determination of his colleagues then present, were well 
 known, and they being equally divided, it devolved on him to 
 decide the question by his single vote. The responsibility 
 of his situation was solemn and momentous. But he met the 
 trying occasion with the firmness it demanded, and gave his 
 vote in favor of independence. Thus the thirteen British 
 American Colonies renounced their allegiance to Great Bri 
 tain, and immediately assumed the title of the UNITED STATES 
 of AMEKICA. His re-election on the twentieth of the same 
 month on which, by his single vote, he had bound Pennsyl 
 vania to the Union, must have been highly gratifying to his 
 feelings. 
 
 The services which Mr. Morton rendered, during the time 
 he was a member of congress, were numerous and important. 
 Like the other members, he was much employed on commit 
 tees, and he was chairman of that distinguished one which 
 formed, and ultimately reported the system of confederation, 
 which was agreed to in 1777. 
 
 When he found himself called on to decide the great ques 
 tion just noticed, it is confidently affirmed, and fully believed, 
 that the deep sense of the awful responsibility which then lay 
 on him, produced such an effect on his health, as hastened, 
 if it did not cause, his death. This event to human view, was 
 premature, it having occurred in April, 1777, when he had 
 not attained the full age of fifty-four years. 
 
 He was married to Miss Anne Justus of Delaware, and 
 their offspring were numerous. Eight survived their father, 
 three sons, and five daughters. 
 
 Mr. Morton was a member of St. James s church, in the 
 town of Chester ; in the cemetery of which his remains were 
 interred. 
 
 The rank and honors to which he rose, from the humble 
 condition of his early life, with the aid of no very extraordinary 
 advantages, evince a strong energetic mind, and talents of a 
 high order ; and he discharged all the duties of public and 
 domestic life in such a consistent manner, as became such a 
 man, professing the religion of the gospel, and acting in con- 
 formity with its principles and requirements. 
 
190 GEORGE CLYMER, 
 
 GEORGE CLYMER. 
 
 The father of George Ciymer emigrated from Bristol, in 
 England, and settled at Philadelphia. He was connected 
 with a very respectable family in the former city, where he 
 was born and educated. In Philadelphia he married; lived 
 but a few years, and died. At the time of his parent s decease, 
 George was but seven years old, and left in a state of orphan 
 age. But in his uncle, William Coleman Esquire, a highly 
 respectable citizen of Philadelphia, this orphan child had pro 
 videntially provided for him the kindness of a father, the wis 
 dom and caution of a judicious guardian, and the precepts 
 and example of a well informed and upright man. 
 
 This worthy man, having such a charge placed in his hands 
 cheerfully assumed the responsibility ; and he early provided 
 his young ward with such means of education, as he deemed 
 his destined business as a commercial man required, to quali 
 fy him to fulfil the duties of a merchant with faithfulness, re 
 spectability, and (so far as it rested on qualifications to ensure 
 it) success. Mr. Coleman undertook the superintendence 
 of his nephew s education. He treated him as a son, and a 
 member of his family, till he married. 
 
 Having finished his education preparatory to entering 
 on his business, his uncle placed him in his compting-house, 
 that he might become qualified for mercantile pursuits. The 
 business was not congenial to his feelings, although he at 
 tended with fidelity to the duties of his station. His princi 
 ples were opposed to the trafficking of a merchant, because 
 he believed the vicissitudes of sudden losses and gains were 
 connected with temptations dangerous to moral principle, 
 exposing young men to make shipwreck of character, either 
 by great and sudden prosperity, or deep adversity. In his 
 adherence to these views, he was uniform; and although 
 he entered into mercantile business himself, in connection 
 with a Mr. Robert Ritchie, and afterwards with his father 
 in-law and brother-in-law, Mr. Meredith & Son, he, never 
 theless, successfully dissuaded his children from engaging in 
 it, as a business which he did not approve. 
 
 He inherited the principal part of his uncle s fortune. 
 When about twenty-seven years of age, he married Miss 
 Elizabeth Meredith, with whose father and brother he con 
 tinued the mercantile business until the decease of the for- 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 191 
 
 mer, and afterwards with the son, until about 1782. Not. 
 withstanding his engagements in business, by which much of 
 his time was necessarily occupied, he was assiduous in culti 
 vating and improving his mind by reading, for which he had 
 a strong relish from his childhood. Happily for him, his 
 uncle s library, which was large and judiciously selected, 
 furnished him ample means for gratifying his disposition, 
 even from his youth. 
 
 Mr. Clymer manifested republican principles at an early 
 age ; and even anticipated many who were decided in sup- 
 port of the colonial rights against British usurpation. He 
 attended all the public and private meetings which were 
 called in Philadelphia, to consider of the political state of 
 Americans, and to devise proper measures to be pursued in the 
 approaching emergency. In those meetings, and at all other 
 suitable seasons, he uniformly evinced such an ardent zeal 
 and firm resolution, in support of the cause he maintained, 
 and such an enlightened understanding of the grounds that 
 sustained it, that his fellow citizens early looked upon him as 
 one who would take the place of a leader among them, in de 
 fence of their common rights and dearest interests. So soon 
 as it was ascertained that a resort to arms would become 
 necessary for maintaining the just rights of the colonies, and 
 that all conciliatory means had been rejected by parliament, 
 Mr. Clymer accepted the command of a volunteer company, 
 and retained it, with much satisfaction to General Cadwalla- 
 der, to whose brigade he was attached, until his civil engage- 
 ments rendered it improper for him to hold it longer. When 
 he resigned his military commission, his commanding general 
 expressed much regret at his retirement from military life. 
 
 When the British parliament passed the " Tea act," as it 
 was called, which excited such an opposition on the part of 
 the people in Boston, as resulted in throwing some cargoes 
 into the dock ; the same spirit was felt throughout the com 
 mercial colonies ; and in Philadelphia strenuous efforts were 
 made for resisting the operation of that law. Mr. Clymer 
 took a leading part in the opposition of his fellow citizens ; 
 and was personally very much engaged in rousing up the 
 spirit of patriotism, in devising systematic measures, and in 
 rendering the measures effectual in practice. He was placed 
 at the head of a large and responsible committee of vigi 
 lance, one of whose duties it was to detect attempts to svade 
 their regulations, and punish the transgressors. Another 
 was, to persuade those who had been appointed agents 
 
192 GEORGE CLYMER. 
 
 to sell such cargoes ot tea as might be sent out by the East 
 India company, to resign their agency. 
 
 So soon as it was deemed expedient to appoint a council 
 of safety, he was selected for a member of that board. 
 Shortly after congress appointed him, in conjunction with 
 Michael Hillegas, one of the first continental treasurers. 
 The duties of that office he discharged with fidelity, till about 
 the time of his election to congress. When this event took 
 place, Mr. Clymer resolved to devote himself exclusively to 
 civil life, in promoting those important interests of his coun 
 try, which would naturally come before him as a member of 
 the continental congress. 
 
 At a very early period of the controversy with England, he 
 entered into the interests of the colonies with the strongest 
 solicitude to promote their prosperity by all the means he pos 
 sessed. With this view he took much pains to procure a 
 loan for the continental service by subscription ; and was 
 one of the first subscribers to it ; and he exerted himself to 
 induce others to follow his example. 
 
 At this time, (the early part of 1776,) the representatives in 
 congress from Pennsylvania, were unfavorable to a separation 
 of the colonies from Great Britain ; and when the question 
 came to a decision, they refused to concur, and withdrew 
 from their seats in congress. On the twentieth of July of 
 that year, George Clymer, Doctor Benjamin Rush, James 
 Wilson, George Ross, and George Taylor, Esquires, were 
 appointed to succeed their hesitating predecessors, and to 
 take their seats in congress. Although he was not a member 
 when the great measure was decided, and could not there 
 fore sign it at the time, he affixed his signature to it, as soon 
 as his official station admitted of his doing it authoritatively ; 
 and thus consummated one of the most ardent desires of his 
 heart. He had looked forward to the adoption of that great 
 measure as the beginning of a system of proceedings on the 
 part of the American colonies, which was to lay abroad foun 
 dation for the future prosperity of his country, and was fully 
 persuaded that nothing of much importance could be accom 
 plished until that had taken place. 
 
 Mr. Clymer was appointed by congress, in September 1776, 
 one of a confidential committee mentioned in this volume, 
 to repair to Ticonderoga, to inspect the condition of the 
 northern army. He was also designated a member of a 
 most important committee which congress deemed it neces 
 sary to have continued in Philadelphia, after they had re- 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 193 
 
 tired from that city, by reason of the approach of the enemy s 
 forces to take possession of it. The performance of the du. 
 ties which this appointment had devolved on him, required 
 great self-denial, fidelity, and caution. The performance was 
 rendered in a manner answerable to the confidence reposed 
 in him by congress, and corresponding to his long established 
 reputation. * 
 
 On the twelfth day of March, 1777, he was again elected 
 a member of congress, and continued to be active only until 
 the nineteenth of May, following, at which time he obtained 
 leave of absence for the purpose of recruiting his health, 
 which had become impaired by reason of his arduous and 
 unremitting attention to his public duties. He was, while 
 present in congress, continually em-ployed on committees of 
 great importance, for maturing business of many kinds for 
 the final decision of that body. Indeed, indolence and inac 
 tion were not admissible. 
 
 Again in 1777, Mr. Clymer was deputed on a committee 
 to repair to the head quarters of General Washington, to in- 
 stitute an inquiry into the state of the army, and to investi 
 gate the causes of complaint of the commissary s department. 
 Many abuses are said to have been practised in that important 
 branch of the public service, by reason of which the military 
 operations of the army were impeded and deranged. This 
 committee, consisting of Mr. Clymer, Mr. Philip Livingston 
 and Mr. Gerry, was to search them out, and apply the best 
 remedy of which the case admitted. 
 
 At the time of General Washington s defeat at the Brandy, 
 wine, when the British army was marching towards Philadel 
 phia, Mr. Clymer s famity, having previously left their resi 
 dence, had retired to Chester county for safety. This move 
 ment, calculated for their security, eventually placed them in 
 the danger they intended to avoid. By domestic traitors, 
 .heir place of retreat was pointed out to a band of the enemy, 
 vho went to the place, sacked his house, destroyed his furni- 
 ur, drank as much of his stock of liquors as they could, and 
 *nen stove the residue of such as they were unable to carry 
 away with them. * 
 
 Mr. Clymer appears to have been peculiarly obnoxious to 
 the British. Doubtless this was in consequence of his firm 
 uniform, and active resistance to all their endeavors to ensure 
 success to the royal cause. He did not suffer his personal 
 losses by their means, nor the absence of his family, aggra 
 
 17 
 
194 GEORGE CLYMER, 
 
 vnted as it was by sickness, to call him from a faithful at- 
 tendence on the important trusts committed to him by con 
 gress. After the British had taken possession of Philadel 
 phia, they commenced giving vent to their resentment, by 
 gathering, as they supposed, around his house to demolish it. 
 Fortunately they mistook the house of one of his relatives 
 for his ; and on being assured of their mistake, their resent 
 ment so far abated, that they spared the building, and left the 
 habitation unmolested. 
 
 In 1777, the Indians bordering upon the western frontiers 
 of Virginia and Pennsylvania, instigated by British agents, 
 sent as emissaries among them for the purpose, committed 
 many acts of savage barbarity among the scattered and de 
 fenceless inhabitants in that region. Some of the white set- 
 tiers were, by the same influence, induced to aid them in 
 their atrocities. These things were viewed as hazarding the 
 friendship of the Shawanese and Delaware Indians, who had 
 continued amicably inclined towards the Americans. They 
 had entered into a league of friendship with congress ; and 
 for that reason they were threatened with hostilities, by 
 their neighbors. 
 
 To prevent by anticipation further evils from that source, 
 congress appointed a commission, consisting of three, to re 
 pair to Fort Pitt, to investigate the subject. Mr. Clymer was 
 one of the commissioners; and he, alone of the three, went 
 to the scene of these troubles. Their instructions were to in 
 vestigate the origin, progress, and extent of the disaffection, 
 and to take such measures as they might deem requisite, to 
 prevent its further progress, and to restore tranquillity among 
 Jie disaffected, by bringing them to a just sense of their duty. 
 Their powers, comprised in their instructions for accom 
 plishing this purpose, were ample, in a great degree discre 
 tionary, and of a very delicate nature to be exercised on such 
 a theatre. 
 
 Whatever causes may have prevented his colleagues from 
 attending to this important call of their country, Mr. Clymer 
 entered on the arduous and hazardous service singly, early 
 in the year 1778. He went to Pittsburgh, and by reason of 
 the failure of his colleagues in attending, he found himself 
 much embarrassed and obstructed in prosecuting the objects 
 of his mission to a favorable result. 
 
 It was, however, productive of considerable advantage to 
 the Americans ; and, although in some respects, its results 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 195 
 
 . 
 
 were not as beneficial as had been anticipated, it was not 
 owing to any want of fidelity in him, after his arrival at the 
 place appointed. 
 
 During his absence on that business, Mr. Clymer narrowly 
 escaped destruction by an Indian s tomahawk. His preser 
 vation was, as afterwards appeared evident, inconsequence 
 of his choosing one of two roads, which led with about equal 
 facility to the place of his destination. By taking the one 
 he pursued, unapprised of special danger in either, he reach- 
 ed his friend s house in safety ; and on the same day, a white 
 man was murdered by a savage, on the road which Mr. Cly 
 mer had not travelled. Whenever his patriotism was put in 
 special requisition by the call of his country, the demand was 
 met with great promptitude. This was often verified ; and 
 particularly, at a time when the treasury was drained, and 
 the means for replenishing it were not at ready command, and 
 the army was in danger of disbanding, by reason of their in- 
 tense sufferings from cold and hunger. To relieve this distress 
 ing condition of the government, a number of the citizens of 
 Philadelphia stepped forward, and instituted a special bank, 
 which sustained the public credit in that emergency. By that 
 means, the disastrous event which was feared was obviated. 
 Of this plan, from which no sinister advantage was contem 
 plated by the stockholders, Mr. Clymer was one of the first 
 projectors, and not only subscribed to it himself, but used his 
 utmost exertions to induce others to subscribe also. The bank 
 was organized ; proffered as an aid to congress ; and accepted 
 by that body, with a vote of thanks to its projectors, and an 
 assurance of full indemnity to the public spirited stockhold 
 ers. When it went into operation, Mr. Clymer was selected 
 as one of its managing directors, and remained such until its 
 concerns were closed. 
 
 In the autumn of the year 1780, Mr. Clymer was notified 
 of his election to congress a third time, and immediately took 
 his seat, and resumed his active labors in the national council. 
 So faithfully did he devote himself to the public service, du 
 ring the interval between November, 1780, and the same 
 month in 1782, that he was absent from his place but a few 
 weeks in the lapse of about two years, and some of those were 
 employed in services assigned him by congress. So para 
 mount in his estimation were the concerns of the public, en 
 trusted to him, to those of his individual interest, that the latter 
 received but a small share of his attention for several years. 
 
196 GEORGE CLYMER, 
 
 
 
 He evinced the same zeal and patronage in favor of the na> 
 tional bank, when the plan of that institution was proposed U 
 congress by Robert "Morris, Esq., that he had formerly, m 
 favor of the special bank just mentioned. 
 
 In 1782, the several states having been very slow in sup. 
 plying their several quotas for the public service, congress 
 considered it necessary to adopt some measures more efficient 
 for that purpose than such as had been hitherto pursued. In 
 pursuance of that object in relation to the southern states, 
 congress appointed Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Edward Rutledge, 
 commissioners to repair thither, and make such representa 
 tions to their several executives, as were calculated to promote 
 an object so vitally important to the public service. 
 
 After having executed the duties of that mission, having 
 also vacated his seat in congress, he removed his family to 
 Princeton in New Jersey, with a view to educating his fa 
 mily. That justly celebrated seminary furnished many advan 
 tages favorable for his purpose, such as could not be found in 
 his native state. He thought he saw the revolutionary con 
 test drawing near to its close ; and in that event being real 
 ized, he was convinced he might be suffered to withdraw from 
 public service, without any sacrifice of duty ; and in the enjoy 
 ment of domestic quietude, attend to the interests and con 
 cerns of his own family. But after a short residence there, 
 an intimation that his services were needed in Pennsylvania, 
 induced him to return to the theatre of public life, and relin 
 quish his peaceful retreat at Princeton. He was elected to 
 the legislature of Pennsylvania, at a time when a malignant 
 spirit of party was running very high in that state, and he was 
 selected, in connection with Robert Morris and Thomas Fitz- 
 sirnmons, Esquires, to co-operate with them in obviating its 
 baneful effects, and anticipated consequences. 
 
 It was during his continuance as a member of the state 
 legislature, that the penitentiary system for punishing male 
 factors, was substituted for the more summary, and in many 
 instances sanguinary penalties, which the existing code of 
 laws required. For its establishment in that state, he was a 
 zealous and a uniform advocate. If he did not originate the 
 plan, he was one of its earliest friends, and he continued to urge 
 its adoption, until success crowned his efforts. He was un 
 doubtedly a principal agent in meliorating the criminal law 
 and its penalties, which were applied in numerous instances, 
 in conformity to it, in his native state ; and for which he 
 merited the title of a public benefactor. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 197 
 
 When it was determined to call a convention from the 
 several states, to frame a constitution for a general govern 
 ment of the United States in place of the old confederation, 
 Mr. Clymer received a new evidence of public confidence. 
 While he was yet an acting member of the legislature of 
 Pennsylvania, that body appointed him one of their delegates 
 to the convention, which was soon after to meet in Philadel 
 phia. The constitution having been formed, and adopted by 
 the requisite number of states to commence its operation, 
 Mr. Clymer was chosen a member of the first congress which 
 convened under its authority. In this, as in every preceding 
 instance, his course was marked by that same industry, intel 
 ligence, integrity, and patriotism which had uniformly regu 
 lated and marked his whole public life. 
 
 He was in favor of the naturalization of foreigners who 
 sought a residence here ; but he was justly in favor of sub 
 jecting emigrants to a longer term of probation, before they 
 became entitled to the elective privileges of native citizens, 
 than was adopted under a subsequent administration. 
 
 After the first congress closed its term of two years, Mr. 
 Clymer declined a re-election. This terminated his legislative 
 career. But President Washington appointed him supervisor 
 of the revenue for the state of Pennsylvania. The office in 
 that state was attended with many difficulties, by reason of 
 {he opposition which had been excited to its exactions (and 
 the law by which they were required) in the western coun 
 ties. From these, however, he did not shrink, notwithstand 
 ing, in performing the requisite duties, he was exposed to 
 personal dangers, and even his life was at times in jeopardy. 
 The faithful performance of his official duties, however, he 
 found so difficult, and attended with so much odium, that he 
 was induced to resign it. This step he expected would finish 
 the career of his public duties ; but it proved otherwise. 
 
 In the year 1796, he was appointed, with Colonels Haw 
 kins and Pickens, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee 
 and Creek Indians in Georgia. Mr. Clymer with his attend 
 ants took passage by water to Georgia, and by doing so was 
 much in danger of being shipwrecked ; they having been over 
 taken by a storm, in a vessel unsea-worthy. But being able, 
 after much toiling at the pumps, to make a harbor at Charles 
 ton, in South Carolina, the scene was agreeably changed, 
 and their sufferings compensated by the hospitality they re- 
 waived from the citizens of Charleston. 
 
 After some delay the commissioners arrived at the scene 
 17* 
 
198 JAMES SMITH, 
 
 of their labors, and negotiated a treaty, to the mutual satis 
 faction of the parties. Having accomplished the objects of 
 their mission to Georgia, Mr. and Mrs. Clyrner embarked at 
 St. Mary s, on the twentieth day of July, to return to their 
 own home in Pennsylvania. This service closed the political 
 life of Mr. Clymer ; the aggregate of which was more than 
 twenty years. 
 
 During the continuance of his after life, Mr. Clymer was 
 engaged in promoting several different objects of public 
 utility. Among these it will be proper to mention the Aca 
 demy of Arts and Sciences, which still exists in Philadelphia. 
 He was an early and zealous patron of that institution ; and 
 after its establishment he was placed at its head. That office 
 he held till his decease. He was an active promoter of the 
 Philadelphia Agricultural Society, and was chosen vice pre 
 sident of that institution ; in which office he continued until 
 the close of his useful life. The business of agriculture, as 
 a science, engaged much of his attention ; and in its favor he 
 uniformly showed much interest ; and in truth, few things 
 seem to have escaped his notice, which presented a prospect 
 of advancing the prosperity and happiness of his country. 
 
 Having filled up many years with numerous acts of public 
 and private usefulness, this worthy patriot and estimable phi 
 lanthropist closed a long and laborious life, on the twenty- 
 third day of January, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. 
 During that long period of intercourse with his fellow men, 
 both in public and private life, his moral character was con 
 sidered irreproachable. 
 
 JAMES SMITH. 
 
 Tins gentleman was a native of Ireland, and came to 
 America, when he was quite a lad, and one of a numerous 
 family of children, for whom his father, a respectable 
 farmer, sought a settlement in this new world. As no 
 record of his birth has been preserved, and since he pre 
 served its date an inviolable secret, which he carried with 
 him to his grave, there are no means of ascertaining pre 
 cisely his age. The most that is clearly known respecting it 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 199 
 
 is, that he was born early in the eighteenth century, proba 
 bly between 1712 and 1720. 
 
 The residence which the father selected for the settlement 
 of his family, was on the west side of the Susquehannah River. 
 He there lived to see his children comfortably provided for, 
 and died in 1761, leaving behind him a respectable charac 
 ter, for honesty and benevolence. 
 
 James, the subject of this memoir, was the second son , 
 and his father concluded to give him an opportunity for ac 
 quiring an education superior to what was common at that 
 time in the colonies. For this purpose he placed him under 
 the immediate charge of the Reverend Doctor Allison, pro 
 vost of the college at Philadelphia a gentleman to whom 
 several of his colleagues, signers of the Declaration of Inde 
 pendence, and other distinguished men of that age, were 
 under obligations for useful instruction in their collegiate 
 life. Under his tuition, James Smith acquired a tolerable 
 knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages. But what 
 was most useful and profitable to himself, and rendered him 
 much respected in the thinly populated part of the colony 
 where he resided, was the art of surveying, which he learned 
 under Doctor Allison s instruction. With such preparatory 
 qualifications he commenced the study of law in Lancaster, 
 where his elder brother was already established in the prac 
 tice of that profession. Having passed through his prepara 
 tory, term he removed to a considerable distance westward, 
 where there were but few inhabitants, and there pursued the 
 business of a practitioner of law, and that of a surveyor of 
 lands. The place where he located himself, although long 
 since a thickly settled and flourishing part of Pennsylvania 
 was then almost an entire wilderness. It was in the vicinitj 
 of what is now Shippensburg. 
 
 The numerous speculations in land, and the uncertain 
 condition of the relative boundaries, always fruitful source 
 of litigation, had already produced their usual effects in that 
 remote region, and furnished Mr. Smith with a full supply 
 of professional employment ; and it continued to be a pro 
 ductive source of business and gain during the long terro 
 which, with occasional interruptions, he pursued it. This 
 extended to nearly sixty years. 
 
 But ample success in procuring professional employment, 
 and the prospect of accumulating a fortune, did not compen 
 sate him for the privations he was destined to experience in 
 that wilderness ; and after a short continuance there, he re 
 
200 JAMES SMITH, 
 
 moved to York, a flourishing village, where he might in con 
 nection with his professional business, be favored with the 
 pleasures of intelligent society, to which he felt a strong 
 attachment. 
 
 Another inducement urged him to this change of residence. 
 There was not at that time, any lawyer in York ; and after 
 his removal Jv continued to occupy the station alone, with 
 out any competitor, for many years. 
 
 Soon after his settlement in York, he was united by mar 
 riage to Miss Eleanor Amor, of Newcastle, in Delaware ; a 
 lady with whom he lived many years in the enjoyment of 
 great domestic felicity. Mr. Smith was at the head of the 
 bar in that county, from his first settling in York until the 
 commencement of the American revolution. 
 
 He was a person of many eccentricities of character ; and 
 possessed a vein of wit and humor, which rendered him a 
 favorite companion in every social circle. He had read 
 much, possessed a retentive memory, and had collected from 
 reading and observation a large fund of anecdotes, which he 
 would relate, and apply in a manner to excite much amuse 
 ment on every occasion. But notwithstanding this natural 
 proneness to hilarity, on every thing connected with the 
 Christian religion, and its ministers, he was grave and sedate ; 
 and never did himself, nor suffered others in his presence to 
 sneer at or jest with those objects which he held to be sacred. 
 
 Mr. Smith spent his time happily from his establishment 
 in York, until the prospect of the country s rights and tran 
 quillity became overcast ; and the apprehensions of all intelli 
 gent men began to look for an approaching crisis, in which the 
 liberties of the American provinces would be involved in 
 great difficulty and hazard. On the aspect of the times Mr. 
 Smith, like other leading and cautious patriots in that and 
 other provinces, had early fixed his attention ; and, like them 
 also, he soon determined, whatever might ensue, upon resist 
 ing illegal and unconstitutional encroachments by the British 
 government, on the rights of the colonists. Thus, when the 
 question of resistance or submission came to be a subject of 
 general discussion, he was advanced beyond many others in 
 his views of what would be requisite to meet the crisis, and 
 in his readiness to adopt all such measures, as the just rights 
 of the colonies demanded for their protection. In this respect 
 he stood on a footing with Richard Henry Lee, George 
 Washington, and Patrick Henry, of Virginia, J. and S 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 201 
 
 Adams, and John Hancock, of Massachusetts, and othejr 
 patriots in different parts of the country. 
 
 Hence Mr. Smith was already prepared, when the two 
 leading measures which were proposed by some persons in 
 Boston, for a non-importation agreement, as respected Great 
 Britain and her dependencies, and the meeting of a general 
 congress of delegates from all the American colonies, to con- 
 suit for the general safety, to adopt them without any hesita 
 tion, and considered them as indispensable. So soon as this 
 proposal from Massachusetts reached Pennsylvania, it found 
 in him an active and zealous advocate. 
 
 A meeting having been called of delegates from the several 
 counties in Pennsylvania to collect and ascertain the senti 
 ments of the people of that province, on these propositions, 
 and on the condition of public affairs generally, Mr. Smith 
 appeared, and took his seat as one of three delegates from 
 the county of York, in which he resided. This body of dele 
 gates received the appellation of " The Committee of the Pro 
 vince of Pennsylvania," and it was composed of men of high 
 standing in the province for intelligence, undoubted in 
 tegrity, and patriotism. After they had ascertained and col 
 lected the general sentiments of the people, through their re 
 presentatives, their most important duty was to express them in 
 the form of instructions. A select committee was appointed 
 by the meeting to prepare this important document, of which 
 Mr. Smith was a member. 
 
 The report which that committee rendered to the body by 
 which it was appointed, and which was adopted by that assem 
 bly of delegates, was pacific and respectful, yet firm, in re 
 lation to ultimately uniting in all such measures as congress 
 might deem it necessary to adopt, for the security of their co 
 lonial rights, provided redress and security could not be ob 
 tained against parliamentary usurpation by less hostile mea 
 sures. How Mr. Smith voted in the committee regarding 
 this report, is not known with certainty. But his conduct, 
 and the measures he adopted, immediately on his return 
 home, furnish no small ground for believing that he was 
 disposed, even then to dissolve all colonial connection with 
 the parent state, and bid her defiance at once. For soon af 
 ter he returned to York, he commenced raising and drilling 
 a company of volunteers, of which he took the command, as 
 thfir captain. This being the first volunteer corps raised 
 in Pennsylvania for opposing the British, and undertaken by 
 Mr. Smith, on his own responsibility, was the commencement 
 
202 JAMES SMITH, 
 
 of a system which, in a short time began to be enlarged, and 
 was extensively imitated in that province with success ; and 
 also with much benefit to the general cause for which they 
 had associated. When the volunteer companies in that 
 vicinity had become sufficiently numerous to form a regiment, 
 he was chosen its colonel. Hence he derived the title which 
 he held merely as honorary. His age forbidding his assum 
 ing the actual command ; he received the appointment as it 
 was designed, as an honorable mark of respect for his char- 
 acter and patriotic exertions, and left the active duty of 
 commanding to his juniors in years, and in office. 
 
 " The convention for the province of Pennsylvania" met 
 the first time in January, 1775. This kind of assembly, in 
 the several colonies, was a distinct body from the authorized 
 legislative assemblies convened under the superintendence of 
 the royal governors ; and not long after their organization, 
 they generally superseded them, and became the acknow 
 ledged legislative assemblies of the several provinces ; and 
 those alone whose authority the people would acknowledge 
 as legitimate. Of that convention Mr. Smith was returned 
 a member for York ; and was among the most prompt, and 
 foremost for adopting strong resolutions, and decided mea 
 sures, for defending the constitutional rights and liberty of the 
 American colonies, against their invaders. 
 
 The province of Pennsylvania, owing to a peculiarity in 
 the character, and religious sentiments of a large portion of 
 her population, and some other causes, was backward in as 
 suming that attitude of determined resistance which the safety 
 of the country demanded. The Quakers were almost unani 
 mous in their opposition to the congress, atid to all the mea 
 sures which were recommended by that body, for resisting 
 the claims of the English government. They had great in 
 fluence with a numerous class of the people ; and by publish 
 ing their " annual testimony," they embarrassed the measures 
 of congress. This state of the province influenced many of 
 their leading and patriotic men, to advance cautiously and 
 slowly towards the time of division, which was then drawing 
 near, between Great Britain and the colonies. But the colonies 
 were in a condition which rendered it impracticable to re 
 treat, without surrendering at discretion, and accepting life 
 on such conditions as an incensed enemy might impose. The 
 other alternative, and the only one, was to advance and con 
 quer, or perish in the conflict. A few men, comparatively in 
 that province, were prepared for the latter. Among these, 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 203 
 
 one of the earliest, most resolute, and determined, we have 
 already seen, was Jarnes Smith. 
 
 But the time rapidly approached when this timid and cau 
 tious policy, by which the general assembly was nearly spell- 
 bound, had to give place to another system; and those feel 
 ings of languor in which so many had hitherto indulged, were 
 to yield to those of a more energetic tone, and a corres 
 ponding activity of conduct. Pennsylvania must decide the 
 question, whether she would unite with the other provinces in 
 throwing off her allegiance, and make common cause with 
 them, or abide by her allegiance, and accept the terms which 
 might be given to her. A Declaration of Independence of 
 the American colonies, was at length found to be indispensa 
 ble by the general assembly of that colony ; and it was some 
 what difficult to select men for delegates in congress, who 
 were prepared to meet the occasion, and unite with those 
 from other provinces in pledging Pennsylvania to sanction 
 and support the bold and hazardous measure. Such men 
 however did exist; they were selected by the general 
 assembly, and appointed to occupy the seats of some who had 
 vacated their places, either because they disapproved of the 
 measure, or because they shrunk from the fearful responsi 
 bility. Among this number was James Smith of York. In 
 all the efforts which were made by the leading patriots of 
 Pennsylvania, to awaken the people, and the legislative 
 assembly of that province, to a realizing apprehension of their 
 true condition, of their perils, and of the indispensable neces 
 sity for meeting the crisis which had arrived, with a deter 
 mined resolution and vigorous effort, Mr. Smith was one of the 
 boldest, most active, persevering, and influential. He pur 
 sued the object, uniting his exertions with those of his friends 
 of a congenial temper, with an untiring activity, and a deci 
 sion of character, that did him great honor. 
 
 After congress had passed a resolve, the conclusion of 
 which recommended to the several colonies to " adopt such 
 governments as in the opinion of the representatives of the 
 people, might best conduce to the happiness and safety of 
 their constituents in particular, arid America in general;" the 
 instructions of the general assembly last given to their dele 
 gates, being strongly in opposition to declaring the colonies 
 independent ; the spirit of the people was roused, and they 
 appointed a convention of delegates from the several counties 
 to meet in Philadelphia, to consult on their condition, and to 
 make known their sentiments to the general assembly. This 
 
204 JAMES SMITH, 
 
 conference was held at the time appointed ; it consisted of 
 ninety-six delegates, selected from the most decided whigs in 
 the colony. A select committee of three members was 
 appointed to draw up a statement of their sentiments, and 
 report it to the meeting the next day. The committee con 
 sisted of three members, viz. Thomas M Kean, James Smith, 
 and Benjamin Rush. The report was ably drawn, consider, 
 ing the short time allowed the committee ; it was firm and 
 spirited ; it embraced the leading principles and sentiments 
 afterwards expressed in the Declaration of Independence. 
 In that paper may be seen, as if reflected by a mirror, the 
 patriotic character of Colonel Smith, as well as his col 
 leagues. 
 
 It was this declaration of the sentiments of the people, through 
 their representatives, that produced the desired effect upon 
 the general assembly, and left their delegates to act their own 
 pleasure. In bringing about this revolution in the sentiments 
 of the people, Colonel Smith was one of the most active and 
 influential persons in the province. He early saw that the 
 struggle would ultimately come to the point ; and he made 
 every exertion in his power, to prepare the community for 
 the event. 
 
 He was chiefly instrumental in exciting the military spirit 
 which existed in Pennsylvania, and which became highly im 
 portant during the contest. He commenced it, as has been 
 stated, by raising a volunteer corps in York ; and it extended 
 through the colony, until it embraced, according to the testi 
 mony of Mr. Penn before the British house of lords, a body 
 of " Associators," amounting to twenty thousand men, who 
 had volunteered their services to the state. This had all been 
 effected previously to the resolution in congress, introduced 
 by Mr. Lee of Virginia for a Declaration of Independence. 
 
 After congress had passed the resolution, declaring the 
 American colonies free and independent states, it became 
 necessary for each of the states to adopt a government suited 
 to its new condition. For this purpose a convention of dele 
 gates was called, to form a constitution for Pennsylvania, 
 which assembled on the fifteenth day of July, 1776, in Phila 
 delphia. Colonel Smith was a member of that convention. 
 By that body he was appointed a member of a committee 
 " to make an essay for a declaration of rights for that state." 
 But before that committee had had time to make their 
 report, the convention, which had superseded the general 
 assembly, appointed nine members of congress, of which 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 20 
 
 Colonel Smith was one. This was on the twentieth day o! 
 July, eighteen days after the declaration was passed in con 
 gress ; and yet previous to the time appointed for the several 
 members to affix their signatures to the parchment, on which 
 the declaration was engrossed. 
 
 His appointment to a place in congress, did not induce him 
 immediately to vacate his seat in the convention. He con- 
 tinued an active and important member of that assembly; 
 and was appointed a member of several select committees, 
 to whose charge was referred some of the most interesting 
 subjects they had to determine. After the convention had 
 finished the business of its appointment, Colonel Smith took 
 his seat in congress. But it was not until the beginning of 
 October of that year, that he commenced his regular attend 
 ance in that national council. Nor had he been long a 
 member before he was called, together with Mr. Wilson, Mr. 
 Chase, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Stockton, to the exercise of a 
 most important trust. They constituted an executive com 
 mittee, whose duties are expressed in these terms, " To de 
 mise and execute measures for effectually reinforcing General 
 Washington, and obstructing the progress of General Howe s 
 army." This, at that juncture, comprised but little, if any 
 thing, short of directing the whole business of superintending 
 and carrying on the war. 
 
 From the time of his entering congress until March, 1777 
 Colonel Smith was continually employed in the house, 01 
 engaged in the business of the committee last -mentioned. 
 
 The interest he had long felt in the public concerns had 
 called him so much abroad, that his private interests had suf 
 fered considerable detriment in consequence of his absence. 
 He therefore determined to decline a re-election in ttie spring 
 of 1777, that he might have an opportunity to attend to his 
 own affairs. He returned to his family, and engaged again 
 in his professional employments, and pursued them with great 
 assiduity. 
 
 His retirement, however, was of short continuance. For 
 such was the situation of the country, and indeed of con 
 gress, after the British took possession of Philadelphia, and 
 the battles of Germantown and Brandywine, that he was 
 again urged to consent to resume his seat in congress ; and 
 in December of that year he consented to engage again in 
 the public service, as a member of congress. His attendance 
 was now much less inconvenient than before. It at first 
 removed to Lancaster, a place much nearer to his residence 
 
 18 
 
206 GEORGE TAYLOR, 
 
 than Philadelphia, and then to York, the place of his home , 
 which last removal rendered it peculiarly gratifying to 
 Colonel Smith. 
 
 After the confederation had been adopted by congress, the 
 treaty of alliance with France concluded, the French fleet 
 had arrived on our coast, the British had been compelled to 
 leave New Jersey, and had been defeated at Monmouth the 
 face of things brightened ; and Colonel Smith indulging the 
 hope that a happy termination of the war was at hand, con 
 cluded to retire, and yield his place to a successor. Accord, 
 ingly in November, 1778, he withdrew finally from congress, 
 and returned to his family and professional business. But in 
 1779 he was once more called from his domestic and profes 
 sional duties, to take a seat in the legislature of Pennsylva 
 nia. This he held, however, but one session, and then with 
 drew from all public business, and applied himself exclusively 
 to his private concerns. 
 
 He died on the eleventh day of July, 1806. 
 
 But two of his five children survived him; a son and a 
 daughter. The former died a few years after him ; and the 
 only surviving daughter is the wife of Mr. James Johnston, 
 of York, the place of his own residence 
 
 GEORGE TAYLOR. 
 
 GEORGE TAYLOR was an Irish redemptioner ; not, how. 
 ever, of that low class which the term usually indicates. He 
 is said to have been the son of a clergyman in Ireland, and 
 born in the year 1716. But of what religious denomination 
 his father was a member, or where established in his minis 
 terial vocation, we have not been able to ascertain. He 
 seems, to have been a man of wisdom and sound judgment, 
 so far as we are able to form an opinion, from the course he 
 took with his son. Being conscious that he must depend 
 on himself in gaining a living, since he had no fortune 
 to bestow on him, nor to leave him at his death, he adopted 
 the wisest course he could pursue for his future prosperity, 
 and gave him an education somewhat superior to what was 
 usual in that country at that period to be given to those who 
 had to make their way through the world by their own exer 
 tion, and enterprise. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 207 
 
 It was the wish and purpose of his father, that he should be 
 qualified for practising one of the professions. Consulting 
 his talents and the bent of his disposition, as he supposed, his 
 father selected the medical profession, as being better suited 
 to his genius, and that in which it was believed success was 
 apparently the most promising. It is probable, although not 
 certain, that George actually entered on the study of medicine. 
 But if so, the object does not seem to have been sufficiently 
 attractive to his roving and adventurous spirit, to induce him 
 to persevere in its pursuit ; and he soon came to a determina 
 tion to quit it, and engage in some other, in which the pros- 
 pect of success was more inviting. Whether he had Ame 
 rica, or any other country, particularly in view, as the field 
 of his adventures, is not known. It is not improbable, how 
 ever, that he had not, and that his coming to America was 
 the result of what is usually termed accident. Being re 
 solved to leave his native shore for some distant region, and 
 without feeling very solicitous about any particular country 
 to which he should direct his course, hearing of a vessel 
 about to sail for New York or Philadelphia, pennyless and 
 friendless, he stepped on board, and embarked as a redemp- 
 tioner. 
 
 On his arrival in Philadelphia, he providentially met with 
 a Mr. Savage, who wanted his services, and who, on con 
 dition of his engaging to labor for him for a term of years, 
 paid the expenses Taylor had incurred in coming to Ame 
 rica ; and he immediately accompanied Mr. Savage to Dur 
 ham, a village situated on the Delaware River, a few miles 
 below Easton. In Durham, Mr. Savage was improving an 
 extensive establishment of iron works, in which he gave em 
 ployment to a number of laborers. " George" was put to 
 the business of what, in the appropriate language of such an 
 establishment, is called "filing" that is, supplying the fur 
 nace with coal when in the operation of blasting. But the 
 blisters soon raised on his hands proved, that it was an em 
 ployment to which he was unused. The fact was noticed by 
 the workmen, and by them mentioned to Mr. Savage. He 
 soon perceived by the delicate appearance of George s hands, 
 and some other indications he had observed, that his educa 
 tion had been superior to that of the common Irish laborers. 
 He had discovered remarkable intelligence in the lad ; and 
 believing that he was qualified for an employment of a dif 
 ferent character from that in which he had placed him, with 
 feelings of compassion for him, he asked George if he could 
 
208 GEORGE TAYLOR, 
 
 not handle a pen better than a shovel? Young Taylor, with 
 great pleasure, changed his employment of " filler" for that 
 of a clerk, and conducted with so much intelligence and 
 fidelity, that in a short time he rendered himself a very 
 important and useful member of the establishment. He 
 gained the esteem and confidence of Mr. Savage and his fa- 
 mily, in the situation in which he was placed. That situation 
 he retained during several years; and after the death of Mr. 
 Savage, which occurred at no very distant period, suitable time 
 having elapsed, he married his widow, and thus came into pos 
 session of his business. This he continued to prosecute for 
 a number of years ; and conducted it with such industry, 
 prudence, and skill, that he acquired a competent fortune. 
 What particularly induced him to quit his station in Durham, 
 and change his abode, is not known. But he purchased a con 
 siderable estate on the Lehigh, in the county of Northamp 
 ton ; and there he commenced business anew. He erected 
 a large stone dwelling house, and some iron works, in which 
 he became associated with others who were engaged in 
 prosecuting the same business. He took up his residence 
 in this new habitation, and continued to occupy it for several 
 years. But before he had been long an inhabitant in that 
 county, he had become so conspicuous a character, and 
 gained the esteem and confidence of the inhabitants of North- 
 ampton so far, that they elected him one of their representa 
 tives to the colonial assembly. Thus he was ushered into 
 public life, and entered on that theatre on which he was des 
 tined to act a conspicuous part in the great drama of the 
 American revolution, and to occupy a station on the page of 
 history that will reach the end of time. This enrolled his 
 name among those chivalrous patriots, who, at the risk of 
 " their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors," dared 
 to wrest an empire from the grasp of power, wielding against 
 them a fearfully unequal force, and exalt it to the high stand 
 ing of independence among the nations of the earth. In that 
 enviable station on the page of history, with his compatriots, 
 from the character of a forlorn Irish redemptioner, he was 
 elevated to that of one of the fathers of the republic. 
 
 The estimation in which he was held in the assembly of 
 Pennsylvania, may be inferred from the nature and impor 
 tance of the duties intrusted to him and others, in the vari 
 ous committees of which he was a member, to investigate 
 and report to that body, for their consideration and decision. 
 At the period of his entering upon political affairs, the public 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 209 
 
 mind had been universally excited by the proceedings of the 
 British parliament, affecting the rights and interests of the Ame 
 rican colonies generally; and that agitation, though mitigated 
 by subsequent enactments, was far from being quieted. A 
 jealousy had been raised among the colonists, by the claim 
 set up by the parent government, in the " Stamp act," of a 
 right to tax the colonies without, their consent ; and that jea 
 lousy remained, after the repeal of that odious and offensive 
 statute, by reason of the claim being still retained. It caused 
 a constant vigilance among the provincials, kept their at 
 tention alive, and constantly directed it to the proceedings of 
 the king and parliament, relative to their future measures in 
 relation to the colonies. Of this jealousy and fear of ap 
 proaching encroachment on their rights, the people of Penn 
 sylvania partook, in common with the citizens of the other 
 provinces. But there were other subjects of great delicacy 
 arid much importance. There were contested claims between 
 the proprietors of the charter and the provincial assembly, 
 respecting their powers of government, which continually in 
 terfered ; and these at that time remained unsettled. About 
 he same time violence had been committed upon the In 
 dians, by some of the white inhabitants of unprincipled and 
 dissolute character, in which several of the natives had been 
 wantonly murdered ; and the executive of the province had, 
 with characteristic apathy, suffered the guilty perpetrators to 
 remain unpunished, manifesting no disposition to execute the 
 laws in avenging their injured neighbors of the forest. This 
 unjustifiable conduct on the part of the governor, whose duty 
 it was to have arrested, tried, and punished the offenders in 
 a due course of law, provoked the hitherto peaceable natives, 
 as well as disgusted the men of correct principles in the colony. 
 The people also were alarmed for their own safety, which 
 had become jeoparded, by reason of the menacing conduct of 
 the Indians, who had waited in vain for that justice which 
 they rightfully demanded, and had, for a time at least, confi 
 dently expected the government would promptly have ren 
 dered them. 
 
 It was in the year 1764, that Mr. Taylor was first elected 
 a representative to the provincial legislative assembly of Penn 
 sylvania, where he was soon distinguished by being appointed 
 a member of the committee of grievances. The duties as 
 signed to that committee were highly important, and their 
 magnitude was continually increasing. 
 
 18* 
 
210 GEORGE TAYLOR, 
 
 The important question which greatly agitated the whole 
 province at that time, that of altering the charter, and in connec 
 tion with that, the correction of gross abuses which the pro 
 prietary government had been for years introducing, claimed 
 the serious investigation of the legislative assembly. In the 
 discussions of these several subjects, Mr. Taylor took an ac 
 tive and very decided part. His decision of character, which 
 was soon perceived by all, gave him a leading influence in 
 that assembly ; and that influence he uniformly exerted on the 
 side of the popular interest, and in a steady, but firm opposi 
 tion to every attempt at. an assumption of illegal power on the 
 part of the government, under whatever covering, or in what 
 ever form it appeared. 
 
 When the speaker of the Pennsylvania assembly laid 
 before that body the proposal of the house of representatives 
 of the province of Massachusetts Bay, for a general congress 
 of delegates from the several colonies, to meet in New York, 
 in September, 1765, the proposal was unanimously adopted 
 on the same day, on which it was submitted to their considera 
 tion, and the delegates immediately appointed. The com 
 mittee, to whom the duty of drawing up their instructions was 
 assigned, included George Taylor as one of its members. 
 By whomsoever those instructions were drawn up, they evince 
 much wisdom and prudence. 
 
 Mr. Taylor was again chosen a representative for North 
 ampton, in the autumn of 1765 ; and on the meeting of the 
 assembly, he was placed on several important committees, 
 of which he had been an active and efficient member, in the 
 preceding session of the provincial -assembly ; and he ably and 
 zealously supported all the important subjects which were 
 brought before them. 
 
 On their receiving intelligence of the repeal of the " Stamp 
 act," the legislative assembly of Pennsylvania appointed 
 several of their members to draw up an address of thanks and 
 congratulation to the king, expressive of their feelings on that 
 occasion. Mr. Taylor was one of that committee. He con 
 tinued a member of that assembly during the five years im 
 mediately following ; and the journals of their proceedings 
 exhibit him the same active and influential member, employed 
 on the same standing committees, and exerting the same 
 influence as formerly. In 1768, he exerted himself in a bold 
 manner, to induce the governor to bring to legal trial and 
 punishment, the miscreants who had murdered several Indians 
 in the vicinity. This duty having been neglected, as has been 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 211 
 
 mentioned, by the executive of the province, the legislative 
 assembly considered it their incumbent duty to take a special 
 notice of the subject. They accordingly appointed several 
 of their members to draw up, and present an address to the 
 governor, on that occasion, of whom Mr. Taylor was one. 
 The address, though very respectful, and couched in hand 
 some language, contains a rebuke of " his excellency," for his 
 official delinquency, and the neglect of his incumbent duty, 
 which manifested an independence of feeling, and a firmness 
 of resolution, which, however long they might forbear, could 
 not be with safety much longer trifled with. If there had not 
 existed an infatuation in the minds of the supporters of the 
 royal prerogative, it seems as if they must have been per 
 suaded, that measures of conciliation, rather than of exas 
 peration, should have been pursued with a people of such 
 a spirit, even far the sake of their own interest and prospe 
 rity. But they blindly pushed onward with a mad obstinacy, 
 until when too late, they became convinced of their error. 
 
 Mr. Taylor s private affairs having become somewhat 
 deranged, and his fortune impaired, while he was devoting 
 his time and attention to the public interest, he found it incum 
 bent on him to relinquish the latter, and give his attention 
 to the former for several years. His success in his new 
 estate on the Lehigh, not having answered his expectations, 
 he returned again to Durham, the scene of his early prospe 
 rity. During the term of five years of his retirement to pri 
 vate life, he sustained the two offices of presiding judge of 
 the county court, of the county where he resided, and colonel 
 of the militia. 
 
 In October, 1775, he was again returned a member of the 
 provincial assembly. Here again he resumed the same 
 elevated standing he had before sustained. He was at once 
 placed on all the important standing committees of the house, 
 and on several others of importance, which the changes in the 
 political condition of the country had rendered necessary. 
 Among these, the most important of all, and which was in 
 fact the principal revolutionary engine of the government, 
 was the committee of safety ; of which he was an active and 
 vigilant member. 
 
 In this session, the members of the approaching congress 
 were chosen ; and again Mr. Taylor was appointed with 
 others to draw up and report instructions for the delegates. 
 
 The situation of Pennsylvania at that juncture, required the 
 exercise of great wisdom and prudence, on the part of their 
 
 10 
 
212 GEORGE TAYLOR, 
 
 public agents. The province had often received special evi. 
 dences of royal favor, which elicited corresponding affection 
 and gratitude from the people. Many still retained a hope 
 that a reconciliation might be affected, and an open war 
 avoided. A large portion of that community, whose religious 
 principles coinciding with those of the distinguished founder 
 of the colony, were opposed to war, and especially a civil war. 
 They therefore felt a peculiar reluctance to having any measures 
 adopted, which would commit the province to engage in ulti 
 mate hostilities with the parent government. There were 
 still a number of men of leading influence in the province, in 
 whose breasts glowed a patriotism as pure, and as warm as 
 in those of a more bold and daring character. All these fur 
 nished motives of great delicacy and importance, which ope 
 rated powerfully on the minds of those who were already per 
 suaded of the indispensable necessity of coming to a speedy 
 decision, relative to renouncing the allegiance of the colonies 
 to Great Britain, and rendered the task of drawing up the 
 instructions to their delegates in congress, very difficult, and 
 highly responsible. 
 
 These instructions were drawn up, and sanctioned by the 
 house, m November, 1775, and, among other particulars, 
 contained a clause, utterly prohibiting them from concurring 
 in any propositions which might lead to, or cause a separation 
 of the colony from Great Britain, or change the form of the 
 government of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Such was the prevailing state of the public feeling, relative 
 to independence, in the autumn of 1775, in Pennsylvania. 
 But the time was at hand, which was destined to witness a 
 decided revomiion of feeling in that province. The disre 
 spect with "wmch the several memorials, remonstrances, and 
 appeals of congress had been treated by parliament, under 
 the management or the ministry, had been gradually weaken 
 ing their hopes, ana confirming their fears respecting the ul 
 timate measures, wftich their own safety might imperiously 
 demand ; thus preparing them, notwithstanding their strong 
 reluctance, to give up their opposition, and bring them to ac 
 quiesce cordially ini renouncing their allegiance, and in the 
 establishment of independence. The winter and spring of 
 1776, saw an almost entire change in the sentiments of Penn 
 sylvania. The instructions given to their delegates in con 
 gress, in November, 1 >T5, unqualifiedly forbade them to concur 
 in any measure which might lead to, or result in a separa 
 tion. In June, 1776, instructions were issued to them, which 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 213 
 
 removed that prohibition, and left them at full liberty to con 
 cur with the delegates from the other colonies in congress, " iri 
 such measures, including compacts with the other colonies, 
 and treaties with foreign states and kingdoms, as shall be 
 judged necessary for promoting the liberty, safety, and inte 
 rests of America." 
 
 These sentiments of their representatives harmonized with 
 those of the great body of the people ; and the change so great, 
 and so sudden, had been wrought by means of the conduct 
 of the British government, which convinced them that their 
 hopes were vain, and that they had nothing to expect in fu 
 ture from the parent country, to which they had been so 
 strongly attached. 
 
 Yet, notwithstanding this decided change in the legislature 
 and the people, and notwithstanding the recent instructions 
 given to the delegates in congress, there were several of 
 the delegates of Pennsylvania, then in congress, who held 
 fast to their opposition ; insomuch, that on a trial of the ques 
 tion by the several colonies, according to the vote of their 
 delegates, the voice of Pennsylvania was decided in favor, 
 only by the vote of one majority. This was very unplea 
 sant to the legislative body which had issued the recent in 
 structions ; and they resolved on electing a new delega 
 tion, which became necessary for representing the senti 
 ments ..of the people truly, and also for securing unanimity 
 in the final vote on the great subject of independence. Ac 
 cordingly, on the twentieth of July, the convention of the 
 state reappointed Mr. Morton, Doctor Franklin, Robert Mor 
 ris, and Mr. Wilson, who, of the old delegation, were in favor 
 vf the decisive measure, and supplied the places of the dis 
 sentients, by electing Mr. Taylor, Mr. Ross, Mr. Clymer, 
 Doctor Rush, and Mr. Smith ; all of whom were well known 
 o have been fully persuaded of its necessity. They were 
 ihosen by the convention with a full knowledge of their sen- 
 irnents, and expressly with a view to insure an unanimous 
 vote in favor of the independence of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Taylor was now brought into congress, arid with his 
 entire approbation of the measure which had been determined 
 by the vote of congress on the fourth of July, he, with many 
 others, set his signature to the declaration of that vote, which 
 was riot ready for signature until several weeks subsequent to 
 the day on which it was passed by congress. The Declara 
 tion of American Independence, now engrossed on the parch- 
 
2> i JAMES WILSON, 
 
 ment roll, received his signature on the second day of Au 
 gust, 1776. 
 
 Having seen his favorite object, the independence of his 
 adopted country, realized, and having finished his own 
 agency in effecting it ; after remaining about one year in con- 
 gress, he withdrew from all public life and employments, and 
 settled in Easton, in the vicinity of his estates. Here, after 
 spending four years, in attending to his private concerns, he 
 closed his life on the twenty. third of February, 1781, at the 
 age of sixty-five years. 
 
 JAMES WILSON. 
 
 THIS gentleman, who made a conspicuous figure in Penn 
 sylvania, both in her delegation to congress, and in other pub 
 lic services, during the revolutionary period, was a native of 
 Scotland. His father gave him a good classical education, 
 and with that, at the age of about twenty one, he embarked 
 for America, and arrived in New York. From thence he 
 went to Philadelphia, the beginning of the year 1766. His 
 recommendations to gentlemen of eminence in that city, 
 were of such a character, that he soon obtained employment as 
 a teacher in the Philadelphia College and Academy, under 
 the patronage of the Rev. Doctor Richard Peters. He 
 formed an intimate friendship with Mr. Wilson, which con 
 tinued unimpaired to the close of his life. 
 
 But after a few months he left that employment, and com 
 menced the study of law in the office of Mr. John Dickinson, 
 one of the most celebrated barristers of that age in the United 
 States. After having passed about two years in his studies, 
 he entered on the practice of his profession, and went first to 
 Reading, but soon removed to Carlisle in that province. His 
 success in the latter place was flattering ; and he there began 
 to develope the powers of his mind, and evince the profes 
 sional pre-eminence for which he was distinguished through 
 his life. From Carlisle he went to Annapolis in Maryland. 
 There he remained but one year, and then removed to Phila 
 delphia, in 1773, and fixed his residence in that city for life. 
 
 Not long after he commenced his professional career, a 
 case of great importance was Brought into one of the courts, 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 215 
 
 between the proprietors of Pennsylvania and a great land- 
 dealer. The latter, Mr. Samuel Lawrence, engaged Mr. 
 Wilson as one of his counsel. Mr. Beverly Chew, the at 
 torney general, was opposed to him. So favorable was the 
 impression which Mr. Wilson made by his plea, on the 
 minds of hie associate counsel, that they concluded to submit 
 the cause without further argument. During the session of 
 that court, his reputation as an able lawyer was fully and 
 firmly established; and important business flowed in upon 
 him at once. 
 
 At the time of his landing in America, he considered this 
 as his country, and he became, from that time, an American 
 in principle. To this character he firmly, and with entire 
 consistency, adhered to the day of his death. He was a 
 genuine republican on the principles of General Washington. 
 
 He early enlisted his feelings and efforts in an active op 
 position to the British claims upon the colonies ; and warmly 
 and very ably defended their rights, against the designs of the 
 ministry. 
 
 A provincial convention for Pennsylvania was called in 
 
 1774, to meet in Philadelphia, of which Mr. Wilson was a 
 member for that city. The part he took, and the talents ho 
 displayed in that assembly, made him extensively known, as 
 a gentleman distinguished for political science, and of com 
 manding popular eloquence. In that convention Mr. Dickin 
 son and Mr. Wilson were recommended for delegates to the 
 congress. But the influence of Mr. Galloway, who was 
 speaker of the house, and opposed personally to Mr. Dickin 
 son, and politically to both, was sufficient to prevent their 
 election at that time. He was, however, chosen in May, 
 
 1775, together with Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Willing, 
 and added to the existing Pennsylvania delegation, only about 
 eight months after the time when a nomination of him could 
 not be carried. He was again appointed to the same office 
 in November, 1775; in July, 1776, when he subscribed to 
 the Declaration of Independence ; and in March, 1777. 
 
 In September of 1777, a jealousy of his rising reputation, 
 and an excited party spirit, had gained such an ascendency 
 in their general assembly, that Mr. Clymer and Mr. Wilson 
 were superseded and left at home, and others appointed in 
 their room. This placed him for a time in private life. 
 
 Previous to his being introduced to a seat in the congress, 
 and while he resided in Carlisle, at the commencement of 
 military movements, preparatory to the anticipated hostilities, 
 
216 JAMES WILSON, 
 
 Mr. Wilson was designated for military honors. He was 
 chosen colonel of a regiment, to be raised and equipped in 
 the county of Cumberland. The public stores and magazines 
 in Carlisle were committed to his charge. This, in that sea 
 son of jealousy, showed the confidence reposed in him by 
 the public. He was also appointed to the delicate and im 
 portant duty of a commissioner to treat with the Indians; 
 which duty he discharged with success. 
 
 In 1782, he was again brought forward to the honorable 
 station from which he had beon dropped, by the rivalry and 
 opposition of his political adversaries. His talents and 
 integrity were too decided, and of too much importance, to be 
 long neglected by means so disreputable, and by rivals so 
 inferior, in many respects, as were those who supplanted him. 
 
 On the twentieth of November of that year he was elected 
 to a seat in congress, and took possession of it early in Janu 
 ary, 1783. In the same year he was appointed by the exe 
 cutive council, with several others, an agent and counsellor 
 to manage the celebrated controversy of Pennsylvania with 
 Connecticut, respecting the Wyoming lands. To his efforts 
 in arguing that great cause, which occupied him several 
 days, may be ascribed to a considerable extent, the final set 
 tlement of that long contested and angry claim. 
 
 In the year 1785, he was again returned a representative 
 to congress in November, and took his seat in the following 
 March. But whether he was in congress serving his state, 
 or in private life, attending to his own immediate concerns, 
 his talents and character was too conspicuous to be neglected. 
 The French minister plenipotentiary, Mr. Gerard, appointed 
 him advocate general of the French nation in the United 
 States. This was an office of much importance, and required 
 a man to fill it eminently learned in national law, and that 
 particular part of it which relates to regulating commercial 
 intercourse between independent governments. In 1781, the 
 king of France confirmed the appointment made by his minis 
 ter. As the United States had but just sprung into a national 
 existence, every thing here was new ; and according to the 
 existing treaty, the functions of consuls and other officers 
 employed in commercial agencies, were to be originated ; 
 and this, almost without rule or precedent, from which assist 
 ance could be derived. Mr. Gerard stipulated with Mr. Wil 
 son on his nominating him, that an annual salary was to be 
 allowed. Without that Mr. Wilson would have declined the 
 offer. But after considerable delay, during which time he 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 217 
 
 had devoted himself to its duties, it pleased the king to sig 
 nify that it was not his pleasure to sanction that stipulation. 
 Consequently Mr. Wilson resigned his office ; not indeed with 
 the most agreeable feelings respecting the manner in which 
 he had been treated. 
 
 During his absence from congress, that body were not 
 unmindful of his worth. In the latter part of 1781, he re 
 ceived an appointment of director of the bank of North Ame 
 rica which Robert Morris had instituted to aid in the financial 
 concerns of the government, and which was so greatly condu 
 cive to their prosperity. 
 
 ^VVhilfi he was in congress, he was considered as one of the 
 ablest members of the house, and was singularly happy in the 
 manner, as well as persuasive and forcible in the matter of 
 his public addresses. His services on important committees, 
 were piobably more numerous than those of any of his col 
 leagues, during the time he was a member. They would 
 occupy too large a space in this essay, were a particular enu 
 meration of them to be inserted. Suffice it to remark, that 
 he was, during the time he was in congress, as appears on 
 the journals, placed on all the most important committees, and 
 on others, both of which in the aggregate, comprised more 
 than were allotted to any other member of that house. 
 
 Mr. Wilson was a delegate to the convention which was 
 assembled in 1787, for framing a constitution for the United 
 States. He was an active and leading member of that distin 
 guished assembly. On the 23d of July, after much discussion, 
 a committee of five members was appointed to report a con- 
 stitution, conformably to the proceedings of the convention, 
 Mr. Wilson s name stands first on that committee. His signa 
 ture appears to that document. He was a member of the 
 state convention which adopted the new constitution, on behalf 
 of Pennsylvania. Having successfully exerted himself in 
 favor of its adoption, it was resolved to celebrate the event 
 with tokens of rejoicing, as being highly auspicious to the 
 best, interests of the whole country. Mr. Wilson was se 
 lected by his fellow citizens, to deliver an oration on that 
 occasion. 
 
 After the adoption of the federal constitution by that slate, 
 a convention was called for altering the constitution of Penn 
 sylvania. Mr. W r ilson was returned a member of this con 
 vention also. 
 
 After the new government had been so far organized, as to 
 ele^t a president of the United States, and to hold the first 
 
 19 
 
218 JAMES WILSON, 
 
 session of congress under it, it became the duty of General 
 Washington to form the national judiciary, under the new 
 constitution. In performing this duty, Mr. Wilson was nomi 
 nated by the president one of the judges of the highest court 
 of the nation. That nomination having been sanctioned by 
 the senate, he accepted the appointment, and held the office 
 to the end of his life. 
 
 In 1790, after a law professorship had been established in 
 the college of Philadelphia, Mr. Wilson was appointed the 
 first professor; and in 1792, when the college of Philadel 
 phia and university of Pennsylvania were united, a profes 
 sorship of a similar kind was established in that seminary, ajjucl 
 he was appointed to fill it. 
 
 In 1791, he was unanimously appointed by the house of 
 representatives of the state, to revise and digest the statutes 
 of the state. But after some delay, during which he had 
 made considerable progress in executing the task, the senate 
 refusing to concur with the house in sanctioning the object, 
 for which the appointment had been made by the house of 
 representatives, the business was suspended, and never 
 finished. 
 
 While he practised as a lawyer, he was confessedly at the 
 head of the Philadelphia bar ; and his business was extensive, 
 and secured him an engagement in almost all the important 
 causes brought into the court. His reputation as an advocate 
 was not surpassed, perhaps not equalled, by any of the able 
 barristers, who were practitioners at the Pennsylvania bar. 
 
 He was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of 
 William Bird, Esq. of Bucks county. They were married in 
 1771, or 1772; their offspring were six children. She died 
 in April, 1786. He afterwards married Miss Hannah Gray 
 of Boston, by whom he had one child, which died in infancy. 
 
 In 1798, while on a judicial circuit in North Carolina, he 
 was attacked with a severe paroxism of strangury, at the house 
 of his friend and colleague, Judge Iredell, in Edenton ; where 
 he closed his eventful life, at about the age of fifty-six years. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 219 
 
 GEORGE ROSS. 
 
 
 
 THIS gentleman, who was born in New Castle, in the state 
 of Delaware, in the year 1730, was the son o,the Reve 
 rend George Ross, a respectable clergyman, and minister of 
 the episcopal church in that town. 
 
 Mr. Ross, from a personal knowledge of the advantages of 
 a liberal education, and discovering a favorable disposition, 
 as well as promising talents in his son, resolved on giving him 
 all its advantages. He consequently commenced a course of 
 instruction with him early in life, and pursued it with faithful 
 care and assiduity, till he had accomplished his object. He 
 became an uncommon proficient in the ancient languages. 
 And at the age of eighteen, he commenced the study of law, 
 under the instruction of an elder brother, then a member of 
 the Philadelphia bar in good reputation. In due time ho was 
 admitted to the bar, and fixed his residence in Lancaster, 
 which was at that time (1751) on the western limits of Euro 
 pean settlements in Pennsylvania. There he gave his atten 
 tion assiduously to the duties of his profession, and soon es 
 tablished a reputation, which secured him an increasing and 
 lucrative business. He was also appointed to the office of 
 procurator to the king, which was considered an honorable 
 place, and one to which those only were appointed in the co 
 lonies, who were esteemed as distinguished in the profession 
 of law. 
 
 Early after Mr. Ross settled in Lancaster, he connected 
 himself by marriage with Miss Ann Lawler, a lady of very 
 respectable connections. 
 
 The first account of his appearance in public life, is in 
 1768, when he was chosen a member for Lancaster, to re 
 present that town in the legislature of Pennsylvania. He was 
 afterwards repeatedly rechosen to represent that town ; and 
 uniformly so conducted as to receive the approbation of his 
 constituents, and the confidence and respect of his colleagues. 
 
 He possessed a benevolent disposition, which he was fre 
 quently called on to exercise in behalf of the Indians. For, 
 although the system adopted by Mr. Penn was generally pur 
 sued with them, so as to obtain and secure their confidence, 
 by an uniform course of honesty and sincerity, ye-t there 
 were some who were unwilling to deviate from it, and to 
 deceive and defraud that simple people. Mr. Ross uniformly 
 
220 GEORGE ROSS, 
 
 espoused and vindicated the cause of the Indians, and from 
 principle acted as their protector. The disposition to depart 
 from the system of William Penn, was not confined to people 
 of the lower class, with whom it might have been expected ; but 
 some of the governors of the province were at times willing 
 to interfere in the concerns of the Indians ; and when they did 
 they generally excited feelings which they intended to pre 
 vent, or allay. 
 
 Like the patriots of that day, he had his attention early 
 excited, and steadily fixed on the measures of the English 
 government, which were the beginning of the course they 
 intended to pursue, with reference to the American colonies. 
 He saw their tendency to subject the colonists to a state of 
 oppression and vassalage, which he considered unjust ; and 
 which, if not withstood, would deprive them of some, if not 
 all of their dearest rights and privileges, as free subjects of 
 the British empire. Hence, when the spirit of opposition was 
 roused in other colonies, and a proposal was made to assem 
 ble a convention of delegates from the several provinces, to 
 meet in Philadelphia, and consult on the general interests of 
 the whole, and agree upon proper measures to be pursued for 
 their preservation from tyranny and oppression, he hailed the 
 event as an omen for good, and promoted it with all his in 
 fluence and exertions. 
 
 In the month of July, next after the proposals had been 
 received by the assembly of Pennsylvania, to convene a con 
 gress from the several colonies, which had been communicated 
 from Virginia, Massachusetts, and other provinces ; the 
 assembly unanimously resolved to appoint a committee of 
 seven members on the part of Pennsylvania, to meet in the 
 proposed congress in September following. Mr. Ross was 
 chosen one of these members ; the time when, and place 
 where the congress was to meet, were not then determined ; 
 but as is well known, it did meet in Philadelphia on the 5th day 
 of September, 1774. Mr. Ross was directed by the assembly 
 which elected him to that delegation, to draw up the instruc 
 tions by which he and his colleagues were to regulate their 
 conduct when assembled. 
 
 From the 5th of September, 1774, when Mr. Ross took his 
 seat in congress, he continued a member of that body by 
 repeated elections, until January, 1777, when indisposition of 
 body rendered it expedient for him to retire ; this permission 
 he asked for and obtained, and he then left congress. His 
 conduct while a member, so fully met the approbation of his 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 221 
 
 constituents, that they passed a resolution forthwith to trans- 
 mit the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds out of the stock 
 of Lancaster county, as a testimony of their sense of the 
 manner in which he had discharged his duty in congress ; 
 and that he be requested to accept of it, as a testimony of their 
 approbation, and in part compensation for the sacrifices he 
 had made, by neglecting his own private business, that he 
 might attend to that of the public. This gratuity so honorably 
 proffered by them, bearing with it a testimony so honorable 
 to himself, he declined in a manner expressive of his own 
 patriotic feelings. 
 
 Mr. Ross continued to be chosen to represent his constitu 
 ents of Lancaster in the Pennsylvania legislature, during the 
 period he served as a delegate in congress ; no existing law at 
 that time rendering the two offices incompatible. He was 
 among the early leaders in that provincial legislative assem 
 bly; and forward, if not foremost, in proposing measures for the 
 defence and protection of the community against the inju 
 ries they might sustain from an invasion by a British force. 
 This it was apprehended might take place so early as 1775, 
 and he was active on special committees of that assembly, 
 in providing the requisite means for repelling it ; and for 
 devising ways and means, generally for procuring arms and 
 munitions of war, that they might be in readiness against the 
 time when they might be wanted. 
 
 They indeed generally adopted measures to be prepared 
 against the anticipated event of open hostilities with the mother 
 country, similar to those adopted and prosecuted in the other 
 colonies. All these received Mr. Ross s entire and cordial 
 approbation, and his zealous co-operation, in maturing them, 
 and carrying them into effect. Whether in congress, or in 
 the provincial legislature, or the convention which was orga 
 nized after that was done away ; whether acting on commit 
 tees, or in an individual capacity, or in his professional cha 
 racter, as an advocate for the oppressed, or a friend to the 
 Indians in that province, Mr. Ross every where appeared the 
 same ; and uniformly exhibiting the character of an intelligent 
 decided patriot, the able and liberal politician, the fearless and 
 upright advocate of the persecuted and oppressed. In the last 
 character he ranked high among that class of men of brilliant 
 talents, in which were included the names of Biddle, Wilson, 
 and Serjeant, comprising a constellation of legal talent, which 
 could scarcely have been exceeded in iny other province on 
 the continent. 
 
 19* 
 
222 C^SAR RODNEY, 
 
 At the period now under review, several persons were 
 prosecuted for a supposed adherence to the British ; and the 
 excitement was so great against engaging in their defence, 
 that it was feared it might be attended with some hazard from 
 an exasperated populace. But this apprehended peril caused 
 no intimidation in the minds of the independent and upright 
 bar of Pennsylvania ; and Mr. Ross and Mr. Wilson in par 
 ticular, fearlessly engaged in their defence, and acquitted 
 themselves in the performance of the duty they had under 
 taken, in a manner highly creditable to their professional 
 talents, independence, and benevolence. 
 
 In April, 1779, he received the commission of judge of the 
 court of admiralty for Pennsylvania. He was suffered, how 
 ever, to discharge the duties of that office but a short time ; 
 for in July following the appointment, his useful life was ter 
 minated by a violent attack of the gout. 
 
 DELAWARE, 
 
 RODNEY. 
 
 THE grandfather of this gentleman came from England to 
 Pennsylvania, soon after William Penn had commenced the 
 settlement of that province. He resided in Philadelphia a 
 short time and then went and planted himself in the county 
 of Kent, in what is now the state of Delaware. He appears 
 to have been a very popular man in that region, and dis 
 charged with fidelity the duties of several posts of honor and 
 distinction. His youngest son, Caesar, by reason of his other 
 children having died without heirs, inherited nearly the 
 whole property of his father ; which was then considered a 
 handsome fortune. He declined all public official employ 
 ment, preferring the quiet tranquillity of private life, to the 
 troubles and intrigues, which too generally are connected 
 with a public station. He had the offer of several of the 
 principal offices of the province ; but adhering to his prefe 
 rence, he declined them all. He married a daughter of Mr 
 
DELAWARE. 223 
 
 Thomas Crawfoid, a preacher of the gospel, said to have 
 *een the first who made his appearance as a minister in that 
 region. These were the worthy parents of Caesar Rodney, 
 \vhose signature is affixed to the parchment on which is en- 
 rolled the Declaration of American Independence. 
 
 Ca3sar Rodney was born in Dover, now the state of Dela 
 ware, about 17tiO. He inherited all the landed propert) r , 
 according to the then existing law of entailment, as the male 
 heir ; and the popularity which had been enjoyed by his pre 
 decessors, seems to have descended to him, as an appendage 
 to the name and the estate. In 1758, when he was but 
 twenty-eight years old, he was appointed high sheriff of the 
 county of Kent. The term of office having expired, he was 
 commissioned as a justice of the peace, and constituted a 
 judge of all the inferior courts of the county. 
 
 It cannot be ascertained precisely, at what period he en 
 tered into public life as a legislator ; because no records of 
 the journal of proceedings of the legislature, in Delaware 
 province were preserved of an earlier date than 1762. In 
 the autumn of that year, however, he appeared as a represen 
 tative for the county of Kent. He either had been a mcrn. 
 ber previous to that year, or his character had become so 
 distinguished before he had a seat in that body, that he took 
 the lead in their deliberations, and most important public 
 measures. He was selected as a colleague with Mr. M Kean 
 to transact important business with the governor, as an agent 
 of the assembly. 
 
 About this time appeared the " Stamp act," and some other 
 obnoxious measures of the British parliament, in this country, 
 which excited much alarm among the inhabitants of the 
 colonies, and a spirit of opposition, founded on a firm belief 
 of their unconstitutional character. This spirit was felt to 
 a considerable extent, in the three counties which now con 
 stitute the state of Delaware. 
 
 The legislature had adjourned, to meet again in September, 
 1763, but before that time arrived, there was a meeting of 
 the members of the assembly, who proceeded to appoint dele 
 gates to attend a congress to be convened in New York, to 
 consult with delegates from other provinces, who were to 
 assemble there on the most eligible course to pursue, for 
 avoiding the evils with which the colonies were threatened ; 
 and for protecting their rights and privileges as subjects of 
 the British empire. For that important and honorable mis 
 sion, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M Kean, and Mr. Kollock, the speaker 
 
224 CAESAR RODNEY, 
 
 of the house, were chosen by an unanimous vote, by the 
 assembly. 
 
 They received explicit instructions for regulating their pro- 
 ceedings in that congress ; and having attended to the duties 
 of their appointment, and returned when the legislature was 
 again convened, they made a full report of their proceedings, 
 and received the unanimous thanks of the house, and a libe 
 ral compensation for their services. From this time to the 
 close of the revolutionary war, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M Kean, 
 and Mr. George Read, were among the most active, leading, 
 and influential characters, who espoused the cause of the 
 colonies in opposition to the British usurpations in Delaware. 
 Mr. Rodney was a member of the legislature of Delaware for 
 several years, and always a leading and active one, in de 
 vising and advocating measures of public interest. He was 
 even early opposed to the slave trade, and introduced an 
 amending clause to a bill before the house, for the further 
 and better regulation of slaves, and to entirely prohibit the fur 
 ther importation of them into the colony. Although it was 
 rejected, it was lost only by a majority of two. 
 
 The local situation of Delaware, being accessible by water 
 through its whole extent, exposed the inhabitants to continual 
 invasions by the enemy ; which was one influential cause of a 
 division of sentiment respecting proper measures to be pur 
 sued by the government. Another was an ardent attach 
 ment of many of the people to the mother country, from 
 which they were unwilling to be separated. Others still 
 thought that a Declaration of Independence would be prema 
 ture, and they still indulged a hope that the differences might 
 be amicably settled, and the liberty of the colonies preserved. 
 From these, and perhaps some other causes, there existed 
 such a division among the people, that those patriots to whom 
 the leading management of their public affairs was entrusted, 
 had to encounter many difficulties, by which their efforts for 
 the general good were greatly impeded ; and at times almost 
 paralyzed. They however persevered, and had the satisfac 
 tion in the end to see the cause triumph, and the object for 
 which they contended, and in obtaining which they made such 
 great sacrifices, in common with their countrymen generally, 
 secured by an acknowledgment of their independence on the 
 part of the contending power. 
 
 He was appointed by the provincial assembly in Delaware, 
 on one of the committees who were from time to time, to 
 draw up petitions and remonstrances to the king and parlia- 
 
DELAWARE. 
 
 ment of Great Britain, relative to the grievances complained 
 of by the colonists, and subsequently to correspond with the 
 friends of American interests in other provinces. In all of 
 these, his zealous and undeviating attachment to the privile 
 ges and liberty of his country, and his determination to main 
 tain them to the uttermost, are clearly manifested. 
 
 Mr. Rodney was laboring for some years under the slow, 
 but ultimately fatal effects of a cancer in his cheek ; which at 
 length, so much impaired his health, as to compel him to 
 withdraw from public employment, and resort to Philadelphia 
 for medical aid. He even had it in contemplation at one time, 
 to cross the Atlantic, for the same purpose, if he failed of suc 
 cess in Philadelphia. Although he procured only partial 
 relief there, he was prevented from proceeding to Europe, 
 by the threatening aspect of the times. 
 
 He was a member of the provincial assembly in 1769, and 
 chosen speaker. He held that office during several of the 
 succeeding years. He was also appointed chairman of the 
 committee of correspondence, and in that station he kept up 
 a constant correspondence with distinguished gentlemen in 
 the other provinces. That correspondence, which was car 
 ried on in all the colonies, by an interchange of views, and 
 mutual communication of intelligence, tended to promote a 
 harmony of feeling, and a union of purpose, through the 
 country, which was essential for the success of their cause. 
 To obviate jealousies, to quell insurrectionary movements, 
 to rouse the feelings of the languid, and to encourage the 
 fearful, though true friends to the American cause, Mr. Rod 
 ney labored industriously, and with considerable success, 
 among the inhabitants of Delaware. 
 
 On the first day of August, 1774, a convention of delegates 
 from the three counties, convened by a circular which he ad 
 dressed to them, as speaker of the house of assembly, met in 
 New Castle, to determine what measures they should adopt, 
 on behalf of their province, in relation to the existing state of 
 the country, and to consult arid decide respecting calling a 
 general congress of delegates from all the colonies. He was 
 unanimously appointed chairman of that meeting. After they 
 had resolv d that such a measure was demanded by the state 
 and circumstances of the colonies. He, together with Thomas 
 M Kean, and George Read, Esquires, were appointed dele 
 gates for Delaware to the first continental congress, which 
 met in Philadelphia, on the first Monday of September follow 
 ing. He took his seat in that body on the fifth day of that 
 
226 (LESAR RODNEY, 
 
 month, and the next day was placed on the grand committee 
 ot that body, whose duty it was to state what were the rights 
 of the colonies, and to enumerate the instances in which 
 those rights had been invaded, and violated, by the English 
 government. 
 
 The same meeting which appointed him and his colleagues 
 delegates to that congress, furnished them with instructions, 
 by which they were to regulate their conduct in that assembly. 
 And when they reported their proceedings on their return, 
 the assembly passed an unanimous vote, approving entirely 
 of all that they had done. In confirmation of their approba 
 tion, on the day following, they again elected them represen 
 tatives to the succeeding congress. During his absence, 
 under this second election, the legislature appointed him a 
 brigadier general of the province. He now sustained high of 
 fices in both civil and military life ; in the latter of which, he 
 was in a short time called to active service, in defence of 
 his invaded country. The urgency of public business at that 
 time, was peculiarly pressing. Owing to some private con- 
 cerns which required his attention, he had obtained leave of 
 absence for a short time, and had returned home for the pur 
 pose of adjusting them. But he had scarcely arrived at his 
 residence, when he was summoned back, on account of some 
 highly important business which was depending, and for the 
 accomplishment of which it was deemed essential to have as 
 full a delegation present as possible. The business before 
 congress at that time, so urgent as to require his immediate 
 return, was undoubtedly that which preceded, and prepared 
 the way for deciding the great question of independence. 
 
 The situation of Delaware, the inhabitants being much di 
 vided in sentiment on the great political measures of the coun 
 try, demanded Mr. Rodney s presence, both at home and in 
 congress. He was wanted at home, to superintend and ar 
 range the military department, and the measures of defence 
 required for the security of the state. He was, therefore, 
 necessarily absent from his seat at different times, to attend 
 to the discharge of his military duties. But at the time 
 -of taking the vote on the question of independence, he was 
 in his seat, and gave it his cordial sanction. He immedi 
 ately after returned to his constituents ; and they having 
 heard the communication of what congress had done, ap 
 proved of it by acclamation. Probably few men have been 
 more highly popular at any time, and in any community, than 
 General Rodney. Yet, notwithstanding this, he was soon to 
 
DELAWARE. 227 
 
 experience the instability of all such favor, and tte versatility 
 of popular opinion. 
 
 In the autumn of 1776, the people of Delaware called a 
 convention, to frame a constitution of government for the 
 state, and to elect delegates to the next congress. On this 
 occasion, by an union of the tories who were numerous in the 
 state, and of various other parties, they contrived to secure a 
 majority against his re-election, and left him out of congress, 
 together with Mr. M Kean. He, however, still retained the 
 office in the committee of safety, and the committee of inspec 
 tion. The duties connected with these, he could attend to, 
 while superintending his own private concerns. The latter 
 had suffered much by his want of care during his absence ; 
 and the act of the convention, by which he was superseded, 
 left him at leisure to pay the attention to them which they 
 required. 
 
 Colonel Haslet, who belonged to General Rodney s bri 
 gade, had gone to New Jersey, with some of the Delaware 
 troops, and fell in the battle at Princeton. After his death, 
 General Rodney concluded it would aid the cause, and espe 
 cially prove some consolation to the men of his command, 
 if he were to be present with them in New Jersey. Being 
 sincerely engaged in promoting the cause, and ever ready to 
 render his aid where it might be most beneficial, he repaired 
 to the late scene of action, to afford all the relief and comfort 
 in his power to the suffering troops of Delaware, then in ac 
 tual service. On his way to New Jersey, he saw Lord Stir 
 ling in Philadelphia, who ordered him to remain at Princeton 
 for the purpose of forwarding the troops to the army, as fast 
 as they arrived there on their way. 
 
 He remained there with the army, about two months, 
 and was very actively engaged in those services which de 
 volved on him, as a brigadier general ; and even after the 
 term of enlistment of the Delaware troops had expired, he 
 offered to continue with the army, and render any services 
 which the commander in chief might be pleased to assign to 
 him. But situated as the army then was, General Washing 
 ton, in a letter highly complimentary and honorable, in reply 
 to his offer, deeming his presence not then necessary, per 
 mitted him to return to his family. 
 
 Soon after he reached home, he was appointed a judge of 
 the supreme court, which had just then been organized, un. 
 der the new state constitution. But preferring his military 
 command, for the present at least he declined accepting tha* 
 
2!28 C^SAR RODNEY, 
 
 office. This appointment, as it showed that ne had not lost 
 the esteem and confidence of the public, must have been 
 grateful to his feelings ; and that he had not, was soon evinced 
 in a manner still more conclusive and gratifying. 
 
 There was an insurrection in the county of Sussex, in 
 which many who had been hostile to his election resided ; 
 and they feeling the need of his assistance to quell it, issued 
 an order for him to proceed thither, with an armed force suf 
 ficient for the purpose. This order he promptly obeyed, and 
 succeeded in restoring order and harmony, for a time, at 
 least, in that agitated and disaffected portion of the state. 
 
 Shortly after this was done, the British army landed on the 
 shore of the Chesapeake Bay, intending to march to Phila 
 delphia. General Washington having taken up a position in 
 the northern part of Delaware, with the intention of opposing 
 their progress, was in want of aid. General Rodney col 
 lected all the forces he could gather in the county of Kent, 
 and marched immediately to his assistance ; and took his 
 station south of the main army, by direction of the commander 
 in chief, with a view, if possible, to get between the enemy 
 and his shipping, while he was watching his motions. The 
 service in which he was then engaged, was impeded very 
 much, and rendered almost abortive, by the misconduct of 
 the militia. They came out in the morning, and took the 
 liberty to return to their homes before sunset. 
 
 Not long after the close of that expedition, the political 
 affairs of Delaware having experienced a considerable 
 change, General Rodney was again called to take his seat in 
 congress. But still there were too many men of influence, 
 who continued cold and backward in promoting the plans of 
 the general government ; and he deemed it best for him to 
 remain in the state, until the legislature finished its session. 
 He hoped some important improvements might result from 
 the proceedings of that assembly, which he trusted would 
 be benefited by his presence at home. While he was thus 
 waiting, and within the time he proposed to remain, he was 
 chosen president of the state. The office he knew was dif 
 ficult and arduous. But he thought his duty called him to 
 accept it, with the hope that he might be more useful to the 
 country ; and such was his patriotism, that he always made 
 his own interest and private inclination give place to a con 
 viction that the public interest required the sacrifice. 
 
 He held the office of president of Delaware about four 
 
DELAWARE. 229 
 
 years, and was perpetually harassed and vexed by the con. 
 duct of the inhabitants. Their exposure to the incursions of 
 the enemy, which, owing to their peninsular situation, oc 
 curred almost daily, the pressing demands continually made on 
 (hem for supplies of various kinds for the army, and their 
 nearly exhausted condition, must plead much in their behalf. 
 The resources of the country were greatly diminished, and 
 the demands on them were perpetually increasing, without 
 any immediate prospect of a termination. These calls were 
 so imperative, that they involved the alarming alternative of 
 submitting to an incensed enemy, or keeping together an 
 army, so hard pressed with hunger and nakedness, that it 
 was on the eve of disbanding. During his presidency, he 
 made every possible exertion to procure aid in support of the 
 general cause ; and in some degree, though far short of his 
 wishes, he succeeded in increasing the strength and augment 
 ing the resources of the general government. His cancer, 
 during this period, was making a slow but steady progress in 
 impairing his health, and undermining his constitution. In 
 this situation, he resolved to relinquish public employment, 
 and retire to the tranquillity of private life. He was twice 
 afterwards elected to congress ; but he never took his seat. 
 The increasing ravages of his disease, which had afflicted 
 him from his youth, had wrought such a change in his ge 
 neral health, as in connection with the fatigues of public 
 employment, long continued, and attended with many trying 
 arid perplexing occurrences, determined him to retire to the 
 enjoyment of domestic quiet. His situation imperiously de 
 manded it. He was the subject of a disease, for which it is 
 hitherto acknowledged, there is no certain remedy. Con 
 scious that he was gradually wasting away, he needed entire 
 abstraction from the bustle of public life, that he might be 
 prepared to leave the world in peace. 
 
 He is supposed to have died early in the year 1783 ; but 
 the exact date of his decease we have not the means of 
 ascertaining. He was but fifty-three years old at the time 
 of his death. 
 
 General Rodney was, in his political principles, a firm, 
 consistent, uniform whig. Though fully persuaded of the 
 entire correctness of his own views, he was not possessed of 
 that inexorable, persecuting spirit towards others, who dif 
 fered from him, which actuated not a few in the country, 
 even to extermination, if they could get them within their 
 
 20 
 
230 CAESAR RODNEY, 
 
 power. One instance, in which his character was illustrated, 
 in an amiable point of light, we take the liberty to introduce. 
 
 While he was governor of Delaware, a gentleman of Do. 
 ver, who before the war had been popular, and highly re- 
 spectable, had so exasperated the patriotic inhabitants, by 
 some imprudent acts of his, in favor of the royal cause, that 
 they had determined to arrest him for high treason. The 
 consequences of such a measure, at a time of high party ex- 
 citement, and under such circumstances as then existed, 
 particularly in Delaware, may be easily inferred. The gen 
 tleman s life would, in all probability, nave been offered up a 
 sacrifice to an indignant population. Governor Rodney well 
 understood the violence of a mob ; and, although he con 
 sidered the man as having done much amiss, he sent imme 
 diately to him, so soon as he had learned what was in con 
 templation, and had him brought to his own house. This 
 was in the evening before the arrest was to have taken place, 
 and at a time when escape had became impracticable. In 
 the morning the mob collected to execute their purpose, 
 and found the object of their rage had withdrawn. On learn 
 ing where he was, they rushed, in a tumultuous manner, to 
 the governor s residence, and demanded their victim. The 
 governor met them with a calm spirit, and acknowledged 
 that he had been very imprudent, and had done what was 
 unjustifiable, yet he had surrendered himself into the hands 
 of the chief magistrate ; that he had become answerable for 
 his appearance, and would see that justice was done to all. 
 This address of the governor so far pacified the rnob, that 
 reposing confidence in his decision, they retired ; and the 
 gentleman, thus protected, learning wisdom from the occur 
 rence, conducted more prudently afterwards, and escaped 
 with his life. 
 
 General Rodney possessed a fund of wit and sarcasm, 
 which he sometimes indulged, in a way of pleasantry, with 
 much effect. 
 
 Mr. Rodney possessed one peculiarity, which has been 
 known to exist in others ; but is believed not very common. 
 He chose always to shun scenes of sorrow; and consequently 
 avoided approaching the death bed of his most intimate 
 friends. This seems to have been constitutional. 
 
 From the operation of local causes, his popularity was, for 
 a season, in a waning condition. But, by pursuing an uni 
 form course, of entire consistency between avowed principle 
 
DELAWARE 231 
 
 and conduct, he rose above the temporary depression, into 
 which his enemies had cast him ; and the termination of his 
 life was lamented^ and his memory was cherished, with re- 
 Bpect and gratitude, by his survivors generally in the state 
 where he lived, and in whose service he patriotically spent 
 nis life. 
 
 GEORGE READ. 
 
 THIS gentleman was of Irish parentage. His grandfather 
 was a man of wealth, who resided in Dublin, in Ireland. 
 One of his sons, whose name was John, left the place of his 
 nativity, emigrated to America, and settled in Cecil county, in 
 the province of Maryland, where he became a respectable 
 planter. But not long after the birth of George, his eldest 
 son, he removed from Maryland, and fixed his residence in the 
 adjoining province of Delaware, on the head waters of Chris 
 tiana River. George s birth was in the year 1734 ; and he 
 was the oldest of six brothers. 
 
 The fact has been more than once noticed in the course 
 of these memoirs, that respectable classic schools were few 
 in number, in the southern part of what is now the United 
 States, in the first half of the eighteenth century. Such was 
 the fact, when young Read was of a suitable age to commence 
 the education which his parents intended to give him. The 
 most respectable seminary, nearest to Mr. Read s resi 
 dence, was at Chester, in Pennsylvania. In that his parents 
 placed him for a time ; and there he prosecuted the study of 
 the learned languages, in which he made reputable pro 
 gress, for the time he remained at that school. At no very 
 distant period, however, his father, judging that it would be 
 more conducive to the advantage of his son, removed him 
 from Chester, and put him under the care of the Reverend 
 Doctor Allison, of New London, in the same province. He 
 had the reputation of possessing, in an eminent degree, the 
 qualifications for instructing youth, and carefully watching 
 over their characters and conduct, much to their future 
 advantage. 
 
 In proof of the correctness of this remark, it will be suf 
 ficient to state, that Charles Thompson, the venerable secre 
 
232 GEORGE READ, 
 
 tary of the old congress, Hugh Williamson, a member ot that 
 memorable body of statesmen, and Doctor Ewing, provost of 
 Pennsylvania university, were pupils of Doctor Allison, and 
 fellow students with Mr. Read. This gentleman continued 
 under the care of Doctor Allison, till his seventeenth year, and 
 then commenced the study of law, under the instruction of 
 John Moland, Esq. an eminent barrister, in Philadelphia. 
 
 The want of extensive libraries, in any of the professions, 
 in this country, at that early period, was realized as an im 
 pediment in the progress of young men, in their way of ac 
 quiring scientific eminence, except in a comparative view. 
 Mr. Read, in common with others, experienced this incon 
 venience. But, in the use of the means at his command, he 
 was diligent and assiduous. The proofs of this fact were 
 evinced in his own extensive library, after he had been in 
 business a number of years. 
 
 He possessed the confidence of his instructor, before he 
 was through with his preparatory course, to such an extent, 
 that he entrusted his docket, and committed his attorney s 
 business to his management almost exclusively. 
 
 Mr. Read was admitted to the bar at the early age of 
 nineteen years. 
 
 By the laws then existing, where his father s property was 
 situated, Mr. Read, being the eldest son, was entitled to 
 two shares of his father s estate. The following fact may 
 serve to give the reader a correct estimate of the moral cor 
 rectness of his character, and the generosity of his feelings at 
 an early period of his life. Immediately on his admission to 
 the bar as a practising lawyer, he voluntarily released by 
 deed all the legal right he had to the estate of his father, in 
 behalf of his other children, alleging as his reason for it, 
 that he had received the full amount of his share in the 
 expenses incurred for procuring his education. His sense of 
 uprightness influenced him to that act, as he often said it 
 would be a virtual fraud upon the other heirs if he did not do it. 
 
 He settled in the county of Newcastle, in Delaware, in 
 1754, and commenced practising law there and in some ot 
 the adjacent counties in Maryland. He had to enter the race 
 amid competitors of high professional and intellectual repu 
 tation ; but he. soon obtained a full practice, and at the end of 
 nine years from his commencing business, he succeeded John 
 Ross as attorney general for the three low er counties on De 
 laware, an office which had till that time, been filled by the 
 attorney general of Pennsylvania. He retained that office 
 
DELAWARE. 233 
 
 till he was elected a delegate to congress in 1774. He then 
 resigned it, alleging as his reason for doing so, that a dis 
 charge of his duties in congress, was incompatible M ith 
 retaining and discharging the duties of an office held under 
 the authority of his Britannic majesty. 
 
 In the year 1763, he was united by marriage to a lady of 
 a well cultivated mind, superior understanding, and exemplary 
 piety. She was a daughter of the Reverend George Ross, who 
 had been pastor of a church in the town of Newcastle, for 
 half a century. 
 
 When the contest between Great Britain and her colonies 
 commenced, in 1765, Mr. Read held an office under the crown. 
 He was a man of extensive influence, and he well knew what 
 advantages availed him if he espoused the royal cause, on 
 the one hand, and the dangers and hardships, if he took part, 
 with those who opposed the royal claims, on the other. 
 He nevertheless espoused the cause of his country ; his patri 
 otism and integrity, would not suffer him to consult his own 
 personal interest, at the expense of his country s rights. In 
 the month of October of this year, he was one of the repre 
 sentatives of Newcastle county, in the general assembly of 
 Delaware ; and he was continued a member during the twelve 
 following years. He was a member of the committees ap 
 pointed by that assembly, for reporting various addresses to 
 the king of Great Britain, in favor and on behalf of the peo 
 ple of that province. 
 
 About that period the " Stamp act" was repealed ; but the 
 preamble to the repealing act contained sentiments, which 
 showed that the ministers did not relinquish their favorite 
 plan of taxing the colonists, without their being represented 
 in the parliament; their hopes of relief had been excited some 
 what by the repeal of that odious act. But the fears which 
 the preamble had excited, were soon after painfully verified 
 by another act of parliament, by which a duty was imposed 
 on tea, paper, painter s colors, and glass, to be paid by the 
 colonists. The feeling of resistance was now kindling fast, 
 and becoming extensively diffused. The nonimportation 
 agreement was entered into in the adjoining provinces of Ma 
 ryland and Pennsylvania ; and Mr. Read, fully approving of 
 the measure, labored arduously to induce the people of 
 Delaware to come cordially into it. For this purpose, he 
 drew up and distributed a circular address umong the peo 
 ple. In that attempt he was entirely successful. In fact, in 
 all the measures pursued and systems adopted, to render 
 
 20* 
 
234 GEORGE READ, 
 
 British influence unpopular, and for opposing ministerial en- 
 croachrnents on the rights of the colonists, Mr. Read was 
 an able adviser, and a leading man. After the British govern 
 ment had manifested their resentment against the citizens of 
 Boston, in Massachusetts, for their supposed concurrence in 
 destroying the tea, by passing the act called " the Boston por* 
 bill ;" contributions were made through the country, for 
 affording relief to the suffering inhabitants of that town. For 
 that purpose a subscription was set on foot in the county of 
 Newcastle, and Mr. Read was appointed by the citizens, one 
 of a large committee for circulating it. He was subsequently 
 designated, with Nicholas Van Dyke, Esq. to receive and 
 transmit the amount of the subscriptions to the receiving com 
 mittee in Boston. These duties were performed with prompti 
 tude and fidelity. 
 
 In August, 1774, Mr. Read, together with Caesar Rodney 
 and Thomas M Kean, Esq s. was appointed by the general 
 assembly of Delaware, delegates to the continental congress, 
 which was to meet the month following in Philadelphia. From 
 that time to the close of the revolution, he continued to repre. 
 sent Delaware in the general congress, with a short interval 
 only excepted. Governor M Kinley, the president of the pro 
 vince, having been taken a prisoner by the British, Mr. Read 
 being at that time vice president, was called ex-officio by that 
 event, to perform the duty of president for a short season. 
 But notwithstanding his attention to his duties in congress, 
 (which were important and arduous at all times, but pre-emi 
 nently so, when the subject of independence was brought 
 forward for discussion,) Mr. Read was required to discharge 
 duties highly momentous and interesting to his own state. 
 Whenever he could avail himself of a short absence from 
 congress, he hurried to Delaware, to exert his influence and 
 talents for advancing the common cause among his fellow 
 citizens, in every way in which he might be useful. While 
 at home he would act in the committee of safety, or shoulder 
 his musket and march with the militia to attack the enemy, 
 or to repel their invasions ; and in congress, he would act with 
 that august body in procuring and establishing the liberties 
 of the American states as an independent nation. 
 
 After Mr. Read had signed the Declaration of Indepen 
 dence, in the year 1776, and a short time after the decisive 
 act was consummated, Joseph Galloway, Esq. observed to 
 him, " that he had signed the declaration with a halter about 
 his neck." Mr. Read s reply shows his view of the measure, 
 
DELAWARE. 235 
 
 and his determined resolution to discharge what he considered 
 as his duty at all hazards. He said in reply, " It was a mea 
 sure demanded by the crisis,- and he was prepared to meet 
 any consequences that might ensue." 
 
 Mr. Read was president of the convention which formed 
 the first constitution of Delaware. That convention met in 
 1776. 
 
 When President M Kinley was made a prisoner, soon after 
 the battle of Brandywine, Mr. Read was in Philadelphia with 
 his family. That event rendered it necessary for him to re- 
 turn to Delaware, and the accomplishment of the effort was 
 attended with great and imminent hazard. The enemy occu 
 pied the west bank of the Delaware River, so as to command 
 every way of passing into the peninsula. He was necessita 
 ted therefore, to take the New Jersey shore, and run the risk 
 of crossing the river, and elude, if practicable, the vigilance 
 of the enemy s ships, which were strung along the whole dis 
 tance in the river. On the 13th of October, 1777, Mr. Read 
 having reached Salem, in New Jersey, and having obtained 
 a boat, to convey himself and family across the river, which 
 at that place, was about five miles broad, he undertook the 
 enterprise almost in view of the ships of the enemy, which 
 were at anchor opposite Newcastle. He had proceeded 
 near to the Delaware shore, when his boat was discovered. 
 It had grounded at such a distance from the land, that it 
 was impracticable to convey his family to the shore, and 
 they could proceed no farther in their boat. In that condi 
 tion they were discovered by the British, and pursued in a 
 boat, dispatched from a ship of war. They had time to ef 
 face every vestige of mark on their baggage, by which they 
 could be discovered and identified as rebels. This was done ; 
 and when the enemy s boat came up with his, they were unable 
 to ascertain that he was not, as he represented himself, a 
 country gentleman, who was returning to his home, from an 
 excursion he had made with his family. The commander of 
 the English boat was a .boatswain. His companions, like 
 himself, were unsuspicious of any deception, and the presence 
 of Mr. Read s mother, wife, and children, altogether, favored 
 the truth of his representation. They, taking pity on their 
 unfortunate condition, with great good humor, assisted them 
 to land their baggage, and conveyed the ladies and children 
 to the shore ; and with their thanks for their kind assistance, 
 trok their leave, and returned to their ship. So great a risk 
 
 11 
 
236 GEORGE READ, 
 
 did Mr. Read run of being made a prisoner with all the 
 members of his family. 
 
 His return to Delaware, as has been stated, being rendered 
 indispensable, by reason of the capture of President M Kin, 
 ley, it subjected Mr. Read to additional duties, beyond those? 
 already engrossing his time, requiring his whole attention, 
 agitating his mind, and wearing down his constitution, by 
 their combined influence. The president being taken away, 
 Mr. Read, as vice president, became the executive of course. 
 His solicitude respecting the situation and circumstances of 
 the president ; his anxiety to procure his release, and return 
 home ; the pressing wants of the continental army, by reason 
 of the tardy movement of the several states, in furnishing the 
 requisite supplies ; the exposed situation, and divided condi 
 tion of Delaware ; together with numerous and pressing calls 
 on him, as executive of the state, both from congress, and the 
 commander in chief of the army ; seem to have been suffi 
 cient to break down, almost any constitution, and shake the 
 resolution of almost any man. But, although often perplexed 
 and burthened, his fortitude never forsook him ; and a firm 
 hope of the ultimate success and triumph of the American 
 cause, which he deemed just, and for which he relied on the 
 overruling providence of God, sustained him in his course 
 with a cheerful perseverance to the end ; and he lived to 
 realize his reward, in the accomplishment of his desires. 
 
 The state of his feelings, during the most benighted and 
 gloomy period of the revolution, was manifested in hi various 
 correspondence, through that alarming season. By reason 
 of impaired health, caused by his long and laborious services, 
 and his anxious attention to his public duties, he was con 
 strained to relax in his labors ; and in August, 1779, he re 
 signed his seat in the legislature of Delaware. But in the 
 next year he was constrained, by the voice of his constituents 
 and a sense of his duty, to enter again into the service of the 
 state. 
 
 In the close of he year 1782, Mr. Read was appointed 
 by congress, one of the judges of the court of appeals in ad 
 miralty cases. This appointment he accepted, and held the 
 office during the continuance of that tribunal. 
 
 A controversy/ respecting territory, had arisen between 
 New York and Massachusetts, for the determination of which 
 congress was requested to constitute a federal court. This 
 was done ; and in January, 1785, Mr. Read was appointed 
 one of the judges of that special court. He was one of the 
 
DELAWARE. 237 
 
 delegates to meet others from other states in Annapolis, for 
 forming a system of commercial regulations for the United 
 States. This was in 1786, at the time when the clashing, 
 and interference of state interests, state power, and state re 
 gulations, threatened to lay prostrate the peace, and prosperity 
 of the whole country. This state of things, after the peace, 
 was such as the confederation furnished no adequate remedy 
 for ; and its inadequacy in peace was now proved to be such, 
 that the necessity of a federal constitution of general govern 
 ment, furnished with sufficient powers for every purpose, was 
 seen to be indispensable ; and this opened the way very 
 speedily for calling a convention from all the states to frame 
 such a constitution. That convention met in Philadelphia 
 in 1787, and formed the constitution under which we now 
 live, and under which it is hoped the country may prosper 
 and flourish to the end. 
 
 Soon after the federal constitution had been adopted by 
 the several states, Mr. Read was elected a member of the 
 senate for Delaware, in the first congress under the new con 
 stitution. He occupied his seat in that body until September, 
 1793, when he was made chief justice of the highest court 
 of Delaware. This important office he held, and performed 
 its duties, with*distinguished ability and unbending integrity 
 until 1798 ; when, in the autumn of that year, by a sudden 
 illness, he closed a long and useful life, which had been de 
 voted to the service of his country. 
 
 UNIVERSITY i 
 THOMAS M KEAN 
 
 THOMAS M KEAN was the son of Irish parents, who came 
 to America, and settled at New London, then a new town 
 ship, in Chester county, in Pennsylvania. He was born in 
 the year 1734 ; and was the second child of his parents. 
 Their offspring were four children, three sons and one 
 daughter. 
 
 The two oldest, Robert and Thomas, after having spent an 
 usual term in an elementary English school, were placed, at 
 an early age, under the care of the Reverend Francis Allison 
 who has been mentioned several times in these memoirs, wh> 
 was justly distinguished for science, and peculiar!} for having 
 
238 THOMAS M KEAN, 
 
 been the early instructor of several of those whose names 
 are inscribed on the national charter of independence. After 
 Thomas had finished his classical course at Doctor Allison s 
 academical school, he entered the office of David Finney, 
 Esq. a practising lawyer at Newcastle in Delaware, as a 
 law student. In a few months such was the confidence he 
 acquired in the public esteem, that he was employed as an 
 assistant to the clerk of the court of common pleas. From 
 that he was appointed a deputy prothonotary, and register of 
 the probate court for Newcastle county. This was before he 
 had attained to the age of twenty years. As the principal 
 in the office resided nearly eighty miles from Newcastle, the 
 duties of it devolved on the deputy ; and they were all 
 discharged by him. 
 
 Before he was twenty-one years old, he was admitted to 
 practise law, in the courts of common pleas in Newcastle, 
 Kent, and Sussex counties. He acquired business, and rose 
 with considerable rapidity in his profession ; and by the time 
 he was twenty-two years of age, he was admitted in his native 
 county ; and shortly after, in the city of Philadelphia. The 
 notice of the public was fast attracted towards a young gen- 
 tleman of so much promise ; and he was appointed, in 1756, 
 without any premonition, or any solicitation in his behalf, by 
 the attorney general of the province, his deputy, to prosecute 
 all pleas of the crown in the county of Sussex. He resigned 
 this office voluntarily, after performing its duties faithfully 
 about two years. In the following year, he was admitted to 
 practise in the supreme court of Pennsylvania. In the same 
 year, (1757,) the house of assembly elected him their clerk ; 
 the first suggestion of which was communicated to him by 
 the speaker. The same office was again assigned him in 
 1758. He declined a subsequent election after the close of 
 that year. But in 1762, he was appointed by the legislature, 
 with Caesar Rodney, Esq. to revise and print the laws of the 
 province, which had been enacted subsequent to 1752. 
 
 In this year he commenced his political course, by being 
 elected for the county of Newcastle, a representative to the 
 general assembly ; and this was repeated without interrup 
 tion seventeen successive years. It will serve sufficiently to 
 evince the confidence of those whom he represented, when it 
 is mentioned, that he had, during that term, frequently and 
 publicly requested not to be considered a candidate for their 
 favor ; and also, that he had resided in Philadelphia during 
 
DELAWARE. 239 
 
 the last six years in which he had been chosen their repre 
 sentative. 
 
 After his constituents, on his personal request in an ad- 
 dress he made to them, had reluctantly consented to dispense 
 with his further services in the legislature, they manifested 
 their confidence in him in a manner as singular as it was 
 flattering; and no less delicate than it was embarrassing. 
 They appointed a committee to wait on him, and inform him, 
 though with unwillingness, they had consented to dispense 
 with his further services; but they requested him to recom 
 mend seven gentlemen of the district to be candidates for 
 their suffrages, to represent them in the legislature. This 
 he with great delicacy declined. But on the committee 
 having reported his answer, the request was again repeated, 
 with an assurance that his selection should give no offence, 
 he was almost compelled to make the nomination. He com 
 plied, on that assurance ; and the whole of the number were 
 chosen by a large majority of the votes. This was an unusual 
 manifestation of reciprocal confidence, and the sincerity on 
 both sides was unquestionable, as was fully shown by suc 
 ceeding events, through a series of years. 
 
 In the county of Newcastle there was a loan office estab 
 lished, mainly for encouraging industrious strangers, who 
 were desirous of becoming inhabitants, to settle in their ter 
 ritory. 
 
 The superintendence of this pecuniary depository was com 
 mitted to three trustees, who were appointed for the term of 
 four years. The confidence of the people in Mr. M Kean 
 was manifested by giving him the appointment of one of the 
 three trustees for three successive terms, of four years each. 
 Tlieir continued confidence was proved in numerous suc 
 ceeding instances, as will be seen more fully in the progress 
 of this sketch. 
 
 When, on the proposal from the assembly of Massachusetts 
 Bay, to assemble a congress of delegates in New York, in 
 1765, to take into their consideration the circumstances of 
 the colonies, which were rendered alarming, on account of 
 some proceedings of the British parliament, Mr. M Kean 
 was returned a delegate for those counties which constitute 
 now the state of Delaware. In that assembly he was ap- 
 pointe^ with the celebrated James Otis, of Massachusetts, 
 and Mr. Lynch, a committee to prepare an address to the 
 house of commons. After that meeting closed their business, 
 and he and his colleague, Mr. Rodney, had returned, and 
 
240 THOMAS M KEAN, 
 
 reported their proceedings to their constituents, they received 
 the unanimous thanks of the assembly of Delaware, as a tes 
 timony of their entire approbation of their conduct, and tho 
 energy and ability with which they had executed the duty 
 intrusted to them, in that congress. Offices were now mul 
 tiplied upon him in rapid succession. 
 
 In 1765, the governor appointed him a sole notary public 
 for the lower counties on Delaware. To this was added the 
 office of justice of the peace, justice of the court of common 
 pleas and quarter sessions, and of the orphan s court, for the 
 county of Newcastle. It was in the terms of the common 
 pleas and general sessions, which were held in November, 
 1765, and February following, that he, with his colleagues, 
 took the bold stand of ordering the use of unstamped pa 
 per, in the proceedings of the court, without regard to the 
 " Stamp act" of the English parliament. 
 
 His reputation as a lawyer continued to extend. He was 
 already licensed to practice law in Delaware and Pennsylva 
 nia ; and in 1766, the judges of the supreme court of New 
 Jersey recommended to the governor to grant him a license 
 to practice in all the courts of that colony, and he was 
 licensed accordingly. 
 
 In 1769, he was employed by the assembly, to go to New 
 York, and obtain copies of some important records in that 
 province, which they wished to possess, and retain in Dela 
 ware. In 1771, he received the appointment of collector of 
 the customs for his majesty, in the port of Newcastle; and 
 in the following year, being a representative to the assem 
 bly, he was elevated to the speaker s chair in that body. 
 
 The vigilance of the people had been in some measure 
 allayed by the repeal of the " Stamp act," but not put entirely 
 to rest. It was soon thoroughly roused anew, by another 
 act passed by parliament, soon after the repeal of the former, 
 in which the power was claimed of binding the colonies in 
 all cases whatever. And to test that power, the act, laying 
 a small duty on various articles imported from Great Britain, 
 soon followed. The crisis had arrived ; and on the request 
 of the assembly of Massachusetts for convening a general 
 congress, in 1774, there was a determination through thti 
 provinces, which were all equally concerned, to comply with 
 the requisition. In Delaware, Mr. M Kean was an ardent 
 opposer of the parliamentary measures, and he was elected 
 to represent the lower counties on Delaware, notwithstanding 
 he then resided in Philadelphia. He was present at the 
 
DELAWARE. 241 
 
 opening of that congress, and soon became distinguished 
 among the eminent patriots and statesmen, who composed 
 that great national council. From that time, he was con 
 tinued by a regular re-election a member of congress, until 
 1783, when the preliminaries of peace had been signed. He 
 was the only person who commenced his term in the first 
 congress of 1774, and continued a member, without inter- 
 mission, until after the war was terminated. And while he 
 was thus a representative for Delaware, though residing in 
 Philadelphia, he was acting in the high and responsible office 
 of chief justice of Pennsylvania, after the month of July, 
 1777. During one year oH;hat period, he acted in the three 
 fold capacity of representative in congress for Delaware, 
 chief justice of Pennsylvania, and president of congress. 
 While he was engaged in the sessions of congress, the exer 
 cise of his various talents was demanded, and rendered on 
 many ; and among them, the most important committeQS, to 
 which the great public interests were submitted. It will not 
 be necessary to enumerate them all. He was a member of 
 that which prepared the confederation ; of that which de 
 termined appeals from the courts of admiralty ; of that 
 for importing arms and ammunition ; of that for establishing 
 the claims and accounts against the government ; of that for 
 superintending the finances of the state and emission of bills 
 of credit ; and a multitude of others ; in discharging the duties 
 of which he was industrious, intelligent, and faithful. 
 
 Although his name does not appear in the vote for inde 
 pendence on the fourth of July, 1776, through some error in 
 the entry of the journal of congress on that occasion, yet he 
 was present and voted for it. He did not sign the enrolled 
 parchment until many weeks afterwards ; none of the mem 
 bers signed it until August, for it was not prepared and en 
 rolled until that time. Several who signed it from time to 
 time, were not even members of congress on the 4th of July, 
 nor until several days afterwards ; yet, when the enrollment 
 was ready, being then members, and in favor of the measure, 
 they set their names to the instrument, in the same manner 
 as they would have done had they been present and voted on 
 the final question. 
 
 An account of this transaction is given in a letter of Mr. 
 M Kean, which he addressed to A. J. Dallas, Esq. in 1796, in 
 reply to one previously addressed to him by the latter gentle 
 man, asking information of him respecting it. Mr. M Kean 
 had publicly manifested his sentiments in favor of the mea- 
 
 21 
 
242 THOMAS M KEAN, 
 
 sure, in a convention of deputies from the committees of 
 Pennsylvania, which met in June preceding the act of con. 
 gress. He and Doctor Franklin drew up the declaration of 
 that convention, which was full and explicit in relation to it, 
 and urgent that congress would adopt it He had been uni 
 formly in favor of the measure ; and this was well known, both 
 in and out of the walls of congress. Immediately after the 
 vote was passed in favor of independence, Mr. M Kean was 
 called away to perform duties which were demanded of him 
 as a military officer, and he was absent from the house seve 
 ral months ; arid his name was not signed to the engrossed 
 parchment, until some time in October of the same year. It 
 was at that time, that he was called away to aid General 
 Washington in New Jersey, at the head of a regiment of asso- 
 ciators of Philadelphia, which had chosen him for their colonel 
 commandant. 
 
 Ever ready to obey the call of his country, he placed him 
 self at the head of his patriotic command, and marched with 
 them to Perth Amboy, in New Jersey, and remained there 
 ready for active service at any moment. He continued with 
 his regiment until a flying camp was formed, which was 
 deemed adequate ; and then being dismissed from that service, 
 they returned to Philadelphia. It was after this absence, and 
 on his return, that he set his name to the enrolled Declara 
 tion of Independence. 
 
 It is not correct to say, that all who signed the Declaration 
 of Independence were present and voted for it, on the fourth 
 day of July, 1776 ; neither is it correct to say that all who 
 were present, and gave their vote in favor oif it, have their 
 names affixed to that instrument. Henry Wisner, a member 
 from New York, was present, and gave his vote in favor of 
 independence ; but his name is not on the parchment. On 
 the contrary, Matthew Thornton, Benjamin Rush, George 
 Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, and George Ross, 
 were none of them members of congress on that day, nor 
 until several days afterwards. These facts are derived from 
 the before mentioned letter of Governor M Kean to Mr. Dallas. 
 
 While he was absent on his military tour of duty, in New 
 Jersey, he was chosen a member of a convention for forming 
 a constitution for Delaware ; he, with only two days, delay 
 set off for Dover in that state, to meet that body. He was 
 immediately requested to prepare a constitution for that state. 
 He accepted the appointment, prepared it before the next 
 morning ; and when the convention met, presented it. It was 
 udopted by an unanimous vote of the members. 
 
DELAWARE. 243 
 
 Both Pennsylvania and Delaware claimed Mr. M Kean as 
 a citizen, and he was willing to serve them both. Hence, in 
 1777, he was president of Delaware, and chief justice of 
 Pennsylvania ; at the same time he was a delegate to con 
 gress from, the former. At the time of his appointment to 
 the chief justiceship of Pennsylvania, he acted in the several 
 offices of president of Delaware, speaker of the house of 
 assembly, and a representative in congress, from the same 
 state ; this was in 1777. In the same year he was compelled 
 to move his family for their security from the enemy, no less 
 than five times ; and even then they were exposed to the de 
 predations of the hostile Indians. 
 
 He was appointed president of congress, as successor of 
 Mr. Samuel Huntington of Connecticut, in July, 1781; that 
 office he resigned in October following. Although congress 
 accepted his resignation, he was, by a resolve passed on the 
 day following, requested to resume the office, and discharge 
 its duties from the twenty-fourth of October, until the first of 
 November ; to this request he acceded. On the 5th of that 
 month, congress passed a vote of thanks to President M Kean, 
 in testimony of their approbation of his conduct while he was 
 in the chair. 
 
 After having held the office of chief justice of Pennsylva 
 nia, from the twenty-eighth of July, 1777, until 1799, twenty- 
 two years, he was elected governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In 1778, in a time of high party spirit in Pennsylvania, an 
 attempt was made to impeach Judge M Kean, but it failed. 
 
 He was chosen a member of the state convention of Penn 
 sylvania, to whom the federal constitution was submitted. He 
 advocated its adoption with great zeal and much ability. He 
 was also a member of a convention of that state, chosen for 
 amending their existing constitution, which experience had 
 proved to be very inadequate to the necessities of the people. 
 His influence was powerfully exerted in favor of framing a 
 new one instead of amending the old; and he, to a great de 
 gree, effected his wishes relative to that object. 
 
 He was elected governor of Pennsylvania in 1799 ; and he 
 held the office to the end of the term, for which any man may 
 constitutionally be chosen. He was elected three successive 
 times, and held the office nine years. In 1807 and 1808, 
 another attempt was made in the house of representatives, to 
 impeach him for maladministration in his office of chief ma 
 gistrate. A committee was appointed to consider and report 
 on a motion oresented to the house, for that purpose. Their 
 
244 THOMAS M KEAN, 
 
 report led to a presentment of articles of impeachment for 
 the consideration of the house, and a resolve " that Thomas 
 M Kean, governor of the commonwealth, be impeached of 
 high crimes and misdemeanors." 
 
 After several attempts to bring that resolution up for dis 
 cussion, in which the vote of the house was equally divided, 
 it was at length carried, on the 27th day of January, about 
 seven weeks after the first motion to postpone it until the 2d 
 Monday in January had failed. It was then fairly before the 
 house, and open for discussion. On that same day the house 
 gave it its quietus, by their vote of an indefinite postpone 
 ment. The report of the committee, which closed with the re 
 solve above copied, was highly wrought, positive, and strongly 
 accusatory. The charges were exhibited in strong terms, cor 
 responding with the feelings indulged by one party towards 
 the governor. And the summary manner of getting rid of the 
 investigation adopted by the other, may be viewed as evincing 
 a feeling equally ardent, and a determination equally resolute 
 to shield him from investigation, before the only tribunal 
 which could hear and determine the matter. Thus the busi 
 ness was disposed of. But whether in a way fully exculpa 
 ting the governor, and redounding to his honor, is still, and 
 probably will continue to be a question, on which wise and 
 good men will hold different sentiments. 
 
 Having, in 1808, finished his term of nine years, as gover 
 nor of Pennsylvania, Mr. M Kean bid adieu to public life, 
 for the remainder of his days. 
 
 After the last war with Great Britain commenced, and an 
 enemy s force had landed on the American shore, at no great 
 distance from Philadelphia ; when it was discovered by the in 
 habitants that their city was destitute of defence, and that the 
 enemy might attack them in three or four days, a meeting 
 was called by some of the most influential, and interested 
 citizens, to take their condition into consideration. 
 
 By special invitation, Governor M Kean attended that meet 
 ing, and presided over its deliberations. This was the last 
 public transaction in which he took an active part. 
 
 Having as many vicissitudes, and shared as many honors 
 by the favor of his fellow citizens, as most public men, at 
 length he expired, on the twenty-fourth day of June, 1817, a 
 little past the age of eighty-three years. 
 
 He received honorary degrees from two colleges ; from 
 Princeton, in 1781, and from Dartmouth, in 1782. He was 
 an honorary member of several societies in Pennsylvania. 
 
MARYLAND. 245 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 SAMUEL CHASE. 
 
 AMONG the distinguished and dauntless patriots who were 
 nctive in bringing about, and establishing the American revo 
 lution, few have been more distinguished than the gentleman, 
 whose name stands at the head of this article. 
 
 Samuel Chase, the only child of a respectable clergyman 
 of the episcopal church in Somerset county, in the province 
 of Maryland, was born in that county, on the seventeenth day 
 of April, 1741. 
 
 The death of his wife, and an invitation to Mr. Chase, to 
 take the pastoral charge of a congregation in Baltimore, oc 
 curring almost at the same time, he removed to that city, with 
 his son, then hardly three years of age. The means afforded 
 for acquiring a good education in the southern colonies, at that 
 early period of their history, being very small, the Rev. 
 Mr. Chase undertook the superintendence of that of his son, 
 which he performed with care and fidelity, and laid a founda 
 tion for the distinction which he afterwards attained, and dis 
 played, both in the legislative councils of his country, and on 
 the bench of the highest judicial tribunal in the United States. 
 
 Being considered as well qualified for commencing his 
 professional studies, by the classical instructions given him by 
 his father, at the age of eighteen years he commenced the 
 study of law, under the superintendence of Mr. Hammond 
 and Mr. Hall, of Annapolis, barristers of good reputation. 
 By his intense application and assiduity, he was deemed 
 qualified for admission to practice before the mayor s court 
 at the age of twenty ; and after two years more, he was 
 received as a member of the bar, to practice in chancery, and 
 the other courts in the colony. 
 
 He established himself in Annapolis, and soon became dis 
 tinguished for that intrepidity of character, which he mani 
 fested on numerous and trying occasions, during the remain 
 der of his life. 
 
 His success in his professional pursuits, was fully equal to 
 his anticipations, and commensurate with the high characte 
 
 21* 
 
246 SAMUEL CHASE, 
 
 he early established, for an able and eloquent advocate, and 
 a lawyer, possessing much more than ordinary learning and 
 talents. 
 
 Early in life, and before the commencement of those 
 alarming measures of the English parliament, which event- 
 ually kindled the flame of American patriotism, provoked 
 open resistance, and finally terminated their colonial union 
 with Great Britain, Mr. Chase became a member of the 
 Maryland provincial legislature, and manifested talents of a 
 superior order, and that independent spirit which he re 
 tained through life. The latter he particularly indulged, in 
 what was thought by "prudent" politicians uncourtly treat 
 ment, of the governor and royal partizans of the province. 
 Mr. Chase s feeling of independence, was too elevated to 
 admit of compromise with any man, whom he suspected of 
 timeserving, or obsequiousness. 
 
 After the famous " Stamp act" was begun to be put in ope 
 ration in Maryland, he was connected with the sons of liberty, 
 and a band of youthful patriots, who violently assaulted the 
 public offices, seized on and destroyed the stamps, and burnt 
 the stamp distributer in effigy. In these early displays of 
 opposition to the usurpations of government, which were con 
 ducted in a bold, and somewhat violent manner, Mr. Chase 
 bore a leading part ; and hence he became very obnoxious 
 to the city government of Annapolis. He was soon engaged 
 in a paper war with the mayor and corporation of that city, 
 in which they sought, by applying to him harsh epithets, to 
 degrade him and to put down the rising influence of a young 
 man, whose bold and daring spirit they saw, unless it was 
 effectually curbed, might in his future progress, become 
 unmanageable and cause them such difficulties, as they did 
 not wish to encounter. But their attempts produced the con 
 trary effect. They brought young Chase into more extensive 
 notice, and secured to him many friends. 
 
 When the proceedings of the British parliament had pro 
 duced the effect of inducing the leading men in Massachusetts 
 to propose a meeting of delegates of the several colonies in con 
 gress, in Philadelphia, and they had addressed their proposa 
 to them severally ; the several counties of ]^arj*Iand adopted 
 measures for calling a convention. That convention agreed 
 to the proposal from Massachusetts, and appointed five dele 
 gates to meet the first continental congress. Mr. Chase was 
 one of the five. On the same occasion he was also appointed 
 one ot the committee c.C correspondence for the colony of 
 
MARYLAND. 247 
 
 Maryland. These appointments will serve to show the confi 
 dence which was reposed in him by his fellow citizens. To 
 the adherents of royalty he was peculiarly obnoxious. 
 
 He met the congress of 1774, in September, according to 
 his appointment. 
 
 He was again appointed to the same office in December of 
 that year, to attend the session of congress in May, 1775. 
 He attended, and with feelings of cordiality, united in 
 appointing George Washington commander in chief of the 
 American armies; and went forward with the most decided 
 members of that assembly, in promoting every measure for 
 defending the country against the British invading forces, and 
 their abettors in the colonies. He had no patience for listen 
 ing to proposals for halfway measures. He early fastened his 
 eye on the ultimate object, which his feelings and judgment, 
 both prompted him to seek for ; and he never allowed his atten. 
 tion to be diverted from it for one moment. On its attainment 
 he was convinced depended the safety of his country, and 
 the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of future generations. 
 For its achievement, he exerted every faculty of his mind, zea 
 lously advocated every means, and personally assisted in ren 
 dering every measure effectual, so far as practicable. From 
 the beginning of his public career, he proposed to his own 
 mind nothing short of the absolute, unqualified independence 
 of his country. 
 
 He was chosen again in the summer of 1775, but the irre 
 solute, temporizing spirit of the Maryland convention, which 
 they pertinaciously adhered to, and expressed in their instruc 
 tions to their delegates, although irksome to all of their mem 
 bers of congress, were peculiarly unsatisfactory to him. Feel 
 ing as he did, and firmly persuaded as he was, that the success 
 ful issue of the contest in which the colonies were engaged, 
 depended on their withdrawing their allegiance from Great 
 Britain ; and that this must be effected, or the colonies be 
 conquered and enslaved ; he was impatient of delay. He 
 wished to declare independence at once, that congress might 
 take an attitude, that would command respect among other 
 nations, and lay a foundation for negotiating treaties, and 
 thus procure such foreign aid as they needed ; which they 
 could not do so long as they recognized the colonial relation 
 to the British government. 
 
 He engaged, with all his constitutional ardor, in every 
 measure for increasing the military forces, and strengthen 
 ing the defences of the country. Hence the northern cam- 
 
248 SAMUEL CHASE, 
 
 *paign, under the command of Generals Schuyler and Mont, 
 gomery, became a favorite object with him. 
 
 Still restrained by the instructions of the Maryland conven 
 tion, from favoring any project which might be started in con 
 gress, and lead to independence, he, not without satisfaction, 
 accepted an appointment by congress, with Doctor Franklin, 
 and Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, p the spring of 1776, 
 to go to Canada on a mission ; for a due execution of which 
 it was deemed highly important to select men of the highest 
 qualifications. Great benefits were expected to result from 
 that mission. But Mr. Chase, however flattering the appoint 
 ment with such colleagues might be to his ambition, was the 
 more willing to undertake the enterprise, because it would re 
 lieve him from the necessity of acting and voting on important 
 questions, which he knew would soon come before congress, 
 contrary to his own convictions of sound policy, and opposed 
 to his ardent wishes. He was thus relieved from the painful 
 embarrassment which his instructions must have imposed on 
 his feelings and judgment, had he been present in congress. 
 
 His northern mission, however, did not wholly remove the 
 difficulties under which he labored. For when he returned to 
 Philadelphia, the proposition for declaring independence had 
 already been introduced, while the instructions forbidding 
 him and his associates to raise their hands, or their voices 
 in its favor, were in full force, and the prospect of their 
 being soon removed, was far from flattering. But for rea 
 sons which have been mentioned already, the convention 
 having removed those restrictions, left their delegates to act 
 according to the dictates of their judgment and discretion, 
 relative to the great question ; and he was at liberty to record 
 his in favor of the measure, and subscribe his name to the in 
 strument declaring it. 
 
 It was about this tjme that an event took place which caused 
 much indignation, and for a time, riot a little alarm in con- 
 
 fress. A certain Rev. Doctor Zubly of Georgia, was then a 
 elegate from that colony, and present in congress. By some 
 means, now not known, Mr. Chase discovered that he was in 
 correspondence with the royal governor of Georgia. He 
 rose and denounced him to congress as a traitor. Zubly im 
 mediately fl ed, was pursued, but without success. But no 
 material injury to the American cause resulted from his treach 
 erous conduct. This act of Mr. Chase was characteristic of 
 the man. He was equally prompt, bold, and fearless through 
 out his whole life. 
 
MARYLAND 249 
 
 Mr. Chase s re-appointments to congress succeeded each 
 other, from that time, in the manner, and at the dates follow 
 ing. On the fourth of July and the twentieth of November 
 1776; in February and December, 1777; and he continued 
 his attendance in congress, with the exception of a few weeks 
 only, until the end of the year 1778. 
 
 Possessing an uncommon aptitude for the discharge of bu 
 siness, Mr. Chase was appointed a member of almost every 
 important committee in the congress, during the time he was 
 a member. His attention to his various duties thus multiplied, 
 and was unwearied ; and his fidelity was never questioned. 
 
 One of the disagreeable duties which he had to perform, 
 as chairman of a committee of congress, was presenting a 
 report to that house, in which the committee recommended 
 the apprehension and imprisonment of sundry persons, who 
 were believed to aid the enemy, by giving him information 
 injurious to the American cause. Among the persons impli 
 cated, were several wealthy and respectable Quakers of 
 Philadelphia, and other places, who united in publishing their 
 communications to their brethren, from time to time, inten 
 tionally so framed as to weaken the hands of Americans, and 
 strengthen those of the British, whose cause he clearly es 
 poused. In such a time as that, there could be no reasona 
 ble doubt respecting the right, however there might about the 
 expediency, of such a course as that committee recommended. 
 It must also be acknowledged, that the Friends furnished 
 sufficient cause for the congress to have adopted strong mea 
 sures with regard to them. 
 
 After Mr. Chase left congress, he spent two or three of 
 the last years of the revolutionary war, in the practice of law. 
 To his professional studies he had never failed to devote as 
 large a portion of his time and attention, during his congres 
 sional and other employments, as he could abstract from the 
 important duties he owed to the public. Hence he was con 
 tinually advancing in professional science, at a time and in 
 situations, when it would seem next to impossible that he 
 could have done more than discharge the official duties, which 
 were incessantly crowding on his time and attention. Few 
 persons indeed would have achieved what he did. But his 
 quick and elastic mind was not confined within ordinary 
 limits. 
 
 It wars during this period of his attention to his professional 
 duties, that being on a call of business at Baltimore, he at 
 tended a debating society, at one of its meetings, as a spec- 
 
>5v) SAMUEL CHASE, 
 
 tator. It was in the hall which they met, that his attention 
 was attracted to a youth, whose style, manner, and elocution, 
 were so peculiar and prepossessing, as to excite a desire to 
 learn his name and vocation. It was the late William 
 Pinckney, Esq. who subsequently became attorney general 
 of the United States, and who held many high and honorable 
 offices both at home and abroad. 
 
 Mr. Chase found him an apprentice to a druggist, without 
 resources, and without patronage. He was from Annapolis, 
 where Mr. Chase resided. His manner was so impressive, 
 that Mr. Chase at once advised him to engage in the study 
 of the law. Young Pinckney stated his numerous embar 
 rassments, which were, without assistance, insuperable ; and 
 he had no one to whom he might look for the necessary 
 aid, with the faintest hope of success. On hearing this 
 statement, with the feeling of strong sympathy for native 
 genius unfriended, and with that benevolence which warmed 
 his own breast, Mr. Chase invited him home, gave him a seat 
 at his table, the benefit of his instruction, arid the use of his 
 valuable and extensive library. 
 
 Previous to the revolution, the colony of Maryland held 
 funds to a considerable amount, which were vested in bank 
 stock in England. Subsequent to the conclusion of the war, 
 Mr. Chase was sent by that state as agent, to put in the claim, 
 and to urge a restoration of that property to its rightful pro 
 prietors. He succeeded so far in the object of his mission, 
 that the state finally realized the sum of six hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars. This negotiation was commenced by 
 Mr. Chase ; and the justice of the claim so far established, 
 that when his once grateful beneficiary and pupil, became 
 his successor in that agency, while minister of the United 
 States to the court of St. James, having urged the business 
 to a final adjustment, the favorable award was obtained, 
 and the state of Maryland received the above mentioned sum 
 into its treasury. 
 
 Among the numerous warmly attached friends of Mr. Chase 
 in his native state, was the highly distinguished Colonel John 
 E. Howard of Baltimore. He was induced, in 1786, to leave* 
 Annapolis, and take up his residence in that city. To this 
 determination he was induced in part, certainly, by the 
 urgency of Colonel Howard, which he strengthened bv a 
 most liberal offer, communicated in a letter addressed to 
 Mr. Chase. Colonel Howard was owner of a larjre landed 
 estate in the then vicinity, but rjow in the midst of the city of 
 
MARYLAND. 251 
 
 Baltimore. Of this estate he offered to give, and actually 
 did convey, on condition of his settling in Baltimore, one full 
 square sufficient for many city building lots ; a property then 
 of much value, and now greatly enhanced. On a part of 
 that noble donation, Judge Chase built the house in which he 
 lived and died ; and the property is still possessed by his de 
 scendants. These facts are introduced in this narrative, as 
 honorable testimonials of the liberality of Colonel Howard, 
 and his high esteem for the character, services, and moral 
 worth of Mr. Chase. This unrivalled instance of affectionate 
 esteem, and cordial friendship, is alike honorable to both 
 the donor and the recipient. 
 
 In 1788, it was found expedient that a new criminal court 
 should be organized for the county and town of Baltimore ; 
 the increase of population rendering such a tribunal necessary. 
 The legislature of Maryland instituted it, and appointed Mr. 
 Chase the chief justice. He was also, in the same year chosen 
 a member of the state convention, to which the new constitu 
 tion for the federal union was submitted, and in a short time 
 after, he received and accepted the appointment of chief 
 judge of the highest court of the state. 
 
 In 1796, President Washington, who had been intimately 
 acquainted with Mr. Chase from an early day in the revolu 
 tionary war, nominated him a judge of the supreme court of 
 the United States. The senate confirmed the nomination 
 without hesitation ; and it was while he was a member of that 
 bench, that he was impeached before the senate of the United 
 States, for malconduct on the bench. This was undoubtedly 
 the effect of strong party feelings. Judge Chase was tried, 
 and acquitted ; and retained his seat in the court until his 
 death. 
 
 He held the office of judge about fifteen years ; during 
 which, he was considered as a very able, learned, and up 
 right judge ; and uncommonly prompt in his decisions. Their 
 correctness may be inferred from the fact, that his decisions 
 were rarely reversed, or set aside by the supreme court. 
 
 A distinguished member of the bar in Philadelphia, who 
 was neither a personal or political friend of Judge Chase, 
 said of him, that he was the greatest judge he had ever seen. 
 
 But it forms no part of the plan of this work to give a his 
 tory of his individual decisions on the bench, were the writer 
 competent. His proceedings in the celebrated cases of 
 Fries, and Callender, are not forgotten by those who were 
 
252 WILLIAM PACA, 
 
 contemporary with those events. These it was principally 
 which were made the grounds of his impeachment. 
 
 In the year 1811, his health was so much impaired, that 
 I e was disabled for active employments, and his excursions 
 were limited to his favorite exercise,, which was riding on 
 horseback. This he continued to pursue until the following 
 -spring, when his increased debility obliged him to relinquish 
 it. From this time he languished, until the nineteenth day 
 of June, when he expired, having commenced his seventy- 
 first year. 
 
 He was twice married. His children were two sons by 
 the first, and two daughters by the second marriage, all of 
 whom survived him. 
 
 He was a professed believer in the Christian religion, and 
 a communicant in St. Paul s church in Baltimore, to the pas- 
 toral charge of which his father was invited while he was but 
 a child. Judge Chase commenced his career in life early ; 
 at which time he gave unequivocal manifestations of constitu 
 tional ardor. This he retained to the close of his life. 
 
 WILLIAM PACA. 
 
 WILLIAM PACA entered into public life in the province of 
 Maryland. He was born in Wye Hall, his paternal residence, 
 on the east shore of Maryland, in the year 1740. He had the 
 usual advantages, at the time of his youth available in that 
 part of the country ; and in his early life, he is said to have 
 been carefully instructed in the principles of morality. He 
 completed his preparatory studies in the Philadelphia College, 
 and then commenced the study of law in the same office with 
 Samuel Chase, afterwards one of the judges of the supreme 
 court of the United States, under the federal constitution. It 
 was there, that those two fellow students and distinguished 
 actors in the revolutionary contest, formed an intimacy which 
 continued uninterrupted, till it was terminated by death. The 
 scene of their studies was Annapolis in Maryland. 
 
 Their first appearance in public life was simultaneous in 
 the year 1761, when Pacawas only twenty-one years of age. 
 They then both became members of the provincial legislature, 
 and made a favorable impression on the minds of the mem. 
 
MARYLAND. 253 
 
 bers, of their talents and qualifications for future usefulness 
 ri public life. 
 
 It was between that time and the year 1771, that there had 
 been a paper war carried on for some time, on the question of 
 the right claimed by the governor of the province, to regulate 
 the fees of civil officers by proclamation. It was conducted 
 with much spirit on both sides. Mr. Charles Carroll had 
 engaged in this controversy, in opposition to the governor s 
 claim, and on the side of the liberty of magistrates to regu 
 late their own fees. He was considered by the citizens of 
 Annapolis as entitled to their thanks for his exertions, " as an 
 advocate for liberty ;" which they communicated to him in a 
 public letter, by the hands of Mr. Paca and Mr. Hammond. 
 This fact serves to indicate the feelings of the citizens of that 
 ancient town, at that early period, on the subject of the liberty 
 and rights of the citizens; and the estimation in which they 
 held their youthful candidate for honorable fame and distinc 
 tion. It is worthy of remark, especially if we take into con 
 sideration the divided opinions prevailing at that time in 
 Maryland, that the citizens of Annapolis introduced into their 
 letter of thanks to Mr. Carroll ; the sentiment afterward 
 asserted and vindicated by force of arms in the country at 
 large, that a claim of right by government, to impose taxes 
 on a people without their consent, and appropriate them 
 according to the pleasure of the government, without their 
 participation, is an act of tyranny not to be submitted to and 
 endured by a free people. 
 
 If any business of public interest was contemplated, requir 
 ing the superintendence of special agents, the attention of 
 the community seems to have been, thus early, immediately 
 directed to Mr. Paca. Such was the fact, when the legisla 
 ture made provision for erecting a state house for their 
 accommodation; they appointed Mr. Paca one of the commis 
 sioners for procuring a design, and superintending the erec 
 tion of that structure. These things are comparatively unim 
 portant, except thaf they serve to show the rank he held at 
 that early age, in the esteem and confidence of his fellow 
 citizens. 
 
 When the act of parliament, closing the port of Boston, 
 (commonly called " the Boston port bill") was announced in 
 Maryland, its oppressive and tyrannical character, and the 
 temper in which it was dictated and passed were so manifest, 
 that a spirit of opposition and indignation was universally ex 
 cited throughout that province. County conventions were 
 
 22 
 
254 WILLIAM PACA, 
 
 immediately assembled, of deputies chosen by the patiiotic 
 portion of those communities, to deliberate on measures pro 
 per to be adopted with respect to the vindictive conduct of 
 parliament, and for relieving their suffering fellow citizens of 
 that patriotic town. 
 
 This occurrence, which so clearly indicated the determina 
 tion of the British parliament relative to the colonies, point 
 ing clearly to what they might hereafter expect from that 
 source, if not resisted in season, at once suggested the pro 
 priety of concurring with the request of the committee of 
 correspondence in Massachusetts, to appoint delegates from 
 the several colonies, to meet in a congress to be held at Phila 
 delphia. A convention of delegates from the several coun 
 ties in Maryland agreed to the proposal ; and immediately 
 appointed William Paca, Samuel Chase, and three others to 
 attend that congress. " To effect one general plan of con 
 duct, operating on the commercial connection of the colonies 
 with the mother country, for the relief of Boston, and the 
 preservation of American liberty." 
 
 In December of the same year, the same delegates with 
 the addition of two others, were elected to represent Mary 
 land in the second congress. Their instructions were, " to 
 agree to all measures which might be deemed necessary to 
 obtain a redress of American grievances." They were elect 
 ed again the following year. 
 
 It is unnecessary to particularize the several employments 
 assigned to him as a member of the committees with which 
 he was associated. It may be sufficient to remark, that as 
 most of the subjects which came before congress for their 
 determination, were submitted to special committees; there 
 was employment sufficient to occupy the whole of the mem 
 bers continually, and that. Mr. Paca had an ample proportion 
 assigned to him. The discharge of the duties thus devolved 
 on him, was able and faithful, and such as met with the ap 
 probation of congress and his constituents. 
 
 To furnish one specimen of the liberal spirit of his patriot 
 ism, with that of his friend and colleague Mr. Chase, it is proper 
 to state, that those two gentlemen, knowing the want of pecu 
 niary resources of the government, supplied a volunteer corps 
 of their public spirited countrymen with rifles, from their pri 
 vate funds, at an expense of about a thousand dollars. 
 
 While the public sentiment in favor of independence wag 
 fast extending, and rapidly increasing in the colonies gene 
 rally, the people of Maryland, even the patriotic portion of 
 
MARYLAND. 255 
 
 tiem were tardy, and seemed reluctant, at the idea of ap 
 proaching that crisis, which their delegates in congress clearly 
 perceived, would render the measure indispensable. Hitherto, 
 however, their constituents were not prepared for so bold arid 
 decisive an act, as a dissolution cf all connection with the 
 British government ; and knowing that this step was contem 
 plated by congress, and fearing that the young and ardent po 
 liticians whom they had sent to represent them in congress, 
 might be prevailed with to sanction the measure by their act, 
 and thus commit their constituents ; the convention, in great 
 apprehension and alarm, issued special instructions, in the 
 early part of 1776, which prohibited them from sanctioning a 
 proposition for declaring the colonies independent ; and they 
 curried their opposition so far as to pass a vote, " that Mary 
 land would riot be bound by a vote of a majority of congress, 
 to declare independence." That vote serves to show, in the 
 clearest manner, the feeling that prevailed in Maryland, in 
 the beginning of the year 1776. For it contained strong 
 expressions of loyalty and affection towards the king and peo 
 ple of Great Britain ; and positively declared that Maryland 
 neither contemplated, nor desired independence. 
 
 This state of feeling in Maryland, and the measures which 
 were thus publicly avowed by their leading patriots, in 
 dicated, being in direct opposition to, and clashing with 
 their own, placed their delegates in congress, in a perplex 
 ing, and most unenviable situation. Although the restric 
 tions laid on Mr. Paca and his colleagues, were sufficiently 
 irksome, as they counteracted their own sentiments ; and al 
 though they rnay have thought that the implied censure of 
 iheir principles which they conveyed, would justify them in 
 Manifesting their feelings by resigning their seats, as many 
 persons probably would have done, when placed in similar 
 circumstances; they still retained them, confidently hoping 
 that a change would take place in the sentiments of their con 
 stituents, and that they would soon be persuaded of the neces 
 sity for adopting that decisive measure, for their own, and 
 their country s preservation from absolute ruin. Had they 
 vacated their seats, they foresaw clearly, that they might be 
 occupied by successors, whose principles were directly op 
 posed to their own. The consequences to be apprehended 
 by them from such a result, were of a kind which could afford 
 them no gratification. Mr. Paca therefore continued, not 
 withstanding all those mortifying Considerations, to go on 
 steadily in favoring, and promoting such a system of prepara- 
 
256 WILLIAM PACA, 
 
 tory measures, as he hoped would prepare the minds of his 
 constituents for acquiescence in a declaration of absolute, and 
 perpetual independence of the American colonies of the 
 kingdom of Great Britain. 
 
 The contrast between the course he was pursuing in con- 
 gress, and the declared views of the Maryland convention, at 
 the same time, was very apparent. While they were declar 
 ing their loyal attachment to Great Britain, he was providing 
 ways and means for furnishing an army, to be employed in 
 resisting the orders of her government. While they were 
 saying to the king and people of England that they were op 
 posed to a separation, and would not be bound by an act sanc 
 tioned by a majority of congress dissolving the connection, 
 he was engaged in planning a naval force, to contend under 
 a national flag, which his instructions from them forbid to 
 be hoisted ; and so strenuous were they in their hostility to 
 the contemplated independence, so late as the middle of May, 
 1776, that the convention repeated their prohibition to their 
 delegates, by new instructions issued at that date. Congress 
 at the same time, with the cordial approbation of *he dele 
 gates from Maryland, were declaring that the royal authority, 
 in the American colonies was at an end, and recommending 
 to them severally, to organize governments for their own in 
 dependent legislation, founded on the authority of the people. 
 It appeared perfectly obvious, that such a conflicting state 
 of views between Maryland and congress, could not long 
 continue. A change must soon take place. Either congress 
 must recede, or Maryland acquiesce. It did not escape the 
 discernment of her delegates, that Maryland could not as 
 sume and maintain a neutral position in the centre of the field 
 of hostilities. It was not believed that she would join the 
 British, and compound for the consequences ; and it was well 
 understood that congress had proceeded too far, with the ex 
 pressed approbation of almost the entire country, (with the 
 exception of Maryland,) to recede from its purpose. It was 
 therefore believed, that the statesmen of that province would 
 soon feel the importance of concurring in the measure, and 
 unite in declaring the American nation free and independent. 
 
 To effect this desirable object, several of her ardent and 
 influential patriots made great exertions, and with such effect, 
 that on the twenty-eighth of May, only thirteen days after 
 they issued their last opposing instructions to their delegates 
 in congress, the convention dispensed with praying for tho 
 king and royal family. The first step was now taken to- 
 
MARYLAND 257 
 
 wards a union with the other states ; and the succeeding ones 
 were less difficult to be effected. They had " faced about," 
 and the forward march to their station in the combined arrav 
 was become comparatively easy. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth day of June, the convention recalled 
 their instructions, took off the restrictions from their dele- 
 gates, and gave them permission to vote on the great ques 
 tion, then before congress, according to their own views of 
 expediency. The record of their names to the engrossed 
 parchment, which contains the declaration, " that America 
 is, and of right ought to be, a free and independent nation," 
 evinces their views of expediency on that subject. 
 
 So entire was the revolution in the feelings and views of 
 the people of Maryland, in that short period, that on the very 
 day when Mr. Paca and his colleagues assented to the Decla 
 ration of Independence in their behalf, they re-elected him 
 to his seat in congress ; and in a few weeks passed a resolve, 
 approving of the measure they had so lately and so strenu 
 ously opposed. They re-elected him on the fifteenth of 
 November of the same year, (1776,) and again on the fif 
 teenth of February, 1777. By a similar act, they gave a 
 decisive manifestation of their undiminished and continued 
 confidence. 
 
 Early in the year 1778, they gave him a new pledge of 
 their esteem, by appointing him chief judge of the supreme 
 court of the state. Having faithfully served his state in per 
 forming the duties of that office, until 1782, they called him 
 to lay aside the ermine, and accept the office of chief magis 
 trate of their commonwealth. He sustained the office of go 
 vernor, however, but one year, and then retired to the quiet 
 repose of private life. 
 
 When a convention was called in Maryland, to decide on 
 accepting the federal constitution, he was a member. And 
 when the new government went into operation, and the seve 
 ral offices created by congress, under its auspices, were to 
 be filled, General Washington nominated him judge of the 
 district court, for the district of Maryland. This office he 
 retained until his decease. This event occurred in the six 
 tieth year of his age. He left the world with the regrets of 
 his numerous friends, and carried with him an irreproachable 
 character to the grave. 
 
 22* 
 
258 THOMAS STONE, 
 
 THOMAS STONE. 
 
 OF this gentleman little is recorded in the memorials of his 
 public life, and owing to circumstances, somewhat peculiar 
 in the changes which have taken place since his decease, 
 about forty years ago, among his connections and acquaint 
 ances, by death and removals, but little has been remembered 
 of his character and pursuits. Of necessity, therefore, the 
 sketch of his history must be short. But the fact, that he was 
 one of those bold and daring patriots, who advocated and 
 signed the declaration of his country s independence, is suffi 
 cient to transmit his name on the records of American histo 
 ry, with perpetual approbation. 
 
 Thomas Stone was born at the Pointon Manor, in Mary 
 land, in the year 1743 ; and educated to the profession of 
 law ; and he commenced the practice of it with a good repu 
 tation for talents, and with flattering prospects of success and 
 prosperity. 
 
 By all the evidence which could be collected from his few 
 remaining cotemporaries, who were at all acquainted with his 
 character, and the incidents of his short life ; it is apparent 
 that he was a modest unambitious man, fond of domestic retire 
 ment, and satisfied with attending to the necessary duties of 
 his profession. And when he stepped forth from private life 
 to take a part in the great and difficult questions relative to his 
 country s welfare, in the continental congress, that he did it 
 more in compliance with the call of his fellow citizens, than 
 to gratify any ambitious feelings, or from any desire to ex 
 hibit his talents on the great theatre which then drew the 
 attention, not only of the American colonies and Great Bri 
 tain, but of the other nations of Europe. For so soon as the 
 great business was accomplished for the promotion of which 
 he entered congress, he withdrew again to his private pur 
 suits, and declined a reappointment to a seat in that as 
 sembly. He was however called at a subsequent date, 
 again to render his services to the public in that national 
 council. 
 
 At that eventful period, when the proceedings of the Bri 
 tish parliament excited the fears of the colonies, and caused 
 serious apprehension of danger to their constitutional r.ghts 
 and liberties, Mr. Stone was too young to take an active part 
 in the public discussions which were held, as well in Mary- 
 
MARYLAND. 25 
 
 iand as in the other provinces. The interest and anxiety 
 which the several enactments of parliament, laying an impost 
 on articles consumed in the colonies produced, was common 
 to every class, and all ages in society. Youths, listening to 
 the remarks of their seniors, imbibed their sentiments, and 
 partook of their feelings. Mr. Stone attended those places 
 where the character of the " Stamp act" and other obnoxious 
 statutes of parliament was discussed ; and hearing their op- 
 pressive character described, their unconstitutionally demon 
 strated, and their tendency to the destruction of the privileges 
 of the colonists depicted, in the glowing colors of impas 
 sioned eloquence, and the high-wrought feelings of indigna 
 tion, rvhich had pervaded the country; he caught their spirit, 
 und early imbibed their opinions; which were confirmed as 
 he increased in years, and became the established principles 
 \>f his life. Although his principles were established in early 
 life, they savored too strongly of determined resistance to 
 British supremacy, to suit the cold prudence and vacillating 
 policy of a majority of the citizens of Maryland. He was 
 several years in advance of a great portion of his fellow citi 
 zens, in his patriotic feelings and sentiments. A knowledge 
 of these spread among them, probably was the principal cause 
 of his not being earlier brought into public life. But the 
 causes which operated to keep him back for a time, shortly 
 furnished the motives for calling him forth from private life, 
 and putting him forward as a fit representative of men. then 
 in power, whose sentiments and feelings fully corresponded 
 with his own. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1775, he was elected a dele 
 gate to the second congress, whose duty it became to make 
 provision for the defence of the country against an invasion, 
 and to prepare for sustaining a war with Great Britain, which 
 they saw was inevitable ; and which must be sustained, or 
 the people must seal the death warrant of all their constitu 
 tional liberties and privileges. 
 
 The reluctance on the part of Maryland, to renounce all 
 filial connection with Great Britain, was manifested in the 
 instructions which their legislative council gave to their dele 
 gates in congress, even after independence had been declared. 
 The following clause is found in those issued by the Mary 
 land convention to their delegates in congress, after they had 
 voted for and signed the Declaration of American Indepen. 
 dence, in conformity to instructions previously issued by them. 
 * And the said delegates, or any three or more of them, are 
 12 
 
260 THOMAS STONE, 
 
 hereby authorized and empowered, notwithstanding any mea 
 sures heretofore taken, to concur with the congress, or a 
 majority of them, in accommodating our unhappy differ 
 ences with Great Britain, on such terms as congress, or a 
 majority of them shall think proper." 
 
 This official extract, while it shows the fond affection 
 which a majority of the leading politicians of Maryland still 
 retained for the mother country, serves also to show the diffi 
 culties and embarrassments which her delegates in congress 
 had to encounter and overcome, in proceeding to discharge 
 their duty with a good conscience, according to their own 
 views of sound wisdom, and true patriotism. All these em 
 barrassments Mr. Stone and his colleagues had to meet and 
 remove. 
 
 The feelings of the people of that colony were, however, 
 somewhat shaken by the example of Virginia on one side, and 
 Pennsylvania on the other ; and in June, 1776, she was con 
 strained to recall the instructions which she had given, and 
 reiterated to her delegates in congress, by which they were 
 emphatically prohibited from favoring any and every measure 
 congress might agitate, tending to widen the breach already 
 existing between the colonies and the parent government ; 
 and more especially enjoined them to oppose any proposition 
 for declaring the colonies independent. Accordingly new 
 instructions were issued, while the subject was under discus 
 sion by congress, on the resolution introduced for that pur 
 pose, by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, which gave the 
 delegates from Maryland full permission to act according to 
 the sentiments they had long entertained in favor of it. 
 
 On the day on which the vote of the Maryland delegates 
 was recorded in favor of independence, they were re-elected 
 by the same convention that had so long held back, and ulti 
 mately consented to the measure, with manifest feelings of 
 regret. 
 
 Mr. Stone does not appear, by the journals of congress, to 
 have been a very prominent member ; yet he was a laborious 
 and useful one. He acted his part with fidelity and industry 
 on various committees of congress ; and particularly, he was 
 the only member of the committee for arranging and report 
 ing .articles for a confederated government from that state. 
 This committee consisted of one delegate from each state in 
 the union ; and the duty they had to perform was among the 
 most difficult and arduous that was ever brought before the 
 old continental congress. So many opposing views, clashing 
 
MARYLAND. 261 
 
 interests, and corresponding feelings of partiality, the dele 
 gates from the different sections of the country were so tena 
 cious of protecting their own local interests, with so little sym 
 pathy and regard for those of others, that it was extremely dif 
 ficult to form any system of government, extending the power 
 of congress over the united colonies, adequate to the indis 
 pensable necessities of that body, for prosecuting the war to 
 a successful result. Indeed it was almost a hopeless effort, 
 even at the commencement ; and nothing but the universal 
 conviction that congress could not proceed without such an 
 union, would, in all probility, have been able to effect it. In 
 the existing circumstances, it was brought forward, and re 
 peatedly discussed and reconsidered, until after a lapse of 
 several months, on the fifteenth day of November, 1777, it 
 was finally agreed to. 
 
 Mr. Stone was again elected a member of congress in 
 1777. Having seen the confederation, which had so long 
 occupied him and his colleagues, finally accepted by con 
 gress, at the close of the period of service for which he was 
 last chosen, he retired from the national legislature, declined 
 a re-election, and having been chosen a member of the state 
 legislature, warmly advocated the adoption, by that body, of 
 the confederation. It met a powerful opposition in the legis 
 lative council of Maryland, in which they persisted until 1781, 
 notwithstanding the eloquent and urgent appeal of congress 
 in their circular to the several state legislatures, pressing on 
 them, in the most forcible manner, the necessity of its re 
 ceiving their immediate acceptance. 
 
 Although it appears to have been his intention to withdraw 
 wholly from congress, at the time he declined being a candi 
 date for re-election, yet he was persuaded to represent that 
 state once more under the confederation. His last election 
 to that assembly was in 1783. He was present to witness 
 that interesting, eventful, and solemn scene, the resignation, 
 by General Washington, of his commission to congress, after 
 having achieved the great object for which he received it. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1784, he was president of 
 congress pro tempore ; and, according to usage, had he not 
 declined a re-election, he would, in all probability, have been 
 preferred to the same office the following year. But his na 
 tive modesty appears to have kept him from aspiring after 
 official distinction. He seems to have had no other ambition 
 in his public life, than to perform his duty to his constituents 
 
262 CHARLES CARROLL, 
 
 and the community with fidelity ; and to merit and receive 
 their approbation. 
 
 The remainder of his short life he spent in the active du 
 ties of his profession, at Port Tobacco, the place of his resi 
 dence. He seems to have retained his popularity with his 
 fellow citizens ; as in 1787, they proposed him for a member 
 f that ever memorable convention which met in Philadel 
 phia, to form the new constitution. But he declined the ap 
 pointment, and never again appeared on the stage of public 
 action, for in the autumn of 1787, he closed his short, but 
 useful life, at forty-two years of age. 
 
 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON. 
 
 THIS gentleman, at the present time very highly distin 
 guished throughout the American republic, on many ac 
 counts, and not the least, as being the only surviving signer 
 of the Declaration of American Independence, is descend 
 ed from Irish ancestry. His grandfather, Daniel Carroll, a 
 native of Littamourna, in Ireland, was a clerk in England, in 
 the office of Lord Povvis, in the reign of James the second ; 
 but he left England, and emigrated to America in the latter 
 part of the seventeenth century. He came to Maryland, 
 under the patronage of Lord Baltimore, the principal paten 
 tee or proprietor of that colony, and was appointed as his 
 agent, to receive his rents, and also as judge and register of 
 the land office. 
 
 Charles Carroll, the son of Daniel, and the father of 
 Charles, of Carrollton, was born in 1702 ; and after spending 
 a long and active life, he died at the age of eighty years. 
 His son Charles, the subject of this notice, now universally 
 called Charles Carroll of Carrollton, was born on the twen 
 tieth of September, at Annapolis, Maryland, in the year 1737. 
 His father took him when only eight years old to France, 
 and placed him in an English Jesuits college at St. Omer s, 
 *o be educated. After remaining there six years, he went to 
 Rheims, to a college of French Jesuits, to pursue his studies 
 in that seminary. There he continued but one year, and 
 then was removed to the college of Louis Le Grand. Here 
 he remained two years, and then went to Bourges to study 
 
MARYLAND. 263 
 
 law ; and at the termination of a year s residence there, h 
 removed to Paris. Here he continued till 1757 ; and then 
 left France, and went to London, to study law in England. 
 For this purpose he took apartments in the Inner Temple. 
 From England he returned to the place of his nativity in 
 17G5, just ahout the time when the British ministry began to 
 promulgate their system of measures, which eventually led 
 to the independence of the American colonies. 
 
 Soon after opposition began to be manifested to those mea 
 sures, Mr. Carroll became associated with the persons who were 
 afterwards his colleagues in congress, in openly opposing the 
 claims which were advanced by the ministry, and advocated 
 by their partizans in Maryland. Messrs. Chase, Paca, Stone, 
 Dulany, and Carroll, united in principle and spirit, through the 
 press successfully contended with, and ultimately triumphed 
 over their parlizan adversaries, by the force of sound argu 
 ments, which they wielded with such dexterity, that the latter 
 retired from the field, and left them in its possession. 
 
 Mr. Carroll was eminently distinguished as an able and suc 
 cessful political writer in 1771-2, when an attempt was made 
 to establish the fees of office by the governor s proclamation. 
 This measure was in perfect accordance with the system 
 which had been adopted in England, without regard to the 
 constitution of the kingdom, or the rights of the colonists, as 
 members of the British nation. The attempt met with de 
 cided oposition at the threshold. Mr. Carroll took up the pen 
 in hostility to it ; and the provincial secretary appeared as 
 his antagonist. Mr. Carroll triumphed. Thus the great 
 question on which was soon after suspended the American 
 revolution, " the right to tax a free people without their 
 consent," was argued and settled in Maryland, and decided 
 in favor of the colonial doctrine. Mr. Carroll had written 
 and published, under the signature of " The First Citizen ;" 
 and his essays were so convincing to the people, that, on the 
 day of the election of their representatives to the legislative 
 assembly, they instructed their members, "to return their 
 hearty thanks to the First Citizen," which was done officially 
 by William Paca and Matthew Hammonds through the me 
 dium of the newspapers, that being their only channel of 
 communication with an unknown writer. With that testimo 
 nial of their approbation, so strong was the public feeling of 
 obligation to the writer, that as soon as it became known that 
 Mr. Carroll was the writer of " The First Citizen," great num 
 bers of people went in a body, and personally returned him 
 
264 CHARLES CARROLL, 
 
 their thanks for the services he had rendered them, in defen 
 ding their rights tgainst the exercise of illegal power. 
 
 Mr. Carroll was now elevated to the summit of popular 
 favor, and became at once possessed of the full confidence 
 of the friends of the people s rights, throughout the province 
 of Maryland. He appeared as a leader of the opposition to 
 the ministerial claims of parliamentary prerogative, and all 
 their corresponding measures in 17734-5 ; and in all his 
 proceedings, he manifested an undaunted spirit and unwearied 
 activity. Mr. Carroll, at a very early day declared to Mr. 
 Chase, that the enemy, although silenced by argument, would 
 not be put down without a resort to arms. Clearly foresee, 
 ing that result, he prepared to meet the approaching conflict. 
 
 The bold and decided sentiments he so frankly expressed 
 on all occasions, had rendered him the most popular leader 
 in the province ; and his advice and counsel were sought by 
 the people with great avidity, on all occasions in which they 
 felt a strong interest. One instance, which will show the ex 
 tensive influence he exercised over his fellow citizens, is 
 worthy to be mentioned. A Mr. Stewart had imported a 
 quantity of tea into Annapolis, which was contrary to a reso 
 lution of the delegates of Maryland, passed in June, 1774. 
 It was at a time when the provincial court was in session, 
 and the people, in a considerable number, were collected 
 from the adjacent counties to attend it. This fact being 
 made known, they became quite exasperated ; and threatened 
 violence to the consignees and master of the vessel, and de 
 struction to the cargo. A committee of the delegates imme 
 diately convened ; and to prevent disorderly proceedings, if 
 practicable, they appointed a sub-committee to superintend 
 the unlading of the vessel, and see to it that the tea was not 
 landed. This step, however, did not satisfy the multitude. 
 Mr. Stewart s friends applied to Mr. Carroll to interpose 
 his influence with the populace, to prevail with them to suffer 
 the unlading to proceed, under such a pledge, that the tea 
 should not be landed. But it would not avail. Mr. Carroll 
 perceived the strength of feeling which was excited by reason 
 of the importation, and told those friends, that however highly 
 he might personally esteem Mr. Stewart, and whatever might 
 be his wish to prevent the people from resorting to violent 
 measures, it would be impossible for him to protect Mr. 
 Stewart, unless he would consent to abandon his vessel, and 
 let it and the cargo both be committed to the flames. To that 
 course Mr. Carroll advised ; and after a momentary pause, it 
 
MARYLAND. 265 
 
 was assented to, and immediately carried into execution, with 
 the consent of Mr. Stewart the owner. 
 
 It will be recollected, that at the commencement of the re- 
 volutionary troubles, many committees of observation,^ vigi- 
 lanco, of safety, of correspondence, &e. were instituted in 
 the several provinces ; all of which were charged with duties 
 of high responsibility. In 1775, Mr. Carroll was appointed 
 a member of the first committee of observation that was es 
 tablished in Annapolis ; and in the same year, he was chosen 
 a delegate from Anne-Arundel county, in the provincial con 
 vention. 
 
 The intense interest he felt in the proceedings of congress, 
 induced him in the early part of 1776, to visit Philadelphia as 
 a spectator of their deliberations, and to learn their proposed 
 measures. His character, his sentiments, and the measures 
 he had pursued in Maryland, were well known and justly es 
 timated by congress ; and although he was not one of their 
 body, congress joined him with Doctor Franklin, and his own 
 friend and fellow la-borer, Samuel Chase, in an important 
 mission to Canada. The object of that unsuccessful mission 
 has been before mentioned. 
 
 He returned from that mission to Philadelphia, after Mr. 
 Lee had introduced before congress his resolution for declar 
 ing independence, and when the important subject was under 
 discussion. Feeling the vast importance of having that reso 
 lution adopted by the unanimous vote of the colonies, and 
 knowing the shackles which were put on the Maryland dele 
 gates, by the prohibitory instructions from the convention 
 of Maryland, which still remained in force, Mr. Carroll re 
 turned to his native province, to exert himself for procuring 
 their removal. This object being accomplished, and new 
 instructions having been issued, according to his wishes, he 
 was immediately appointed a delegate to the congress, then 
 deliberating on the great question. With these instructions 
 in his possession, he reached Philadelphia on the eighth day 
 of the memorable July, in which the birth of American inde 
 pendence took place ; and had the consummate pleasure of 
 giving to it his sanction and his signature. 
 
 Mr. Carroll was among the earliest in setting his name to 
 the instrument, after it was prepared. On the eighteenth day 
 of July, only ten days after he took his seat in congress, he 
 was appointed a member of the " board of war;" which office 
 he held during his continuance in congress. 
 
 Although the convention of Maryland had appointed him a 
 23 
 
266 CHARLES CARROLL, 
 
 delegate to congress, and he was an acting member of that 
 body, Mr. Carroll still retained his seat in that convention, 
 and all the time he could be spared from the former, he devo 
 ted to the business of the latter, by his personal attendance. 
 In this year he was elected a member of the convention for 
 framing a constitution of government for the newly formed in- 
 dependent state of Maryland ; and after it was adopted, he 
 was in the same year, chosen a member of the state senate. 
 Thus the honors of the state were bestowed on him bounte 
 ously by a grateful people, who now began to realize the mag- 
 nitude of the services he had rendered them. 
 
 Early in 1777, he was re-appointed to a seat in the con 
 gress, where his services had been so truly patriotic and bene 
 ficial ; and he continued to hold his seat until 1778, when he 
 relinquished it. He was again chosen to the senate of Mary 
 land in 1781 ; and after the federal government was estab 
 lished by an adoption of the new constitution of the United 
 States, in 1788, in the month of December he was appointed 
 a member of the first United States senate, for the state of 
 Maryland. 
 
 At the balloting for classing the senators, which look place 
 at the first session of the first congress, Mr. Carroll fell into 
 the first class ; and his term of service closed at the end of the 
 first two years. In May, 1791, he was chosen into the senate 
 of Maryland. Of this body he continued a member, until 
 1801, at which time he was left out by a revolution of the 
 parties in the state. Thus terminated his political life. From 
 that period he has spent his time in the happy circle of his 
 family, in domestic tranquillity, and in the interchange of 
 kind offices among his fellow citizens ; for whose benefit, and 
 for that of posterity, he had devoted so many years of his 
 life. In 1801, when he retired from public employment, he 
 was in the sixty-third year of his age. He is the last sur 
 viving patriot who set his name to the Declaration of Ameri 
 can Independence. He is now the patriarch of the United 
 States. 
 
 He is at this time the only connecting link of the political 
 ghain which unites the past with the future, in the United 
 States. He is justly venerated, and respected by the existing 
 generation, and he will be honored and revered by all suc 
 ceeding generations. 
 
VIRGINIA. 267 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 GEORGE WYTHE. 
 
 GEOUGE WYTHE was a native of Virginia. He was born 
 n 1726, in the county of Elizabeth. On the decease of his 
 father, who was a wealthy farmer, he came into possession 
 of an ample estate, sufficient to render him independent. 
 
 His mother was a woman of superior intellect and acquire 
 ments, and she took much pains to have him well instructed. 
 All the education he derived from schools, amounted only to 
 reading and writing his native language, with but a slight ac 
 quaintance with the rules of common arithmetic. But his 
 mother, who was well instructed in the Latin language, took 
 on herself the instruction of her son, and aided him much in 
 acquiring a knowledge of both the Latin and Greek. He lost 
 both of his parents by death, before he had reached twenty-one 
 years of age, and was left to his own guidance, in possession 
 of pecuniary means sufficient for indulging all his desires for 
 worldly pleasure and amusement, which unrestrained youth 
 are too prone to pursue. After the decease of his mother, 
 he gave way to the seductions of pleasure, laid aside study, 
 and devoted several years to amusement and dissipation. 
 
 In the course of a few years, however, he seems to have 
 come to sober reflection, for at about the age of thirty, he 
 withdrew himself from his gay associates, relinquished hi? 
 levities, and returned to his studies with a zeal and applica 
 tion, which prepared him for the distinguished honor and use 
 fulness to which he afterwards obtained. This assiduous 
 application he continued to the end of his life. He did not 
 cease to lament the misimprovemerit of his early years, even 
 in his old age, and he always viewed the time he spent in 
 pleasure, not only as a heavy, but an irreparable loss. 
 
 Having by his own efforts acquired a preparatory educa 
 tion, superior to that of many who enjoy better advantages 
 than he did, he commenced the study of law, under the in 
 struction of Mr. John Jones, a distinguished lawyer in theeo. 
 lony. Soon after his admission to the bar, he rose rapidly to 
 
268 GEORGE WYTHE, 
 
 the head of the profession in the county where he resided. In 
 his practice, Mr. Wythe uniformly observed a course of con 
 duct worthy of universal imitation. He would never know- 
 ingly engage in an unjust or unrighteous cause. His integ 
 rity, and his strict attention to business were such, as in 
 spired the community with the fullest confidence in his 
 character, and he rose rapidly in his profession. He was 
 highly distinguished for his learning, and for the purity and 
 correctness of his conduct in his profession ; and when on the 
 recommendation of congress, Virginia organized a govern 
 ment for herself, Mr. Wythe was appointed chancellor of the 
 state, which was the first judicial office in the gift of the 
 state. That office he held, and the duties of it he discharged, 
 with strict justice and impartiality to the end of his life. 
 
 He was called early by his fellow citizens, to a seat in the 
 house of burgesses ; in which he continued by periodical re- 
 elections till near the commencement of the American revo 
 lution. In the legislative hall he was associated with some 
 of the first men and most ardent patriots of Virginia. It will be 
 sufficient to name Messrs. Lee, Hanson, Peyton Randolph, 
 Pendleton, Bland, and Henry. He was of a kindred spirit 
 in politics with them ; and he enjoyed, as he fully deserved, 
 their confidence and esteem. 
 
 That system of oppressive measures, which the British 
 ministry intended to pursue relative to the American colonies, 
 of which the " Stamp act" was the leader, found a decided 
 and resolute opposer in George Wythe, in connection with 
 his no less resolute and decided associate fellow patriots in 
 Virginia. With them he continued a stedfast and uniform 
 opposition in the legislature of Virginia, to the encroachments 
 of the British parliament on the rights and liberty of the Ame 
 rican colonists, until their perseverance brought forth the 
 great crisis, when the people of the provinces, finding their 
 oppression no longer to be endured, began to resort to arms 
 in their own defence. At that memorable juncture, tylr 
 Wythe joined a volunteer corps, and girded on his armor, pre 
 pared to meet in the field the hostile invaders of his country. 
 
 In 1775 he was remanded to the duties of legislation, by his 
 confiding countrymen, and was appointed a delegate to the ge 
 neral congress ; of which he continued a member in the year 
 following, when the great question of declaring the American 
 colonies free and independent of the government of Great 
 Britain, was introduced, and decided in the affirmative. This 
 object, which had been contemplated by him, received his 
 
VIRGINIA. 269 
 
 cordial support ; and he set his signature to it with much 
 satisfaction. 
 
 After Virginia had formed a government for herself, it be- 
 came necessary to adapt her code of laws to the new political 
 condition in which she was now placed, as an independent 
 state. A revision of the laws became necessary ; and for 
 this important purpose a committee was appointed ; one of 
 which was Mr. Wythe. His acting colleagues were Jeffer 
 son and Pendleton. 
 
 At that time, when the country demanded the active em- 
 ployment of all the best talents it contained, Mr. Wythe was 
 kept constantly employed in some public business of impor 
 tance. In 1777, he was chosen speaker of the house of bur 
 gesses ; and the same year, he was elevated to a high judiciary 
 station, one of the three judges of the high court of chancery 
 A.nd when that court was organized anew, he was constituted 
 sole judge. In that character he occupied the bench more 
 than twenty years, with the full approbation of the community. 
 While in that station he was called to give the first decision 
 on the great question, whether debts contracted by persons in 
 the United States, to men in Great Britain, previously to the 
 revolution, were recoverable at law. Popular feeling was 
 strong against it ; and the excitement was extensive in Ame 
 rica. But Chancellor Wythe, acting with uprightness, having, 
 after a thorough investigation, satisfied his mind that they 
 were recoverable, decided the question, with an independence 
 which is highly creditable to his firmness and integrity. 
 
 In addition to his judicial office, he held for a season the 
 office of professor of law in the college of William and Mary ; 
 but on his removal to Richmond, he resigned it, finding it in 
 compatible with his other duties. 
 
 In 1786, he was chosen a delegate to the convention for 
 forming the new constitution of the United States. In 1788, 
 he was chosen a member of the state convention, assembled 
 to consider the question of adopting or rejecting that consti 
 tution, After its adoption, and the government had gone into 
 operation, he was twice chosen an elector of a president of 
 the United States. 
 
 His was the singular honor of having been the law in 
 structor of two presidents and one chief justice of the United 
 States. 
 
 Notwithstanding all his public occupations, he instituted 
 a private school, which he instructed personally, free for 
 those who attended it ; as he demanded no compensation for 
 
 23* 
 
*/0 GEORGE WYTHE, 
 
 his services. He took also a favorite young negro boy, and 
 instructed him to some extent in the Latin and Greek lan 
 guages, intending to give him a literary education ; but he 
 died a short time before his benefactor. 
 
 Mr. Wythe, like several of his fellow laborers in the cause 
 of his country, and of civil liberty, rose from obscurity to high 
 literary, political, and professional eminence, by his own reso 
 lute and persevering exertions, with but little collateral assist 
 ance. He resolved to rise to distinction ; and he accomplished 
 his purpose. And this he effected by adopting and pursuing, 
 with untiring perseverance, a course of application to study 
 of integrity, and impartiality in business, of virtuous moral 
 deportment among men, and an undeviating and inflexible 
 adherence to what he believed was right. 
 
 His death occurred on the 8th day of June, 1808, and was 
 undoubtedly occasioned by poison, administered by some 
 person in a portion of his food. Suspicion fell strongly on a 
 person nearly related to him ; but he was acquitted by a jury. 
 He was in his eighty-first year when this melancholy event 
 took place. 
 
 During his life he gave freedom to his slaves, and furnished 
 them with the necessary means of support until they could 
 provide for themselves ; and in his will, he made provision 
 for the support of a man, woman, and child, whom he had 
 manumitted during their lives. The boy fell a victim to the 
 same poisoned food which caused his master s decease, and 
 died a short time before him. 
 
 Mr. Wythe was twice married. His first wife was a daugh 
 ter of his preceptor, Mr. Jones. He had but one child, who 
 died young. He left no offspring to survive him. 
 
 The character of Mr. Wythe was, and still is, much vene 
 rated ; and his violent death justly lamented hy his surviving 
 friends and fellow citizens, to whom he had been a public 
 benefactor. 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 IF a lineal descent from ancestors, who through successive 
 generations were distinguished by rank and office, both hon 
 orable and lucrative, can confer gratification to the feelings 
 of a republican, no man can justly claim more, than Richard 
 
VIRGINIA. 271 
 
 Henry Lee was entitled to assume. The family from which 
 he was descended was highly distinguished, in that respect, 
 even among those which claimed distinction in Virginia, the 
 place of his birth. But he seems not to have partaken of the 
 feeling of superiority so common among men. He was truly 
 a republican. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee was born in the county of Westmore 
 land, in the colony of Virginia, on the twentieth day of Janu 
 ary, 1732. 
 
 When he had reached a suitable age, according to the 
 prevailing fashion at that period of the colonial history, 
 among gentlemen of affluence in the southern colonies, his 
 father sent him to England to obtain his education. He placed 
 him at Wakefield, in Yorkshire, at a flourishing school, in 
 which he could have all the advantages to be derived from 
 the refined society of the town, combined with the simple 
 manners and economical habits of the country. The leading 
 object which he seems to have contemplated in acquiring his 
 education, was to possess himself of those branches of ele 
 gant literature and useful science, which comprise the educa 
 tion of a gentleman, who had no particular profession in view. 
 
 History, especially that of ancient republics, engaged much 
 of his attention. By an acquaintance with it, he became 
 attached to civil liberty in his youth ; an attachment which 
 increased, as he advanced in years and in maturity of under 
 standing and judgment, even to the end of his life. 
 
 He left his school in England, and returned to Virginia, 
 before he had completed his nineteenth year. There he 
 applied himself assiduously to literary pursuits, the results of 
 which are still in being. They are contained in manuscripts 
 of considerable size, in which he systematized his views of 
 ethics, and the philosophy of history, which he gathered 
 from reading, or were suggested by his own reflections. 
 
 The first that we hear of him in public employment, was 
 at the time when General Braddock arrived from England, 
 and summoned the governors of the colonies to assemble in 
 Alexandria, in Virginia, to confer on what means should be 
 adopted and applied for the public safety, at that time 
 threatened by the French and Indians, particularly on the 
 western frontier settlements. Mr. Lee was then at the head 
 of the troops of the county of Westmoreland ; and those he 
 led to Alexandria, and tendered his services to General Brad- 
 dock, together with those gallant volunteers who comprised 
 the band which he commanded, for the service of his coun- 
 
272 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 try. But as that proud officer could not conceive that the aid 
 of the provincials was necessary, for such a disciplined force 
 as he had brought with him from England, Mr. Lee with 
 his troops returned to his home ; while Braddock paid the 
 price of his presumption, by the loss of his own life and the 
 destruction of his army. 
 
 Before Mr. Lee had reached the age of twenty-five years, 
 he had established such a character for integrity, knowledge, 
 and influence, in the community where he resided, that num 
 bers on their dying beds, or when contemplating their ap 
 proach to the close of life, in their solicitude for the welfare 
 of their surviving children, selected him for their guardian 
 and protector. 
 
 When he was but twenty-five years old, in concurrence 
 with the wishes of the people, he was appointed a justice of 
 the peace for the county, by the royal governor ; and in the 
 same year, he was chosen a member of the house of burges 
 ses. At that early age, the other magistrates united in a 
 petition to the governor, that Mr. Lee s commission might be 
 so dated, as to obviate some existing impediment to his being 
 chosen president of the court, which could not be legally done 
 without such a measure. This fact serves to show the confi 
 dence they entertained in his fitness for the station, at that 
 early period of life. 
 
 Diffidence prevented him from appearing* in public debate 
 for a considerable time, and kept him from displaying his 
 powers of oratory, which at an after period he exercised 
 with such power and effect, both in that house and in con 
 gress, as gained for him the appellation of the Cicero of 
 America. But happily he was excited to shake off that dif 
 fidence, and come forward with all his native force, and an 
 elegance of manner, for which he was afterwards so highly 
 distinguished. The first debate in which he took an active 
 part, was on the limitation of slavery. The immediate ob 
 ject of the resolution proposed, and which engaged all his 
 heart and exertions in its behalf, was " to lay so heavy a duty 
 on the importation of slaves, as effectually to stop that dis 
 graceful traffic." 
 
 On this subject he addressed the speaker in a speech, which 
 astonished the audience, and gave an earnest of the eloquence 
 in debate, which afterwards attended him through his public 
 life. 
 
 There was another occasion which called him forth in the 
 same body, in which he evinced his integrity and fearless 
 
VIRGINIA. 273 
 
 ness in performing his duty for the public benefit, against a 
 formidable opposition, before which others had shrunk, the 
 odds being fearfully against them at the outset. The opposi 
 tion consisted of men of dissolute morals, who had dissipated 
 their estates, yet affecting the show of wealth, haughtily look 
 ed down on what they termed " the lower classes of society," 
 and asserted that the mass of the people were incompe 
 tent to manage their own concerns ; and the right of govern 
 ing was limited to but a few, who possessed the requisite 
 qualities for performing the duty. Their income did not 
 meet their expenses, which were incurred by an extrava 
 gant style of living, which they could not afford. They had 
 too much pride to conform to their circumstances ; and to 
 supply the deficiency, resorted to borrowing. In the house 
 of burgesses, they on all occasions voted with the adminis 
 tration. Many of these had borrowed large sums of Mr. 
 Robinson, the colonial treasurer. He was of a very obliging 
 and accommodating disposition, a gentleman in his manners; 
 and was also the leader of the aristocratic party in Virginia. 
 He lent to them until his private funds were exhausted ; and 
 he unfortunately loaned to them redeemed treasury bills, 
 which his duty enjoined, and fidelity required him to destroy, 
 to secure the public against a loss. 
 
 The treasurer felt that he was strongly fortified against the 
 consequences of an investigation, by the members whom he 
 had accommodated, who were pledged to defend him should 
 he be prosecuted. He felt secure of a majority who would 
 sustain him by their vote ; and if he should be arraigned, and 
 not convicted, whoever undertook the labor, would be 
 come an object of public odium, and must sink under the bur 
 then which would be cast upon him. Hence, no one was found 
 adventurous enough to encounter the opposition he must 
 meet, but Richard Henry Lee, though all were convinced of 
 its necessity. But he, regardless of the consequences to 
 himself, with a moral courage worthy of his character, entered 
 on the prosecution of the delinquent treasurer ; nor did he 
 desist from the pursuit, until he had finished the business, 
 which his public duty required at his hands. The magna 
 nimity, decision, and address, which he manifested on that 
 occasion, and the success which crowned his efforts, notwith 
 standing the formidable opposition he had to encounter, placed 
 him on a high and commanding eminence in the republican 
 party, and acquired for him the gratitude of the community 
 whom he had saved from suffering a severe loss 
 
274 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 It is needless to recapitulate in this place, the causes which 
 led to, and terminated in the separation of the British colo 
 nies from their parent government. It has been often done, 
 in this series of memoirs, and they operated in a similar man 
 ner on the minds of the leading patriots, at nearly the same 
 moment, in every part of the country. Mr. Lee was among 
 the foremost in observing them, in detecting their consequen 
 ces, if they were not successfully opposed, and in sounding 
 the alarm among his countrymen. 
 
 He organized the first association which existed in Vir 
 ginia, for opposing British oppression in that colony. It was 
 in direct hostility to an execution of the duties enjoined Vy the 
 celebrated " Stamp act." There was at that time an open 
 and avowed party in Virginia, of great power and influence 
 It was odious to his feelings ; and he determined to com 
 mence an attack upon it, with a view to its ultimate prostra 
 tion, and thus do away the distinction that was continually 
 maintained between the wealthy inhabitants and the commor 
 people. To some extent he accomplished his purpose. He 
 had united with him, in spirit and in purpose, the celebrated 
 Patrick Henry. They were unlike in their manner, but for 
 mutual aids, none perhaps were ever better associated. They 
 may, in one point of view, be happily compared to Luther 
 and Melanchton. Mr. Henry s eloquence had the majesty 
 and overwhelming force of a storm, which shook every thing 
 within its sweep. His opponents trembled when he rose, anc 
 feared that the first flash of his fire would strike them pros- 
 trate. Mr. Lee met them without any threatening aspect 
 while his sweet sounding eloquence fell on them like a gentle 
 shower, and animated their feelings, and revived their des 
 ponding spirits, till a new aspect was given to all who heard 
 him. They were not only formidable, but irresistible, when 
 they united in an attack upon their opponents. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, was the first man in Virginia, who 
 stepped forward in open opposition to an execution of the 
 " Stamp act." The patricians generally were strongly pre 
 disposed to support the authority and measures of the British 
 ministry, towards the American colonies. Mr. Lee for a 
 time stood almost single handed, in opposing them. Ana 
 those who favored the cause generally, by reason of constitu 
 tional timidity, or some other cause, hesitated about the mea. 
 sures to be adopted, and fell far behind him in spirit and firm 
 ness. But nothing daunted by the opposing force, he perse 
 vered until he broke their ranks, and scattered their forces. 
 
VIRGINIA. 275 
 
 The merit of having first proposed " committees of corres 
 pondence," which had such a powerful and favorable influence 
 in preparing the people to resist the British, and finally for the 
 revolutionary conflict Virginia or Massachusetts, has been 
 claimed both for the convention of Massachusetts, and that ot 
 Virginia; and the fact appears to be, that both bodies con 
 ceived the project about the same time. But letters, now in 
 being, show that the proposal had been made by Mr. Lee to 
 gentlemen both north and south of Virginia, several years 
 before any measure of the kind had been suggested by any 
 other man in the country. The proposals for the measure, 
 in the legislative bodies in those two colonies, were as late as 
 1773, whereas the letter of Mr. Lee to Mr. Dickinson, of 
 Pennsylvania, is dated the twenty-fifth of July, 1768. 
 
 The situation of Mr. Lee was singularly favorable for ob 
 taining early information of what was doing in England, 
 which peculiarly interested the colonies ; and this is, proba 
 bly, one reason why he became one of the most forward of 
 the leaders in that early period. His brother, Doctor Arthur 
 Lee, who was a distinguished literary character, was at that 
 time in Great Britain, and spent much of his time in Lon-* 
 don. He associated with a number of eminent civilians and 
 statesmen, and with several of both classes, of those who 
 were friendly to the American colonies, on terms of intimacy. 
 He kept up a constant correspondence with his brother, in 
 which he furnished him with the earliest political intelligence 
 of parliamentary projects and proceedings, relating to the 
 colonies, that he could obtain. Mr. Lee had watched their 
 progress with a cautious vigilance, partaking in some de 
 gree of jealousy, from the time of his return from his 
 school. His suspicion, which was awakened in his youth, 
 was continually on the alert to detect the designs of the 
 ministry upon his native land ; always anticipating such a 
 design, when their measures assumed the most plausible and 
 conciliating aspect. Hence, when the law repealing the 
 " Stamp act" arrived, and furnished such universal congratu 
 lation throughout the colonies, the pleasure he derived from that 
 source, was diminished by the clause which accompanied it, 
 declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies. His 
 knowledge of the British constitution was too clear and cor 
 rect, to suffer him to assent to that principle ; and his love 
 of his native country, and his attachment to civil liberty and 
 the principles of republicanism, too ardent and unbending, to 
 admit of his assenting to such a claim, by parliament, or any 
 
276 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 other power, in which his country was not duly represented. 
 Doctor Lee being on the ground, and associating with lead> 
 ing men of all parties, in parliament and out of it, was fur 
 nished with the best means for obtaining information ; and 
 his love of freedom, and of his own country, induced him to 
 watch the course of the British cabinet, that he might be able 
 to communicate early and correct information to his brother, 
 of what might be expected, for the benefit of his countrymen. 
 The correctness of his opinions may be estimated by those 
 communications. The facts and opinions thus conveyed to 
 Richard Henry Lee, left no room for doubt on his mind, as 
 to the proper course to be pursued by the colonies, if they 
 did not intend to submit to a state of bondage to Great Bri 
 tain, and patiently wear the chains which the English cabinet 
 was forging to secure their obedience. He, therefore, feel 
 ing determined on resistance himself, at all hazards, was 
 abundant in labors and efforts, to enlighten his countrymen 
 on their condition, and future prospects ; and to prepare their 
 minds, and rouse their patriotic love of liberty, to meet the 
 shock, whenever the gathering storm might burst upon them. 
 To effect this important object, he exerted himself in every 
 way he could devise. As a member of the house of bur 
 gesses in Virginia, he brought the claim of parliament to bind 
 the colonies Sefore that body, in resolutions, in which he 
 expressed his sentiments of opposition in strong and explicit 
 terms, such as some denominated the ebullitions of sedition, 
 and disloyal madness. He also corresponded with influential 
 gentlemen in other colonies, published his sentiments in news 
 papers, and conversed with his fellow citizens, as opportuni 
 ties presented. Thus it was, that while many were contem 
 plating the independence of the colonies as a future and 
 contingent event, and began cautiously to speak of it as pos 
 sible, a few months only before the measure was irrevocably 
 decided by congress, Richard Henry Lee had long had his 
 mind prepared, and his judgment as freely decided, as at the 
 time when he introduced the resolution for the consideration 
 of congress in June, 1776. 
 
 He early saw the importance of adopting measures, to di 
 minish the commercial intercourse with Great Britain, by 
 abstaining from the use of every luxury and superfluity 
 which had been customarily imported from thence by the colo 
 nial merchants, and by exertions to procure all the necessa 
 ries of life from the productions of domestic labor. This sys 
 tem he began to practise himself, and urged upon the citizens 
 
VIRGINIA. 277 
 
 of his county, a considerable time before the party opposed to 
 royalty in Virginia had become united, or resolute enough 
 to meet in a private house, and recommend such a measure 
 to their fellow citizens. With a view to convince the people 
 of England that the American colonies could, and if urged 
 to do it, would live independently of that nation, he had manu 
 factured wine from the native grape of the country ; speci 
 mens of which he sent in bottles, to several of his friends in 
 Great Britain, " to testify his respect and gratitude for those 
 who had shown a particular kindness to Americans." This 
 wine, he assured them, was the produce of his own hills ; 
 and he gave orders to his merchant in London, who had fur 
 nished his supplies heretofore, not to send him any articles 
 on which parliament had imposed a duty to be paid by Ame 
 ricans. This he did prior to any non-importation agreement 
 in any part of the country ; and probably, at a time when no 
 other individual even thought of such a measure. 
 
 No proceeding of parliament, which had a bearing unfa 
 vorable to the liberties of his country, escaped his notice. 
 No event took place in the colonies, of importance to their 
 interests, of which he could avail himself for extending his 
 correspondence, and impressing his own views and sentiments 
 on the minds of others, which he did not improve. The 
 burning of the British schooner Gaspee, in Narragansett Bay, 
 about this period, was an event which he improved, for opening 
 a correspondence with that influential and resolute patriot, 
 Samuel Adams, of Boston. While others were speculating 
 on the consequences of the occurrence, and looking with me 
 lancholy forebodings to what might result from the repre 
 sentations made by the court of inquiry, Mr. Lee sought for 
 correct information of the facts relating to that bold and da 
 ring enterprise. 
 
 On hearing from his brother in London, of the " Boston 
 port bill," Mr. Lee immediately drew up resolutions to offer 
 to the consideration of the house of burgesses, which evinced 
 a spirit of bold determination, that excited the resentment of 
 the royal governor to such a degree, that he immediately dis 
 solved the house, before he had an opportunity to offer them. 
 This step of regal power produced good to the cause which 
 Mr. Lee espoused, and contributed to strengthen his hands, 
 by concentrating his friends, and awakening them to the ne 
 cessity of united, resolute, and vigorous effort. Notwithstand 
 ing the dissolution of the house by the governor, the patriotic 
 members assembled voluntarily, before whom he laid his reso 
 
 24 
 
278 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 lutions ; one of which recommended the calling a general con 
 gress. This, however, was too strong a measure for the 
 .feelings of a majority. They thought Mr. Lee rash, and 
 precipitate ; and they chose to soften it down many degrees 
 of temperature. Although they ultimately came to the 
 ground where he then stood, yet he ; and a few others who 
 acted with him, were at that time, far in advance of the pa 
 triotism of Virginia. They adjourned to meet again at a fu 
 ture day. That day was the first of August, 1774. The 
 controversy between the governor and his adherents on the 
 one side, and the patriotic friends of the people on the other, 
 was becoming more open and spirited. To prevent the meet 
 ing by adjournment of the delegates of the people, on the first 
 of August, the governor issued his writs for a choice of re 
 presentatives, to meet on the eleventh of the same month. But 
 his plan did not succeed. At the call of the people, without 
 consulting the pleasure of the governor, many of the most dis 
 tinguished men in the colony came together on the day of ad 
 journment, to compose the first assembly of the people of 
 Virginia, that ever met on that authority alone. The die was 
 now cast, and the cause which he had been so long contend 
 ing for, was now won. The spirit of the people was roused, 
 and their tardy time-serving representatives, who had been 
 vacillating .so long, were replaced by others of a less timid 
 disposition, and whose spirit and fortitude were more in uni 
 son with those of their constituents. 
 
 At this meeting Mr. Lee introduced his favorite plan of 
 choosing delegates to meet with those from other provinces, 
 in a general congress, to consult on measures for the public 
 good ; measures in which all the people were deeply, and vi 
 tally interested. Here success crowned his long and arduous 
 efforts, to rouse and call forth the energy and spirit of Vir 
 ginia, and prepare them to breast the storm he had long seen 
 gathering, and which there was too much reason to apprehend 
 would burst upon them, while they were slumbering in a care 
 less security. The representatives of the people in that as 
 sembly did awake. The result was that Richard Henry Lee, 
 Patrick Henry, and George Washington, were elected to meet 
 the delegates chosen by the other colonies, in a general con 
 gress in Philadelphia, on the fifth day of September of that 
 year. When the day arrived, it found him and his colleagues 
 : the floor, actuated by all that noble and elevated love of 
 country and civil liberty, and impelled by all that zealous and 
 
VIRGINIA. 279 
 
 untiring patriotism, which shone forth with such lustre du 
 ring their future lives. 
 
 The meeting of the first congress presented a scene, unpre 
 cedented in the annals of this or any other country. It was 
 new, interesting, and solemn, beyond expression. The conse 
 quences which might result from it were momentous, to a de 
 gree which the human mind cannot easily comprehend. The 
 responsibility was weighty enough to bear down the firmest 
 and most resolute. The eyes of three millions of people 
 were intently fixed on them. The consequences of their 
 determinations would vitally affect posterity to the end of 
 time ; and an uncertainty as to each others views, pervaded 
 the whole assembly. 
 
 The seals were successively broken, and the instructions 
 of the several delegations disclosed. When the last seal was 
 broken by Mr. Henry, a universal silence pervaded the house, 
 anxiety was visible in every countenance, and a half sup 
 pressed quiver agitated every lip. At this moment Richard 
 Henry Lee arose, and broke the portentous silence. He 
 saw, as by intuition, that the feeling, and the crisis, were such 
 as might be turned to good, or to evil, according as they 
 might be improved at the instant. He addressed the assembly 
 with a voice so melodious, a language so persuasive, and sen 
 timents so enlarged and just, as soothed, though they did not 
 suppress the emotions of the meeting ; and when with the most 
 pleasing and convincing eloquence, he declared that there 
 was but one hope for the country, and that was in the vigor 
 of her resistance. Every heart beat in unison with the senti 
 ment, and was prepared to enter on the system which shoultf 
 render resistance effectual. Then was achieved a triumph, 
 which began immediately to be felt through the American 
 colonies. 
 
 In this congress, Mr. Lee was placed on all the most, im 
 portant committees, and associated with the most distinguished 
 delegates from the other colonies. It cannot be necessary to 
 mention them in detail. It was here that the extent and va 
 riety of his information, were manifested in his extensive in 
 fluence and usefulness. His counsel and advice, were sought 
 for by members of committees with which he was not con 
 nected, respecting their reports, more than those of any other 
 member of the house. When the first congress adjourned 
 in the twenty-sixth day of October, 1774, the part which 
 Mr. Lee had acted in that body, during its session ; the intel 
 ligence he had displayed ; the spirit he had manifested ; his ac- 
 
280 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 tivity in business ; the straight forward course he pursued ; his 
 devoted patriotism, strict, honor, and unyielding fidelity ; his 
 elegance of manners, and his persuasive eloquence ; left an 
 impression on the public mind respecting his character, most 
 honorable to his talents, and truly grateful to his feelings. It 
 was an impression which any man might desire to make, but 
 which few were able to secure. 
 
 Immediately on the return of the delegates from congress 
 to their homes, Mr. Lee and Mr. Henry <were elected to the 
 legislature of Virginia. Mr. Lee had the unanimous vote of 
 his fellow citizens of the county of Westmoreland. In that 
 assembly their united influence had become paramount ; and 
 almost any measure which they advocated, the members were 
 almost prepared to carry by acclamation. Mr. Henry intro 
 duced a resolution for arming the militia of the colony. At 
 first it met with opposition. But by the influence of their 
 united eloquence, the assembly became impatient of delay, 
 and the measure was adopted with eagerness ; and their three 
 delegates to congress, with some others, were appointed a 
 committee to carry it into effect. 
 
 Notwithstanding all the hostile events which had taken 
 place on the part of Great Britain towards the colonies, there 
 were not a few timid people, who still cherished a hope that 
 a reconciliation with the mother country would be effected, 
 and peace preserved. This undoubtedly, was thought desi 
 rable by a large proportion of the people, could it be accom 
 plished on just, and safe principles. Many had long since 
 relinquished all hope respecting it; and were firmly persuaded 
 that the only alternative remaining for them to decide was 
 resistance, or absolute submission. About the time when the 
 second congress convened, all expectation of the restoration 
 of harmony and continued peace, had departed from the most 
 fastidious advocates for forbearance. Timidity, under the 
 influence of a conviction that war was inevitable, now gave 
 place to a determined spirit of resistance ; and vigorous prepa 
 rations to meet the exigency were desired by all, except the 
 adherents to the royal cause. 
 
 Mr. Lee and his former colleagues were delegated to the 
 second congress, by which Washington was appointed com 
 mander in chief of the American armies ; and his commission 
 and instructions were drawn up by Richard Henry Lee. He 
 was appointed to provide munitions of war, to promote by 
 judicious encouragement the manufacture of arms, and salt 
 petre, for the manufacture of gunpowder, of both which the 
 
VIRGINIA. 281 
 
 country was very destitute ; and to devise a plan for a rapid 
 communication of intelligence with all parts of the country, 
 indispensable in a time of war. In these important duties 
 he was not alone ; but congress, discovering his superior fit 
 ness for the purpose availed itself of his distinguished talents 
 and information, for maturing plans, and urging forward their 
 execution, in connection with others ; and in performing the 
 duties assigned him, his labors were as abundant, as they 
 were important. 
 
 The second address of congress to the people of Great 
 Britain, was from the pen of Mr. Lee ; and its beauty, force, 
 and elegance, had its full share of influence in calling forth 
 the well known eulogy of the great Earl of Chatham, which 
 he pronounced in the British parliament, on the character of 
 the American congress, displayed in their state papers. A 
 eulogy honorable alike to the great man who pronounced, and 
 the great men who were the subjects of it. 
 
 The royal governor of Virginia had summoned a general 
 assembly of the burgesses of that colony, to consider of the 
 conciliatory propositions of Lord North, by which he hoped 
 to deceive, and divide the people of America. A recess in 
 congress occurred just in season for Mr. Lee to be present, 
 w 7 hen they came up for discussion. He was amply prepared 
 to expose their artful sophistry, and by tearing off the mask, 
 to expose their insidiousness in all its deformity, to the clear 
 apprehension of the people. 
 
 After the lapse of a short recess, which furnished Mr. Lee 
 with no relaxation from his arduous duties, he returned to 
 meet congress, which assembled again on the thirteenth of 
 September, 1775. Here his time, talents, and attention 
 were incessantly employed in all the most important measures 
 which devolved on that assembly. The blood of Americans 
 had been shed by the British soldiers at Lexington, in Massa 
 chusetts, and the cry for vengeance which was sounded aloud 
 from the North and the East ; rolled forward in every direc 
 tion, and was echoed and responded from the South and West, 
 in terms which portended the desperate determination of the 
 injured, to visit, their invaders with a full measure of merited 
 retribution. 
 
 Even the sluggish patriotism of Georgia, which Lyman 
 Hall and a few others, had been trying in vain to arouse to 
 serious alarm, by this intelligence was kindled, and it showed 
 itself for the first time in the attitude of resistance, and eager 
 for retaliation. 
 
 24* 
 
282 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 The time was fast approaching, when it would become not 
 only expedient, but indispensable for congress to take a deci 
 ded step, and boldly bid defiance to the enemy, in this unna 
 tural conflict. Hitherto the nations of Europe, could only 
 look on the struggling colonies with feelings of sympathy and 
 commiseration. However well disposed they might be to 
 assist them, they would be restrained from treating, and ne 
 gotiating alliances with colonies in rebellion against their 
 legitimate sovereign. To obviate these impediments in the 
 way of obtaining foreign aid, it was absolutely necessary that 
 congress should renounce the allegiance of the colonies to the 
 jnnatural parent, and declare themselves free. Thus step 
 ping forth in the character of an independent nation, they 
 might look to other nations for the aid which they so much 
 aeeded in this time of their extremity. 
 
 The necessity for taking this decisive step, was perceived 
 tnd felt, and widely extended through the country. The 
 legislature of Virginia instructed their delegates in congress, 
 to urge that body to adopt it without unnecessary delay. Con 
 gress felt fully impressed with its indispensable necessity ; 
 and Richard Henry Lee was designated to move the resolu 
 tion. Fully aware of what might be the consequences to 
 himself, if the issue of the contest proved unsuccessful to the 
 colonies, relying on the justice of the cause he had espoused, 
 and appealing to Him who is the great and righteous arbiter 
 between nations, he put his life into his hand, and on the 
 seventh day of June, 1776, introduced a resolution, declaring 
 " That these united colonies are., and of right ought to be, free 
 and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegi 
 ance to the British crown ; and that all political connection 
 between them, and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to 
 .be totally dissolved." 
 
 On the day when this resolution was postponed till the 
 first Monday in July, an express reached Philadelphia from 
 Mr. Lee s family, announcing that the sickness of some of its 
 members rendered his return to them necessary. He imme 
 diately obtained leave to retire from his congressional labors 
 for a season, and returned to Virginia, to attend to the duties 
 which the condition of his family demanded. This providen 
 tial call from the theatre of his public service, furnishes the 
 reason why the draught of the Declaration of Independence 
 was not, according to the established usage at that time, from 
 the pen of the original mover of the resolution. Mr. Lee 
 was necessarily absent, and unable to prepare the document 
 
VIRGINIA. 283 
 
 Hence congress appointed a committee for the purpose, of 
 which Mr. Jefferson was chairman. Thus it became his duty 
 to present the original ; which after some alterations, was 
 approved by congress, and adopted on the fourth of July, 
 1776. 
 
 In consequence of Mr. Lee s great and persevering exer 
 tions to procure the independence of his country, and to pro 
 mote an effectual resistance to the oppressions of the king 
 and his ministers, he became peculiarly an object of their en 
 mity ; and great efforts were made to obtain possession of his 
 person. In two instances he very narrowly escaped their 
 grasp ; in both of which he was in imminent danger of cap 
 tivity. In one instance, his preservation was owing to the 
 fidelity of his slaves ; and in the other, to his own dexterity 
 and presence of mind. 
 
 He resumed his seat in congress on the beginning of Au 
 gust, after an absence of several weeks, and having signed 
 the Declaration of Independence, immediately entered upon 
 his active and arduous duties in that assembly. These he 
 continued stedfastly, and with his accustomed fidelity and 
 talent to perform, until June, 1777. It is rational to believe, 
 that exertions so numerous, sacrifices so great, and services 
 so important, and long continued, and all consistent with his 
 uniform declarations in behalf, and for the benefit of his coun 
 try, might have secured him against the slanderous charge 
 of toryism. Bui such was not the case ; the accusation was 
 founded upon the fact, that at a certain period he received his 
 rents in produce, instead of the depreciated colonial money. 
 Circumstances induced him to request an investigation of his 
 conduct ; the result of which was, as might have been anticipa 
 ted, highly gratifying to his feelings. The house of assembly, 
 after hearing the report of the investigating board, passed the 
 following resolution ; and directed their speaker, who was 
 George Wythe, to communicate it to Mr. Lee, which he did 
 in the presence of the senate and house of assembly, after 
 having prefaced it with a short, but elegant complimentary 
 address : " That the thanks of this house be given by the 
 speaker, to Richard Henry Lee, Esq. for the faithful services 
 he has rendered his country, in discharge of his duty, as one 
 of the delegates from this state in general congress." 
 
 The assembly immediately appointed Mr. Lee to supply 
 a vacancy in congress. Again he repaired to his station, 
 and manifested his usual talent and devotion to his country s 
 welfare. The multitude and variety of his labors, together 
 
 13 
 
284 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 with his anxiety for the national welfare and prosperity 
 preyed on his health, which was perceived to decline daily 
 Consequently, he was constrained, at intervals, to withdraw 
 from burdens, which he found himself unable longer to sus 
 tain, without occasional relaxation. Thus he was absent from 
 his seat several times, during the sessions of 1778 and 1779. 
 
 To ascertain and correctly estimate the real character of a 
 professed patriot, it may be well to examine his conduct on 
 occasions, when local feelings and sinister interests, affecting 
 himself and his immediate constituents, are to come into com 
 petition with those of the whole community, and may be ex 
 pected to sway his decisions, in favor of those which most 
 immediately affect himself and his friends. A case of this 
 nature is presented in the congressional debates, respecting 
 the instructions which should be given to our ministers, who 
 might hereafter be required to negotiate the treaty of peace ; 
 and determine the conditions on which it should be settled. 
 Respecting what should be required as an ultimatum, Mr. Lee 
 generally recorded his vote in opposition to all his immediate 
 colleagues, and many other southern delegates. He uniformly 
 insisted on a right to the fisheries, and a free navigation of 
 the Mississippi River ; while his colleagues seem to have been 
 \villing, if their own peculiar interests were once secured, to 
 relinquish, or at least not earnestly to contend for, these two 
 great interests of the East and West. This fact may furnish a 
 political thermometer, by which to measure comparatively 
 the expansiveness and elevation of their respective views. 
 No sectional feelings, nor narrow local interests, could sway 
 his mind from the path of true patriotism, nor induce him to 
 regard the interests of his own vicinity with any partiality or 
 favor, which he would withhold from those of the most remote 
 settlements in his country. His sentiments were of the most 
 liberal and elevated character. 
 
 At the period when the enemy were turning their forces 
 more immediately to the southern states, Mr. Lee s attention 
 was directed to the defence of his native state. As lieu 
 tenant of the county of Westmoreland, the command of the 
 militia of that county devolved on him ; and he, by taking 
 the field, and by a judicious application of the means com 
 mitted to his direction for the defence of that region, saved 
 the inhabitants from much suffering, and from the severe losses 
 which they must otherwise have sustained. 
 
 He declined a seat in congress during the three last years 
 
VIRGINIA. 285 
 
 of the war of the revolution, believing that his services would 
 be more important in his own state. 
 
 The time having arrived which saw the struggle of the 
 American states for independence triumphant ; and Mr. 
 Lee having been gratified by seeing the leading principles 
 for which he had uniformly contended, recognized in the 
 treaty of peace ; he again accepted an appointment to a seat 
 in the general congress ; and once more appeared in that body 
 in November, 1784. By the unanimous choice of that assem 
 bly, he was appointed their president ; the duties of which 
 office he discharged with the talent, industry, faithfulness, and 
 dignity, which had marked the whole course of his public life ; 
 and at length he closed his career by receiving " the thanks 
 of congress for his able and faithful discharge of the duties 
 of president, while acting in that station." It was an honora 
 ble testimony to his worth, as truly merited and as justly 
 bestowed, as perhaps was ever done on any similar occasion. 
 
 He was not a member of the convention of "Virginia to 
 which the federal constitution was submitted, and by which 
 it was finally adopted ; but he was opposed to its adoption 
 without amendments. In this respect, he was far from being 
 singular. But his opposition was grounded on honest prin 
 ciples, and was open to conviction. He was too upright 
 and conscientious a man to cavil for the sake of fault-finding, 
 or for affecting to appear wiser than others. He had no 
 other end in view in opposing its adoption, than the good 
 of his country; and if he had believed he could not vindi 
 cate his opposition by reason and sound argument, he would 
 have frankly relinquished it. These were the only weapons 
 which he would use himself, or justify others in wielding, in 
 the support of such a cause. Whether his views were or 
 were not correct, his object was worthy, and his patriotism 
 pure, elevated, and inflexible. 
 
 He was appointed the first senator of Virginia under the 
 new constitution, and proposed several amendments to it, 
 which, having been adopted, his fears and apprehensions of 
 the dangers he had pointed out were allayed. He retained 
 the office, until increasing age and infirmities admonished 
 him to withdraw from public life, to the repose of domestic 
 retirement, that he might participate in the endearments of 
 the family circle, and abstracted from all other cares, but 
 that of ripening and preparing for the close of a long and 
 useful life. 
 
 In his retirement, he received another vote of thanks from 
 
286 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 
 
 the senate of Virginia as an honorable testimonial of their 
 views of his merit, couched in happy language, and sincerely 
 expressive of their high estimation of the important services 
 he had rendered to the country, and respect for his truly ex- 
 cellent character. 
 
 The following quotation from Sanderson s Biography, is 
 too beautiful, and too just, not to merit an insertion in this 
 history : 
 
 " The preceding sketch may give some idea of the public 
 services of Mr. Lee, but who can depict him in that sphere 
 of which he was the centre ? giving light and happiness to all 
 around him ; possessing all the enjoyment which springs from 
 virtue, unblemished fame, blooming honors, ardent friend 
 ship, eloquence of taste, and a highly cultivated mind. His 
 hospitable door was open to all ; the poor and the distressed 
 frequented it for relief and consolation ; the young, for in- 
 struction ; the old, for happiness ; while a numerous family 
 of children, the offspring of two marriages, clustered around, 
 and clung to each other, in fond affection ; imbibing the wis 
 dom of their father, while they were animated and delighted, 
 by the amiable serenity and captivating graces of his con 
 versation. The necessities of his country occasioned fre 
 quent absences ; but every return to his home was celebrated 
 by the people, as a festival ; for he was their physician, their 
 counsellor, and the arbiter of their differences ; the medi 
 cines which he imported, were carefully and judiciously dis 
 pensed ; and the equity ol his decisions was never contro 
 verted by a court of law." 
 
 And, to give a finishing polish to this beautiful portrait of 
 this estimable man, it may be added, that he was a professed 
 believer in the Christian religion; and this avowal of his 
 faith was made amid the accumulated honors of the world, 
 which were lavishly bestowed on him, with sincere good 
 will, and in the full unclouded exercise of his vigorous mind. 
 
 This highly honored and distinguished man, and eminent 
 benefactor of his country, closed his useful life, at Chantilly, 
 in the county of Westmoreland, in Virginia, on the nineteenth 
 day of June, 1794, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. 
 
VIRGINIA. 2S7 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON was born in Shadwell, in Albemane 
 county, Virginia, on the second day of April, 1743, old stile. 
 
 But little is known of his early years ; and of that little, 
 nothing that presents any striking indications of his future 
 distinction. Instead of following the fashion, at that time 
 prevalent in the southern colonies, of resorting to England 
 for an elementary and professional education, to which many 
 of his contemporaries conformed, he entered as a student in 
 William and Mary College, in his native province ; and, on 
 leaving that seminary, he became a student of law in the 
 office, and under the instruction of George Wythe, Esq., be 
 tween whom and his pupil, a mutual attachment continued 
 until the death of the preceptor. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson s first appearance as a practising lawyer at 
 the bar, was in the year 1786. His first essay was flattering, 
 and his success considerable. Indeed, with the influence of 
 Mr. Wythe in his favor, talents more than commonly promis 
 ing, and in possession of an ample fortune, it could hardly be 
 otherwise. During the short term of his attendance on the 
 courts, he reported a volume of cases decided in the supreme 
 court of Virginia, which was published. 
 
 The exhibition which he gave of his talents, was such, that 
 in 1769, he was called to a station in the legislative assembly 
 of Virginia. There he became associated with men of kin- 
 dred feelings, relative to the great political subjects that were 
 even then beginning to excite the suspicion of the American 
 colonies, and which led on to the revolution. With those 
 distinguished men he acted through the stormy period that 
 ensued, and appeared among them, with their full approba 
 tion, as one of the tnost distinguished actors, for a long suc 
 cession of years. At an early period he fixed his attention 
 on the measures of the British parliament, and was among 
 the first to discern their tendency, and the design, for the 
 attainment of which they were put in operation. He was 
 satisfied what would be their ultimate effect on the people of 
 the colonies, if unresisted. 
 
 From the time when his fellow citizens elected him to a 
 seat in the provincial legislature, a higher destiny than foren 
 sic discussions awaited him ; and the pathway to its attain 
 ment was soon thrown open to him. 
 
288 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 Those who recollect as far back as a few years previous 
 to the commencement of the revolutionary war, will also re- 
 member the agitated feelings which pervaded the colonies, 
 and the early measures which were then concerted, by means 
 of which a general understanding of views and sentiments was 
 obtained. Among them, and one of the most efficient and 
 important, were the committees of correspondence. The 
 first established in Virginia was in 1773, of which Mr. Jeffer 
 son was a member. 
 
 In the next year he continued to hold a seat in the legisla 
 tive assembly. It was then that he wrote, and published a 
 pamphlet entitled, "A summary view of the rights of British 
 America." This pamphlet he addressed to the king, as the 
 chief officer of the people. The sentiments he advanced 
 were bold, and couched in strong and decisive language. It 
 gave great umbrage to the royal governor Lord Dunmore, 
 who threatened the author with a prosecution for high trea 
 son. But he was firmly sustained by his associates, whose 
 sentiments coincided with his own. Lord Dunmore was so 
 incensed by the publication, which Mr. Jefferson boldly ac 
 knowledged was from his pen, that he immediately dissolved 
 the house of burgesses. But that step resulted in their as 
 sembling in their private capacity, drawing up and signing a 
 spirited remonstrance against his arbitrary proceeding, and 
 alleging that by pursuing this unjust course, the governor had 
 left them possessed of no other means of acquainting their 
 countrymen, with what they considered the best course of 
 measures to adopt for securing their rights and liberty. This 
 remonstrance produced a powerful effect on the community ; 
 and was, though only an unofficial recommendation of mea 
 sures, held as sacred as a law among the people. For the 
 course which it recommended, was readily approved and 
 adopted by them, and was soon put in operation. 
 
 The attempt for effecting a reconciliation between the go 
 vernment in England, and the colonies, which was made in 
 that country by both the friends and enemies of the disaf 
 fected colonies, in 1775, utterly failed, although favored by 
 Lord Chatham, in the house of peers ; and by Mr. Burke, in 
 the commons ; and left not a shadow of hope to the provinces 
 of having their grievances removed, or their condition meliora 
 ted. There was indeed, a proposition made by the ministry 
 of an illusive character, carrying some plausibility on its 
 face, which it was probably hoped would divide the colonists, 
 weaken their union, and alter their determination. It con- 
 
VIRGINIA. 289 
 
 tained a stipulation, that so long as the colonial legislatures 
 would consent to contribute their due proportion of expense 
 for the support of the civil government, and the common de 
 fence of the empire, parliament would agree not to impose 
 any tax upon them ; but still it should have the sole power to 
 dispose of the amount thus raised in the colonies. 
 
 In the month of June, 1775, Lord Dunmore presented this 
 peace-offering to the legislature, and it was referred to a com- 
 mittee of that body, of whom Mr. Jefferson was one. On 
 him devolved the duty of drawing up a reply. This task he 
 performed with great force of argument, and in a manner 
 deemed by the body who employed him, entirely unan 
 swerable. 
 
 In March, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was elected, for the first 
 time, a delegate to represent Virginia in the general congress, 
 in Philadelphia. 
 
 On the twenty-first day of June in that year, he appeared 
 for the first time, and took his seat in that body. He soon be 
 came distinguished, even among the men of talents, who 
 were collected in that memorable assembly. Although com 
 paratively young, and a new member, he was early put on a 
 committee which was appointed to draw up a declaration of 
 the causes, and the necessity, for the colonies to take up arms 
 against the parent government. The importance of the man 
 ner in which the duty devolving on this committee was per 
 formed, cannot easily be realized by those of the existing ge 
 neration. To do this correctly and fully, it would be neces 
 sary to go back more than half a century, be placed in their 
 situation, and have a thorough knowledge of all the embar 
 rassments with which they were surrounded. The impor 
 tance of it, connected with the time and the situation of the 
 provinces, was great ; and perhaps no similar effort was ever 
 made with more success. 
 
 In August, 1775, another election was held for delegates 
 to the third congress, and Mr. Jefferson was again appointed. 
 During this session, it appears by the records of congress, 
 he principally devoted his time and labors to subjects of ge 
 neral policy, and to an investigation of important documents, 
 for which he was remarkably well qualified. 
 
 Hitherto, neither the people nor congress had relinquished 
 all hope of a reconciliation ; and a restoration of the former 
 harmony that had long subsisted between the parent country 
 and the colonies. 
 
 25 
 
290 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 The subject of declaring the American colonies indepen 
 dent, was therefore no longer problematical, with many lead- 
 ing men in all the colonies. They saw, and felt, that the 
 struggle which had been forced on them by Great Britain, 
 could not be maintained without foreign aid ; and that this 
 could not be procured while they continued colonies, without 
 renouncing their allegiance ; as no foreign government would 
 negotiate with colonies in a state of revolt, which had not 
 publicly renounced their connection with the parent govern 
 ment. Several of the colonial governments had declared in 
 favor of it, in their public acts ; and Virginia, particularly in 
 the spring of 1776, had passed a resolution in favor of an im 
 mediate Declaration of Independence. But it was delayed 
 in congress until June, when on the seventh of that month, 
 Richard Henry Lee, a prominent delegate from Virginia, was 
 selected to bring the subject formally before congress. He 
 followed up his resolution with one of the most eloquent 
 speeches ever delivered in the old congress, on any occa 
 sion. But sickness in his family rendering his return to 
 them indispensable, at the time when the committee for pre- 
 oaring a declaration was appointed, Mr. Jefferson was made 
 chairman ; and hence the duty of drawing the Declaration 
 of American Independence devolved on him. 
 
 His colleagues on the committee having been mentioned 
 in this work, it would be superfluous to repeat their names. 
 The duty was one of much difficulty. With what talent 
 and success it was performed, is well known. 
 
 After spending the summer of 1776 in congress, he was 
 under the necessity of returning to Virginia. While he was 
 absent, on this domestic excursion, a commission to the court 
 of France was appointed, consisting of Doctor Franklin, Mr. 
 Silas Deane, and Mr. Jefferson, for negotiating treaties of 
 alliance and commerce with that government. But several 
 important reasons rendered it inexpedient for Mr. Jefferson 
 to leave home at that time ; and he declined accepting the 
 appointment. He continued in Virginia during the revolu 
 tionary war, devoting his services principally to the concerns 
 of his native state. He received a third election to congress, 
 but resigned his seat, and was succeeded by Mr. Benjamin 
 Harrison. 
 
 From the beginning of the year 1777, to the middle of 
 1779, he was actively engaged on a committee appointed by 
 the Virginia legislature, for effectually revising the laws of 
 the state, and adapting them to their new political situation 
 
VIRGINIA. 291 
 
 This was a labor of much difficulty, and lequired intense 
 application, and extensive research. 
 
 To his agency, Virginia is indebted for several of the most 
 important statutes in her code. 
 
 After the surrender of General Burgoyne, congress re- 
 solved not to suffer the prisoners to leave the United States, 
 until it was ascertained that the convention entered into by 
 him with General Gates, was ratified by the British govern, 
 ment. They were therefore divided, and sent to different 
 states, to be provided for during the necessary time for as 
 certaining this fact. Some were stationed in Virginia, where 
 Mr. Jefferson took great pains to moderate the sufferings of 
 the prisoners, and meliorate their condition, so as to render 
 it as comfortable as possible. 
 
 In June, 1779, Mr. Jefferson succeeded Mr. Henry, as 
 governor of Virginia. Mr. Henry was the first chief magis 
 trate chosen since independence had been declared. His 
 term had expired, and Mr. Jefferson was his successor. 
 
 The period of his administration of the state government 
 it must be acknowledged, was one of uncommon trial, diffi 
 culty, and danger. Hitherto the seat of the war had been 
 remote from Virginia. But in 1780, it was threatened 
 with invasion from the South. Colonel Tarleton, a bold and 
 active partizan officer, whose conduct had rendered his ap 
 proach an object of dread, wherever he was known, had 
 already appeared on its southern borders. Lord Cornwallis 
 was close behind him with the main army under his command. 
 Virginia was but indifferently prepared for a successful de 
 fence against such a force. But, in addition to this, it was 
 suddenly and in an unlocked for manner, assailed in another 
 quarter. Arnold had undertaken an expedition from New 
 York against Virginia ; and having embarked about sixteen 
 hundred men, accompanied by several vessels of war, he 
 sailed for James River, and landed about fifteen miles below 
 Richmond. The militia of the state, all that could be sup 
 plied with arms, had been marched to another station, where 
 their services were demanded, before Arnold s approach. 
 The capitol was without defence, and Governor Jefferson 
 was destitute of the means of providing for it. His situatipn 
 was extremely trying ; and he appears to have done all that 
 was possible to do in his situation. 
 
 During Arnold s invasion of Virginia, notwithstanding his 
 destitution of the requisite means for defending the state 
 against hostile incursions, which greatly embarrassed Gover- 
 
292 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 nor Jefferson, he laid a plan for taking the traitor a cap- 
 tive ; which plan appears to have been well conceived, but 
 which was frustrated by Arnold s extreme caution, as to suf 
 fering persons of all descriptions, English and Americans, to 
 approach him. His conscious guilt made him keep aloof 
 from every exposure to danger. 
 
 The difficulties which he had to encounter at that period 
 were great. The legislature had been compelled to adjourn 
 suddenly, by Tarleton s approach. They were to meet on 
 the twenty.fourth of May, in Charlottesville. They fled 
 hastily to avoid being surprised, and were scattered. The 
 state was wholly without resources ; and the whole duty of 
 the government devolved on him individually. All the men 
 who had arms, or for whom it was possible to procure them, 
 had been called to a distance remote from the capital. 
 
 Soon after the legislative assembly convened in Charlottes, 
 ville, which was not until the twenty-eighth of May, (four 
 days after the time of their adjournment) Mr. Jefferson s 
 term of office expired, and he retired to private life. Mon- 
 ticello is a short distance only from Cbarlottesville. Tarle- 
 ton made a sudden push to capture that body ; but fortunately 
 it failed. He despatched some men to Monticello, to seize 
 the governor. Intelligence of this was given him. He or 
 dered a carriage to be prepared for his family, who took 
 .heir breakfast, and then drove away to their place of retreat. 
 He remained to arrange some things necessarily requiring 
 his personal attention. Information was given him that a 
 squadron was ascending the hill, but a short distance from his 
 dwelling. He then mounted his horse, took a direction through 
 the woods, and joined his family at the place appointed, which 
 was the house of a friend, where they dined together. 
 
 About the close of the year 1782, Mr. Jefferson was ap 
 pointed a minister plenipotentiary, to unite with those then 
 in Europe, in negotiating a treaty of peace. He reached 
 Philadelphia in December, intending to embark in a French 
 frigate, then lying at Baltimore, as soon as the ice would 
 permit her to sail. But before that time arrived, intelligence 
 was received that the preliminary treaty between the United 
 States and Great Britain had been signed; and that particular 
 occasion for his services having passed, congress dispensed 
 with his going to Europe at that time. 
 
 After an absence from congress of several years, during 
 which his attention was actively directed to objects of gene 
 ral interest, and also more appropriately to the concerns of 
 
VIRGINIA. 293 
 
 his native state, Mr. Jefferson was, in June, 1783, again 
 elected a member of congress. But his attendance was 
 deferred until the November following. 
 
 The cessation of hostilities, and establishment of peace 
 between the United States and Great Britain, had placed this 
 country in new circumstances, presenting subjects for discus 
 sion and arrangement, of the first importance before congress. 
 Mr. Jefferson s acknowledged qualifications for taking an 
 influential station, and being extensively useful at that time, 
 when the domestic concerns of the country, and its foreign 
 relations, were all to be revised, adjusted, and settled, imme- 
 diately called him to act a very prominent part in those great 
 transactions. The definitive treaty of peace between Great 
 Britain and the United States, having been signed in Paris, 
 and a copy of it transmitted to congress, it was referred to 
 a committee, of which he was chairman. It was ratified on 
 the 14th of January, in conformity to their report. In March, 
 1784, he was appointed chairman of a committee for revis 
 ing the treasury department. This was a subject of much dif 
 ficulty. Indeed, the experience of a very few years showed 
 that the country was in no condition for settling this an 
 many other important national concerns, on such a foun 
 dation. as would ensure the peace and prosperity of the 
 country. The confederation, which had been eminently 
 useful in keeping the states united, while they were in a state 
 of wa-r, was found utterly inadequate for them in a time of 
 peace. It was therefore found necessary to begin anew, 
 and form a new constitution of government, in which a firm 
 basis should be laid for arranging and organizing all the reat 
 principles of a republic, consisting of many separate commu 
 nities, and yet confederated in one sovereignty, in which the 
 several parts had interests in common, that required to be 
 managed by an united government, at the same time that 
 each should control and regulate those which appertained to 
 itself, as an independent state. The necessity for this be 
 came more and more realized every year, until it produced 
 the call of a convention, for the purpose of framing an entirely 
 new constitution of government. This was effected ; and the 
 happy consequences of it we now enjoy. 
 
 From an early period, Mr. Jefferson had been opposed 
 to the traffic in slaves. He introduced into his original draft 
 of a Declaration of Independence, a passage against it, which 
 was stricken out by congress ; and therefore does not appear 
 in the document that was finally adopted by that assembly. 
 
 25* 
 
294 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 He had manifested a firm opposition to it in his native state, 
 on different occasions ; and during the session of congress 
 now under consideration, he made another effort to bring 
 about, not only an entire prohibition of the slave-trade, but 
 an universal manumission of slaves, throughout the United 
 States. It was embraced in a plan of temporary government 
 of the western territory, which it was his duty to draw up, as 
 chairman of a committee to whom the subject was referred. 
 A clause which he introduced into that instrument provided, 
 that there should exist no involuntary slavery in any of the 
 United States, after the year 1800. The proposal, however, 
 was rejected by congress. 
 
 In May, 1784, Mr. Jefferson was appointed on an embassy 
 to Europe the third time. He was now nominated as an ad 
 junct to Doctor Franklin and Mr. John Adams, for negotiating 
 treaties of commerce with the different commercial nations in 
 that quarter of the world, and sailed for that purpose in July 
 following. He arrived at Paris in August, where he joined 
 his colleagues. But the embassy was generally unsuccessful. 
 
 Doctor Franklin having obtained permission to return to 
 Ihe United States, Mr. Jefferson was appointed his successor, 
 as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles. In 
 1787, he was again appointed to the same office ; and he re 
 mained in France until 1789. On this embassy he was ab 
 sent rather more than four years. 
 
 During his ministry to France, he embraced an opportunity 
 to visit both Holland and Italy. 
 
 It was during his absence, that the convention met in Phi 
 ladelphia for framing the federal constitution. This was 
 accomplished ; and the instrument had been ratified, before 
 he returned to the United States. His sentiments relative to 
 it had been communicated to some of his friends in this coun 
 try, who corresponded with him on the subject ; and they 
 were well known to have been opposed essentially to several 
 of its most important features. At what period, subsequently 
 to his return to the United States, in 1789, he changed his 
 sentiments, is not known. 
 
 The government having commenced operations, and Ge 
 neral Washington having been unanimously chosen president 
 of the United States, he offered Mr. Jefferson, on his arrival 
 from Europe, the office of secretary of state. He accepted 
 the office, and became a prominent member of the first ad, 
 ministration. 
 
 He held the office of secretary of state until the close of the 
 
VIRGINIA. 295 
 
 year 1793. His resignation of it was said to be owing to 
 differences in opinion in the men who composed the cabinet, 
 on the policy proper to be adopted by the United States, to 
 wards several foreign nations. 
 
 The situation of the federal government, was at the outset, 
 one of great difficulty. It had but just commenced its opera 
 tions. There had been no time for testing its principles by 
 experience. It was to operate on a people enthusiastically 
 attached to a republican government, and ready to favor the 
 cause of any people who were struggling to throw off oppres 
 sion, and secure their own freedom. Such was the state, and 
 such the feelings of the people of the United States, when 
 the French revolution commenced. General Lafayette, a 
 man greatly esteemed in this nation, was the great leader of 
 .hat revolution ; and it was presented to the view of the Uni 
 ted States as the cause of a people, to whom this nation owed 
 a debt of gratitude. The sentiments of the people of this 
 country however, were soon divided on the French proceed 
 ings, and the secretary of state, not agreeing in opinion with 
 the president, and a majority of his cabinet respecting many 
 points of foreign policy, he deemed it advisable to resign his 
 office. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson discharged the duties of the office of secre 
 tary of state, with much talent. His reports to congress on a 
 uniform system of currency, weights, and measures ; on the 
 whale and cod fisheries of the United States, and some others ; 
 and his official correspondence with foreign ministers, espe 
 cially that with Mr. Hammond, the minister of the court of 
 St. James, evince much ability and learning. This was 
 acknowledged by both parties, however they may have dif 
 fered otherwise respecting his character as a politician and a 
 statesman. 
 
 During his retirement, he was visited by many foreigners 
 of distinction, as well as by his own countrymen. The only 
 event of a public nature which marked this period, was his 
 election to the office of president of the American Philosophi 
 cal Society. 
 
 On General Washington s retirement from office, the divi 
 sion of the people into two great parties, it was well under 
 stood, would present two opposing candidates for the office 
 of president Mr. John Adams and Mr. Jefferson. The con 
 stitution had not then been altered from its original form, as 
 it was adopted by the states. The person having the highest 
 number of votes was the president ; and the onejtiaving the 
 
296 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 next highest, vice president. In this instance, Mr. Adams 
 having the highest, was declared president, and Mr. Jefferson 
 vice president for the four years, next after General Wash 
 ington s retirement. 
 
 For the next election, Mr. Jefferson s friends selected for 
 their candidates, himself and Aaron Burr. On counting the 
 votes in congress, they were found to have an equal number, 
 which left the choice undecided, and carried it, according to 
 the provisions of the constitution, into the house of representa 
 tives. After a long contest in that house, Mr. Jefferson was 
 finally elected. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson s administration continued, by a second elec 
 tion, during eight years, and the period was very eventful. 
 He introduced the practice of communicating with congress, 
 on the opening of the sessions, by message, instead of that 
 by a personal address. This practise has been adopted by 
 all his successors in that office. 
 
 On his recommendation, the constitution was so altered, as 
 that the electors are required to designate the office for each 
 person for whom they vote. 
 
 The most prominent measures of his administration were 
 the purchase of Louisiana ; the unlimited embargo on the 
 commerce and navigation of the United States ; the non-im 
 portation and non-intercourse systems, which successively fol 
 lowed the former ; the building a large number of gun boats ; 
 the suppression of Burr s expedition down the Mississippi 
 River ; and the sending out an exploring company, on an ex 
 pedition through the newly purchased region between the 
 Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 The period of Mr. Jefferson s administration, was one of 
 great difficulty and perplexity, by reason of the belligerent 
 state of those nations with which the commerce of the United 
 States was connected. On the success of that commerce, 
 depended almost entirely, the revenue of the government ; 
 but to a large extent, fell a sacrifice to the lawless rapacity 
 f both. 
 
 When the second term of his presidency had expired, he 
 letired to private life, on his estate in Virginia, and devoted 
 lim-self to philosophical pursuits, and the oversight of his farm. 
 
 In a great measure by Mr. Jefferson s influence, the legis 
 lature of Virginia resolved to establish a university in that 
 state on a comprehensive scale, and located it in Charlottes. 
 ville, in the vicinity of his residence. The commissioners 
 elected him their chairman. Of this university he was ap. 
 
VIRGINIA. 297 
 
 pointed rector. That office he retained, and exerted himself 
 industriously to advance the cause of public education, until 
 his decease. This event, which occurred on the fourth day 
 of July, 1826, was connected with several circumstances 
 which were remarkable, and which will render it memorable 
 for ages ; much beyond what would have been the fact, had 
 it taken place at a different time. 
 
 It occurred within one hour of just half a century from the 
 time when he gave his sanction by his vote, to the independence 
 of the United States at the moment when his joyful fellow 
 citizens were commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of that 
 event ; on the day which was celebrated as a Jubilee, and on 
 the day, and within a few hours of the time, when his fellow 
 laborer in procuring its establishment in 1776, and his prede 
 cessor in the offices both of vice president, and president of 
 the United States, expired at his residence in Quincy, in Mas 
 sachusetts. 
 
 In regard to Mr. Jefferson s political character, it is well 
 known, that his contemporaries differed widely in their views. 
 The difference still exists to a considerable extent, and pro 
 bably it will be handed down to posterity. His true charac 
 ter will doubtless be more correctly estimated, and better un 
 derstood, in some future age, when that generation has passed 
 o^f the stage of life. 
 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 THE family from which this distinguished gentleman, and 
 zealous revolutionary patriot was descended, came to Vir 
 ginia at a very early period of its settlement by Europeans. 
 It was not far from the year 1640 that he arrived, and took 
 up his residence in the county of Surrey. James River di 
 vides this county from the county of Charles City. An early 
 selection of the fertile land bordering on that river, laid the 
 foundation of that large estate which has been, retained in the 
 family, through several generations in succession. An alliance 
 by marriage with the family of the king s surveyor general, 
 by one of the members, furnished also a favorable opportu 
 nity, in pursuance of the plan adopted by the first settlers, 
 greatly to increase the family estate, by.selecting the most 
 
298 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
 
 valuable tracts for soil and residence. This opportunity was 
 readily embraced by his son-in-law, Harrison, and hence 
 this family has long been one of the large land holders in 
 Virginia. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison, the worthy subject of this memoir, was 
 born in Berkley ; but the exact date of his birth has not been 
 ascertained. His venerable father resolved to give him a 
 classical education, that he might be qualified to serve his 
 generation in a public station, with honor to himself and be 
 nefit to the community. For that purpose he sent him to the 
 college of William and Mary ; where he was an under gradu 
 ate at the time of his father s decease. Indeed, he never did 
 regularly take a degree ; for having had a controversy with 
 one of the professors, he left the institution before the close 
 of the usual course of studies in that seminary ; and did not 
 return to complete his collegiate education. 
 
 On the death of his father, the care and management 
 of a large property devolved on him, then in his mino 
 rity. He was the eldest of six sons, whom his father left at 
 his decease ; which was very sudden and melancholy ; he, 
 with two of his four daughters, having been struck dead in 
 stantly by lightning, in his mansion house in Berkley. 
 
 Being at the head of one of the most conspicuous and an 
 cient families of the province, he was early elected to a seat 
 in the house of burgesses, in the provincial legislature. This 
 took place even before he was strictly eligible, according to 
 the provisions of law. 
 
 Early after he became a member of the legislature, he was 
 placed in the speaker s chair. In one instance he was su 
 perseded by a rival candidate, whose object was the office 
 of speaker. Mr. Harrison frustrated him in his views for 
 that office, by being returned a member for an adjoining 
 county, in which he had extensive estates. When the house 
 convened, he was as usual chosen speaker, to the no small 
 chagrin and disappointment of his competitor. 
 
 His large property; his extensive connections, which, by 
 intermarriages, allied him to a great proportion of the wealthy 
 families in the province ; the soundness of his intellect, and 
 the decision ojf his character, amply qualified him for be 
 coming an influential member of the legislative body. 
 
 The royal government at home, having secretly formed 
 the design, which they afterwards more openly prosecuted, 
 of subjecting the American colonies to their absolute control, 
 had already begun, to erect their outworks, that they might 
 
VIRGINIA. 299 
 
 with a confidence of success, make their subsequent ap- 
 oroaches with greater security to themselves, and a fuller as 
 surance of success. With this leading object in view, the 
 ministry took care to be informed who, among the men of 
 distinction, would best promote their interest in the colonies. 
 Their method was to tempt the ambition or cupidity, or both 
 together, of individuals, by the covered bribe of an office. The 
 office of governor was always held in reserve for some well 
 tried favorite, sent out from England. But any one of infe 
 rior grade, was a bonus in the hands of the royal governor, 
 (subject to ministerial approbation,) to be given to any promi 
 nent young man, whose influence it was deemed advisable to 
 secure in favor of the ministry. In Benjamin Harrison, they 
 thought they saw a combination of all those qualifications, 
 which would render him peculiarly beneficial in promoting 
 their designs on the colony of Virginia, if they could secure 
 his adhesion to their views. With this object in viev/, it v/a.3 
 proposed to constitute him, though but a youth, a member of 
 the executive council of the province. This office was cor 
 respondent with that of the king s privy council ; and it was con 
 sidered the chief, in point of rank, next to that of governor. But 
 the attempt did not succeed with young Harrison. Of the pro 
 ceedings in Great Britain, and the measures already disclosed 
 by the ministry, he had been an attentive observer. He thought 
 he discovered in them sure indications of the system they 
 were forming, and of the future course they designed to pur 
 sue, relative to the American colonies. To their projects, of 
 course, he was resolutely and firmly opposed on principle. 
 And the offer of any office within their power to confer on 
 him, was not sufficient to swerve him from pursuing steadily 
 and uniformly, the course he had deliberately marked out for 
 himself, relative to his native country. He was therefore 
 open in his union with the patriotic burgesses of Virginia, 
 and consequently became at once an object as obnoxious to 
 the party who courted him, as he had been of their favor, and 
 caresses. 
 
 Soon after the measures of parliament became suspected, 
 and excited distrust in America, even so early as 1764, the 
 legislative body of Virginia determined to forward an address 
 to the king, a memorial to the house of lords, and a renton- 
 strance to the house of commons, relating to resolutions that 
 had already been passed ; in which they discovered cause of 
 alarm. These resolutions were preliminary to the " Stamp 
 act." For the purpose of preparing those several papers, 
 
300 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
 
 they appointed a committee of several distinguished members 
 of their body, on which committee they placed Benjamin 
 Harrison. This was done about the middle of November, 
 1764. They made their report on the eighteenth of Decem 
 ber following 
 
 During the period of ten years, which intervened between 
 the years 1764 and 1774, he was united in sentiment, and 
 acted in harmony, with the first characters in Virginia, at 
 that eventful era. Peyton Randolph, the first president of 
 congress, had married one of his sisters ; and his brother 
 William another. Among his political associates may be 
 mentioned, Messrs. Randolph,Wythe, Jefferson, Henry, Brax- 
 ton, and others of high distinction ; who, nearly foreseeing 
 the approaching storm, as faithful watchmen of their country s 
 danger, fanned, nourished, and raised from a small begin 
 ning, the spirit of freedom in Virginia ; until, like an uncon 
 trolled conflagration, it made all resistance yield to its mighty 
 power, throughout that extensive province. 
 
 The first convention of delegates from the several counties 
 and corporations in Virginia, assembled in Williamsburg on 
 the first of August, 1774. This convention, after passing 
 several resolutions, strongly indicating the spirit of the times, 
 entered with warmth and cordiality into the plan of calling a 
 general congress of delegates from all the colonies, which 
 had been proposed by Massachusetts, to meet and consult 
 for the good of the whole. They zealously approved of the 
 proposal ; and in testimony of it, appointed seven delegates 
 to represent Virginia in that assembly. Benjamin Harrison 
 was one of the seven. 
 
 Mr. Harrison was present, and took his seat in the first 
 congress, on the first day of their session ; and he was grati 
 fied, by the unanimous elevation of a delegate from that 
 state, and a near relative, to the office of president of con 
 gress. The session of this congress was short, it having 
 been continued less than two months. The members were, 
 and they felt themselves to be, placed in a situation where 
 every thing was new, and without any guidance from prece 
 dent. It was also a situation full of delicacy and danger; of 
 dehcacy, as consisting of delegates from different and distant 
 colonies, each having different interests to be consulted, and 
 provided for, and actuated by feelings corresponding, and, 
 at the same time, involved in one common exposure to evils, 
 on account of which all felt alarmed for the general safety ; 
 of danger, inasmuch as it behoved them so to conduct, as 
 
VIRGINIA. 30 
 
 that their enemies in the country at large, should have no 
 occasion to prejudice the people against their proceedings 
 and thus render them and their cause odious. It was also 
 important for them to secure the approbation of other na 
 tioris ; and throw the blame of ulterior measures on then 
 rulers in the British parliament. 
 
 It was, in truth, a kind of preparatory meeting, to which 
 every thing was new, and every thing to be commenced. 
 The elements were collected ; but they were neither ar 
 ranged nor assimilated. It was necessary to arrange and 
 assimilate them; to draw the outlines of a system to be 
 pursued contingently; to hold an intercommunication, and 
 learn the views and feelings of themselves, and the colo 
 nies they represented ; to arrange a general plan of opera 
 tions ; publish an outline of their proceedings, and a recom 
 mendation of what they deemed immediately expedient for 
 the citizens generally ; and return to their constituents to 
 prepare them for another congress. This congress may be 
 justly considered as a preliminary meeting, pioneering the 
 way for those which followed. Considering every thing that 
 should be taken into the account, perhaps it may be truly 
 affirmed, that a more dignified, wise, and venerable set of 
 men, never assembled for the discussion of political subjects, 
 in any nation on the globe. 
 
 Soon after their return from congress, another convention 
 of delegates from the same sources as the first, met in Rich 
 mond, and Mr. Harrison, having been chosen a member, had 
 the satisfaction of seeing all the proceedings of the first con 
 gress approved by that body. 
 
 The patriotic spirit in Virginia at that time, ran high. A 
 proposal to adopt certain preparatory measures of defence, 
 was introduced, discussed, and finally carried, though op 
 posed as premature and injudicious; while a result of the 
 proceedings of the late congress was unknown, and yet pend 
 ing. The proposition was opposed by Mr, Harrison and his 
 colleagues in congress, and others who were highly distin 
 guished for their patriotism and intelligence. But when it 
 was carried, and Mr. Harrison was placed on the committee 
 for carrying it into effect, he considered it his duty to yield 
 nis individual sentiments, and united cordially in promoting 
 what was now approved as the policy to be pursued by the 
 province. 
 
 By that convention he was again elected a delegate to the 
 next congress. According to his appointment, he took his 
 
 26 
 
302 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
 
 seat in the second congress early in May, 1775. At this 
 time, the only members present from Virginia, were George 
 Washington, Peyton Randolph, and Benjamin Harrison. 
 Mr. Randolph was the president of congress. The session 
 had but just commenced before the president, who was also 
 speaker of the house of burgesses in his native province, was 
 called to attend to discharge the duties of that office, and was 
 necessitated to leave congress and return to Virginia. Gene 
 ral Washington having taken the command of the American 
 army in Massachusetts, Mr. Harrison only remained to re 
 present Virginia, in congress. Mr. Randolph s decease in 
 the autumn of 1775, left a vacancy in the office of presi 
 dent. Mr. Hancock, a delegate from Massachusetts, had 
 recently taken his seat. His patriotic exertions at home 
 were well known and highly estimated ; and his exclusion, 
 from pardon by the royal governor s proclamation, directed 
 the attention of congress to him as successor to Mr. Ran 
 dolph, in the president s chair. He was unanimously chosen 
 to that high and honorable office. 
 
 It has been observed, that the principal business in the old 
 congress was submitted to committees, appointed for tho 
 roughly investigating the subjects referred to them, arranging 
 their details, and presenting them in the form of a report 
 The whole concerns of the war department, of the finance 
 department, &c. &c. was transacted by a board, or commit 
 tee, without the aid of a secretary to either. On this general 
 principle, Mr. Harrison was much employed on committees, 
 which had a superintendence of military operations, and 
 supplies. He was appointed early in the second congress 
 on a committee, to devise ways and means for putting the 
 militia in a proper condition for defending the country. 
 This was a laborious and difficult task, by reason of a total 
 destitution of arrangement ; and an almost equal destitution 
 of regular discipline among the militia, in the colonies, at 
 that period. The report of that committee, after some amend 
 ments, constituted the basis of the militia system pursued 
 through the war. 
 
 Congress adjourned on the first of August ; and on the 
 eleventh of the same month Mr. Harrison was chosen a third 
 time to the same office. By reason of the strong interest he 
 had manifested in whatever related to the military concerns of 
 the country, he was selected to take an active part in that 
 portion of the public business. Congress deemed it necessary 
 to hold a personal conference with the commander in chief 
 
VIRGINIA. 303 
 
 and the governors of the New England states, by means of 
 a deputation from their body. Mr. Harrison was appointed 
 one of that deputation, and he with his colleagues, imme 
 diately repaired to Cambridge, in Massachusetts, where the 
 head quarters of the commander in chief then were. There 
 and on that occasion, the plan for continuing, supporting, and 
 regulating the continental army was devised. Immediately 
 after that mission had closed, and he had reached the seat of 
 government, a similar service was resigned to him, relative 
 to the troops that were required for the defence of South 
 Carolina and New York. 
 
 Hitherto the attention of congress had been confined prin 
 cipally to the internal concerns of the country. But it 
 became more and more apparent, that the conflict would be 
 both arduous and protracted ; and congress felt the necessity 
 of preparing for such consequences as were anticipated, in 
 the best way they were able. 
 
 The government began near the close of 1775, cautiously 
 to open a correspondence abroad, with a view to extend its 
 political relations to the rival powers of Great Britain, on the 
 European continent, preparatory to procuring aid and suc 
 cours from them, such as might become indispensable for 
 America, if the war should become a general one over the 
 country. This correspondence could not be carried on 
 openly, according to the established forms of diplomacy be 
 tween independent nations. America had not taken the 
 ground of independence, and was viewed as in a state of re- 
 bellion against its lawful sovereign ; although the state of 
 things was not contemplated with an unfavorable eye, by the 
 European states, especially France and Spain. And it may 
 be supposed that the people of Holland did not deeply regret 
 any loss that might be derived to England, in consequence of 
 the struggle. It is highly probable that a separation of the 
 colonies from Great Britain, and an establishment of an inde 
 pendent government, was contemplated even at that time, by 
 well informed people, on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 
 With a view to organizing a plan of operations, preparatory 
 to seeking directly the aid they foresaw must be obtained, in 
 the event that the opening conflict was to be continued for 
 some years, congress instituted a committee of foreign corre 
 spondence, which might perhaps be correctly considered as a 
 board for carrying on indirect diplomatic intercourse. Its du 
 ties, as specified in the resolution by which it was constituted, 
 were to hold correspondence with the friends of the Americans 
 
304 BENJAMIN HARRISON 
 
 m Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world , which 
 was to be submitted to congress from time to time, and was 
 to be sustained at the public expense. Mr. Harrison was 
 chairman of that committee. Thus cautiously, and with such 
 wisdom, prudence, and discretion, did the early American 
 congress proceed in conducting the great business in which 
 they had engaged ; with few lights of experience before them, 
 and a responsibility resting on them, the amount of which 
 can hardly be estimated. Every thing which congress un 
 dertook, at that early stage of its existence, was done by 
 committees. All the foreign intercourse, by official corre 
 spondence on the part of congress, was performed by that 
 board, until the spring of 1777. Then a committee of foreign 
 affairs was organized, with a secretary appointed by con 
 gress, to whom a permanent salary was paid. 
 
 Mr. Harrison was hardly inducted into this office, before 
 congress deputed him on a mission to Maryland, to counter 
 act, in connection with other patriots in that province, the in 
 cursions of Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, 
 who had the preceding year been driven from that province. 
 Being compelled to vacate his official station, and to retire, in 
 the indulgence of a vindictive spirit, he collected a number of 
 adherents to the royal cause, consisting to a great extent of 
 low and worthless characters ; and with them, armed and man 
 ned a number of small vessels. Thus equipped, he selected the 
 shores of the Chesapeake for the theatre of their operations. 
 Their employment was, to invade the peaceable inhabitants 
 living along both sides of that extensive bay, and capture ana 
 pillage the defenceless inhabitants, and fill the region with 
 consternation and wretchedness. 
 
 Mr. Harrison promptly attended to the duties of his mis 
 sion ; and, although the means for repulsion at his command 
 were very small, yet by a wise and judicious application of 
 them, he in a great measure succeeded in counteracting the 
 plans of his lordship, for spreading distress and ruin among 
 the inhabitants in that exposed region. 
 
 It is deemed unnecessary to give a minute detail of all 
 the particular services to which he was designated. They 
 were both interesting and important, intimately connected 
 with the achievmerit of our independence, and the countless 
 blessings resulting therefrom. But, still the detail would not 
 add any peculiar interest to a sketch of his life. Suffice it 
 then to remark, that he was placed on almost every commit 
 tee for promoting in various ways, and by all practicable 
 
VIRGINIA. 305 
 
 means, the military and naval service of the country, during 
 the term he served in the continental congress. In them all, 
 Mr. Harrison was among the most intelligent and prominent 
 actors ; and the services he rendered to the cause of his coun 
 try, both in the hall of congress, and by journeyings to dis 
 tant parts of the continent, on special missions, were arduous, 
 and almost incessant. 
 
 The first measure of congress, preparatory to the Declara 
 tion of Independence, and decisive of the warlike attitude 
 which they intended to assume and maintain, was the act au 
 thorizing the issuing of letters of marque, and for fortifying 
 some ports for the protection of American cruisers and their 
 prizes. 
 
 The business of fortifying these ports was assigned to a 
 committee, of which Mr. Harrison was the chairman. He 
 was also chairman of the committee on the Canada expedi 
 tion. The committee of fourteen members, whose duty it 
 was, in connection with the general officers of the army, to 
 arrange a plan for the campaign for 1776, recognized him as 
 their chairman. It was soon found that a business so much 
 extended and diversified, as the military concerns of the 
 country had become, required a more permanent superinten 
 dence than occasional committees, the system hitherto adopt 
 ed ; and a board of war and ordnance was organized in 
 June, 1776. This board consisted of five members of con 
 gress, and a secretary, on whom the whole superintendence 
 of the duties of that department were devolved. Of this board, 
 Mr. Harrison was early appointed chairman, an office which 
 he sustained during his continuance in congress. 
 
 He was very frequently called to preside over the delibe 
 rations of congress, as chairman of that body, when acting 
 in " committee of the whole ;" and was in the chair, during 
 the discussions on the great subject of independence. 
 
 The almost constant appointment of Mr. Harrison to what 
 was then viewed a highly honorable station, during the consi 
 deration of the most interesting, delicate, and important sub 
 jects that of declaring the states free and independent, 
 and the confederation of the states ; may serve to show the 
 high, and honorable estimation in which he was held by all 
 the members of the house, and indicative of the satisfactory 
 manner in which he presided over their deliberations. 
 
 While Mr. Harrison was absent from Virginia, attending 
 congress, the general convention had met in Richmond ; and 
 beside forming a constitution of state government they re 
 
 26* 
 
306 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
 
 solved to elect but five, instead of seven delegates to congress, 
 as they had done before. Mr. Harrison was not included in 
 the number, who were elected to the next congress. His 
 term of service expired in August. That convention had as 
 sembled in June. He was appointed, however, to a high of 
 fice in the state, under their new government. In that, there 
 were recognized eight counsellors of state; and he was 
 unanimously appointed one of that council. It has been sug 
 gested that he was left out of their delegation to congress, by 
 reason of a disaffection which some part of his conduct had 
 excited, when he was a member. With that question the 
 writer has nothing to do. If it was so,- its effects were of 
 short continuance. For on the resignation of Mr. Jefferson, 
 which occurred soon after, Mr. Harrison was chosen to sup 
 ply the vacancy, on the tenth of October following, with but 
 five dissenting votes. 
 
 By that neglect he was absent from congress about three 
 months ; but immediately on his return, he was replaced in 
 all the offices he had sustained, and others were added of 
 much interest, and great importance. 
 
 If he had been unpopular in Virginia for a short time, by 
 reason of any cause, the excitement against him soon passed 
 away ; insomuch that he was returned a member of congress 
 again in May, 1777, by a joint ballot of both houses of their 
 legislature. 
 
 Although it is acknowledged, that all the members of con 
 gress were active and useful; and all have both merited and 
 received the gratitude of posterity, yet it must be admitted 
 that few, if any individuals in that memorable assembly were 
 more industrious, or more extensively useful, than Benjamin 
 Harrison. 
 
 At one period of the revolutionary war, it may be recol 
 lected that the " Friends" who hold it to be morally wrong 
 to engage in war, were pressed to take up arms in defence 
 of their country. There were some ardent individuals in 
 congress, who were not disposed to grant an indulgence of 
 the kind to the members of that respectable portion of the 
 Christian community. The perilous condition, and urgent 
 necessities which then pressed the government, were thought 
 to constitute a sufficient ground to justify a resort to compul 
 sory measures, for bringing the Quakers to take up arms, or 
 to provide substitutes. This meeting with a steady opposi 
 tion from the " Friends," led to the arrest of some of their 
 number in Philadelphia. In this state of the business, Mr. 
 
VIRGINIA 307 
 
 Harrison, though an ardent supporter of the war himself 
 interposed as a mediator ; and in their estimation, he saved 
 them from " persecution," by his prudent management and 
 influence. His successful efforts in their behalf, were grate 
 fully acknowledged by those who were rescued from their 
 threatened peril, by his timely interposition in their favor. 
 
 In the latter part of the year 1777, Mr. Harrison for vari 
 ous and important reasons, expressed his wish to leave con 
 gress, and return to his native residence in Virginia. He had 
 been in congress more than three years ; and all that time 
 actively employed in attending to business for the public, to 
 the almost entire exclusion of his own private affairs. His 
 fortune had been impaired during that time. And his servi 
 ces were much needed in his native state. He tendered his 
 resignation and returned to Virginia, where he was received 
 with warm expressions of respect and esteem by the inhabi 
 tants. 
 
 His grateful fellow citizens in his native county, at once 
 returned him a member of the house of burgesses, and that 
 assembly immediately elected him their speaker. This sta 
 tion he continued to occupy till 1782, without interruption. 
 He had other offices of honorable distinction conferred on him 
 by the legislature of Virginia. One of these was that of 
 " county lieutenant," corresponding to the king s lieutenant 
 under the old government, when Virginia was a royal colony. 
 This appointment constituted him commander of the military, 
 and a presiding judge in all the civil courts of the county. 
 In fact, with the title of " colonel," he was by office the chief 
 magistrate of the county, civil and military. 
 
 His active services for the relief of Virginia at that gloomy 
 period, when she was first invaded by Arnold, and then by 
 Cornwallis, are gratefully recognized by the inhabitants, and 
 will continue to be so long as history presents to them the 
 record of his sacrifices, and unwearied patriotic exertions 
 for her benefit. 
 
 In 1782, Mr. Harrison succeeded Mr. Nelson as governor 
 of the state. The situation was both critical and perplexing. 
 And although the chief magistrate of so large a state, by rea 
 son of the revulsions whic^i were caused by the approaching 
 restoration of peace, was necessarily involved in many per 
 plexing and embarrassing conditions, Mr. Harrison managed 
 the public affairs with so much energy and discretion, that he 
 was one of the most popular governors that had ever occupied 
 that high office in the state. He served his state in that 
 
 14 
 
308 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 
 
 capacity two successive terms, until he became constitution, 
 ally ineligible. He then returned to private life. But his 
 fellow citizens did not suffer him to remain long in that situa 
 tion. Immediately, and without his knowledge, they announced 
 him a candidate to represent them in the house of burgesses. 
 This was the instance before mentioned, in which he failed 
 of an election by the Jntrigues of a rival, who was anxious to 
 be returned, that he might be chosen speaker. He knew 
 that he could not succeed in the last object of his ambition, if 
 Mr. Harrison should be elected. He was frustrated, however, 
 by Mr. Harrison s being chosen for an adjoining county, and 
 immediately elected speaker, on the house coming together. 
 
 When the federal constitution had been framed, he was 
 a member of the Virginia convention, to which it was submit 
 ted for adoption. 
 
 In the year 1790, having again become eligible, he was 
 announced as a candidate for the office of governor. Bui 
 he opposed the nomination, because the office had been held 
 but two years by the then governor, Beverley Randolph; and 
 Mr. Harrison thought the opposition to his re-election was 
 unreasonable, and would not by any act of his countenance 
 it. And it was by his instrumentality that Mr. Randolph was 
 re-elected, who was not only an amiable man, but a warm 
 personal friend of Mr. Harrison. He even carried his gene 
 rous friendship for governor Randolph so far, as to prevail 
 with his own son, who was also a member, to vote for him, 
 in opposition to himself. He was designated as a candidate 
 for the office, after his friend s term had elapsed. 
 
 The gout had attacked him some years before. In 1791, 
 it assumed a sudden and alarming appearance. He par 
 tially recovered from its effects at that time ; so that he 
 was again elected to the legislature in 1791. The day 
 after this election, which was unanimous, he had invited a 
 party of his friends to dine with him ; and they congratulated 
 him on his being the next governor of Virginia. But his 
 days were already numbered. That very night he experi 
 enced a relapse ; and the following day, with composure arid 
 resignation, he breathed his last. 
 
 He was married in early life, to Miss Elizabeth Bassett, 
 a daughter of Colonel William Bassett, and a niece of Mrs. 
 Washington. She survived her husband only one year. She 
 was considered in her youth as a beautiful person, and is 
 still remembered as having been at a later period, a woman 
 of eminent piety and benevolence; thus uniting in person 
 
VIRGINIA. 309 
 
 and character, the brightest ornaments of the female cha 
 racter. 
 
 His offspring were numerous, but several of them died at 
 their birth, or in early infancy. Seven survived to adult 
 years; three sons and. four daughters. William Henry Har 
 rison, lately minister to the republic of Colombia, is his 
 youngest son. 
 
 He inherited a large fortune from his father ; and accord 
 ing to the old English law of primogeniture, he twice received 
 a lafge addition to it by the decease of relatives. His for 
 tune suffered considerable diminutions, by reason of the 
 adversity of the times, and some unsuccessful speculations of 
 his own. But he still possessed the means of sustaining the 
 general reputation of southern hospitality on a very liberal 
 scale. His residence in Berkeley, was the resort of respect 
 able strangers, who visited his neighborhood, where they 
 were received with a cordial welcome, and entertained with 
 the liberal hospitality still characteristic of a Virginia planter. 
 
 His talents as a statesman were of the solid and useful 
 kind, rather than brilliant. He rarely took any distinguished 
 part in the debates in congress ; but was emphatically a 
 man of business. 
 
 Such was Benjamin Harrison a sincere and warm-hearted 
 riend ; an upright, intelligent, and active statesman ; an in 
 flexible, resolute patriot, and a high-minded honorable man. 
 And his name, inscribed on the great charter of American 
 freedom, will be handed down to posterity with undiminished 
 respect and gratitude. 
 
 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 
 
 WILLIAM NELSON, the father of Thomas Nelson, was of 
 English extract. The family had, on their emigration to 
 America, settled at York, in Virginia, where he established 
 himself at a suitable age, in mercantile business. By perse 
 vering industry, care, and prudence, he accumulated a Airge 
 property. 
 
 Thomas Nelson, the subject of this sketch, was the oldest 
 son of his parents. He was born at their residence in York, 
 December the 26th, 1738. In 1753, when he had entered 
 
310 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 
 
 on his fifteenth year, his father, according to the prevailing 
 fashion among gentlemen of affluence at the south, sent him 
 to England for his education. He was placed under the 
 charge of a Mr. Newcomb, a gentleman who kept a private 
 school in a village a short distance from London. After 
 spending a sufficient time, prosecuting his preparatory studies 
 v under that careful preceptor, he was removed to Cambridge, 
 and was entered a member of Trinity College ; and in that 
 station he was placed under the instruction, as his private 
 tutor, of the late justly celebrated Doctor Proteus, afterwards 
 oishop of London. 
 
 In this pleasant situation, enjoying the esteem and instruc 
 tions of his distinguished tutor, connected with the ample 
 means for acquiring an education, which are furnished in an 
 English university, he continued his literary pursuits until 
 1761, when he returned to America. 
 
 The first notice of his appearance in public life, is in 1774, 
 at which date he was a member of the provincial house of 
 burgesses, in his native colony. Tliis was the session of that 
 body, in which several spirited resolutions were passed, 
 strongly disapproving the " Boston port and fishery bill." 
 
 In consequence of these proceedings of the house of bur 
 gesses, Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, tc 
 show his displeasure, and to prevent further disloyal pro 
 ceedings, exercised his vice regal authority, and by procla 
 mation dissolved the assembly. This act of the governor 
 the legality of which was not contested, only served mor<* 
 highly to excite the public feelings. Eighty-nine of the rnen> 
 bers, among whom was Nelson, assembled the following day 
 at a neighboring tavern, and formed the celebrated associa. 
 tion, which spoke with more boldness, and in a more effi 
 cient manner to the supremacy of his lordship, than the reso 
 lutions passed by the assembly of burgesses. They declared 
 that their rights had been unwarrantably invaded ; that they 
 would persevere in withholding all commercial intercourse 
 with Great Britain ; and that they recommended the appoint 
 ment of delegates to meet in a general congress. Shortly 
 after the dissolution of the assembly by Lord Dunmore, an 
 other was elected, to which Mr. Nelson was returned a mem 
 ber by the same county, which he had before represented. 
 The royal displeasure against the last legislative assembly, 
 so summarily manifested by his lordship, did not intimidate 
 or discourage the patriotic members, nor their constituents. 
 On the contrary, it rather increased their determination to 
 
VIRGINIA. 311 
 
 persevere in their opposition to the arbitrary proceedings of 
 the British parliament ; and stimulated them to an exercise 
 of greater vigilance, relative to all their measures, which 
 were to have a bearing on the inhabitants of the American 
 provinces. Mr. Nelson s constituents immediately elected 
 him a member of the first general convention of Virginia ; 
 which met at Williamsburgh in the beginning of August, 1774. 
 This act clearly indicated their approbation of his conduct, 
 in the meeting of the eighty-nine members of the recently 
 dissolved assembly ; and it might have convinced his lordship, 
 and the other supporters of parliamentary supremacy, that 
 there was a spirit roused among the people that would not 
 easily be quelled nor intimidated. 
 
 Mr. Nelson was appointed in the spring of 1775, a mem 
 ber of a second general convention. In this assembly he 
 exhibited the same boldness of spirit, and the same readiness 
 to promote and encourage such preparatory measures for 
 protecting and defending the colonies, against oppression and 
 invasion, which had characterized him in the preceding as 
 semblies of that description. Indeed, his conduct on this 
 occasion, by its boldness, alarmed some of his personal 
 friends, and decided patriotic coadjutors, in the cause of the 
 people against their oppressors. 
 
 What so greatly alarmed Mr. Nelson s friends, when he 
 proposed it, was a proposition to organize a military force in 
 the province. It was at that time truly, a bold measure ; but 
 he had the support of Mr. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and 
 some others to uphold him in his resolution ; and Mr. Henry 
 brought forward a series of resolutions, in which the plan for 
 carrying that proposal into operation, was placed before the 
 convention in its details. It was warmly debated. In that 
 debate Mr. Nelson fearlessly advocated its adoption ; and 
 engaged, if the resolutions were adopted, to exert his per 
 sonal efforts for carrying the measure into full effect, in the 
 region where he held a command in the militia. They were 
 adopted by the convention ; and he redeemed his pledge. 
 From that moment the course which Virginia would pursue in 
 the event of open hostilities, was no longer doubtful. 
 
 The design which the ministry had secretly formed, for 
 taking possession of the ammunition and military stores, that 
 had been collected and deposited in magazines in the several 
 provinces, was soon divulged, by attempts on the part of 
 several of the governors to carry it into effect, by means of 
 an armed force. This furnished full evidence, which more 
 
312 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 
 
 effectually than a thousand arguments, convinced the people 
 of the wisdom, and prudent foresight of those, who had led in 
 that bold and alarming measure, and clearly satisfied them of 
 its necessity. 
 
 A third general convention was convened in July of the 
 same year, at the city of Richmond. The late conduct 
 of Governor Dunmore, relative to the powder in the ma 
 gazine at Williamsburgh, and his subsequent retreat on 
 board of an English man of war, as a place of refuge, clearly 
 admonished the people of Virginia, that the time for concilia 
 tion was passed by; and that it became them then to act. 
 Accordingly, that convention assumed an attitude, with refer 
 ence to the measures of the British government, which would 
 admit of no doubt about their ultimate determination, if the 
 king and parliament persisted in their arbitrary course to 
 wards the American colonies. They divided the province 
 into military districts; directed the number of men to be 
 raised in each ; appointed Mr. Henry to the command of one 
 regiment ; Mr. Nelson to the command of another ; and Mr. 
 William Woodford to that of a third each with the commis 
 sion of colonel. 
 
 In August, the same convention proceeded in their busi 
 ness, and appointed delegates to congress for the term of one 
 year. Several causes had concurred in producing three 
 vacancies in the Virginia representation. In electing their 
 delegates for the year, these vacancies were to be filled ; 
 and Colonel Thomas Nelson, Jun. was appointed to supply 
 one of them. He took his seat in congress on the thirteenth 
 <5ay of September, 1775. On almost all subjects his feelings 
 were naturally ardent. While in congress, however, he took 
 t>ut little part in debate ; but was actively employed on com 
 mittees; and his services were rendered with punctuality and 
 fidelity. His perception was quick ; his determinations were 
 promptly made ; and when formed, they were adhered to 
 with a pei severance which no obstacle could turn aside. 
 
 His puulic services were manifestly acceptable to his con 
 stituents at home ; for, during his absence at Philadelphia, the 
 convention of Virginia reappointed him a delegate to con 
 gress for the year following, viz. 1776. During that period 
 he set his name to the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 On the second day of May, 1777, an event occurred which 
 alarmed him and his friends in the house ; and for a time, 
 suspended his attention to public business entirely. While 
 sitting in his seat in the hall of congress he was suddenly 
 
VIRGINIA. 31S 
 
 seized with a painful attack in his head, which obliged him 
 immediately to retire to a private dwelling. It impaired, and 
 for a time nearly suspended his memory. 
 
 It was with difficulty that he could be prevailed with to 
 withdraw at that time from the scene of his public duties, 
 even for the recovery of his health ; so desirous was he of 
 rendering every assistance to the great cause in which he 
 had engaged. He remained in Philadelphia for some time, 
 with a hope that a speedy recovery would obviate the neces 
 sity for his retiring. But this proved delusive ; and he yielded 
 to the necessity of the case, returned to Virginia, and when 
 the convention assembled, he resigned his seat. 
 
 His return to Virginia, however, at the same time that it 
 contributed to a partial restoration of his health, proved to be 
 a transfer of his services from one active theatre of public 
 service to another, although of a different kind from that in 
 which he had hitherto been engaged. Intelligence was com 
 municated to the governor and council of Virginia, that a 
 British fleet had arrived on their coast, and was then within 
 the capes of Virginia. The militia of the commonwealth 
 were ordered to march to the exposed points of attack with all 
 possible expedition ; and Colonel Nelson was immediately 
 appointed by the governor and council, brigadier general and 
 commander in chief of the military forces of the state. This 
 appointment he accepted, but generously declined receiving 
 any emoluments from the office. His popularity in the state 
 was almost unbounded ; and the appointment of him to the 
 chief command of their military forces was universally popu 
 lar and acceptable. The sudden alarm, however, passed 
 away without any other service for the militia, than that of 
 assembling, as Sir William Howe did not visft Virginia at that 
 time, but moved his fleet forward up the Chesapeake Bay. 
 
 About this time a motion was made in the legislature of 
 Virginia, to sequester the debts due in that state to English 
 merchants. The proposition was to collect the money from 
 the debtors, and have it deposited in the state treasury. By 
 many it was warmly advocated. But by General Nelson it 
 was warmly and inflexibly opposed. This was in conformity 
 to his uniform character, and will redound to his honor, so 
 long as integrity, justice, and morality hold their standing 
 among human virtues. 
 
 While the subject was under discussion in the legislature, 
 of which he was then a member, he said, " I hope, for the 
 reasons I have assigned, this bill will not pass ; but whatever 
 
 27 
 
314 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 
 
 may be its fate, I solemnly declare, I will pay my debts like 
 an honest man." 
 
 At this period the finances of the country were exhausted ; 
 the credit of congress was gone ; and the American army re 
 duced, and threatened with annihilation ; and it was never 
 more necessary to have it not only recruited, but greatly in 
 creased, to meet and repel the dangers with which the coun 
 try was threatened. In these circumstances, congress made 
 an appeal to the honor and patriotism of the young men of 
 property, and honorable standing in society, in the several 
 states, as far south as to include North Carolina. When the 
 appeal was published in Virginia, General Nelson entered 
 into the measure with his characteristic ardor in his own state. 
 He published an animating address on the subject, and suc 
 ceeded in raising a voluntary corps of about seventy young 
 men, to some of whom he opened his own purse, to enable 
 those who were unable to equip themselves ; and furnished a 
 number of them with the means of defraying their expenses; 
 while repairing to the army, under the immediate command 
 of General Washington. At the head of this spartan band, 
 whose commander he became, although then a general offi 
 cer, he proceeded to Baltimore, and thence to Philadelphia, 
 where they held themselves in readiness to move on to head 
 quarters at command. But a change of circumstances having 
 unexpectedly occurred, and their services not being especially 
 demanded, after receiving the public thanks of congress, they 
 returned to their homes. In this enterprise, General Nelson 
 suffered the loss of a large sum of money, which his generous 
 patriotism induced him to advance in aid of the government, 
 which was never repaid to him. 
 
 The active bodily exercise which these calls required, pro 
 duced a beneficial effect on his health. He became so much 
 recruited, and invigorated by it, that the people again solicited 
 him to become a delegate to congress. He consented ; and 
 once more took his seat in that assembly, on the eighteenth 
 day of February, 1779. But he was suffered to remain 
 only a short time in that service. In April following, another 
 attack of his former complaint was experienced by him ; and 
 after a short time, increasing infirmity, and a hopeless pros 
 pect of being able to pursue his business, together with the 
 advice of physicians, prevailed with him to return to his home. 
 
 But even bodily infirmity, so long as it did not absolutely 
 disable him, was not sufficient to cause him to be inactive. 
 Indeed, the time and the condition of Virginia, did not admit 
 
VIRGINIA. 315 
 
 of rest to any one who could be active ; and nothing short of 
 insurmountable necessity would permit a man of the feelings 
 of General Nelson, to remain inactive under the then existing 
 circumstances of his native state. 
 
 In the month of May, the British entered on a predatory 
 system of warfare, which they commenced in Virginia, by 
 visiting a part of the state with a squadron, which sailed first 
 to Portsmouth near Norfolk. They destroyed that village by 
 burning the houses and stores, and plundering every thing 
 they could carry away. Similar depredations and ravages 
 were extended to a number of other places. A great alarm 
 was excited ; and General Nelson, notwithstanding his im 
 paired health, immediately, and with the greatest personal 
 activity, collected a military force, and marched them to 
 Yorktown; afterwards the theatre of Cornwallis s capture. 
 There it was believed they would make landing to pursue 
 their system of destruction ; and the force was marched thi 
 ther for its defence. But the enemy, after effecting their ob 
 ject in the vicinity of Norfolk, returned to New York. This 
 sudden call of the militia, subjected some families to great in 
 convenience, by the absence of their active members, and 
 the consequent neglect of their agricultural business. Or 
 this occasion, the characteristic benevolence of General Nel 
 son was not omitted. During their necessary absence, the ge 
 neral sent his slaves, and other domestics to labor for their 
 support, and supply their deficiency during their necessary 
 absence from home. 
 
 His liberal and disinterested patriotism was continually 
 manifested, by new instances of devotedness to it. One more 
 will be mentioned. It is worthy of notice ; and it is but a fair 
 sample of his general character. 
 
 In June, 1780, the arrival of the French fleet and arma 
 ment was momentarily expected. It was of vast importance 
 that congress should make provision for them on their arrival. 
 For this a sum of money was necessary, which they could 
 not command. The credit of congress was prostrate ; and 
 that of Virginia, in but a little more desirable condition. In 
 these circumstances, the state undertook to borrow two mil 
 lions of dollars for the aid of congress ; that it might be able 
 to make the necessary accommodation which the exigency 
 required. General Nelson opened a subscription for this 
 purpose. Calling on several friends, they declared that they 
 would not lend the governor a shilling on the security of the 
 commonwealth ; but they would lend him all they could possi- 
 
316 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 
 
 bly raise. He immediately added his own personal secu- 
 rity to that of the state ; and thus succeeded in raising a 
 large proportion of the sum required. Such conduct is wor 
 thy of the perpetual remembrance and gratitude of the Ame 
 rican people. 
 
 By this and other similar patriotic exertions to aid the 
 public in its impoverished state, General Nelson suffered 
 serious pecuniary losses, and materially impaired the ample 
 fortune, with which he commenced his honorable career. 
 But he never relaxed his exertions. He had, at the begin 
 ning, anticipated sufferings and sacrifices, in effecting the in 
 dependence of his country ; and he prepared his mind to 
 meet and sustain them. 
 
 In the spring of 1781, the storm of war seemed to burst 
 on Virginia. Philips and Arnold hovered along her coast 
 with a flotilla, and threatened to ravage wherever they could 
 effect a landing. Cornwallis was marching over the southern 
 counties, with an army which no force at command could 
 withstand. While General Nelson was actively employed 
 in effecting plans for opposing the enemy, and continually 
 engaged as a military officer, he was called to discharge the 
 high civil duties of the executive of the state. Mr. Jeffer 
 son had held the office of governor ; but his term had ex 
 pired ; and General Nelson was appointed his successor. 
 But the times and condition of the state required Governor 
 Nelson to assume the command of all the military forces he 
 could collect, and uniting in himself the two offices of go 
 vernor of the state, and commander in chief of the militia^ 
 he marched in the latter capacity, and formed a junction with 
 General La Fayette, who had been sent to Virginia with a 
 body of continental troops, to check the ravages of the ene 
 my. Having joined the general, Governor Nelson immedi 
 ately put himself under his command ; and thus secured 
 harmony of action in the united army. 
 
 At the time when the British were ravaging Virginia, and 
 making sudden incursions in one place after another, driven 
 from their place of regular meeting by the vigilant Tarleton> 
 the legislature passed a law investing the governor and ex 
 ecutive council with the powers of government. But the 
 executive council had been dismembered. Two of the eight 
 had been captured by Tarleton ; two others had resigned , 
 and the other four were so situated with respect to the go 
 vernor, that it was impracticable for him to avail himself of 
 their legal advice. The government therefore virtually de- 
 
VIRGINIA. 317 
 
 rolved on him individually. In these circumstances he was ne 
 cessitated to exercise it in his own name, and by his sole autho 
 rity. The safety of the people demanded this at his hands ; 
 and yet it impelled him to do, at times, what was not strictly 
 legal. Complaints were afterwards made of his conduct ; 
 and the subject was brought to an investigation. The state 
 ment he rendered to the legislature satisfied that body ; and 
 they immediately passed a law, legalizing his measures at that 
 time, and indemnifying him against all future responsibility. 
 
 By great efforts Governor Nelson kept his forces together, 
 until the capture of Lord Cornwallis s army at Yorktown, de 
 cided the long conflict in favor of the American cause. 
 To do this, he exerted his personal influence, his official 
 authority, and the resources of his private fortune to their 
 utmost extent. And, to all these, he added his presence at 
 the head of the militia, in the siege of Yorktown, and shared 
 with them the toils, deprivations, dangers, and honors of that 
 glorious achievement. 
 
 Governor Nelson had a handsome house in the town ; and 
 during the siege, he observed that while the American artil 
 lerists demolished other dwellings, his remained uninjured. 
 It was at this time filled with a large number of British officers, 
 who were at the moment seated at the dinner table, enjoying 
 iheir entertainment. The governor inquired why his house 
 was spared ? The reply was, out of respect for the proprietor. 
 He begged that that fact might make no difference. A well 
 directed fire from some of the American artillery, killed at the 
 first discharge two of the officers, and soon dislodged the 
 rest of the company, and effectually put an end to their 
 conviviality. 
 
 After the victory was achieved, General Washington, in 
 his account of it, made a very honorable acknowledgement 
 of the valuable services of Governor Nelson, and the militia 
 under his command during the siege, in securing its impor 
 tant ssue. 
 
 At .he end of a month after the capture of Cornwallis, Gov. 
 Nelson found his health so feeble, and his constitution so much 
 impaired, that he resigned his office ; and his resignation 
 was accepted. He once more returned to private life. But 
 the repose which he sought was not then realized ; for it was 
 at this time that the accusations before mentioned, of mal 
 administration of his office, were presented against him. 
 these, it was, which led to his honorable exculpation 
 27* 
 
318 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, 
 
 by the legislature ; and the passage of an act giving to all his 
 measures during his administration the sanction of law. 
 
 He now resolved to retire wholly from public service, and 
 spend the remainder of his life with his family. For this 
 purpose he went to an estate which he owned at Offly, in 
 the county of Hanover. Here, in the tranquil scenes of 
 rural life, surrounded by his family, he received not only his 
 numerous friends and strangers from distant parts of his 
 own country, who called to visit him, but foreigners of dis 
 tinction. 
 
 After this retirement, General Nelson was no more en 
 gaged in public life. He lived entirely in retirement ; and 
 spent the remainder of his life alternately at Offly on his 
 farm, and in his mansion at York. But his health gradually 
 continued to decline until 1789, when he died at his residence 
 in Hanover county, on the fourth day of January, at the age 
 of fifty years. 
 
 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 
 
 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, the fourth son of Thomas Lee of 
 Virginia, and brother of Richard Henry Lee, one of the most 
 distinguished patriots, and eloquent advocates of American 
 Independence, was born on the fourteenth day of October, 
 1734. 
 
 According to the fashion of that age, with gentlemen of 
 fortune in the southern provinces, the elder sons of Thomas 
 Lee were sent to England for their education. But Francis 
 was of too tender an age, at the decease of his father, to 
 be sent abroad, and was favored with only what was justly 
 deemed secondary advantages for procuring a classical edu 
 cation at home. 
 
 Happily for young Francis, his tutor was a Scottish clergy 
 man, of a good character, a man of science, and a correct 
 classical scholar, arid who not only made his pupil a good 
 scholar, but imbued him with an early taste for reading, ana 
 mental investigation, unusual at his age, and especially among 
 those who possess all the means of indulging in the fashion 
 able pleasures. While many promising youths have pressed 
 forward the course of dissipation, young Lee was, under the 
 
VIRGINIA. 3 
 
 influence and counsel of his judicious instructor, gaining a 
 stock of valuable knowledge, which laid a foundation for the 
 course of usefulness and honor, which marked his subsequent 
 career in life. 
 
 His brothers, who had been to England to receive the bene 
 fit of English schools, and the polish of English society, re 
 turning about the time when he attained to manhood, pre 
 sented such models for imitation, as seem to have enkindled 
 i desire to emulate them in the acquisition of knowledge, as 
 well as in highly polished manners. 
 
 The ample fortune left him by his father, precluded a ne 
 cessity for seeking a profession, as a means for his support. 
 
 Feeling, in common with his brethren, that warm and pa 
 triotic attachment to his country, which was strongly charac 
 teristic of his family, Francis Lightfoot Lee, amid the youth 
 ful pursuit of whatever gratification he desired, had his mind 
 arrested by the gathering storm ; and his efforts were exerted 
 for effecting the best security against the desolating effects 
 of its violence, whenever it might burst on the colonies. 
 
 Closely associated with his brother Richard Henry, ana 
 implicitly confiding in his superior wisdom and judgment 
 Francis had frequent opportunities of listening to his ani 
 mating eloquence, and oracular harangues, by which he 
 early and perseveringly attempted to rouse up his neighbors 
 to a just view of their dangers, and to kindle in them a spirit 
 of daring and determined resistance, similar to that which 
 animated his own breast. To these Francis listened with 
 attention and profit. His fascinating pursuits after pleasure 
 were soon relinquished, that he might engage in others of 
 higher interest, and more enduring consequences. 
 
 While his brother was returned a member of the Virginia 
 house of burgesses, for the county of Westmoreland, in which 
 he resided, Francis, holding his property in Loudoun county, 
 offered himself a candidate for representing his fellow citi 
 zens of that county, in the same legislative assembly. He 
 was successful ; and he took his seat in that body about the 
 year 1765 the period in which apprehensions of the Ame 
 rican colonists were first awakened to the insidious designs 
 of the British parliament upon their rights, in the memorable 
 " Stamp act." By the periodical election of his fellow citi 
 zens, Mr. Lee was returned a member of the house of bur 
 gesses ; and he continued to occupy his seat in that body 
 until the year 1772. 
 
 Having, in the mean time, formed a connection by mar- 
 
320 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, 
 
 riage with the daughter of Colonel John Taylor, of Rich 
 mond, he removed thither, and made that city the place of 
 his permanent residence ; and when the term of service had 
 expired, for which he had been returned by the citizens of 
 Loudoun county, he was elected a member for Richmond. 
 
 While he remained a member of the house of burgesses, 
 in the Virginia legislature, he continued to unite his efforts 
 to those of his brother and Patrick Henry, to rouse his patri 
 otic countrymen from their inattention to their danger, and 
 to frustrate the designs, and neutralize the insidious influence, 
 of the active partizans of the royal cause in Virginia. 
 
 In the year 1775, Francis Lightfoot Lee was elected a 
 delegate to congress, by the Virginia convention, to supply 
 the seat vacated by the resignation of Colonel Bland. He 
 was regularly re-elected to the same station, during the three 
 following years of 1776, 1777, and 1778; in the first of 
 which he voted for and signed the Declaration of Indepen 
 dence. He does not appear to have distinguished himself as 
 a speaker, in public debate, either in the Virginia legis- 
 jature, or on the floor of congress. But he was esteemed a 
 useful member of both. In congress he was a member of 
 several important committees ; and frequently presided as 
 chairman, when in committee of the whole. He was also a 
 member for Virginia of that memorable committee, which 
 framed the articles of the confederation ; a labor, surrounded 
 with difficulties and embarrassments enough to have discou 
 raged statesmen of less devoted and persevering patriotism, 
 than influenced the venerable members of the continental 
 congress, in that eventful period. 
 
 Mr. Lee entirely and uniformly harmonized with his 
 brother, Richard Henry, in his sentiments respecting the 
 fisheries, and the free navigation of the Mississippi River. 
 While many of the southern members of congress and seve 
 ral of his colleagues would have been contented, on securing 
 their own immediate interests, which immediately affected 
 the states they severally represented, he, with his distin 
 guished brother, strenuously maintained, that no treaty ought 
 to be concluded, which did not recognize the right of the 
 United States to both of those valuable privileges. 
 
 Mr. Lee continued to serve his native state in congress 
 until the spring of 1779, when he retired to his home ; where 
 it was his intention to have spent the remainder of his days in 
 the enjoyment of domestic quiet, to which he was strongly 
 attached. But his fellow citizens still desiring his services, 
 
VIRGINIA. 321 
 
 sent him once more to their legislature ; and gave him a seat 
 in the senate of Virginia. But after a short engagement 
 there, he determined to relinquish all engagements in public 
 life, and bid a final adieu to its labors, turmoils, and cares. 
 This determination he soon carried into effect, and retired 
 from every public service to the close of his life. 
 
 Having no children, he was exempted, in his declining 
 years, from the usual solicitude which parents commonly feel 
 for their posterity. Mr. Lee spent his time pleasantly; de 
 voting it to his friends and relations, whose welcome visits 
 enlivened the cheerfulness of his hospitable dwelling, while 
 reading and agricultural employments, of which he was very 
 fond, were at once agreeable sources of recreation, informa 
 tion, and amusement. 
 
 At length a pleurisy seized him, and his beloved com 
 panion, in one of the most severe winters that Virginia expe 
 riences, and removed them both from the world, within a 
 few days of each other. 
 
 CARTER BRAXTON. 
 
 CARTER BRAXTON was born at Newington, in King and 
 Queen s county, in Virginia, on the 10th of September, 1736. 
 His father was George Braxton, a planter of considerable 
 wealth, and appears to have been of some estimation among 
 the gentleman of influence and distinction in the colony, at 
 the time when he lived. His mother was a daughter of Ro 
 bert Carter, who was for a short time president of the king s 
 council for Virginia. She died young, leaving two sons, the 
 youngest of whom, who is the subject of this memoir, only 
 seven days old. - It is probable that his father s death took 
 place when he and his brother George, who was but two 
 years older, \vere both young. 
 
 Carter received a public education at the college of Wil 
 liam and Mary. His property was ample ; and at the age 
 of nineteen, he connected himself by marriage, with Miss 
 Judith Robinson, who was a daughter of Christopher Robin 
 son, Esq., a wealthy planter of the county of Middlesex, and 
 reported to have been an accomplished woman. By this 
 marriage, his wealth already large, was considerably in- 
 
322 CARTER BRAXTON, 
 
 creased. She was the mother of two daughters ; but she 
 died at the birth of the youngest, at the age of nearly twenty- 
 one years. 
 
 Soon after the death of his wife, Mr. Braxton sailed for 
 England, where he continued until 1760, having resided 
 there for a number of years. This excursion is supposed to 
 have been taken for his own gratification and improvement. 
 After his return, he was again married to Miss Elizabeth 
 Corbin, a daughter of a gentleman holding the office of re- 
 ceiver general of the customs for Virginia, under the king. 
 This woman was a mother of a large family ; having given 
 birth to sixteen children. Mr. Braxton s style of living was 
 established according to the general mode of southern hospi 
 tality, adopted and practised by gentlemen of wealth ; and 
 subjected him to great expense. It is well known that the 
 fashion among the large landed aristocracy of Virginia, be 
 fore the revolution, was established on a liberal scale of hos 
 pitality. Mr. Braxton s connections and fortune, required 
 of him to support that style of living, adopted by the rank in 
 society with which he associated ; and his national disposi 
 tion coincided with the custom of the country. 
 
 At what time he was brought forward into public office, is 
 not now to be precisely ascertained. He was a member of 
 the house of burgesses, in 1765, when Mr. Henry s strong 
 resolutions were introduced and adopted. Probably he was a 
 member a few years earlier. He was also a member in 1769, 
 when measures were introduced and adopted, which disturbed 
 the feelings of one of the best royal governors that ever pre 
 sided in Virginia, Lord Botetourt. After his lordship had 
 suddenly dissolved that assembly, in consequence of those 
 spirited measures, Mr. Braxton was one of the members 
 who retired to a private room, and signed a written non-im 
 portation agreement. 
 
 Mr. Braxton was returned a member of the next house, 
 and was placed on three of the standing committees uni- 
 formly appointed by that assembly, at its opening session. 
 
 Lord Botetourt having died between the sessions of 1770 
 and 1771 ; after a short interval, in which the executive go 
 vernment was administered by the president of the council, 
 he was succeeded by Lord Dunmore. In that interval, Mr. 
 Braxton held the office of high sheriff of the county where he 
 resided. 
 
 The indiscreet administration of Lord Dunmore, contribu 
 ted to increase and animate the spirit in Virginia, which was 
 
VIRGINIA. 323 
 
 already preparing for decided measures ; and impelled the 
 recommendation from eighty-nine members of the house of 
 burgesses, hastily dissolved by him, to recommend the call 
 ing of a convention, which met at Williamsburgh, in August, 
 1774. Of this first convention that ever met in Virginia, Mr. 
 Braxton was a member, having been elected by the people 
 of King William county. 
 
 When Lord Dunmore caused the ammunition belonging to 
 Virginia, to be secretly conveyed from the magazine in Wil 
 liamsburgh, on board of a king s ship then in James River ; it 
 occasioned great excitement, and much alarm among the peo 
 ple ; and they were about resorting to violent measures to ef 
 fect a restoration of the powder, or to obtain its value in mo 
 ney. Without descending to a minute detail of the several 
 particular occurrences caused by it, it may be proper to men 
 tion, that the wise and prudent course pursued by Mr. Brax 
 ton, was essentially instrumental in effecting a settlement on 
 the part of his lordship, which pacified the excited populace, 
 at the head of whom was the patriotic Mr. Henry ; and of 
 saving Williamsburgh from the threatened evils of being bat 
 tered by the guns of the armed ship Fowrey. The captain 
 of that ship having declared that he would fire on the town, if 
 Lord Dunmore was in the least molested. 
 
 Thus by the interference and prudent conduct of that gen 
 tleman, a settlement was effected, which undoubtedly prevent 
 ed a great degree of suffering to the inhabitants of that town. 
 
 He was a member, and a very active and useful one, of 
 the last house of burgesses that was ever convened in Virgi 
 nia by royal authority. He was employed as a member of 
 those committees of that house, to whom were referred the 
 subject? of dispute between the legislature and his lordship. 
 
 The governor fled for refuge on board the armed ship 
 Fowrey ; and thus the royal government in the colony of 
 Virginia became dissolved. He could not be prevailed upon 
 to return to his palace, and resume his official duties ; and 
 the legislature being determined not to wait on him on board 
 a ship of war ; all the powers of government necessarily de- 
 v-olved on the people, to whom they had now reverted. Those 
 powers, legislative and executive ; were resumed with their 
 approbation, by a convention chosen by the people, to meet 
 at Richmond, in July, 1775. Mr. Braxton was a member of 
 that convention. That body now possessing all the power 
 of the province, proceeded to make arrangements for the exi 
 gencies of the community, and appointed a committee of 
 
324 CARTER BRAXTON, 
 
 public safety, consisting of some of the first men in Virginia, 
 among whom was that of Mr. Braxton. On that commit 
 tee devolved all the sovereign power of the colony, during 
 the recess of the convention. Having adjourned on the 26th 
 of August, 1775, to December of the same year, the duty of 
 supplying the vacancy in* their representation in congress, 
 occasioned by the death of Peyton Randolph, devolved on 
 them. The convention appointed for his successor Mr. 
 Braxton. He soon took his seat, and was present to give 
 his signature to the Declaration of Independence, and thus 
 ensured immortality to his name. 
 
 Mr. Braxton having been omitted in an election for mem 
 bers of congress, subsequent to the Declaration of Indepen 
 dence, it has been supposed that he had fallen under the dis 
 pleasure of his constituents. But, on a meeting of the gene 
 ral assembly, the first under the new constitution of the state, 
 of which he was a member, he with Mr. Jefferson received 
 a vote of thanks from that assembly, "for the diligence, 
 ability, and integrity, with which they executed the important 
 trust reposed in them, as two of the delegates of the county 
 in the general congress." They were delegates from the 
 county of King William. 
 
 In this session of that legislature, he was an active and 
 influential member ; and as formerly when a member, he 
 was placed on most, if not all of the important committees. 
 If he ever did incur the displeasure of his fellow citizens, (of 
 which there appears to be no conclusive evidence,) it is obvi 
 ous that its duration was short ; for he was returned a mem 
 ber of the house of representatives in the years 1777-79-80- 
 81-83 and 1785. Their confidence and attachment were 
 unequivocally manifested, in every vicissitude of circumstan 
 ces, some of which were of the most afflictive kind, even >o 
 the close of his life. 
 
 In 1786, he was appointed a member of the council of 
 state, and he continued a member of that board until 1791. 
 He was again elected to the same office in May, 1794, and 
 he closed his services in that board on the sixth day of Octo 
 ber, 1797, four days after which he breathed his last. 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 325 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 WILLIAM HOOPER. 
 
 THIS gentleman was a native of Massachusetts, and was 
 born in Boston on the seventeenth day of June, 1742. He 
 was descended from a Scottish ancestry, and his father, after 
 finishing his classical studies in the university of Edinburgh, 
 left his native land and came to Boston, " in the then province 
 of Massachusetts Bay," and fixed his residence in that town. 
 
 After receiving a careful preparatory education in part 
 from his father, and afterwards from Mr. John Lovell, Wil 
 liam Hooper entered Harvard university at the age of fifteen, 
 and left it at the close of the term of three years, with a 
 reputation for industry and application, peculiarly distin 
 guished at that seminary, and highly honorable to his youth 
 ful character. His constitution was feeble, even from his 
 birth ; and cannot be supposed to have improved in vigor 
 from his intense application to books, and the sedentary habit 
 invariably connected with a strong desire for scientific 
 acquirements. 
 
 After he left college, having manifested a preference for the 
 bar, though contrary to his father s wishes, he was placed in the 
 office of James Otis, and enjoyed the benefit of his instruction. 
 
 As the profession of law was fully supplied with practition 
 ers in Massachusetts, he removed to North Carolina, where 
 he had numerous connections, and commenced his professional 
 career in that province. 
 
 There he soon found himself associated with gentlemen of 
 a literary character, polished manners, and distinguished 
 hospitality ; a society in which was combined that style of 
 living, manners, and feelings, which concurred to render his 
 residence peculiarly desirable. 
 
 He had at an early age. assumed and sustained his rank, 
 at the head of the bar in that region, and was highly esteemed 
 by the wealthy and fashionable circle in which he moved, 
 and by whom he was deservedly esteemed and respected. 
 
 His professional reputation had become so thoroughly 
 established, even while comparatively a young man, that he 
 
326 WILLIAM HOOPER, 
 
 was employed on behalf of the government in several im- 
 portant trials ; and he managed them with so much profes 
 sional skill, and sound judgment, that his character was es 
 tablished as a barrister of high standing in that community. 
 This he retained to the close of his life. He also took an 
 active and decided part on the side of government, against 
 an insurrection that became somewhat formidable, about the 
 year 1770. They assumed the name of regulators ; and 
 consisted of low and uninformed people, whose jealousy of 
 the better classes of society had been excited, and their pas 
 sions inflamed by designing men, who were desirous of over 
 turning the existing order of things, that they might gain 
 something in the scramble. It was, however, subdued at the 
 expense of some blood ; and in pursuance of measures re 
 commended by Mr. Hooper. 
 
 He commenced his legislative course in 1773, in which 
 year he was chosen a representative of the town of Wilming 
 ton, where he had been a resident scarcely six years. This fact 
 will evince the rapidity of his advancement in popular esteem. 
 The same respect was again shown him in the year follow 
 ing, being returned a member for the county of Hanover. 
 
 He probably derived the tone of his political sentiments 
 from his instructor, while a law student. He uniformly acted 
 in opposition to oppression, and against turbulence, whether 
 in rulers, or a heated populace. In the house of assembly in 
 North Carolina, he was called on in the faithful discharge 
 of his duty, to oppose the court party; and was, though com 
 paratively young both in years and legislation, selected as 
 the leader of the party, who were the most open and decided 
 in their opposition to the arbitrary measures of the British 
 government. In pursuing the course he had thus marked 
 out, uniformly, and often with great zeal and ardor, as might 
 have been expected, he exasperated the adherents of royal 
 power, and rendered himself very obnoxious to the warm par- 
 tizans of the ministry and the crown in Great Britain. 
 
 The scene began to open in which he was destined to take 
 an active and highly important part. The proposal from 
 Massachusetts, for calling a general congress in 1774, to 
 convene in Philadelphia, had spread its influence over North 
 Carolina ; and the calling a convention of delegates to act 
 on the subject was the result. This convention met in 
 Newbern; and having passed a resolution approving of the 
 measure, the convention immediately appointed William 
 Hooper their first delegate to that congress. 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 327 
 
 Mr. Hooper did not reach Philadelphia, so as to take his 
 seat until the twelfth of September, when congress had been 
 a week in session. Young as he was, he was immediately 
 elected a member of two committees, to whom were in 
 trusted business of the most important character. The sub 
 jects submitted to their investigation, and their reports, 
 embraced the broad basis of the system of measures of the 
 general government, in their future progress. They may 
 be considered as pioneers, appointed to mark out and clear 
 the path for the after march of congress in that course of 
 legislation, which was pursued in their succeeding sessions. 
 Their business required men of the first talents, wisdom, and 
 experience. Although there was no lack of the two former 
 in that assembly ; in the latter respect, they were necessarily 
 deficient. 
 
 Mr. Hooper was again elected to a seat in congress in the 
 spring of 1775, and was very active during the whole session. 
 He was employed in many committees, and several of them 
 having in charge interests of the greatest importance. He 
 was chairman of a committee appointed to report an address 
 to the inhabitants of the Island of Jamaica, on the situation 
 of the North American colonies. The address contained a 
 clear statement and delineation of the injuries inflicted on the 
 colonies, by the British government, and an eloquent appeal 
 to the patriotism of the inhabitants of that island. It was 
 from his pen. 
 
 He was continued a member of the congress of 1776 , 
 v ,hough he was under a necessity for being absent from his 
 seat a considerable part of the spring of that year. The 
 public concerns of North Carolina, as well as his private 
 business, rendered it necessary for him to return to the place 
 of bis residence. During his absence in North Carolina, he 
 was called to attend two different conventions in that pro 
 vince one at Hillsborough, and the other in Halifax. Al- 
 \vays ardent, and always active in supporting the cause he 
 lad espoused, he was very influential in rousing the feelings 
 of the colony, and inducing them to come forward resolutely 
 to protect their rights, and maintain the cause of the country, 
 against British invasion. By the convention at Hillsborough, 
 his pen was again put in requisition, to draw up an address to 
 the inhabitants of the British empire, which that body had 
 resolved on. 
 
 He returned to congress in the summer, and was present 
 in season to record his vote in favor of declaring the North 
 
328 WILLIAM HOOPER, 
 
 American colonies independent, in connection with his col 
 leagues, when that question was decided. The measure he 
 advocated with decision, and approved of it with entire cor 
 diality. 
 
 Mr. Hooper continued in his seat during the remainder of 
 the session of 1776, and was a member of several commit 
 tees ; among which were those for regulating the post office, 
 the treasury, secret correspondence, and appeals from the 
 courts of admiralty. These were all trusts of much import 
 ance, and requiring sound judgment and deliberation. 
 
 He was again chosen a member of congress in December, 
 1776. But he did not long retain his seat. His private 
 affairs had suffered so materially, by reason of his absence, 
 and consequent inattention to them, while engaged in the ser 
 vice of the public, and also by reason of the situation of the 
 country at that dark and gloomy period ; that the security of 
 his family made it indispensably necessary that he should re 
 tire from congress, and return to North Carolina Conse 
 quently, he obtained leave of absence in March, 1777, and re 
 turned to his family ; and shortly afterwards, on perceiving 
 that he could not resume his seat in that assembly, he resigned 
 and did not again mingle in its labors and discussions. 
 
 Like others who voted to dissolve all allegiance to the 
 king and government of Great Britain, Mr. Hooper was pecu 
 liarly odious to English troops; who vented their feelings, and 
 gave indulgence to their revenge, on every opportunity they 
 could embrace for exercising it on their persons, property, 
 and families. While he was absent in Philadelphia, attend 
 ing to his congressional duties, an English sloop of war, then 
 lying in Cape Fear River, fired upon a dwelling house be 
 longing to him, which was near the river, and a few miles 
 from Wilmington. This fact is worthy of being noticed, only 
 because it shows the strong resentment against those who 
 took a leading part in resisting the arbitrary measures of the 
 British government. 
 
 After his retirement from congress, he renigved his family 
 from Wilmington, to a plantation which he owned a few 
 miles distant from that town ; but the persecuting spirit di 
 rected against him personally, did not long suffer him to en 
 joy his retirement in tranquillity. A Major Craige, an officer 
 in the British service, approached his residence with a con 
 siderable force, and compelled him to send his family back 
 to Wilmington, and to seek security for himself in the inte 
 rior 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 329 
 
 About this time, when the American affairs were overcast 
 with gloom, and the storm was still gathering blackness, and 
 the final issue of the contest was very doubtful, it is said that 
 Mr. Hooper and other members of congress had concerted 
 with the French minister, to take a residence in one of the 
 French West India islands, as a last resort, if the colonies 
 were obliged in the end to submit. 
 
 After the enemy evacuated Wilmington, in 1771, Mr. 
 Hooper with his family returned to his own residence. He 
 remained there however but a short time, and then took up his 
 abode in Hillsborough. 
 
 It is probable that he now prosecuted the business of his 
 profession, without meeting with any remarkable event wor 
 thy of historical record, until the year 1786, when he was ap 
 pointed by congress one of the judges of a federal court, 
 which was constituted for the special purpose of settling a 
 controversy that had arisen between Massachusetts, and New 
 York, relative to a territory, which was claimeo^ by each of 
 those states. The cause was one of great importance, but it 
 never was brought before that tribunal. It was finally ad 
 justed by commissioners appointed by the states, and settled 
 without farther litigation. 
 
 Mr. Hooper had continued to hold a high rank in the legis 
 lative council of the state, and he fully sustained his station 
 at the bar, notwithstanding his feeble constitution and im 
 paired health. But while yet in the prime of life, he began 
 in 1787 to relax in his attention to business, and soon after 
 withdrew wholly from all active employment. His life was 
 now drawing to its close. He lived very much within his 
 family until the month of October, 1790 ; when at the age of 
 forty- eight years, his earthly existence was closed in Hills- 
 borough in North Carolina. 
 
 At his decease he left a widow, two sons and one daughter 
 the last of whom only survives. 
 
 Like many of his fellow laborers in the old congress, al 
 though he suffered losses and trials, he never once regretted 
 having engaged in the cause of liberty and his country ; and 
 amidst all the gloom with which the prospect before America 
 was from time to time overspread, he never desponded, nor 
 suffered himself to be cast down. 
 
 When the afflictive intelligence of the disastrous battle of 
 Germantown reached him, he was seated among a party of 
 friends, on whose feelings the intelligence brought an almost 
 overwhelming distress and discouragement. They seemed 
 
 28* 
 
330 JOSEPH HEWES, 
 
 x 
 
 ready almost to despair of the cause. But Mr. Hooper, start 
 ing from his seat with great, animation, repeated the words 
 " we have been disappointed," in which the intelligence was 
 announced, with vehemence he exclaimed, " We have been 
 disappointed, but no matter, now that we have become the 
 assailants, there can be no doubt of the issue." 
 
 JOSEPH HEWES. 
 
 JOSEPH HEWES was born at Kingston in New Jersey, in 
 ihe year 1730. His parents, at the time of their marriage, 
 resided in Connecticut, and belonged to the society of Friends. 
 
 From Connecticut they removed to New Jersey, where 
 ihey found a quiet and tranquil retreat in Kingston, a short 
 distance from Princeton. 
 
 This proved a very favorable circumstance to Joseph, foi 
 when he attained to the proper age for pursuing his studies 
 the vicinity of his father s dwelling to the college in Prince 
 ton, furnished him with facilities for procuring an education 
 such as a more distant residence from a seminary of learning 
 would have precluded. 
 
 Having finished his academic studies, he went immedi 
 ately to Philadelphia, and entered as an apprentice to a mer 
 chant, to qualify himself for commercial business. 
 
 On the close of his apprenticeship, he commenced business 
 on his own account, and by means of peculiar advantages, 
 which at that time attended the colonies, in connection with 
 the protection to merchant ships afforded by the British flag, 
 Mr. Hewes rapidly acquired property. His residence for 
 several years, was divided between New York and Philadel 
 phia, as his business demanded his attention in the one place 
 or the other. 
 
 At the age of about thirty years, he removed to North 
 Carolina, and settled in Edenton, which he afterwards made 
 his home for life. 
 
 In this his new residence, his industrious attention to busi 
 ness, his probity in his dealings, his sobriety of deportment, 
 his intelligence and address, early acquired for him the es 
 teem and confidence of the inhabitants ; insomuch that while 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 331 
 
 he was yet comparatively a stranger among them, by their 
 voluntary and unsolicited favor, he was called to take a seat 
 in their legislative assembly. That appointment was repeat, 
 edly given him, and the duties connected with it he uniformly 
 discharged to the acceptance of his constituents. 
 
 North Carolina was early decided in her opposition to the 
 aggressions of the ministry and parliament of Great Britain. 
 Consequently, so soon as the proposal for a general congress 
 was announced to her influential men, measures were adopted 
 for calling a convention to discuss the subject. That con 
 vention met fully prepared for the object. Accordingly, 
 three delegates were appointed to attend the first congress in 
 Philadelphia, of whom Joseph Hewes was one. 
 
 He entered the session on the fourteenth day of September, 
 1774 ; and like all the other delegates, his services were im 
 mediately called into action for arranging some of the vari 
 ous subjects which were to be considered, and decided by 
 congress before the session closed. He was placed on the 
 committee for considering and " stating the rights of the 
 colonies in general, the several instances in which those 
 rights had been violated, and the means most proper to be 
 pursued for obtaining a restoration of them." 
 
 That committee, after an industrious attention to their du 
 ties, reported a bill of rights to which the inhabitants were 
 entitled, just one month from the day on which he entered 
 congress. 
 
 Mr. Hewes was another striking instance of self devoted 
 patriotism, of which there were many in those days, worthy 
 of the age in which they lived, and which would honor any 
 age, of any nation. He was a merchant. He had been en 
 gaged in the business of importing goods from Great Britain 
 and her dependencies. By importing and selling those goods 
 he procured his support ; and this had been his business and 
 the source of his income, more than twenty years ; and he 
 had no other. Yet all this must fall a sacrifice by the estab 
 lishment of a non-importation agreement. But notwithstand 
 ing this sacrifice, he aided in maturing such an agreement, 
 voted for it, and exerted himself to have it universally concur 
 red in, and carried into complete effect. 
 
 Congress having finished the business of that session, and 
 resolved that it was expedient that there should be another 
 meeting in May, 1775, adjourned. In the spring of 1775, 
 Mr. Hewes was re-elected a delegate to congress, and took 
 his seat accordingly at the time appointed. He was emphati- 
 
 15 
 
332 WILLIAM HOOPER, 
 
 cally a man of business. Of whatever committees he was a 
 member, he devoted himself to discharge his several duties 
 with great assiduity, and unwearied perseverance. He was 
 a member of that which had in charge the whole naval de 
 partment ; and he became in effect the first secretary of the 
 navy. He was also a member of the secret committee, whose 
 duties were of the first importance, and of the highest respon 
 sibility. 
 
 But while he was so much occupied with his multiplied avo 
 cations in congress, he was not unmindful of North Carolina. 
 The civil war was raging in that distracted region, and ex 
 posed the country to the attack of the common foe. It stood 
 in need of aid ; and this aid Mr. Hewes forwarded for her re 
 lief, from his own private resources, although he was after 
 wards remunerated by congress. 
 
 The convention of North Carolina, in April, 1776, had voted 
 a resolution, empowering the delegates from that province 
 to concur with those from the other colonies, in declaring 
 independence ; and Mr. Hewes, who was present when the 
 question was debated in congress, was under no embarrass 
 ment in voting for it in conformity to his established judgment, 
 as well as his views of its indispensable necessity, or in sign 
 ing the instrument by which it was declared. 
 
 As soon as the business of the session would admit, Mr. 
 Hewes returned to North Carolina ; and although he was ap 
 pointed again a delegate to congress in the spring of 1777, he 
 declined resuming his seat at that time. He remained at 
 home, attending to his own private concerns, and to the inte 
 rests of the state, until July, 1779 ; he then resumed his seat in 
 congress. But his term of service was fast drawing to its 
 close. His constitution had been severely tried, and his 
 health was now quite feeble. He was able, therefore, to 
 attend but little to the business of the public, or afford his aid 
 to the national councils. 
 
 He attended and acted in congress, and gave his last vote 
 in that body, on the twenty-ninth day of October. Thence 
 he betook himself to his chamber, where he was confined 
 until the tenth day of November, when he breathed his last, in 
 the fiftieth year of his age. 
 
 His funeral was attended by congress in a body, by many 
 personages of distinction, civil and military, and a large con 
 course of the citizens of Philadelphia, with marks of sincere 
 regret for his decease, and profound respect for his character 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 335 
 
 JOHN PENN 
 
 To the number of honorable instances of individuals, who 
 rose to eminence and distinction, among the leading patriots 
 of the American revolution, by their own resolute and perse 
 vering efforts, with but little aid from others, may be added the 
 name of John Penn. He emerged from obscurity, such ae 
 would have disheartened men of less energy of character, aJ 
 the outset. But he resolved on accomplishing his purpose 
 and he did accomplish it, notwithstanding many obstacles 
 which for years opposed his progress. 
 
 He was a native of Virginia, and was born in the county of 
 Caroline, on the 17th of May, 1741. He was the only child 
 of Moses Penn, who seems to have regarded his welfare 
 almost with indifference. For at the age of eighteen years, 
 he had been furnished with but two or three years instruc 
 tion in a common country school, whence he could have deriv 
 ed but small advantages. At that age, he lost his father by 
 Jeath. He industriously improved that very slight opportu 
 dity, to obtain what little knowledge it could furnish, which 
 rnust have been very small. 
 
 His father left him a competent property, though not large, 
 of which he became at that youthful period of life, the sole 
 guardian tyid manager. The comparative obscurity of his 
 early life,was in one respect favorable. It had preserved 
 him from those dangerous associations, and contaminating 
 examples which are numerous, and by which many unpro 
 tected youths are ensnared, and enticed to their ruin. But 
 Mr. Penn possessed a mind which was disposed to avoid, and 
 capable of resisting the dangerous allurements of youth, and 
 of fixing on a course both discreet and honorable, and pro 
 mising an auspicious result. 
 
 He was a relative of the celebrated Edmund Pendleton, 
 one of the distinguished Virginia patriots, and fellow laborers 
 with Messrs. Lee, Henry, Randolph, Wythe, &c. and young 
 Penn availed himself of the use of his library, kindly tendered 
 to him by its generous owner. He resided near to his kins 
 man, and taking advantage of his kindness, which gave him 
 access to his books, he industriously applied himself to im 
 prove the privilege by intense application. Mr. Penn thus 
 situated, formed the resolution of qualifying himself for prac 
 tising law. He immediately set about effecting his pur- 
 
334 JOHN PENN, 
 
 pose, with no other guide but his own judgment, and with 
 only the very limited preparatory education we have men 
 tioned. 
 
 At twenty-one years of age, he was admitted to the bar, in 
 the county where he resided ; and by close application, and 
 native powers of eloquence, he soon rose to eminence. His 
 eloquence was of that attractive kind, to which auditors always 
 listen with peculiar satisfaction. He could enlist the tender 
 feelings in his favor, and bear them along to a successful 
 issue of the cause in which he was engaged. 
 
 In 1774, he removed to North Carolina, and entered on 
 his professional business in that province. There the same 
 distinction attended him which he had attained in Virginia. 
 
 We may be assured that his reputation as a politician and 
 a patriot, had become extensively known, from the fact, that 
 in less than two years after his settlement in that province, 
 he was elected a delegate to congress, among those early 
 worthies, to whom the management of the important interests 
 of the country was committed. He took his seat on the 
 twelfth day of October, 1775, as a delegate for North Caro 
 lina ; and in the following year, met the crisis which severed 
 the colonies forever from the mother country, and gave them 
 a rank among the independent nations of the world. He 
 was returned to a seat in congress annually during the three 
 following years ; and like the other members of that assem 
 bly, he faithfully and with promptitude, industriously perform 
 ed the numerous duties which were devolved on hkn, during 
 that long and gloomy period of the revolutionary conflict. 
 
 At the time when Lord Cornwallis was directing his march 
 from Camden, in South Carolina, at the head of a victorious 
 army, North Carolina, almost defenceless, was the object of 
 his invasion and ravages. In that situation the confidence 
 reposed in Mr. Penn was almost unlimited. Cornwallis had 
 entered the western part of the state, and it was almost des 
 titute of all the necessary means of defence. The eyes of 
 the community were turned in this emergency, on Mr. Perm ; 
 and he was invested with a power but little short of that of a 
 dictator. This power, so dangerous in all situations to be 
 intrusted to any man, as history abundantly testifies, he used, 
 and applied to the pressing situation of the state, without 
 abusing it, and for the great benefit of the commonwealth. 
 He sustained the trial, performed the requisite duties of his 
 appointment, received the approbation of the state, and ac 
 quired additional honor to himself. 
 
NORTH CAROLINA. 335 
 
 Previous to the termination of the war of the revolution, 
 Mr. Penn had relinquished public employment, and retired to 
 the enjoyment of domestic life. 
 
 In 1784, he was appointed receiver of taxes for North Car 
 olina, by Robert Morris, the celebrated financier of the United 
 States. It was an unpopular and an unwelcome office. It 
 was one of high trust and honor. But the incumbents in the 
 several states, suffered more obloquy and reproach from the 
 peculiar state of the times, and the empoverished condition of 
 the inhabitants, than all the honors and emoluments of the 
 office were worth. With feelings the most patriotic, the 
 most sincere desires to be useful to the country on the one 
 hand ; on the other, a conviction derived from experience, 
 that he could effect little by retaining his office, and that he 
 must continue to suffer much in his feelings, he resigned his 
 office, which was Droved to be alike destitute of proh t to the 
 public and himself. He held it but a few weeks. 
 
 He died in 1788, in the month of September, in the forty, 
 seventh year of his age. He was married in July, 1763, to 
 Miss Susan Lyme, by whom he had three children ; one only 
 of whom became the head of a family. The others died in 
 single life. 
 
 Such was the character of another of the revolutionary 
 worthies, who. by his own almost unassisted exertions, raised 
 himself from obscurity to a distinguished rank among the 
 great men of that memorable period, became qualified for ex 
 tensive usefulness, and attained to high and merited honors 
 in the commonwealth. Thus furnishing another example, 
 well worthy of an extensive imitation. 
 
336 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 
 
 EDWARD RUTLEDGE was the youngest son of Doctor John 
 Rutledge, who emigrated from Ireland, in 1735, and settled 
 at Charleston, South Carolina. There he pursued the prac 
 tice of physic several years, till his connection by marriage 
 with Miss Hert, put him in possession of an ample property. 
 Mrs. Rutledge was a superior woman by nature and acquire 
 ments. By the early decease of Doctor Rutledge she was 
 left a widow, with the charge of seven children, at the age 
 of twenty-seven years. Edward, the youngest of the seven, 
 was born at Charleston in November, 1740. 
 
 Of his early years but little is known ; probably nothing 
 was manifested by him, of a character to distinguish him es 
 sentially from others of his own age. He is represented as 
 having been sprightly in his youth, of a docile and amiable dis 
 position, and exemplary in filial affection and obedience. 
 
 Young Rutledge, at a suitable age, was committed to the 
 tuition of a classical instructor from New Jersey. But the 
 means of acquiring a finished classical education, not having 
 been established at that time in the south, whatever his ac 
 quisitions were, they fell short of such as were furnished by 
 the collegiate instructions of the northern colonies. He at 
 tained sufficient, however, to qualify him for entering on the 
 study of law, the profession for which he had been destined 
 by his connections. 
 
 His eldest brother, John Rutledge, was already established 
 in the practice of law in Charleston ; and was rapidly ad 
 vancing to the head of the profession, at the Charleston bar. 
 Edward at an early age was placed under him, to prepare 
 for his own professional career. To finish the preparatory 
 course of studies, before admission to the bar, he was in 1769, 
 when scarcely twenty years of age, sent to England, and en 
 tered as a student at the temple. There he had opportunities 
 for witnessing the oratorical displays and efforts of the dis 
 tinguished characters of that age ; among whom were Messrs. 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 337 
 
 Mansfield, Thurlow, Chatham, Dunning, Wedderburn, and 
 Camden. These advantages were of much value to him, and 
 industriously improved for his own advantage. 
 
 He returned to Charleston, after having spent the required 
 term in England, and commenced practising law at that 
 place, in 1773. In his early efforts, he received the applause 
 of his fellow citizens ; and his course, so long as he pursued 
 it, was both flattering and prosperous. But he was not per 
 mitted to advance very far in it, before the partiality of his 
 fellow citizens, called him from the bar, to attend to their 
 more important interests in the general congress. His elec 
 tion to that assembly took place in the year 1774, when Mr. 
 Rutledge was but twenty-five years of age. Even at that 
 early age, he always manifested a degree of prudence, sound 
 discretion, and decision of character, which are not often met 
 with in so early a period of life. Though a firm whig, he 
 was uniformly opposed to violent party measures. Although 
 fond of popular favor and promotion, he not only would not 
 condescend to court them, by flattering his fellow citizens, in 
 giving his countenance to their measures, when he was per 
 suaded they were wrong ; but uniformly opposed them with 
 boldness, although his rising hopes, and opening prospects, 
 might become a sacrifice to their resentment. In this respect 
 his character was put to the test, in more instances than one, 
 in the place of his residence ; and he uniformly maintained 
 his integrity in spite of the hissings and shouting of his fel 
 low citizens, as tokens of their disapprobation of his conduct. 
 
 For his services in the continental congress, where he .had 
 some opposition from some of his colleagues to contend with, 
 he received the approbation of the provincial congress, in con 
 nection with his colleagues, in a formal vote of thanks, which 
 they passed ; and which was followed by a re-appointment to 
 the same office, for the year 1775. He was again chosen 
 for the following year ; that year which will be the most me 
 morable in the American history to the end of time. 
 
 It was a fact well understood by Mr. Rutledge, that a con 
 siderable portion of the inhabitants of South Carolina, were 
 at least not zealous in favor of declaring the colonies indepen 
 dent, at the time when it began to be a subject of discus 
 sion. Some thought it premature ; some, that if declared, 
 the country could not sustain it against the power and force 
 of Great Britain ; and others, particularly the mercantile por 
 tion of the community, anticipated the total prostration of 
 their business, for a time at least, if not utterly, by adopting 
 
 29 
 
338 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 
 
 so decisive a measure. But Mr. Rutledge, in opposition to all 
 these considerations, perceiving the necessity of the measure 
 and firm in the belief of an ultimate triumph of the colonies 
 in support of their just rights, boldly advocated its adoption ; 
 and when the time had come for a final decision, he gave his 
 vote in its favor ; and in due course, set his name to the in- 
 strument, by which the independence of his country was so 
 lemnly announced to the world. 
 
 Before this important measure was determined by congress, 
 a resolution was introduced to that body, and adopted, recom 
 mending to the several provinces to establish permanent go 
 vernments for regulating their concerns, instead of those ephe 
 meral institutions to which the urgency of their circumstan 
 ces had required them to resort for temporary purposes. This 
 recommendation clearly and unequivocally indicated their ul 
 terior design ; and it might easily be inferred, in whom con 
 gress placed confidence, when it was ascertained whom they 
 designated to bring it forward. On that occasion we find, 
 that young Rutledge was associated with Richard Henry 
 Lee and John Adams, to prepare a suitable preamble to the 
 recommendation. 
 
 At the request of Lord Howe, that congress would depute 
 commissioners to meet him, to consider of some proposals of 
 the British government, ostensibly to negotiate for peace, 
 congress appointed Mr. John Adams, Doctor Franklin, and 
 Mr. Rutledge. It is well known that the mission was pro 
 ductive of no immediate consequences, that were beneficial to 
 either party. It appeared obvious that the real object of the 
 British was, under cover of pacific proposals, to sow the seeds 
 of jealousy, and excite parties among the Americans. That 
 time was embraced for this purpose, because a succession of 
 adverse occurrences in their affairs, had caused some degree 
 of despondency in the public feelings; and the enemy hoped 
 that the time would prove propitious to their purposes, by 
 inclining the timid and wavering to come forth in open oppo 
 sition to the cause of American Independence. 
 
 We have no further account of Mr. Rutledge s proceedings 
 in congress, to record in this sketch, by reason of the early 
 determination of that body, to transact their business with 
 closed doors. That resolution was not rescinded up to the 
 time when ill health, and other imperative causes, compelled 
 him to withdraw, for a period, from his public duties in that 
 assembly. He was returned again as a delegate in 1779 ; 
 but sickness, which arrested him on his way to the place of 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 339 
 
 their sessions, compelled him to return home, without even 
 reaching the end of his journey. 
 
 From his retirement from congress in 1777, the situation 
 of South Carolina demanded his attention, and patriotic exer 
 tions for its preservation ; and eventually, for its deliverance 
 from the possession and depredations of the enemy. During 
 that time Mr. Rutledge was more than once found march- 
 ing to attack the invading enemy. Particularly, when the 
 British assaulted Port Royal Island, with a detachment com 
 manded by Major Beard, Mr. Rutledge in command of an 
 artillery company, and his colleague, Thomas Heyward, 
 (who also signed the Delaration of Independence,) in com 
 mand of another, marched to oppose them. The result was, 
 the British were defeated, and driven from the island. 
 
 In the year 1780, while Charleston was invested by the 
 British, Mr. Rutledge, in an attempt to succor General Lin 
 coln, by throwing troops into the city, was taken a prisoner 
 by the enemy, and sent afterwards to St. Augustine, in Flo 
 rida. He was detained there nearly a year, in company 
 with some others of his fellow citizens, who were considered 
 as too dangerous rebels to be intrusted with a station less 
 remote from their homes. After having been exchanged, he 
 returned to Philadelphia ; and spent about six months at a 
 moderate distance from that city, with the two General 
 Pinckneys, his friends, who were, at that time, both of them 
 prisoners to the British. He embraced the first opportunity 
 to return to the south, of which the situation of that country 
 admitted. At that time the forces under Generals Greene, 
 Sumpter, and Marion, were beginning to encounter the ene 
 my with some success, and reanimated the desponding hopes 
 of the inhabitants. 
 
 After the British forces evacuated Charleston, Mr. Rut- 
 ledge returned to his native residence, and mingled his con 
 gratulations with his relatives and friends. Among them he 
 found his mother, who had suffered some persecutions by the 
 foe, during the time they held possession of that country. 
 They considered her talents as qualifying her to become a 
 dangerous enemy ; and to guard themselves against any evils 
 she might assist in bringing on them, the commander of the 
 forces at Charleston ordered her to be removed from her 
 country residence into the city, where she would be more 
 particularly under his eye, than in the country. 
 
 After his return to Charleston, on its having been eva 
 cuated by the enemy, he entered, into the practise of law, 
 
340 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 
 
 in which he passed about seventeen years ; dividing his time 
 between the prosecution of his professional duties at the bar, 
 and his legislative service under the state government. In 
 the legislature of the state he was a leading, active, and in 
 fluential member. But though his services were usefully 
 and faithfully rendered, during that length of time, yet, in a 
 course of duties so uniform, where there was little to occupy 
 his time, and engage his attention, few remarkable occur 
 rences took place, adapted to give a variety to his history, or 
 to impress it with a character peculiarly interesting to pos 
 terity. Widows and orphans, and the fatherless, often reaped 
 the benefits of his gratuitous services in his profession ; and 
 the indigent were almost daily " made to feel gladness of 
 heart," by his charity and beneficence. 
 
 After the war of the revolution was ended, many of the 
 gentlemen having suffered materially during its progress, by 
 British depredations on one portion of their property, (their 
 slaves,) and having been otherwise greatly impoverished, 
 had become deeply involved in debt. Several expedients 
 were proposed in the legislature, for their relief against a 
 ruinous pressure for payment. Among them was a proposal 
 for introducing slaves from abroad, to supply the places of 
 those who had been carried off by the enemy. Against 
 every effort of that nature, he uniformly and stedfastly exerted 
 himself. He never would consent to extend, or in any way 
 increase the evil of slavery ; an evil of fearful magnitude, 
 entailed on them by their British ancestors, and for which no 
 effectual remedy could be devised. 
 
 On the commencement of hostilities between the French 
 republic and Great Britain, in common with a vast majority 
 of the people of the United States, he was an enthusiastic 
 well-wisher to the success of the former. This was, how 
 ever, at a time when the real designs of the French rulers and 
 leading men had not been fully developed. In this country 
 it was generally believed that they were, in good faith, seek 
 ing to rescue their liberties from the grasp of despotic rulers ; 
 and many of their extravagances were palliated and excused 
 for that reason. Mr. Rutledge, still feeling the smarting of 
 those many wounds inflicted on him and his country by the 
 British ; and remembering the aid furnished to us by the 
 French government, very naturally had his feelings strongly 
 enlisted in behalf of the one, and against the other. 
 
 It was probably a fact, that his popularity in his native 
 state was so general among the citizens, that had he conde 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA 341 
 
 scended to solicit office for himself, there was none in the 
 gift of the people, which he might not have had at any time. 
 He accepted the office of colonel of a regiment of artillery, 
 when the battalion in which he had long served was consti 
 tuted a regiment. When General Charles C. Pinckney re 
 tired from his seat in the United States senate, Mr. Rutledge 
 was appointed his successor. 
 
 He retired from the practice of law, in 1798, and was 
 chosen governor of the state. But the career of his services 
 and of his life was terminated by death, before one half of his 
 official term had elapsed. He had suffered previously to the 
 last attack, under which he sank, by repeated paroxysms of 
 an hereditary gout ; and his consitution, never vigorous, had 
 become considerably enfeebled. He was much debilitated 
 during the session of the legislature in Columbia ; and on 
 his return to Charleston, he suffered from exposure to the 
 weather, which at that time was inclement and severe. But 
 he reached home ; and after languishing for a short time, he 
 expired on the 23d day of January, 1800, in the 60th year 
 of his age, much and justly lamented by the citizens of his 
 native state. 
 
 Mr. Rutledge was twice married. His first marriage was 
 with Harriet Middleton, daughter of Henry Middleton, Esq. 
 who was colleague with him in congress, when the great 
 question of the declaring independence was decided. By her 
 he had one son, now Major Henry M. Rutledge of Tennessee ; 
 and one daughter, who resides at Charleston. After her de 
 cease, at a suitable time, he was married to Mary Shubrick, 
 daughter of Thomas Shubrick, Esq. ; and at that time, widow 
 of Nicholas Eveleigh, Esq. formerly comptroller of the 
 United States treasury, appointed to that office by General 
 Washington. 
 
 THOMAS HEYWARD. 
 
 THOMAS HEYWARD was the eldest son of Colonel Dame 
 Heyward, one of the wealthiest planters in South Carolina 
 He was born in St. Luke s parish, in the year 1746. Al 
 though his father had accumulated his own fortune, and like 
 many others, in similar circumstances, might have satisfied 
 
342 THOMAS HEYWARD 
 
 his feelings with a consciousness of being able to leave his 
 children in a state of affluence, he did not rest contented in 
 that situation. His views, with reference to their future 
 respectability and usefulness, went far beyond leaving them 
 in possession of a pecuniary competence. He justly realized 
 the importance of cultivating their minds, and enlarging their 
 sphere of usefulness, by furnishing them with a liberal edu- 
 cation ; and being amply furnished with the pecuniary means 
 requisite for accomplishing that object, at a suitable age, he 
 placed this son in the best classical school in the province of 
 South Carolina. His proficiency was honorable to his youth ; 
 and even then evinced his purpose of accomplishing some 
 thing beyond acquiring such a measure of education, as 
 would qualify him to sustain that rank in the community, 
 which his wealth would authorize him to assume. He applied 
 himself with a becoming assiduity to the study of the Latin 
 tongue , and readily became such a proficient in it, that he 
 read the Roman historians and poets in the original language ; 
 and thus imbibed that love of liberty, which every where per- 
 vades their publications. 
 
 On taking leave of his school, he entered on the study of 
 law, under the instruction of Mr. Parsons, a barrister of some 
 eminence in that region. 
 
 It was customary in the south at that period of their his 
 tory, for gentlemen to send their sons to England, to finish 
 their education. In conformity to that custom, Colonel Hey- 
 ward sent this son to London, and he was entered in one of 
 the inns of court. There he prosecuted his studies with a 
 diligence and fidelity, which would have been honorable to a 
 man, who must depend for his support on his professional 
 success and prosperity ; and it was much more characteris. 
 tic of such an one, than of an heir to an independent proper 
 ty, who was under no necessity of making personal exertions 
 for his support. His views were elevated far above that mo 
 derate level, on which many expectants of wealth seem will 
 ing to stand, contented only with being thought by others to be 
 gentlemen. The value of money in his estimation was en 
 hanced, as it became a means of qualifying its possessor to 
 be useful. While residing in England, he was more and 
 more impressed with the difference made between English 
 men at home, and Englishmen in the colonies. It appeared 
 to be a part of the system among the native born subjects 
 when any of the young colonists went to England to finish their 
 professional education, to impress them with the idea, that 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 343 
 
 they were Englishmen only in a subordinate degree. The 
 practice of the government was in conformity to this idea. 
 All honorable and lucrative offices in the colonies were given 
 to the native born English ; and those involving drudgery, but 
 yielding small compensation, were given to those of transat 
 lantic birth. The evidences of this practice, which he conti 
 nually had placed before him, and many of which he expe 
 rienced, in circumstances mortifying to his feelings, served to 
 alienate his affections from the parent state, and confirmed 
 his anticipations of the treatment the colonists were to re 
 ceive from the native English, in their official and individual 
 acts. However unfavorably predisposed Mr. Heyward may 
 have been before he left his native shores, when he returned 
 to his home, he was ready to unite with others in resisting 
 those claims of the British, which he deemed unjust in their 
 nature, and oppressive and unequal in their operation on the 
 colonial subjects of the same government. 
 
 After Mr. Heyward had completed his course in England, 
 he visited several countries on the European continent, with 
 a view to his own advantage. In his tour he spent several 
 years, carefully observing all that presented for his observa 
 tion, with the impartial feelings of a philanthropist, and a 
 philosopher. The splendor, the pomp, the showy display, 
 the glittering equipage, the pride and haughtiness in the 
 aristocratic ranks, the abject condition, the wretched paupe 
 rism, and the general degradation, pervading the plebian 
 race, presented a contrast to the moderate fortune, the indus 
 try, the simple style of living, the absence of extreme indi 
 gence, the general equality in rank, and the contentment 
 which he had seen in America, strengthened his preposses 
 sions in behalf of his native country, and bound his affections 
 to her interests and institutions more strongly than ever. In 
 his travels, he saw little to excite envy, but much to regret 
 and deplore. 
 
 With such views and feelings, Mr. Heyward returned from 
 Europe, uncontaminated by what he had seen and experi 
 enced, in the old and corrupt countries he had visited, and free 
 from the fashionable vices of men, whose influence and exam 
 ple are too often considered as sanctioning similar practices, 
 by those whose moral principles hang loosely about them. 
 Soon after his return, he entered upon the practice of law. 
 Shortly after commencing his professional labors, he was 
 united by marriage to Miss Mathews ; a lady possessed of 
 all those qualities, personal and mental, which entitled her to 
 
344 THOMAS HEYWARD, 
 
 his affections, and fitted her to cherish and gratify his amia. 
 ble disposition, and constitute home the beloved retreat from 
 the toils and perplexities of his intercourse with men. 
 
 Mr. Heyward well knew what sacrifices would be required 
 of the American colonies, by the parent government, as the 
 only peace-offering which that power would consent to re 
 ceive, for effecting a reconciliation of the jarring interests 
 then existing between them. He was too much enlightened, and 
 too patriotic, to consent to the sacrifice ; nor would he conde 
 scend to calculate the personal advantages he might derive, 
 by pleading for a reconciliation on such terms as would be 
 acceptable to Great Britain, when he well knew the degrading 
 condition in which such a reconciliation would place his country. 
 
 Mr. Hey ward, having taken his stand thus openly among his 
 fellow citizens, relative to the controversy, which had already 
 become an interesting subject to the community, he became 
 very popular with his fellow citizens. They immediately se 
 lected him for one of their leaders, to show them what mea 
 sures to adopt, and to go before them in the execution of those 
 measures. For this, his superior education, his warm patri 
 otism, and his mild and amiable temper, well qualified him. 
 The people elected him to the first revolutionary assembly 
 that was convened in the province. Soon after he was placed 
 on " the committee or council of safety;" a body of men fur 
 nished with almost unrestricted authority, and impowered to 
 exercise it in a manner wholly discretionary. 
 
 In 1775, he was elected a delegate to the general congress 
 to supply a vacancy occasioned by a recal of one of their re 
 presentatives, who, with another member, had returned to aid 
 in defending the province against an expected invasion. At 
 first, his modesty induced him to decline the appointment ; 
 but at length, consulting the desires of his constituents, which 
 were communicated to him by a special deputation, he yield 
 ed to their wishes, and consented to take his seat. This 
 brought him into congress in season to listen to the discus 
 sions on the proposed Declaration of Independence. He had 
 /jeen, a considerable time, persuaded that it must come to that 
 issue ; and soon after his arrival in that assembly, he was per 
 suaded that the time for adopting the measure had arrived ; 
 and for its immediate adoption, congress found in him a ready 
 and cordial advocate. 
 
 As Mr. Heyward s fortune placed him above pecuniary 
 considerations in accepting office, his undertaking to dis- 
 charge the duties of such as exposed him to severe retalia- 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 345 
 
 tion, and to experiencing the vengeance of the enemy, if they 
 could get him into their power, must be ascribed to high and 
 honorable motives. Such was especially the case, when in 
 1778, he accepted a seat on the bench of the criminal and 
 civil courts, under the new government. The controversy 
 was not yet settled so far, as to give assurance that a judge 
 might not be arraigned before a court constituted by another 
 government ; and be convicted and punished as a traitor, for 
 faithfully discharging his duty to the power by which he had 
 been appointed. In South Carolina, the office was attended 
 with not a little danger at that period. The British lay in the 
 vicinity of Charleston, at the very time he presided at the 
 trial of some persons, charged as traitors, for holding a cor 
 respondence with the enemy. They were convicted, and 
 their execution took place in view of the British lines. In 
 consequence he became peculiarly obnoxious to the British ; 
 and when Charleston capitulated, it was thought he was in 
 tended to be excluded from the conditions of the capitulation. 
 One article was inserted in the terms, which was supposed, 
 by his friends, was aimed at him as a victim to the manes of 
 those who had suffered under his sentence ; but he was not 
 demanded. 
 
 He held a military commission at the same time he was a 
 judge of the court ; and was in active service in the affair at 
 Beaufort. He commanded a company of the battalion of ar 
 tillery, which, from the fact that it was raised during the ad 
 ministration of Governor Littleton, was styled the " Charles 
 ton Ancient Battalion of Artillery." Hey ward and Rutledge 
 were here placed side by side ; both in a similar command ; 
 and both delegates to that congress, in which they concurred 
 in voting and signing the declaration of their country s inde 
 pendence. 
 
 In the engagement that took place, Mr. Heyward received 
 a gunshot wound ; the mark of which, as an honorable testi 
 mony of his devoted patriotism, he carried through life. Al 
 though the victory at that time was on the side of the Ame 
 ricans, yet the town was destined to fall ; and then, Heyward 
 and Rutledge, with others, were made prisoners. As being 
 peculiarly obnoxious to the enemy, they were sent to St. 
 Augustine, in Florida, then in possession of the British. After 
 some time they were sent to Philadelphia. But while he was 
 confined in St. Augustine, a detachment of the enemy went 
 from the place of his imprisonment, to his plantation, and 
 seized all his slaves ; whom they conveyed to Jamaica, to 
 
346 THOMAS HEYWARD, 
 
 cultivate the sugar plantations in that island. Some of them 
 were afterwards reclaimed ; but about 9ne hundred and thirty 
 of them were never restored. 
 
 It was not until after they reached Philadelphia, that they 
 were informed of the gratifying fact, that the state of South 
 Carolina was reconquered, and delivered from the enemy. 
 On their passage from St. Augustine, Mr. Heyward barely es 
 caped from a watery grave. He by some means fell over 
 board, but happily getting hold of the ship s rudder, he clung 
 to it until taken up, and restored to safety on deck. But in 
 the midst of all theSe trials, he was visited by an affliction 
 still more distressing. The beloved wife of his affections, 
 and mother of his children, was called away by death. But 
 amidst all his afflictions, he sustained his serenity with that 
 meekness and acquiescence to the will of the Most High, 
 which was exemplary, and becoming the character he had 
 uniformly maintained. 
 
 On his return to Carolina, though somewhat depressed in 
 his spirits, by the repeated calamities he had experienced, 
 and the numerous adversities he had sustained, he gradually 
 rose out of that state of mind, and recovered his tranquillity 
 while discharging his public duties. He resumed his seat on 
 the bench, and acted as a judge, until 1798. In 1790, he 
 was appointed a member of a convention for framing a con 
 stitution for his native state. In 1791, he withdrew from the 
 arduous duties of public life, and retired to domestic enjoy 
 ment in his own endeared family. 
 
 By a second marriage with Miss E. Savage, he enjoyed 
 the consolation derived from a virtuous and useful life, and a 
 tranquil old age. The fruits of his second marriage were 
 three children. After having taken an active and highly re 
 sponsible part in the revolutionary contest ; after having suf 
 fered in his person and estate, by the hand of the enemy ; 
 having seen his native state conquered, and re-conquered ; 
 having united in declaring his country an independent nation, 
 and seen it acknowledged as such, by the power from which 
 it was severed ; having lived to see it settled under one gene 
 ral confederated constitution of government, and witnessed it 
 advancing, with unequalled rapidity in population, prosperity, 
 and wealth ; he died in peace, at his own country seat, in the 
 midst of his estimable family, in March, 1809, at the age of 
 sixty-three years. 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 347 
 
 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 
 
 THE course of this gentleman, as will be seen in the fol. 
 lowing memoir, however brilliant in prospect, was brief in its 
 duration, and deeply melancholy in its end. Born an heir to 
 an ample fortune, the only son of an indulgent father, pos 
 sessing native intellectual powers of no common order, and 
 furnished with all the necessary means for obtaining a finished 
 education of the first class, which the venerable universities 
 of Oxford or Cambridge could supply ; and imbued with an 
 ardent desire to improve his advantages in the best possible 
 manner ; his prospects for future life were brilliant, and flat 
 tering to an extent rarely allotted to man. 
 
 Thomas Lynch, Jun. was descended from an ancient Aus 
 trian family, which resided in the town of Lintz. One branch 
 of the family left their native residence in Germany, and re 
 moved to England. They settled in the county of Kent, and 
 from thence emigrated to Connaught, in Ireland. 
 
 The great grandfather of Thomas Lynch, Jun. left Ire 
 land, and came to South Carolina, a short time after the set 
 tlement of that colony commenced. His youngest son, whose 
 name was Thomas, was grandfather of Thomas Lynch, Jun. 
 the subject of this brief sketch. He was evidently a man of 
 sagacity, as well as of enterprise. He inherited but a slen 
 der fortune from his father. But for that deficiency he made 
 ample provision, by improving the means in his power. He 
 traversed the then wilderness, and examined the unsettled 
 lands ; and located various tracts of the most valuable in his 
 estimation, although they were by others, at 4hat time, con- 
 sidered as but little better than worthless. He took out 
 grants for large tracts of those lands ; and, by means of that 
 wise speculation left at his decease an immense estate to the 
 father of Thomas Lynch, Jun. 
 
 Thomas Lynch, the elder as he was called by way of dis 
 tinction, was a very estimable man, and a zealous, warm 
 hearted, public spirited promoter of good objects. He was 
 early brought into public life ; and with a feeling of ardent 
 patriotism, he espoused the colonial cause, in opposition to 
 the claims of the British ministry, which they attempted to 
 establish over the inhabitants of the American provinces. 
 He was appointed a delegate to the first general congress 
 
348 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 
 
 which met at Philadelphia; and was re-chosen, and conti. 
 nued a member from South Carolina until his death. 
 
 He was dotingly fond of his only son ; and possessing both 
 the means and disposition to furnish him with a first rate edu 
 cation, he sent him, at the early age of thirteen years, to Eng 
 land, for that purpose. 
 
 Having made these observations relative to Thomas Lynch, 
 the father, whose history is intimately connected with that of 
 the son, we now resume the subject of the latter. 
 
 Thomas Lynch, Jun. was born at his father s residence, 
 which was at his plantation on the North Santee River, in 
 Prince George s parish, in South Carolina, on the fifth day 
 of August, 1740. On the side of his mother, he was con 
 nected with the Alston family, which had many years been 
 among the most distinguished in that state. In pursuance of 
 his design to educate his son, so soon as he reached an age 
 which would justify the step, his father sent him to an aca 
 demical school at Georgetown, in that province, called the 
 " Indigo Society School." His early advantages there, were 
 the best that the colony furnished ; and they seem to have 
 been very respectable. Young Lynch, at a very early pe 
 riod of life, while in that seminary, evinced a capacity for 
 literary attainments, very pleasing to parental hopes, and 
 flattering to his fond father s anticipations. By reason of his 
 mother s early decease, he was deprived of the many name 
 less, though invaluable benefits, which are the happy fruits 
 of maternal affection and fidelity to infant offspring. He was 
 possessed of an amiable and ingenuous disposition ; and pro 
 bably the loss he sustained in that particular, was in a great 
 degree compensated by the judicious vigilance of his father ; 
 for he was always docile, cheerfully complying with the 
 wishes of his beloved parent, and manifesting an affectionate 
 and filial deportment towards him. 
 
 After spending some time in that school, his father took 
 him away, and sent him to England, even before he had com 
 pleted his thirteenth year ; and on his arrival in that country, 
 ho was placed at Eton, a school much celebrated as well 
 known, for having been the seminary in which a large num- 
 bor of eminent statesmen, and literary characters, received a 
 portion of their education, during a long succession of years. 
 Having, at Eton school, attained the prerequisite qualifica 
 tions, he was removed thence to the university of Cam 
 bridge ; where in due season he took his degrees. In regard 
 to his conduct, during his residence at that distinguished sea 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 349 
 
 of learning, it is only known generally, that by his assiduous 
 application, virtuous life, and acquisitions of s> ience, he se 
 cured the esteem and consideration of his -onteniporary 
 candidates for literary distinction. 
 
 It was one part of the plan which Mr. Lynch had sketched 
 out for his son, that he should, after completing; his course at 
 the university, enter his name at the Temple, to prosecute a 
 regular course of legal studies, that he might be qualified for 
 his future pursuits in public life. The ampte fortune he 
 was able to bestow on his son, precluded every necessity of 
 his son s being influenced by motives of a pecuniary kind. 
 He wished him to return to his native home, in possession 
 of every qualification and attainment, requisite to make him 
 " a finished man." He felt an anxious desire to have him 
 an able lawyer, that he might exercise his profession gra 
 tuitously^ in defending and protecting those cases of inno 
 cence, truth, and justice, which occasionally come before ju 
 dicial tribunals, connected with persons who are unfurnished 
 with the means of securing such professional aid, as the se 
 curity of -their just rights and interests demand. It was for 
 the benefit of such people, that Mr. Lynch benevolently de 
 sired his son might become qualified, as an able counsellor 
 and advocate. He wished he might be a learned man, in 
 the broad meaning of the terms ; not a scholar merely 
 but that, in the exercise of a profession, he might actively 
 dedicate and appropriate his learning and talents, in a disin 
 terested manner, for the benefit of his fellow men. He con 
 templated with fond anticipation, the approach of that period, 
 when he might behold him stepping forth the champion of 
 innocence and misfortune. 
 
 Although young Lynch seems never to have been partial 
 to the study of law, yet his ever prevailing desire to gratify 
 his father, induced him readily to comply with his wishes in 
 this particular instance ; and he cheerfully entered upon the 
 pursuit. This measure placed him in a situation to learn the 
 views and disposition of many distinguished men in London, 
 relative to the course of the ministry respecting the Ameri 
 can colonies ; and thus to prepare his own mind for adopting 
 the principles which he afterwards espoused, and for pursu 
 ing the course which they indicated. But^s the evidences 
 of an approaching contest, between the parent government 
 and her colonies multiplied, he was anxious to quit the irk 
 some labors of pouring over black letter law books, he ur 
 gently solicited his father s permission to return to his oa 
 
 30 
 
350 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 
 
 ternal residence, Having at length obtained his consent, he 
 set sail for South Carolina. This event, so naturally grate 
 ful to the father and the son, occurred about the year 1772, 
 when he was twenty. one years of age, and after a separation 
 of eight years. The relative condition of Great Britain and 
 her colonies, having greatly changed since Mr. Lynch formed 
 his plans for the future course of his son, he was easily per 
 suaded by the latter, soon after his return, to relinquish his 
 previous desire to have him pursue the practice of his profes 
 sion ; and to take early measures for having him introduced 
 into public life without delay. With a view to this, and to 
 produce a consciousness that he had a real and important in 
 terest in the cause of his country, which was to meet its fate, 
 according to the issue of the approaching contest, he gave 
 him a large and valuable plantation. 
 
 Soon after this occurrence, he consummated by marriage, 
 an attachment which was mutually formed even in childhood, 
 with Miss Elizabeth Shubrick ; a beautiful young woman, 
 in the possession of whom, as the beloved companion of his 
 future life, every desire of his heart respecting domestic en 
 joyment, was fully gratified. 
 
 All the agreeable circumstances, necessary to insure the 
 domestic felicity and public prosperity of Mr. Lynch, seemed 
 to conspire for his utmost gratification. Accomplished as a 
 scholar, and polished as a gentleman, he was received as a 
 favorite by all his acquaintance in their social circles ; and 
 looked to by the community as a worthy associate of his 
 highly respected father, in vindicating and managing their 
 public concerns. 
 
 The first exhibition of his talents was given at a town 
 meeting in Charleston, soon after his return from England, 
 called for the purpose of considering the injuries which Great 
 Britain was inflicting on the colonies. In his address, on 
 that occasion, he acquitted himself so honorably, and so fully 
 to the acceptance of the numerous audience assembled on 
 the occasion, that their favor arid confidence were voluntarily 
 bestowed on him from that moment. From that time he was 
 the favorite of the public in that district ; and any honor for 
 which he consented to become a candidate, was conferred 
 on him almost by acclamation. 
 
 Mr. Lynch was offered a captain s commission in the first 
 provincial regiment of troops, which was raised in South 
 Carolina, for the continental service this was in 1775. He 
 accepted that appointment somewhat in opposition te. the 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 351 
 
 wishes of his father, who was at the time attending congress, 
 ji Philadelphia. He was desirous that his son should enter 
 the service, with a higher commission than the one offered him, 
 and wished him to proceed to Philadelphia, where he sup. 
 posed one might be obtained for him. But the son thought, 
 and so expressed himself to his father with a becoming 
 modesty, that his present commission was quite equal to his 
 experience in military science. 
 
 General Charles C. Pinckney was at that time a captain in 
 the same regiment, and he and Mr. Lynch went forth together 
 on the recruiting service, into North Carolina, to raise each 
 the company which he was to command. The success of 
 their enterprise was answerable to their wishes ; for in a few 
 weeks each recruited the number of men necessary to com- 
 plete his company. But this excursion, though honorable 
 and successful, was the immediate cause of serious evils to Mr. 
 Lynch, which much impaired his health and prepared the 
 way for his premature death. The exposures always incident 
 to such a service in every situation, were connected with ag 
 gravated evils in the part of North Carolina where he was 
 employed. His health sustained injury before he set out on 
 his return homeward; and on his way to Charleston he was 
 attacked with a bilious fever, incident to that region, which con 
 tributed its influence to such a degree, that he never was able 
 to divest himself of its effects. The consequences was, that he 
 continued an invalid during the short remainder of his life. 
 Although thus debilitated, he joined his regiment in the latter 
 part of that year; but was not suffered to remain in connec 
 tion with his command but a short season, before the superior 
 claims of filial piety and duty imperiously called him to repair 
 to Philadelphia. He had been with his regiment but a few 
 days, before he received intelligence of an extreme illness 
 which afflicted his father in that city. This melancholy in 
 formation, was accompanied with the intelligence that his 
 father had resigned his seat in congress, because of his ina 
 bility to perform the duties which it required. Under these 
 trying circumstances, his own bodily infirmity, and the claims 
 on his filial duty to his afflicted parent, he me* with serious 
 difficulty in obtaining a furlough for the purpose of discharg 
 ing those obligations, from the fastidiousness of his command 
 ing officer. Colonel Gadsden absolutely refused to grant his 
 request, on this plausible ground that no consideration of a 
 private nature should be suiTered to interfere with public duty. 
 What might have been the result in that instance is not known , 
 
352 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 
 
 for on receiving the resignation of the father, of his seat in 
 congress, the provincial assembly immediately appointed the 
 son to fill the vacancy ; and that, by an unanimous vote. This 
 superseding his military commission, relieved him from his 
 embarrassment, arising from his connection with Colonel 
 Gadsden s command. And it was an honorable mark of the 
 high esteem and consideration, in which his talents were 
 generally held. He was at that time but twenty-seven years 
 of age. 
 
 Mr. Lynch, urged by the twofold call of duty to his suffer 
 ing parent, and to his country, hastened his journey to Phila 
 delphia, the theatre of his services. He joined congress in 
 1776, and attended in his seat among those who were his se 
 niors in years, and in the business of legislation. While he 
 was not unmindful of the obligations due to the public, he at 
 tended with filial piety and affection, to the claims which his 
 parent held on his kindness and gratitude. 
 
 As his father remained in Philadelphia a short time after 
 his arrival, he was allowed the privilege of being present at 
 the discussions on the subject of independence ; and when 
 the great question was decided, to sanction by his vote and 
 signature, the act by which a nation emerged from its colo 
 nial condition, and assumed that of an independent nation. 
 
 This was one of the last acts of his political life. But this 
 has given the impression of immortality to his name. 
 
 His health was feeble when he left home for Philadelphia. 
 During the short time he resided there, it became much 
 more so. The decline from that time forward, was rapid and 
 alarming. Such being the condition of both the father and 
 son, the two invalids entered on their journey to South Caro 
 lina. But the providence of God had determined that the fa 
 ther should close his journey of life, during his slow progress 
 towards his residence. " He was no more to return to his 
 house, neither was his place to know him any more." They 
 proceeded slowly as far as Annapolis, where a second 
 paralytic attack terminated the father s life, and the affection 
 ate efforts of the son, to lengthen out his valuable life, and 
 alleviate his bodily sufferings. 
 
 Mr. Lynch having performed the last acts of filial duty to 
 his parent, now returned to his home, with the hope, by care 
 and attention, and with the aid of medical skill, to eradicate 
 the seeds of disease, which were sown deep in his constitution, 
 while he was engaged in the military service in North Caro 
 lina. But these had quickened and taken so firm a root, that 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 353 
 
 every effort was found unavailing. Not unfrequently, he was 
 confined in a helpless condition by severe rheumatism; such 
 as not unfrequently follows an ill treated bilious fever. 
 
 His anxious friends and connections, with the strongest so 
 licitude, were constrained to witness, without the ability to 
 prevent his rapid progress in decline. By the advice of his 
 medical attendants, it was determined that he should attempt 
 a voyage to the south of Europe, believing that a change of 
 climate, if he could sustain the fatigues of a voyage, held forth 
 the only hope of a restoration. The dangers attendant on 
 pursuing a direct voyage in an American ship, were too immi 
 nent to render such a course expedient. He therefore em- 
 barked for St. Eustatia, with an expectation of finding there, 
 some neutral vessel, in which the voyage might be safely un 
 dertaken. He accordingly sailed for that port near the close 
 of 1779, in a ship commanded by Captain Morgan, accom 
 panied by his amiable wife, the endeared partner of his joys, 
 arid the sympathizing companion, and participator in all his 
 sorrows and afflictions. The rest is soon told. They were 
 never seen more. No certain information concerning the 
 fate of the ship was ever obtained. She probably foundered 
 at sea, and all on board perished. With them, Mr. Lynch, 
 and his amiable wife, found a watery grave. " They were 
 lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their death they 
 were not divided." 
 
 ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 
 
 ARTHUR MIDDLETON, the son of Henry Middleton, a weal 
 thy planter in South Carolina, was born in 1743, in Middleton 
 Place, a name given it by the family, who first settled in 
 south Carolina. 
 
 At an early age he was sent to England for his education. 
 His first station was the school at Hackney, in which several 
 of the members of the early congress from the south received 
 meir preparatory instruction to fit them for the university. 
 After spending the necessary term in that school, with exem 
 plary application, he was transferred at fourteen years of 
 age to a school in Westminster. Here he remained about 
 four years, and then entered the university of Cambridge. 
 
 30* 
 
354 ARTHUR MIDDLETON, 
 
 Although amply supplied by his father with the means of in 
 dulging in the dissipated habits of the gay, he rather chose to 
 attend to his studies, and preserve a moral and sober deport 
 ment ; shunning those places where the young and thought 
 less are but too easily allured, and often ensnared to their 
 ruin. After spending four years there, with much credit to 
 himself, he took his degree in the twenty-second year of his 
 age. He left that seminary with a good reputation, as a sound 
 scholar, and a man of correct morals. He spent some time 
 after this, in visiting various places in England, and in revi 
 ving and strengthening the feelings of affectionate attach 
 ment, which had subsisted from the beginning, between the 
 branch which had emigrated to America, and those who re 
 mained in England. From thence he passed over to the 
 continent, and commenced a tour in Europe. In this tour, 
 which was principally in the southern parts of Europe, he 
 spent nearly two years. In this time, he passed several 
 months in Rome, improving his mind by studying the fine 
 arts, for which he had a relish, and in which he became 
 somewhat of a proficient. He then returned to South Carolin 
 and was soon married to Miss Izard. 
 
 About a year after his marriage, he embarked for Europe 
 with his young wife, whom he resolved to gratify with an op 
 portunity to see England, and an excursion on the continent 
 In this tour he visite d several of the most celebrated places 
 in France and Spain. Having gratified her with a view of 
 foreign countries and customs, they returned again to his na 
 tive place in 1773, and took the family seat for their resi 
 dence, which his indulgent father gave up to his favored son. 
 There, in possession of wealth, he had as fair a prospect as 
 could open to the young mind, of enjoying every satisfaction 
 that this world can furnish ; but this prospect scarcely opened 
 to his view before it began to be overcast. 
 
 In 1774, the cloud began to collect, indicating the storm 
 which in the year following burst on New England, and agi 
 tated the whole of the North American colonies. The time 
 had now arrived when it became necessary for men to de 
 clare themselves openly. Neutrality was inadmissible. In 
 this time Henry and Arthur Middleton, father and son, with 
 nothing to gain for themselves should the cause of the colo 
 nies succeed, and much to lose if it failed, without hesitation 
 decided for their country; and stepping forth boldly, put on 
 the badge of independence. 
 
 From this time Arthur Middleton was actively employed in 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 355 
 
 various ways, in promoting the cause of the colonies, which 
 had become both interesting and critical. He entertained no 
 half-way measures, but took a firm and decided stand in op 
 position to British encroachment and oppression. 
 
 He was a member of various committees, which were 
 intrusted with great powers ; and who enjoined to " Take 
 care that the republic receive no detriment." He was in 
 April, 1775, appointed with four others a committee, to place 
 the colony in a state of safety against its enemies. They 
 took possession of the public magazine of arms and ammu 
 nition, and removed them from the custody of the officer hav 
 ing them under his charge, and appropriated them to the use 
 of the colony. 
 
 In June following, he was appointed one of a large com 
 mittee, by the provincial congress of South Carolina, to 
 watch over, and take such measures as they might deem ne 
 cessary, in that trying emergency, for the public safety. Of 
 that committee he was an active and leading member. Af 
 terwards, when Lord William Campbell was appointed go 
 vernor of South Carolina, although he was nearly connected 
 by marriage with Mrs. Middleton, and it was discovered 
 that he was playing a double game with the members of the 
 provincial congress, Mr. Middleton, waving the influence of 
 family connection, at the hazard of a friendly intercourse 
 which then subsisted between his family and the governor s, 
 proposed that he should immediately be arrested, and taken 
 into custody. This, though it was overruled by a majority ot 
 the committee, less decided than he, was undoubtedly a wise 
 and politic proposal ; and had it been carried into execution, 
 it would probably have saved South Carolina from much 
 trouble which was shortly afterwards endured, by reason ot 
 Lord Campbell s fleeing, and returning with an armed force, 
 under Sir Henry Clinton and Sir P. Parker, to invade and 
 ravage their coasts. 
 
 Mr. Middleton was chosen one of a committee of eleven, 
 to devise a form of government for South Carolina, during the 
 contest with Great Britain. This was in the winter of 1776. 
 In a short time he was chosen one of the representatives for 
 South Carolina, in the congress of the nation, then in session 
 at Philadelphia. This was the congress which declared in 
 dependence, for which Mr. Middleton voted, and to the de 
 claration of which he set his hand, with a prospect of sacri 
 ficing Iarg3 possessions, an estimable family, and even life 
 
 16 
 
356 ARTHUR MIDDLETON, 
 
 itself, should the contest terminate unsuccessfully for his 
 country. 
 
 He continued a member of congress, residing with his 
 family which he took with him, until the close of 1777. 
 
 In 1778, the assembly having adopted a new constitution, 
 in conformity to the recommendation of congress, chose Ar. 
 thur Middleton their first governor under it. This was done 
 not only without his soliciting it, but without his having even 
 contemplated the event as possible. 
 
 But Mr. Middleton, as Mr. John Rutledge before him had 
 done, doubted the legality of the proceedings of the legislature, 
 which formed the constitution, and declined an acceptance 
 of the appointment ; and this he did in a manner which raised 
 him still higher than before in popular opinion. The people 
 approved of his motives, although they might hav^e thought 
 him incorrect in his judgment. 
 
 In 1779, when the British invaded the South, under Gene 
 ral Prevost, Mr. John Rutledge having been called to the 
 chair of state, undertook to defend Charleston against the 
 enemy. Although Mr. Middleton s property was entirely 
 exposed to their depredations, and without any protection, he 
 ; oined the family of Governor Rutledge, and entered Charles 
 ton with the troops assembled there for its defence. He 
 united his personal exertions with others to protect that city 
 and had the happiness of seeing the enemy retreat, without 
 attacking the place. In the exposed condition of his own 
 property, he only wrote to his wife to remove his family a 
 days journey out of the scene of immediate danger. Thus, 
 while he exerted himself for the protection of others, he left 
 his own property to be ravaged by an enraged foe. His loss 
 was very great by that irruption of the British. 
 
 In the following year, he, with many other gentlemen of 
 distinction, was taken prisoner by Sir Henry Clinton, and sent 
 to St. Augustine as prisoners of war. Mr. Middleton was then 
 engaged as a private soldier, in the defence of Charleston. 
 When in the year following these prisoners were exchanged, 
 and sent in a cartel to Philadelphia, he was appointed a re 
 presentative of South Carolina in Congress. He was again 
 elected to that office by the general assembly in 1782. This 
 was in the beginning of the year. He continued to occupy 
 his seat till November, and then returned to his family, from 
 whom the vicissitudes of war, and the calls of public duty had 
 long separated him. 
 
 The contest being now brought to a close, by the capture 
 
SOUTH CAROLINA. 357 
 
 of Lord Cornwallis, and the preliminaries of peace having 
 been made known in the United States, Mr. Middleton de 
 clined serving his fellow citizens any longer in congress. He 
 however consented to represent them in the legislature of the 
 state, and was a very influential and highly useful member 
 of that body, at a period when the state was much agitated 
 by various causes which such a state of things might natu 
 rally be expected to produce. The influence of the best men 
 the state could furnish, was needed to allay these unhappy 
 difficulties, and restore harmony to the disturbed community. 
 For this purpose, Mr. Middleton devoted his best efforts. 
 
 Besides his services in the legislature, he entered into no 
 public employment, but spent his time with his family, resi 
 ding principally in a country residence, a short distance from 
 Charleston. There he received his friends with kindness, 
 and treated them with that hospitality for which southern 
 gentlemen have with jastice been honorably distinguished. 
 But he did not continue long to enjoy the blessings of peace 
 and civil liberty, for the attainment of which he had made 
 so many sacrifices. 
 
 In the autumn of 1787, he contracted an intermitting fever, 
 by incautiously exposing himself. This he left to commit its 
 ravages on his constitution, thinking that " the power of na 
 ture" was adequate for affording relief. He neglected to 
 call for medical aid until his health was so far undermined, 
 that when it was applied, it came too late to furnish relief. 
 He died on the first of January. 1788, about fifty-five years 
 of age. 
 
 Mr. Middleton, at his death, left a wife and eight children ; 
 two sons, and six daughters. Mrs. Middleton survived him 
 until 1814, retaining that rank and esteem in the most polished 
 society, to which she was well entitled. Henry, one of his 
 sons, after having been governor of the state, and a member 
 of the house of representatives in congress, was appointed 
 minister to the court of Russia. 
 
358 BUTTON GWINNETT, 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 BUTTON GWINNETT. 
 
 Bui TON GWINNETT was born in England, about the yesi 
 His parents were respectable, and though their pecu 
 niary circumstances were moderate, they gave him the means 
 of obtaining an excellent education. He first commenced 
 business as a merchant in Bristol. Soon after his marriage, 
 he resolved to move to America ; and in the year 1770, he 
 embarked with his family, and anived at Charleston, South 
 Carolina, where he engaged in trade, and pursued it for two 
 years. He then disposed of his stock in trade ; and vested 
 the proceeds in a number of slaves, and a tract of land on, 
 St. Catharine s Island, in Georgia. Thither he removed, and 
 devoted his attention to agriculture. 
 
 We possess no means of knowing the history of Mr. Gwin- 
 nett s early life. It is probable, however, that it was distin 
 guished by nothing very remarkable. He is said to havo 
 early favored the cause of the colonies, in opposition to the 
 claims of the parliament ; and this may have been one mo 
 tive for his leaving England, and emigrating to America. 
 But at the time of his settling in Georgia, he found the public 
 feeling generally, of such an indecisive character, as induced 
 him to pursue a cautious line of conduct, surrounded as he 
 was by a large proportion of the men of influence, who were 
 slow in their determination to oppose the British, and espouse 
 the cause of the American colonies. To this general mani 
 festation of cautious decision, which powerfully influenced 
 the political movements of Georgia, there were some excep 
 tions. 
 
 Mr. Gwinnett s anticipations of a favorable result of the 
 contest between the colonies and Great Britain, were, like 
 those of many other sincere friends to their cause, through 
 the country, not very sanguine. His were not based on any 
 latent affection for his native country ; nor were they influ 
 enced by that indecision, then so prevalent in Georgia, but bv 
 
GEORGIA. 359 
 
 ft mistaken judgment, which led him to form conclusions con. 
 trary to his wishes. About this time he became intimate 
 with one of those men, who was early decided, and openly 
 declared his sentiments in favor of the colonies, and who 
 was an enthusiastic partizan in their favor. The frequent 
 discussions which took place, respecting the subject, and the 
 probability of a successful resistance of the British power, 
 between him and Doctor Lyman Hall, (who was the person 
 referred to,) served to obviate his fears, and to bring him for- 
 ward, to lend his whole powers in a decided hostility to the 
 British, and to a vigorous support of the colonies. This open 
 and decided manifestation of his feelings, in vindication and 
 support of the cause of his adopted country, together with a 
 well cultivated mind, and talents highly respectable, rendered 
 him conspicuous and popular, especially among those who 
 possessed kindred feelings with his own. The number of 
 such was fast multiplying, although they still constituted a 
 minority in the colony, and notwithstanding Georgia was the 
 last of the colonies, which declared itself in opposition to the 
 British. The active influence of those decided patriots finally 
 prevailed, and Georgia joined the confederacy, under what 
 was then denominated, the Standard of Rebellion. From 
 that period, the popular favor conferred on Mr. Gwinnett, 
 was extensive, and his rapid promotion in political life, to the 
 first dignities in the province, indirectly prepared the way 
 for his sudden precipitation from his elevated station, to the 
 rank of a private citizen; and a mortified pride, and feelings or 
 resentment towards the instruments of his humiliation spurred 
 him onward to that step which at once closed his career in 
 politics, and with it his life. His sun rose suddenly its course 
 to the zenith was rapid and brilliant its descent was hur 
 ried and ominous of evil and it sat in blood ! 
 
 In deciding on the apparent lukewarmness of Mr. Gwin 
 nett, relative to the American cause, which for a time marked 
 his political conduct, we should recollect that his property, 
 lying in an indefensible situation, was exposed to become a 
 sure sacrifice, should an invasion ensue, and that was a cer 
 tain consequence of the commencement of open hostilities. 
 This must be admitted as a powerful motive to operate on the 
 feelings, and regulate the conduct of men. It could neither 
 be removed to a place of security, nor protected as it lay. 
 And it was in fact, totally destroyed by the British. The de 
 cided part which he did take, therefore, furnished a strong 
 testimony to the purity of his patriotism. 
 
360 BUTTON GWINNETT, 
 
 In the beginning of 1775, Mr. Gwinnett openly espoused 
 the cause of America, and took a part with the colonies. No 
 part of Georgia had at that time been represented in the con 
 tinental congress, except the parish of St. John. This had 
 previously separated from the province, and had appointed a 
 representative for that district. Here the patriotism of Geor 
 gia seems to have concentered ; and slowly to have diffused 
 : tself into other more remote parts of the colony, with rather 
 a dilatory progress. 
 
 Mr. Gwinnett having attracted the attention of that commu 
 nity to himself, and become popular, by the spirited manner in 
 which he espoused the cause of his adopted country, he was 
 appointed a representative in congress by the general assem 
 bly, in February, 1776. His colleagues appointed at the same 
 time, were his early friend Doctor Lyman Hall, Archibald 
 Bullock, George Houston, and George Walton. There was 
 one member, that was elected the year preceding, who, when 
 the subject of independence came to be seriously contempla 
 ted, being fixedly opposed to it, vacated his seat, and Mr. 
 Bullock remained in Georgia after his election. These par 
 ticulars will account for the fact, that there were but three 
 of the members from Georgia, out of the six chosen, who 
 signed the Declaration of Independence ; of whom Mr. Gwin 
 nett was one. 
 
 In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Gwinnett was again elected, 
 and took his seat in December, in Baltimore, whither congress 
 had removed, to avoid some impending danger from the ap 
 proach of the British forces towards Philadelphia. 
 
 In this same year, a convention was summoned, during the 
 session of the provincial assembly, to meet early in 1777, to 
 frame a constitution for the independent state of Georgia. Of 
 that convention Mr. Gwinnett was a member ; and has the 
 credit of having laid a basis, containing the great outlines of 
 the constitution subsequently adopted by the state, as their 
 government. 
 
 Mr. Bullock, president of the provincial council, dying soon 
 after the convention adjourned, that high and honorable office 
 became vacant. Mr. Gwinnett was elected his successor. He 
 had now attained the highest office, and one deemed the most 
 honorable, within the gift of the state ; and it might have 
 been rationally concluded, that his ambition would be con 
 tented for a short season at least ; especially as all his rapid 
 promotions had accumulated upon him, within one year after 
 his first appearance in public life. But it will be remembered. 
 
GEORGIA. 36 
 
 that he was a " Native Englishman," had come into a colony, 
 and among a people of whose real character, Englishmen knew 
 but little ; for whom they were accustomed to indulge a feel 
 ing that partook very little of respect. It is not very unna 
 tural to conclude, that Mr. Gwinnett inherited a share of that 
 feeling in common with his countrymen ; and that he consi 
 dered the honors so profusely conferred on him, as an ac 
 knowledgement by the provincials of that superiority over 
 diem, so generally claimed by his countrymen ; and espe 
 cially by those of inferior merits. 
 
 This rapid elevation of a foreigner, a native of the country 
 with which the colonies were at open war, and who had re 
 sided but a few years among them, began to excite jealousies 
 among some native citizens, who were candidates for popular 
 favor. They felt conscious that they had equal, if not supe 
 rior claims on the favor of the community, to his. This irri 
 tated a temper naturally warm and precipitate, and provoked 
 him to resent it according to the demands of what are erro. 
 neously termed, "the laws of honor." 
 
 Not contented with having held the highest civil office in 
 the gift of the people, he began to aspire to military promo 
 tion. While he was representing the colony in congress, he 
 offered himself a candidate for the office of brigadier general, 
 to take command of a brigade to be raised in Georgia, for 
 the continental service. His competitor was Colonel M ln- 
 tosh. Mr. Gwinnett failed. The disappointment was peculiarly 
 wounding to his feelings. Indeed, his mind does not appear 
 to have been disciplined to sustEtin disappointment with equa 
 nimity. He was placed only in the sunshine of uninterrupt 
 ed prosperity. From the time of that disappointment, he con 
 sidered Colonel M Intosh his personal enemy. It is probable 
 that the colonel did not take any measures to obviate that im 
 pression, and conciliate his esteem. 
 
 The disappointment he experienced in consequence of his 
 failure, and the success of his competitor for the commission 
 of a brigadier general, was followed by a succession of events, 
 which tended to aggravate, rather than sooth the wound his 
 irritable feelings had received by that occurrence. The fail 
 ure of a military enterprise in Florida which he had projected, 
 which his rivals and their friends improved for his deeper 
 mortification ; and this happening when he was offering him 
 eelf a candidate for the office of governor, together with the 
 success of a rival, who he deemed far his inferior in capa 
 city ; all bore on his naturally jealous mind, with not only an 
 
 31 
 
362 LYMAN HALL, 
 
 unhappy, but a fatal influence. By this combination of un 
 toward events, his aspiring hopes and anticipations were 
 blasted, and the way was prepared for closing his short, but 
 brilliant political career, and with it his natural life. 
 
 Among those who availed themselves of these events, to 
 deepen the mortification, and irritate the wound Mr. Gwinnett 
 had sustained, one of the most conspicuous was General 
 M Intosh, his successful rival candidate for the office of briga 
 dier. The free remarks he made on different occasions, 
 affecting the reputation of Mr. Gwinnett ; and the pleasure 
 he often manifested, grounded on his humiliation, pointed him 
 out as the first victim to his resentment. The consequence 
 was a challenge, sent by Gwinnett, and accepted by M Intosh. 
 They met, fought with pistols, at the distance of twelve feet; 
 both were wounded, and Gwinnett mortally. Thus fell, in 
 the forty-fifth year of his age, Button Gwinnett, a victim to 
 the laws of false honor, of mortified pride, and disappointed 
 ambition. He left a widow and several young children be- 
 hind him. But they shortly after this event, followed him to 
 the grave. 
 
 LYMAN HALL. 
 
 THIS gentleman was a native citizen of Connecticut, bom 
 and educated, both classically and professionally in that 
 colony. He was born about the year 1731. After complet 
 ing his classical and medical education, which was effected 
 while comparatively quite young, he married a lady of Con 
 necticut, and emigrated to South Carolina, in the year 1752, 
 to pursue the business of his profession. At first he settled 
 in Dorchester ; but removed into Georgia within the first year 
 after his arrival in South Carolina. In Georgia he established 
 himself in the district of Medway. About forty families, ori 
 ginally from New England, accompanied him into that pro 
 vince. He settled himself in Sunbury, where, by his gen 
 tlemanly address, and amiable disposition, he obtained the 
 confidence of the inhabitants, among whom he successfully 
 pursued the practice of medicine until the commencement of 
 the American revolution. His skill as a physician, strength 
 ened and confirmed the favorable impressions which had been 
 nade on their feelings by his kindness and affability. 
 
GEORGIA. 363 
 
 Doctor Hall possessed a good measure of those rational 
 feelings, which are strikingly characteristic of the inhabitants 
 of New England. These he cherished when in a southern cli 
 mate ; and the fact that he was associated with a considerable 
 number of kindred spirits, had no tendency to diminish one 
 of the strongest traits in the human character. Possibly it 
 may have been owing, in a good measure, to the relative 
 situation and character of the inhabitants, amon^whom he 
 resided, that the people of St. John s Parish were so much 
 earlier determined to make a common cause in opposing 
 British encroachments on the rights, and liberty of the colo 
 nies, than the citizens of Georgia generally. But be this as 
 it may, such was the fact, that while the people of Georgia 
 in general, were indecisive, temporizing, and backward, the 
 citizens of the parish of St. John set them an example of 
 decision, magnanimity, and patriotism ; which, though slowly, 
 and at a considerable distance in their rear, they eventually 
 followed, and which then presented the whole thirteen pro 
 vinces, unitedly arrayed in a determined resistance of British 
 domination. 
 
 By the course which those patriotic citizens adopted, and 
 steadily pursued, they subjected themselves to much inconve 
 nience. Their lives and property were not less exposed to 
 an invading enemy, than those of the inhabitants of Georgia 
 were generally. They also submitted, to a great extent, to 
 break off all commercial communication with them. It is 
 true that the whole colony was much exposed. It had an 
 open frontier of about two hundred miles ; and the settled 
 portion which was covered with a sparse population, extended 
 at the utmost not more than forty miles in width, in any 
 part. But those citizens who were descended from New 
 England parentage, had learned that the place of their fa 
 ther s dwellings had been attacked with hostile violence, and 
 was menaced with other more severe inflictions, and their 
 fraternal and patriotic spirits were roused to unite with their 
 eastern and northern brethren, in resisting and repelling 
 from the American shores their hostile invaders. 
 
 A general meeting of what was then denominated, the re 
 publican party, was convened at Savannah, in July, 1774 ; 
 which Doctor Hall attended. This was subsequent to vari 
 ous parochial and provincial meetings, which had proved 
 vexatious and abortive. 
 
 The measures adopted by that general meeting, were far 
 from proving satisfactory to him, or his constituents. A se- 
 
364 LYMAN HALL, 
 
 eond meeting of the same body took place after a lapse of 
 about six months ; but that also closed without doing any 
 thing more than petitioning the British parliament to redress 
 their grievances, and to be relieved from other measures of 
 the parent government. This had been done once and again, 
 by the other colonies, and as often rejected. In this instance 
 it met with a similar reception. That the people were not 
 excited to ^more determined resistance, after all the exam 
 ples that had been set before them, during the six months 
 since their meeting in July of the preceding year, must proba 
 bly be ascribed to the smallness of their numbers, and to their 
 peculiarly exposed condition. But still, it seems difficult to 
 persuade ourselves that they could really expect that their 
 application would be received, and treated with more favor 
 and regard than those of the other colonies. It cannot then 
 be thought strange, that the result of that meeting, when re- 
 ported by Doctor Hall to his constituents, instead of satisfac 
 tion, excited disgust. They deemed it temporizing and pu 
 sillanimous ; and too tame for men who were determined to 
 live or die as became freemen. The parishioners of St. 
 John s Parish had caught the spirit that had been already 
 kindled in Boston, and had spread throughout New England, 
 and they resolved to adopt and pursue a course more in ac 
 cordance with their own feelings, and corresponding with 
 those of their brethren in New England. Hence they ad 
 dressed themselves to the committee of correspondence in the 
 city of Charleston, South Carolina ; requesting permission to 
 become allied with them, and conduct their commercial busi 
 ness in conformity to the non-importation agreement, to which 
 agreement they had already acceded. They were not suc 
 cessful in this application, however, owing to different views 
 taken by the association in South Carolina, of the terms of 
 that association, from those of the patriotic applicants of St. 
 John s Parish, in Georgia. These, though frustrated in this 
 attempt, were not disheartened. They resolved to become 
 established on an equal ground with those colonies which had 
 confederated not to import any goods from Great Britain, al 
 though they were few in number ; and in an isolated condi 
 tion, as respected their political feelings and sentiments. 
 They, by themselves, came into an agreement not to purchase 
 slaves imported into Savannah, nor to trade with that city, 
 nor among the non-conforming inhabitants of the colony, ex 
 cept under the supervision of a committee; and only for real 
 necessaries, even under those restrictions. After having pro- 
 
GEORGIA. 365 
 
 ceeded thus far, (while their fellow citizens, still cherishing 
 their irresolution, looked on, uninfluenced by their example, 
 and remained apparently undetermined how to act,) they pro 
 ceeded to elect their delegate to the next general congress, 
 not as a delegate of the province of Georgia, but of the par 
 ish of St. John ; and on the 21st of March, 1775, they chose 
 Lyman Hall, by an unanimous vote. 
 
 A scene was soon to be exhibited before the general con- 
 gress, of a novel character ; and as interesting as it was new. 
 A handful of citizens, actuated by feelings, and entertaining 
 sentiments of patriotism, such as influenced the American 
 people generally, situated in the southern extremity of the 
 settlements, had elected and sent forward to congress their 
 delegate, with his credentials. On the thirteenth of May, 
 Mr. Hall presented himself to that assembly, and exhibited 
 his credentials as a delegate from the parish of St. John, in 
 the colony of Georgia. Congress, in this unprecedented 
 case, unanimously resolved to admit him to take his seat, in 
 the character with which he appeared, subject to such regu 
 lations as they should adopt relative to his voting. The 
 question they had to decide, was not free from embarrassing 
 :ons.iderations. Occasionally, votes were taken in that 
 assembly by colonies. It was very desirable that all of 
 them should be fully represented as colonies. Georgia vac- 
 cillated, but it was hoped, if not clearly expected, that she 
 would yet unite with the others, and it would be unwise to 
 take any step that might tend to prevent, or even to procras 
 tinate the union of that colony with the others ; and it was 
 equally unadvisable to do any thing which might disaffect 
 that small, but worthy body of patriotic citizens, who had set 
 such a noble, and praise-worthy example to their more 
 backward and temporizing neighbors. But they were re 
 lieved from their delicate and embarrassing situation by Mr. 
 Hall himself. He proposed to debate and listen to others ; 
 and to vote only when congress did not vote by whole colo 
 nies. This proposal being acceded to, relieved them from 
 the difficulty. 
 
 At length the colony of Georgia roused from its apathy, laid 
 aside its opposition to a union with the other colonies, and 
 applied to be admitted to the coalition. In the month of 
 July, 1775, they appointed five delegates to the general con 
 gress ; among whom was Lyman Hall ; who had long ex 
 erted himself (but in vain) to bring the whole people to act 
 in concert ; arid who was, at the time of their accession, a 
 
 31* 
 
366 GEORGE WALTON. 
 
 member of congress, representing a small district only of 
 that province. 
 
 But little more remains to be recorded of this very active 
 and eminently useful patriot. In May, 1776, he presented 
 new credentials, which were dated in February preceding. 
 He was present at the time of debating the great question, 
 which was destined to be settled by the vote of congress ; 
 and after the question was carried, he affixed his name to the 
 parchment, which contained an expression of what he had a 
 long time desired should take place ; which he had used his 
 best exertions to accomplish, and for which he strove, endured, 
 and sacrificed much. 
 
 In 1780, Mr. Hall appeared in congress the last time. 
 When the British took possession of Georgia, he, with his 
 family, was compelled to leave his residence unprotected, 
 and retire to a distance for safety. He went with them to 
 the North ; and the existing government confiscated all hig 
 property. He returned to Georgia in 1782, before the Bri 
 tish evacuated Savannah ; and the year following he was ap 
 pointed governor of Georgia. He subsequently settled in 
 Burk county, and retired from public employment ; and aftej 
 a few years spent in the tranquil scenes of domestic life, hav 
 ing recently buried his only son, he soon followed him to the 
 grave, about the sixtieth year of his age. His general char- 
 acter may be easily inferred from what has been recorded of 
 him. He was respected in life, and lamented in death. 
 
 GEORGE WALTON. 
 
 PROBABLY the future historians of the United States of 
 North America will justly consider, as a fact worthy of re- 
 cord in the national annals, the large proportion of self-edu 
 cated men, who were found among the leading revolutionary 
 patriots, both in civil and military life ; and especially of the 
 individuals who composed that congress which declared the 
 nation free and independent. It is certain that several of 
 them in their youth enjoyed but limited advantages ; even of 
 those who were placed at schools by their parents, by reason 
 of the small advantages which those schools could afford. 
 Yet these were liberally furnished, compared with some of 
 
GEORGIA. 367 
 
 their colleagues, who made a distinguished figure in public 
 life, were eminently useful to the national councils, and at 
 tained to the highest honors, and the most important offices 
 that their several communities had the power of conferring 
 on their ablest citizens. These remarks are elicited by an 
 attention to the history of the life of the gentleman, whose 
 name stands at the head of this article. 
 
 George Walton, the subject of this memoir, was a native 
 of Virginia, and born in Frederick county, about the year 
 1740. His parentage was obscure ; and probably in limited 
 pecuniary circumstances, he having been placed as an apprea. 
 tice to learn the business of a carpenter. At the proper and 
 most appropriate age for commencing the education of youths, 
 what his advantages were we are not particularly informed ; 
 but he was not entirely destitute of instruction. For during his 
 term of service, though his master would allow him neither 
 time by day, nor lights by night, that he might devote what 
 time he could spare from labor, to books ; we learn that he 
 did contrive to cultivate, and improve his mind by reading. 
 For this purpose, he collected torch-wood, and a portion of 
 the night, after the labors of the day were closed, was spent 
 by him in study. He had therefore not only learned to read, 
 but he had a very ardent fondness for it. 
 
 His subsequent life supplied him with no other classical 
 advantages, than what he derived from the resources of his 
 own unaided exertions. Notwithstanding all these impedi 
 ments, which would have disheartened the resolution of most 
 youths, he persevered in this manner in improving his mind 
 by reading such books as he could procure, to the close ol 
 his apprenticeship. And when he was released from the 
 obligation of his indentures, he was possessed of such a share 
 of knowledge, practical, and theoretical, that he removed to 
 the province of Georgia, and commenced the study of iaw 
 with Henry Young, Esq. ; a gentleman whose character, both 
 professional and political, was distinguished in that colony. 
 
 Mr. Walton commenced the practice of law in 1774, at 
 the time when opposition to the oppressive proceedings of the 
 English parliament, relative to the American colonies, was 
 maturely organized in all the provinces, except South Caro 
 lina and Georgia. But even in Georgia, though generally 
 almost stagnant, it was commenced, and advancing onward 
 to a state cf maturity in some districts, excited and direct, 
 ed by some leading men of decided patriotism, and superior 
 intelligence. With some of these Mr. Walton was early 
 
368 GEORGE WALTON, 
 
 associated, and those kindred spirits determined to rouse the 
 whole people of that province, to feel and act with the patri 
 otic inhabitants of the other colonies, notwithstanding the 
 counter influence they had to combat. Mr. Young, law pre 
 ceptor of Mr. Walton, was a decided advocate for the royal 
 cause. But his independent mind would not be controlled, 
 nor even influenced to act against his own views of right. 
 Nor would he yield to any inducements which the state of the 
 times presented, to allure young men of decided talents and 
 influence, even to forbearance or neutrality. The rights of 
 his fellow citizens were jeoparded ; and the times demanded 
 decision, and active exertions from all their friends, to vindicate 
 and defend them against lawless usurpation, under whatever 
 sanctions it might be attempted. Mr. Walton therefore vo 
 luntarily sacrificing all the flattering prospects placed in his 
 view, and proffered as a reward for his adhesion to the royal 
 interest, united with other gentlemen of similar feelings, in 
 leading an open opposition to the then ruling powers of 
 Georgia, and committed his rising hopes and fortune, amid 
 no small danger to the very problematical issue of a contro 
 versy, in which the vote of a rebel against his rightful sove 
 reign might be the consequence. He took his position on the 
 side of the colonies, and undeviatingly pursued the straight 
 forward course which that indicated. 
 
 The parties were now clearly defined, and in open opposi 
 tion ; although the patriots were, hitherto, but a feeble mi 
 nority when numerically considered. Their measures were 
 opposed, and greatly embarrassed by the temporizing policy 
 of the royalists. Bat they were not to be frustrated; and by 
 a resolute perseverance, they at length succeeded in obtain 
 ing a decided majority in the legislative assembly in their fa 
 vor ; and this event was, undoubtedly hastened forward, by 
 the result of those measures which their opponents pursued 
 with the British parliament. The contemptuous and negli 
 gent treatment they experienced, and the unceremonious re 
 jection of their petitions and remonstrances by parliament, 
 wrought a counteraction, and roused a spirit of determined 
 opposition and resistance, in many, who a short time previous, 
 were in favor of a cautious, timid, and temporizing policy. 
 They soon united with those who had been forward in Geor 
 gia ; and they together, brought the colony to act in unison 
 with all the other provinces, in making resistance a common 
 cause through the thirteen American, colonies. Immediately 
 a committee )f safety was organized in Georgia, to supern* 
 
GEORGIA. 369 
 
 fend and manage the concerns of the patriotic party ; and to 
 hold correspondence with similar committees in other colonies. 
 The next and deciding measure, was soon adopted. The con 
 vention of Georgia acceded to the general confederacy, and 
 elected their delegates to the continental congress. Opposi 
 tion to the British influence and authority soon attained its 
 zenith in Georgia. A majority of the legislature were so 
 strongly indignant at the treatment they had experienced 
 from the parent government at home, that they totally disre 
 garded the communications made to that body by Governor 
 Wright. They appointed Archibald Bullock, a resolute man, 
 and a decided patriot, president of the executive council. He 
 had already, with four colleagues, been elected a delegate to 
 congress. This act of the legislature, together with the en- 
 tire disregard his communications met with, so incensed the 
 royal governor, that he threatened to resort to military force, 
 to compel them to act. The suggestion so manifestly im 
 plied in that menace, increased their indignation to such a de 
 gree, that they resolved to seize on his person, and hold him 
 in custody. This having been effected, and the governor 
 having forfeited his honor by breaking his parole, the regal 
 power in Georgia was prostrated ; and the confederated hos 
 tilities with the parent state, was completed by embracing 
 the whole of the thirteen provinces. In effecting this consum 
 mation, so long and so ardently desired, Mr. Walton stood 
 forward with the other leading characters, and actively used 
 his best exertions. 
 
 Mr. Walton was appointed for the first time a delegate to 
 congress, from Georgia, by the state legislature, the beginning 
 of February, 1776. He was again honored by a re-election 
 to the same office, in October following. He reached Phila 
 delphia on the last day of the session of congress, before they 
 adjourned to Baltimore, to avoid the danger of being captured 
 by the British army, who were approaching that city. At 
 the time of their adjournment, it was highly necessary to 
 have a committee remain in Philadelphia, invested with an 
 important trust, requiring them to transact business of much 
 interest to the public. This committee consisted of Messrs. 
 Clymer and Morris of Philadelphia, and George Walton of 
 Georgia. He was appointed on the third day after his arri 
 val. This was a testimony of the confidence reposed in him 
 by congress, which, under all the circumstances connected 
 with his previous history, was highly honorable to his cha 
 racter, and must have been grateful to his feelings. Their 
 
470 GEORGE WALTON, 
 
 principal trust was of great pecuniary value, and connected 
 with other duties of a delicate kind. But, important and deli- 
 cate as the trust was, it was discharged to the entire satisfac 
 tion of congress. Indeed, peculation and frauds by public 
 officers, in that age of stern virtue, would have fastened on 
 their perpetrator such an indelible stain, as would have ruined 
 them forever, in the estimation of the whole community. 
 
 He was successively re-elected to congress in the years 
 1777, 1778 ; and again in 1780. He was placed on the ma 
 rine committee, appointed a member of the treasury board, 
 and placed on several committees of minor importance by 
 congress ; in performing the duties of which he was a vigi 
 lant and active member, always evincing much useful intel 
 ligence, and great zeal in behalf of the cause he had es 
 poused. While performing his civil functions in the great coun 
 cil of the nation, whose independence he had advocated and 
 proclaimed, he was placed in military rank, in the year 1778, 
 and appointed to the command of a regiment of militia. He 
 appeared at the head of a battalion in General Howe s army, 
 when Savannah was attacked by the British. In that en 
 gagement, while gallantly leading the troops under his com 
 mand, to defend the place, he received a wound through his 
 thigh, fell from his horse, and was taken prisoner by the ene 
 my. He remained on parole until recovered from his wound, 
 and then was sent as a prisoner of war to Sunbury. He was 
 afterwards exchanged, and although his rank was no higher 
 than a colonel, and the grade in which he served when taken 
 captive, only that of a major, yet because he was at that 
 time a member of congress, and because he had committed 
 the heinous crime of setting his signature to the Declaration 
 of Independence, the British government demanded in ex 
 change, as an equivalent, a brigadier general. But after 
 they had learned that his term in congress, for which he had 
 been elected the last time, expired during his captivity, they 
 consented to receive in exchange, a captain of their navy 
 for him, who was a lieutenant colonel. 
 
 While the British continued to hold possession of Savannah, 
 after the unsuccessful attack of combined forces, under Major 
 General Lincoln, and Count D Estaing, the legislature of 
 Georgia, in October, 1779, appointed Colonel W T alton gover 
 nor of the state. He did not, however, retain that office 
 long; for on the close of the session in Augusta, in January, 
 1780, he was again elected a member of congress for two 
 years. But in October of the following year, he finally with- 
 
GEORGIA. 371 
 
 drew from congress, in whose counsels he had so long and so 
 faithfully displayed his unbending patriotism, in promoting the 
 cause, and advancing the final establishment of his country s 
 independence and liberty. 
 
 By means of some imprudent conduct of President Gwin- 
 nett, during his short but brilliant course of public life, a jea 
 lousy had risen between him on the one part, and Colonel 
 M Intosh and a few partizans on the other, which was pro- 
 ductive of disastrous consequences in that community, and 
 eventually caused Mr. Gwinnett to fall in a duel, an early 
 victim to false honor. This discordant spirit had extended 
 wide in the society of Georgia ; and, for a time, seemed to 
 threaten a total destruction of all harmony in the state. There 
 seems to have existed a mutual jealousy and animosity on 
 both sides. From the unhappy consequences of that state of 
 public feeling, Governor Walton did not escape. He was 
 seriously inculpated, as was supposed, by Gen. M Intosh. But 
 whether justly or unjustly, remains, and probably will remain 
 undecided. We would willingly withhold the narrative ; but 
 historical justice and truth, require that it should be stated. 
 
 As General M Intosh had become very unpopular with those 
 who supported the civil power, so he was very popular with 
 his adherents. He was in truth their leader, who kept the 
 feud in commotion. The members of congress from Geor 
 gia, fearing the consequences of this state of parties, united 
 in an application to the commander in chief, to assign General 
 M Intosh to another command out of the state, and supply 
 his place with another officer of equal rank. The change 
 was effected. General M Intosh was ordered to join the grand 
 army; and General Howe to take his place. The evil was 
 not allayed, however, by this means ; and the breach was 
 yet far from being closed. 
 
 A party was formed in Savannah, whose avowed object it 
 was to prevent the military power from encroaching on the 
 civil. They assumed the popular name of " The Liberty 
 Club." It had several branches in the different counties , 
 which taking direction from that in Savannah, all acted in 
 concert. This club, at length, attained to such power as to 
 be able to control all appointments to offices in the state. 
 During the time Colonel Walton acted as governor of Geor 
 gia, in 1779, a letter was forged by somebody, and transmitted 
 to the president of congress, under signature of the speakei 
 of the house of representatives ; which, by fair implication 
 bore hard on the character of General M Intosh. The 
 
372 GEORGE WALTON, 
 
 speaker declared it a forgery. General M Intosh charged 
 Colonel Walton with a connivance in the imposture, because 
 he gave credit to its contents, when in congress. He con- 
 sidered himself as unjustly accused, and much injured, by 
 those concerned, in his military reputation. The matter, 
 with the proofs, were laid before the legislature of Georgia, 
 and they seemed to be embarrassed with the subject. To 
 appease General M Intosh, they recommended to the attorney 
 general, to institute a prosecution against Governor Walton 
 before the supreme court of that state, and passed a vote, 
 censuring his conduct. At the same time, or rather on the 
 preceding day, that same body had appointed him chief jus 
 tice of the state, and placed him at the head of the only tri 
 bunal which could take cognizance of the complaint. Such an 
 inconsistency do the records of that legislative body present. 
 It is probably to be explained in this manner. The times 
 were critical. M Intosh was an influential officer, whom 
 they wished to pacify ; and for that purpose took this mea 
 sure. At the same time they placed Governor Walton out 
 of the reach of the complaint, by putting him at the head of 
 the only court which held jurisdiction in the case. General 
 M Intosh and Judge Walton, were at that time respectively at 
 the head of the civil and military departments in Georgia. 
 
 Mr. Walton had thus risen, as we have seen, from the 
 condition of a carpenter s apprentice without education, to 
 the highest honors and offices in the gift of the state ; and, 
 from this time, until his death, he held the most respectable 
 appointments which the people of Georgia could bestow on 
 him. 
 
 Six times he was elected to congress ; twice governor of 
 Georgia ; once a senator of the United States, and a judge 
 of the superior courts. He retained this last mentioned of 
 fice during the term of fifteen years. In addition to these, 
 he was one of the commissioners appointed by the United 
 States, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokees in Tennes 
 see ; and he was also several times a member of the state 
 egislature of Georgia. 
 
 Mr. Walton was married, in 1777, to Miss Camber. 
 Their only issue was one son, who bore the name of his father. 
 And when General Andrew Jackson was governor of West 
 Florida, Mr. Walton held the office of secretary of state ; the 
 duties of which station he fulfilled ta the acceptance of the 
 general government. 
 
 Mr. Walton was constitutionally of an ardent tempera- 
 
GEORGIA. 373 
 
 ment , warm both in his attachments and enmities. One 
 prominent characteristic of the man was decision. He par. 
 took not at all of a temporizing disposition. In his manner 
 generally, he was stern, and kept the world rather at a dis 
 tance. But he was attentive to merit ; and towaros young 
 men of talents and genius he was respectful, and treated 
 them with such amenity and kindness, as encouraged them 
 to go forward with confidence in their honorable pursuits. 
 He possessed a native vein of satire, which he at times in 
 dulged with much effect. It is said of him, however, that he 
 had this dangerous weapon under such thorough discipline, 
 that he rarely indulged it in a way which gave offence to any. 
 His manner of living was such, as subjected him to an early 
 attack of the gout ; which followed him with successive par 
 oxysms, and an increasing severity to the close of his life. 
 His desire for information, which so strongly marked the 
 morning of his life, was perpetual ; and when suffering under 
 the excruciating attacks of his disease, he found, as he used 
 to remark to his physician, " a book the most effectual reme 
 dy for mitigating his anguish." 
 
 Mr. Walton never accumulated wealth, as he seemed not to 
 have sought for it, as necessary for his happiness. He lived 
 contentedly, on the emolument of his offices, and the produce 
 of a small farm. He was able, by these means to sustain 
 the dignity of his official station, according to the views ant! 
 estimation of the society with which he was connected. It 
 was a fixed sentiment with him, never to suffer an office 
 which he held to be degraded by the incumbent, in his style 
 of living, or by submitting to any treatment which would be 
 deemed disrespectful to official dignity. 
 
 He closed his eventful life on the second day of February, 
 1804, in the city of Augusta, in Georgia ; leaving in his en 
 terprise and attainments, under many embarrassments, an 
 instructive example to youths of aspiring minds, and to his 
 country an honorable character, whose duration will be co 
 eval with its independence and prosperity. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 

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